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 UNIVERSITY 
 
 LIBRARY 
 
 WOODFORD PATTERSON 
 ENDOWMENT 
 
 r'% 
 
CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 
 
 3 1924 091 786 339 
 
 OLIN LIBRARY - - ATION^ 
 
 DATE DUE 
 
Cornell University 
 Library 
 
 The original of this book is in 
 the Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924091786339 
 
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 The Stdabt Papers in the possession of the Crown, to which his late Majesty waa 
 graciously pleased to allow access for the use of the present Work, and which reach as far 
 back as the Revolution of 1688, consist of a large mass of important documents illustrative 
 of the eflForts of James the Second, and of his son and grandson, to recover the crown which 
 the first had lost by his own obstinacy, or the treachery of his advisers ; but as the events of 
 the Rebellion of 1743 formed the only subject of inquiry, the commencement of the inves- 
 tigation was limited to the year 1740, and was carried down to the close of the year 1755, 
 in which period the principal events preceding the Rebellion, those of the Rebellion itself, 
 and the occurrences which followed, are embraced. It is believed that the documents 
 examined, amounting to about 15,000 unedited pieces, convey all the information required 
 to complete the history of one of the most remarkable epochs in the British annals. Copious 
 selections have been made from these papers for the present Work, and many entire docu- 
 ments have been copied, all of which have been either partly incorporated with the Work 
 itself, or given in an Appendix. From the information which these Papers afford, the 
 Publishers have no hesitation in stating, that this Work contains the most complete and 
 authentic history yet published of the events of 1745. To give some idea of the historical 
 importance of these documents, which, for the first time, meet the public eye, or are referred 
 to in the present Work, the following general enumeration may suffice: — 
 
 1. Eighty-one letters and memorandums written by Charles Edward. 
 
 2. Seventy letters of his father, the Chevalier de St. George. 
 
 3. Two of Cardinal York. 
 
 4. Six of Lochiel. 
 
 5. Eleven of old and young Glengary. 
 
 6. Three of Lochgary. 
 
 7. Eight of Lord Marischal. 
 
 8. Three of Robertson of Strowan. 
 
 9. Eight of Drummond of Bochaldy. 
 
 10. Six of Lord George Murray. 
 
 11. Two of Lord John Drummond. 
 
 12. Three of Lord Strathallan. 
 
 13. Three of Dr. Cameron, Lochiel's brother. 
 
 14. Three of Mr. John Graham. 
 
 In the selection which has been made are also letters of Lord and Lady Balmerino ; the 
 Duchess of Perth; Lords Clancarty, Ogilvy, Nairne, and Elcho; Macdonald of Clanranald ; 
 Gordon of Glenbucket ; Sir Hector Maclean ; Sir John Wedderburn ; Oliphant of Gask ; 
 and James Drummond, or Macgregor, the son of Rob Roy, &c. &c. The correspondence 
 throws considerable light on several matters hitherto little understood or imperfectly known. 
 The embezzlement of the money left by the Prince under the charge of Macpherson of 
 Cluny is referred to, and the conduct of the persons who appear to have appropriated it to 
 their own use is freely animadverted on. The correspondence likewise embraces two most 
 interesting letters from the Chevalier to the Prince on the subject of his marriage, and on 
 the promotion of Prince Henry to the dignity of Cardinal. 
 
 Besides the correspondence, the selection comprehends a report of Gordon the Jesuit, on 
 the state of affairs in Scotland in 1745; A treaty entered into at Fountainebleau between 
 the King of France and the Chevalier after the battle of Prestonpans; Instructions from the 
 King of France to Lord John Drummond on the conduct of the expedition intrusted to him ; 
 Note from Lord George Murray to the Prince, resigning his command after the battle of 
 Culloden, with his reasons for that step ; Notice from the Prince to the Chiefs of the Clans 
 after said battle ; List of Charges drawn up by the Prince against Macdonald of Barisdale ; > 
 State of allowances granted by the French Government to the Highland officers; Memoit 
 presented by the Prince to the King of France on his return from Scotland ; Commission by 
 Charles to treat for a marriage with the Princess of Hesse Darmstadt ; Charles's accounts 
 with Waters, his banker at Paris; Account of the Moidart family, presented to the Chevalier 
 de St. George ; A curious and interesting Memoir presented to the Prince in 1755 by a 
 deputation of gentlemen, in relation to his conduct during the extraordinary incognito he 
 preserved for several years, with the Prince's answer; Address by the Chevalier de St. 
 George to the universities of Oxford and Cambridge; Memorandum by the Prince, in which 
 he refers to his visit to England in 1750, &c. &c. 
 
 This partial enumeration will serve to convey some idea of the extent of the researches 
 which have been made into this great repository of materials for history, and also of the 
 value of the acquisitions which have been made for the present Work; but it is only from 
 the documents themselves, and the new light which they shed on one of the most interesting 
 and memorable episodes in British history, that their real importance can be fully estimateA 
 
HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS 
 
 THE HIGHLAND CLANS. 
 
mfy-^^^ r^\ 
 
 
 
 
*«3 
 
HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS, 
 
 AND OP 
 
 THE HIGHLAND CLANS; 
 
 WnH AN EXTENSIVE SELECTION FEOM THE HITHERTO- INEDITED 
 
 STUART PAPERS; 
 
 BY 
 
 JAMES BEOWNE. LL.D., ADYOGATE. 
 
 A NEW EDITION, 
 Ml^ Sbixt^'^ix SUtigtratibe lEngrabingg anD numetoug WooScutg, 
 
 YOL. I. 
 
 LONDON, EDINBURGH, AND DUBLIN: 
 
 A. FULLAETON AND CO, 
 
 1852. 
 
EDINBURGH: 
 
 JfUJJ.AKTON AJS1> KACNAB, PEINTKRS, LEITH WALK. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 In offering to the public the following History of the Highlands and 
 Highland Clans, which has so long occupied my attention, I think it right 
 to state, without reserve, that the Work makes no pretensions whatever 
 to original discovery, or novel speculation. Nothing is more easy than 
 to hazard conjectures, invent theories, construct plausible hypotheses, 
 and indulge in shadowy generalizations. In the regions of doubt and 
 obscurity, there is always ample scope for the exercise of that barren 
 ingenuity, which prefers the fanciful to the certain, and aims at the 
 praise of originality by exciting surprise rather than producing convic- 
 tion. My object has throughout been of a humbler, though, as I conceive, 
 of a much more useful kind. I have sought to embrace, in this Work, 
 the diiFerent branches of the subject of which it treats, and to render 
 it a repertory of general information respecting all that relates to the 
 Highlands of Scotland rather than a collection of critical disquisitions on 
 disputed questions of history or tradition. How far I have succeeded 
 in this object, or whether I have succeeded at all, is another and very 
 different question, as to which the public alone are entitled to decide ; and 
 I am fully aware that, from their decision, whatever it may be, there 
 lies no appeal. In any event, however, I shall console myself with the 
 reflection that I have done somewhat to facilitate the labours of those 
 who may come afler me, by collecting and arranging a body of materials, 
 the importance of which will be best appreciated by those who are the 
 most intimately conversant with the subject. 
 
 In reference to the History of the Clans, I have to acknowledge, and 
 I do so with the greatest pleasure, my obligations to the work of the 
 late Mr Donald Gregory, and more particularly to that of Mr W. F. 
 Skene, in as far as it treats of the origin, descent, and affiliations of the 
 different Highland tribes. Many of the opinions and views promulgated 
 by the latter I have ventured to dispute, at the same time assigning the 
 reasons which have led me to differ from him ; but it must, nevertheless, 
 be unequivocally admitted, that, without the benefit of his researches 
 and those of his immediate predecessor, Mr Gregory, it would have 
 been a task of no ordinary difficulty to compile even the faintest sketch 
 of the History of the Highland Clans, far less to arrange it in any thing 
 like a systematic form. The labour of half a lifetime would hardly have 
 
 b 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 been sufficient to collect, examine, and digest the materials which still 
 remain buried in the repositories of the principal families of the North ; 
 and it is more than doubtful whether the result of such researches would 
 have, in any degree, repaid the anxiety and toil which the prosecution 
 of them would have imposed. Genealogies afford but meagre food for 
 the historian, and current traditions or family legends fall more within 
 the province of the romancer or the poet, than of him whose business 
 it is to ascertain facts, and to endeavour to fix the natural sequence of 
 events. Both the gentlemen I have named have, each in his own way, 
 treated this subject in a truly inquisitive spirit ; and neither, so far as 1 
 have observed, has permitted himself to supply the deficiency of infor- 
 mation by drawing upon the resources of his own fancy or imagination. 
 
 I have further to state, that, throughout the whole of this Work, I 
 have endeavoured to exercise that strict impartiality, which is incum- 
 bent upon every one who undertakes to write history. If I have any 
 prejudices, I am unconscious of their existence. If I have done injustice 
 to any one, it has been involuntarily and unintentionally. If the opinions 
 I have expressed are erroneous, they have at least been honestly formed. 
 That I have an affection for the subject, I freely admit ; that I have, 
 in any instance, sought to minister to the vanity of the Highlanders 
 generally, or to that of individual tribes of the Highland people, I de- 
 cidedly deny. Perhaps I shall be accused of having gone to the opposite 
 extreme, and made admissions, on disputed points, which a larger share 
 of patriotic prudence might have induced me to withhold. Be it so. 
 Truth is of no country. There is enough in the Highland character to 
 sustain its just and reasonable claims to distinction, without having 
 recourse to the absurd exaggerations and embellishments in which too 
 many have chosen to indulge. 
 
 Some apology is due to the public for the delay which has occurred 
 in bringing out this Work, more especially as it has been entirely im- 
 putable to myself, and in no degree whatever owing to my excellent and 
 indulgent publishers. Non omnia possumus omnes. Circumstances over 
 which I had no control often interrupted my labours, when most anxious 
 to pursue them, and forced me to turn my attention to other and far 
 less attractive avocations. But now when the task is completed, I trust 
 that any temporary feeling of chagrin or disappointment will be for- 
 gotten, and that no extrinsic consideration will be allowed to affect the 
 judgment the public may be disposed to pronounce on the Work which 
 is at length respectfully submitted to their decision. 
 
 J. B. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 THE FIRST VOLUME. 
 
 Preface, p. vii 
 
 Preliminary Dissertation, pp. i_ivii 
 
 Catalogoes of Gaelic and Irish Manuscripts, ... pp. lyiii—lxxii 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS ; ROMAN PERIOD. 
 
 Of the aboriginal Tribes of North Britain at the period of Agricola's invasion Their 
 
 names and topographical positions — State of civilization — Religion — Modes of sepul- 
 ture—Barrows, Cairns, Cistvaens and Urns — War weapons — Canoes and Curraehs — 
 Invasion and Campaigns of Agricola— Battle of the Grampians— Recal and death of 
 Agricola — Succeeded by LoUius Urbicus— Wall of Antoninus — Roman Iter through 
 the North — Roman highways, and stations or forts — Campaign of Seyerus — The 
 Ficts, Scots, and Attacots — Roman abdication of North Britain, . pp. 1 — 35. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 Pof try of the Celts — Antiquity and Authenticity of the Poems of Ossian, pp. 36 — 59. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 PICTISH PERIOD, ANNO 446 TO 843. 
 
 Picls and Caledonians — Chronological Table of the Pictish Kings — The Scoto-Irish or 
 Dalriads — Settlement of the Dalriads in Argyle, in five hundred and three, under 
 Lorn, Fergus, and Angus — Conversion of the Caledonians, or Picts, to Christianity 
 by St. Columba — Inauguration of Aidan, King of Scots, in lona — Death of St. Colum- 
 ba — Summary of Pictish History — Wars with the Scots — Arrival of the Vikingr or 
 Pirate Kings — Summary of the history of the Scoto-Irish Kings — Accession of 
 Kenneth to the Pictish Throne — Government of the Scoto-Irish — Their Judges and 
 Laws — Courts of Justice — Mode of Living — Practice of Fosterage — Genealogy and 
 Chronology of the Scoto-Irish Kings, ..... pp. 60 — 78. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 SCOTTISH PERIOD, ANNO 843 TO 1097. 
 
 Pictavian Kingdom — Attacks of the Danish Vikingr — Death of Kenneth Macalpin — 
 Defeat of the Danes by Constantine III. — Battles of lirunanburg, of the Bands, and 
 of Luncarty — New Inroads of the Danes — Their defeat — Usurpation of Macbeth — 
 Malcolm Ceanmore — Accession of Donal-bane — Music and Musical Instruments 
 of the Highlanders — Learning and Civilization — Chronological Table of the Scottisn 
 Kings, Anno 843—1097, pp. 79—96. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 [ 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Philological demarcation between the Highlands and Lowlands— Anglo-Saxon coloni- 
 sation of the Highlands— Characteristics of the Highlanders-Care shown by them 
 in educating their Children-Highland Garb— Dress of the women— Antiquity ot 
 Tartan— Superstitions of the Highlanders— Kelpies, Urisks, Daome bhi, &c.-- 
 Second Sight- Wedding.— Matrimonial fidelity— Punishment of the breach thereof 
 —Reciprocal attachment of Parents and Children-Disgrace and Punishment of 
 Bankruptcy— Fidelity in performing engagements— Courage-Love of '^■o^"^'y-~ 
 Contempt of Death— Hospitality pp. 96— 12b. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Consequences of the removal of the seat of Government — Institution of Chiefs— Their 
 great power— System of Clanship — Military ranks of the Clans- Fiery-cross— War 
 ery — Omens — Hunting provision — Numerical strength of the Clans — Remarkable 
 succession of the Chiefs— Consequences of Clanship— Disputes of the Clans — Treaties 
 — Spirit of hostility and revenge — Modes of warfare — Creachs— Cearnachs — Black 
 mail — Absence of theft and highway robbery — Voluntary tribunals — Compensation 
 for injuries—Mild but arbitrary sway of the Chiefs— Legal authority conferred on the 
 great Barons and Chiefs — its extent — attendance at their courts — Donations to Chiefs 
 and younger sons and daughters on marriage — Attachment and fidelity of the Clans 
 to their Chiefs— Instances thereof, PP. 127 — 143. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Accession of Alexander I. — Defeat of the Earl of Moray at Stracathrow — Insurrection 
 in Moray — Rising of Somerled, Lord of the Isles — Defeat of Earl Gilchrist — New re- 
 volt of Somerled — Tumults in Ross — Rebellion of Donal Bane — His death — Attempts 
 of Harold, Earl of Orkney and Caithness — Insurrections in Ross, Moray, and Argyle 
 
 — Revolt of Gillespoc M'Scolane — Inauguration of Alexander III Revolt in Ross 
 
 against the Earl — Battle of Bealligh-ne-Broig — Robert Bruce defeats the Lord of 
 Lorn — His expedition against the Western Isles — Their submission — New revolt of the 
 Islanders — Feud between the Monroes and Mackintoshes — and between the Clan 
 Chattan and the Camerons — Combat on the North Inch of Perth between the Clan 
 Chattan and Clan Kay — Devastations of the Wolf of Badenoch and his son — Battle 
 of Gasklune — Feud between the Earl of Sutherland and the Mackays — Battle of 
 Tuttim-Turwigh — Formidable insurrection of Donald of the Isles — Battle of 
 Harlaw, pp. 144—162. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 State of the Highlands at the Accession of James I. — Disturbances in Caithness — Battle 
 of Harpisdell — Arrival of the King at Inverness — Summons the Chiefs to appear 
 — Their Seizure and Fate — Revolt of Alexander, Prince of the Isles — Rapid move- 
 ment of the King — Alexander surrenders himself and is imprisoned — Insurrection of 
 Donald Balloch — Murder of Mowat of Freshwick by Thomas Macneil — his Appre- 
 hension and Execution — Battle of Drum-ne-Coub — Lawless State of the Highlands — 
 Instance of Shocking Barbarity — Apprehension and Execution of Donald Ross, the 
 Perpetrator — Another Expedition by James I. to the Highlands — Commotions in 
 Caithness — Battles at Sandset and at Blare Tannic — Insurrection of the Lord of the 
 Isles — Combat on the Sands of Strathfleet — Conduct of Allan of Lorn of the Wood 
 — Alliance between the Lord of the Isles and other Chiefs and Edward IV. of Eng- 
 land — Singular Treaty — Rebellion and Excesses of the Earl of Ross — His Submission 
 and Assassination — Battle between the Clandonald and Clankenzie — Combat between 
 the Mackays and the Rosses — Perfidious Attempt of the Mackays — Plan of James IV. 
 to restore Good Government in the Highlands — Repeated Visits to the Highlands and 
 
 Islands — Feud between Alexander Sutherland of Dilred, and Sir James Dunbar 
 
 Alexander Dunbar killed by Alexander Sutherland — Execution of Dilred The Earl 
 
 of Sutherland kills one nephew and wounds another, . . pp.163 177 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Alliance between the Earl of Sutherland and the Earl of Caithness Feuds among the 
 
 Mackays — John Mackay ravages Sutherland — Mackay defeated at Torran-Dow 
 
 Quarrel between the Keiths and the Clan Gun — Skirmish at Loch Salchie Combat 
 
 between the Mackays and the Murrays — Alexander Sutherland, the bastard, claims 
 
 the Earldom of Sutherland — His warlike operations, apprehension, and execution 
 
 John Mackay invades Sutherland — His defeat — Dissension among the Clan-Chattan 
 — Murder of the Chief — Operations of Hector Mackintosh^Massacre of the Ogilvies 
 
 — Three hundred of the Mackintoshes executed — Remarkable instance of Fidelity 
 
 Submission of Hector Mackintosh — His Assassination — Donald Mackay invades 
 Sutherland — Skirmishes at Aldy-ne-Beth and at Loch Buy — Lawless proceedings of 
 the Clanranald — Battle of Blar-Nan-Lein, in which the Erasers are almost annihi- 
 lated — Apprehension and punishment of Ewen AUenson and Donald M'Coneilglase 
 — Illegal conduct of the Earl of Caithness and Donald Mackay — Apprehension and 
 Execution of the chief of the Mackintoshes — Commotions in Sutherland Expedi- 
 tion against the Clanranald — Queen Regent's journey to the Highlands llackay's 
 
 depredations — His submission and imprisonment — Devastations of John More- Mackay 
 
 — Severe defeat of the Strathnaver men — Criminal conduct of Mackay Feuds in 
 
 Sutherland and Caithness — Execution of the Chief of the Guns — The Earl and Coun- 
 tess of Sutherland poisoned — Mackay of Far wastes Sutherland — The Earl of Caith- 
 ness takes the castle of Skibo, and seizes the young Earl of Sutherland — Feud between 
 the Murrays and the Seill-faille — Oppressive proceedings of the Earl of Caithness — . 
 The Earl of Sutherland rescued — Quarrel between the Monroes and the Mackenzies 
 — Renewed oppressions of the Earl of Caithness, . . , pp.178 — 198. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Dispersion of the Murrays and other friends of the Earl of Sutherland — Attempt to 
 detach Mackay from the Earl of Caithness — Breaks his engagement — Irruption of the 
 Seill-faille into Strathfleet — Arrest and imprisonment of John, Master of Caithness, by 
 his father — Death of Mackay — Clan Gun attacked by the Strathnaver men — The latter 
 defeated — The Slaight-Ean-Aberigh and the Slaight-Ean-Vcir attack the Clan Gun 
 . — Attack on the Slaight-Ean-Aberigh by William Mackay and the Slaight-Ean- 
 Roy — Feud between the Clan Gun and the Slaight-Ean-Aberigh — Attack on the Isle 
 of Assint — Meeting of the Earls of Caithness and Sutherland at Elgin — Combination 
 against the Clan Gun — Skirmish of Clan-Tom-Eichie - Battle pf Aldgown — Execu- 
 tion of the Chief of the Clan Gun in Caithness — Another meeting between the two Earls 
 — New confederacy against the Clan Gun — Departure of the Clan from Caithness. — 
 Defeated near Loch Broom — Feud between the Macleans and Macdonalds of the Isles 
 — Angus Macdonald of Kintyre arrested by Sir Lauchlan Maclean — His liberation — 
 Sir Lauchlan arrested by Macdonald — His release — Invades Ila — Mutual ravages in 
 Mull and Kintyre — Sir Lauchlan tampers with Mackean of Ardinmurchie — Imprison- 
 ment of Maclean and Macdonald in the castle of Edinburgh — New disputes between 
 the houses of Sutherland and Caithness, .... pp. 199 — 212. 
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 
 1 
 
 The Earl of Sutherland invades Caithness — Truce between the two Earls — Caithness 
 breaks the truce — Affair of the Creach-ne-Kamkish — Earl of Sutherland again invades 
 Caithness — Submission of the people — Fresh truce — Sinclair of Murkle invades Strath- 
 ully—Skirmish at Crissalligh — The Earl of Sutherland enters Caithness a third time 
 — Meeting of the Earls at Elgin — Dispute between the Gordons and Murrays about 
 precedency — Battle of Clyne — Houcheon Mackay invades Caithness — Feud between 
 the Clan Gun and other tribes — The Clan-Chattan opposes the Earl of Huntly — 
 Quarrel between the Gordons and the Grants — Meeting at Forres of the Grants, Clan- 
 Chattan and others — Huntly breaks up the meeting — Huntly's operations against the 
 Earl of Moray — Death of the Earl of Moray — Tumults in consequence — Huntly com- 
 mitted — Revolt of the Clan-Chattan — Defeated by the Camerons — Defeat of the Grants 
 — Clan-Chattan invade Strathdee and Glenmucke — Defeated by the Earl of Huntly — 
 March of the Earl of Argyle to the North — Buttle of Glenlivet— Journey of James VI. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 to the North — Tumults in Ross Feud in the Western Isles between the Macleans ano 
 
 Macdonalds — Defeat of the Macleans in Ila — Dispute between the Earls of Sutherland 
 and Caithness — Feud between Macdonald of Slate and Sir Roderick Macleod of Har- 
 ris — Dreadful excesses in Skye and Uist — Defeat of the Macleans in Skye — Recon- 
 ciliation between Macleod and Macdonald, . . . • PP- 213 — 232. 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Feud between the Colquhouns and Macgregors — Defeat of the Colquhouns and Buchan- 
 ans — Harsh proceedings against the Macgregors — The chief of the Macgregors sur- 
 renders himself — Base Execution of the Chief and his hostages — Quarrel between the 
 Clan-kenzie and Glengary — The latter outlawed— Proceedings against him and his 
 people — AUister Mack-William-Moir beheaded — Murder of Angus Mack-Kennetb- 
 Mack-AUister — Circumstances which led thereto — The Earl of Caithness attempts to 
 disturb the North — Deadly quarrel in Dornoch — Meeting of the Earls of Sutherland 
 and Caithness at Elgin — Their reconciliation — Dispute between the Earls of Caithness 
 and Orkney — Feud between the Murrays and some of the Seill-Thomas — Dissensions 
 in Moray among the Dunbars — Quarrel between the Earl of Caithness and the Chief 
 of the Mackays — Commotions in Lewis among the Macleods — Proceedings of Torquil 
 Connaldagh — Avaricious conduct of the Mackenzies — Invasion of Lewis by Fife ad- 
 venturers — They are forced to abandon it — Second invasion and final abandonment of 
 Lewis — Plans of Lord Kintail to obtain possession thereof — Acquires right thereto — 
 Expulsion of Neill Macleod — Quarrel between the Laird of Rasay and Mackenzie of 
 Gairloch — Easay and Mackenzie, younger of Gairloch, killed — Depredations of 
 William Mack-Angus-Rory — Apprehension of Arthur Smith, a false coiner — His 
 trial and liberation — Employed by the Earl of Caithness — Commission against Smith 
 — Apprehended in Thurso — Tumult in the town in consequence — The Earl of Caith- 
 ness prosecutes the Commissioners — Submission of differences, . pp. 233 — 256. 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 The Clan-Cameron disturb Lochaber — Invaded by Lord Gordon — Threats of the Earl 
 of Caithness to invade Sutherland and Strathnaver — Earl of Sutherland prepares to 
 oppose him — Sir Donald Mackay and others pardoned — Earl of Sutherland imprison- 
 ed as a suspected Catholic— Liberated — Returns to prison — Liberated again Fresh 
 
 attempts of the Earl of Caithness — William Mack-Kames settles in Strath°naver Ap- 
 prehended stealing in the Glen of Loth— Oppressions of the Earl of Caithness— Fir- 
 ing of the corns of Sanset— Discovery of the Fire-raisers — Legal proceedings against 
 the Guns — Earl of Caithness refuses to deliver them up — Agreement between the 
 Earl of Caithness, Sir Robert Gordon, and Lord Forbes — Apprehension and impris- 
 onment of Lord Berridale— Released— Imprisoned again for debt— Alliance between 
 the Earl of Caithness and Sir Donald Mackay— Sir Robert Gordon protects the Clan- 
 Gun--Mackay's attempts against the Clan— Dispute between the Earl of Caithness 
 and Sir Alexander Gordon of Navidale— Meeting on the marches of Rimbisdale— 
 Mackay and Sir R. Gordon reconciled— Quarrel between the Earl of Enzie and the 
 Clan- Chattan— The Chief committed to prison— Is reconciled with the Earl— Dispute 
 between the Laird of Duffus and Gordon, younger of Embo— Slaughter of Thomas 
 Lmdsay— Hostile preparations against the Earl of Caithness— Liberation of Lord 
 Berridale— Expedition into Caithness— Flight of the Earl— Reduction and Pacifica- 
 . tion of Caithness, pp 257—286. 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 Insurrection of the Clan-Chattan against the Earl of Moray— Ineifectual attempts of the 
 Earl to suppress them— Submission of the Clan— Proceedings of the Earl— Dispute 
 between the Laird of Duffus and Gordon, younger of Embo— Conflict between Gor- 
 don and John Sutherland of Clyne- Commitment of Gordon— Attempts of Sir Don- 
 ald Mackay to embroil the houses of Sutherland and Dulfus— Capture of An^us Roy 
 Gun— Encounter at the bridge of Broray— Feud among the Grants— Depreda'tions of 
 James Grant-Grant of Carron killed by Grant of Balindalloch-Apprehension and 
 imprisonment of James Grant— Dispute between the Lairds of. Frendrau.ht and Ro- 
 thiemay-Conflict-Rothiemay killed-Quarrel between Frendraught and the Laird 
 of Pitcaple— Calamitous Fire at Frendraught house— Death of John, Viscount 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 Aboyne, llothiemay, and others — Inquiry as to the cause of the Fire — iiscape ol 
 James Grant — Attacked by Patrick Macgregor, who is killed — Apprehension of Grant 
 of Balindalloch, by James Grant — Apprehension and execution of Thomas Grant — 
 James Grant murders two of his surname — Attacked in Strathbogie, and escapes — 
 Depredations of the Clan-Lauehlan — Skirmish between them and the Farquharsons 
 — Dispute between the Earl of Sutherland and Lord Lorn — Execution of John Mel- 
 drum — Depredations committed upon Frendraught — The Marquis of Huntly accused 
 therewith — The Marquis and Letterfourie committed — Liberated — Death and charac- 
 ter of the Marquis, pp. 287— 313. 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Attempt of Charles I. to introduce Episcopacy into Scotland — Opposition of the Cove 
 nanters — Preparations for war — Marquis of Huntly raises the royal standard in the 
 
 North The Earl of Sutherland joins the Earl of Seaforth and other Covenanters in 
 
 the North — Raid of Turriff — the Earl of Montrose and General Leslie enter Aberdeen 
 
 Meeting between Montrose and the Marquis of Huntly — Arrest of the Marquis — 
 
 Imprisoned in the castle of Edinburgh — Meetings of Covenanters at Moneymusk and 
 
 Turriff The Trott of Turray — ^Rising of the Gordons — Landing of Viscount Aboyne 
 
 at Aberdeen — Raid of Stonehaven — Battle at the Bridge of Dee— Flight of Aboyne 
 — ^Pacification of Berwick — New preparations for war — Imprisonment of Montrose — 
 Liberated and goes to England — Meeting of Convention of Estates— Montrose takes 
 
 Dumfries Retires to Carlisle — Rising in the north under the Marquis of Huntly — 
 
 Montrose enters Scotland — Arrives at TuUiebelton House — Landing of Irish forces iu 
 the West Highlands — Meeting of Montrose and Alexander Macdonald in Athole — 
 Junction of the Athole men — Montrose advances into Stratherne— Joined by Lord 
 Kilpont— Battle of Tippermuir, pp. 314— 341. 
 
 CHAPTER XVL 
 
 March of Montrose across the Tay to CoUace — Assassination of Lord Kilpont— Marches 
 through Angus and the Mearns — Joined by the Earl of Airly and others— Battle of 
 Aberdeen — Supineness of the Gordons — March of Argyle to Strathbogie— Retreat of 
 Montrose through Badenoch — Second March of Montrose to the North — Battle of 
 
 Fjryie Retreat of Montrose to Strathbogie — Desertions in his Ranks — Retires into 
 
 Badenoch and Athole— Montrose enters Breadalbane and Argyle, which he wastes — 
 Marches to Lochness — Argyle enters Lochaber— Battle of Inverlochy, pp. 342—364. 
 
 CHAPTER XVIL 
 
 Alarm of the Estates— Montrose returns through Badenoch— Marches to Inverness and 
 
 Elgin Wastes the lands of the Covenanters in Moray — Enters Elgin— Joined by 
 
 Lord Gordon Crosses the Spey — Plunders CuUen — Death of Lord Graham — Mon 
 
 trose wastes the lands in the Boyne— Enters and plunders Banff— Arrives at Turriff 
 
 Deputation from Aberdeen— Death of Colonel Donald Farquharson— Montrose 
 
 imposes a tax of £10,000 on Aberdeen— Enters Stonehaven, which he burns- 
 Arrives at Fettercairn— Defeat of Hurry's horse— Enters Brechin— Marches tc 
 Dunkeld— Storms Dundee— Memorable retreat of Montrose from Dundee — Move- 
 ments of General JBaillie- Battle of Auldern— Montrose enters Elgin— Battle of Al- 
 ford, PP- 365-393 
 
 CHAPTER XVm. 
 
 Retreat of General Baillie and the Committee of Estates to Stirling— March of Mon- 
 trose to Aberdeen— Interment of Lord Gordon— Buchan laid under assessment bj 
 Montrose— The Parliament meets at Perth, and orders a levy— Advance of Montrose 
 to the south— Joined by the Athole Highlanders, the Macdonalds, Macleans, and 
 other Clans— Crosses the Tay, and encamps at Amulree— Removes to the wood of 
 Methven— Retreats to Little Dunkeld, where he is joined by the Earls of Aboyne and 
 Airly— Advances to Logie Almond— Baillie retires to Kilgraston— March of Montrose 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 towards Stirling— Castle Campbell burnt by the Macleans— Mansions of Menslne and 
 Airthrie burnt by Argyle — Progress of the hostile armies — Battle of Kilsyth — Entry 
 of Montrose into Glasgow— Encamps on Bothwell Moor — Submission of the Nobility 
 and the western shires — Communications with the King— Montrose appointed Lieu- 
 tenant-Governor of Scotland — Battle of Philiphaugh, . • pp. 394— 420. 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 Montrose retires into Athole — Marches north to meet Lord Aboyne — Ineffectual at- 
 tempts of Montrose to induce Huntly to join him— Joined by Lord Aboyne, who soon 
 deserts him— Execution of Sirs William RoUock, and Philip Nisbet, and Ogilvie, 
 younger of Inverquharity— March of Montrose into the Lennox — Returns to Atbole 
 — Death and character of Lord Napier — Return of Montrose to the North — Marches 
 on Inverness — Defeat of the Campbells at Callander by the Athole men — Meeting of 
 the Covenanting Parliament at St Andrews — Condemnation and execution of Colonel 
 Nathaniel Gordon, Sir Robert Spottiswood, Captain Guthry, and Mr Murray — Escape 
 of Lord Ogilvie — Ineffectual attempts of Montrose to reduce Inverness — Town of 
 Fraserburgh burnt by the Earl of Crawford — March of General Middleton to Aber. 
 deen — And to Inverness — Retreat of Montrose from Inverness — Capture of Aberdeen 
 by Huntly — Abandoned by him — Return of Middleton — The King escapes to the Scots 
 army — Montrose ordered by the King to disband his army — Corresponds with the 
 King — Meeting between Montrose and Middleton — Montrose disbands his army at 
 Rattray — Embarks for the continent, and arrives at Bergen in Norway, pp. 421 — 447. 
 
PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION 
 
 Notwithstanding the researches of the learned to trace the origin 
 of nations and the descent and progress of the different branches of the 
 great human family, as found at the dawn of history, it must be con- 
 fessed that the result has been far from satisfactory, and that many of 
 the systems which have been proposed are built upon the most gratui- 
 tous and chimerical hypotheses. By a comparison of languages, how- 
 ever, considerable light has been thrown upon the affinities of nations ; 
 but beyond these philological investigations, every thing becomes vague 
 and uncertain. 
 
 Some modern writers, particularly amongst the Germans, with that 
 unfortunate latitudinarianism of interpretation which distinguishes the dis- 
 ciples of the neologian school, consider the deluge as having been confin- 
 ed to a small portion of the globe ; and upon this gratuitous hypothesis 
 they have raised the most incongruous systems. Klaproth, although he 
 very properly disclaims the intention of deriving all languages from one 
 primitive tongue, nevertheless makes the following extraordinary observa- 
 tions : " The wide dispersion of the Indo-Germanic* race took place pro- 
 bably before the flood of Noah : besides, it is the only Asiatic one which 
 appears to have descended, after that event, from two high mountains, 
 namely, from the Himalaya into India and Middle Asia, and on the 
 west from the Kaukasus into Asia Minor and Europe. In India this 
 race mixed itself much with the dark-coloured aborigines, and, though 
 its speech predominated, its physical characteristics were deteriorated, 
 as has ever been the case when a mixture has taken place between 
 a white and black, or brown race ; when the physical qualities of the 
 latter, and the moral qualities of each undergo an inevitable change. 
 
 • Indians, Persians, Afghans, Kurds, Medes, Ossetes, Armenians, Sclavonians, Ger- 
 mans, Swedes, Danes, Norwegians, English, Greelcs, Romans, and all the people wlio 
 speak a language derived from Latin, are reckoned by Klaproth as Indo-Germanic. 
 1. a 
 
PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 
 
 The brown or negro-like aborigines of India probably saved themselves 
 during the flood of Noah on the high mountains of Malabar and the 
 Ghauts.* In the dialects of the southern parts of India, there appears 
 to be a number of roots and words received from the aborigines, and 
 some remains of such words may perhaps be found among the wild 
 mountain-people in the northern parts. From the Kaukasus, another 
 branch of this stem seems to have descended upon the banks of the 
 Caspian sea, and proceeded into Media ; and thence peopled Persia. 
 Afterwards they probably migrated into Asia Minor, and first into 
 southern, and then into northern Europe."! 
 
 In this way does Klaproth, founding upon a series of the merest as- 
 sumptions, coolly set aside the whole Mosaic account of the deluge; — 
 and we need not therefore wonder the same fate has befallen him 
 with other writers who have departed from the short but distinct 
 narrative of the sacred historian, namely, being obliged to wander in 
 Cimmerian darkness, without even an occasional glimmering of light 
 to direct his steps. For if the Mosaic history be rejected, it is per- 
 fectly evident that all speculations respecting the original peopling of 
 the world can rest upon no foundation whatever, as the first dawning of 
 profane tradition and history is scarcely discernible earlier than 1200 
 or 1300 years before the Christian era.J In proportion, therefore, as 
 the Mosaic account is departed from, the more confused and perplexed 
 do all such speculations become ; an evident proof indeed of the vanitj' 
 of human pretensions when opposed to the authority of divine revelation. 
 
 From the account given by Moses, we must consider the great plain in 
 the land of Shinar, or Mesopotamia, as the cradle of the human race, 
 whence, as from a common centre, the different streams of population di- 
 verged upon the miraculous destruction of the uniformity of speech, and 
 the creation of a variety of languages altogether distinct from one another. 
 Of the number and description of the languages thus miraculously brought 
 into existence, the sacred historian is silent, and, consequently, any in- 
 quiries to ascertain, with some degree of certainty, either the one or the 
 other, must, amidst the immense variety of languages and dialects which 
 now exist, be in a great measure indefinite and conjectural. By the 
 aid of philology, however, some approximation has been made towards 
 a solution of these recondite questions, but from the absence of histori- 
 cal detail, they must ever be regarded rather as curious speculations, 
 than as points conclusively settled. 
 
 At that era when the dawn of history begins to dispel the dark 
 cloud which had overshadowed the early ages of the world, the western 
 countries of Europe were occupied by tribes differing from each other 
 in manners, customs, and language, and distinguished by varieties in 
 their physical constitution. When the Greek and Roman writers first 
 
 • The Ghnuts and the mountains of Malabar are identical. 
 
 + ■•* va, Polyglotta, p. 43, 4-4. 
 
 J Kennedy's Researches, p. 218. 
 
PRELIMINARY DISSERrATION. 
 
 began to turn their eyes westward, they found Europe, (rom the banks 
 of the Danube to the remotest shores of Ireland, peopled by a race 
 called Gauls or Celts, or rather Kelts, who, before they had attached 
 themselves to the soil by tillage, had overspread a considerable part of 
 Spain in the course of their armed migrations, and had even poured 
 their predatory bands through the Alpine passes into the great plain of 
 northern Italy. They extended along the Danube as far as the Euxine, 
 and spread themselves till they were met on different sides by the Sar- 
 niatians, Thracians, and Illyrians. As their expeditions were in ge- 
 neral prior to the period of history, we have but slender means of 
 probable conjecture as to the antiquity, extent, and direction of the 
 great migratory movements of this remarkable race. Their later incur- 
 sions or establishments in Italy are, however, better known ; and even 
 in the oldest memorials we can scarcely discern a trace of those wander- 
 ings or migrations of tribes which must, nevertheless, have originally 
 filled this region of the earth with inhabitants.* 
 
 From a remote antiquity, the whole of the country between the Euxine 
 and the German ocean appears to have been possessed by the Cimmerii or 
 Cimbri, one of the grand divisions of the Celts ; whilst Gaul was occupied 
 by the other division, to which the name of Celtae was more properly and 
 commonly applied.f Herodotus:]: mentions the Celts and Cynetae as in- 
 habiting the remotest parts of Europe towards the setting of the sun, near 
 the sources of the Ister or Danube ; but it is unknown during how many 
 ages they had occupied this region before the father of history obtained 
 this, which is the earliest, notice of them. Aristotle§ and other ancient 
 writers give us nearly the same information with Herodotus, whom they 
 probably followed. With regard to Britain, it must have been inhabit- 
 ed at a period anterior to the Trojan war, since, from the statemen of 
 Herodotus, it appears that tin exported from Britain by Phoenician 
 traders, was at that time in general use ; a circumstance which evident- 
 ly inlpiies, that our island was then peopled by a race who had already 
 explored its metallic treasures ; whilst, from other considerations, it 
 has, with much probability, been inferred, that the earliest settlers or 
 inhabitants of Britain were of Celtic origin. But at what precise 
 period of' time the Celts found their way into Britain, is a question 
 involved in impenetrable obscurity, nor can it be ascertained in a 
 satisfactory manner whether the original Celtic population of Scotland 
 sprung from the Cimmerii or Cimbri, one of the great divisions of the 
 Celtse, whose possessions extended from the Bosphorus Cimmerius on the 
 Euxine, to the Cimbric Chersonesus of Denmark, and to the Rhine ; 
 or from the Celta, properly and peculiarly so called, who inhabited 
 ancient Gaul. 
 
 • Mackintosh, Histoiy of England, vol. i. Introduction, p. 2.— Prichard on the 
 Eastern Origin of the Celtic Nations, p. 14. 
 + Pinlserton, Dissertation on the Scytliians or Goths. Part I. chap. iv. 
 } Lib. ii. and iv. § In Meteorol. De Gen. Animffi, lib. ii. c. 18 
 
PRELIMINABY DISSERTATION. 
 
 Mr Pinkerton, following the authority of Tacitus and the common 
 tradition, is of opinion that as the southern part of Britain was farst 
 peopled from Gaul by Gael, who were afterwards expelled by Cumri 
 from Germany, so there is reason to infer, that the northern part of Bri- 
 tain was first peopled by Cumri from Jutland, the passage from the Um- 
 bric Chersonesus to North Britain through open sea being more easy than 
 that from the south of Britain to the north through va^t forests. Ihe 
 sea, so far from hindering, promotes even savage colonization; and late 
 navigators have found islands in the Pacific Ocean, five or six hundred 
 miles distant from each other, all peopled by one race of men. Where 
 men and sea exist, canoes are always found, even in the earliest state of 
 society, and the savage Finns and Greenlanders perform far longer navi- 
 gations than that from Jutland to Scotland. The length of Britain is so 
 great from south to north, that to people the latter from the former, must 
 have been a work of many ages ; whereas, the passage from Germany was 
 open and easy. The Picts, he continues, came from Norway to Scotland, 
 and we may infer from analogy, that the first Celtic inhabitants of the 
 latter country proceeded from the north of Germany ; for the Cimbri or 
 Cumri possessed the coast of Germany opposite to North Britain, or the 
 Cimbric Chersonesus, even down to a late period. As it is improbable 
 that the north of Britain remained without Celtic inhabitants, whilst all 
 the opposite countrjf of Germany was held by them, it is reasonable to 
 infer, that the Cimbri were the first inhabitants of Scotland. But when 
 we find Cimbric names of mountains and rivers remaining in the most 
 remote parts of Scotland, the inference acquires as much certainty as the 
 case will admit of. These Cimbri, the supposed first inhabitants of Scot- 
 land, were of one and the same great stock with the Cumri or Welsh ; 
 the Welsh, however, are not their descendants, but only remains of the 
 Cimbri of South Britain, who passed from the opposite coast of Germany, 
 and drove the Gael or Gauls, the first inhabitants, into Ireland. In the 
 opinion of Tacitus,* the aboriginal population of Scotland came out ot 
 Germany, and, according to a tradition in the time of the Venerable 
 Bede,f the Picts or Caledonians, who were probably the first inhabitants 
 of North Britain, were said to have originally proceeded from Scythia ; 
 a generic term used by Strabo.J Diodorus,§ and Pliny, || to denote the 
 northern division of the European continent, in which sense it is adopt- 
 ed by Bede.f 
 
 Father Innes, a more sound and dispassionate inquirer than Pinker- 
 ton, supposes, however, that as the Caledonian Britons or Picts were of 
 the same origin as the Britons of the south ; and that as the latter un- 
 iiuestionably came into Britain from the nearest coasts of the Gauls, they 
 advanced by degrees, as they multiplied in the island, and peopled the 
 
 • Tacit, in Vit. Agric. No. 11. t Bcde, 1. i. u. 1. 
 
 J Strabo, p. 507. 5 Diodor. 1. vi. c. 7. |l Plin. 1. ¥i, c. 13. 
 
 ^ Pinkerton on the earliest Celtic, inhabitants of Scotland. Part I. chap. \\. 
 
PKELIMINAHY DISSERTATION. 
 
 southern parts of it, towards the more northern pans and seated thein- 
 selves there, carrying along with them the same customs as the Britcns 
 of the south, and the same language derived originally from the Celts 
 or Gauls. He observes, that Tacitus himself seems at last to have 
 come into this opinion ; for after his conjecture about the origin of the 
 Caledonians and of the Silures, he adds, without exception as to all the 
 Britons, that it was more likely that the Gauls from the neighbouring 
 coast had at first peopled the island.* This was certainly the more 
 natural way, for so the earth was at first peopled. Men, as their num- 
 bers increased in their first habitations, were obliged to advance to new 
 ones in their neighbourhood, to transport themselves not only over 
 rivers, but across the narrowest arms of the sea, at first only to the 
 nearest lands, or islands, which they could easily discern from their own 
 coasts, before they durst adventure on sea voyages out of sight of land, 
 especially in those early times when men were ignorant of the compass 
 and art of navigation. Hence, it is much more probable, that the first 
 inhabitants of the northern parts of Britain, came rather from the 
 southern parts of the island than from Scandinavia, or from other parts 
 of the northern continent, at the distance of several days' sail from any 
 part of Britain.f 
 
 In support of the hypothesis that the aboriginal inhabitants of North 
 Britain came from Gaul, Mr Innes refers to Herodian, Dio Cassius, and 
 even to Tacitus himself, all of whom ordinarily call the Caledonians Bri- 
 tons, without any other distinction than that of their living in the most 
 northerly part of the island, and of their having maintained their liberty 
 with greater courage and unanimity than the Britons of the south against 
 the Roman power, to which last characteristic allusion is made in the 
 celebrated speech of Galgacus to his army when about to engage with 
 the legions of Agricola. According to Tacitus, this intrepid chief told 
 his countrymen that they were the most noble among the Britons (no- 
 bilissimi totius Britannia:), who had never beheld slavery, far less 
 felt it ; the only difference which, from the harangue of Galgacus, seems 
 to have then existed between the Caledonians and the Britons of the 
 south. J 
 
 The defiles of the Caucasus, with the Bosphorus and Hellespont, are 
 evidently the channels through which the streams of population flowed 
 into Europe ; and Thrace, which received its original population from 
 Asia Minor, was probably the first land in our division of the globe 
 which was trodden by human footsteps , for although the intervening coun- 
 tries of Lesser Asia, by presenting inducements for colonization, might 
 have retarded the progress of emigration, yet, as there was no formidable 
 mountain barrier like the Caucasian chain to stem the current of popu- 
 lation, it may fairly be presumed that Thrace was the first European 
 
 • " In adversum tamen estimanti, Gallos vicinum solum occupasse credibile est,"— 
 TaciU vit. Agric. No. 11. 
 
 t Critical Essay. London. 1729, vol. i. p. 70, 71. * Ibid. p. 71, 72. 
 
PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 
 
 country which received its portion of the human race. But be tliig 
 as it may, it is quite clear, from a variety of circumstances, that 
 Thrace, and indeed all the countries to the south of the Danube, were 
 originally peopled from Asia Minor.* Adelung,t indeed, supposes 
 that the latter country was originally inhabited by people of the Sem- 
 itic branch, who were afterwards supplanted in the principal and west- 
 ern division of the country by emigrating colonies of Thracians; but 
 although several tribes of the Semitic family, such as the Cilicians, Cap- 
 padocians, and Lydians, who are supposed to have been of Semitic ori- 
 gin, lived in Asia Minor, there seems no sufficient grounds for an opinion, 
 which, besides its inherent improbability, is contrary to history. 
 
 In process of time the descendants of the races which had penetrated 
 info Europe through the Caucasus, and by the Bosphorus and Hellespont, 
 converged upon the Danube, whence they spread themselves over the 
 neighbouring countries. Pressed by the influx of population from the 
 north, or desirous of conquest, several tribes of the Thracian race 
 abandoned their possessions in Europe at an early period, and cross- 
 ed over into Lesser Asia in quest of new settlements. These tribes 
 took possession of the northern and western tracts of that country under 
 the denomination of Phrygians, Bithynians, and Mysians.J But not- 
 withstanding this reflux of population, the Thracians in Europe still 
 continued a great and powerful nation, and according to Herodotus, 
 they were the most numerous of all nations, next to the Indians, 
 and would have been invincible had they been united under one chief 
 or head. Of the Thracian race, the people known by the primary or 
 generic denomination of Getae, formed a considerable branch. lu 
 Europe the dominions of the Thracians lay between the Euxine and the 
 Adriatic, and were bordered on the south by the territories of the Pel- 
 asgi, the first inhabitants of Greece. The lUyriaus also were another 
 branch of the same stem. 
 
 From Thrace Greece was first peopled by the Pelasgi, a tribe of 
 Thracian origin, who gave the name of Pelasgia to all Greece. To the 
 Pelasgians, so called from Pelasgus, a fabulous king of Arcadia, and a 
 mixture of other early settlers, the Greek nation is probably indebted 
 for its origin ; § for the isolated passage from Herodotus, respecting an 
 alleged difference between the languages of the Pelasgi of Kreston, and oi 
 Placia and Scylace on the Hellespont, and that of the Hellenes, does not, 
 in the opinion of the learned, warrant the conclusion, that the Hellenic 
 people were a different race, a conclusion which would not only be con- 
 trary to what the father of history elsewhere states, but also opposed to 
 the authority of other ancient writers. The Greek nation was chiefly dis- 
 tinguished into three races, namely, the iEolians, the lonians, and the 
 Dorians, each of which spoke a different dialect, of which the iEolic has 
 
 + ?f itford's History of Greece, vbl. i. p. 62, 251. f Mithridates. vo). ii. p. R44. 
 
 * «'^^"d°t"». S'.'-abo. » Mitford, Hist, of Greece, vol. i. p 20. 
 
PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 
 
 been considered as the most ancient. The last mentioned branch having 
 acquired an ascendancy in Pelasgia, gave the name of Hellas to ancient 
 Greece, from Hellen the son of Deucalion vifho reigned in Thessaly, 
 whom fable reports as the father of this race, and from whose name 
 they took the appellation of Hellenes, which they gradually imposed 
 upon the other inhabitants of Pelasgia. According to Thucydides, the 
 Dorians or Hellenes were a clan celebrated for their exploits in the 
 neighbourhood of Phthiotis, and the term Hellenes, by which they 
 were particularly distinguished, was gradually extended to other Gre- 
 cian tribes, who obtained their military aid, and between whom and 
 their chiefs a sort of feudal association was maintained ; but he observes 
 that the name did not prevail generally in Greece till a long period after- 
 wards. " Of this," says Thucydides, " Homer is my chief testimony. 
 For although he lived much later than the Trojan war, he has not 
 by any means given to all the people of Greece the name of Hellenes, 
 nor indeed to any others than those who came with Achilles from 
 Phthiotis, and who were the first Hellenes." * He afterwards observes 
 that Homer distinguishes the other Greeks by the names of Danai, 
 Argivi, and Achsei.f 
 
 From the great variety and mixture of races of which the ancient 
 population of Italy was composed, the genealogy of its tribes cannot 
 be traced with the same accuracy as that of the races, which at an 
 early period peopled the other regions of Europe. Whilst from its 
 peninsular situation it -was of easy access to colonists by sea either from 
 Greece or Asia, it was always liable to the inroads of the migratory 
 hordes which entered western Europe by the route indicated by the 
 course of the Danube ; and thus the stream of population poured in 
 from opposite directions, and nations originally distinct became So 
 amalgamated, that their distinctive characteristics were almost either obli- 
 terated, or were rendered so confused and perplexed, as to require the 
 utmost stretch of critical acumen to unravel them. It was long before 
 the historical divisions of mankind were restricted to the natural boun- 
 daries of nations, and it was not until those boundaries had been often 
 changed, and the great divisions of the human race had been split into 
 numerous subdivisions, and intermingled, by changes in the course of 
 emigration, that these boundaries became fixed in the way that we now 
 
 behold them. 
 
 Long before the dawn of authentic history, the greater part of the Italian 
 peninsula appears to have been occupied and settled by diiferent races of 
 men, as every account which has reached us of the arrival of a new colony, 
 mentions that the advencE, or new comers, found certain tribes which they 
 termed Aborigines, already in possession of the soil. But whence did these 
 primi cultores Italic, proceed? That they were of eastern ongm seems 
 to be admitted on aU hands, but the course of their migrations has been 
 
 • Thucj-d. lib. i. cap. 2. + Ibid. lib. i. cap. 3. 
 
via PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION 
 
 a subject, of dispute among the learned. The Abbate Lanzi* mcTitiona 
 (and he is supported in liis opinion by the greater part of the Italian 
 antiquaries and philologists), that the Pelasgi or Hellenes originally peo- 
 pled Italy, and after having landed on its southern extremity, gradually 
 spread themselves over the country to the northward. But the learned 
 of other countries, particularly Freret, Heyne, and Adelung, maintain in 
 opposition to Lanzi and his followers, that a portion of the tribes which 
 first peopled Italy, must, in their progress to that peninsula, have tra- 
 versed the northern regions of Asia and Europe, and have penetrated 
 by the defiles of the Alps into the valley of the Po, and the great 
 plain of Continental Italy, or Cisalpine Gaul.f 
 
 Of the route followed by the Nomadic tribes, which originally peopled 
 the southern and western countries of Europe, in their migrations from 
 the east, no certain account can be given ; but it is well known, that these 
 movements were generally to the westward ; and it is highly probable that 
 the great route of these migrations was between the chain of the Alps, 
 which forms the northern boundary of the Italian peninsula, and the 
 Danube. On reaching the Alpine barrier, several of the more en- 
 terprising tribes would turn to the left and enter the plains of Italy 
 by the passes of the Tyrol, or by those in the Maritime or Julian Alps. 
 These aborigines would, in process of time, and from various causes, gra- 
 dually advance to the southward, and as the descendants of these ori- 
 ginal settlers were never expelled from Italy, the inhabitants of southern 
 Italy may partly be regarded as the offspring of those who first de- 
 scended into the plains of Lombardy. 
 
 As the precise route of the successive hordes of barbarians who invade 
 ed and peopled Italy cannot now be determined, neither can the differeat 
 periods of their emigrations be ascertained. All that we know for certain, 
 is, that at the dawn of history, Italy was occupied by a variety of tribes 
 speaking different languages or dialects, who had arrived at different de- 
 grees of civilization. Some writers have divided these tribes into five 
 classes, according to their presumed antiquity, viz. lUyrians, Iberians, 
 Celts, Pclasgians, and Etruscans, whilst others classifj' them under the 
 denominations of Umbrians, Etruscans, CEnotrians, and Ausonians or 
 Opici. 
 
 There are no data by which to ascertain the epochs of the different 
 emigrations of these tribes. The four classes first-mentioned were in 
 possession of Italy before the arrival of the Hellenic colonies in Magna 
 Graecia; but with the exception of the Etruscans, who immediately pre- 
 ceded them, it appears doubtful whether the lUyrians, Iberians, or 
 Celts, have the best title to priority of occupancy. If the Umbrians 
 were of Celtic origin, as there is reason to believe, the north of Italy 
 was probably first peopled by the Celts, as all the ancient writers who 
 
 * Saggio di Lingua Etrusca et di Altre Antiche d'ltalia. 
 f Edin. Review, No. LXXX. p. 379. 
 
PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 
 
 allude to the Umbri, represent them as the most ancient people known 
 to have inhabited that region.* The lUyrians, who were of Thracian 
 origin, had from the most remote ages established themselves on the 
 coasts of the Adriatic, between Pannonia, Noricum, and Epirus, and 
 are supposed to have entered Italy about sixteen centuries before the 
 Christian era. They consisted, it is believed, of three tribes, viz. the 
 Liburni, the Siculi, and the Heneti or Veneti. The first settlement 
 of the Liburni, who are supposed by some writers to have been the 
 most ancient inhabitants of Italy, was between the Alps and the Adige. 
 They afterwards crossed the Po, and spread themselves along the western 
 coasts of the Adriatic, but the pressure of new colonies from the north 
 forced them to move further southward to the provinces of Terra di Bari, 
 and Terra di Otranto, where they were subdivided into three branches, 
 the lapyges, the Peucetii, and the Calabri. The tribe which next 
 followed the Liburni, was the Siculi, originally from the frontiers of 
 Dalmatia. They took possession of middle Italy as far as the Tiber, with 
 the exception of the districts on the Adriatic which the Liburni had pre- 
 viously occupied ; but forced from their new possessions, and from the 
 extremity of the peninsula, to which they were driven by new settlers, 
 they crossed the strait of Messina, and colonized the eastern part of 
 Sicily, to which they gave their name. This event, according to Hel- 
 lanicus, who is cited by Dionysius of Halicarnassus, took place eighty 
 years before the taking of Troy ; but Thucydides fixes it at a later 
 period. The Heneti or Veneti, the last of the lUyrian tribes who 
 entered Italy, settled to the northward of the Po, where they long 
 maintained their independence against the inroads of the Gauls, when 
 the latter over-ran northern Italy, about the close of the sixth cen- 
 tury before our era. 
 
 The Iberians penetrated into Italy after the Illyrians. They are 
 supposed to have proceeded from Aquitania, and to have entered Italy 
 through the country of Nice. The Iberi are reputed by some writers 
 as the oldest inhabitants of the west of Europe. They were certainly 
 the original inhabitants of Spain, a circumstance which gave rise to 
 a tradition mentioned by Strabo, that Pontus was peopled from Spain ; 
 but this is contrary to analogy, the course of migration having invari- 
 ably been from east to west. On entering Italy the Iberians possessed 
 themselves of the district, subsequently termed the Riviera di Genoa, 
 and thereafter gradually spread themselves over the coasts of Tus- 
 cany, Latiura, and the Campagna, as it is now called. In process of 
 time they were driven by the Ligurians, probably a Celtic tribe, to the 
 extremity of the peninsula, and following the example of the Siculi, 
 they crossed the strait of ■ Messina, and established themselves on the 
 western coast of Sicily, under the denomination of Sicani, which they 
 took from the river Sicanus. 
 
 • Herod. I. cap. 94.. Pliny, Hist. Nat. lib. lii. c v, xiv. 
 b 
 
PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 
 
 The Etruscans, as forming a powerful and important nation of an- 
 cient Italy, come next to be considered. According to Dionysius of 
 Halioarnassus,* they called themselves by the national appellation of 
 Rasenna; but they were generally called Tyrseni or Tyrrheni, by the 
 Greeks, and Tusci or Thusci by the Romans. At the dawn of his- 
 tory, and long before the building of Rome, this remarkable race ap- 
 pears to have possessed a great part of the country originally belonging 
 to the Umbri, whom they drove from the maritime parts of the ancient 
 Umbria into the defiles of the Apennines. 
 
 No subject has puzzled ancient and modern writers more than the 
 origin of the Etruscans. According to Herodotus.f they were a colony 
 of Lydians, a Pelasgian tribe, who were compelled by famine to leave 
 their abodes in Asia under the conduct of Tyrrhenus, the son of Atys 
 their king, and who, after visiting many shores, fixed themselves in 
 Umbria under the appellation of Tyrrhenians, from the name of their 
 leader. This tradition, which the father of history obtained from 
 the people of Lydia, has been adopted by almost all the ancient 
 writers, whether poets, historians, or geographers. Though embel- 
 lished with circumstances of a fabulous nature, the outline of the story 
 is not improbable, and the descent of the Etruscans from the Lydians 
 might have been credited but for the silence of Xanthus the Lydian 
 historian, who lived a short time before Herodotus, and who, in a work 
 of great credit which he compiled on the antiquities of his country, is 
 silent respecting the Etruscans or their origin. 
 
 From the Etruscan language having been spoken in the mountain- 
 ous tracts bordering on the northern Etruria, a conjecture has been 
 hazarded that the Etruscans were descendants of the people who, at the 
 time of their emigration into Etruria, lived among the Rhaetian Alps j 
 but in the absence of any data on which to found such an hypothesis, it is 
 more reasonable to suppose that as the Etruscans inhabited the adja- 
 cent plains of the Po for many centuries, they gradually propagated 
 their dialect in the adjoining districts as they extended their possessions, 
 than that such a powerful and populous nation should have sprung from 
 the comparatively insignificant stock which inhabited the neighbouring 
 Alps. The opinion maintained by the Senator Buonarotti, by Gorius, 
 Guarnacci, Mazzochi, MafFei, and Lord Monboddo, that the Etruscans 
 were of Egyptian descent, scarcely deserves serious consideration when 
 opposed to the judgment of Bardelli, Pelloutier, Freret, Funccius, 
 Adelung, Heyne, Niebuhr, and other distinguished Italian, French, 
 and German antiquarians. These writers, though differing from one 
 another in other points, agree in maintaining that the Etruscans were 0/ 
 northern and Celtic origin. But although Etruria may have received 
 a new accession of population by the Rhaetian valleys when the Gauls 
 over-ran the Circumpadane Etruria, as mentioned by several histo- 
 
 * ^"^'l- Rom. f Ilerod. lib. i. cap. («. 
 
PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 
 
 rians,* the character and manners of the Etruscan people seem to sup- 
 port the opinion of the ancient writers, that they were originally a mari- 
 time colony from the shores of the Tyrrhenian sea. Their high degree of 
 social improvement, their great advancement in the arts, their commer- 
 cial industry, and, in short, every circumstance in their history distin- 
 guish them from the native inhabitants of Europe, and particularly from 
 those who, in these early ages, inhabited mountainous countries. Besides 
 practising the art of writing, which was unknown in their time to the 
 northern and western nations of Europe, their religious doctrines and 
 customs were evidently so connected with the supersitions of the east, 
 as almost to demonstrate their oriental origin.f 
 
 When the Rasenna entered Umbria, part of that country was already 
 in possession of some Pelasgian tribes from Thessaly and Epirus, who 
 are supposed to have imported into Etruria the first elements of civili- 
 zation. These tribes having, as is reported, crossed the Adriatic at 
 a period long before the Trojan war, seized part of Umbria, where they 
 settled and built towns, all which, with the exception of Cortona, were 
 afterwards taken by the Etruscans.J The latter established themselves 
 at first in the plains on both banks of the Po, even to its embouchure, 
 wheuce they gradually extended themselves over the greater part of 
 the low country intervening between the Alps and the Apennines. 
 They afterwards pushed tli«ir conquests to the mouth of the Tiber, and 
 entered into an alliance with the Latins, but were baffled in their efforts 
 to obtain possession of that corner on the Adriatic, which was occupied 
 by the Veneti. The last settlement of the Etruscans was in Campania, 
 in the plains round Capua and Nola, whence they expelled the former 
 inhabitants, the Osci, who were of the Ausonian or Opic race. The 
 first inhabitants of the south of Italj' are supposed to have been the 
 OEriotrii and the Opici or Ausones ; at least when the Greek colonies 
 arrived on the coast of Magna Graecia, they found these two races al- 
 ready in possession of southern Italy. The CEnotrii, who were of Arca- 
 dian origin, possessed the country between the Scyllacean and Lametine 
 gulfs. From the Arcadian Italus§ they are said by Aristotle and Thu- 
 cydides to have given the name of Italy to that district. Dionysius of 
 Halicarnassus, on the authority of Antiochus of Syracuse, says, that the 
 CEnotrii were afterwards divided into three branches, and respectively 
 called Siceli, Morgetes, and Italietes or Italians, after the names of dit- 
 ferent leaders.|| From the CEnotrii were descended the Latins, the 
 Peucetii, Chaones, and lapygians of the eastern coast of Italy. 
 
 • Liv. lib. V. cap. 35. PJiny, Hist. Nat. lib. iii. cap. 20. Justin, lib. xx. cap. 5. 
 
 t In common with several nations of Asia, the Etruscans held the dogmas of cyclw 
 and apocatastases, or fated renovations of the world. Vide Suidas vnce NanTMCos and Plu- 
 tarch, in vita C, Marii. Prichard's Ancdysis of Egyptian Mythology, book ii. chap. 2. 
 and Supplement. 
 
 I Pliny, uhi supra. Dionys. Halicam. lib 
 
 ( Aristot. Politic, lib. iv. cap. 10. Thucyri. lib. vi. cap. 2. 
 
 II Dionys. chap. i. of booit i. of Spellman's Ti'aiislaliua. 
 
PRELIMINARY DISSEaTATlON. 
 
 The primitive inhabitants of the central parts of Italy were the 
 Ausones or Opici, a barbaric people, whose origin is lost in the mists of 
 antiquity. They spoke a language called by the Roman writers Opic or 
 Oscan, and appear to have been an extensive nation. They expelled the 
 greater part of the Siceli from the south of Italy. The latter passed 
 over into Sicily, and the Ausones in their turn were driven from some of 
 their possessions by the Etruscans. The Sabines, Samnites, Lucanians, 
 and Bruttians, who afterwards over-ran Campania and Magna Graecia, 
 were descended from the Ausonian or Opic race. From the identity of 
 some Oscan words, which have been preserved, with the Celtic, the 
 Oscan is supposed to have been originally a Celtic dialect, a conjecture by 
 no means improbable. Indeed, as the original population of Rome con- 
 sisted of a mixture of Latins and Sabines, and as its language wa formed 
 from the dialects of both these nations, there appears to be no other way 
 of accounting for the mixture of Celtic words which is found in the 
 language of ancient Rome, than by supposing the Ausonians or Opici, 
 as well as the Umbrians, to have been of Celtic origin. 
 
 With regard to Spain it appears to have been first peopled by the Iberi. 
 The Sicani, a branch of the Iberian race, are supposed to have pos- 
 sessed the whole southern coast of Gaul, from which they were driven 
 by the Ligurians, who, it is believed, were of Celtic origin. The posses- 
 sion of the Ligurians, or Ligyes as they are named by the Greek writers, 
 extended from the Rhone to the confines of Spain, at the period when 
 the Greeks became acquainted with the western countries of Europe;* 
 but in the time of Polybius they had acquired territories on both sides 
 of the Apennines.-j- 
 
 At a period not long subsequent to the age of Herodotus, (he Teu- 
 tonic nations inhabited the north of Europe. Pytheas of Massalia 
 or Massilia, now known by the name of Marseilles, who was con- 
 temporary with Aristotle, mentions the Guttones, who inhabited the 
 shores of an estuary, which must have been the mouth of the Vistula, 
 and carried on a traffic in amber with their neighbours the Teutones,^; 
 then well known under that appellation ; and as the Guttones were 
 probably Goths, we thus already discern in the north of Europe two 
 of the most celebrated nations belonging to the Germanic family, in 
 an age when the name of Rome had scarcely become known to the 
 Greeks. The Finns and Sclavonians are supposed to have been the 
 latest of the great nations who formed the population of Europe, 
 Finningia and the Fenni, are mentioned both by Tacitus and by 
 Pliny. In the age of these writers, the Finns were situated near the 
 eastern shores of the Baltic, and had probably extended themselves as 
 far as those districts where their descendants were afterwards known undor 
 the name of Beormahs or Biarmiers. The Sclavonians are not early d^s- 
 tmguished in Europe under that name ; but the appellation of Wends. 
 
 ' Herod, lib. 
 
 t Poljb. lib. ii. t Bin. Hist. Nat. lib. xxxvii, cpp. «• 
 
PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 
 
 given to the Sclavonic race by the Germans, seems to identify them 
 with the Venedi, mentioned in the geographical descriptions of Pliny 
 and Tacitus, as also with the OviviScu or Winidae of Ptolemy and Jor- 
 candes, these being terms appropriate to the Sclavonic nations. Be- 
 sides, it is probable that the Russians were known to Herodotus, and 
 that they are mentioned by him under an appellation differing but little 
 from that which is now applied to them by their Finnish neighbours. 
 The Rhoxolani, first described by Herodotus, are stated by Strabo to 
 iiave inhabited the plains near the sources 6f the Tanais and the Borys- 
 thenes ; and the Finns still distinguish the Muscovites by the name of 
 Rosso-lainen, or Russian people, a term which, if heard by a Greek, 
 would naturally be written Rhoxolani.* 
 
 The German or Teutonic race, though allied in their origin to other 
 races of men, may be considered as one particular division of mankind. 
 Their connexion, however, with other races, is too distant to come 
 within the utmost reach of history, and the limits which distinguish the 
 Germans as a peculiar people are very clearly defined. Ancient Ger- 
 many was bounded by the Danube and the Rhine on the south ; by the 
 Vistula, and the uncertain limits of the Sarmatian tribes and other na- 
 tions confounded withthem,-f- on the east; and by the Rhine and the 
 German ocean on the west ; but towards the north it had no precise 
 limitatioi;!, all the countries beyond the Baltic being included in it.:j: 
 
 According to Tacitus, the Germans considered their nation as con- 
 sisting of three principal tribes, descended, as they represented, from the 
 three sons of Mannus, the first man. To these tribes they gave the 
 names of Ingeevones, Hermiones, and Istasvones ; but some, as he in- 
 forms us, added four other tribes, which they termed Marsi, Gambrivii, 
 Suevi, and Vandali. Pliny divides the whole nation into five departments 
 or branches. The first class which he terms Vindili (probably the Van- 
 dali of Tacitus,) comprehended the Burgundiones, Varini, Carini, and 
 Guttones. According to Jornandes, they inhabited the southern shores of 
 the Baltic, and the north-eastern parts of Germany. The second tribe 
 were the Ingasvones, including the Cimbri, Teutones, and the nations or 
 tribes of Cauchi. Their abode was in the north-western countries, 
 where Tacitus also places them in the vicinity of the ocean. The Is- 
 tfevones, who inhabited the countries adjoining the Rhine, were the third 
 tribe. The Hermiones, or fourth class, comprehended the Suevi, Her- 
 monduri, Catti, and Cherusci, and, according to Tacitus and Pliny, were 
 inland nations. The Suevi, who, in the opinion of Tacitus, were a dis- 
 tinct tribe, included several tribes in the eastern part of Germany, as 
 the Marcomanni, Quadi, Semnones, Marsingi, Lugii, Burii.§ The fifth 
 department of nations were the Peucini and Bastarnae, the most easterly 
 
 • Prichard, p. 16. t Mela de Situ Orbis, lib. iii. cap. 3. 
 
 t Prichard's Researches into the Physical History of Mankind, vol, ii. p. 150. 
 ,i Cluverii Germ, p 702. 
 
PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 
 
 of ancient Germany, who were neighbours of the Daci or Getoe. Dr 
 Prichard considers it as doubtful whether these divisions of Pliny were 
 founded on the history and genealogy of the people, or were simply 
 geographical arrangements.* 
 
 In the opinion of the author of the Mithridates, the whole Germanic na- 
 tion has, from the earliest times, been divided into two great races, whose 
 descendants may be easily distinguished from each other by the differ- 
 ence of language, or rather of dialect, which distinguishes the Teutonic 
 idioms. The Upper German dialect is that harsh and deeply-toned 
 language abounding in gutturals and imperfectly articulated consonants, 
 and in deep diphthongal sounds which stand in the place of the softer 
 dentals and palatines, and of the open vowels of the Lower German 
 languages. The classical German or High Dutch, though a softened 
 and refined idiom, so far partakes of the character of the Upper Ger- 
 man, as to be still one of the harshest languages of Europe. This dif- 
 /erence of dialect, it has been observed, is so general and so strongly 
 marked, thatit cannot be supposed to have originated in Germany, but 
 argues a very ancient separation of the two races before they quitted 
 their abodes in Upper Asia.f 
 
 The Suevi, and the tribes allied to them, who inhabited the north- 
 eastern region of ancient Germany, Bohemia, Prussia, and part of 
 Poland, (which countries they have since abandoned to nations of the 
 Slavonic race,) spoke the Upper German dialect, as did the tribes 
 comprehended among the Vandali by Tacitus and Pliny, and a part of 
 the Ingaevones. The relative positions of the different branches of 
 the Teutonic race underwent a considerable change, however, by a great 
 movement at an early period. Long before the Christian era they, along 
 with the Cimbri, began to migrate towards Gaul and Italy. Another 
 movement took place during the second century, and they made many dis- 
 tant conquests. The AUemanni fixed themselves in the south of Ger- 
 many, where they have preserved in Swabia the ancient name of the 
 Suevic race, and from whom are descended the present inhabitants of Swit- 
 zerland, Alsace, Swabia, the Upper and Middle Rhine. From the Loii- 
 gobardi, who obtained possession of the eastern parts of Germany, came 
 the Bavarians, all the Teutonic people of the Austrian States, and the re- 
 mains of the Old Lombards in the Vicentine and Veronese. All the 
 tribes in the western parts of ancient Germany belong to the lower or 
 western German race, of which stock the old Franks, the Saxons, and 
 the Frisians, were the three most celebrated. The old Franks have lost 
 their German speech, and have acquired that of the conquered Neustrian 
 Gauls. The descendants of the Saxons, mixed with Angles and Jutes, 
 speak English in the British isles, and in Germany the Lower Saxon, 
 or Platt-Deutsch. The Low Countries and the Seven United Provinces 
 wvve peopled by the Frisian stock. The first inhabitants of Scandinavia 
 
 • Itesearcnes, vol. ii. p. 154. f Ibid. p. I55. 
 
PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 
 
 were probably descended from the lower German stock, though the 
 Heruli who penetrated into Norway, and the Guta or Goths of Sweden 
 belong undoubtedly to the Teutonic race.* 
 
 The first habitation of the Finns appears to have been on the sides 
 of the Table mountains. Certain it is, that as far back as history can 
 trace, the countries to a considerable distance on both sides of the Great 
 Uralian chain, were possessed, in the earliest times of which we have any 
 trace, by a variety of nations connected by marks of a common origin, 
 who regarded their Slavonian neighbours, their earliest invaders and 
 conquerors, as branches of one race. Klaproth has proposed to distin- 
 guish this stock of men by the term Uralian : " All," he says, " that we 
 know of them by history and philological researches, indicates their 
 origin from the Uralian chain, whence they descended towards the west 
 and the east." He adds, that before the movements among the north- 
 ern nations they appear to have been spread, at least in Europe, much 
 further towards the south than in modern times ; and probably reached 
 as far as the Euxine, where they were comprehended with other nations 
 under the vague appellation of Scythians.-]- Though it appears certain 
 that some tribes of this stock have crossed the Ural into Europe ; yet, 
 as remarked by Dr Prichard, there is no historical ground for supposing 
 that the western branch of the Tschudic race, namely, the Finnish na- 
 tions, ever inhabited this range of hills. 
 
 According to Gatterer, the Finnish nations, whom he looks upon as 
 the remains of the old Scythians, and who all speak only one principal 
 language, though divided into various dialects, include the following 
 tribes: — 1. The Finns themselves, properly so called, both of Swedish 
 and Russian Finland, who give themselves the name of Suoma-lainen, 
 but are termed by the Russians Tschuchonetz, or Tschuchna : 2. The 
 Laplanders, in the northernmost region of Norway, Sweden, and 
 Russia ; by the Russians they are termed Lopari, but they call them- 
 selves Sabme and Almag : 3. The Ishores, in Ingermannland, or Ingria, 
 so named from the Ishora, or river Inger : 4. The Esthonians, in East- 
 land, who are termed Tschud in the Russian annals, and by the Finns 
 are called Viro-lainen : 5. The Livonians near Salis, in the circle of 
 Riga, and in Courland, on the shore of Angern : 6. The Votes or Voti- 
 aks on the river Viatka, in the territory of Kasan and Oremburg, who 
 name themselves Ud, or Mordi, and are termed by the Tartars Ar; 
 they speak a less mixed dialect, approaching very nearly to that of the 
 Tscheremisses, and more closely to that of the Permians : 7. The 
 Tscheremisses, or, as they term themselves, Mari, on the left side of 
 the Volga, in the Kasan and Oremburg territory, whose language is 
 much intermixed with that of the Tartars : 8. The Morduines, called 
 by the Russians Mordwa, who term themselves Moksha, dwell in the 
 Oremburg territory; their language varies greatly from that before 
 
 « Prichard, vol. ii. p. 157. t Asia Polyglotta, p. 182. 
 
PRELIMINARY DISSEKTATION. 
 
 mentioned, and a particular tribe of them, termed Erzja, have a dialect 
 somewhat peculiar: 9. The Permians, called in the Icelandic Sagas, 
 Beormahs; and the Syrjanes; both of these nations live upon the rivers 
 Vitchegda and Vim, call themselves Komi, and speak a pure Finnish 
 dialect : 10. The Vogouls, called by the Permians, Vagol, and in the 
 Russian annals Vogulitsch and Ugritsch, are the first people in Sibe- 
 ria, living partly in the mountains of Yugori, and partly along the flat 
 countries on both sides of them ; their language corresponds with the 
 Hungarian and proper Finnish, but most nearly with that of the Khon- 
 dish Ostiaks : 11. The Khondish Ostiaks, or as they name themselves, 
 Chondichui, that is, people of the Khonda, live on the lower Irtish, and 
 lower Obi^ near Surgut, Tobolsk, and Beresof ; their language is most 
 nearly allied to that of the Permians and Vogouls: 12. The Hungari- 
 ans, who name themselves Madjar, and speak a Finnish dialect.* 
 
 According to Prichard, the Tschudish race may be most conveniently 
 divided into three branches. The first, or Finnish branch, may be 
 considered as comprehending all the tribes of Finnish extraction, whose 
 abodes are to the westward of the White Sea and the great Russian 
 lakes ; as the Laplanders, the Finnlanders, Esthonians, Karelians, the 
 Lievi, or Lifi, in Courland, the Finns of Olonetz, and the remains of the 
 same race on the river Inger above mentioned. The second, or Permian 
 blanch, may include the people of Perniia, the Syroenians and Votiaks, 
 comprehending the old Beormahs, as well as the nations termed by 
 Klaproth Volgian Finns, namely, the Mordouins, Mokshas, Tscheremis- 
 ses, and other tribes in the adjoining parts of the Russian empire. The 
 third, or Uralian branch, includes the Vogouls, in the countries neai 
 the Uralian chain, the Ostiaks of the Obi, and lastly, the Hunga- 
 rians, who, notwithstanding their remote separation, are proved, by the 
 affinity of their language, to belong to the Siberian, or Eastern depart- 
 ment of the Tschudish race. 
 
 Distinct from the Teutonic and Tschudish or Finnish races were the 
 Scythse, who inhabited the country between the Danube and the Tanais 
 or Don. Some foreign writers of great learning and research, among 
 whom Professor Gatterer stands conspicuous, have attempted to show, 
 but apparently without success, that the remains of the Tschudish race 
 are descended from this celebrated people. Pinkerton and others have 
 endeavoured to derive the Goths and Germans, and even the Greeks, 
 from the Scythians ; but although the result of their labours affords 
 abundant proofs of deep reading and patient investigation, they do not 
 seem to have sufficiently established their hypothesis. We are rather 
 disposed to concur in the opinion of a third class of writers who look 
 upon the Russians, Poles, Bohemians, and the other Slavonian nations 
 as the representatives of the ancient Scythians. Dr Prichard, who ranks , 
 
 p. 281 
 
 Ei.ileitung in die Synrhronistische Uuiversalhistorie. Gating. 1771. Gyarmatlii, 
 
PRELIMINAKY DISSEBTATION. 
 
 in the last mentioned class, thinks, notwithstanding, that the Tartars in 
 the countries bordering on the Black Sea, have the best right to be 
 considered as the true descendants of the Scythians, since they inhabit 
 the same limits, and have preserved, from the earliest period of their 
 history, a national character and manners remarkably similar to those 
 of the old Scythians.* 
 
 Before the Scythians entered Europe, they appear, according to all 
 the ancient accounts, to have inhabited the country eastward of the 
 Araxes and the Caspian Sea, and probably also the north of Media. 
 From their settlements in the east they were forced, at an early period, 
 into Europe by the Massagetse, a powerful nation, whose queen, Tomy- 
 ris, is said to have cut off the head of Cyrus the Great, whom she had van- 
 quished in battle and made prisoner, t " The nomadic Scythians (says 
 Herodotus), living in Asia, being overmatched in war by the Massagetse, 
 passing the river Araxes, emigrated into the Cimmerian territory; for that 
 country which the Scythes now inhabit, is said to have belonged of old to 
 the Cimmerii."t As Homer never mentions the Scythians, and speaks 
 of the Cimmerians as a nation existing in his time, it is supposed that 
 this emigration of the Scythians must have taken place subsequently to 
 the Trojan war. But although the Scythians may not have been 
 known under that name to the Greeks in the time of Homer, the de- 
 scriptive epithets applied in the Iliad to the inhabitants of the countries 
 possessed by the Scythians, seem to indicate that the Scythse had fixed 
 their abode in Europe before the age of Homer. 
 
 Having crossed the great Caucasian chain, between the Euxine and 
 Caspian Seas, the Scythians gradually extended themselves over the 
 country described by Herodotus and others, as ancient Scythia, from 
 which they expelled the Cimmerii or ancient Celtic inhabitants. A 
 part, however, of the Cimmerii, protected by the strength of their posi- 
 tion, or overlooked by the invaders, long maintained themselves in a 
 corner of the Tauric Chersonesus. They were, however, expelled from 
 this ancient abode by the Scythians about six hundred and forty years 
 before the Christian era, and, crossing the Cimmerian Bosphorus, en- 
 tered Asia over the mountains of Caucasus. § 
 
 Originally the term Scythse was confined to the people who possessed 
 the country between the Danube and the Don; but in process of time, 
 the name was applied by the Greeks to all the nations which, like the 
 Scythians, properly so called, lived in the Nomadic state. But it is of 
 the Scythae, as a distinct European nation, that we are now speaking. 
 Major Eennell, who has thrown great light upon the statements of 
 Herodotus, thus explains the opinion of the historian. " The country of 
 Scythia he (Herodotus) places next in order to Thrace, going north- 
 eastward along the shores of the Euxine and Mseotis. Where Thrace 
 
 * Researches. t Herod. Clio. 201, 215, 216. 
 
 t Melpoin. 11. and 12. '> Herodot. Lib. I. and IV. 
 
XVlii PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 
 
 ends Scythia begins, says he, Melp. 99. It will appear, however, that 
 the Scythians of Herodotus were the Sarmatae and Getae of the Ro- 
 mans ; and his Massageta; the Scythians of the same people, as well as 
 
 of the Greeks in general, from the date of Alexander's expedition 
 
 The ancients distinguished two countries by the name of Scythia, the 
 one extending along the north of the Euxine, the other beyond the Cas- 
 pian and Jaxartes The western, or Euxine Scythia, was the one 
 
 invaded by Darius Hystaspes ; on which occasion the lonians, by pre- 
 serving his bridge of boats on the Danube, secured his retreat ; and the 
 eastern Scythia, called also the country of the Massagetae, was the one 
 invaded by Cyrus, in which, according to our author, he lost his life. 
 .... So that the proper Scythians of Herodotus were those at the 
 Euxine, and those of succeeding writers at the Caspian (or rather 
 Aral) and Jaxartes."* 
 
 From the description of ancient Scythia, as given by Herodotus, it 
 appears that it was bounded on the east by the Tanais or Don, and 
 consequently was confined within the limits of Europe. Scythia pro- 
 per, as included between the Danube and the Don, comprehended al- 
 most the whole of the Ukraine, including the country of the Nogay Tar- 
 tars and the Don Cossacks ; but the course of its northern boundary 
 cannot be traced, f Renriell supposes it to have passed from the south- 
 ern confines of Polish Prussia eastward, and along the direction of the 
 river Sem, from the Borysthenes to the Tanais.J 
 
 The neighbours of the Scythians were, on the east, the Sauro 
 matas or Sarmatae, who are supposed to have been a branch of the 
 same race, as Herodotus says they spoke a dialect of the Scythian 
 language. On the north-west were the Neuri ; on the west the Aga- 
 thyrsi ; on the side of Poland northward the Androphagi ; and on that 
 of Russia the Melanchioeni. These last mentioned nations were pro- 
 bably distinct from the Scythian stock. 
 
 The Scythian nation is divided by Herodotus into three parts : the 
 Scythe Georgi, or agricultural Scythians ; the Scythae Nomades, or 
 wandering pastoral Scythians ; and the Scythas Basileii, or Royal Scy- 
 thians. The first portion, from their inhabiting the country near the Bo- 
 rysthenes, were called Borysthenitae by the Greeks ; but they denomi- 
 nated themselves Olbiopolitee. These possessed the western division of 
 ancient Scythia, and their territory extended about eleven or twelve days' 
 journey up the river. The Scythae Nomades, whose manners corre- 
 sponded with those of the modern Tartars of the same region, were to 
 the eastward of the Borysthenitae, and still further eastward were the 
 Scythae Basileii, who considered themselves of a nobler extraction than 
 the rest of 'she. Scythian nation. 
 
 To the term Scythae, as denoting the people who possessed the Sci- 
 
 ■ Rennell's Geographical Sj stem of Herodotus, pp. 46 47. 
 
 + Herodot. Melpom. iS. et seq. Piichard. ' j ibid. p. 5g. 
 
PREXIMINAHY DISSERTATION. 
 
 thia of Herodotus, succeeded that of Sarmatae from Sarmatia, a name 
 given by the Romans, and the later Greek writers, to an extensive 
 region, comprehending not only Scythia proper, but also the Trans- 
 Vistular countries, and reaching northward to an undefined extent.* 
 The population of Sarmatia, as thus geographically defined, consisted, 
 it appears, of four distinct families or races : first, the SarmattB, who 
 may be considered as the descendants of the more ancient Scythians ; se- 
 condly, the Peucini or Basternse, a tribe of Teutonic extraction ; thirdly, 
 the Fenni, who possessed the extensive country to the north named 
 Finningia by Pliny ; and, lastly, the Venedi, or Venedse, or Wends, as 
 they were named by the Germans. 
 
 In the time of Tacitus, the three last mentioned races had become 
 BO intermixed with the Sarmatae, that it appeared doubtful to that dis- 
 criminating writer, whether they were to be classed among the Ger- 
 mans or the Sarmatse. His words are : " I am in doubt whether to 
 reckon the Peucini, Venedi, and Fenni, among the Germans or the 
 Sarmatse, although the Peucini, who are by some called Basternae, 
 agree with the Germans in language, apparel, and habitations. All of 
 them live in filth and laziness. The intermarriages of their chiefs with 
 the Sarmatians, have debased them by a mixture of the manners of that 
 people. The Venedi have drawn much from this source, for they over- 
 run, in their predatory excursions, all the woody and mountainous tracts 
 between the Peucini and Fenni. Yet, even these are rather to be re- 
 ferred to the Germans, since they build houses, carry shields, and tra- 
 vel with speed on foot ; in all which particulars they totally differ from 
 the Sarmatians, who pass their time in waggons and on horseback. 
 The Fenni live in a state of amazing savageness and squalid poverty. 
 They are destitute of arms, horses, and settled abodes ; their food is 
 herbs ; their clothing skins ; their bed the ground. Their only depend- 
 ance is on their arrows, which, for want of iron, are headed with bone ; 
 and the chase is the support of the women £is well as the men, who 
 n-ander with them in the pursuit, and claim a share of the prey. Nor 
 do they provide any other shelter for their infants from wild beasts and 
 storms than a covering of branches twisted together. This is the resort 
 of youth ; this is the receptacle of old age."f 
 
 But after the Gothic conquests in the east, it was ascertained, 
 that the Venedi or Wends, were neither of German nor Sarmatian ex- 
 traction, but of Slavonic origin. Jornandes, the bishop of Ravenna, 
 who flourished in the reign of the Emperor Justinian, divides the Sla- 
 vonian race, which collectively he calls the Winidae, into three nations, 
 namely, the Veneti, Antes, and Sclavi ;t but he afterwards distinguishes 
 them into the Sclavini and Antes. " To the left side of the Alps (says 
 the bishop) surrounding Dacia, through an immense space lying north- 
 
 » Claud. Ptolem. Geograph. Pompoiiius Mela, De Situ Orbis. lib. iii. cap. 3. 
 t Tacit, de Mor. Germ. cap. xlvi. Aitken's translation. 
 \ Jornand. de Rebus Gcticis, cap. xxiii. 
 
PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 
 
 ward of the source of the Vistula, the populous nation of the Winidffi 
 are settled, who, though they have different names in particular tribes 
 and families, are principally distinguished by those of Sclavini and 
 Antes." To the westward, between the Danube and the Dniester, he 
 places the Sclavini, according to Cluverius ; and, to the eastward of these, 
 between the Dniester and the Dnieper, or Borysthenes, he fixes the 
 Antes.* The same distinction is adopted by Procopius, the contem- 
 porary of Jornandes. 
 
 The accuracy of this division is fully confirmed by the philologi- 
 cal researches of the ex-jesuit Dobrowsky, in his " Geschichte der 
 Bohmischen Sprache und Literatur," or History of the Bohemian Lan- 
 guage and Literature, published in the Transactions of the Royal Bohe- 
 mian Society, and of which the substance is given in the second volume 
 of Adelung's Mithridates. From a critical examination and com- 
 parison of the dialects of the Slavonian language, Dobrowsky was in- 
 duced to divide the Slavonic nation into two principal branches, name- 
 ly, the Antes or eastern branch, comprehending the Russians and the 
 nations in Iliyrium of Slavonic origin ; and the Slavi or western branch, 
 comprehending the Poles, Bohemians, and the Serbes or Wends in the 
 north. Though the nations belonging to each branch differ but little 
 in speech from each other ; yet the people of one branch are scarcely 
 understood by those of the other. 
 
 From specimens of their languages and other historical data, Dr 
 Prichard states, as the results of his inquiries, that of the Antes, the 
 Russians are the first and chief nation ; that the great Russian nation 
 is intermixed with Scandinavians from the Teutonic clan of Rurik, who 
 first gave the name of Russians to the Slaves of Novogorod ; and that 
 the Little, or Southern, or Kiewite Russians, differ very little in lan- 
 guage from the Slaves of Iliyrium, from whom the ecclesiastical ana 
 old literary language of the Russians were derived. About two hun- 
 dred years before the Slaves of Iliyrium, consisting of three tribes, the 
 Servian, Croatian, and the southern or Illyrian Wends, were converted 
 by St Cyril, they made their transit from the countries adjoining 
 Southern or Red Russia, and the Carpathian mountains, into the dis- 
 tricts on the Adriatic, which they now occupy. The first tribe amongst 
 these IS the Servian, whose dialect is between the Russian and that of 
 the second tribe. To the Servian tribe are referred, 1. The people of 
 Servia; 2 The Bosnians; 8. The Bulgarians, intermixed with Tar- 
 tars from Bolgari in Kasan ; 4. The Morlachians, and the people of 
 Wallachia of Slavonian descent. The Croatian, or second tribe of the 
 Illyrian Slavi, comprehends the Croats, Slavonians proper, and the 
 western Dalmatians. The third tribe is to be found in Carinthia Car- 
 
 elllrbrandf™"'- '''"" '"" '^"" '"^'""^ *° ''^ ^"*'-' « 
 • Cluvcr. German. Anliq. p. 677. 
 
phet.iminary dissehtation. 
 
 Until a recent period, the Sclavini, or western branch, were the 
 most renowned. After the Goths and other Teutonic tribes migrated 
 to the southward, their territories were invaded by the Sclavini from the 
 eastern countries, who took possession of all the north-east of Germany. 
 On the fall of the Thuringian power in the sixth century, they gained 
 all the east of Germany to the Saale, and all the northern parts from 
 the Vistula to Holstein. The descendants of the Sclavini are, 1. The 
 Poles ; 2. The Tschechi or Bohemians, including the Moravians and 
 other neighbouring tribes ; 3. The Serbes, formerly a numerous people 
 between the Saale and the Oder, of which the Lusatians are the re- 
 mains, still speaking a Slavonian dialect; 4. The Northern Wends, 
 who formerly inhabited all the northern parts of Germany between 
 Holstein and Kassubon, and were divided into two chief nations, the 
 Obotrites and the Wiltzes. The Wendish language is now retained by 
 only a few scattered tribes of the last mentioned nations. The Cossacks 
 are also of Slavonian origin, it being well known that the Russian Cos- 
 sacks are the descendants of emigrants from Russia. Of these the Cos- 
 sacks of Little Russia, who are descendants of emigrants from Red 
 Russia, driven out by the Poles, are generally understood to be the 
 most ancient.* 
 
 It thus appears that the European races, in the earliest periods of 
 which we have any information respecting them, occupied nearly the 
 same relative situation as the tribes chiefly descended from them still 
 continue to possess. The few scattered facts or intimations which his- 
 tory furnishes, therefore, afford no evidence against the h3'pothesis that 
 difl'erent parts of the world were originally filled with autochthones or 
 indigenous inhabitants, nor indeed against any other hypothesis or 
 theory whatsoever. Great reliance has been placed by many upon 
 traits of resemblance in customs and superstitions ; and from the coinci- 
 dences of the doctrines of Druidism and the mythology of the Sagas, 
 some have ascribed a common origin to the nations of Europe and those 
 of the East. But opposed as we are upon the authority of sacred his- 
 tory to the opposite theory, we must, nevertheless, observe, that this prin- 
 ciple is exceedingly unsafe ; for by a similar mode of reasoning we might 
 conclude that the Turks and Tartars came from Arabia, and derive the 
 Buddhists of Northern Asia from India, or perhaps from Ceylon. Nor 
 can historical traditions, however plausible and striking they may, in some 
 instances, appear, fill up the void; because, besides involving every element 
 of error, such traditions are found, when examined and compared, to lead 
 to contradictory and incompatible results. It is, therefore, only by an 
 analysis of languages, which, after all, are in reality the most durable ol 
 human monuments, and by detecting in their composition common 
 elements and forms of speech, that we can ever hope to obtain satisfac- 
 tory evidence of the identity or connexion in point of origin of those 
 
 • Pi-ichard, vol. ii. p. 197. et seq. 
 
PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 
 
 races by which they are spoken with ancient nations, whose languages 
 have either in whole or in part been preserved. 
 
 The diversity of opinion which has hitherto prevailed on this subject, 
 proves the uncertainty and insufficiency of the data from which inquir- 
 ers have hitherto deduced their conclusions. Amongst the ancients, the 
 notion that each particular region of the earth was, from the beginning, 
 supplied by a separate and distinct creation with its peculiar stock of 
 indigenous or native inhabitants, seems to have universally prevailed, 
 and the frequent occurrence of such terms as autochthones, indigence, or 
 aborigines, aifords undoubted evidence of the fact. The creation of 
 man had indeed been handed down in the Pagan world through an ob- 
 scure tradition, which assigned the origin of the human race to a primi- 
 tive pair fashioned out of clay by the hand of Prometheus or Jupiter ; 
 but this tradition was considered by the better informed amongst the 
 Pagans as belonging to mythology ; which, in its literal sense at least, was 
 with them of little authority.* Unacquainted with the affinity of lan- 
 guages, and puzzled by the varieties of the human species, the ancients 
 adopted an opinion which was quite natural, but which no believer in 
 sacred history can embrace, without repudiating the authority of revela- 
 tion itself. 
 
 Amongst Jews and Christians the prevailing belief founded upon the 
 authority of scripture, has ever been, that all the natives of the earth 
 originated from a common parentage ; a belief which it is impossible to ' 
 reconcile with a different hypothesis. Many learned men of late, chief- 
 ly on the continent, particularly among the French naturalists and phy- 
 siologists, and the writers on history and antiquities in Germany, have, 
 however, ventured to espouse the opinion of the ancient pagans on this 
 subject. Amongst the former there are some who speak of the Adamic 
 race as of one amongst many distinct tribes, and others who broadly 
 controvert its claims to be considered as the primary stock of the human 
 race. On the other hand some of the most learned of the Germans 
 have almost, without reservation, adopted this opinion. Von Humboldt, 
 notwithstanding the indubitable proofs he has collected of intercourse 
 between the inhabitants of the eastern and western continents, appears 
 to regard the primitive population of America as a distinct and peculiar 
 race, and Malte-Brun has plainly taken it for granted, that from the 
 earliest times each part of the earth had indigenous inhabitants, into 
 whose origin it is vain to make inquiries. Even the celebrated Nie- 
 buhr, perplexed by his researclies into the early history and populati9n 
 of Italy,t is glad to escape from the difficulty of his subject, by adopting 
 a similar opinion. Such an hypothesis is, however, not only at variance 
 with the proof* drawn from the analogy of languages, by the most enii- 
 nent philologists, amongst whom Sir William Jones stands conspicuous, 
 
 • Pricliard, p. 1. 
 ^ t^ KSmische (leschichte von N. G. Nieubul.r, I. Ausgnb. Vorede, p. 38. Prichard, 
 
PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 
 
 ijut also with sacred history, which is too clear on this point to admit ol 
 a different construction. No doubt the comparison of languages will 
 not, by itself, demonstrate the unity of the human race, or an original 
 sameness of idiom in the whole species, but if properly applied, it will 
 furnish vast assistance in tracing the history and affinity of nations. 
 Perhaps the best illustrations of the utility and security of this mode of 
 investigation are to be found in the history of the Goths who conquered 
 the Roman empire, and in that of the Polynesian races. The Goths 
 wei e supposed by most of the writers who lived shortly after the era of 
 the Gothic invasion, to be Getee or Thracians ; an opinion which has 
 been adopted by some modern historians : but from an ample specimen 
 of their language in the version of Ulphilas, it has been ascertained, 
 that in conformity with their own traditions, they were not Getifi nor 
 Thracians, but nearly allied in kindred to the northern tribes of the Ger- 
 man family. In the same way, by a comparison of the languages of 
 some of the tribes of the Polynesian races, living in the most remote 
 islands of the Great Ocean at an immense distance from all other inha- 
 bited rngions, with those of the tribes inhabiting part of the Indian 
 continen"., and the isles of the Indian Archipelago, it has been clearly 
 ascertained that they derived their origin from the same quarter, al- 
 though the great remoteness of these islanders would appear to furnish 
 an argument to the Rationalist, that they commenced their existence in 
 their present abodes.* 
 
 With those who fearlessly reject the evidence of sacred history, the 
 subject is not one which can be decided either way by authority ; and 
 it is only by examining the evidence which seems to bear more immediate- 
 ly upon the subject, that they can ever hope to arrive at a satisfactory 
 conclusion. This viewed generally, is of two kinds, and comprehends, first, 
 considerations resulting from a survey of the natural history of the 
 globe, and facts connected with physical geography, and with the multi- 
 plication and dispersion of species of both plants and animals ; and, se- 
 condly, analytical investigations into the structure, affinities, and diver- 
 sities of languages, in reference to the general question as to the history 
 of our species. 
 
 With regard to the arguments deduced from the former source, how- 
 ever, although they may, at first view, appear to bear with the greatest 
 weight upon this question, yet, from our inability duly to appreciate 
 the effects of physical causes operating during along course of ages, it is 
 impossible with any degree of certainty to infer original distinction from 
 the actual differences observable amongst mankind. But in the case of 
 languages, especially those which, though they have ceased to be spoken, 
 are still preserved, there is no such element of uncertainty ; and hence 
 we are inclined to hold, that the only conclusions upon which we can 
 safely rely respecting the aboriginal history of our species, are those 
 
 • Pilchard, p. 5. 
 
PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 
 
 df.ducible from an analysis of languages, conducted upon strictly plii- 
 losophical principles. 
 
 In tracing, however, tlie affinities of languages, many writers, in the 
 eagerness of etymological research, have endeavoured to derive all lan- 
 guages from one common origin ; but they have signally failed in the 
 attempt, and for this reason, that the language of Noah, the primitive 
 speech of mankind, was abolished before the dispersion of the human 
 race, and this " one language and one speech," was miraculously sup- 
 planted by various distinct languages. Of this lact, the sacred text 
 seems to be decisive, and yet many commentators on the Bible, and 
 other writers,, maintain, that the language of our first parents was pre- 
 served in the family of Shem. But independently of this irrefragable 
 inference from sacred history, the non-existence of a primitive language 
 from which all others are alleged to have been derived, seems suffi- 
 ciently established from the fact stated by Sir William Jones, in his 
 ninth Anniversary Discourse, that no affinity exists between Arabic, 
 Sanscrit, and Tartaric, and that almost all existing languages bear more 
 or less relation to the one or the other of these tongues. Supposing, 
 however, that there are languages which have no such affinity, a 
 conjecture far from being improbable, their distinct existence does not 
 affect the argument, but only adds to the number of original languages.* 
 
 From the earliest periods of history, there have co-existed three dis- 
 tinct families of language, and of which all other languages appear to be 
 dialects. Some philologists have proposed to distinguish the different 
 classes of idioms by the generic terms of Semitic, Hamite, and Japetic; 
 a division which seems to be not only conformable to the structure of the 
 languages included under these different denominations, but also to the 
 apparently settled plan of separation and dispersion of Noah's posterity 
 as recorded by Moses. Eichhorn observes, that the class of idioms 
 termed by German philological writers Semitic languages, divide them- 
 selves into the three following branches : — The Hebrew, or the dialect 0/ 
 Palestine and PhcEnice, the Arabic, and the Aramean or northern Sem- 
 itic, spread over Syria and Mesopotamia; and he maintains that these 
 are as nearly related to each other as the Ionic, Jiolic, and Doric dialects 
 of the Greek.]- The term Semitic, however, has been thought objection- 
 able by some, on the ground that several of the nations who spoke the 
 languages so denominated in common with the descendants of Shem, 
 were of Hamite origin, as the Phoenicians or Canaanites.^ Under the 
 class of Hamite idioms, may be comprehended principally the dialects 
 of the old Egyptian speech, the Coptic, Sahidic, and Bashmuric, in- 
 cluding conjecturally, until the mutual relations of these languages shall 
 have been more fully investigated, several idioms spoken by races of 
 
 • Kennedy, p. 6. 
 t Einleitung in das Alte Testament, von Joh. G. Eiohliorn, B. 1. p, 43. Dritt. 
 A use;. > r 
 
 \ I'ricliiiid, Noh on the Semitic Languaga. 
 
PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 
 
 Africa, in whose history marks are to be found of connexion with the 
 ancient subjects of the Pharaohs.* The Japetic languages, so named by 
 Schlozer,f the learned editor of Nestor's Annals, from most of the na- 
 tions by whom they are spoken having descended, as is generally be- 
 lieved, from Japhet, are the same as those now classed by philologists 
 under the title of Indo-European, as being more or less nearly related 
 to the ancient language of India. 
 
 Such an analysis of various languages as that here spoken of, will in 
 every instance display one or other of four different relations subsisting 
 between them. 1. In comparing some languages, little or no analogy can 
 be discovered in their grammatical construction, but a resemblance more 
 or less extensive may be traced in their vocabularies, or in the terms of 
 particular objects, actions, and relations ; and if this correspondence ia 
 the result of commei-cial intercourse, conquest, or the introduction of a 
 new system of religion, literature, and manners, it will extend only to 
 such words as belong to the new stock of ideas thus introduced, and 
 will leave unaffected the great proportion of terms which are expressive 
 of mere simple ideas and of universal objects ; but if the correspondence 
 traced in the vocabularies of any two languages is so extensive as to in- 
 volve words of a simple and apparently primitive class, it indicates a 
 much more ancient and intimate connexion. 2. Certain languages 
 which have but few words in common, nevertheless display, when care- 
 fully examined, a remarkable analogy in their principles and forms of 
 grammatical construction ; as in the polysynthetic idioms of the 
 American tribes, and the monosyllabic languages of the Chinese and 
 Indo-Chinese nations. 3. A third relation discoverable between lan- 
 guages, connected by both the circumstances already pointed out, con- 
 sists in what may be properly called cognation ; an epithet which is 
 applied to all those dialects which are connected by analogy in gram- 
 matical forms, and by a considerable number of primitive words or roots 
 common to all, or which at least possess such a resemblance as con- 
 fessedly indicates a common origin. 4. The fourth and last relation, 
 which is almost purely negative, exists between languages in which 
 none of the connecting characters above described can be discerned, 
 and there is discoverable neither analogy of grammatical structure, nor 
 any correspondence in words, sufficient to indicate a particular affinity, 
 circumstances which are held as conclusive that such languages are not 
 of the same family, and that they belong to nations remote from each 
 other in descent as well as differing in physical chatacteristics.:}: 
 
 Upon these principles, which are now universally received as almost 
 
 * Prichard, Note on the Semitic Languages. /■;': 
 
 t A. L. Schlozer, von den Chaldseem, Kepertorium furbiblische und morgenloen- 
 dische literatur. th. 8. ■/ ; 
 
 ( Prichard, p. 9, 10. Kennedy's Researches into the Origin and Affinity of the Lan- 
 guages of Asia and Europe, p. 80. Edinbureh Review, No. ClI. p. 560. 
 I. 'i 
 
PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION 
 
 the only guides, apart from sacred history, in investigating the origin 
 and descent of nations, the languages of the Finnish tribes, the Lap- 
 landers, the Hungarians, the Ostiaks, and the Siberian Tschudes, have 
 been compared and analysed by Gigardmathi, Adelung, Gatterer, 
 Klaproth, and others ; and the result, which appears to have been 
 sufficiently established, is, that all these nations have sprung from 
 one common original stock, the primitive seat of which was the 
 country situated between the chain of Caucasus and the southern 
 extremities of the Uralian mountains. But our chief object at pre- 
 sent is with those tribes which have been latterly denominated Indo- 
 European ; a term which includes all that class of nations, many of 
 them inhabitants of Europe, whose dialects are more or less nearly re- 
 lated to the ancient language of India. The idea of this classification, 
 which is by far the most scientific that has yet been adopted, was suggest- 
 ed by comparing the Sanscrit with the Greek and Latin languages, and 
 observing the interesting and remarkable results evolved by that com- 
 parison. These were, first, the detection of a very considerable number 
 of primitive words, which were found to be common to all these lan- 
 guages ; and, secondly, the discovery of a still more striking affinity 
 which was proved to exist between their respective grammatical forms. 
 In the case of the Greek and Sanscrit, this affinity amounts almost to 
 complete identity ; in that of the Latin and Sanscrit, it is also, as might 
 be supposed, exceedingly striking ; and these languages are all evidently 
 branches of one common or parent stem. But the same process of 
 analysis had led to other and not less curious or interesting results. It 
 has been proved that the Teutonic, as well as the Sclavonic, including 
 the Lettish or Lithuanian, stand in nearly the same relation to the 
 ancient language of India, as the Greek and the Latin ; and several in- 
 termediate languages, as the Zend and other Persian dialects, the Ar- 
 menian and the Ossete, which is one of the various idioms spoken by 
 the nations of the Caucasus, have been found by those who have examina- 
 fid their structure and etymology to belong to the same stock.* 
 
 In this way a close and intimate relation was proved by unquestion- 
 able evidence to subsist between a considerable number of languages 
 and dialects used or spoken by nations who are spread over a great 
 part of Europe and of Asia, and to whom the term Indo-European has 
 in consequence been applied. In fact, the more accurately these lan- 
 guages have been examined, the more extensive and deep-rooted have 
 their affinities appeared ; and it is only necessary to refer to Professor 
 Jacob Grimm's masterly analysis of the Teutonic idioms, to enable the 
 reader to verify the truth of this remark. The historical inference dedu- 
 cble from these investigations, therefore, is, that the European nations 
 who speak dialects referrible, on analysis, to this class or family of lan^ 
 
 Klaproth, Asia Polyghtta. 
 
PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 
 
 giiages, are ol the same race with the Indians and Asiatics, to whom a 
 similar observation maj' be applied ; and that all are the descendants of 
 some original nation or people, who spoke the primitive language, to 
 wliich all the Indo-European forms of speech may be referred as a com- 
 mon source. 
 
 In the application of the principles above stated to the languages 
 of Africa and America, as compared with those of Asia and Europe, 
 philologists have been sadly puzzled. In the old continent, they have 
 sought in vain for a nation from whose speech the diversified idioms of 
 America may with any degree of probability be derived ; but an exami- 
 nation of the American languages themselves, has led to some interesting 
 results. The native races of North America, by a classification of their 
 dialects, which are very numerous, may be reduced to a few great divi- 
 sions, several of which extend as radii issuing from a common centre in 
 the north-western part of the continent which is divided from Asia by 
 Behring's Straits. A chain of nations whose languages, particularly 
 tliose of the Ugalyachmatzi, and Koluschians, bear a curious analogy to 
 that of the Aztecs, and Tlaxcallans, has been discovered extending 
 fiora New Mexico, to Mount St Elias, in the neighbourhood of the 
 Esquimaux Tschugazzi. The Karalit or Esquimaux, another series of 
 nations connected by aflSnities of dialect, has been traced from the set- 
 tlements of the Tschuktzschi in Asia, along the polar zone to Acadia 
 and Greenland. In a similar manner, light has been thrown on the his- 
 tory of the Lenni, Lenape, and the great kindred family of Algonquin 
 nations, on that of the Iroquois, and likewise of the Florida and other 
 races of North America, by comparing their national traditions with 
 the indications discovered in their dialects. It is a remarkable circum- 
 stance, that although there are, according to Lopez — a missionary well 
 versed in the languages of South and North America — about fifteen hun- 
 dred idioms in America, there is a singular congruity in the structure 
 between all the American languages, from the northern to the southern 
 extremity of that vast continent. These facts have been fully developed 
 by the researches of Barlow, Hewas, Humboldt, Heckewelder, Dupon- 
 ceau, and others.* 
 
 But a more immediate subject of inquiry is, whether the Celtic dia- 
 lects belong to the class or family of languages spoken by the Indo- 
 European nations ; and the question is the more interesting as it bears 
 directly on the origin of the nations of western Europe, including the 
 British islands, as well as on the more extensive one relating to the phy- 
 sical history of mankind. Many persons have supposed the Celts to be 
 of Oriental origin, but, for the most part, upon grounds which are either 
 altogether fanciful, or at least insufficient to warrant such a conclu- 
 sion. Tlie compilers of the Universal History, for instance, gravely 
 tell U8, that the Celts were descended from Gomer, the eldest son of 
 
 * Pricliard, p. 5, 6, 7. 
 
XXVnl PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 
 
 Japhet, the son of Noah ; that Gomer settled in the province of Phry- 
 gia in Asia Minor, whilst his sons, Ashkenaz and Togarmah, occupied 
 Armenia, and Rephath took possession of Cappadocia ; that when they 
 found it necessary to spread themselves wider, they moved regularly in 
 columns, without disturbing or interfering with their neighbours ; that 
 the descendants of Gomer, or the Celtce, took the left hand, and gra- 
 dually spread themselves westward to Poland, Hungary, Germany, 
 France, and Spain ; and that the descendants of Magog, the brother of 
 Gomer, moved to the eastward, peopling Tartary, and spreading them- 
 selves as far as India and China. Speculative fancies like these, how- 
 ever, are too absurd and extravagant to be even amusing. The real 
 question is, whether the same arguments which prove most of the other 
 nations of the world to be of eastern origin and descent, may not also 
 be applied to that great stock, the branches of which, anterior to the 
 commencement of history, had overspread Gaul and Britain, and occu- 
 pied a considerable part of Spain. 
 
 But here it is proper to observe, that writers on the history of lan- 
 guages and the antiquity of nations, are divided in opinion with respect 
 to this question. Adelung and Murray have considered the Celts as a 
 branch of the Indo-European stock ; but the latter has left that part of 
 his work which relates to the Celtic dialects in a most incomplete state ; 
 and Adelung has committed the error of supposing the Welsh or Cymb- 
 ric to be derived from the language of the Belgae, and not from that of 
 the Celts, who inhabited the central parts of Gaul and Britain. From 
 want of information respecting the Celtic dialects, many of the conti- 
 nental writers, amongst whom may be mentioned Frederick Schlegel and 
 Malte-Brun, have been led to believe the Celtic to be a language of a 
 class wholly unconnected with the other idioms of Europe ; and in Bri- 
 tain the same opinion has, from tlie same cause, been expressed by 
 several well known authors. Mr Pinkerton, for instance, has declared, 
 in his usual dogmatical manner, that the Celtse were a people entirely 
 distinct from the rest of mankind ; and that their language, the real 
 Celtic, is as remote from the Greek as the Hottentot is from the Lapponic. 
 And Colonel Kennedy, at the conclusion of the chapter in which he 
 successfully refutes some of the opinions of Pelloutier and Bullet, re- 
 specting the Celts and their language, concludes, that " the Celtic, 
 when divested of all words which have been introduced into it by con- 
 quest and religion, is a perfectly original language ;" and that " this 
 originality incontrovertibly proves that neither Greek, Latin, or the 
 Teutonic dialects, nor Arabic, Persian, or Sanskrit, were derived from 
 the Celtic, since these languages have not any affinity whatever with 
 that tongue."* Davis, however, in the preface to his dictionary, has 
 said, " Ausim affirmare linguam Britannicam (Celticam), turn vocibus, 
 turn phras.bus et orationis contextu, turn literarura pronunciations 
 
 » Kennedy's Rrsearches, p. 85. Piichard, pp,'gO-22. 
 
PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 
 
 manifestum cum orientialibus habere congruentiam et afSnitatetn ;" and a 
 result of a more accurate and minute analysis has been to confirm this 
 opinion in the most complete manner possible. 
 
 The connexion of the Sclavonian, German, and Pelasgian races with 
 the ancient Asiatic nations, may be establislied by historical proof. 
 But the language of these races and the Celtic, although differing from 
 each other, and constituting the four principal classes of dialects which 
 prevail in Europe, are nevertheless so far allied in their radical ele- 
 ments, that they may with certainty be considered as branches of the 
 same original stock. Remarkable, indeed, is the resemblance observ- 
 able in the general structure of speech, and in those parts of the voca- 
 bulary which must be supposed to be the most ancient, as, for instance, 
 in words descriptive of common objects and feelings, for which expres- 
 sive terms existed in the primitive ages of society. In fact, the rela- 
 tion between the languages above mentioned and the Celtic is such as 
 not merely to establish the affinity of the respective nations, but like- 
 wise to throw light upon the structure of the Indo-European lan- 
 guages in general ; and particularly to illustrate some points which 
 had been previously involved in obscurity. This is clearly demonstrat- 
 ed by Dr Pri'chard's ample and satisfactory analysis, which embraces 
 almost every thing that can possibly enter into an inquiry of this 
 nature. 
 
 In examining that permutation of letters in composition and construc- 
 tion which is common to many of the Indo-European languages, 
 according to rules founded originally on euphony or on the facility 
 of utterance, a circumstance from which has arisen the great capability 
 which these languages possess, of forming compound words, Dr Prichard 
 adduces the substitution of consonants of particular orders for their cog- 
 nates in the composition or formation of Greek compound words as an 
 example of the peculiarity noticed. But the mutation of consonants in 
 Greek, in Latin, and in the German dialects, is' not general; it is con- 
 fined to words brought together under very peculiar circumstances, as 
 chiefly when they enter into the formation of compound terms, and it 
 is scarcely observed in words which still remain distinct, and are merely 
 constituent parts of sentences. To account for the immutability of 
 simple terms, the learned author supposes that either the attention to 
 euphony and the facility of utterance has not extended so far, or that 
 the purpose was attained by a choice of collocation, the words them- 
 selves remaining unaltered. In the Sanscrit language, however, words 
 merely in sequence influence each other in the change of terminations, 
 and sometimes of initial letters, on the principle before alluded to. 
 Thus, as Dr Prichard notices, instead of atishtat manujah, sUbat homo, 
 the man stood, the words are written atishtun manujah, the final t of the 
 irerb atishtat, stabat, being altered into n, on account of the liquid con- 
 sonant with which the next word begins. The Sanscrit grammarians 
 term this change m distinct words Sandhi, conjunction ; and the rules, 
 
PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 
 
 according to which compound words are found, are called Saindsa, 
 signifying coalition. The same principles which govern the permuta- 
 tion of letters in the Sanscrit are clearly discoverable in the Celtic 
 dialects, particularly in the Welsh and in the Gaelic. 
 
 Proofs of the common origin, in the vocabulary of the Celtic anrl 
 other Indo-European nations, are exhibited by this eminent philologist, 
 first, in the names of persons and relations ; secondly, in the principal 
 elements of nature, and of the visible objects of the universe ; tJdrdly, 
 in names of animals ; fourthly, in verbal roots found in the Celtic and 
 other Indo-European languages, axi^ fifthly, in adjectives, pronouns, 
 and particles. He then proceeds to investigate the proofs of a common 
 origin derived from the grammatical structure of the Celtic, as compared 
 with that of other Indo-European languages, particularly the Sanscrit, the 
 Greek, the Latin, the Teutonic, and Sclavonian dialects, and the Persian 
 language; and in all of these he shows that a striking resemblance is dis- 
 coverable in the personal inflections of verbs, as well as in the personal 
 pronouns, and in the inflections of verbs through the different moods 
 and tenses ; and he concludes with a further illustration of the princi- 
 ples which he had previously established by an analysis of the verb sub- 
 stantive, and the attributive verbs in the Celtic dialects, and in other 
 Indo-European forms of speech, the result of which is to evolve coinci- 
 dences precisely analogous to those already exemplified with the utmost 
 accuracy of detail. 
 
 What, then, is the legitimate inference to be deduced from the obvious, 
 striking, and, we may add, radical analogies, proved to exist between 
 the Celtic dialects and the idioms which are generally allowed to be of 
 cognate origin with the Sanscrit, the Greek, and the Latin languages ? 
 The marks of connexion are manifestly too decided and extensive, and 
 enter too deeply into the structure and principles of these languages, to 
 be the result of accident or casual intercourse ; and being thus inter- 
 woven with the intimate texture of the languages compared, seem inca-, 
 pable of explanation upon any principle, except that which has been 
 admitted with respect to the other great families of languages belonging 
 to the ancient population of Europe, namely, that the whole Celtic race 
 is of oriental origin, and a kindred tribe with the nations who settled 
 on the banks of the Indus, and on the shores of the Mediterranean and 
 the Baltic. It is probable, indeed, that several tribes emigrated from 
 their original seat at different periods, and at different stages of advance- 
 ment, in respect to civilization ; and hence, we find their idioms in dif- 
 ferent stages and degrees of refinement : but the proofs of a common 
 origin, derived from an accurate examination and analysis of the inti- 
 mate structure and component materials of these languages, are never- 
 theless such as, in our judgment, must command general assent; more 
 especially, considering that the general inference thus deduced receives 
 strong confirmation from those purely physical investigations, to which 
 we have already alluded. If, indeed, there be any truth in those prin- 
 
PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 
 
 ciples of classification which naturalists have adopted, the Mongol and 
 the Chinese, the Hindu and the Tartar, are not more certainly oriental 
 than the native Celt, whose physical conformation indeed exhibits only 
 a slight modification of that which is peculiar to the great race whence 
 he is descended ; whilst his superstitions, manners, customs, and ob- 
 servances, as well as language, are all decidedly marked with traces and 
 indications of an eastern origin. 
 
 The early history of the Celts, like that of the other nations of an- 
 tiquity, is involved in obscurity. They were known to the ancient 
 Greeks only by name, and these Greeks were so uncritical as to in- 
 clude amongst the Celts, all the people who lived between the Oder and 
 the Tagus, and consequently to consider them all as belonging to one 
 race. Even the Romans, who did not fail to avail themselves of the 
 better opportunity which they had of distinguishing these people from 
 one another, according to their customs, origin, and language, too often, 
 either through ignorance or indifference, preserved erroneous general 
 names, and thus included the Iberians, Germans, Scythians, and Thra^ 
 cians, among the Celts. These erroneous opinions have been adopted by 
 some modern philologists and historians, who have gone so far as to as- 
 sert that the people and languages of Europe have been derived from 
 the Celts.* By confounding together in a most ingenious manner the 
 history of every ancient people, the misjudging supporters of the Celtic 
 hypothesis have given an air of plausibility to their conjectures ; but 
 there is no evidence that eitiier the Germans or Thracians were Celts.f 
 It must be admitted, however, that the hypothesis respecting the Iber- 
 ians appears not to be altogether without foundation. 
 
 It is observed by Colonel Kennedy in his valuable Researches, that 
 in the absence of the authority of any ancient writer in support of the 
 assertion, that the Scythians, and even the Persians, Thracians, Phry- 
 gians, and others, were Celts, it may seem that the question of the origin 
 of these people might be at once decided by the irrefutable testimony of 
 language ; but unfortunately, as he observes, it is admitted by both the 
 supporters of the Celtic hypothesis and its opponents, " that the remains 
 of the Celtic tongue, which are still preserved, abound in Greek, Latin, 
 and Teutonic words ; and it, therefore, becomes indispensable to deter- 
 mine, in the first place, whether these words are original or exotic. For 
 It must be obvious, that if the Celts never inhabited the countries which 
 were originally or subsequently occupied by the Greek, Latin, and 
 Teutonic people, their languages could not possibly have become af- 
 fected by the Celtic, unless they had either maintained a frequent 
 friendly intercourse with the Celts, or had been conquered by them ; 
 but it appears fully from the whole course of ancient tradition and his- 
 torj', that no such intercourse or conquest ever took place ; and, conse- 
 quently, if the Greek, Latin, Teutonic, and Celtic people, were not 
 
 • Adelung's Mitliridates, vol. ii. p. 31. + Kennedy, p. 67. 
 
PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 
 
 originally one and the same race of men, it must necessarily follow that 
 the Celts have been subdued by the Romans and Germans, as history- 
 attests it was from them that the Celts have received the foreign words 
 with which their language abounds, and not the Romans and Germans, 
 who received these words from the Celts." * This, however, is a very 
 doubtful theory, as Cisalpine Gaul, or the great plain of northern Italy, 
 was inhabited at the remotest period of history by Celts, who are known 
 to have been partly incorporated with the other early inhabitants of 
 Italy. 
 
 The local situations in which the Celts are found at the dawn of his- 
 tory prove that they were the aborigines of the northern and western 
 parts of Europe. Of their migrations from the east, no memorials nor 
 traditions have been preserved ; but as they were distinct from the Thra- 
 cians, who entered Europe by the Bosphorus and Hellespont, it is pro- 
 bable they penetrated through the defiles of the Caucasus, and turning 
 to the left, advanced to the westward by the great valley of the 
 Danube. In the time of Herodotus their possessions extended from 
 the Upper Danube to the pillars of Hercules ; but he adds that the 
 Cynesii or Cynetas, on whom they bordered, were the most remote na- 
 tion in Europe toward the west, that is, of Spain, f These Cynetaj or 
 Cynesii are probably the same as the Iberi, the ancient inhabitants of 
 Spain, who were perhaps of Celtic origin. 
 
 The chief seat of the Celts was in Transalpine Gaul, where, although 
 divided into a number of tribes, they maintained their independence 
 against their powerful neighbours the Teutones or Germans ; but they 
 were at last obliged to submit to the well-disciplined legions of Csesar. 
 From the account given by that great warrior of the population of 
 Gaul, an inference has been drawn that it was occupied in his time by 
 three distinct races, and that the Celts were then limited to that part of 
 Gaul lying between the Garonne, the Marne, and the Seine. But ad- 
 mitting that the Aquitani of Caesar were distinct from the Celtae, and either 
 a separate race by themselves or a branch of the Iberi of Spain, there is 
 nothing to be found in CaBsar to warrant the conclusion that the BelgjB 
 were not Celts, unless the vain boast of the Rhemi that the greater 
 part of the Belgas were descended from the Germans, is to be held as 
 paramount to the authority of Tacitus and Strabo. The latter informs 
 us that scarcely any difference existed between the Belgte and the Celtaj, 
 properly so called. He says, indeed, that a kind of diversity of lan- 
 guage existed amongst them ; but this difference is easily accounted for 
 by the proximity of the Belgae to the Germans, and the intermixture of 
 the two races on the left bank of the Rhine. The only difference, then, 
 between the Belgic and Celtic Gauls was, that they spoke different 
 dialects of the same language. 
 
 With regard to the original inhabitants of South Britain, although every 
 
 ♦ Researches, ,... CS. f Lib. ii. cap. 33; lib. iv. cap. 49. 
 
PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION.. 
 
 circumstance which has reached us respecting them denotes their Celtic 
 origin, their connexion with or descent from the Celtic inhabitants of 
 Gaul rests upon probabilities which, however, amount almost to a cer- 
 tainty. The conclusion, that the aboriginal Britons, who possessed the 
 interior and western parts of the island in the time of Caesar, were 
 nearly allied to the Celtic inhabitants of Gaul, seems, as Dr Prichard 
 observes, to result, 1. From a comparison of the languages of these na- 
 tions. He considers the Welsh and Cornish dialects, chiefly the for- 
 mer, as a relic and specimen of the idiom spoken by the ancient 
 Britons ; and that the speech of Gallia Celtica was a cognate dialect of 
 that idiom is rendered extremely probable from the circumstance, that 
 the language spoken by the inhabitants of Bretagne or Armorica, is 
 very nearly allied to the Welsh. 2. From the Druidical institutions 
 being common to the Celtic Gauls and the aboriginal Britons. 3. From 
 the abundance of those rude erections commonly termed Druidical cir- 
 cles, cromlechs, and dolmins, both in Armorica and in Wales, as well as 
 in other countries belonging to the early Britons. 
 
 In the time of Julius Caesar, to whom we are indebted for our first 
 acquaintance with the history of Britain, it was possessed by upwards of 
 forty tribes, while the population of Gaul comprised about sixtj', each 
 of which endeavoured to maintain its own independence, and a state of 
 isolated existence incompatible with the general security. In their do- 
 mestic wars many of them had lost their independence, but others had 
 raised themselves to great power and influence. Of ten nations, by 
 which Britain, to the south of the Severn and the Thames, was possess- 
 ed, the most considerable were the Cantii, the Belgae, and the Dum- 
 nonii. The Trinobantes, whose capital was London, lay between the 
 Thames and the Stour, and from the Severn to the territories of the 
 Trinobantes, along the left bank of the Thames, were two confederate 
 tribes, the Dobuni and Cassii, above, whom were the Carnabii and some 
 minor tribes. Beyond the Trinobantes, and between the Stour and the 
 Humber, lay the Iceni ; and between the Humber and the Tyne 
 stretched the Brigantes, the most powerful of all the British nations, to 
 whom the Voluntii and Sistuntii, two nations on the western coast, were 
 tributary. The Silures, almost equally powerful, who had extended 
 themselves from the banks of the Wye to the Dee and the ocean, pos- 
 sessed Cornwall and South Wales. The five tribes known by the ge> 
 neral name of Maeatae, occupied the country between the Tyne and the 
 Friths of Forth and Clyde, which formed the Roman province of Va- 
 lentia ; and beyond them were the sixteen tribes which make so conspi- 
 cuous a figure in the Roman annals. 
 
 As to the Belgic Britons, alluded to by Caesar, who possessed the 
 southern parts of Britain, they must have emigrated from Belgic 
 Gaul at a time posterior to the arrival of the other Celtic colonies, 
 whom thej appear to have compelled to retire from the maritime dis- 
 
 I. « 
 
XXXIV PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 
 
 tricts into the interior and western parts of the island. Such is the 
 account given by Caesar, whose knowledge of the inhabitants of Britain 
 appears to have been limited to those of Belgic descent. 
 
 It seems to be unquestionably established, that the Belgic Britons 
 were not a German people of Teutonic extraction, as some writers have 
 supposed, but a Celtic tribe from Belgic Gaul, which, for the sake of war 
 or plunder, passed over from Belgium into Britain at a very early pe- 
 riod and fixed themselves in the maritime districts. Their houses are 
 described by Cecsar as almost similar to those of the Gauls, and the in- 
 habitants of Cantium (Kent) are stated by Caesar as the most civilized, 
 and differing very little from the Gauls in manners.* About one hun^ 
 dred and fifty years thereafter, Tacitus, who had better opportunities 
 of observing and comparing the Gauls and Belgic Britons, noticed a 
 resemblance between them. " Those (of the Britons) nearest Gaul 
 resemble the Gauls ; either from the remaining strength of the ori- 
 ginal stock, or because similarity of climate induces similar habits of 
 body. But from a general conclusion it is probable that the Gauls 
 occupied the adjacent country. Their sacred rites and supersti- 
 tious persuasions are apparent, and the language is not much diffe- 
 rent."f Had these Belgic Britons resembled the Germans, such a 
 close observer as Tacitus would not have overlooked the circumstance. 
 But if any doubt could otherwise exist respecting the Celtic origin of 
 the British Belgae, that doubt would be removed by the prevalence of 
 Celtic terms in their idiom, as far as known, to the entire exclusion of 
 Teutonic words. 
 
 Altliough there vvere several tribes of Belgic origin in Britain, such 
 as the Atrebatii, supposed to be a branch of the Atrebates of Belgic 
 Gaul, the Durotriges or Morini of Richard of Cirencester, the Reg- 
 ni supposed to be synonymous with the Rhemi of Richard, and 
 the Cantii, there was a tribe denominated" Belgse, as we have ob- 
 served, in Hampshire and Wiltshire, whose capital was Venta Bel- 
 garum, or Winchester. Mr Pinkerton maintains, but without the 
 shadow of proof, that the ancestors of these Belgic colonists were 
 Goths who migrated into Britain about three hundred years before 
 Christ. " To the Celtic population of England succeeded the Go- 
 thic. The Scythians or Goths advancing from Asia, drove the 
 Cimbri or Northern Celts before them ; and at a period long pre- 
 ceding the Christian era, had seized on that part of Gaul which is 
 nearest to Great Britain, where they acquired the provincial denomina- 
 tion of Belgas. (Dissertation on the Goths.) Their passage to Eng- 
 land followed of course ; and when Caesar first explored this island, he 
 informs us that the primitive inhabitants were driven into the interior 
 parts, whilst the regions on the south-east were peopled with Belgic co- 
 
 • Cffisar's Comm. f Agricold, cap. ii. 
 
rRliLTMlNARY DISSERTATION. 
 
 lonies. (Lib. V. c. 10.) Those Belgae may be justly regarded as the 
 chief ancestors of the English nation, for the Saxons, Angles, and other 
 northern invaders, though of distinguished courage, were inconsidera- 
 ble in numbers. Till a recent period, antiquaries had imagined that 
 the Belgae used the Celtic language, and had execrated the cruelties of 
 the Saxons for an extirpation which never happened. But, as it appears 
 that two-thirds of England were possessed by the Belgic Goths for six 
 or seven centuries before the arrival of the Saxons, it is no wonder 
 that no Celtic words are to be found in the English language, which 
 bears more affinity to the Frisic and Dutch than to the Jutlandic or 
 Danish."* He computes the Belgic popalation of Britain at three or 
 four millions, and affirms, that at the time of the Saxon invasion these 
 Belgae spoke the German language I Yet Nennius, who wrote his 
 chronicle in the year eight hundred and thirty-two, says expressly, 
 that at " the feast given by Hengist to Vortigern, the latter brought 
 his interpreter with him, for no Briton understood the Saxon tongue 
 except that interpreter. "^ 
 
 If it could be shown that the Belgae of Gaul were Germans of Gothic 
 origin, the position maintained by Mr Pinkerton and other writers that 
 the British Belgae were of the same descent, might be allowed, as it is 
 an unquestionable fact that the Belgae whom Caesar found in Britain, 
 were from the opposite coast of Belgic Gaul ; but with the exception of 
 two passages in Caesar of doubtful import, there are no historical data 
 on which to found such an hypothesis. Bishop Percy, however, ob- 
 serves, " Caesar, whose judgment and penetration will be disputed by 
 none but a person blinded by hypothesis, and whose long residence in 
 Gaul gave him better means of being informed than almost any of his 
 countrymen — Caesar expressly assures us, that the Celts, or common 
 inhabitants of Gaul, differed in language, customs, and laws, from the 
 Belgae on the one hand, who were chiefly a Teutonic people, and from 
 the inhabitants of Aquitaine on the other, who, from their vicinity to 
 Spain, were probably of Iberian race. Caesar positively affirms, that 
 the nations of Gaul differed from those of Germany in their manners, 
 and in many particulars, which he has enumerated at length ; and this 
 assertion is not thrown out at random, like the passages brought by 
 Cluverius against it, but is coolly and cautiously made when he is 
 going to' draw the characters of both nations in an exact and well-finish- 
 ed portrait, which shows him to have studied the genius and manners 
 of both people with great attention, and to have been completely master 
 of his subject. J" 
 
 But unfortunately for the Bishop's own hypothesis, Caesar has, in the 
 highly finished sketches which he has drawn in his sixth book, of the 
 customs and manners of the Gauls and Germans, shown that the people 
 
 * Pinkerton's Geography, vol. i. p. IS; 19- 
 t Hist. Britan. c 6. t Preface to Norlhern Antiquities, p. xi. 
 
PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 
 
 of all Gaul, though some slight shades of difference existed among 
 themselves, were, nevertheless, in language, customs, religion, and laws, 
 loto codo different from the Germans.* Mr Pinkerton admits, that " in 
 describing the customs of Gaul, he (Ctesar) puts all as the same ;" and 
 with reference to the opening sentence in his first book, in which Csesar 
 alludes to a difference in language, customs, and laws, which existed 
 among the three great branches of the Gallic population, he asks, " Has 
 he (Csesar) not herein palpably contradicted himself? Or is the fact 
 this, that his omnis Gallia of the sixth book is quite different from his 
 omnis Gallia of the first ; the former applying solely to the Celtae, who 
 were peculiarly called Galli, in his time, as Caesar says ?"■(- Mr Pin- 
 kerton immediately solves this apparent inconsistency by telling us 
 that the omnis Gallia of the sixth book is Gallia Proper or Celtic Gaul, 
 because, as he supposes, the Belgse, like the Germans, had, " of course" 
 no Druids either in Gaul or Britain. 
 
 Had the Germano-Belgic hypothesis rested simply on the single 
 sentence alluded to, it would scarcely have required refutation ; but those 
 who maintain it, further support their opinion by a passage in the 
 fourth book of the Commentaries, where it is stated that most of the 
 Belgaewere of German origin. The statement, however, is not CsEsar's, 
 but that of the ambassadors of the Rhemi, a Belgic tribe bordering on 
 Celtic Gaul, who, when Csesar was preparing to attack the confederated 
 Belgse, offered to submit themselves to the Romans. The following is 
 a close translation of the passage on which so much stress has been 
 laid : — " Caesar having inquired the number and power of their (the 
 Belgic) states, and how many troops they could bring into the field, 
 was thus answered : The greater ■part of the BelgcB are descended from 
 the Germans, who, having in former times crossed the Rhine, expelled 
 the Gauls, settled in these parts on account of the fertility of the soil, 
 and were the only people in the memory of our forefathers who ex- 
 pelled the Teutones and the Cimbri from their territories after they had 
 harassed all Gaul. Hence they had gained great authority, and as- 
 sumed great courage in military affairs. In consequence, they said, of 
 our connexion and affinity, we are well acquainted with the numbers 
 each state has engaged to bring into the field, in the general assembly 
 of the Belgas. The Bellovaci are the most conspicuous among them 
 for rank, authority, and number, and they alone can muster one hun- 
 
 • " In no one instance has Casar himself called the Belgie Germans ; hut plainly dis- 
 tinsuishes them from the four tribes who are parliculai-ly designated as Germans. Had 
 the Uelgffi been wholly German, we should have found infallible marks in his descrip- 
 tiuu that they were so, and he would not liave made the distinction which he constantly 
 does, of the Germans as a different people. We submit the question to any impartial 
 person, who will read the account of Cajsar's wars with the Belga, whether Uie smallest 
 traces can be discovered that they were all Germans ; or, on the contrary, whether they 
 were not, for the most part, evidenUy and palpably CA\s."—VindKaiion of the Celts 
 p. 87. ■' 
 
 t Enquiry, vol. i. p. 24. 
 
PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 
 
 dred thousand combatants, but have promised on the present occasion 
 sixty thousand choice warriors, and claim the direction of the war 
 The Suessones are their neighbours, and possess a large and fertile 
 territory. They had a king in our country called Divitiacus, who was 
 the most powerful prince in Gaul, and governed a great part of these 
 regions, as well as of Britain. Their present king is Galba, to whom, 
 on account of his prudence and justice, the conduct of the war is as- 
 signed by general consent. They have twelve cities, and promised 
 forty thousand combatants ; the Attrebates fifteen tliousand, the Am- 
 biani ten thousand, the Morini twenty-five thousand, the Velocassi and 
 Veromandici the same number, the Adualici ten thousand ; the Con- 
 drusi, Eburones, Coeraesi, Pcemani, who are all called Germans, are 
 estimated at forty thousand."* 
 
 The division of the tribes above enumerated into Belgas and Germans, 
 indicates such a marked distinction between the Belgse, properly so called, 
 and the Belgio Germans, as can only be accounted for on the supposition 
 that the Belgse considered themselves as a distinct people from those Ger- 
 man tribes which had recently crossed the Rhine and settled in their 
 territories. The certain and well-known tradition in the time of Csesar. 
 that their ancestors originally came from the country called Germany, 
 may have induced the remoter Belgic tribes bordering upon the Rhine, 
 to claim an afiinity with the Teutonic race ; but there may have been 
 other reasons which might cause them to prefer a German to a Celtic 
 extraction. A warlike nation like the Belgae, who had expelled the 
 Teutones and the Cimbri, and resisted the encroachments of the Ro- 
 man power, could not, it is obvious, brook the idea of being considered 
 as of the same race with the efieminate people of Celtic Gaul, who had 
 submitted themselves to the Roman yoke ; and hence we may infer 
 that many of the Belgic tribes that afi'ected a German origin, were in- 
 fluenced, by some such feeling, to disown to strangers their Celtic ex- 
 traction. But we are not left here to conjecture, for Tacitus informs us 
 that the Treviri and Nervii, the first of whom were confessedly Celtae, 
 were ambitious of being thought of German origin. f Besides the 
 four German ti'ibes enumerated by Caesar, there were, according to 
 Tacitus, other four of German origin, namely, the Vangiones, Triboci, 
 Nemetes, and Ubii ; but all these formed but a small part of the Belgic 
 population. 
 
 From the way in which Tacitus alludes to the language of the Gauls, 
 he evidently did not consider the diflferences, which he must have ob- 
 served, as partaking of any other distinction than a mere difference in 
 dialect. It is very probable that his observations are limited to the 
 speech of the people of Belgic and Celtic Gaul, for a radical difference 
 
 » Com. Lib. II. u. 4. 
 
 t " Treveri et Nervii circa aSfectionem GermanicsE oiiginis ultro ambitiosi sunt, tan- 
 qiiam per hanc gloriam sanguinis a similitudine et inertia Gallorum separantur."— lie 
 Morib. Germ. c. 28. 
 
XXXVllI PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 
 
 appears to have existed between their language and that of the Aqui- 
 tani. " Some," says Strabo, " divide the inhabitants of Gaul into 
 three parts, terming them Aquitani, Belgse, and Celtae . . . the Aqui- 
 tani are altogether different from the others, not only in language, but 
 also in their persons, and bear a greater resemblance to the Iberi than 
 to the Gauls ; but the remainder — ^the Belgae and Celtas — have the per- 
 sonal characters peculiar to the Gauls, though they are not all of one 
 speech, some of them differing a little from the others in their language, 
 and there are some slight diversities in their modes of government and 
 manners."* The same writer, after giving a long account of the 
 Belgae, at the end of his description of the divisions of Gaul made by 
 Augustus, thus closes his observations : — " Among almost all these 
 people (the Belgas) there are three ranks of men, called Bards, Ovates,f 
 and Druids, who are held in high veneration. The Bards are singers 
 of hymns, and poets ; the Ovates are performers of the sacred rites, 
 and professors of natural philosophy ; but the Druids, besides a know- 
 ledge in natural philosophy, investigate the nature of disorders." Next 
 to language no better criterion could have been fixed upon for estab- 
 lishing the Celtic origin of the people of Belgic Gaul, than this refer- 
 ence to their religious orders, of which not a trace existed even among 
 those Germans who had settled in the Belgic territories. 
 
 It seems now to be fully established that the Fir-bholg of Ireland 
 were of Belgic origin, but whether this race found its way into Ireland 
 directly from the shores of Belgium, or through Britain, is a question 
 which cannot be determined. The period of their emigration is lost in 
 the mists of antiquity, but all accounts concur that they must have ar- 
 rived in Ireland at an era long posterior to the settlement of the original 
 population of that island. 
 
 The little difference noticed by Caesar between the language of the 
 Belgae and Celtae of Gaul, naturally suggests the inquiry, to which of the 
 two principal Celtic dialects the idiom of Belgic Gaul is to be referred ? 
 Was it a branch of the Cambro-Celtic, as the Arraoric, the Welsh, and 
 tiie Cornish, have been termed ? Or of the other branch termed the Erse, 
 including the language of the Irish and Scottish Gael, and the Manks? 
 This is a question which can never be satisfactorily solved ; but it is 
 not improbable, that as several names of persons and places in parts of 
 South Britain, which were possessed by the Belgae, are Erse, accord- 
 ing to their orthography, the language spoken by them was a dialect 
 of the Gaelic. In support of this opinion, reference has been made 
 to the name of the Britisli pendragon or generalissimo, who invited 
 Hengist and his Saxons into England, which is written Gwrtheyrn by 
 
 • Lib. iv. p. 176. 
 t " Strabo plainly appears to have been better acquainted than Caisar with the three 
 classes of the Bardic system. It is likewise remarkable, that his word O'mtus is tlie 
 enme as the name Ovyddion, by which the Welsh still distinguish a class of the Banls." 
 yindication of the Celts, note on the above passage from Livy, p. 92. 
 
 J 
 
PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 
 
 the Welsh historians, but which in Irish is Feartigearn, and pronounced 
 nearly as Vortigern. Vortimer and Catigern, the names of his sons, 
 it is observed, are also Erse. Another fact brought forward in support 
 of this conjecture is, that Ennis Vliocht, an Irish name, is given to the 
 isle of Shepey in some Welsh manuscripts. It must be confessed, 
 however, that the Gwydhil may have given this name to that island 
 before their expulsion by the Cumri, though it is difficult to account 
 for the Irish mode of orthography appearing in a Welsh manu- 
 script for any other reason than that here supposed. 
 
 It is a remarkable fact in the history of the aborigines of Bri- 
 tain and Ireland, that the original names of these islands are still 
 retained by the Gael of Scotland and Ireland. The words Albin and 
 Jerna were used by Aristotle, upwards of two thousand years ago, as 
 the respective appellations of both islands. These terms bear as close 
 an approximation as the peculiar structure of the Greek language 
 would admit of to the Albinn of the Scottish Gael, a name now con- 
 fined by them to Scotland, and to the Erin of the Irish Celts. Hence, 
 in distinguishing themselves from the Gael of Ireland, the Scottish 
 Celts denominate themselves Gael Albinn or Albinnich, while they call 
 those of Ireland Gael JEirinnich. The latter is the term which the 
 Irish Gael also apply to themselves. It was not until the time of Caesar 
 that the term Britannia superseded the original appellation of Albion or 
 Albinn. 
 
 The above mentioned fact, and the corollaries resulting from it, are 
 considered by a modern writer as faithful guides " to direct us in mark- 
 ing the progress of the original population of the Britannic islands. 
 It being ascertained that the ancient name of the island of Great Bri- 
 tain was Albinn, if Gaelic was the language of the first inhabitants, it 
 is unquestionable that they would call themselves, in reference to their 
 country, Albinnich ; and this appellation they would carry along with 
 them as they directed their course in all parts of the island of Great 
 Britain. There is reason to believe, that for a long succession of ages, 
 emigrations from Gaul into Britain were frequent. And it appears, 
 that in Csesar's days one of the Gallic princes bore sway in some of the 
 southern parts of Britain. Whether the descendants of the first emi- 
 grants from Gaul extended their progress over the island in consequence 
 of an increased population, or were propelled northward by the warlike 
 aggression of their more southern neighbours, still, while the country 
 of their residence was the island of Albinn, they would continue to de- 
 nominate themselves Albinnich ; a denomination which the unmixed 
 descendants of the most ancient Gallic stock have ever retained as 
 marking their country ; and they know no 9ther name for Scotsmen 
 than Albinnich, nor any other name for the kingdom of Scotland than 
 Albinn at this day."* 
 
 • Grant's Thoughts on the Origin and Descent of the Gael, p. 261, 2«i, 
 
si PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 
 
 With respect to the etymology of the name Albinii or Albion, it is to 
 be observed, in the first place, that it is compounded of two syllables, 
 the last of which, inn, signifies in Celtic a large island. Thus far ilie 
 etymology is clear, but the meaning of the adjective part. Alb, is not so 
 apparent. Dr John Macpherson thinks it folly to search for a He- 
 brew or Phoenician etymon of Albion, and he considers the prefix alb 
 as denoting a high country, the word being, in his opinion, sj-nonymous 
 with the Celtic vocable alp or alba, which signifies high. " Of the 
 Alpes GraJEe, Alpes Pseninae or Penninoe, and the Alpes Bastarnicae, 
 every man of letters has read. In the ancient language of Scotland, 
 alp signifies invariably an eminence. The Albani, near the Caspian 
 Sea, the Albani of Macedon, the Albani of Italy, and the Albanich 
 of Britain, had all the same right to a name founded on the same 
 characteristical reason, the height or roughness of their respective 
 countries. The same thing may be said of the Gaulish Albici, near 
 Massilia."* 
 
 Deriving alb from the Latin word albus, the appellation of Albinn 
 would denote an island distinguished by some peculiarity either in 
 the whiteness of its appearance or in the productions of its soil, 
 and hence Pliny derives the etymon of Albion from its white rocks 
 washed by the sea, or from the abundance of white roses which 
 the island produced. His words are, " Albion insula sic dicta ab albis 
 rupibus, quas mare alluit, vel ob rosas albas quibus abundat."t But 
 although the whitish appearance of the English cliffs, as seen from the 
 channel and the opposite coast of Gaul, certainly appears to support 
 the supposition of Pliny ; yet it is evidently contrary to philological 
 analogy to seek for the etymon of Albion in the Latin. Amongst the 
 various opinions given on this subject, that of Dr Macpherson seems to 
 be the most rational. 
 
 Though the Scottish Gael still call the kingdom of Scotland by the 
 generic term Albinn, they nevertheless make a distinction between that 
 part of Scotland in which English is spoken, and that possessed by 
 themselves. From the Gaelic word Gaoll, which means a stranger, the 
 Gael denominate the Lowlands, or that part of Scotland where their 
 language is not spoken, Gaolldoch, whilst they term their own country 
 Gaeldocli. After the Danes had subdued the Hebrides, these islands 
 were called by the Highlanders Innsegaoll, or the islands possessed 
 by strangers, a name also by which they distinguish the islands of 
 Orkney and Shetland, and for the same reason they call Caithness 
 Gaollthao, the quarter of strangers, on account of its having been 
 colonized by the Anglo-Saxons. 
 
 Wales was peopled originally by the ancestors of the Irish Gael, at least 
 the Welsh retain a tradition among them that their Cumric or Cymric 
 forefatliers drove the Gvvydhil, a term by which they have always distin- 
 
 Dr Macpherson's Critical Dissert., p, 115, 
 t Pliu. 4, Ifl. 
 
PRELIMINAlty DISSERTATION. xli 
 
 guished the Irish, iHto Ireland. This tradition appears to be fully con- 
 firmed by the fact, that many names of mountains and rivers in Wales 
 are Gaelic. Though allied in language, and evidently of the race with 
 the Gael, the Welsh never adopted that term, but have always retained 
 the distinctive appellation of Cumri or Cimmerich, to denote theij 
 origin from that division of that Celtic race which, under the different 
 names of Cimmerii or Cimbri, peopled ancient Germany. The author 
 of the Vindication of the Celts, thinks that Kimmerii or Cimmerii was 
 the original name by which the Celtse were designated by themselvea 
 and other nations, because Homer uses the word Kj/ifis^m, and not Kel- 
 tai ; and the Welsh still distinguish themselves by the name of Cumri 
 or Cymry, (which they interpret "the first people,") and many of the 
 early Greek writers more generally designate them by the appellation 
 of Kimmeroi than Keltai. Waels was the appellation given by the 
 Saxons to the Cumri, a term which was afterwards modernized into 
 the present name of Welsh.* The similarity of Wael and Gael can 
 only be accounted for by supposing that the Saxons intended to de- 
 nominate the people of Wales by the generic term Gael, which the 
 other Celtic inhabitants of the island applied to themselves. Indeed, 
 in the Saxon Chronicle, the former inhabitants are termed indifferently 
 Brit-walas, or Brittas, or Wealas. 
 
 The Celtic origin of the aborigines of North Britain, is admitted 
 even by Pinkerton ; but he contends that the Caledonians of Tacitus 
 were not descendants of this race, but Goths from Scandinavia, who 
 settled in Scotland about two hundred years before the incarnation. 
 He allows the identity of the Caledonians and Picts, though he had — 
 before he completely examined the subject — held the opinion that the 
 Picts were a new race who had come in upon the Caledonians in 
 the third century and expelled them, and that the Caledonians 
 were Curaric Britons ; but finding Tacitus, Eumenius, Ammianus 
 Marcellinus, and Bede, opposed, as he imagines, to this idea, he was 
 induced to alter his opinion, and to adopt the theory that the Picts 
 or Caledonians were of Gothic origin. This hypothesis, however, 
 will not bear the test of examination. It is true that Tacitus al- 
 ludes to the large limbs and the red hair of the Caledonians, as in- 
 dications of their German origin ; but such marks of resemblance are 
 not sufficient of themselves to establish the point. The decisive evi- 
 dence of speech, by which the affinity of nations can alone be clearly 
 ascertained, is here wanting ; and as Tacitus, who often refers to tlie 
 difference of language when treating of the Germans, is silent respect- 
 ing any similarity between the language of the Caledonians and Ger- 
 mans, it must be presumed, that no such resemblance existed, and 
 consequently that the Caledonians were not of German or Gothic origin. 
 
 • Sommors's Glossary voce Waltia at the end of the Decern Scriptores. Camden, 
 p. 135. 
 
 1 / 
 
PREI-IMINARY DISSERTATION. 
 
 The following account of the Caledonians, and of their southern 
 neighbours the Maeatse, from a fragment of Die, preserved by Xiphilin, 
 certainly coincides better with the descriptions of the Britons of the 
 south, found in the pages of Caesar and Tacitus, than with those given 
 by the same writers of the Germans. " Of the (northern) Britons 
 there are two great nations called Caledonii and Mteatae ; for the rest 
 are generally referred to these. The MeeatiE dwell near that wall which 
 divides the island into two parts. The Caledonians inhabit beyond 
 them. They both possess rugged and dry mountains, and desert plains 
 full of marshes. They have neither castles nor towns ; nor do they 
 cultivate the ground ; but live on their flocks, and hunting, and the 
 fruits of some trees ; not eating fish, though extremely plenteous. They 
 live in tents, naked, and without buskins. Wives they have in com- 
 mon, and breed up their children in common. The general form of 
 government is democratic. They are addicted to robbery, fight in 
 cars, have small and swift horses. Their infantry are remarkable for 
 speed in running, and for firmness in standing. Their armour consists 
 of a shield, and a short spear, in the lower end of which is a brazen 
 apple, whose sound, when struck, may terrify the enemy. They have 
 also daggers. Famine, cold, and all sorts of labour they can bear, for 
 they will even stand in their marshes, for many days, to the neck in 
 water, and in the woods will live on the bark and roots of trees. They 
 prepare a certain kind of food on all occasions, of which taking only a 
 bit the size of a bean, they feel neither hunger nor thirst. Such is 
 Britain (he had, in a previous part of his work, given a description of 
 the island), and such are the inhabitants of that part which wars against 
 the Romans." * 
 
 With regard to the tradition referred to Bede, as current in his 
 time, that the Caledonians or Picts came from the north of Germany, 
 it cannot, even if well founded, prove their Gothic origin ; for as Father 
 Innes observes, " though we should suppose that the Caledonians or 
 Picts had their origin from the northern parts of the European conti- 
 nent, as Tacitus seems to conjecture, and as it was reported to Bede, 
 that would not hinder the Caledonians from having originally had the 
 same language as the Britons ; since it appears tiiat the Celtic language, 
 whereof the British is a dialect, was in use in ancient times in the 
 furthest extremities of the north ; at least the Celts or Celto-Scyths 
 were extended to these parts ; for Strabo tells us that the ancient 
 Greek writers called all the northern nations Celto-Scyths, or Scyths ; 
 and Tacitus assures us that in his time the Gallic tongue was in use 
 among some of these northern people, such as the Gothini ; and the 
 British tongue among others, as the jEstii."f Mr Pinkerton himself 
 admits that the Celts were the ancient inhabitants of Europe, of which 
 
 ft Apud I'inkerton's Enquiry, vol. i. Appendix, No. IV. 
 + Critical Essay, vol, i. p. 72. 
 
PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. xliil 
 
 tliey appear, he says, to have held the most before their expulsion by 
 the other nations of Asia, and in proof of the great extent of their 
 possessions in the north, he refers to the Promontorium Celticae of 
 Pliny, which, from the situation he gives it, and the names around, he 
 conjectures must have been near Moscow.* 
 
 The appellation of Picti, by which the Caledonians to the north 
 of the Clyde and the Forth came to be distinguished by the Ro- 
 mans in the third century, made Stillingfleet and other writers sup- 
 pose, that the Picts were a distinct people who had then recently 
 arrived in Scotland ; but this mistake has been so fully exposed by 
 Innes, Chalmers, Pinkerton, and others, that it is quite unnecessary 
 to do more than barely to allude to it. The names of Caledoni- 
 ans and Picts, as well as the appellation of Scots, by which another 
 portion of the inhabitants of the north of Scotland came also to 
 be distinguished, were at all times, as IVIr Grant observes, unknown 
 to the original inhabitants as national appellations, and their descen- 
 dants remain ignorant of them to this day. He thinks that the term 
 Caledonii, the name by which the people living northward of the Friths 
 of Clyde and Forth were called by the Romans, was not invented by 
 Agricola, the first Roman general who penetrated into North Britain, 
 but was an appellation taken from the words Na Caoillnoin, signifying 
 the men of the woods, a name which he probably found given by the 
 inhabitants of the country upon the southern sides of the Glotta and 
 Bodotria, to the people living beyond these arms of the sea, on account 
 of the woody nature of the country which they possessed.f 
 
 The Latinized term Caledonii was first used by Tacitus, and, with 
 the exception of Herodian, who, in his account of the expedition of 
 Severus, calls these Caledonii of Tacitus, Britons, is the appellation 
 by which the inhabitants northward of the Friths are distinguished by 
 all the Roman writers down to the orator Eumenius, who, for the first 
 time, in an oration which he delivered before the Emperor Constantine, 
 in the year two hundred and ninety-seven, calls the Caledonians Picti. 
 Eumenius appears, however, to have used this term in a limited sense, 
 as from another oration which he delivered in presence of the same 
 emperor, eleven years thereafter, he alludes to the " Caledones aliique 
 Picti," but although it is clear from this expression, that the terms Ca- 
 ledonii and Picti were used to denote the same people, the cause of this 
 nominal distinction between the extra-provincial Britons is not so ap- 
 parent. 
 
 The next allusion to the Picts is by Ausonius, a poet of the fourtli 
 century, and preceptor of Gratian. 
 
 " Viridem distinguit glarea museum 
 
 Tota Caledoiiiis talis pictura Britaniiis." 
 
 * Enquiry, vol. i. p. 13. Edin. 1S14. 
 t Thoughts on the Gael, p. 271. 
 
Xlif PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 
 
 Claudian, who lived about the beginning of the fifth century, also 
 mentions the Picts. 
 
 " Ferroque notatas, 
 
 Perlegin exanimes Picto moiiente figuras.''* 
 
 And in another place,f where he gives an account of the victories of 
 Theodosius, he says, 
 
 " Ille leves Maurous, nee falso nomine Pictos 
 Edomuit.-' 
 
 About the end of the fourth, or beginning of the fifth century, the 
 Caledonians, or Picts, were divided by Ammianus Marcellinus, the his- 
 torian, into the Deucaledones and Vecturiones,J a division which seems 
 to account for the distinction of Eumenius before observed. The ety- 
 ma of these two terras has been attempted by different writers, but 
 without success, as Mr Grant thinks. The term Deucaledones he 
 however thinks, is attended with no difficulty. " Duchaoilldoin sig- 
 nifies in the Gaelic language, the real or genuine inhabitants of the 
 woods. Du, pronounced short, signifies Mack; but pronounced long, 
 signifies real, genuine, and in this acceptation the word is in common 
 use : Du Erinnach, a genuine Irishman ; Du Albinnach, a genuine 
 Scotchman. The appellation of Deucaledones served to distinguish the 
 inhabitants of the woody valleys of Albinn, or Scotland, from those of 
 the cleared country on the east coast of Albinn, along its whole extent, 
 to certain distances westward towards the mountains in the interior parts 
 of the country. These last were denominated, according to Latin pro- 
 nunciation, Vecturiones ; but in the mouths of the Gael, or native inha- 
 bitants, the appellation was pronounced Uachtarich. It may be observed, 
 that the western division of Albinn, from the Friths northward along the 
 range of mountains, which was anciently called Drumalbinn, consists of 
 deep narrow valleys, which were in former times completely covered 
 with closely growing woods, and which exhibited a different aspect of 
 country from a great portion of that which falls from Drumalbinn in all 
 directions towards the east coast of the country, which spreads out in 
 larger tracts of level surface, and is generally of higher elevation than the 
 bottoms of the deep valleys which chiefly form what is called the High- 
 lands of Scotland at this day. The Vecturiones appeared to possess the 
 more level surface of the country, while the Deucaledones inhabited the 
 narrow deep valleys which were universally completely covered with 
 thickly growing woods. That a portion of the country was known in 
 ancient times by Uachtar, is evinced by the well known range of hills 
 called Druim- Uachtar, from which the country descends in every direc- 
 tion towards the inhabited regions on all sides of that mountainous 
 range."§ 
 
 • Oe Bello Getico. + Paneg. Conf. Honor. t Lib. 27- 
 
 * Ilioughts on tiie Origin and Descent of the Gaiil, p. 276, 277. 
 
PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION s]v 
 
 With respect to the term Picti, it is unnecessary to search for its 
 itymon any where but in the well known practice which existed among 
 he ancient Britons of painting their bodies with a blue juice ex- 
 racted from woad called glastum, in Gaul, according to Pliny, 
 vho says that it resembled plantain. This custom was universal 
 imong the Britons in the time of Caesar, who informs us that they 
 hereby intended to make themselves look more terrible to their 
 inemies in battle.* As the Roman arms prevailed, and civilization 
 vas diffused, this barbarous practice was gradually given up, and it 
 s supposed that about the end of the second, or beginning of the 
 .bird century, it had been wholly disused by the provincial Britons, 
 ncluding, of course, the midland Britons, or Maaataa of the Romans, 
 iving between the northern walls. To distinguish, therefore, these 
 srovincials who had submitted themselves to the Roman laws, and 
 lad laid aside many of their barbarous customs, from the uncon- 
 pered Caledonians of the north, the Roman writers gave them the 
 Latinized appellation of Picti, in reference to the practice of painting 
 ;heir bodies, which, after the expedition of Severusf into the north of 
 Scotland, was observed to be in general use among the barbarous 
 tribes of that country by those who accompanied him. The same dis- 
 tinction was afterwards Gaelicized by the Irish and ancient Scots into 
 Cruinilh, or Cruineachl, from the Gaelic verb Cruinicam, to paint. 
 The Picts were called by the southern Britons Phychthead, a term which 
 resembles Pichalach, a Gaelic word signifying pie-coloured, variegated, 
 n painted.:|: From the practice alluded to, Innes thinks that the name 
 Britannia was derived, Brith in the Celtic signifying, according to 
 Camden, paint, and Tannia in the same language, according to 
 Pezron,§ country ; so that Britannia originally signified the country of 
 the painted, or figured people. || 
 
 Although the national distinctions of Scots and Picts appear to have 
 been unknown to the ancient inhabitants of North Britain till the sixth 
 
 * Comm. Book T. 
 
 t The following account of Severus's expedition, is taken from the fragment of Die 
 before referred to :— " Of this island, not much less than the half is ours. Severus, 
 wishing to reduce the whole under his power, entered Caledonia. In his march he met 
 with unspeakable difficulties in cutting down woods, levelling eminences, raising banks 
 across the marshes, and building bridges over the rivers. He fought no battle, the 
 enemy never appearing in array, but advisedly placing sheep and oxen in the way of our 
 troops, that while our soldiers attempted to seize them, and by the fraud were drawn 
 into defiles, they might be easily cut off. The lakes likewise were destructive to our 
 men as dividing them, so that they fell into ambuscades ; and while they could not be 
 brought off, were slain by our army, that they might not fall into the hands of the enemy. 
 Owing to these causes, there died no less than fifty thousand of our troops. Severus, 
 however, did not desist till he had reached the extreme part of the island, where he d,- 
 ligently remarked the diversity of the solar course, and the length of the n.ghts and days 
 in summer and winter.'' 
 
 1 Kfuddleston's Notes to Toland's History of the Druids, p. Aja. 
 
 § .\nliq. des Gauls, p. 378, 41S. II (-'ritical Essay, vol. .. p. 59. 
 
Xhi PRELIMINARY DISSERTATrON. 
 
 century, when a Scoto-Irish colony established themselves on the shores 
 of Argyle, there is reason to believe that, from a very remote period, tliese 
 aborigines were accustomed to distinguish themselves by distinctive appel- 
 lations, having reference to the nature of their occupations. They were 
 divided into two classes ; — the cultivators of the soil, who attached them- 
 selves to spots favourable to agriculture in the valleys of the highlands 
 and in the lowland districts ; and the feeders of flocks, who led a wan- 
 dering pastoral life among the mountainous regions. The former were 
 termed by the pastoral Gael, Draonaich, a generic term, which, although 
 chiefly applicable to persons employed in the labours of the field, was 
 meant as descriptive of all who practised any art by which a livelihood 
 was procured. The Draonaich, on the other liand, called the pastoral 
 portion of the people, Scuit, or Scaoil, meaning the moving or nomadic 
 bodies of people, such as the pastoral Gael were, who kept moving from 
 time to time in small bodies between the mountains and valleys with 
 their herds and flocks at various periods during the course of the year.* 
 This practice existed even down to a very recent period among the 
 Highlanders of Scotland. Mr Grant conjectures, but we think erro- 
 neously, that it is to this pastoral class Ammianus Marcellinus alludes 
 in the following sentence in the last of his works, written in the year 
 three hundred and sixty-eight. " Picti in duas gentes divisi, Dicale- 
 dones et Vecturiones, ilidemque Attacotti, bellicosa hominum natio ; et 
 Scoti per diversa vagantes multa populabantur" This is the first time 
 the Scots are mentioned m history ; for Father Innes has shown that 
 the passage respecting the Scotica gentes cited by Usher from St 
 Jerome as taken from Porphyry, is not Porphyry's, but an expres- 
 sion of St Jerome's, in his letter to Ctesiphon, written after the 
 year four hundred and twelve.f 
 
 The etymon of the word Scoti has long puzzled antiquaries and phi- 
 lologists. From the promiscuous way in which the Anglo-Saxon 
 writers used the terms Scythae and Scoti, and from the verbal resem- 
 blance between these words, some writers, among whom is Innes, conjec- 
 ture that the latter is derived from the former, the diiFerence in pronun- 
 ciation arising merely from the different accent of the people, who 
 wrote or spoke of the ancient nations. From analogy, WalsinghamJ 
 supposes, that as Gethi is the same as Gothi, and Gethicus as Gothicus, 
 so Scoti may have come from ScythcB, and Scoticus from Scythicus.§ 
 The reason why the Anglo-Saxon writers used the terms Scythae and 
 Scoti indisfcriminately, is obvious from the fact, that in the German the 
 
 ♦ Grant t Critical Essay, vol. ii. p. 514. \ Apodigma Neustrise, p. 552. 
 
 6 Walsingham borrows this idea from ttie old Chronicon Rythmicum, (See No. VI. 
 Appendix to Innes), the first part of which, consisting of eight chapters, was writieii 
 liufore the j ear 1291. 
 
 " Nam velut a Gethia Geticus, seu Gothia Gotlii, 
 Uicitur a Sithia Sithicus, sic Scotia Scuti." 
 
PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. xlvii 
 
 Scytliians and- Scots are called Seutten. According to Camden, Y-Stoi 
 is the term by which the Scythians and Scots are termed in the an- 
 cient British tongue, a term which approaches very closely to the Scuit 
 or Scaoit of the Gael. Pelloutier observes,* that the Celts were an- 
 ciently known by the general name of Scythians, but Herodotus, the 
 father of profane history, and who is the first author that alludes to 
 them, considers them as a distinct people. As the word ScythcE, how- 
 ever, seems at last to have been used as a generic term for all nomadic 
 tribes, it is not improbable that certain portions of the Celts who led 
 a wandering pastoral life, were included under the general denomina- 
 tion of Scythians by the ancient writers. Hence the origin of the 
 British appellation Y-Scot may be easily accounted for ; and it is from 
 that term, and not from the kindred word Scythaa, that the Latinized 
 term Scoti is, as we think, derived. 
 
 From the appellation Scoti not occurring in history till the fourth 
 century, an opinion has been formed that the Scots were a new people, 
 who had, a few centuries before, settled in Ireland, and that they were 
 of a different race from either the Gwydhil of Ireland, or the Cale- 
 donii of Tacitus. The grounds, however, on which this opinion rests, 
 are insufficient to support such an hypothesis, and as far as these are 
 adduced in proof of an alleged distinctness of origin between the Irish 
 Gael and the Scots, are negatived by the analogy of speech. Pinker- 
 ton is at great pains to show, that the Scots were Scythians or Goths, 
 (terms which with him are synonymous,) who passed into Ireland from 
 the coast of Belgic Gaul about three centuries before the birth of Christ, 
 and vanquished the original Celtic population ; but his reasoning is in- 
 conclusive, and being fully aware of the insurmountable objection which 
 would be brought forward against his system from the absence of any 
 remains of the Gothic tongue in Ireland, he is obliged to arrive at the 
 extraordinary conclusion, that the Scythse, who, he supposes, conquered 
 Ireland, lost their speech and adopted that of the vanquished ! Conjec- 
 tures like these are even more absurd than the fables of the Irish bards 
 and Seanachies. 
 
 The origin and history of the ancient Scots of Ireland and North Bri- 
 tain, to which a slight allusion has been made in the body of this work, 
 are subjects which have been discussed with great learning and inge- 
 nuity. By some writers they are considered as a nation wholly distinct 
 from the Celtic tribes which originally peopled the British islands, and 
 as having arrived at a comparatively recent period from the shores of 
 the continent , while others, with better reason, regard them as a pow- 
 erful branch of the Celtic family, and a part of the aboriginal population 
 which came to acquire such a predominance over the other branches of 
 the Celtic race, first in Ireland, and afterwards in Scotland, as to excite 
 the special notice of the Roman and Saxon writers. 
 
 • Histoire dcs Ciltes, vol. i. p. 1S3. 
 
xlviii PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 
 
 From the term Scoti having been first used in the third or rourth cen- 
 tury, Father Innes supposes that they may have emigrated to Ireland 
 in the interval between the reigns of Augustus or Tiberius and the 
 third or fourth century, and from the name, which he considers synony- 
 mous with Scythse, he conjectures that the Scots came either from 
 Scandinavia or the Cimbrian Chersonesus. In support of this opinion 
 lie thinks that the migration of the Scots from the north may be 
 inferred, 1. From an extraordinary increase of population which 
 some writers believe to have been peculiar to the northern nations. 
 2. From the fact that the northern nations whose territories were 
 bounded by the sea, were often compelled to abandon their habita- 
 tions to more powerful neighbours, and forced to embark in quest o( 
 new dwellings. 3. That as these northern maritime nations, during 
 the period in question, were so closely hemmed in by the Romans, 
 and as they had no means of discharging their superfluous population 
 among the nations behind them, already overburdened with their 
 own yearly increasing population, it was very natural that the most 
 warlike and resolute among them, impatient of being thus confined and 
 enclosed, should resolve to put to sea in pursuit of new habitations, nor 
 had they a more natural course to choose than to the opposite coasts of 
 North Britain, or, if repulsed by the warlike Caledonians, to sail from 
 thence to Ireland, where they were more likely to succeed among a 
 people unaccustomed to foreigners. Nor could their coming to Ireland 
 be more seasonably placed than during these first ages of Christianity, 
 when the Roman empire was at the height of its power and extent. 
 Besides, the placing this invasion of Ireland in these first ages agrees 
 perfectly with the first appearance of these people in Britain in the 
 third or fourth age by the name of Scots, some time being required for 
 making themselves masters of Ireland before they could be in a condi- 
 tion to send out bodies of men in conjunction with the Caledonians, or 
 Picts, to attack the Roman empire in Britain towards the middle of the 
 fourth century, as mentioned by Ammianus Marcellinus.* 
 
 But this theory of the northern origin of the Scots being in opposi- 
 tion to the Irish tradition, that Ireland was peopled from Spain, Innes 
 supposes that this tradition may liave relation to other colonies, some of 
 which may probably have come from Spain to Ireland before the arrival 
 of the Scots. Yet even on the supposition that the Scots came origi- 
 nally from Spain, he maintains that such an hypothesis is not incom- 
 patibile with the period of their supposed invasion, or with their 
 alleged Scythian origin. For, as stated by Florusf and Orosius,| the 
 Romans, in the reign of Augustus, met with the greatest diflSculties in 
 reducing the Cantabrians and Asturians, and other unconquered na- 
 tions in Galicia, in the northern parts of Spain opposite to Ireland, and 
 the greater part of the inhabitants of those parts chose rather to retire 
 
 • Critical Essay, vol. ii. p. 539, et seq. + Lib iv. c. 12. t Lib. vi. c. U. 
 
PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. xlix 
 
 the hills and rocks, and to the most remote places, than lose their 
 lerty and submit to the Roman yoke. Now, although neither of the 
 ithors above named, who give an account of the Cantabrian war, make 
 ention of any emigrations from Spain, it is by no means improbable 
 at many of the Galicians who had abandoned their habitations would 
 ek new abodes, and as the passage from the northern extremities ol 
 pain to Ireland, with which country they could not be unacquainted, 
 as very easy, and as shipping was then in general use, they would 
 iturally direct their course to it, which would fall an easy conquest to 
 ich warlike invaders. 
 
 Aware, however, that such a recent settlement of the Scots as here 
 )ntended for, could not be supported by the testimony of contempor- 
 •y or ancient writers, and was at variance with the traditions in Irish 
 id Scottish history, which, though differing in some respects, agree in 
 jsigning a very remote period to the Scottish colonization, this ingeni- 
 iis antiquary has recourse to a negative kind of proof in support of 
 is system, from the usual effects with which such a revolution as the 
 Dming in of a new and foreign people upon the ancient inhabitants 
 ould be naturally followed. In applying this proof to the Irish Scots, 
 e compares the marks and characters given them by the earliest writ- 
 rs at their first appearance in history, and in the times immediately 
 )Ilowing their first being mentioned in Ireland and Britain, with the 
 rst appearances and beginnings of the Franks when they settled among 
 le Gauls. 
 
 1. Though history had been silent respecting the settlement of the 
 'ranks in Gaul in the fourth or fifth century, yet as no ancient writer 
 lentions the existence of such a people in Gaul before these periods, and 
 s all writers on Gaul since the fifth and sixth centuries allude to the 
 'ranks as inhabitants of Gaul, it is evident that their settlement in Gaul 
 ould not be earlier than the centuries first mentioned. In the same 
 tianner, though we have no distinct account of the arrival of the Scots 
 a Ireland in the first ages of Christianity, and as the name of Scots was 
 lever heard of till the third or fourth century, after which they are 
 oentioiied as inhabitants of Ireland or of North Britain, the settlement 
 if the Scots cannot be placed earlier than the era of the incarnation, or 
 ifter it. The inhabitants of Ireland are called Hyberni, Hyberione, 
 i:c. by all the ancient writers before the third or fourth century, and 
 Ptolemy, the geographer, who enumerates about twenty different tribes 
 n Ireland, is entirely silent as to the existence of the Scots. 
 
 2. Before the Franks settled in Gaul they appear in history as a wan- 
 lering people, the characteristic of the Scots as given by Ammianus 
 ^arcellinus ; Scoti per diversa vagantes. 
 
 3. As after the Franks settled in Gaul, two people thenceforth appear 
 n history as the inhabitants of that country, under the denominations of 
 he Gain, the original inhabitants, and the Franci, the new settlers,— 
 o in Ireland two kinds of people appear in the fourth or fifth centuries, 
 
 9 
 
1 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 
 
 the one distinguished as Hyberni, the terra by which the ancient in- 
 habitants of that island were distinguished, the other as Scoti, who then 
 appear as a new people never before heard of in Ireland. 
 
 4. As the Fra7ici were distinguished from the Galli, not only by 
 their name but by their qualities, the Franci appearing, by being mas- 
 ters or conquerors, as the nobility and gentry, and the Galli, the an- 
 cient inhabitants, as the Coloni, or commons, so the Scots appear after 
 their settlement in Ireland distinguished in like manner from the Hy- 
 herni. The Scoti, as being the conquerors, appear as the nobility or 
 gentry, as appears from the confession or apology of St Patrick, written 
 by him in the fifth century, and from his letter to Coroticus, in both of 
 which he calls the Scots the Reguli, or nobles, and the native Irish, or 
 ancient inhabitants, Hyberionce, or Hybernigena, as the common and 
 ordinary people. 
 
 6. Another remarkable resemblance between the Franks and Scots 
 consisted in their warlike disposition ; for no sooner did they obtain set- 
 tlements in Gaul and Ireland, than — unlike the more peaceful people 
 whom they subdued — they kept themselves in a warlike attitude, ready 
 to invade the neighbouring provinces and enlarge their conditions. 
 Thus it does not appear that the ancient inhabitants of Ireland ever in- 
 vaded Britain, and so little did they resemble the Caledonians in mili- 
 tary prowess, that, according to the information given by Agricola to 
 Tacitus, one legion and a few auxiliary troops would have been suf- 
 ficient for the conquest of Ireland. But no sooner do the Scots appear 
 in history than we find them in arms, making warlike expeditions into 
 Britain, joining the Picts and attacking the Roman legions. 
 
 6. As Gaul still retained its old name long after the Franks had con- 
 quered it, and was, before these settlers finally communicated their name 
 to that country, indifferently called Gaul or France, so, in like manner, 
 long after the Scots had settled in Ireland, it still retained the name of 
 Hybernia or lerne, and it was only by degrees that it got the new name 
 of Scotia. St Gregory the Great, who flourished in the beginning of 
 the sixth century, is supposed to be the first writer who gave the name 
 of Francia to Gaul ; and St Laurence, archbishop of Canterbury in 
 the beginning of the seventh century, is believed to have first given the 
 name of Scotia to Ireland, in a letter to the bishops and clergy of that 
 kingdom, alluded to by Bede.* After this period, Hybernia and 
 Scotia are used synonymously, till by the prevalence of the Scottish 
 power in North Britain, the name was transferred and came to be ex- 
 clusively confined to that country. Whence then could Ireland derive 
 the name of Scotia, but from a new people having settled in it bearing 
 a similar appellation ? Analogy fully supports this hypothesis, for thus 
 it was that the Gauls acquired the name of Francia ; a part of southern 
 Gaul that of Gothia ; other parts those of Burgundia, Normannia, 
 
 • Lib. ii. c. I. 
 
PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 
 
 &c. ; a part of Italy, Longobardia ; and South Britain, those of ISaxonia 
 and Anglia.* 
 
 Such are the arguments by which the erudite Innes endeavours to 
 evolve the intricate question respecting the era of the Scottish settle- 
 ment, and from which he infers that the Scots, properly so called, were 
 not originally the same race of people with the first and ancient inha- 
 bitants of Ireland, but a distinct nation that arrived in Ireland only 
 after the time of the Incarnation, having all those characteristics of new 
 settlers, which distinguished the Franks and the other nations, which, 
 like them about the third, fourth, and subsequent centuries, established 
 themselves in the countries which they conquered. But plausible as 
 these reasons are, they cannot supply the want of historical evidence, 
 of which not a vestige can be shown in support of the theory for which 
 they are adduced. Besides, the analogy from the history of the Franks 
 is radically incomplete, as their conquests in Gaul were followed by a 
 revolution in the language of the ancient inhabitants, which, on the 
 supposition that the Scots were a new people, did not take place either 
 in Ireland or in Scotland when they obtained the ascendancy, nor at 
 any subsequent period of their history. No point connected with Irish 
 and Scottish antiquities has been more clearly established than this, 
 that the language of the native Irish, including of course the Scots of 
 that island, and that of the Highlanders of Scotland, has always been, 
 from the most remote period, radically the same. Though separated 
 perhaps for upwards of twenty centuries, the Gael of Connaught, and 
 those of Scotland, can mutually understand each other, and even con- 
 verse together. 
 
 The only plausible answer that can be made against what appears to 
 us an insurmountable objection to Innes's theory, is by assuming that 
 the language of the Scots and the ancient inhabitants of Ireland was 
 the same, or at least that if any difference did exist, it was merely a 
 difference in dialect ; but neither Innes nor any of the writers who have 
 adopted his system have ventured upon the assertion. Pinkerton, 
 aware of the force of the objection we have stated, was so unphiloso- 
 phical as to maintain, that the Scots of Ireland, who he admits as soon 
 as known in history spoke the Celtic tongue, had lost their original lan- 
 guage in that of the vanquished. " Long before Christianity," he ob- 
 serves, " was settled in Ireland, perhaps, indeed, before the birth of 
 Christ, the Scots or Scythee, who conquered Ireland, had lost their 
 speech in that of the greater number of the Celts, the common people, 
 as usually happens. From England and Scotland the Celts had crowded 
 to the west, and vast numbers had passed to Ireland. The mountain- 
 ous north and west of England, the Friths of Scotland, had formed bar- 
 riers between the Goths and Celts. But in Ireland, the grand and last 
 receptacle of the Celts, and whither almost their whole remains 
 
 • Ci-ilical Essay, vol. ii. p. S13, et seq. 
 
Hi PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 
 
 finally flowed, it is no wonder that the Gothic conquerors, the Scots, 
 lost their speech in that of the population."* Conquerors, indeed, have 
 never been able to efl^ace the aboriginal language of a country ; and 
 though they have succeeded in altering its form to suit their own idiom, 
 the original language still remained the ground-work of the new super- 
 structure ; but it is believed that no instance can be adduced of the lan- 
 guage of the conquerors having entirely effaced that of the conquered 
 as here supposed. 
 
 If any reliance could be placed upon the traditions of the Irish bards 
 and seannachies, some approximation might be made to fixing the epoch 
 of the arrival of the Scots ; but the mass of fiction which, under the 
 name of history, disfigures the annals of Ireland, does not afford any 
 data on which to found even a probable conjecture. The era of the 
 settlement of the Irish-Scots in North Britain, however, is matter of 
 real history. This settlement took place about the year two hundred 
 and fifty-eight, when a colony of Scots, under the conduct of a leader 
 uamed Reuda, crossed over from Ireland and established themselves on 
 the north of the Clyde. Alluding to this emigration, Venerable Bede 
 observes, " In process of time Britain, after the Britons and Picts, re- 
 ceived a third nation that of the Scots, in that part belonging to the 
 Picts ; who, emigrating from Ireland under their leader Reuda, either 
 by friendship or arms, vindicated to themselves those seats among thera 
 which they to this time hold. From which leader they are called Dal- 
 reudini to this day ; for in their language, dal signifies a part."f 
 
 Among the modern Irish writers, Kennedy is the first who mention? 
 this emigration, his predecessors, either from ignorance of the fact, Oi 
 from a desire to fix the settlement of the Scoto-Irish at a later period, 
 making no allusion to it. " Our books of antiquity," says Kennedy, 
 " giving an account at large of the children and race of Conar Mac- 
 Mogalama, king of Ireland, mention that he had three sons, Carbre 
 Muse, Carbre Baskin, and Carbre Riada ; and that the first was by 
 
 another name, .Sngus ; the second, Olfile ; and the third, Eocha 
 
 Our writers unanimously tell us that Carbre Riada was the founder of 
 the Scottish sovereignty in Britain ; but they make him only a captain, 
 as Venerable Bede does, or conductor, who ingratiated himself so far 
 with the Picts, by his and his children's assistance, and good service 
 against the Britons, that they consented that they and their followers 
 should continue among them."J 
 
 This account, as far as the arrival of the Scots is concerned, is corro- 
 borated by Ammianus Marcellinus, who, about a century after the period 
 assigned, mentions for the first time the existence of this people in 
 
 • Enquiry, vol ii. p. 48. 
 
 + " Procedente autem tempore, Britannia, post Britones et Piclos, tertiam Scottorura 
 
 natiunem m Piclorum parte recepit. Qui, duce Reuda, de Hibernia egressi vel amicitia, 
 
 vel ferro sibimet inter eos sedes, quas hactenus habent vindicarunt. A quo videlicet 
 
 duce usque hodie Dalreudini vocantur ; nam lingua eorum dal partem significal." 
 
 } Genealogical Dissertation, p. 104 — 107. 
 
PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. Uii 
 
 forth Britain, who, in conjunction with the Picts, had begun to make 
 lemselves formidable to the Romans. That the Scoti of Ammianus 
 ere distinct from the Picts is evident, and as the Scots were unknown 
 ) Agricola and Severus, they must have arrived in Scotland posterior 
 ) the celebrated expedition of the latter. 
 
 Besides the Scottish auxiliaries, the Picts were aided by a warliiie 
 eople called Attacotti ; but although Ammianus seems to distinguish 
 lem from the Scoti, Pinkerton thinks that the term Attacotti was 
 either more nor less than the name given by tiie provincial Britons to 
 le Dalreudini. This conjecture appears to be well founded, as Eichard 
 f Cirencester places in Ptolemy's map, the Attacotti on the north of the 
 Yith of Clyde, and the Damni Albani just above them, being in the very 
 osition in which the Dalreudini are placed by Bade on their arrival. " The 
 Lttacotti make a distinguished figure in the Notitia Imperii, a work of 
 be fifth century, where numerous bodies of them appear in the list of 
 be Roman army. One body was in lUyricum, their ensign a kind of 
 luUet : another at Rome, their badge a circle : the Attacotti Honoriani 
 ,'ere in Italy. In the same work are named bodies of Parthians, Sar- 
 latae, Arabs, Franks, Saxons, &c. These foreign soldiers had, in all 
 ikelihood, belonged to vanquished armies ; and been spared from Car- 
 age on condition of bearing arms in those of Rome. Some, it is likely, 
 ^ere foreign levies and auxiliaries. To which class those Attacotti be- 
 jnged is difficult to say. Certain it is, that Theodosius, in 368, re- 
 elled the Piks, Scots, and Attacotti, from the Roman provinces in 
 5ritain ; rebuilt the wall of Antoninus between Forth and Clyde ; and 
 )unded the province of Valentia. The Attacotti, finding no employment 
 }r their arms, might be tempted to enter into the Roman armies; for it 
 as the Roman policy in latter ages to levy as many foreign troops as 
 ossible, and to oppose barbarians to barbarians. Perhaps the Atta- 
 otti were subdued, and forced to furnish levies. Perhaps these bodies 
 rere prisoners of war." * 
 
 Of the Celtic language there were at no very distant period seven 
 ialects, viz. the Waldensian, the Armorican, or Bas Breton, the Cor- 
 ish, the Welsh, the Manks, the Irish, and the Scottish Gaelic. The 
 lasque, or Cantabrian, is considered by some philologists as a dialectof the 
 !eltic, but although it contains many words from that language, these bear 
 30 small a proportion to the other words of a different origin, of which 
 lie Basque is chiefly composed, to entitle it to be classed among the 
 leltic idioms. With the exception of the Waldensian and Cornish, the 
 ther dialects are still spoken ; but remains of the former exist in cer- 
 lin manuscripts collected by Sir Samuel Morland, and preserved in the 
 ublic library of the university of Cambridge, where they were lodged 
 1 the year sixteen hundred and fifty-eight, and the latter has been pre- 
 >rved in books. Of these different dialects, the Waldensian, the Ar- 
 
 * Pinkerton's Enquiry, vol. ii. p. 73. 
 
liv PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 
 
 morican, the Cornish, and the Welsh form one family, the parent of 
 which was probably the idiom of Celtic Gaul, which it is conjectured 
 was the same with the language of the ancient Britons ; while the close 
 affinity between the Manks, the Irish, and the Gaelic, shows that 
 they are relics of the idiom spoken by the early inhabitants of Ire- 
 land. All these dialects are more or less allied, but those of Wales 
 and Arraofica are the most closely connected, and diflFer so little from 
 each other, that the natives of Brittany and Wales mutually understand 
 each other. According to Lhuyd, a considerable dissimilarity exists be- 
 tween the Welsh and Irish dialects ; but he is mistaken in this idea, as 
 out of twenty-five thousand words in the Irish dictionary, eight thou- 
 sand are common words in Welsh. Besides most of the general pre- 
 fixes and terminations of the different classes of words used by the Irish 
 are also in the Welsh, and the two dialects also agree in various affini- 
 ties of idioms and construction.* 
 
 The similarity between the dialects of Wales and Arraorica, has 
 been ascribed to two causes: 1. To the intercourse which it is well 
 known existed for a long time, and at an early period, between 
 the ancient inhabitants dwelling on the opposite coasts of the chan- 
 nel ; and 2. To the fact of a British colony having emigrated to the 
 Armorican coast after the invasion of Britain by the Saxons. His- 
 tory, however, affords so little information respecting the date of this 
 settlement and the circumstances attending it, that it cannot be ascer- 
 tained whether those British Celts remained a distinct people, or were 
 incorporated with the original inhabitants. From the close connexion 
 which had previously subsisted between these new settlers and the na. 
 tives, and their similarity in language and customs, the probability is 
 that they gradually intermingled. A conjecture has been hazarded, 
 that from these British settlers the Britons of Gaul derived their name, 
 but this term was in use in Gaul before the era of the Saxon invasion ; 
 for Sidonius Appollinaris alludes to the Britons living upon the banks of 
 the Loire ; and as early as the council of Tours, which was held in four 
 hundred and sixty-one, Mansuetus, bishop of the " Britones,'' is men- 
 tioned among the bishops who attended the council from " Lugudensis 
 Tertia," or Brittany.f Perhaps an earlier colony from the British 
 shores were the ancestors of those early Gaulish Britons. 
 
 Whoever examines the Manks, Irish, and Gaelic dialects critically, 
 must be convinced that originally the language of the ancestors of the 
 people who now speak these different idioms, must have been the same. 
 Corrupted as the Manks is by a greater admixture of exotic words, it is 
 still understood by the Highlanders of Scotland ; and the natives of 
 Connaught, where the Irish is the purest, and the Scottish Gael 
 can, without much difficulty, make themselves mutually understood. 
 
 • Vindication of the Ctlts, p. 147. 
 <■ Roceuil des Historiens des Gaules ct de la France. Bouquet, torn. 1. p. 785. 
 
PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. Iv 
 
 nority in point of antiquity has been claimed, for the Irish over 
 e other Celtic dialects ; but the advocates of this claim appear to 
 irry it too far when they infer that the Gaelic is derived from the 
 ish. A comparison of the primitive words which exist in each, shows 
 leir original identity, and many of the differences which now exist be- 
 I'een these dialects are to be ascribed to their collision with other lan- 
 lages. It has, however, been observed that the Scottish Gaelic re- 
 imbles more closely the parent Celtic, and has fewer inflections than 
 le Welsh, Manks, or Irish dialects. In common with the Hebrew and 
 iher oriental languages, it is distinguished by this peculiarity, that it 
 ants the simple present tense, a circumstance which is urged in sup- 
 Drt of the opinion that the Gaelic of Scotland is the more ancient dia- 
 ict.* The remarks of Lhuyd in his Archseologia Britannica on the 
 [•ish, may, with some modification, be applied to its cognate idiom, the 
 iaelic. " To the antiquary this language is of the utmost importance ; 
 , is rich in pure and simple primitives, which are proved such by the 
 snse and structure of the largest written compounds ; by the supply of 
 lany roots which have been long obsolete in the Welsh and Armori- 
 an, but still occur in the compounds of these languages, and by their 
 se in connecting the Celtic dialects with Latin, Greek, and Gothic, 
 nd perhaps with some of the Asiatic languages." 
 
 The invention of printing, which brought about such a speedy re- 
 olution in the history of mind, and accelerated the progress of lit- 
 rature,' was long inoperative upon the Celtic population of Europe, 
 "he reason is obvious. For a considerable period the Latin tongue, 
 rhich was the language of the western church, and had long been 
 hat of the learned, continued to be used in the various publica- 
 ions which issued from the early press, in preference to the vulgar 
 ODgues ; and even when the latter came to be partially adopted, there 
 rere comparatively few persons who could read. Unacquainted as the 
 ;reat bulk of the European population was with letters, those scattered 
 !nd insulated parts thereof, which comprised the Celtic race, par- 
 icipated in a more especial manner in the general ignorance ; and the 
 ew persons among them who were desirous of acquiring literary know- 
 edge, were obliged to seek for it in languages which were foreign to 
 hem. The paucity of printed works in the diff'erent dialects of the 
 Celtic, and particularly among the Scottish Gael, is, therefore, not sur- 
 irising. The Gaelic had, for many centuries before the invention of 
 (rinting, ceased to be the language of the court; and when that im- 
 lortant discovery was made, it was limited to a small and isolated por- 
 ion of Scotland. In Ireland, however, the Irish, as the Gaelic is 
 ermed in Ireland, continued to be spoken by all classes of the popula- 
 ion for six hundred years after the Gaelic had ceased to be spoken at 
 he court of Scotland, and it was not till the reign of Elizabeth and 
 
 • preface to Armstrong's Gaelic Dictionary, p. ix. 
 
Ivi PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 
 
 James 1., that the Irish nobility and gentry generally began to exchange 
 their mother tongue for the English language. For this reason the Irish 
 have more printed Gaelic works than the Scots. 
 
 The first work printed for the use of the Highlanders was a transla- 
 tion into Gaelic of John Knox's Liturgy, known better by the name of 
 Bishop Carswell's Prayer Book. This, which is the first Gaelic book 
 ever printed, issued from the press of Robert Lepreuck, an Edinburgh 
 printer, and bears date, 24th April, 1567. One, or at most two entire 
 copies only are now known to exist. One of these was in the duke of 
 Argyll's library at Inverary castle, but is now amissing. Adelung has 
 given a very accurate account of it in his Mithridates.* The following 
 is a copy of the table of the contents of this very scarce work : — 
 
 " Dontriath Chomhachtach cheirtbhreatach chiuinbhriathrach, do ghiollaes- 
 
 buig. 
 Ebistil Thioghlaicthe. 
 Admhail an Chreidimh. 
 Doifige na Ministreadh and so sios. 
 Do Mhinisdribh Eagluise De and da dtogha labhrus so seasda, agus dona 
 
 coingheallaibh dhligheassiad do bheith iondta. 
 Dona Foirfidheachaibh agas da noisige agas da dtogha and so sios. 
 Dona Deochanaibh, agas da noisige agas da dtoghe, and so sios. 
 Vrrnaidhthe. 
 
 Foirm an Bhaisdidh and so sios. 
 Foinn Tsacraravinte Chuirp Chriosd r6 raitear Suiper an Tighearna, and so 
 
 sios. 
 Teagasg do chum an Posaidh. 
 Corahfhvrtacht na Neaslan. 
 Do Smachtvghadh Na Heaglvise. 
 Vrrnaidhthe. 
 
 Foirceadal an Chreidimh. 
 Altachadh." 
 
 Lemoinef says that an Irish Liturgy was printed at Dublin in iabO, 
 for the use of the Highlanders of Scotland, but it is supposed that he 
 alludes to the above-mentioned work, as no book is known to have been 
 printed in Ireland till 1571, when the " Alphabetum et ratio loquendi 
 linguam Hibernicam, et Catecbismus in eadem lingua," printed by John 
 Kearney and Nicholas Walsh, made its appearance. 
 
 An interval of sixty-four years took place till the next Gaelic publi- 
 cation, which was a translation of Calvin's Catechism, printed at Edin- 
 burgh in the year 1631, during which time there were published in 
 Ireland a translation of the New Testament in 1603, being the first 
 edition of any part of the Scriptures in Celtic, and a translation of the 
 Book of Common Prayer, with the exception of the Psalms, in 1608. 
 
 • Reid's BiWiotheca Scoto-Celtica, p. 43, 161 ; a work replete with valuable inform- 
 alion on Celtic Literature. 
 
 t Art of printing. 
 
PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. Ivii 
 
 Besides these there were published abroad in the Irish, first at Louvain 
 n 1608, and afterwards at Antwerp in 1611 and 1618 ;— a Catechism, 
 luder the title of " Teagasg Criosdaidhe," and several other works. 
 
 It was not until the year 1767, being one hundred and sixty-four 
 /ears after the New Testament first appeared in Irish, that that portion 
 >f the Scriptures appeared in Gaelic. The translation was made by 
 he Rev. James Stewart, minister of Killin ; and of this first edition, 
 vhich was published both in octavo and duodecimo, ten thousand 
 'opies were printed. Since that time there have been seventeen edi- 
 ions of the New Testament printed, probably averaging ten thousand 
 iopies each, thus making a total of about one hundred and eighty thou- 
 sand copies. 
 
 A translation of the Old Testament was published in four parts ; the 
 irst of which did not appear till 1783, upwards of a century after the 
 irst Irish Bible was published. The remaining parts appeared succes- 
 iively in 1786, 1787, and 1801. The Rev. Dr John Stuart, minister of 
 Luss, was the translator of the first, second, and third parts ; and the 
 Elev. Dr John Smith, minister of Campbelton, translated the fourth. Of 
 his edition five thousand copies were printed, besides an extra quantity 
 >f the Pentateuch. A second edition of twenty thousand copies, with 
 iome alterations, chiefly in Isaiah, was printed in 1807. Nine other 
 iditions have since appeared. A complete enumeration of all the works 
 vhich have been printed in Gaelic may be seen in the Bibliotheca Sco- 
 o-Celtica, to which reference has already been made. These consist 
 ihiefly of translations ; a circumstance not to be wondered at, when we 
 ■eflect on the many obstacles which, from local and other causes, checked 
 he progress of science among the Highlanders, and the little induce- 
 nents which literary men had to exhibit the treasures of knowledge in 
 I language read by few, and which, from the prevalence of the English 
 anguage, and the rapid changes which are taking place in the High- 
 ands, seems destined at no distant period, to exist only in those works 
 vhich were intended to insure its perpetuity as one of the living dialects 
 tf a language spoken at one time by the aboriginal population of Eu- 
 
 * It is proper to state here, in older to prevent mistakes, that, from an oversight in 
 opying the manuscript of the foregoing Dissertation for the press, one or two citations 
 ave not been indicated as such by inverted commas. This omission was not detected 
 intil it was too late to supply it. 
 
CATALOGUES 
 
 OF 
 
 GAELIC AND IRISH MANUSCRIPTS. 
 
 As connepted with the literary history of the Celts, the following 
 lists of Gaelic and Irish manuscripts, will, it is thought, be considered 
 interesting. 
 
 CATALOGUE OF ANCIENT GAELIC MSS. IN THE rOSSESSION OF THE 
 HIGHLAND SOCIETY OF SCOTLAND. 
 
 1. A folio MS. beautifully written on parchment or vellum, from 
 the collection of the late Major Maclauchlan of Kilbride. This is the 
 oldest MS. in the possession of the Highland Society of Scotland. It 
 is marked Vo. A. No. I. The following remark is written on the mar- 
 gin of the fourth leaf of the MS. : — " Oidche bealtne ann a coimhtech 
 mo Pupu Muirciusa agus as olc lium nach marunn diol in linesi dem 
 dub Misi Fithil ace furnuidhe na scoile." Thus englished by the late 
 Dr Donald Smith : — " The night of the first of May in Coenobium 
 of my Pope Murchus, and I regret that there is not left of my ink 
 enough to fill up this line. I am Fithil, an attendant on the school." 
 This MS. which, from its orthography, is supposed to be as old as 
 the eighth or ninth century, " consists (says Dr Smith) of a poem, 
 moral and religious, some short historical anecdotes, a critical expo- 
 sition of the Tain, an Irish tale, which was composed in the time of 
 .Diarmad, son of Cearval, who reigned over Ireland from the year 
 544 to 563 ; and the Tain itself, which claims respect, as exceeding in 
 point of antiquity, every production of any other vernacular tongue in 
 Europe."* 
 
 On the first page of the vellum, which was originally left blank, there 
 are genealogies of the families of Argyll and Mac Leod in the Gaelic 
 handwriting of the sixteenth century. The genealogy of the Argyll 
 family ends with Archibald, who succeeded to the earldom in 1542 and 
 died in 1588. f This is supposed to be the oldest Gaelic MS. extant. 
 
 * Report of the Committee of the Highland Society of Scotland on the Poems of 
 Ossian, App. No. xix. p. 290. 
 
 t It is therefore probable, that these genealogies were written about the middle of the 
 sixteenth century. A fac simile of the writing is to be found in the Report of the 
 Committee of the Highland Society on the authenticity of Ossian, Plate II. 
 
CATALOGUES OF GAELIC AND IRISH MSS. lix 
 
 )r Smith conjectures that it may have come into the possession of the 
 laclachlans of Kilbride in the sixteenth century, as a Ferquhard, son 
 f Ferquhard Maclachlan, was bishop of the Isles, and had lona or I 
 !!olum Kille in commendam from 1530 to 1544. — See Keith's Cata- 
 3gue of Scottish Bishops. 
 
 To the Tain is prefixed the following critical exposition, giving a 
 )rief account of it in the technical terms of the Scots literature of the 
 emote age in which it was written. " Ceathardha connagur in each 
 :alathuin is cuincda don tsairsisi na Tana. Loo di cedumus lighe 
 Fercusa mhic Reich ait in rou hathnachd four mach Nai. Tempus 
 jmorro Diarmuta mhic Ceruailt in rigno Ibeirnia. Pearsa umorro 
 Fergusa mhic Roich air is e rou tirchan do na hecsib ar chenu. A tu- 
 ;aid scriuint dia ndeachai Seanchan Toirpda cona III. ri ecces ... do 
 iaighe Cuaire rig Condacht." That is — the four things which are 
 requisite to be known in every regular composition are to be noticed in 
 this work of the Tain. The place of its origin is the stone of Fergus, 
 son of Roich, where he was buried on the plain of Nai. The time of 
 it, besides, is that in which Diarmad, son of Cervail reigned over Ire- 
 land. The author, too, is Fergus, son of Roich ; for he it was that 
 prompted it forthwith to the bards. The cause of writing it was a 
 visit which Shenachan Torbda, with three chief bards, made to Guaire, 
 king of Connaught.* 
 
 O'Flaherty thus concisely and accurately describes the subject and 
 character of the Tain : — " Fergusius Rogius solo pariter ac solio Ul- 
 toniae exterminatus, in Connactiam ad OUilum et Maudam ibidem reg- 
 nantes profugit ; quibus patrocinantibus, memorabile exarsit bellum 
 septannale inter Connacticos et Ultonios multis poeticis figmentis, ut 
 ea ferebat setas, adornatum. Hujus belli circiter medium, octennio 
 ante caput serae Christianae Mauda regina Connactiae, Fergusio Rogio 
 ductore, immensam bonum proedam conspicuis agentium et insectantium 
 virtutibus memorabilem, e Cualgnio in agro Louthiano re portavit.''f 
 
 From the expression, " Ut ea ferebat setas," Dr Smith thinks that 
 O'Flaherty considered the tale of the Tain as a composition of the age 
 to which it relates ; a;id that of course he must not have seen the 
 Critical Exposition prefixed to the copy here described. From the si- 
 lence of the Irish antiquaries respecting this Exposition, it is supposed 
 that it must have been either unknown to, or overlooked by them, 
 and consequently that it was written in Scotland 
 
 The Exposition states, that Sheanachan, with the three bards and 
 those in their retinue, when about to depart from the court of Guaire, 
 being called upon to relate the history of the Tain bho, or cattle spoil 
 of Cuailgne, acknowledged their ignorance of it, and that having in- 
 effectually made the round of Ireland and Scotland in quest of it ; 
 
 • Report of the Committee of the Highland Society on Ossian, A pp. No. xix p. 
 
 sal. 
 
 t Ogyg. p. 275. 
 
Ix CATALOGUES OF GAELIC AND IRISH MSS. 
 
 Eimin and Muircheartach, two of their number, repaired to the grave 
 of Fergus, son of Roich, who being invoked, appeared at the end of 
 three days in terrific grandeur, and related the whole of the Tain, as 
 given in the twelve Reimsgeala or Portions of which it consists. In the 
 liistorical anecdotes, allusion ia made to Ossian, the son of Fingal, who 
 is represented as showing, when young, an inclination to indulge in so- 
 litude his natural propensity for meditation and song, hfac simile of 
 the characters of this MS. is given in the Highland Society's Report 
 upon Ossian, Plate I. fig. 1, 2, and in Plate II. 
 
 2. Another parchment MS. in quarto, equally beautiful as the for- 
 mer, from the same collection. It consists of an Almanack bound 
 up with a paper list of all the holidays, festivals, and most remarkable 
 saints' days, in verse, throughout the year — A Treatise on Anatomy, 
 abridged from Galen — Observations on the Secretions, &c. — The Schola 
 Salernitana, in Leonine verse, drawn up about the year 1100, for the 
 use of Robert, duke of Normandy, the son of William the Conqueror, 
 by the famous medical school of Salerno. The Latin text is accom- 
 panied with a Gaelic explanation, which is considered equally faithful 
 and elegant, of which the following is a specimen : — 
 
 Caput I. — Anglorum regi scripsit schola tota Salerni. 
 1. As iat scol Salerni go hulidhe do scriou na fearsadh so do chum rig sag 
 san do choimhed ashlainnte. 
 
 Si vis incolumem, si vis te reddere sanum ; 
 Curas toUe graves, irasci crede prophanum. 
 Madh ail bhidh fallann, agus madh aill bhidh slan ; Cuir na himsnimha troma 
 dliit, agiis creit gurub diomhain duit fearg do dhenumh. 
 
 The words Leobhar Giollacholaim Meigbeathadh, are written on the 
 last page of this MS., which being in the same form and hand, with 
 the same words on a paper MS. bound up with a number of others 
 written upon vellum in the Advocate's Library, and before which is 
 written Liber Malcolmi Bethune, it has been conjectured that both 
 works originally belonged to Malcolm Bethune, a member of a family 
 distinguished for learning, which supplied the Western Isles for many 
 ages with physicians.* 
 
 3. A small quarto paper MS. from the same collection, written 
 at DunstaflTnage by Ewen Maophaill, 12th October 1603. It consists 
 of a tale in prose concerning a King of Lochlin and the Heroes of 
 Fingal : An Address to Gaul, the son of Morni, beginning 
 
 Goll mear mileant — 
 Ceap na Crodhachta — 
 
 An Elegy on one of the earls of Argyle, beginning . 
 
 A Mhic Cailin a chosg lochd ; 
 
 and a poem in praise of a young lady. 
 
 Appendix, ul supra, No. xix. 
 
CATALOGUES OF GAELIC AND IRISH MSS. 1x1 
 
 4. A small octavo paper MS. from the same collection, written by 
 ".amonn or Edmond Mac Lachlan, 1654-5. This consists of a mis- 
 ellaneous collection of sonnets, odes, and poetical epistles, partly 
 Scots, and partly Irish. There is an Ogham or alphabet of secret 
 rriting near the end of it. 
 
 5. A quarto paper MS. from same collection. It wants ninety 
 lages at the beginning, and part of the end. What remains consists 
 if some ancient and modern tales and poems. The names of the au- 
 hors are not given, but an older MS. (that of the Dean of Lismore) 
 iscribes one of the poems to Conal, son of Edirskeol. This MS. was 
 written at Aird-Chonail upon Lochowe, in the years 1690 and 1691, 
 )y Ewan Mac Lean for Colin Campbell. " Caillain Caimpbel leis in leis 
 n leabharan. 1. Caillin mac Dhonchai mhic Dhughil mhic Chaillain 
 lig." Colin Campbell is the owner of this book, namely Colin, son of 
 Duncan, son of Dougal, son of Colin the younger. The above Gaelic 
 nscription appears on the 79th leaf of the MS. 
 
 6. A quarto paper MS., which belonged to the Rev. James Mac- 
 jrregor. Dean of Lismore, the metropolitan church of the see of Ar- 
 ;yle, dated, page 27, 1512, written by Duncan the son of Dougal, son 
 )f Ewen the Grizzled. This MS. consists of a large collection of 
 jaelic poetry, upwards of 11,000 verses. It is said to have been 
 ivritten " out of the books of the History of the Kings." Part of the 
 MS., however, which closes an obituary, commencing in 1077, of the 
 tings of Scotland, and other eminent persons of Scotland, particularly 
 )f the shires of Argyle and Perth, was not written till 1527. The 
 joetical pieces are from the times of the most ancient bards down to the 
 aeginning of the sixteenth century. The more ancient pieces are 
 joems of Conal, son of Edirskeol, Ossian, son of Fingal, Fearghas Fili 
 ^Fergus the bard), and Caoilt, son of Ronan, the friends and contem- 
 poraries of Ossian. This collection also contains the works of Sir Dun- 
 can Campbell of Glenurchay, who fell in the battle of Flodden, and 
 Lady Isabel Campbell, daughter of the earl of Argyle, and wife of Gil- 
 bert, earl of Cassilis.* " The writer of this MS. (says Dr Smith) re- 
 jected the ancient character for the current hand-writing of the time, 
 md adopted a new mode of spelling conformable to the Latin and Eng- 
 lish sounds of his own age and country, but retained the aspirate mark 
 [')... The Welsh had long before made a similar change in thcii 
 mcient orthography. Mr Edward Lhuyd recommended it, with some 
 rariation, in a letter to the Scots and Irish, prefixed to his Dictionary 
 af their language in the Archaeologia Britannica. The bishop of Sodor 
 md Man observed it in the devotional exercises, admonition, and cate- 
 chism, which he published for the use of his diocese. It was continued 
 in the Manx translation of the Scriptures, and it has lately been adopt- 
 ed by Dr Reilly, titular Primate of Ireland, in his Tagasg Kreest\, 
 
 • Report of the Highland Society on Ossian, p. 92. 
 
CATALOGUES OF GAKLIC AND IRISH MSS. 
 
 or Christian Doctrine. But yet it moist be acknowledged to be nuicli 
 inferior to the ancient mode of orthography, which has not only tlie 
 advantage of being grounded on a knowledge of the principles of gram- 
 mar, and philosophy of language, but of being also more plain and 
 easy. This volume of the Dean's is curious, as distinguishing the ge- 
 nuine poetry of Ossian from the imitations made of it by later banls, 
 and as ascertaining the degree of accuracy with which ancient poems 
 have been transmitted by tradition for the last three hundred years, 
 during a century of which the order of bards has been extinct, and an- 
 cient manners and customs have suffered a great and rapid change in 
 the Highlands."* Afac simile of the writing is given in the Report of 
 the Committee of the Highland Society, plate iii. No. 5. 
 
 7. A quarto paper MS. written in a very beautiful regular hand> 
 without date or the name of the writer. It is supposed to be at least 
 two hundred j'ears old, and consists of a number of ancient tales and 
 short poems. These appear to be transcribed from a much older MS. 
 as there is a vocabulary of ancient words in the middle of the MS. 
 Some of the poetry is ascribed to Cuchulin. 
 
 8. Another quarto paper MS. the beginning and end of which have 
 been lost. It consists partly of prose, partly of poetry. With the ex- 
 ception of two loose leaves, which appear much older, the whole appears 
 to have been written in the 1 7th century. The poetry, though ancient, 
 is not Fingalian. The name, Tadg Og CC, before one of the poems 
 near the end, is the only one to be seen upon it. 
 
 9. A quarto parchment MS. consisting of 42 leaves, written by 
 different hands, with illuminated capitals. It appears at one time to 
 have consisted of four different MSS. bound together and covered with 
 skin, to preserve them. This MS. is very ancient and beautiful, though 
 much soiled. In this collection is a life of St Columba, supposed, from 
 the character, (being similar to No. 27,) to be of the twelfth or thir- 
 teenth century. 
 
 10. A quarto parchment medical MS. beautifully written. No date 
 or name, but the MS. appears to be very ancient. 
 
 11. A quarto paper MS. partly prose partly verse, written in a very 
 coarse and indifferent hand. No date or name. 
 
 12. A small quarto MS. coarse. Bears date 1647, without name. 
 
 13. A small long octavo paper MS. the beginning and end lost, and 
 without any date. It is supposed to have been written by the Macvurichs 
 of the fifteenth century. Two of the poems are ascribed to Tadg Mac 
 Daire Bruaidheadh, others to Brian O'Donalan. 
 
 14. A large folio parchment MS. in two columns, containing a tale 
 upon CuchuUin and Conal, two of Ossian's heroes. Without date or 
 name, and very ancient. 
 
 15 A large quarto parchment of 7^ leaves, supposed by Mr Astle, 
 
 • Appendix to the Highlajid Society's Report, p. 300—1. 
 
CATALOGUES OF GAELIC AND IRISH MSS. IxiH 
 
 iuthor of the work on the origin and progress of writing, to be of 
 he ninth or tenth century. Its title is Emanuel, a name commonly 
 fiven by the old Gaelic writers to many of their miscellaneous writ- 
 ngs. Engraved specimens of this MS. are to be seen in the first edi- 
 ion of Mr Astle's work above-mentioned, 18th plate, Nos. 1 and 2, and 
 n his second edition, plate 22. Some of the capitals in the MS. are 
 )ainted red. It is written in a strong beautiful hand, in the same char- 
 Lcter as the rest. This MS. is only the fragment of a large work on 
 mcient history, written on the authority of Greek and Roman writers, 
 md interspersed with notices of the arts, armour, dress, superstitions, 
 nanners, and usages, of the Scots of the author's own time. In this 
 MS. there is a chapter titled, " Slogha Chesair an Inis Bhreatan" or 
 Uassar's expedition to the island of Britain, in which Lechlin, a country 
 lelebrated in the ancient poems and tales of the Gael, is mentioned as 
 leparated from Gaul by " the clear current of the Rhine." Dr Donald 
 Smith had a complete copy of this work. 
 
 16. A small octavo parchment MS. consisting of a tale in prose, im- 
 jerfect. Supposed to be nearly as old as the last mentioned MS. 
 
 17. A small octavo paper MS. stitched, imperfect; written by the 
 VFacvurichs. It begins with a poem upon Darthula, different from Mac- 
 jherson's, and contains poems written by Cathal and Nial Mor Macvu- 
 •ich, (whose names appear at the beginning of some of the poems,) com- 
 josed in the reign of King James the Fifth, Mary, and King Charles the 
 First. It also contains some Ossianic poems, such as Cnoc an air, &c. 
 i.e. The Hill of Slaughter, supposed to be part of Macpherson's Fingal. 
 [t is the story of a woman who came walking alone to the Fingalians 
 'or protection from Taile, who was in pursuit of her. Taile fought them, 
 md was killed by Oscar. There was another copy of this poem in 
 [llanranald's little book — not the Red book, as erroneously supposed by 
 Laing. The Highland Society are also in possession of several copies 
 ;aken from oral tradition. The second Ossianic poem in this MS. be- 
 jins thus : 
 
 Se la gus an de 
 
 O nach fhaca mi fein Fionn. 
 
 It is now six days yesterday 
 Since I have not seen Fingal. 
 
 18. An octavo paper MS. consisting chiefly of poetry, but very much 
 defaced. Supposed to have been written by the last of the Macvurichs, 
 but without date. The names of Tadg Og and Lauchlan Mac Taidg 
 occur upon it. It is supposed to have been copied from a more an 
 cient MS. as the poetry is good. 
 
 19. A very small octavo MS. written by some of the Macvurichs. 
 Part of it is a copy of Clanranald's book, and contains the genealogy of 
 the Lords of the Isles and otiiers of that great clan. The second part 
 
CATALOGUES OF GAELIC AND IRISH MSS. 
 
 consists of a genealogy ot the kings of Ireland (ancestors of the Macdo 
 nalds) from Scota and Gathelic. The last date upon it is 1616. 
 
 20. A paper MS., consisting of a genealogy of the kings of Ireland, 
 of a few leaves only, and without date. 
 
 21. A paper MS. consisting of detached leaves of different sizes, and 
 containing, 1. The conclusion of a Gaelic chronicle of the kings of Scot- 
 land down to King Robert III.; 2. A Fingalian tale, in which the he- 
 roes are Fingal, Goll Mac Morni, Oscar, Ossian, and Conan ; 3. A poem 
 by Macdonald of Benbecula, dated 1722, upon the unwritten part of a 
 letter sent to Donald Macvurich of Stialgary ; 4. A poem by Donald 
 Mackenzie; 5. Another by Tadg Og CC, copied from some other MS. 
 6. A poem by Donald Macvurich upon Ronald Maedonald of Clanrao- 
 ald. Besides several hymns by Tadg, and other poems by the Macvu- 
 richs and others. 
 
 22. A paper MS., consisting of religious tracts and genealogy, without 
 name or date. 
 
 23. A paper MS., containing instruction for children in Gaelic and 
 English. Modern, and without date. 
 
 24. Fragments of a paper MS., with the name of Cathelus Macvuricli 
 upon some of the leaves, and Niall Macvurich upon some others.. Conn 
 Mac an Deirg, a well known ancient poem, is written in the Roman 
 character by the last Niall Macvurich, the last Highland bard, and is 
 the only one among all the Gaelic MSS. in that character. 
 
 Witli the exception of the first five numbers, all the before mentioned 
 MSS. were presented by the Highland Society of London to the High- 
 land Society of Scotland in Januaiy, 1803, on the application of the 
 committee appointed to inquire into the nature and authenticity of the 
 poems of Ossian. All these MSS. (with the single exception of the 
 dean of Lismore's volume,) are written in the very ancient form of 
 character which was common of old to Britain and Ireland, and supposed 
 to have been adopted by the Saxons at the time of their conversion to 
 Christianity. This form of writing has been discontinued for nearly 
 eighty years in Scotland, as the last specimen which the Highland So- 
 ciety of Scotland received of it consists of a volume of songs, supposed 
 to have been written between the years 1752 and 1768, as it contains a 
 song written by Duncan Macintyre, titled. An Taileir Mac Neachdain, 
 which he composed the former year, the first edition of Macintyre's 
 songs having been published during the latter year.* 
 
 25. Besides these, the society possesses a collection of MS. Gaelic 
 poems made by Mr Duncan Kennedy, formerly schoolmaster at Craig- 
 nish in Argyleshire, in three thin folio volumes. Two of them are 
 written out fair from the various poems he had collected about sixty 
 years ago. This collection consists of the following poems, viz. Luacli- 
 air Leothaid, Sgiathan mac Sgairbh, An Gruagach, Rochd, Sithallan, 
 
 • Report on Ossian, Appendix, p. 312. 
 
CATALOGUES OF GAELIC AND IRISH MSS. IxV 
 
 Mur Bheura, Tiomban, Sealg na Cluana, Gleanncruadhach, Uirnigh 
 Oisein, Earragan, (resembling Maepherson's Battle of Lora,) Manus, 
 Maire Borb, (Maid of Craca,) Cath Sisear, Sliabh nam Beann Sionn, 
 Bas Dheirg, Bas Chuinn, Righ Liur, Sealg na Leana, Dun an Oir, An 
 Cu dubh, Gleann Diamhair, Conal, Bas Chiuinlaich Diarmad, Carril, 
 Bas Ghuill (different from the Death of Gaul published by Dr Smith,) 
 Garaibh, Bas Oscair, (part of which is the same narrative with the open- 
 ing of Maepherson's Temora,) in three parts; Tuiridh nam Fian, and Bas 
 Osein. To each of these poems Kennedy has prefixed a dissertation con- 
 taining some account of the Sgealachd, story, or argument of the poem 
 which is to follow. It was very common for the reciter, or history-man, 
 as he was termed in the Highlands, to repeat the Sgealachds to his hearers 
 before reciting the poems to which they related. Several of the poems 
 in this collection correspond pretty nearly with the ancient MS. above 
 mentioned, which belonged to the dean of Lismore.* 
 
 26. A paper, medical, MS. in the old Gaelic character, a thick vo 
 lume, written by Angus Conacher at Ardconel, Lochow-side, Argyle- 
 shire, 1612, presented to the Highland Society of Scotland by the late 
 William Macdonald, Esq. of St Martins, W.S. 
 
 27. A beautiful parchment MS., greatly mutilated, in the same char- 
 acter, presented to the society by the late Lord Bannatyne, one of the 
 judges pf the Court of Session. The supposed date upon the cover is 
 1238, is written in black letter, but it is in a comparatively modern 
 hand. " Gleann Masain an cuige la deag do an . . . Mh : : : do bhlian 
 ar tsaoirse Mile da chead, trichid sa hocht." That is, Glen-Masan, the 
 15th day of the . . . of M : : : of the year of our Redemption, 1238. 
 It is supposed that the date has beep taken from the MS. when in a 
 more entire state. Glenmasan, where it was written, is a valley in the 
 district of Cowal. From a note on the margin of the 15th leaf, it 
 would appear to have formerly belonged to the Rev. William Campbell, 
 minister of Kilchrenan and Dalavich, and a native of Cowal, and to 
 whom Dr D. Smith supposes it may, perhaps, have descended from his 
 grand-uncle, Mr Robert Campbell, in Cowal, an accomplished scholar 
 and poet, who wrote the eighth address prefixed to Lhuyd's Archaeologia. 
 
 The MS. consists of some mutilated tales in prose, interspersed with 
 verse, one of which is part of the poem of " Clan Uisneachan," called by 
 Macpherson Darthula, from the lady who makes the principal figure in 
 it. The name of this lady in Gaelic is Deirdir, or Dearduil. A fac 
 simile of the writing is given in the appendix to the Highland society's 
 Report on Ossian. Plate iii. No. 4. 
 
 28. A paper MS. in the same character, consisting of an ancient 
 tale in prose, presented to the society by Mr Norman Macleod, son of 
 the Rev. Mr Macleod, of Morven. 
 
 29. A small paper MS. in the same character, on religion. 
 
 * Report on Ossian, pp. 108-9. 
 I. • 
 
\^vi CATALOGUES OF CrAELIC AND IRISH MSS. 
 
 30. A paper MS. in the same character, presented to the Highland 
 Society b}' James Grant, Esquire of Corymony. It consists of the 
 history of the wars of Cuchullin, in prose and verse. This MS. is 
 much worn at the ends and edges. It formerly belonged to Mr Grant's 
 mother, said to have been an excellent Gaelic scholar. 
 
 CATALOGUE OF ANCIENT GAELIC MSS. WHICH BELONGED TO THE 
 LATE MAJOR MACLAUCHLAN OF KILBRIDE, BESIDES THE FIVK 
 FIRST ENUMERATED IN THE FOREGOING LIST, AND WHICH, IT IS BK- 
 LIEVED, ARE STILL IN THE HANDS OF HIS REPRESENTATIVES. 
 
 1. A beautiful medical MS. with the other MSS. formerly belonging 
 to the collection. The title of the different articles are in Latin, as are 
 all the medical Gaelic MSS., being translations from Galen and other 
 ancient physicians. The capital letters are flourished and painted red. 
 
 2. A thick folio paper MS., medical, written by Duncan Conacher, 
 at Dunollie, Argyleshire, 1511. 
 
 3. A folio parchment MS. consisting of ancient Scottish and Irish 
 history, very old. 
 
 4. A folio parchment medical MS. beautifully written. It is older 
 than the other medical MSS. 
 
 5. A folio parchment medical MS. of equal beauty with the last. 
 
 6. A folio parchment MS. upon the same subject, and nearly of the 
 same age with the former. 
 
 7. A folio parchment, partly religious, partly medical. 
 
 8. A folio parchment MS. consisting of the Histories of Scotland 
 and Ireland, much damaged. 
 
 9. A folio parchment medical MS., very old. 
 
 10. A folio parchment MS. Irish history and poetry. 
 
 11. A quarto parchment MS., very old. 
 
 12. A long duodecimo parchment MS. consisting of hymns and 
 maxims. It is a very beautiful MS. and may be as old as the time of 
 St Columba. 
 
 13. A duodecimo parchment MS. much damaged and illegible. 
 
 14. A duodecimo parchment MS. consisting of poetry, but not Os- 
 sianic. Hardly legible. 
 
 15. A duodecimo parchment MS. much injured by vermin. It con- 
 sists of a miscellaneous collection of history and poetry. 
 
 16. A duodecimo parchment MS. in large beautiful letter, very old 
 and difficult to be understood. 
 
 17. A folio parchment MS. consisting of the genealogies of the Mac- 
 donalds, Macniels, Macdougals, Maclauchlans, &c. 
 
 All these MSS. are written in the old Gaelic character, and with the 
 exception of No. 2., have neither date nor name attached to them. 
 
 Besides those enumerated, there are, it is believed, many ancient 
 Gaelic MSS. existing in private libraries. The following are known : 
 
 A Deed of Fosterage between Sir Norman Macleod of Bernera, 
 
CATALOGUES OF GAELIC AND IRISH MSS. Ixvij 
 
 ind John Mackenzie, executed in the year 1640. This circumstance 
 shows that the Gaelic language was in use in legal obligations at that 
 period, in the Highlands. This MS. was in the possession of the late 
 Lord Bannatyne. 
 
 A variety of parchment MSS. on medicine, in the Gaelic charac- 
 ter, formerly in the possession of the late Dr Donald Smith. He was 
 also possessed of a complete copy of the Emanuel MS. before men- 
 tioned, and of copies of many other MSS., which he made at different 
 times from other MSS. 
 
 Two paper MS. Gaelic grammars, in the same character, formerly in 
 the possession of the late Dr Wright of Edinburgh. 
 
 Two ancient parchment MSS- in the same character, formerly in 
 the possession of the late Rev. James Maclagan, at Blair- Athole. Sub- 
 ject unknown. 
 
 A paper MS. written in the Roman character, in the possession 
 of Mr Mathison of Feernaig, Ross-shire. It is dated in 1688, and con- 
 sists of songs and hymns by diiferent persons, some by Carswell, bishop 
 of the isles. 
 
 A paper MS. formerly in the possession of a Mr Simpson in Leith. 
 
 The Lillium Medecinse, a paper folio MS. written and translated 
 by one of the Bethunes, the physicians of Skye, at the foot of Mount 
 Peliop. It was given to the Antiquarian Society of London by the late 
 Dr Macqueen of Kilmore, in Skye. 
 
 Two treatises, one on astronoraj', the other on medicine, written in 
 the latter end of the thirteenth or beginning of the fourteenth century, 
 formerly in the possession of Mr Astle. 
 
 GAELIC AND IRISH MSS. IN PUBLIC LIBRARIES. 
 
 IN THE ADVOCATES' LIBRARY. 
 
 Three volumes MS. in the old character, chiefly medical, with some 
 fragments of Scottish and Irish history ; and the life of St Columba, said 
 to have been translated from the Latin into Gaelic, by Father Caloho- 
 
 IN THE HARLEIAN LIBRARY. 
 
 A MS. volume (No. 5280) containing twenty- one Gaelic or Irish 
 treatises, of which Mr Astle has given some account. One of these 
 treats of the Irish militia, under Fion Maccumhail, in the reign of 
 Cormac-Mac-Airt, king of Ireland, and of the course of probation or 
 exercise which each soldier was to go through before his admission 
 therein. Mr Astle has given a fan simile of the writing, being the 
 thirteenth specimen of Plate xxii. 
 
 IN THE BODLEIAN LIBRARY, OXFORD. 
 
 An old Irish MS. on parchment, containing, among other tracts. An 
 account of the Conquest of Britain by the Romans :— Of the Saxon 
 
 
Ixviii CATALOGUES OF GAELIC AND IRISFI MSS. 
 
 Conquest and their Heptarchy : — An account of the Irish Saints, ir 
 verse, written in the tenth century : — The Saints of the Roman Breviary; 
 — An account of the conversion of the Irish and English to Christianity, 
 with some other subjects. Laud. F. 92. This book, as is common in 
 old Irish manuscripts, has here and there some Latin notes intermixed 
 with Irish, and may possibly contain some hints of the doctrines of the 
 Druids. 
 
 An old vellum MS. of 140 pages, in the form of a music book, con- 
 taining the works of St Coluhiba, in verse, with some account of his 
 own life ; his exhortations to princes and his prophecies. Laud. D. 17. 
 
 A chronological history of Ireland, by Jeffrey Keating, D.D 
 
 Among the Clarendon MSS. at Oxford, are — 
 
 Annales Ultonienses, sic dicti quod precipue contineant res gestas 
 Ultoniensium. Codex antiquissimus caractere Hibernico scriptus ; sed 
 sermone, partim Hibernico, partim Latino. Fol membr. The 16th 
 and 1 7th specimens in Plate xxii. of Astle's work, are taken from this 
 MS. which is numbered 31 of Dr Rawlinson's MSS. 
 
 Annales Tigernaci, (Erenaci. ut opiniatur Waroeus Clonmanaisensis. 
 Vid. Annal. Ulton. ad an. 1088), mutili in initio et alibi. Liber char- 
 actere et lingua Hibernicis scriptus. Memb. 
 
 These annals, which are written in the old Irish character, were ori- 
 ginally collected by Sir James Ware, and came into the possession suc- 
 cessively of the earl of Clarendon, the duke of Chandos, and of Dr 
 Rawlinson. 
 
 Miscellanea de Rebus Hibernicis, metrics. Lingua partim Latina, 
 partim Hibernica; collecta per CEngusium O'Colode (forte Colidium). 
 Hie liber vulgo Psalter Narran appellatur. 
 
 Elegise HibernicEe in Obitus quorundam Nobilium fo. 50. 
 
 Notae quEedam Philosophicaa, partim Latine, partim Hiberniei, 
 Characteribus Hibernicis, fo. 69. Membr. 
 
 Anonymi cujusdam Tractatus de varies apud Hibernos veteres oc- 
 cultis scribendi Formulis, Hibernice Ogum dictis. 
 
 Finleachi O Catalai Gigantomachia (vel potius Acta Finni Mac Cull, 
 cum Proelio de Fintra,) Hibernice. CoUoquia quaedam de Rebus Hi- 
 bernicis in quibus colloquentes introducuntur S. Patricius, Coillius, et 
 Ossenus Hibernice f. 12. Leges Ecclesiasticae Hibernice f. 53. Membr. 
 
 Vitae Sanctorum Hibernicorum, per Magnum sive Manum, filium 
 Hugonis O'Donnel, Hibernige descriptae. An. 1532, Fol. Membr. 
 
 Calieni Prophetias, in Lingua Hibernica. Ejusdem libri exemplar 
 extat in Bibl. Cotton, f. 22. b. 
 
 Extracto ex Libro Killeiisi, Lingua Hibernica, f. 39. 
 
 Histovica quaedam, Hib(!rnice, ab An. 1309 ad An. 1317, f. 231. 
 
 A Book of Irish Poetry, f. 16. 
 
 Tractatus de Scriptoribus Hibernicis. 
 
 Dr Keating's History of Ireland. 
 
CATALOGUES OF GAELIC AND IRISH MSS. Ixix 
 
 Irish MSS. in Trinity College, Dublin : — 
 
 Extracto ex Libro de Kells Hibernice. 
 
 A book in Irish, treating,—!. Of the Building of Babel. 2. Of 
 Grammar. 3. Of Physic. 4. Of Chirurgery. Fol. D. 10. 
 
 A book containing several ancient historical matters, especially of the 
 coming of Milesius out of Spain. B. 35. 
 
 The book of Balimor, containing, — 1. The Genealogies of all the 
 ancient Families in Ireland. 2. Tlie Uracept, or a book for the edu- 
 cation of youth, written by K. Comfoilus Sapiens. 3. The Ogma, or 
 Art of Writing in characters. 4. The History of the Wars of Troy, 
 with other historical matters contained in the book of Lecane, D. 18. 
 The book of Lecane, alias Sligo, contains the following treatises: — I. 
 A treatise of Ireland and its divisions into provinces, with the history 
 of the Irish kings and sovereigns, answerable to the general history ; but 
 nine leaves are wanting. 2. How the race of Milesius came into Ire- 
 land, and of their adventures since Moses's passing through the Red 
 Sea. 3. Of the descent and years of the ancient fathers. 4. A cata- 
 logue of the kings of Ireland in verse. 5. The maternal genealogies and 
 degrees of the Irish saints. 6. The genealogies of our Lady, Joseph, 
 and several other saints mentioned in the Scripture. 7. An alphabetic 
 catalogue of Irish saints. 8. The sacred antiquity of the Irish saints 
 in verse. 9. Cormac's life. 10. Several transactions of the monarchs 
 of Ireland and their provincial kings. 11. The history of Eogain M'or, 
 Knight; as also of his children and posterity. 12. O'Neil's pedigree. 
 13. Several battles of the Sept of Cinet Ogen, or tribe of Owen, from 
 Owen Mac Neile Mac Donnoch. 14. Manne, the son of King Neal, of 
 the nine hostages and his family. 15. Fiacha, the son of Mac Neil and 
 his Sept. 16. Leogarius, son of Nelus Magnus, and his tribe. 17. 
 The Connaught book. 18. The book of Fiatrach. 19. The book of 
 Uriel. 20. The Leinster book. 21. The descent of the Fochards, or 
 the Nolans. 22. The descent of those of Leix, or the O'Mores; 23. 
 The descent of Decyes of Munster, or the Ophelans. 24. The coming 
 of Muscrey to Moybreagh. 25. A commentary upon the antiquity of 
 Albany, now called Scotland. 26. The descent of some Septs of the 
 Irish, diiferent from those of the most known sort, that is, of the pos- 
 terity of Lugadh Frith. 27. The Ulster book. 28. The British book. 
 29. The Uracept, or a book lor the education of youth, written by K. 
 Comfoilus Sapiens. 30. The genealogies of St Patrick and other saints, 
 as also an etymology of the hard words in the said treatise. 31. A 
 treatise of several prophecies. 32. The laws, customs, exploits, and 
 tributes of the Irish kings and provincials. 33. A treatise of Eva, and 
 the famous women of ancient times. 34. A poem that treats of Adam 
 and his posterity. 35. The Munster book. 36. A book containing 
 the etymology of all the names of the chief territories and notable places 
 in Ireland. 87 Of the several invasions of Clan-Partholan, Clan-nan- 
 
IxX CATALOGUES 0^ GAELIC AND IRISH MSS. 
 
 vies, Firbolhg, Tu'atha de Danaan, and the Milesians into Ireland. 38 
 A treatise of the most considerable men in Ireland, from the time oi 
 Leogarius the son of Nelus Magnus, alias Neale of the nine hostages 
 in the time of Roderic O'Conner, monarch of Ireland, fol. parchment, 
 D. 19. 
 
 De Chirurgia. De Infirmitatibus Corporis humane, Hibernice. f. 
 Membr. C. 1. 
 
 Excerpta quaedam de antiquitatibus Incolarum, Dublin ex libris 
 , Bellemorensi et Sligantino, Hibernice. 
 
 Hymni in laudem B. Patricii, Brigidae et Columbiae, Hibern. ple- 
 rumque. Jnvocationes Apostolorum et SS. cum not. Hibern. interlin. 
 et margin. Orationes qucedam excerptaa ex Psalmis ; partim Latine, 
 partim Hibernice, fol. Membr. I. 125. 
 
 Opera Galeni et Hippocratis de Chirurgia, Hibernice, fol. Membr. 
 
 c. ag. 
 
 A book of Postils in Irish, fol. Membr. D. 24. 
 
 Certain prayers, with the argument of the four Gospels and the 
 Acts, in Irish, (10.) 'Fiechi Slebthiensis, Hymnus in laudem S. Patri- 
 cii, Hibernice, (12.) A hymn on St Bridget, in Irish, made by Colum- 
 kill in the time of Eda Mac Ainmireck, cum Regibus Hibern. et suc- 
 cess. S. Patricii (14.) Sanctani Hymnus. Hibern. 
 
 Eeverendissimi D. Bedelli Traaslatio Hibetnica S, Biblioruni. 
 
REFERENCES 
 
 MAP OF THE CLANS. 
 
 Ni). 
 
 1. SlNCLAISS. 
 
 2. MaCKATS. 
 
 3. SuTHERLANDS, including the Gunns, or Clan-Guinn 
 
 4. Rosses ; formerly, wlien the chiefs of tliis clan were Earls of Ross, they 
 
 possessed a large portion of the county. 
 
 5. MnNROES. 
 
 6. Mackenzies, including their ancient followers, the Macraes, Maclen- 
 
 NANS, &c. 
 
 7. Macleods This clan formerly possessed the Island of Lewis, and ilie 
 
 district of Assynt, in tiie county of Ross. 
 
 8. Macdonalds of Sleate. 
 
 9. MacKinnons. 
 
 10. Macdonnells of Glengarry. 
 
 11. Macdonald of Clanronald.* 
 
 12. Camerons. 
 
 13. Macdonells of Keppoch. 
 
 14. Macphersons. 
 
 15. Fbasers. 
 
 16. Grant of Glenmoriston 
 
 17. Chisholms. 
 
 18. Mackintoshes, including the Macgillivrays, Macbeans, and Macqiieens. 
 
 19. Grants of Grant. 
 
 20. Gordons. In Glenlivet, and in the Braes of Moray, Banff, and Aberdeen, 
 
 the Gordons, Stewarts, and Forbeses, are so intermixed, that their 
 lands cannot be separately classed. 
 
 21. Farqchaesons. 
 
 22. Stewarts of Athole, including the Robertsons, Fergusons, Rattrays, 
 
 Spaldings : also the Stewarts of Grandtully. 
 
 23. Robertsons. 
 
 • Although the rhieftains of Macdonald are separately numbered, agreeably to Prcsi- 
 ilent Forbes's Memorial, they form only one clan. The branches of the Stewart family 
 are likewise numbered separate!)', although they are but one clan. This applies lo other 
 tiaus when the iiuirie is repeated. 
 
IXXn REFERENCES TO THE MAP. 
 
 24. Menzies. It has been mentioned that Gienquaich, and other parts of the 
 
 estate of Breadalbane, were the property of this clan. They have also 
 been for a long period superioi-s of part of Glenlyon. The Mac- 
 DiARMiDS in the latter glen are considered one of the most ancient names 
 in the Highlands. 
 
 25. Macnabs, 
 
 26. Macgregors. This clan was once numerous in Balquhidder and Mon- 
 
 teith, also in Glenorchy, and they are still in great numbers in the dis- 
 trict of Fearnan, on the north side of Loch Tay, — on the south side of 
 Glenlyon, — in Fortingal, — and on the north side rf Loch Rannoch. 
 -7. In Blonteith and Strathearu, the Grahams, Stewarts, and Drommonds, 
 are intermixed in the same manner as the landholdei's and tenants in the 
 Braes of Banff and Aberdeen. 
 
 28. Buchanans. The lands of this clan formerly extended eastn-ard to Kip- 
 
 pen, in Stirlingshire. 
 
 29. Macfarlanes. 
 
 30. CoLQOHOUNS. 
 
 31. Stuarts of Bute. 
 
 32. Lamonts. This family formerly held considerable superiorities in Knap- 
 
 dale and Cowal. 
 
 33. Maclachlans. The superiorities of this clan were also more extensive. 
 
 34. Macnaughtons. 
 
 35. Campbells. The property of the chief, chieftains, and gentlemen of this 
 
 clan, extends from the south point of Kintyre, in Argyleshire, to the 
 district of Grandtidly, in Perthshire, two miles below Tay-bridge. The 
 Lamonts, Maclachlans, Macnaus, and others, are occasionally inter- 
 mixed, but their lands bear a small proportion to the great tract of 
 country possessed or occupied by the clan Campbell. The extent of 
 the Marquis of Breadalbane's property will be seen by glancing over the 
 Map, from the Island of Eisdale, in Argyleshire, to Grandtully castle. 
 
 36. Macdougalls. The lands occupied by this clan are so scattered, that, ex- 
 
 cept the estate of the chief, and two others in his immediate neighbour- 
 hood, they cannot be distinguished. The Macdougalls once possessed 
 the whole of the district of Lorn. These countries were afterwards 
 transferred to the Stewart family, and from them by marria<;e, to the 
 Campbells. 
 
 37. Ma cDONALDs of Glenco 
 as. Stewarts of Appin. 
 
 39. Macleans, including the Macquarries. Morven on the Mainland, and 
 
 part of the Isle of Mull, now tne property of the Duke of Arg)'le, was 
 formerly the inheritance of this clan. 
 
 40. Macneils of Barra. 
 
CHAPTER I. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS; ROMAN PERIOD. 
 
 Ji' the Aboriginal Tribes of North Britain at the period of Agricola's invasion — Their 
 names and topographical positions — State of civilization — Religion — Modes of sepulture 
 ■ — Barrows, Cairns, Cistvaens and Urns— War weapons — Canoes and Ciirrachs — 
 Invasion and Campaigns of Agricola — -Battle of the Grampians — -Recal and death of 
 Agricola — Succeeded by Lollius Urbicus — -Wall of Antoninus — Roman Iter through 
 the North — -Roman highways, and stations or forts — Campaign of Severus — The Picts. 
 Scots, and Attacots — Roman abdication of North Britain. 
 
 When Agricola invaded North Britain in the year eighty-one of the 
 Christian era, it appears to have been possessed by twenty-one tribes of 
 tboriginal Britons, having little or no political connexion with one 
 mother, although evidently the same people in origin, speaking the 
 same language, and following the same customs. The topographical 
 position of these Caledonian tribes or clans at the epoch in question, 
 may be thus stated : 
 
 First, The Otladini or Oladeni, occupied the south-east boundary of 
 North Britain, extending along the whole line of coast from the southern 
 Tyne to the Frith of Forth, and including the half of Northumberland, 
 the eastern part of Roxburghshire, the whole of Berwickshire and of 
 East Lothian. They had two towns, both south of the Tweed, called 
 Curia,* supposed to have been situated in Roxburghshire, and JBremeni- 
 um, understood to be Rochester on Reedwater in Northumberland. The 
 latter was the chief town. Antiquaries conclude that this tribe derives 
 its name from the river Tyne, which formed their boundary on the 
 south, because the name in British denotes the people living beyond 
 9r out from the Tyne. 
 
 Second, The Gadeni inhabited the interior country on the west of 
 the Ottadini including the western part of Northumberland ; a small 
 part of Cumberland, lying to the north of Irthing river ; the western 
 part of Roxburghshire, the whole of Selkirk, Tweeddale ; a consider- 
 ible part of Mid-Lothian, and nearly all West Lothian. Their pos- 
 sessions thus extended from the Tyne on the south, to the Frith of 
 Forth on the north ; and Curia on the Gore water was their capital. 
 Conjecture derives the name of this tribe from the groves with which 
 their country abounded. 
 
 * The names of the tovms, and of the different tribes arc taken from the maps of 
 Ptolemy, and Richard of Cirencester, a monk of the fourteenth centuj'y. 
 I. ^ 
 
HISTORY OF THE HIGULAxVDS. 
 
 Third, The Selgovce inhabited Annandale, Nithsdale, and Eskdafe 
 in Dumfries-shire ; and the eastern part of Galloway to the river Deva, 
 or Dee, their western boundary. To the south they were bounded by 
 the Solway Fritli, or Itima jEstuarium. Ptolemy mentions their having 
 fom- towns in their territories, namely, Carhantorigum, supposed to be 
 Kircudbright ; UxcJlum, believed to be Castle Over ; Corda, the site 
 of which cannot be fixed ; and Trimontium said to have lain near the 
 Eildon Hills. The name SelogovcB is supposed to be descriptive of 
 the country inhabited by this tribe, which was much divided by 
 water. 
 
 Fourth, The Novmitce possessed the middle and western parts of 
 Galloway from the Dee on the east, to the Irish sea on the west ; on 
 the south they were bounded by the Solway Frith and the Irish sea, 
 and on the north by the chain of hills which separates Galloway from 
 Carrick. They had two towns, the principal, Leucopihia or Candida 
 Casa, on the site of the present Whithorn, and Rerigonium now Stran- 
 raer, on the bank of the Rerigo7iius Sinus, now Loch Ryan. The name 
 of this tribe is said to have arisen from the nature of their country, 
 which abounded with streams. 
 
 Fifth, The Damnii, the most important of the southern tribes, in- 
 habited the whole extent of country from the ridge of hills between 
 Galloway and Ayrshire on the south, to the river Ern on the north. 
 They possessed all Strathclyde, the shires of Ayr, Renfrew, and Stirl- 
 ing, and a small part of the shires of Dumbarton and Perth. According 
 to Ptolemy the Damnii had six towns, namely, Vanduaria, at Paisley ; 
 Colania, supposed to be Lanark ; Coria, at Carstairs in Eastern 
 Clydesdale ; Alauna on the river Allan, believed to be Kier near 
 Stirling ; Lindum near Ardoch ; and Victoria, at Dealginross on the 
 Ruchil water. 
 
 Sixth, The Horestii inhabited the country between the Bodotria or 
 Forth, on the south, and the Tarvus or Tay on the north, comprehend- 
 ing the shires of Clackmannan, Kinross and Fife, with the eastern part 
 of Strathern, and the country westward of the Tay as far as the river 
 Brann. 
 
 Seventh, The Venricones possessed the territory between the Tay 
 on the south, and the Carron on the north, comprehending Gowrie, 
 Strathmore, Stormont, and Strathardle in Perthshire ; with the whole of 
 Angus, and the larger part of Kincardineshire. Their chief town was 
 Orrea on the Tay. This and the last mentioned tribe were afterwards 
 named Vecturiones by the Romans. 
 
 Eighth, The Taixali inhabited the northern part of the Mearns, 
 and the whole of Aberdeenshire, as far as the Doveran. The promon- 
 tory of Kinnaird's head, the Taixalorum promontorhim of the Romans, 
 was included in this district. Devana, on the northern side of the Dee, 
 six miles above its influx into the sea, was their principal town, which 
 stood on the site of Normandykes of the present day. 
 
 Ninth, The Vacomagi inhabited the country on the southern side 
 
CALEDONIAN TRIBES. 
 
 of the Moray Frith from the Doveran on the east, to the Ness on the 
 west, comprehending the shires of BanflF, Elgin, Nairn, the eastern part 
 of Inverness, and Braemar in Aberdeenshire. Their towns were the 
 Ptoroton of Richard, the Alata Castra of Ptolemy, at the mouth of the 
 Varar, where the present Burghead runs into the Moray Frith ; Tuessis 
 on the eastern bank of the Spey ; and Tamea and Banatia in the inte- 
 rior country. 
 
 Tenth, The Albani, afterwards called Damnii-AIhain, on their sub- 
 jection to the Damnii, possessed the interior districts between the lower 
 ridge of the Grampians which skirts the southern side of the loch and 
 river Tay, on the south, and the chain of mountains which forms the 
 southern limit of Inverness-shire on the north. These districts compre- 
 hended Braidalbane, Athole, a small part of Lochaber, with Appin and 
 Glenorchy in Upper Lorn. The Albani were so called because they 
 possessed a high and mountainous country. 
 
 Eleventh, The AUacotti inhabited the whole country from Locli 
 Fyne on the west to the eastward of the river Leven and Loch-Lomond, 
 comprehending the whole of Cowal in Argyleshire, and the greater 
 part of Dumbartonshire. The British word Eithacoeti, which signifies 
 men dwelling along the extremity of the wood, appears to indicate 
 the derivation of the name of this tribe. 
 
 Twelfth, The Caledonii proper inhabited the whole of the interior 
 country from the ridge of mountains which separates Inverness and 
 Perth, on the south, to the range of hills which forms the forest of 
 Balnagowan in Ross on the north ; comprehending all the middle parts 
 of Inverness and of Ross. This territory formed a considerable part 
 of the extensive forest which in early ages, spread over the interior 
 and western parts of the country, on the northern side of the Forth 
 and Clyde, and to which the Bi-itish colonists, according to Chalmers, 
 gave the descriptive appellation of Colyddon, signifying literally the 
 coverts, and generally denoting a woody region. It was on this account 
 that the large tribe in question were called Celyddoni, a name afterwards 
 latinized into the more classical appellation of Caledonii. The descrip- 
 tive name, Celyddon, restricted originally to the territory described, was 
 afterwards extended to the whole country on the northern side of the 
 Forth and Clyde, under the latinized appellation of Caledonia. 
 
 Thirteenth, The Cantce possessed the east of Ross-shire from the 
 sstuary of Varar or the Moray Frith on the south to the Aliona, or 
 Dornoch Frith on the north ; having Loxa or Cromarty Frith which 
 indented their country in the centre, and a ridge of hills, Uxellim mon- 
 ks, on the west. This ridge, of which Ben- Wy vis, one of the highest 
 mountains in Great Britain, is the prominent summit, gradually declines 
 towards the north-east, and terminates in a promontory, called Pen 
 Uxellum, the Tarbetness of modern times. The terra Canta, tlie name 
 uf this tribe, is derived from Caitit, a British word meaning an open 
 country, whicli the district in question certainly was, when compared 
 ,vith the mourtainous interior and the western districts. 
 
HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 Fourteenth, The Logi possessed the south-eastern coast of Suther 
 land, extending from the Abona, or Dornoch Frith, on the south-west, 
 to the river Ila on the east. This river is supposed to be the Helms- 
 dale river of the Scandinavian intruders, called by the Celtic inhabitants 
 Avon- Vile, or Avon-Iliffh, the floody water. It is conjectured that this 
 tribe derived its name from the British word Li/gi, which is applicable 
 to a people living- on the shore. 
 
 Fifteenth, The Carnahii inhabited the south, the east, and north- 
 east of Caithness from the Ila river ; comprehending the three great 
 promontories of Virubium or Noss-Head, Virvedrum, or Duncansby- 
 Head, and Tarvedrum or the Orcns promontorium, the Dunnet-Head of 
 the present times. The Carnabii of Caithness, like those of Cornwall, 
 derived their appellation from their residence on remarkable promon- 
 tories. 
 
 Sixteenth, The Catini, a small tribe, inhabited the north-western 
 corner of Caithness, and the eastern half of Strathnaver in Sutherland- 
 shire ; having the river Naver, the Navari Jluvius of Ptolemy, for theii' 
 western boundary. Various conjectures are hazarded as to the deriva- 
 tion of the name of this tribe. Chalmers thinks that it is taken from 
 the name of the British weapon called the Cat or Catai, with which 
 they fought; but Sir Robert Gordon supposes it to be derived from the 
 Catti of Germany, who are said to have settled in Caithness at an early 
 period. Others again say that the tribe derived its name from Cattey, 
 an appellation given to the country which they possessed on account 
 of its being infested with a prodigious number of cats. But be that as 
 it may, the Gaelic people of Caithness and Sunderland are, according 
 to Chalmers, ambitious even at this day, of deriving their distant origin 
 from those Catini, or Catai of British times. 
 
 Seventeenth, The Mertce, occupied the interior of Sutherland ; and 
 this is all that we know of them. 
 
 Eighteenth, The Carnonacos inhabited the northern and western 
 coast of Sutherland, and a small part of the western shore of Ross, from 
 the Naver on the east, round to the Volsas bay, on the south-west. A 
 river called Straba falls into the sea in this district on the west of the 
 Naver, and the headland at tlie turn is named Ebudium promontorium. 
 Nineteenth, The Creones inhabited the western coast of Ross from 
 Volsas-sinus on the north to the Itt/s or Lochduich on the sonth. They 
 are said to have derived their name from their fierceness, Crewon oi 
 Creuonwys signifying in British, " men of blood." 
 
 Twentieth, The Cerones inhabited the whole western coast of Inver- 
 ness, and the countries of Ardnamurcban, Morvern, Sunart, and Ard- 
 gowar in Argyleshire, having the Itys or Lochduich on the north, and 
 the Longus or Linn e- Loch on the south. 
 
 Twenty-first, The Epidii inhabited the south-west of Argyleshke 
 from Linne-Loch on the north, to the Frith of Clyde and the Irish 
 sea on the south, including Cantyre, the point of which was called 
 the Epidian promontory, now named the Mull of Cantyre ; and they 
 
GRAMPIANS, GLENS, PASSES. 
 
 were bounded on the east by the country of the Albani, and the I.ela. 
 nonius Sinus or the Lochfine of the present day. The name of this 
 tribe is derived from the British Ebyd, a peninsula, as they chiefly 
 inhabited the promontory of Cantyre. 
 
 Such, according to the most authentic accounts that can be obtained, 
 were the names and topographical positions of the twenty-one tribes 
 which at the time of the Roman invasion occupied the whole of North 
 Britain; a country at that time without agriculture, studded with bogs 
 and covered with woods almost in the state in which it had been formed 
 by nature. 
 
 We have enumerated the whole of the North British tribes in order to 
 make our narrative the more intelligible ; but our researches and details, 
 except where the subject shall render reference to all of them necessary, 
 shall be confined to the thirteen last mentioned, inhabiting the tract of 
 country known by the name of the Highlands of Scotland. This cele- 
 brated territory is separated from the lowlands of Scotland by the 
 Grampians, a lofty chain of mountains running diagonally across the 
 kingdom, from the north of the river Don in Aberdeenshire, and ter- 
 minating beyond Ardmore in Dumbartonshire. The range in question, 
 which consists of rocks of primitive formation, appears at a distance to 
 be uninterrupted ; but it is broken by straths and glens. The principal 
 straths are on the rivers Leven, Ei-n, Tay, and Dee; but besides these 
 there are many glens and vallies called Passes, which, till a very late 
 period, were almost impassable. The chief of these Passes are Beal- 
 macha upon Loch-Lomond; Aberfoyle and Leny in Monteith; the Pass 
 of Glenalmond above Crieif; the entrance into Athole at Dunkeld; and 
 those formed by the rivers Ardle, Islay, and South and North Esk. 
 Immediately within the external boundary of the chain there are also 
 many strong and defensible passes, as Killikrankie, the entrances into 
 Glenlyon, Glenlochy, Glenogle, &c. The principal mountains of the 
 range are Benlomond, Benlawers, and Shichallain. This line of demar- 
 cation between the Highlands and Lowlands has kept the inhabitants of 
 these two divisions of Scotland so distinct " that for seven centuries," as 
 General Stewart observes, " Birnam Hill at the entrance into Athole, 
 has formed the boundary between the Lowlands and Highlands, and 
 between the Saxon and Gaelic languages. On the southern and eastern 
 sides of the hill, breeches are worn, and the Scotch lowland dialect 
 spoken, with as broad an accent as in Mid- Lothian. On the northern 
 and western sides are found the Gaelic, the kilt and the plaid, with all 
 the peculiarities of the Highland character. The Gaelic is universal, 
 as the common dialect in use among the people on the Highland side 
 of the boundary. This applies to the wliole range of the Grampians ; 
 as, for example, at General Campbell of Monzie's gate, nothing but 
 Scotch is spoken, while at less than a mile distant on the hill to the 
 northward, we meet with Gaelic." 
 
 The space which the thirteen last mentioned tribes occupied within 
 the mountains comprehended, as we have seen, part of the counties of 
 
HJisTOUY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 Ouiiibiirtou, Stirling, Perth, Angus, Aberdeen, Banff and Moray, and 
 the whole counties of Argyle, Bute, Inverness, Nairn, Ross, Cromarty, 
 Sutherland and Caithness, and the Hebrides. This boundary may be 
 defined by a line commencing at Ardmore in Dumbartonshii-e, running 
 along the southern verge of the Grampians to Aberdeenshire, and 
 from thence through Banff and Elgin to the sea shore, cutting off the 
 lowland portions in these three districts. This line then skirts the 
 shores of the Moray Frith till it reaches the north-eastern point of 
 Caithness at the eastern opening of the Pentland Frith ; then proceeds 
 along the southern side of that Frith sweeping round St. Kilda so as to 
 include the whole cluster of islands to the east and south as far as 
 Arran; and then stretching to the Mull of Cantyre it re-enters the 
 mainland and ends at Ardmore in Dumbartonshire. 
 
 The maritime outline of this boundary, particularly on the north and 
 west, is remarkably bold and rocky, and the mainland is deeply indented 
 by bays and arms of the sea. The interior of the country within the 
 Grampian range is grand and picturesque. Lofty mountains whose 
 summits are seldom to be distinguished from the mists or clouds which 
 envelope them, steep and tremendous precipices, and glens watered by 
 mountain streams or diversified by winding lakes, and occasional 
 sprinklings of beautiful woods, impress the mind of the traveller witli 
 just ideas of the sublime and beautiful as displayed by the hand of 
 nature in that romantic and poetical region. But no where is the wild 
 and magnificent scenery of the Highlands seen to greater advantage 
 than from the summits of Benlomond, Benlawers and the other ele- 
 vated points of the Grampians. These mountains like the rest are often 
 either covered with clouds or sliirted with mists. Of a bleak and bar- 
 ren aspect, and furrowed by channels deep and rocky, their summits 
 present scarcely any appearances of vegetation, but a thin covering oi 
 stunted heath, the residence only of birds of prey or of the white hare 
 and ptarmigan, is to be found a little lower down. Below this inhos- 
 pitable region the mountain deer and moor-fowl have fixed their abode 
 among more luxuriant heath, .interspersed with nourishing pasture on 
 which feed numerous flocks of sheep. The romantic glens at the 
 base of these mountains are well peopled, and contain a vast number of 
 flocks and herds which form the staple wealth of the country. 
 
 Although the people of Caledonia were certainly in a higher state of 
 civilization than that described by Dio and afterwards by Herodian, 
 it must be admitted that they knew little of the arts of social life and 
 had advanced but few stages beyond the savage state. Their division 
 into tribes or clans engendered a spirit of reciprocal hostility which 
 prevented any political union or amalgamation of their common interests; 
 and it was only when a foreign foe threatened their existence that a 
 sense of danger forced thera to unite for a time under the military 
 authority of a Pendragon or chief elected by common consent. Their 
 subjugation therefore by the Romans under Agricola, as far as that 
 victorious commander pushed his conquests, is not to be wondered 
 
BOUNDARIES, INTERIOR, WEAPONS. 
 
 ii. Tlie disunion of the British tribes as favouring the Roman arms is 
 ndeed acknowledged by Tacitus. " There was one thing," says that his- 
 orian, " which gave us an advantage over these powerful nations, that 
 ;hey never consulted together for the advantage of the whole. It was 
 :ai-e that even two or three of them united against the common enemy.' 
 A people so unhappily circumstanced could neither appreciate the bless- 
 ings of peace nor have any desire to enjoy them. Hence they carried 
 t>n a predatory system of warfare, congenial to their rude state of 
 existence, which retarded their advancement in civilization. Their 
 whole means of subsistence consisted in the milk and flesh of their flocks 
 and the produce of the chace. The piscatory treasures with which the 
 rivers and waters of Caledonia abound appear to have been but little 
 known to them ; a thing not to be wondered at when it is considered 
 that the druidical superstition proscribed the use of fish. Their dislike 
 to this species of food continued long after the system of the Drviids 
 had disappeared ; and they did not abandon this prejudice till the light 
 of Christianity was diffused among them. They lived in a state almost 
 approaching to nudity ; but whether from necessity or from choice can- 
 not be satisfactorily determined. Dio indeed represents the Caledo- 
 nians as being naked, but Herodian speaks of them as wearing a partial 
 covering. Their towns, which were very few, consisted of huts covered 
 with turf or skins, and built without order or regularity or any distinc- 
 tion of streets. For better security they were erected in the centre of 
 some wood or morass, the avenues leading to which were defended 
 with ramparts of earth and felled trees. The following is the descrip- 
 tion of a British Town as given by Ceesar : " What the Britons 
 caU a town is a tract of woody country, surrounded by a' vallum 
 and ditch, for the security of themselves and cattle against the incur- 
 sions of an enemy ; for, when they have inclosed a very large circuit 
 with felled trees, they build within it houses for themselves, and hovels 
 for their cattle."* Notwithstanding the scantiness of their covering, 
 which left their bodies exposed to the rigours of a cold and variable 
 climate, the Caledonians were a remarkably hardy race, capable or 
 enduring fatigue, cold, and hunger to an extent which their descendants 
 of the present day could not encounter without the risk of life. They 
 were decidedly a warlike people, and are said to have been addicted, 
 like the heroes of more ancient times, to robbery. The weapons of 
 their warfare consisted of small spears, long broadswords, and hand 
 daggers ; and they defended their bodies in combat by a small target or 
 shield, — all much of the same form and construction as those afterwards 
 nsed by their posterity in more modern times. The use of cavalry 
 appears not to have been so well understood among the Caledonians as 
 among the more southern tribes ; but in battle they often made use of 
 cars, or chariots, which were drawn by horses of a small, swift, and 
 spirited description ; and it is conjectured that, like those used by the 
 
 » Bello Gall. ii. c. 17 
 
HISTORY OP THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 soutliern Britons, tliey had iron scythes projecting from the axle. It 
 is impossible to say what form of government obtained among these 
 warlike tribes. When history is silent historians should either maiutaiu 
 a cautious reserve or be sparing- in their conjectures ; but analogy may 
 supply materials for well grounded speculations, and it may therefore be 
 asserted, without any great stretch of imagination, that, like most of the 
 other uncivilized tribes we read of in history, the Northern Britons or 
 Caledonians, were under the government of a leader or chief to whom 
 they yielded a certain degree of obedience. Dio indeed insinuates 
 that the governments of these tribes were democratic; but he should have 
 been aware that it is only when bodies of men assume, in an advanced 
 stage of civilization, a compact and united form that democracy csti 
 prevail ; and the state of barbarism in which he says the inhabitants of 
 North Britain existed at the period in question seems to exclude such a 
 supposition. The conjecture of Chalmers that, like the American tribes, 
 they were governed under the aristocratic sway of the old men rather 
 than the coercion of legal authority, is more probable than that of Dio 
 and approximates more to the opinion we have ventured to express. 
 
 It is remarked by Plutarch that in his time it would have been 
 easier to have found cities without walls, houses, kings, laws, coins, 
 schools and theatres than without temples and sacrifices. The obser- 
 vation is just ; for all the migratory tribes which spread themselves over 
 the globe after 'the dispersion of the human race carried along with 
 them some recollections of religion. Accordingly the aboriginal inha- 
 bitants of Northern Britain brought from the east a system of religion, 
 modified and altered no doubt by circumstances in its course through 
 different countries. The prevailing opinion is that Druidism was the 
 religion followed by all the Celtic colonies ; and in proof of this, refer- 
 ence has been made to a variety of druidical monuments abounding 
 in all parts of Britain and particularly in the north. An author, Mr. 
 Pinkerton, whose asperity, to use the words of Dr. Jamieson, " has 
 greatly enfeebled his argument," has attacked this position under the 
 shields of Csesar and Tacitus ; but although his reasoning is powerful 
 and ingenious he appears to have failed in establishing that these 
 monuments are of Gothic origin. As Druidism then may be con- 
 sidered as the first religious profession of the ancient Caledonians some 
 account of it, as forming a part of their antiquities, may naturally be 
 expected in this place. 
 
 That Druidism may have been corrupted by innovation, and may 
 have appeared in different shapes at various periods and in different 
 countries, is a supposition that admits of no doubt; but there are not 
 snfiicient data in history to enable the antiquary to trace the various 
 shades of dissimilarity which characterized the system in its gradual 
 advancement from the east through Europe. The obscurity in which 
 this system is enveloped is owing to a principle of the Druids which 
 forbade them to commit any part of their theology to writing. As 
 they had to trust entirely for every thing to memory, the science of 
 
CiVILlZATION, GOVERNMENT, RELIGION. 
 
 mnemonics was cultivated by the youth bred to the Druidical profes- 
 sion, in an extraordinary degree, and many of them spent twenty yeai-s 
 in storing their minds with the knowledge necessai-y for one of their 
 order. Diogenes Laertius divides the tenets of the Druids into four 
 heads. The first was, to worship God; the second, to abstain from 
 evil ; the third, to exert courage, and the fourth, to believe in the 
 immortality of the soul, for enforcing these virtues. If such were the 
 early tenets of the Druids, they must have sadly degenerated in the 
 course of time ; for they are quite incompatible with the gross and 
 revolting practices related of them by more modern writers. 
 
 Among the objects of druidical veneration tlie oak was particularly 
 distinguished ; for the Druids imagined that there was a supernatural 
 virtue in the wood, in the leaves, in the fruit, and above all in the 
 missletoe. Hence the oak woods were the first places of their devotion'; 
 •ind the offices of their religion were there performed without any cover- 
 ing but the broad canopy of heaven ; for it was a peculiar principle of 
 the Druids that no temple or covered building should be erected for 
 public worship. The part appropriated for worship was inclosed in a 
 ciixle, within which was placed a pillar of stone set up under an oak 
 and sacrifices were oifered thereon. The groves, within which the 
 mysteries of the druidical superstition were celebrated, were also appro- 
 priated for the instruction of the people and the education of youth, 
 which was under the sole superintendence of the priests. The pillars 
 which mark the sites of these places of worship are stiU to be seen ; 
 and so great is the superstitious veneration paid by the country people 
 to those sacred stones, as they are considered, that few persons have 
 ventured to remove them, even in cases where their removal would be 
 advantageous to the cultivator of the soil.* 
 
 Some writers pretend to have discovered in the system of Druidism 
 three distinct orders of priests ; the Druids or chief priests, the Vates, 
 and the Bards, who severally performed different functions. The 
 Bards of course sung in heroic verse the brave actions of those of their 
 tribe who had made themselves famous by their warlike exploits ; the 
 Vates continually studied and explained the laws and the productions 
 of nature ; and the Druids directed the education of youth, officiated in 
 the affairs of religion, and presided in the administration of justice. 
 The latter were exempted from serving in war, and from the payment 
 of taxes. The duties above enumerated would seem to imply that the 
 Druids were the only order of priests ; and although the Bards and 
 
 * The guildry of Perth, some years ago, proved, that they, at least, were superior to 
 this amiahle and, it may he, superstitious affection for the relics of the past. On their 
 property of Craigmakerran stood a circle of stones familiarly known by the name of 
 " Stannjn Stanes," as complete and perfect as when the dispensers of fire to the righte- 
 ous assembled within its sacred inclosure ; but they wanted stones to build some ofiBcea 
 for one of their tenants ; and, as these monolithes lay convenient to their hand, the 
 corporation Goths had them blasted with gunpowder, and thus utterly destroyed one of 
 the noblest monuments " of Britain's elder time." 
 I. B 
 
10 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 Vateg might eventually rise to the high and honourable dignity ol 
 Druids the propriety of writing them down as priests of the second and 
 third order seems very questionable. Besides the immunities before- 
 mentioned enjoyed by the Druids, they also possessed both civil and 
 criminal jurisdiction: they decided all controversies among states as 
 well as among private persons ; and whoever refused to submit to their 
 awards was exposed to the most severe penalties. The sentence ol 
 excommunication was pronounced against him ; he was forbidden access 
 to the sacrifices or public worship ; he was debarred all intercourse 
 vith his fellow-citizens, even in the common affairs of life ; his company 
 was universally shunned as profane and dangerous ; he was refused the 
 protection of law ; and death itself became an acceptible relief from the 
 misery and infamy to which he was exposed.* " Thus," according to 
 Hume, " the bands of government, which were naturally loose among 
 that rude and turbulent people, were happily corroborated by the terrors 
 of their superstition." 
 
 As connected in some degree with religion the modes of sepulture 
 among the Pagan people of North Britain come next to be noticed. 
 These have been various in different ages. The original practice of 
 interring the bodies of the dead gradually gave way among the Pagan 
 nations to that of burning the bodies, but the older practice was resumed 
 wherever Christianity obtained a footing. The practice of burning the 
 dead at the time we are treating of was common among the inhabitants 
 of North Britain ; but the process of inhumation was not always the 
 same, being attended with more or less ceremony according to the rank 
 of the deceased. Many of the sepulchral remains of our pagan ances- 
 tors are still to be seen, and have been distinguished by antiquaries 
 under the appellations of Barrows, Cairns, Cistvaens and Urns. 
 
 Among the learned the Barrows and Cairns, when they are of a round 
 shape and covered with green sward, are called tumuli, and hillochs by 
 the vulgar. These tumuli are circular heaps resembling a flat cone 
 and many of them are oblong ridges resembling the hull of a ship 
 with its keel upwards. The most of them are composed of stones, 
 some of them of earth, many of them of amixture of earth and stones, and 
 a few of them of sand. There is a great distinction however between 
 the Barrow and the Caim ; the first being composed solely of earth, 
 and the last of stones. The cairns are more numerous than the bar- 
 rows. Some of these cairns ai-e very large, being upwards of 300 feet 
 in circumference and from SO to 40 feet in height, and the quantity 
 of stones that has been dug from their bowels is almost incredible. 
 
 Many of these tumuli have been subjected from time to time to the 
 prying eyes of antiquaries ; and, as their researches are curious, a 
 short notice of them may be interesting to the general reader. Witli- 
 
 * ITie aqua et ignis interdictio of the Roman law, and the letters of intercommuning 
 auciently familiar to, but now, happily, unknown in the municipal jurisprudence of oiu 
 natlvB country were punishments evidently tiaccable to the Druidical times. 
 
SEPCLTURE. BARROWS, CISTVAEIKS, URNS. 11 
 
 in several tumuli which were opened in the isle of Skye there were 
 discovered stone coffins with urns containing ashes and weapons. 
 In a Barrow which was opened in the isle of Egg, there was found 
 a large urn, containing human bones, and consisting of a large round 
 stone, which had been hollowed, while its top was covered with a 
 thin flag-stone. In a large oblong caii-n, about a mile west from 
 Ardoch, in Perthshire, there was found a stone coffin, containing a 
 human skeleton seven feet long. On a moor between the parishes of 
 Kintore and Kinellar in Aberdeenshire, there are several sepulchral 
 cairns, wherein were found a stone chest, containing a ring of a 
 substance, like veined marble, and large enough to take in three 
 ^gers ; and near this stone chest was discovered an urn, containing 
 Tuman hair. A sepulchral cairn, in Bendochy Parish, in Perthshire, 
 being opened, there were found in it some ashes, and human bones, 
 which had undergone the action of fire ; and lower down, in the same 
 cairn, there were discovered two inverted urns, which were large enough 
 to contain thigh and leg bones ; and these urns were adorned with rude 
 sculptui'e, but without inscriptions. In the Beauly Frith, which is on 
 both sides very shallow, there are at a considerable distance within the 
 flood mark, on the coast of Ross-shire several cairns, in one of which 
 urns have been found. From these facts it is evident that the sea has 
 ipade great encroachments upon the flat shores of this Frith since the 
 epoch of the caii'ns which are now so far within its dominion. One 
 of these cairns on the south-east of Redcastle stands four hundred 
 yards within the flood ^nark and is of considerable size. On the south 
 side of the same Frith, at some distance from the mouth of the river 
 Ness, a considerable. space within the flood mark, there is a large cairn 
 which is called Carn-aire, that is, the Cairn in the sea, and to the west- 
 ward of this, in the same Frith, there ai-e three other cairns at consider- 
 able distances from each other, the largest of which is a huge heap of 
 stones, in the middle of the Frith, and is accessible, at low water, and 
 appears to have been a sepulchral cairn from the urns which are found 
 in it. 
 
 The Cistvaen, which, in the British language, signifies literally a stone 
 chest, from Cist, a chest, and maen changing in composition to vaen a 
 stone, was another mode of interment among the ancient inhabitants ot 
 our island. Sometimes the Cistvaen contained the urn within which 
 were deposited the ashes of the deceased ; yet it often contained the 
 ashes and bones without an urn. But urns of difi^erent sizes and shapes 
 have been found without cistvaens ; a circumstance which may be owing 
 to the fashion of different ages and to the rank of the deceased. 
 
 The same observation may be made with respect to urns which have 
 been found generally in tumuli, but often below the sm-face where there 
 had been no hillock : they were usually composed of pottery, and some- 
 times of stone, and were of different shapes, and variously ornamented 
 according to the taste of the times and the ability of the parties. Be- 
 sides the varieties already noticed in the modes of sepulture in South 
 
12 HISTORY OF THE HIOHLAN'PS. 
 
 aiid North Britain there were others not. yet noticed. Tn both en 
 the island sepulchral tumuli have been found in close connexion 
 the Druidical Circles. At Achencorthie, the field of the circles, thei 
 the remains of a Druidical temple which was composed of three 
 centric circles ; and there has been dug up between the two outer cL 
 a cistvaen ahout three feet long and one foot and a half wide, wh 
 there was found an urn containing some ashes. At Barrach ii 
 pai-ish of New Deer, Aberdeenshire, a peasant digging for stones 
 Druidical temple, found, about eighteen inches below the surfs 
 flat stone lying horizontally ; and, on raising it, he discovered an 
 full of human bones, some of which were quite fresh ; but on 1 
 touched they crumbled into dust. This urn had no bottom bul 
 placed on a flat stone, like that which covered its top ; and ab 
 yard from this excavation another urn was found, containing si: 
 remains. These facts demonstrate an intimate connexion bet 
 Druidical remains and tumuli, and show that they must have bee 
 handy- work of the same people. 
 
 As stone chests and clay urns containing ashes and bones have 
 frequently dug up about the ancient fortresses, a very close conn( 
 is supposed to have existed between these strengths and the sepul 
 twnuli. On the eastern side of the British fort at Inchtuthel, thei 
 two sepulchral tumuli; and several have also been found on a mo 
 the parish of Monzie, contiguous to a British fortress : in one of 
 called Ccrra- Comb-hall, a stone coffin was discovered. It is conjee 
 that these were the burial places of the chiefs who oomniande 
 Caledonian hill forts in early times. 
 
 When such pains were taken to keep alive the recollection o 
 inglorious dead, it is not to be imagined that the memories of 
 who fell in battle would be forgotten. Accordingly the fiel 
 ancient conflict are still denoted by sepulchral cairns ; and it is 
 conjectured that the battle at the Grampians has been perpet 
 by supulchral tumuli raised to the memory of the Caledonians wh 
 in defence of their country. " On the hill, above the moor of A 
 (says Gordon Itin. Septen. p. 42) are two great heaps of stone 
 one called Carn-wochel, the other Carnlee . the former is the gr 
 curiosity of this kind, that I ever met with ; the quantity of 
 rough stones, lying above one another, almost surpasses belief, ■ 
 made me have the curiosity to measure it; and I found the ■ 
 heap to be about one hundred and eighty-two feet in length, thi 
 sloping height, and forty five in breadth at the bottom." Soi 
 these cairns which are still to be found in the parish of Libbertoi 
 Edinburgh, are known by the name of Cat-stanes or BaUle-i 
 There are single stones also in many parts of North Britain still 1 
 by the appropriate name of Cat-stanes. The British Cad or the i 
 Irish CatJi, both of which words signify a battle, is the original d 
 tion of this name. 
 
 The next objects of antiquarian notice are the standing-stones, s 
 
STANDINO-STONES, HILL-FORTS. 13 
 
 clitionally denominated from their upright position. They are all to be 
 found in their natural shape without any mark from the tool or chisel. 
 Sometimes they appear single and as often in groups of two, three, four 
 or more. These standing-stones are supposed to have no connexion with 
 the Druidical remains, but are thought by some to have been erected 
 in successive ages as memorials to perpetuate certain events which, as 
 the stones are without inscriptions, they have not transmitted to pos- 
 terity, although such events may be otherwise known in history. Jn 
 Arran there are two large stone edifices which are quite rude, and se- 
 veral smaller ones ; and there are also similar stones in Harris. These 
 standing stones are numerous in Mull, some of which are very large, 
 and are commonly called by the Scoto-Irish inhabitants Carra, a word 
 signifying in their language a stone pillar. These stones in short are 
 to be seen in every part of North Britain as well as in England, Wales, 
 Cornwall and Ireland ; but being without inscriptions they " do not," as 
 Chalmers observes, " answer the end either of personal vanity or ot 
 national gratitude." 
 
 After the aboriginal inhabitants of North Britain had become indi- 
 genous to the soil which the bounds set to their farther emigration to 
 the north by the waters of the Atlantic would hasten sooner than in 
 any other country over which the Celtic population spread, it became 
 necessary for them to select strongholds for defending themselves from 
 the attacks of foreign or domestic foes. Hence the origin of the hill- 
 forts and other safeguards of the original people which existed in North 
 Britain at the epoch of the Roman invasion. There were many of 
 these in the south, the description of which do not fall within the design 
 of this work ; but the notice to be given of those in the north of Scot- 
 land will suffice for a general idea of the whole. 
 
 In the pai-ish of Menmuir in Forfarshire, are two well known hill- 
 forts called White Caterthun, standing to the south, and Brown 
 Catei-thun, to the northward. The name is derived from the British 
 words, Coder, a fortress, a stronghold, and Dun, a hill. These are 
 said to be decidedly reckoned amongst the most ancient Caledonian 
 strongholds and to be coeval with what are called British forts. 
 White Caterthun is of uncommon strength: it is of an oval form 
 constructed of a stupendous dike of loose stones, the convexity of 
 which, from the base within to that without is a hundred and twenty- 
 two feet : and on the outside, a hollow, which is made by the disposition 
 of the stones, surrounds the whole. Round the base is a deep ditch ; 
 and below, about a hundred yards, are vestiges of another trench that 
 swept round the hill. The area within the stonyhiU is flat ; the length 
 of the oval is four hundred and thirty-six feet, and the transverse diam- 
 eter two hundred ; near the east side, is the foundation of a rectangular 
 building ; and there are also the foundations of other erections, which 
 are circular, and smaller, all which foundations had once their super- 
 structures, the shelters of the possessors of the fort : while there is a 
 hollow, now nearly filled with stones, which it is supposed was once 
 
14 HISTORY OP THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 die well of the fort. The other fortress, which is callea Brow 
 Caterthun, from the colour of the earth, that composes the ramparts 
 is of a circular form, and consists of various concentric dikes. 
 
 A British fortress on Barra-hill in Aberdeenshire, similar to those 
 described, deserves notice. It is built in an elliptical form ; and the 
 rampai-ts were partly composed of stones, having a large ditch that 
 occupies the summit of the hill, which as it is about two hundred feet 
 above the vale, overlooks the low ground between it and the mountain 
 of Benachie. It was sm-rounded by three lines of circumvallation. 
 Facing the west the hill rises very steeply ; and the middle line is 
 interrupted by rocks ; while the only access to the fort is on the eastern 
 side where the ascent is easy ; and at this part the entry to the fort is 
 perfectly obvious. This Caledonian hill-fort is now called by the 
 tradition of the country. Cummin's Camp, from the defeat which the 
 Earl of Buchan there sustained, when attacked by the gallant Bruce. 
 The name Barra is derived from Bar which, in the British language 
 as well as in the Scoto-Irish, signifies a summit and from Ra, which in 
 the latter denotes a fort, a strength. 
 
 On the top of Barry-hill near Alyth in Perthshire which derives its 
 name it is believed from the same etymology, there was a fort of very 
 great strength. The summit of this hill has been levelled into an area 
 of about one hundred and sixty-eight yards in ci[cumference within 
 the rampai't. A vast ditch surrounded this fort. The approach to the 
 fort was from the north-east, along the verge of a precipice ; and 
 the entrance was secured by a bulwark of stones, the remains of which 
 still exist. Over the ditch, which was ten feet broad, and fourteen feet 
 below the foundation of the wall, a narrow bridge was raised, about 
 eighteen feet long and two feet broad ; and this bridge was composed 
 of stones, which had been laid together without much art, and vitrified 
 on all sides, so that the whole mass was firmly cemented. This is the 
 only part of the fortifications which appears to have been intentionally 
 vitrified ; for although among the ruins there are several pieces of 
 vitrified stone, it must have been accidental, as these stones are in- 
 considerable. There seems to be no vestige of a well ; but westward 
 beyond the base of the mound and the precipice, there was a deep 
 pond, which has been recently filled up. The tradition of the country, 
 which is probably derived from the fiction of Boyce, relates that this 
 vast strength of Bai-ry-hill was the appropriate prison of Arthur's 
 queen, the well known Guenever, who had been taken prisoner by the 
 Picts. About a quarter of a mile eastward, on the declivity of the 
 hill, there are some remains of another oval fort, which was defended 
 by a strong wall, and a deep ditch. The same tradition relates, with 
 similar appearance of fiction, that there existed a subterraneous com- 
 munication between these two British forts, on Barry-hill. Within 
 the walls of both fortresses there appear to be the remains of some 
 superstructure, probably the dwellings of those who defended them. 
 
 Many forts exist in every distiict of North Britain of a similar w 
 
SUBTERRANEOCS RETREATS AND CAVES. 16 
 
 ture and of equal magnitude, several of which exhibit also the remains 
 of the same kind of structui-es, within the area of each, for the sheltei 
 of their inhabitants. There is a fortress of this kind, which commands 
 an extensive view of the lower parts of Braidalbane. On the summit of 
 Dun-Evan in Nairnshire, there is also a similar fortress, consisting of two 
 ramparts, which surround a level space of the same oblong form, with 
 that of Craig-Phadric, though not quite so large. Within the area of 
 Dun- Evan, there are the traces of a well, and the remains of a large 
 mass of building, which once furnished shelter to the defenders of the 
 fort. A similar fort exists in Glenelg in Inverness-shire : a stone 
 rampart surrounds the top of the hill, and in the area there is the 
 vestige of a circular building for the use of the ancient inhabitants. 
 
 On the east side of Lochness, stands the fortress of Dunliar-duil upon 
 a very high hill of a circular, or rather conical shape the summit of which 
 is only accessible, on the south-east by a narrow ridge, which con- 
 nects the mount with a hilly chain, that runs up to Stratherric. On 
 every other quarter the ascent is almost perpendicular ; and a rapid 
 river winds round the circumference of the base. The summit is sur- 
 rounded by a very strong wall bf dry stones, which was once of great 
 height and thickness. The inclosed area is an oblong square of twen- 
 ty-five yards long, and fifteen yards broad ; it is level and clear of 
 stones, and has on it the remains of a well. Upon a shoulder of this 
 hill, about fifty feet below the summit, there is a druidical temple, 
 consisting of a circle of large stones, firmly fixed in the ground, with 
 a double row of stones, extending from one side as an avenue, or entry 
 to the circle. 
 
 From the situation of these hill-forts, as they are called, their relative 
 positions to one another, and the accommodations attached to them, it 
 has been inferred with great plausibility that they were rather con- 
 structed for the purpose of protecting the tribes from the attacks of one 
 another, than with the design of defending themselves from an invad- 
 ing enemy. As a corroboration of this view it is observed, that these 
 fortresses are placed upon eminences, in those parts of the country which 
 in the early ages must have been the most habitable and furnished 
 the greatest quantity of subsistence. They frequently appear in groups 
 of three, four or more in the vicinity of each other; and they are so dis- 
 posed, upon the tops of hfeights, that sometimes a considerable number 
 may be seen at the same time, one of them being always much larger 
 and stronger than the others, placed in the most commanding situation, 
 and no doubt intended as the distinguished post of the chief. 
 
 Subterraneous retreats or caves were common to most early nations 
 for the purpose of concealment in war. The Britons and their Cale- 
 donian descendants had also their hiding places. The excavations or 
 retreats were of two sorts : first. Artificial structures formed under 
 ground of rude stones without cement ; and, secondly. Natural caves in 
 •^cks which have been rendered more commodious by art. 
 
 Of the first sort are the subterraneous apartments which have been 
 
16 HISTORY OP THE HIGHLANDS 
 
 discovered in Forfarsliire, within the parish of Tealing. This building 
 was composed of large flat stones without cement, consisting of two or 
 three apartments not more than five feet wide, and covered with 
 stones of the same kind ; and there were found in this subterraneous 
 building, some wood ashes, several fragments of large earthen vessels, 
 and one of the ancient hand-mills called querns. In the same parish, 
 there has been discovered a similar building, which the country people 
 call in the Irish language a toeem or cave : it is about four feet high, 
 and four feet wide ; and it is composed of large loose stones. There 
 was found in it a broad earthen vessel and an instrument resembling 
 an adze. Several hiding holes of a smaller size, and of a somewhat 
 different construction, are to be seen in the Western Hebrides. Subter- 
 raneous structures have been also found on Kildruramie moor, in Aber- 
 deenshire; in the district of Applecross in Ross-shire; and in Kildonan 
 parish in Sutherland. A subterraneous building sixty feet long has been 
 discovered on the estate of Raits in the parish of Alvie in Inverness- 
 shire. 
 
 Of the second kind there are several in the parish of Applecross. 
 On the coast of Skye, in the parish of Portree, there are some caves 
 of very large extent, one of which is capacious enough to contain five 
 hundred persons. In the isle of Arran there are also several large caves, 
 which appear to have been places of retreat in ancient times. One (A 
 these at Drumaduin is noted, in the fond tradition of the country, at 
 the lodging of Fin MacCoul the Fingal of Ossian, during his residence 
 in Arran. This is called the King's Cave, and is said to have been hon- 
 oured with the presence of the illustrious Bruce who, along with his 
 patriot companions, was obliged to resort to it as a place of temporary 
 safety. There are other caves of great dimensions in this island, (A 
 which as well as of those in Skye many strange and fabulous stories 
 are told. 
 
 Some of the warlike weapons of the ancient Caledonians have been 
 already mentioned. Besides their spears, swords and daggers, they 
 also used axes or hatchets and arrow heads. The hatchets which have 
 been usually found are generally of flint, and are commonly called celts, 
 a term which antiquaries have been unable to explain. An etymolo- 
 gist would derive the name from the British word ccZi literally signify- 
 ing a, flint stone. Some of these hatchets were formed of brass or other 
 materials of a similar kind, as well as of flint. Arrow heads made of 
 sharp-pointed flint have been found in various graves in North Britain, 
 on the side of a hill in the parish of Benholm, Kincardineshire, where 
 tradition says a battle was fought in ancient times, and also in the isle of 
 Skye. These arrow heads of flint are known among the common peo- 
 ple by the name of elf-shots from a superstitious notion that they wern 
 shot by elves or fairies at cattle. Hence the vulgar impute many of the 
 disorders of their cattle to these elf-shots. When superstition finds out 
 its own cause, of course it has always its remedy at hand; and accord- 
 ingly the cure of the distressed animal may be efi'ected eitlier by tlie 
 
WARLIKE WEAPONS, CANOES, CUIIRACHS. ^7 
 
 touch of the elf-shot or by making the animal drink of water in wbich 
 the elf-shot had been dipped. 
 
 It thus appears that the ancient Caledonians were not deficient in 
 the implements of war; their armouries being supplied with helmets, 
 shields, and chariots, and with spears, daggers, swords, battle-axes and 
 bows. The chiefs alone, however, used the helmet and chariot. These 
 accoutrements have been mostly all found in the graves of the warriors, 
 or have been seen, during recent times, on the Gaelic soldiers in fight. 
 Among snch rude tribes as have been described, marine science must 
 have been little attended to and but imperfectly understood. As 
 the ancient Caledonians had no commerce of any kind and never 
 attempted piratical excursions, the art of shipbuilding was unknown to 
 them ; at least no memorials have been left to show that they were 
 acquainted with it. They, however, constructed canoes consist- 
 ing of a single tree, which they hollowed with fire in the manner 
 of the American Indians ; and they put these canoes in motion by means 
 of a small paddle or oar in the same manner as the Indian savages do at 
 this day. With these they crossed rivers and arms of the sea, and tra- 
 versed lakes. Many of these canoes have been discovered both in 
 South and North Britain embedded in lakes and marshes. 
 
 The most remarkable and the largest discovered in North Britain, 
 was that found in the year 1726 near the influx of the Carron into 
 the Forth, buried fifteen feet in the south bank of the Forth : it was 
 thirty-six feet long, four feet broad in the middle, four feet four inches 
 deep, four inches thick in the sides ; and it was all of one piece of solid 
 oak, sharp at the stem and broad at the stern. This canoe was finely 
 polished, being quite smooth within and without. Not a single knot 
 was observed in the whole block, and the wood was of an extraordinary 
 hardness. 
 
 The canoes were afterwards superseded, at an early period, by another 
 marine vehicle called a currach. Caesar describes the currachs of South 
 Britain as being accommodated with keels and masts of the lightest 
 wood, while their hulls consisted of wicker covered over with leather. 
 Lucan calls them little ships in which he says the Britons were wont 
 to navigate the ocean. Solinus says that it was common to pass between 
 Britain and Ireland in these little ships. It is stated by Adomnaninhis 
 life of St. Columba that St. Cormac sailed into the north sea in oneof these 
 currachs, and that he remained there fourteen days in perfect safety ; 
 hut this vessel must have been very different from the currachs of 
 CsBsar, as according to our author it had all the parts of a ship with 
 sails and oars, and was capacious enough to contain passengers. Proba- 
 bly the currachs in which the Scoto-Irish made incursions into Britain 
 during the age of Claudlan were of the latter description. 
 
 The reader will now be able to form a general idea of the Caledon- 
 ian Britons, and their most important antiquities and topographical posi- 
 tions, at the memorable era of Agricola's invasion of North Britain, the 
 inhabitants of which opposed him with a prov/ess and bravery which 
 
18 HISTORY OF THE HTOfTI.ANnS. 
 
 af (onished the conquerors of the world and excited their vronder and 
 admiration ; but no bravery however great, circumstanced as the 
 Caledonians then were, disunited by principle and habit, could with- 
 stand the military skill and experience of the Roman legions. 
 
 The interval between the first invasion of Britain by Julius Cffisar 
 and the time when Agricola assumed the command of the Roman 
 army in that country, embraces a period of one hundred and thirty-five 
 years, during all which time the legions of imperial Rome had not been 
 able to penetrate into North Britain. The complete conquest of the 
 whole island had often occupied the thoughts of the EmpeJors and the 
 able commanders to whom the government of South Britain was en- 
 trusted; but the bravery of the people, and a variety of obstacles hitherto 
 insurmountable, thwarted their designs. It was reserved for Agricola 
 to effect what the most skilful of his predecessors could not accomplish ; 
 and although he failed in bringing the whole of Caledonia under 
 subjection to the Roman yoke, his victories and conquests have covered 
 his name with glory as a warrior and a statesman. We are not to re- 
 gard him as the ruthless invader carrying fire and sword into the 
 bosom of a peaceable country, but rather as the mild and merciful con- 
 queror bringing in his train the blessings of civilization and refinement 
 to a rude and ungovernable people ; nor should we forget that it is to 
 liim chiefly that we are indebted for the information which we now 
 possess of the earliest period of our history. 
 
 It was in the year seventy-eight of the Christian era that Agricola 
 took the command in Britain, but he did not enter North Britain till 
 the year eighty-one, at which time he was forty-one years of age. The 
 years seventy-nine and eighty were spent in subduing the tribes to the 
 south of the Solway Frith hitherto unconquered, and in the year 
 eighty-one Agricola entered on his fourth campaign by marching into 
 North Britain along the shores of the Solway Frith and overrunning 
 the mountainous region which extends from that estuary to the Friths 
 of Clyde and Forth, the Glotta and Bodotria of Tacitus. He finished 
 this campaign by raising a line of forts on the narrow isthmus between 
 these Friths, so that as Tacitus observes, " the enemies being removed 
 as into another island'' the country to the south might be regarded as a 
 quiet province. But Agricola still having enemies in his rear in the 
 persons of the Selgovte and Novantes, who inhabited the south-western 
 parts of North Britain, he resolved, before pushing his conquests farther 
 to the north, to subdue these hostile tribes. The fifth campaign in 
 eighty-two was undertaken with this view. " He therefore invaded," 
 says his historian, " that part of Britain which is opposite to Ireland," 
 being the whole extent of Galloway both by sea and land. A landing 
 from the fleet, which had been brought from the Isle of Wight, was 
 effected within the loch near Brow at the Lochermouth which here 
 forms a natural harbour ; but the Locher moss, which was then a vast 
 marsh and a wood impenetrable to every thing but Roman labour 
 aud skill, obstructed his march. Difficulties which would have 
 
AGRICOLAS OAMrAIGNS. 19 
 
 been aiuuist insuperable to any other commander vanislied before the 
 genius and perseverance of Agricola, who opened a passage through 
 the whole of this wood and marsh by felling the trees which obstructed 
 the progress of his army, and making a causeway of the trunks so cut 
 down across the morass. He marched along the shore with part of hi? 
 army, leaving the estuary of Locher and Caerlaverock on his left, and 
 encamped against Uxellum the chief town of the Selgovse. From this 
 position he continued liis march, and arrived at length at tha 
 Caerbanforigum of Ptolemy, the Drummore Castle of modern maps, 
 one of the largest and strongest fortresses of the Selgova. The traces 
 of Agricola's route through the country of the Novantes which was not 
 so well fortified as that of the Selgovse cannot be so easily defined. 
 
 Having accomplished the subjugation of these two tribes, Agricola 
 made preparations for his next campaign which he was to open beyond 
 the Forth in the summer of eighty-three. He began by surveying 
 the coasts and sounding the harbours, on the north side of the Forth 
 by means of his fleet. As, according to Tacitus, the country beyond 
 the Forth was the great object of Agricola ; and as the latter appears 
 to have been aware of the formidable resistance which had been pre- 
 pared for him by the Caledonians, if he should attempt to cross the 
 estuary, it is supposed, with every appearance of probability, that he em- 
 ployed his fleet in transporting his army across the Forth from as conve- 
 nient a station as he could select without being perceived by the enemy ; 
 and it is cei'tain that the seamen were frequently mixed with the cavalry 
 and infantry in the same camp after Agricola arrived among the Horeslii. 
 The offensive operations of the sixth campaign were commenced by the 
 Caledonian Britons who, from the higher country, made afurious attack 
 on the Transforthan fortifications, which so alarmed some of Agricola's 
 officers, who were afraid of being cut off from a retreat, that they advised 
 their general to recross the Forth without delay; but Agricolaresisted this 
 advice and made preparations for the attack which he expected would 
 soon be made upon his army. In pursuance of a plan which he had 
 formed he disposed his army in three divisions. The position which 
 his army occupied appears to have been near Carnock on the site oi 
 two farms appropriately known by the names of East Camp and West 
 Camp where are still to be traced the remains of two military stations 
 From this position the Roman general pushed forward the ninth legion 
 to Loch Ore about two miles southward from Loch Leven, with two 
 ranges of hills in fi'ont, the Cleish range on their left, and Binnarty hill 
 on their right. The camp here formed was situated on the north side 
 of Loch Ore, less than half a mile south-west from Loch Ore house in 
 the parish of Ballingry in Fife. Its form was nearly square and its 
 total circumference was about two thousand and twenty feet, and it was 
 S'jrrounded by three rows of ditches and as many ramparts of eartli 
 and stone. Another division of the army encamped it is said near 
 Duneam-hill, about a mile distant from Burntisland, near which hill are 
 still to be seen the remains of a strength called Agricola's Camp. 
 
20 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 The Horestii Laving watched the proceedings of the Roman army 
 made the necessary preparations for attack, and during the night deli- 
 vered a furious assault on the Roman entrenchments at Locli Ore. 
 They had acted with such caution that they were actually at the very 
 camp before Agricola was aware of their movements ; but with great 
 presence of mind he despatched a body of his lightest troops to turn 
 their flank and attack the assailants in the rear. After an obstinate 
 engagement, maintained with varied success in the very gates of the 
 camp, the Britons were at length repulsed by the superior skill of the 
 Roman veterans. This battle was so far decisive, that Agricola did not 
 find much difficulty afterwards in subduing the country of the Horestii, 
 and having finished his campaign he passed the winter of eighty-three 
 in Fife ; being supplied with provisions from his fleet in the Forth, and 
 keeping up a constant correspondence with his garrisons on his southern 
 side. 
 
 After the defeat of the Horestii, the Caledonians began to perceive 
 the danger of their situation from the near proximity of such a powerful 
 enemy, and a sense of this danger impelled them to lay aside the feuds 
 and jealousies which had divided and distracted their tribes, to consult 
 together for their mutual safety and protection, and to combine their 
 scattered strength into a united and energetic mass. The proud spirit 
 of independence which had hitherto kept the Caledonian tribes apart, 
 now made them coalesce in support of their liberties, which were 
 threatened with utter annihilation. In this eventfid crisis, they looked 
 around them for a leader or chief under whom they might fight tlie 
 battles of freedom, and save their country from the dangers which 
 threatened it. A chief, named Galgacus by Tacitus, was pitched upon 
 to act as generalissimo of the Caledonian army ; and, from the praises 
 bestowed upon him by that historian, this warrior appears to have well 
 merited the distinction thus bestowed. Preparatory to the struggle 
 they were about to engage in, they sent their wives and children into 
 places of safety ; and they ratified the confederacy which they had en- 
 tered into against their common enemy, in solemn assemblies in which 
 public sacrifices were offered up. 
 
 Having strengthened his army with some British auxiliaries from 
 the south, Agricola marched through Fife in the summer of eighty-four, 
 sending at the same time his fleet round the eastern coast, to support 
 him in his operations, and to distract the attention of the Caledonians. 
 The line of Agricola's march, it is conjectured, was regulated by the 
 course of the Devon ; and he is supposed to have turned to the right 
 from Glen-devon through the opening of the Ochil hills, along the 
 course of the rivulet which forms Glen-eagles ; leaving the braes of 
 Ogilvie on his left, and passing between Blackford and Auchterarder 
 towards the Grampian hills, which he saw at a distance before him as 
 he debouched from the Ochils. By an easy march he reached the moor 
 of Ardoch, from which he descried the Caledonian army, to the num- 
 ber of thirty thousand men, encamped on the declivity of the hill which 
 
agrioola's campaigns. 21 
 
 begins to rise tiom the north-western border of the moor of Ardoch. 
 Agricola took his station at the great camp which adjoins the fort of 
 Ardoch on the northward. From this camp Tacitus informs us, that 
 Agricola drew out his army on the neighbouring moor, having a large 
 ditch of considerable length in front. The Caledonians, after making 
 the necessary preparations for battle, descended from the position which 
 they occupied on the declivity of the hill, and attacked the Roman army 
 with the most determined bravery. The battle was long> and bloody, 
 but night put an end to the combat; and the Caledonians seeing no hopes 
 of driving the enemy from his entrenchments resolved to retreat. 
 Here again superior skill and science triumphed over rude valour. The 
 short swords and large shields of the Romans, with the use of which they 
 were so familiar, gave them a decided advantage over the longer and 
 more inefficient weapons of the Caledonians; while the plan of keeping 
 troops in reserve to relieve those who were fatigued or sorely pressed 
 upon, always adopted in the Roman army, enabled the soldiers of Agri- 
 cola to maintain the contest with undiminished vigour, tended gi-eatly 
 to weary out the breathless impetuosity of their less skilful assailants. 
 Yet the Romans paid dearly for the advantage they obtained, theit 
 loss being more considerable than might have been expected in a con- 
 flict really so unequal. The number that fell on the side of the Caledo- 
 nians is rated at ten thousand. It may be necessary to acquaint the 
 reader, that the site of this famous battle is a subject of much contro- 
 versy among antiquaries, and that the place above indicated has been 
 selected as the one which, from various circumstances, has most histo- 
 rical probabilities in its favour. 
 
 As Agricola, from the check he had experienced, found it impossible 
 either to advance or retain his position during the ensuing winter, he 
 retraced his steps ; and after taking hostages from the Horestii, he 
 re-crossed the Forth and took up his winter quarters on the south of 
 the Tyne and Solway. During his progress southward, he sent his fleet 
 on a voyage of discovery to the north which, after exploring the whole 
 coast from the Forth to the Hebrides and descrying the Ultima Thule, 
 supposed to be either the Shetland islands or Foula, the most westerly 
 of the gi'oup, or Iceland, returned ad portuni Trutulensem, or Richbo- 
 rough, or Rickborough, before the approach of winter. 
 
 The Emperor Domitian now resolved to supersede Agricola in his 
 command in North Britain ; and he was accordingly recalled in the 
 year eighty-five, under the pretence of promoting him to the govern- 
 ment of Syria, but in reality out of envy on account of the glory which 
 he had obtained by the success of his arms. He died on the 23d of 
 AuoTist, ninety-three, some say, from poison, while others attribute his 
 death to the effects of chagrin at the unfeeling treatment of Domitian. 
 His countrymen lamented his death, and Tacitus, his son-in-law, pre- 
 served the memory of his actions and his worth in the history of his 
 
 life. 
 
 During the remainder of Domitian's reign and that of Adrian his siir- 
 
22 
 
 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 OCSSO 
 
 r, North Britain appears to have enjoyed tranquillity ; an inference 
 hich may be fairly di-awn from the silence of the Roman historians 
 Yet as Adrian in the year one hundi-ed and twenty-one built a wall 
 between the Sol way and the Tyne, some writers have supposed that the 
 Romans had been driven by the Caledonians out of North Britain, in the 
 reign of that Emperor. But if such was the case how did LoUius Ur- 
 bicus, the Roman general, about nineteen years after Adrian's wall was 
 erected, penetrate without opposition to Agricola's forts between the 
 Clyde and the Forth ? May we not rather suppose that the wall u( 
 Adrian was built for the purpose of preventing incursions into the south 
 by the tribes which inhabited the country between that wall and the 
 Friths ? But, be this as it may, little is known of the history of North 
 Britain from the time of Agricola's recal till the year one hundred and 
 thirty-eight, when Antoninus Pius assumed the imperial purple. That 
 good and sagacious emperor was distinguished by the care which he 
 took in selecting the fittest officers for the government of the Roman 
 provinces ; and his choice, for that of Britain, fell on LoUius Urbicus, 
 a man who united talents for peace with a genius in war. 
 
 After putting down a revolt of the Brigantes in South Britain in the 
 year one hundred and thirty-nine, this able general marched northward 
 the following year to the Friths, between which he built a wall of earth 
 on the line of Agricola's forts. He proceeded northward and is sup- 
 posed to have carried his arms as far north as the Varar or Moray 
 Frith, throwing the whole of the extensive country between Forth and 
 Clyde and the Varar into the regular form of a Roman province. The 
 numerous Roman stations found throughout the wide tract just men- 
 tioned, seem to corroborate this very probable conjecture. At this 
 period the Emperor Antoninus, with that spirit of benevolence which 
 formed a prominent trait in his charactci-, extended the right of citi- 
 zenship over the whole Roman empire ; and thus all the inhabitants of 
 North Britain who had resided along the east coast, from the Tweed 
 to the Moray Frith, might, like St. Paul, have claimed the privileges 
 of Roman citizens. But it is not likely that the Caledonians availed 
 themselves of those rights. Their native pride and independence, 
 which could not brook the idea of acknowledging any subjection to a 
 foreign power, induced them to pay little regard to privileges which, 
 though granted with the most praise-worthy motives, always reminded 
 them of the causes which led to them. 
 
 It may not be out of place here to give some account of the wall of 
 Antoninus erected by LoUius Urbicus. Capitulinus, who flourished 
 during the third centnry, is the first writer who notices this wall, and 
 states that it was built in the reign of Antoninus Pius, but he gives no 
 exact description of it. The wall or rampart extended from Caeridden 
 on the Forth to Dunglas and perhaps to Alcluid on the Clyde. Taking 
 the length of this wall from Old Kilpatrick, on the Clyde, to Caeridden 
 on the Forth, its extent would be thirty-nine thousand seven hundred 
 and twenty-six Roman paces, which agree exactly with the modern 
 
WAhL OF ANTONINUS, ITERS. "f^ 
 
 measurement of thii-ty-six English miles, and six hundred and twenty 
 yards. This rampart which was of earth, and rested on a stone founda- 
 tion, was upwards of twenty feet high and four and twenty feet thick. 
 Along the whole extent of the wall there was a vast ditch or 
 prmtentura on the outward or north side, which was generally twenty 
 feet deep and forty feet wide, and which, there is reason to believe, 
 might be filled with water when occasion required. This ditch and ram- 
 part were strengthened at both ends, and throughout its whole extent, by 
 one and twenty forts, three being at each extremity, and the remainder 
 placed between at the distance of 35541 yards, or something more 
 than two English miles from one another ; and it has been clearly 
 ascertained that these stations were designedly placed on the previous 
 fortifications of Agricola. Its necessary appendage, a military road, ran 
 behind the rampart from end to end, for the use of the troops and for 
 keeping up the usual communication between the stations or forts. 
 From inscriptions on some of the foundation stones, which have been 
 dug up, it appears that the second legion, with detachments from the 
 sixth and twentieth legions and some auxiliaries, executed these vast 
 military works, equally creditable to their skill and perseverance. 
 Dunglas near the western extremity, and Blackness near the eastern 
 extremity of the rampart, afforded the Romans commodious harbours 
 for their shipping, such as they enjoyed, while they remained in North 
 Britain, at Cramond. This wall is called in the popular language of 
 the country Grime's Dyke, the etymology of which has confounded an- 
 tiquarians and puzzled philologists. In British speech and in the 
 Welsh language of the present day the word Grym signifies strength; 
 but whether the appellation which the wall now receives is derived 
 from such a root seems doubtful. Certain it is, that the absurd fiction 
 of Fordun, Boyce and Buchanan, who derive the name from a supposi- 
 titious person of the name of Grime and his Scots having broke through 
 this wall, has long been exploded with many other fictions of the sanib 
 authors. 
 
 At this epoch we may date the height of the Roman power in 
 Britain. The Romans had now enlarged their territories to their 
 greatest extent : they had conducted Iters almost to the extremities of 
 North Britain, from the Solway and Tyne to the Forth and Clyde, 
 and from thence to the Burgh-head of Moray: they had formed 
 roads throughout that extent of country, and they had established 
 stations in the most commanding places within, the districts of 
 Valentia and Vespasiana. As a notice of these works of art cannot 
 fail to be interesting, they shall be here shortly described as they 
 existed in the province of Vespasiana, extending from the wall of 
 Antoninus to the Varar or the Moray Frith. 
 
 According to Richard of Cirencester, an Iter with its accompanying 
 stations, traversed the whole extent of Vespasiana from the wall of 
 Antoninus to the Varar or Moray Frith. The first stage extended 
 twelve miles from the wall to Alauna, or the Allan water near its 
 
'24 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS, 
 
 junction with the Forth. From thence it went forward aiong Stratli- 
 allan, uiiio miles to the Lindum of Richard's Itinerary, the well known 
 station at Ardoch. From Lindum the Iter passed throughout a course 
 of nine miles to the Victoria of the Itinerary, the proud monument of 
 Agricola's victory of the Grampians, the DeaJginross of the Tourists, at 
 the western extremity of Strathern. The Iter then took an easterly 
 direction nine miles to Hierna the station on the Ern at Strageth and 
 from thence to Orrea on the Tay, at the distance of fourteen itinerary 
 miles. From Orrea the Iter went ad Tavum nineteen miles ; and from 
 thence ad Esicam twenty-three miles. Setting off from Orrea in an 
 easterly direction, through the passage of the Seidlaw hills and along 
 the Carse of Gowrie the Iter reached ad Tavum on the northern 
 side of the estuary of the Tay, near Dundee. From this last station, 
 proceeding in a north-east direction through the natural opening of 
 the country, the Iter, at the distance of eleven miles, fell in with 
 the well known Roman camp at Harefauld's ; and at the end of these 
 twenty-three miles nearly, it reached the South Esk at Brechin 
 the ad Esicam of Richard. In the course of this route, at the distance 
 of two miles west from Dundee and half a mile north from Invergowi-ie, 
 on the estuary of the Tay, there are the remains of a Roman camp, 
 about two hundred yards square, fortified with a high rampart and a 
 spacious ditch. 
 
 From the last mentioned station, the course of the itinerary 
 proceeded in a north-east direction, and would have arrived at the 
 end of five miles and three quarters, on the North Esk, the Tina of 
 Richard. Passing the North Esk at the King's ford, the Roman 
 troops, it is supposed, marched straight forward through the valley 
 of Luther water, about eight and a half miles, to the station at For- 
 dun, where the remains of two Roman camps are to be seen ; and 
 thence by Urie hill, where there is the well known camp of Raedikes, 
 from which, in a northerly direction, about six English miles, these 
 troops would reach the river Dee at Peter-Culter, the Devana of 
 Ptolemy and Richard. This last position is thirty-one miles from the 
 South Esk, at Brechin ; and the route corresponds with the devious 
 track delineated on Richard's useful map. Remains of extensive 
 entrenchments of a rectangular form, at the termination of the itinerary 
 distance on the north side of the Dee, west from the church of Mary- 
 Culter, and south-west from the church of Peter-Culter, indicate the 
 site of a Roman camp. These remains are popularly denominated, 
 " the Norman Dikes." This camp extended from the north-east to 
 tlie west-south-west. The rampart and ditch, on the northern side are 
 about three quarters of a mile long, and remain tolerably entire. From 
 each end of this work, a rampart and ditch ran off at right angles, 
 and formed the ends of a camp, a few hundred yards of which only 
 remain : the whole of the southern side is destroyed. This camp is 
 938 yards long, and 543 yards broad ; comprthending an area of eighty 
 Scotch acres, being nearly of the same size as the camp of Raedikes, 
 
ITERS. as 
 
 on the Itliau, the next stage in the Iter. It has two gates in each side, 
 like the camps of Battledikes and Harefaulds, and at Urie, and one 
 gate in each of the ends, which appears to have been covered by a 
 traverse in the Roman manner. 
 
 From the Dee at Peter-Culter, the Iter proceeded on the right oi 
 Achlea, Fiddy, and Kinmundy, and from thence in a north-north-west 
 direction, it went through a plain district, till it reached the site of 
 Kintore on the Don, and thence it followed, according to the Roman 
 practice, the strath of the river to the head of the Don, where there 
 is a ford, at the same place where the high road has always passed 
 the same river to Inver-urie. The Romans then passed the Urie 
 and pushed on in a north-north-west course, through a moorish district 
 to the sources of the Itlian, the Ituna of Richard, where the camp of 
 Glen-mailen was placed, an extended coiu-se of twenty-six statute 
 miles between these itinerary stations. The camp at Glen-mailen as 
 well as the camp at Urie, is called the J?ae-Dikes, from the Gaelic 
 Ra' signifying a cleared spot, or fortress. 
 
 In proceeding from Glen-mailen, the Romans directed their com-se 
 northward, and crossing the Doveran, at Achengoul, where there are 
 still considerable remains of military works, they arrived, at the dis- 
 tance of thirteen statute miles, at the high ground on the north of 
 Foggy-lone at the eastern base of the Knock-hill, the real Mans Gram- 
 pitis of Richard, being the first landmark seen by mariners as they 
 approach the most easterly point of North Britain. The heights near 
 Glen -maUen afford a distinct view of the whole com-se of the Moray 
 Frith, and the intermediate country through which the Romans had to 
 pass forward to their ultimate object, Ptoroton, or Kinnaird's head 
 and the whole of the north-east of Buchan may be seen from the high 
 grounds on the north of Foggy-lone. 
 
 From the station at Knock-hill the itinerary proceeds ad Selinam of 
 Richard, or to the rivulet Cullen, near the old tower of Deskford, at 
 the distance often statute miles. This is evident from the circumstance 
 of Roman coins having been found some years ago near the old 
 bridge, a little below the tower of Deskford. Following the course of 
 the rivulet to Inver-Cullen, and passing along the coast of the Moray 
 Frith, the Roman armies arrived at the Roman post which is 
 still to be seen on the high bank of the Spey, the Tuessis of Ptolemy 
 and Richard, below the church of Bellie, a distance of nineteen statute 
 miles. About half a mile north-east of the ruins of Bellie, on a bank 
 overlooking the low fluviated ground of the river, are the remains of a 
 Roman encampment. It is situated upon aflat surface, and forms nearly 
 a rectangular parallelogram of 888 feet by 333 ; but the west side, and 
 the greater part of the north end of the parallelogram are now wanting. 
 It is singular that the ford on the Spey, by which the Romans were 
 enabled to connect their stations in the north, during the second cen- 
 tury, should have facilitated the passage of the Duke of Cumberland in 
 
26 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 April, 1746, when he pressed forward "in order to decide," says 
 Chalmers, " the fate of the Gaelic descendants of the ancient race." 
 
 From their station on the eastern bank of the Spey, with the Mo- 
 ray Frith close to their right, they were only one day's inarch from the 
 Alalia- Castra of Ptolemy, the Ptoroton of Richard, the Burgh-head of 
 modern geographers, at the mouth of the Estuary of Varar. The north 
 and west sides of the promontory called Burgh-head are steep rocks 
 washed by the sea, and which rises sixty feet above the level of the low 
 water-mark ; the area on the top of the head is 300 feet long on the 
 east side, and 520 feet long on the west side : it is 260 feet broad, and 
 contains rather more than two English acres. A strong rampart, twenty 
 feet high, built with old planks, cased with stone and lime, appears to 
 Iiave surrounded it: the south and east sides are pretty entire; but the 
 north and west sides are much demolished. On the east side of this 
 height, and about forty-five feet below the summit, there is an area 650 
 feet long, and 150 feet wide, containing upwards of three English acres 
 The space occupied by the ruins of the ramparts which have fallen 
 down, is not included in this measurement. It appears to have been 
 surrounded with a very strong rampart of stone which is now much 
 demolished. On the south and land side of these fortified areas, two 
 deep ditches are carried across the neck of this promontory ; these 
 ditches were, in 1792, when surveyed by Chapman, from sixteen to 
 twenty feet deep, from twelve to sixteen feet wide at the bottom, and 
 from forty to fifty feet wide at the top. The bottoms of the ditches 
 were then 25 feet above the level of the sea at high water, and are con- 
 siderably higher than the extensive tract of the flat ground on the land 
 side. The ditches, ramparts, rocks, and waste ground, which sur- 
 round the areas above described, contain upwards of five English acres. 
 
 As the Romans had other stations in the north besides those noticed, 
 they did not always in returning to the south follow the course of the 
 Iter just described. They had another Iter, the first station of which 
 from the Burgh-head was the Varis of Richard, now Forres, a distance 
 of eight statute miles. It is singular that the Gaelic name of Forres 
 is Paris, which corresponds so exactly with Varis as to make it certain 
 that Forres and the Varis of Richard are the same. Besides, when the 
 streets of Forres were dug up in order to repair the pavement, there 
 were discovered several Roman coins, and a Roman medallion in soft 
 metal, which i-esembled a mixture of lead and tin. From Forres the 
 Iter proceeds to the Spey at Cromdale, a distance of nineteen statute 
 miles. Proceeding southward, along Strathaven by Loch-Bulg, to the 
 junction of the Dee and Cluny, the Roman troops arrived at the 
 commodious ford in that vicinity, a distance of twenty-eight statute 
 miles from the Spey. Richard does not mention the names of the two 
 next stations, the first of which is supposed to have been at the height 
 which separates the waters that flow in opposite directions to the Dee 
 Bad the Tay, and which consequently divides Aberdeenshire from Perth- 
 
HIGHWAYS OR ROADS. 27 
 
 siire; and the next, it is conjectured, was at tlie conflaeiice of the Shee 
 with the Lornty water, the Iter taking its course along Glen-beg and 
 Glen-shee. The whole extent of this route amounts to nearly forty 
 statute miles. A variety of circumstances indicate the middle station 
 to have been at Inchtuthel, which still exhibits a remarkable camp of 
 Roman construction, on a height that forms the northern bank of the 
 Tay. From the last mentioned station to Orrea the distance is nine 
 itinerary miles, and the real and corresponding distance from Inchtuthel 
 along the banks of the Tay to ancient Bertha is about ten miles. At 
 this central station, which has always been a military position of great 
 importance, the Iter joined the one already described, and proceeded 
 southward by the former route to the wall of Antoninus. 
 
 The Romans have left many remarkable monuments of their power 
 and greatness, of which the most prominent are their highways, which, 
 commencing at the gates of Rome itself, traversed the whole extent of 
 their mighty empire. These highways, by facilitating the communication 
 between the capital and the most distant provinces, were of the utmost 
 importance, in many respects, to the maintenance of the Roman authority 
 in places remote from the seat of government. The whole of Britain 
 was intersected by these roads, and one of them may be traced into the 
 very interior of Vespasiana, where it aiforded a passage to the Roman 
 armies, kept up the communication between the stations, and thereby 
 checked the Caledonian Clans. This road issued from the wall of 
 Antoninus and passed tlu'ough Camelon, the Roman port on the 
 Carron, and pushing straight forward, according to the Roman custom, 
 across the Carron, it pursued its course by Torwood house, Pleanmnir, 
 Bannockburn, St. Ninians, and by the west side of the Castlehill of 
 Stirling, to the Forth, on the south side of which, near Kildean, there 
 are traces of its remains. It here passed the Forth and stretched forward 
 to Alauna, which was situated on the river Allan, about a mile above 
 its confluence with the Forth, and which, as it is twelve miles from the 
 opening in the Roman wall, agrees with the distance in the Iter. 
 
 From thence the road went along Strathallan, and at the end of ten 
 miles came to the Lindum of Richard's Itinerary, the well known 
 station at Ardoch. The road after passing on the east side of Ardoch, 
 ascends the moor of Orchil to the post at Kemp's Castle which it 
 passes within a few yards on the east. The road from Kemp's hill 
 descends the moor to the station of Hierna at Strageth, from which it 
 immediately crosses the river Ern. After the passage of the Ern 
 the road turns to the right, and passes on the north side of Inverpeffery, 
 in an easterly direction, and proceeds nearly in a straight line across 
 the moor of Gask, and, continuing its course through the plantations of 
 Gask, it passes the Roman camp on the right. At the distance of two 
 miles farther on, where the plantations of Gask terminate, this great 
 road passes another small post on the left. From this position the 
 road proceeded forward in a north-east direction to the station at Orrea. 
 
28 HISTORY OP THE HIGHLANDS 
 
 wliich is situated on the west bank of the Tay at the present coiifluenoe 
 of the Almond with that noble river. 
 
 Having crossed the Tay, by means of the wooden bridge, the Roman 
 I'oad proceeded up the east side of the river, and passed through the 
 centre of the camp at Grassy-walls. From this position the remains 6f 
 the i-oad ai-e distinctly visible for a mile up to Gellyhead, on the west of 
 which it passed and went on by Innerbuist, to Nether- Collin, where it 
 again becomes apparent, and continues distinct to the eye for two miles 
 and a half, passing on to Drichmuir and Byres. From thence, the road 
 stretched forward in a north-east direction, passing between Blairhead 
 and Gilwell to Woodhead ; and thence pushing on by Newbigging and 
 GallowhiU on the right, it descends Leyston-moor ; and passing that 
 village it proceeds forward to the Roman camp at Cupar Angus, about 
 eleven and a half miles from Orrea. The camp at Cupar appears to 
 have been an equilateral quadrangle of four hundred yards, fortified by 
 two strong ramparts and large ditches, which still remain on the east and 
 south sides, and a part on the north side, but the west side has been 
 obliterated by the plough. From Cupar the road took a north-east 
 direction towards Reedie, in the parish of Airly. On the south of this 
 hamlet the vestiges of the road again appear, and for more than half 
 a mile the ancient road forms the modern way. The Roman road now 
 points towards Kirriemuir, by which it appears to have passed in hs 
 course to the Roman camp at Battledikes. After traversing this camp, 
 the road continued its course in an east-north-east direction for several 
 miles along the valley on the south side of the river South-Esk, which 
 it probably passed near the site of Black-miU, below Esk-mount. From 
 this passage it went across the moor of Brechin, where vestiges of it 
 appear pointing to Keithock ; and at this place there are the remains 
 of a Roman camp which are now known by the name of Wardikes. 
 Beyond this camp on the north, the Roman road has been seldom or 
 never seen. In the popular tradition this road is called the Lang 
 Causeway, and is supposed to have extended northward through Perth- 
 shire and Forfarshire, and even through Kincardineshire to Stonehaven. 
 About two miles north-east from the Roman station at Fordun, and 
 between it and the well known camp at Urie, there are the traces, as it 
 crosses a small hill, of an ai-tificial road, which is populai-ly called the 
 Picts' Road. 
 
 It would appear that there are traces of Roman roadsevenfarthernorth. 
 Between the rivers Don and Urie in Aberdeenshire, on the eastern side 
 of Bennachee, there exists an ancient road known in the country by the 
 name of the Maiden Causeway, a name by which some of the Roman 
 roads in the north of England are distinguished. This proceeds from 
 Bennachee whereon there was a hill-fort, more than the distance of a 
 mile into the woods of Pitodrie, when it disappeai-s: it is paved with 
 stones and is about fourteen feet wide. Still farther north, in the track 
 of the Iter, as it crosses between the two stations of Varis and Tuessis, 
 
STATIONS AND FORTRESSES. 29 
 
 from Forres to the ford of Cromdale on the Spey, there has been long 
 known a road of very ancient construction, leading along the course ol 
 the Iter for several miles through the hills, and pointing to Cromdale, 
 where the Romans must have forded the Spey. Various traces of very 
 ancient roads are still to be seen along the track of the Iter, between 
 the distant station of Tuessis and Tamea, by Corgarf and through 
 Braemar : the tradition of the people in Strathdee and Braemar, sup- 
 ports the idea that there are remains of Roman roads which traverse 
 the country between the Don and the Dee. Certain it is, that there 
 are obvious traces of ancient roads which cross the wild districts 
 between Strathdon and Strathdee, though it is impossible to ascertain 
 where or by whom such ancient roads were constructed, in such direc- 
 tions, throughout such a country. 
 
 After the Iters and the Roads, the Roman Stations to the north of 
 Antoninus' wall, come next to be noticed. The stations or forts 
 along the course of the wall have been already described. The 
 first we meet with is on the eastern base of Dunearn hill, about a mile 
 from Burntisland, which was very distinctly marked in the days of Sib- 
 bald, who mentions it, and speaks of the pratorium as a square of a 
 hundred yards diameter, called by the country people the Tournament, 
 where many Roman medals have been found. This area was surrounded 
 by a rampart of stones, and lower down in the face of the hill another 
 wall encompassed the whole. On the north there was another fort on 
 the summit of Bonie hill. There was also a Roman camp at Loch- Ore, 
 supposed to be that in which the ninth legion of Agricola was attacked 
 by the Horestii. Several Roman antiquities have been found in drains 
 cut under this camp. Near Ardargie on the May water, at the defile of 
 the Ochil hiUs was a small Roman post which served as a central com- 
 munication between the stations on the Forth and in Strathern, the great 
 scene of the Roman operations. The Romans had also a station at 
 Hallyards, in the parish of Tulliebole. 
 
 Ardoch, on the east side of Knaigwater, the scene of many Roman 
 operations, from the great battle between Galgacus and Agricola, till the 
 final abdication of the Roman povver, was a very important post. 
 As this station was the principal inlet into the interior of Caledonia, 
 the Romans were particularly anxious in fortifying so advantageous 
 a position. The remains of camps of various sizes are still to bo, 
 seen. The first and largest was erected by Agricola, in his campaign 
 of eighty-four. The next in size is on the west of Agricola's camp, and 
 includes within its intrenchments part of the former. The third and last 
 was constructed on the south side of the largest, and comprehends a part 
 of it. These two last mentioned camps must have been successively 
 formed after Agricola's recall. A strong fort surrounded by five or six 
 fosses and ramparts was erected on the south side of the last of these 
 camps, opposite to the bridge over Knaigwater ; its area was about 
 500 feet long, and 450 broad, being nearly of a square form. 
 
 The next station was the Hierna of Richard, about six miles north- 
 
30 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 «ast from Ardoch, on the south side of the river Ern. This station 
 was placed on an eminence, and commanded the middle part of Strath- 
 ern, lying between the Ochil hills on the south, and the river Almond 
 on the north. On the moor of Gask, between the stations of Hierna 
 and Orrea, there were two Roman posts designed probably to pro- 
 tect the Roman road from the incursions of the tribes on either side of 
 that communication. But being situated at the confluence of the Almond 
 with the Tay, Orrea was the most important station, as it commanded 
 the eastern part of Strathern, the banks of the Tay, and the country 
 between this river and the Siedlaw hills. 
 
 So much with regard to the principal stations which commanded the 
 central country between the Forth and Tay ; and so much for the posts 
 south of the Grampian range, which seem to have served the double 
 purpose of commanding the Low countries, between that range and the 
 eastern sea, and of protecting the Lowlands from the incursions of the 
 Northern Caledonians. But as these might be insufficient for the latter 
 purpose, every pass of the Grampian hiUs had its fortress. We shall 
 now point out the fortresses by which the passes of the Grampians were 
 guarded throughout the extent of Perthshire. 
 
 The first of these on the south-east was placed on a tongue of land 
 formed by the junction of the rivers Strath-gartney and Strath-ire, the 
 two sources of the Teith. This station was near Bochastle, about fifteen 
 miles west-south-west from Ardoch, where the remains of a camp may 
 still be seen ; and it guarded two important passes into the west country ; 
 the one leading up the valley of Strath-ire, near Braidalbane, and 
 thence into Argyle ; the other leading along the north side of Loch 
 Venachor, Loch Achray, and Loch Katrine, through Strath-gartney, 
 into Dumbartonshire. The next passage to the north from the western 
 Highlands, through the Grampian range into Perthshire, is along the 
 north side of Loch Era into Strathern. This defile was guarded by a 
 double camp at Dalgenross, near the confluence of the Ruchel with the 
 Ern. These camps commanded the western districts of Strathern, and 
 also guarded the passage along the Loch. This station is about eight 
 miles north-west from Ardoch. Another important station was at East 
 Findoch, at the south side of the Almond; it guarded the only practicable 
 passage through the mountains northward, to an extent of thirty miles from 
 east to west. The Roman camp here was placed on a high ground, 
 defended by water on two sides, and by a morass with a steep bank on 
 the other two sides. It was about one hundi-ed and eighty paces long, 
 and eighty broad, and was surrounded by a strong earthen wall, pari 
 of which still remains, and was near twelve feet thick. The trenches 
 are still entire, and in some places six feet deep. 
 
 On the eastern side of Strathern, and between it and the Forth, are 
 the remains of Roman posts ; and at Ardargie a Roman camp was estab- 
 lished with the design, it is supposed, of guarding the passage through the 
 Ochil hills, by the valley of May water. Another camp at Gleneagles 
 secured the passage of the same hills through Glendevon. With ll e 
 
STATIONS AND FORTRESSES. 31 
 
 design of ^iirding the narrow, but useful passage from the middle 
 liighlands, westward through Glenlyon to Argyle, the Romans fixed a 
 post at Fortingal, about sixteen miles north-west from the station at 
 East-Findoch. Another station was placed at Inchtuthel, upon an emi- 
 nence on the north bank of the Tay, about fifteen miles from the camp 
 at Findoch. In conjunction with another station, about four miles east- 
 ward upon the Haugh of Hallhole on the western side of the river Isla, 
 the post at Inchtuthel commanded the whole of Stormont, and every 
 road which could lead the Caledonians down from Athole and Glen-Shee 
 into the countries below. Such are the posts which commanded the 
 l)asses of the Grampians, throughout the whole extent of Perthshire. 
 
 A different line of posts became necessary to secure Angus and 
 the Mearns. At Cupar Angus on the east side of the Isla about seven 
 miles east from Inchtuthel stood a Roman Camp, of a square form, of 
 twenty acres within the ramparts. It appears to have been an equi- 
 lateral quadrangle of four hundred yards, fortified with two strong 
 rampai-ts and large ditches, which are still to be seen on the eastern 
 and southern sides. This camp commanded the passage down Strath- 
 more between the Siedlaw hills, on the south-east, and the Isla on the 
 north-west. On Campmoor, little more than a mile south from Cupar 
 Angus, appear the remains of another Roman fort. The great camp 
 of Battledikes stood about eighteen miles noii-th-east from Cupar Angus, 
 being obviously placed there to guard the passage from the Highlands 
 through Glen-esk, and Glen-Prosen. From the camp at Battledykes, 
 about eleven and a half miles north-east was a Roman camp, the 
 remains of which may still be traced near the mansion house of 
 Keithock. This camp is known by the name of Wardikes. In the 
 interior of Forfarshire about eight miles south-south-east from the 
 camp of Battledikes and fourteen miles south-south-west from that of 
 Wardikes stood a Roman camp now called Harefaulds. This camp 
 commanded a large extent of Angus. 
 
 The country below the Siedlaw hills on the north side of the 
 Estuary of Tay was guarded by a Roman camp near Invergourie, 
 which had a communication on the north-east with the camp at Hare- 
 faulds. This camp, which was about two hundred yards square, and 
 fortified with a high rampart and a spacious ditch, stood about two 
 miles west from Dundee. At Fordun, about twelve miles north-east 
 from Wardikes, stood another Roman station. The site of this camp 
 as near the mansion house of Fordun, and about a mile south-south-east 
 of the church of Fordun. The Luther water, which is here only a 
 rivulet, ran formerly through the west side of this camp ; and on the 
 east side of it, there are several springs. This camp is called by the 
 country people the West Camp. From Fordun, north-east, eleven 
 mDes, and from the passage of the Dee at Mary-Culter, south, six 
 miles, stood the great camp called Raedikes, upon the estate of Urie. 
 This station commanded the narrow country, between the north-east 
 and of the Grampian hills and the sea, as well as the angle of land 
 
32 HISTORY OP THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 lying between the Dee and the sea. From Fordiin, about four and a 
 half miles west-north-west, there was a Roman post at Clattering 
 bridge, now known by the name of the Green castle, which guarded the 
 passage through the Grampian mountains, by the Cairn-o-mount into 
 the valley of the Mearns. This post stood on a precipitous bank, on 
 the north-east of the Clatteringburn : the area of the part within the 
 ramparts, measures one hundred and thirty-seven feet nine inches, at 
 the north-east end, and at the south-west, eighty-two feet six inches ; 
 the length is two hundred and sixty-two feet six inches. The ditch is 
 thirty-seven feet six inches broad at the bottom, and the rampart 
 which is wholly of earth, is in height, from the bottom of the ditch, 
 fifty-one feet nine inches. The commanding station at Glenraailen, with 
 its subsidiary posts, protected and secured the country from the Dee to 
 the Moray Frith, comprehending the territories of the Taixali and 
 the Vacomagi. 
 
 From the details which have been given of the Roman roads, and 
 the different stations selected by the Romans, for securing and defend- 
 ing their conquests in the north, some idea may be formed of the skill 
 with which the conquerors of the world, carried on their warlike 
 operations, in the most distant countries ; and of that prudent foresight 
 by which they guarded against the many contingencies inseparable 
 from a state of war, or insecure and dubious repose. It will be evideut 
 to those who are well acquainted with the different lines and stations, 
 of the Roman posts before enumerated, that at the time we are treating 
 of, it was not possible to select situations better fitted to answer the 
 ends, which the Romans had in view, than those we have pointed out. 
 It seems quite unnecessary and unprofitable to enter into any discus- 
 sion of the historical controversy, as to whether these roads and stations 
 were constructed in the same age, or in other words, whether tho 
 Roman remains in North Britain, are to be attributed altogether to 
 Agricola. The fact is, there do not appear sufficient data in history 
 to arrive at any certain conclusions. Yet it seems scarcely possible, as 
 some antiquarians have maintained, that all these roads, and important 
 stations could have been finished during the period of Agricola's 
 government in Britain. It seems probable, that many roads were 
 made, and stations erected during the able administration of LoUius 
 Urbicus. 
 
 Whether the Romans had groven weary of keeping up such an ex- 
 tended line of posts in North Britain, or found it impracticable any 
 longer to retain them, or that they required to concentrate their 
 strength in the south, they resolved to abandon their conquests to the 
 north of Antoninus' wall, and, accordingly in the year one hundred and 
 seventy, they evacuated the whole of the country beyond that wall 
 without molestation. 
 
 The Caledonians being thus relieved from the presence of their for- 
 midable foes, now prepared for offensive operations ; but it was not until 
 the year one hundred gnd eighty-five, dm-ing the misgovemment of 
 
CAMPAIGN OF SEVBR€S ; THE SCOTS. 83 
 
 Commodus, tliat their hostility began to alarm the Romans. Some of 
 their tribes passed the wall that year and pillaged the country, but 
 they were driven back by Ulpius Marcellus. A few years afterwards 
 the Caledonians renewed the attack but were kept in check by Virius 
 Lupus, with whom they entered into a treaty in the year two hundred 
 But this treaty was not of long continuance, for the Caledonians again 
 took the field in two hundred and seven. These proceedings made 
 Severus hasten from Rome to Britain in the following year; on hearing 
 of whose arrival the tribes sent deputies to him to negotiate for peace, 
 but the emperor, who was of a warlike disposition, and fond of military 
 glory, declined to entertain any proposals. 
 
 After making the necessary preparations, Severus began his march 
 in the year two hundred and nine to the north. He traversed the 
 whole of North Britain from the wall of Antoninus to the very 
 extremity of the island with an immense army. The Caledonians 
 avoided coming to a general engagement with him, but kept up 
 an incessant and harassing warfare on all sides. He, however, 
 brought them to sue for peace ; but the honours of this campaign 
 were dearly earned, for fifty thousand of the Romans fell a prey 
 to the attacks of the Caledonians, to fatigue, and the severity of 
 the climate. The Caledonians soon disregarded the treaty which they 
 had entered into with Severus, which conduct so irritated him that 
 he gave orders to renew the war, and to spare neither age noi 
 sex ; but his son, Caracalla, to whom the execution of these orders was 
 entrusted, was more intent in plotting against his father and brother 
 than in executing the revengeful mandate of the dying emperor, whose 
 demise took place at York on the 4th February, two hundred and 
 eleven, in the sixty-sixth year of his age, and in the thii-d year of 
 his administration in Britain. 
 
 It was not consistent with the policy by which Caracalla was actu- 
 ated, to continue a war with the Caledonians ; for the scene of his ambi- 
 tion lay in Rome, to which he made hasty preparations to depart on the 
 death of his father. He therefore entered into a treaty with the Cale- 
 donians by which he gave up the territories surrendered by them to 
 his father, and abandoned the forts erected by him in their fastnesses. 
 The whole country north of the wall of Antoninus appears in fact to 
 have been given up to the undisputed possession of the Caledonians, 
 and we hear of no more incursions by them till the reign of the em- 
 peror Constans, who came to Britain in the year three hundred and 
 six, to repel the Caledonians and other Picts.* Their incursions were 
 
 • The first writer who mentions the Picts is Emnenius, the orator, who was a Pro- 
 fessor at Autun, and who, in a panegyric pronounced hy him in the year 297, and again 
 in 308, alludes to the Cakdones aliique Picti. From this it is evident that he considered 
 the Caledonians and the Picts as the same people. Ammianus Marcellinus, speaking of 
 them at the eud of the fourth century, says, Lih. xxvii. ch. vii. " Eo tempore Picti in 
 duasgentes divisi, Dicaledones et Vecturiones." It is now admitted, even by these 
 antiquaries who take the most opposite views on the origin of these people, that they 
 were not distinct nations but the same people distinguished merely by their name.s. 
 I. E 
 
34 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 repelled by the Roman legions under Constantias, and they remained 
 quiet till about the year tiu-ee hundred and forty-tliree when they 
 again entered the territories of the provincial Britons ; but they wera 
 compelled, it is said, again to retreat by Constans. 
 
 Although these successive inroads had been always repelled by the 
 superior power and discipline of the Romans, the Caledonians of the 
 fourth century no longer considered them in the formidable light they 
 had been viewed by their ancestors, and their genius for war improv- 
 ing every time they came in hostile contact with their enemies, they 
 meditated the design of expelling the intruders altogether from the 
 soil of North Britain. The wars which the Romans had to sustain 
 against the Persians in the east, and against the Germans on the fron- 
 tiers of Gaul favoured their plan ; and having formed a treaty with 
 the Scots they, in conjunction with their new allies, invaded the Roman 
 territories and committed many depredations. Julian, who commanded 
 the Roman army on the Rhine,despatched Lupicinus, an able military 
 commander, to defend the province against the Scots and Picts, but ho 
 does not appear to have been very successful in opposing them. 
 
 As the Scots appear for the iirst time upon the stage, it will be 
 necessary to give some account of them. The question which has been 
 so keenly discussed between the antiquaries of Scotland and Ireland 
 whether the Scots were indigenous Britons, or merely emigrants from 
 Ireland, has long been set at rest, as it has been demonstrated beyond 
 the possibility of doubt that they came originally from that islaniL 
 But, on the other hand, it has been equally demonstrated that the Scots 
 of Ireland, or the Scotica gentes of Porphyry, as a branch of the great 
 Celtic family, passed over at a very early period from the shores of 
 Britain into Ireland, and before the beginning of the fifth century, had 
 given their name to the whole of that country. Their name, however, 
 does not occm- in the Roman annals till the year three hundred and 
 sixty. All the authors of this age agree that Ireland was the propiv 
 country of the Scots, and that they invaded the Roman territories 
 in North Britain about the last mentioned epoch. Ammianus, in 
 the year three hundred and sixty-seven, mentions the Scots as 
 an erratic or wandering people, who carried on a predatory system »f 
 warfare, and other contemporary authors speak of them as a trans- 
 marine people who came from Ireland, their native island. Of this 
 fact there can be no doubt, and it is equally certain that Ireland was 
 the ancient Scotica of the Romans. It was not till the year one 
 thousand and twenty that the name of Scotia was given to North 
 Britain. 
 
 The Picts or Caledonians and Scots being joined by another ally— 
 the Attacots, a warlike clan which had settled on the shores of Dum- 
 barton and Cowal, from the opposite coast of Ireland— made another 
 attack on the Roman possessions in Britain in the year three hundred 
 and sixty-four, on the accession of Valentinian. It required all the 
 ralour and skill of the celebrated Theodosius, who was sent to Britain 
 
BOMAN ABDICATION 
 
 35 
 
 in the year thive hundred and sixty-seven, to repel this aggression and 
 to repair the great ravages committed by the invaders. Having been 
 successfiil in clearing the whole country between the walls, he made it 
 the fifth province in Britain, to which Valentinian gave the name of 
 Valentia in honour of Valens, whom he had associated with him in 
 the empire. The successes of Theodosius insured a peaceful pause of 
 nearly thii-ty years, but in three hundi-ed and ninety-eight the Cale- 
 donians or Picts and Scots again renewed their attacks which they 
 continued from time to time. At length, in the year four hundred 
 and forty-six, duiing the Consulate of iEstius, the Romans, unable any 
 longer to keep their possessions in North Britain, intimated to the Pro- 
 vincials that they could give them no further assistance in resisting 
 the Scots and Picts, abdicated the govei-nment, and left thera to pro- 
 tect themselves. 
 
 PASS OF LENY. 
 
CHAPTER 11. 
 
 Poetry of the Celts— Antiquity and Authenticity of the Poems of Ossian. 
 
 No question of literary controversy has been discussed with greater 
 acrimony and pertinacity, than thit regarding the authenticity of the 
 poems of Ossian, and never did Saxon and Gael exhibit more bitter en- 
 mity in mortal strife than has been shown by the knights of the pen in 
 tlieir different rencontres in the field of antiquarian research. We have 
 no wish to revive a controversy, in regard to which in is scarcely possible 
 to add any thing new ; but holding as we do the authenticity of these 
 poems, we shall adduce briefly the arguments in their favour as well as 
 those which have been urged against them ; leaving to the reader, whose 
 mind has not yet been made up upon the subject, to draw his own con- 
 clusions. But it seems really to be a matter of little importance whether 
 the poems from which Macpherson translated, or any part of them were 
 actually composed by Ossian or not, or at what period the poet flourished, 
 whether in the third, or fourth, or fifth centuries. It is, we apprehend, 
 quite sufficient to show that these poems are of high antiquity, and that 
 they belong to a very remote era. 
 
 One of the most remarkable traits in the character of the Celtic 
 tribes, n'as their strong attachment to poetry, by means of which they 
 not only animated themselves to battle, but braved death with joy in 
 the hope of meeting again their brave ancestors who had fallen in bat- 
 tle. Either unacquainted with letters, or despising them as unworthy 
 of a warlike race, the ancient Celts set apart the Bards, whose business 
 it was to compose and recite in verse the military actions of their 
 iieroes or chiefs, and by the same means they sought to preserve the 
 memory of their laws, religion and historical annals, which would other- 
 wise have been buried in oblivion. " When the Celts," says Posodonius, 
 " go to war, they take with them associates whom they call Parasites 
 who sing their praises, either in public assemblies, or to those who wish 
 to hear them privately. These poets are called Bards." It is well known 
 that the Druids to whom the education of the Celtic youth was com- 
 mitted, spent many years in committing to memory the compositions 
 of the Bards. This peculiarity was not confined to any one of the 
 Celtic nations, but prevailed universally among them. The Bards, ac- 
 cording to Buchanan, were held in great honour both among the Gauls 
 
ORDER OP BARDS. 37 
 
 and Britons, and he observes that their function and name remained in 
 liis time amongst all those nations which used the old British tongue. 
 " They," he adds, " compose poems, and those not inelegant, which the 
 rhapsodists recite, either to the better sort, or to the vulgar, who are 
 very desirous to hear them ; and sometimes they sing them to musical 
 instruments." And in speaking of the inhabitants of the Hebrides or 
 Western islands, he says that they sing poems « not inelegant, contain- 
 ing commonly the eulogies of valiant men; and their bards usually treat 
 of no other subject." 
 
 Thus the existence of bards from the most remote period among the 
 Celtic population of Scotland is undoubted ; and some idea of their import- 
 ance may be formed from the following observations from the elegant 
 and classical pen of a distinguished scholar. " Although it is well known 
 that the Scots had always more strength and industry to perform great 
 deeds, than care to have them published to the world ; yet, in ancient 
 times, they had, and held in great esteem, their own Homers and 
 Maros whom they named bards. These recited the achievements of 
 their brave warriors in heroic measures, adapted to the musical notes 
 of the harp ; with these they roused the minds of those present to the 
 glory of virtue, and transmitted patterns of fortitude to posterity. 
 This order of men still exists among the Welsh and ancient Scots 
 (the Highlanders), and they still retain that name (bards) in their native 
 language."* So formidable were they considered in rousing the pas- 
 sions against the tyranny of a foreign yoke, by their strains, that Ed- 
 ward I. adopted the cruel policy of extirpating the order of the Welsh 
 bards about the end of the thirteenth century. They continued, how- 
 ever, to exist in England dovm to the reign of Queen Elizabeth, " till 
 which period," as Dr. Graham observes, " there was a regular public 
 competition of harpers maintained; and there is, at this day, as Mr. 
 Pennant informs us, in his tour through Wales, a silver harp, awarded 
 during that period, in the possession of the Mostyn family." 
 
 The Bardic order was preserved longer in Scotland than in any 
 other coimtry, for it was not till the year 1726, when Niel Macvuirich 
 the last of the bards died, that the race became extinct. He, and his 
 ancestors had for several generations exercised the office of bard in the 
 family of Clanranald.-]- Every great Highland family had their bard, 
 
 * " Quamvis intelligunt omnes plus semper virium et industriae Scotis fuisse ad res 
 gerendaa, quam commentationisadprsedicandas, habuerunttamenantiquitus, etcohierunt 
 suos Homeros et Maronea, quos Bardos nominabant. Hi fortiiun virorum facta versi- 
 bus heroicis et lyrae modulis aptata concinebant ; quibus et prsesentium animos acuebant 
 ad virtutis gloriam, et fortitudinis exempla ad posteros ti'ansmittebant. Cujusmodi 
 apud Cambros et priscos Scotos nee dum desiere; et nomen illud patrio sermone adhuc 
 retinent." J. Johnston in Prajfat. ad Hist. Scot. 
 
 t The following curious and interesting declaration of Lachlan Mac Vuirich, son of 
 Niel, taken by desire of the Committee of the Highland Society of Scotland, appointed 
 to inquire into the natiwe and authenticity of the poems of Ossian, will throw much 
 light on the bardic office. 
 
 In the house of Patrick Nicolson, at Torlum, near Castle Burgh, in the shire of In- 
 verness on the ninth day of August, compeared, in the fifty-ninth year of his age, Lach- 
 
88 HISTORY OF TME HIGHLANDS. 
 
 whose principal business was to amuse the chieftain and his friends by 
 reciting at entertainments, the immense stores of poetry wliich he had 
 hoarded up in his memory, besides which he also preserved the gene- 
 alogy, and recorded the achievements of the family which were thus tradi- 
 tionally and successively handed down from generation to generation. 
 At what particular period of time the Caledonian bards began to re- 
 duce their compositions to writing, cannot now be ascertained; but it 
 seems to be pretty evident that no such practice existed in the Ossianic 
 age, nor, indeed, for several centuries afterwards. To oral tradition, 
 
 Ian, son of Niel, son of Lachlan, son of Niel. son of Donald, son of Lachlan, son of 
 Niel Mor, son of Lachlan, son of Donald, of the sirname of Mac Vuirich, before Ro- 
 derick M'Neil, Esq. of Barra, and declared, That, according to the best of his know- 
 ledge, he is the eighteenth in descent from Muireach, whose posterity had officiated as 
 bards to the family of Clanranald ; and that they had fi'om that time, as the salary of 
 their office, the farm of Staoiligary, and four pennies of Drimisdale, during fifteen gen- 
 erations; that the sixteenth descendant lost the four pennies of Drimisdale, but that the 
 seventeenth descendant retained the fai-m of Staoiligary for nineteen yeai's of his life. 
 That there was a right given them over these lands, as long as there should be any of 
 the posterity of Muireach to preserve and continue the genealogy and history of the 
 Macdonalds, on condition that the bard, failing of male issue, was to educate his 
 brother's son, or representative, in order to preserve their title to the lands ; and that il 
 was in pursuance of this custom that his own father, Niel, had been taught to read and 
 wi-ite history and poetry by Donald, son of Niel, son of Donald, his father's brother. 
 
 He remembers well that works of Ossian written on parchment, were in the custody 
 of his father, as received from his predecessors ; that some of the parchments were made 
 up in the form of books, and that others were loose and separate, which contained the 
 works of other bards besides those of Ossian. 
 
 He remembers that his father had a book, which was called the Red Soot made of 
 paper, which he had from his predecessors, and which, as his father informed him, con- 
 tained a good deal of the history of the Highland clans, together with part of the works 
 of Ossian. That none of those books are to be found at this day, because when they 
 (his family) were deprived of their lands, they lost their alacrity and zeal. That he ia 
 not certain what became of the parchments, but thinks that some of them were can'ied 
 away by Alexander, son of the R,ev. Alexander Macdonald, and others by Ronald his 
 son; and he saw two or three of them cut down by tailors for measures. That he 
 remembers well that Clanranald made his father give up the red book to Jamea 
 Macpherson from Badenoch; that it was near as thick as a Bible, but that it was 
 longer and broader, though not so thick in the cover. That the pai-chments and the red 
 book were written in the hand in which the Gaelic used to be written of old both in 
 Scotland and Ireland, before people began to use the English hand in writing Gaelic; 
 and that his father knew well how to read the old hand. That he himself had some of 
 the pai-chments after his father's death, but that because he had not been taught to read 
 them, and had no reason to set any value upon them, they were lost. He says that 
 none of his forefathers had the name of Paul, but that there were two of them who were 
 called Cathal. 
 
 He says that the red book was not written by one man, but that it was written from 
 age to age by the family of Clan Mhuirich, who were preserving and continuing the his- 
 tory of the Macdonalds, and of other heads of Highland clans. 
 
 After the above declaration was taken down, it was read to him, and he acknowledged 
 It was right, in presence of Donald M'Donald of Bah-onald, James M'Donald of Gary- 
 helich, Ewan M'Donald of Griminish, Alexander M'Lean of Hoster, Mr. Alexander 
 Nicolson, minister of Benbecula, and Mr. Allan M'Queen, minister of North-Uist, 
 who wrote this declaration. 
 
 his 
 Lachlan x Mac Vuiivick. 
 mark. 
 
 Roderick Mac ISTiei.,.!. P. 
 
POETIC ATTACHMENTS OF THE HIGHLANDERS. 89 
 
 tlierefore, as conveyed through the race of bards, are we indebted for tlie 
 precious remains of Gaelic song wliich have reached us. But although 
 the bards were the depositories of the muses, there were not wanting 
 many who delighted to store their memories with the poetical eifusions 
 of the bards, and to recite them to their friends. The late captain 
 .Tohn Macdonald of Breakish, a native of the island of Skye, declared 
 upon oath, at the age of seventy-eight, that he could repeat, when a 
 boy between twelve or fifteen years of age (about the year 1740), from 
 one to two hundred Gaelic poems differing in length and in number of 
 verses ; and that he had learued them from an old man about eighty 
 years of age, who sung them for years to his fiither, when he went to 
 bed at night, and in the spring and winter before he rose in the morn- 
 ing.* The late Reverend Dr. Stuart, minister of Luss, knew an old 
 higlilander in the isle of Skye, who repeated to him for three suc- 
 cessive days, and during several hours each day, without hesitation, 
 and with the utmost rapidity many thousand lines of ancient poetry, 
 and would have continued his repetitions much longer, if t'he Doctor 
 had required him to do so. 
 
 A curious illustration of the attachment of the highlanders to their an- 
 cientpoetryandthe preference given to it above all other literary pursuits, 
 is given by Bishop Carsewell, in his preface to the translation into Gaelic of 
 the forms of prayer and administration of the sacraments and catechism of 
 the Christian religion, as used in the reformed church of Scotland, printed 
 at Edinburgh in the year 1567, a work little known and extremely 
 scarce. " But there is" says Bishop Carsewell, "one great disadvan- 
 tage, which we the Gael of Scotland and Ireland labour under, beyond 
 tlie rest of the world, that our Gaelic language has never yet been 
 printed, as the language of every other race of men has been. And we 
 labour under a disadvantage which is still greater than every other dis- 
 advantage, that we have not the Holy Bible printed in Gaelic, as it has 
 been printed in Latin and in English, and in every other language; 
 and also, that we have never yet had any account printed of the anti- 
 quities of our country, or of our ancestors ; for though we have some 
 accounts of the Gael of Scotland and Ireland,'contained in manuscripts 
 and in the genealogies of bards and historiographers, yet there is great 
 labour in writing them over with the hand, whereas the work which is 
 printed, be it ever so great, is speedily finished. And great is the 
 blindness and sinful darkness and ignorance and evil design of such as 
 teach, and write, and cultivate the Gaelic language that, with the view 
 of obtaining for themselves the vain rewards of this world, they are 
 more desirous and more accustomed to compose vain, tempting, lying, 
 worldly histories, concerning the Ticatha de dannan, and concerning war- 
 riors and champions, and Fingal the son of Cumhall with his heroes 
 Bud concerning many others which I will not at present enumerate or 
 
 • Appendix No. I. to the edition of Ossian, published under the sanction of the 
 Higliland Society of London. 
 
40 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 inontion, in order to maintain or reprove, than to write and teaoli, and 
 maintain the faithful words of God, and of the perfect way of truth." 
 This attachment continued nnahated till ahout the middle of the 
 last century, when the measures of government produced a change in 
 many of the ancient habits. " Before this period, the recitation of 
 that poetry (the ancient poetry of the Highlands,) was the universal 
 amusement of every winter fire-side."* 
 
 That such a vast collection of Gaelic poetry, as that which has reached 
 us, should have been handed down by oral tradition may appear extra- 
 ordinary to those who have not sufficiently reflected on the power of 
 the human memory, when applied and confined to the acquisition of 
 those sublime and lofty eifusions of poetic fancy in which the High- 
 landers took such delight, as to supersede all other mental pursuits. 
 The mere force of habit in persons who, from their childhood, have 
 been accustomed to hear recitals often repeated, which delighted them, 
 will make an indelible impression, not confined to the ideas suggested, 
 or to the images which float in the imagination, as reflected from the 
 mirror of the mind, but extending to the very words themselves. It 
 vras not, therefore, without good reason that the Highland Society 
 observe in their Report, already quoted, "that the power of memory in 
 persons accustomed from their infancy to such repetitions, and who are 
 unable to assist or to injure it by writing, must not be judged of by 
 any ideas or any experience possessed by those who have only seen its 
 exercise in ordinary life. Instances of such miraculous powers of me- 
 mory, as they may be styled by us, are known in most countries 
 where the want of writing, like the want of a sense, gives an almost 
 supernatural force to those by which that privation is supplied." Mr 
 Wood, in his Essay on the original writings and genius of Homer, 
 remarks, with great justice, that we cannot, in this age of dictionaries 
 and other technical aids to memory, judge what her use and powers 
 were at a time when all a man could know was all he could remember, 
 and when the memory was loaded with nothing either useless or unin- 
 telligible. The Arabs, who are in the habit of amusing their hours 
 of leisure by telling and listening to tales, will remember them though 
 very long, and rehearse them with great fidelity after one hearing.f 
 
 Besides these and other reasons in favour of the oral transmission of 
 the Gaelic poetry, to which we shall afterwards allude, one more ira- ' 
 poi-tant consideration, as far as we can ascertain, has been entirely 
 overlooked, namely, that to insure a correct transmission of the poems in 
 question, through the medium of oral tradition, it was by no means 
 necessary that one or more individuals should be able to recite aU oi 
 them. To secure their existence it was only necessary that particular 
 persons should be able to recite with accuracy such parts as they might 
 have committed to memory so as to communicate them to others. 
 Doubtless there would be great differences in the powers of acquisition 
 
 • Report of the Committee of the Highland Society of Scotland on Ossian's poems, 
 t Acerbi'a Remai'ks on Lapland. 
 
COLLECTION OP GAELIC POETRY. 4 J 
 
 and retention in different persons, but we liave no idea that one person 
 could carry in his memory the whole poetry of Ossian. We know, 
 indeed, a gentleman who says, that if the works of Homer were lost, 
 he could almost supply the Iliad and Odyssey from memory ; but, al- 
 though we are disposed to be rather sceptical on this subject, we have 
 uo doubt that if the poems of Burns ceased to exist on paper, every 
 word could be supplied by thousands from mere memory. 
 
 Besides these arguments in support of oral tradition, the following 
 reasons are given by the Right Honourable Sir John Sinclair, Bai-onet,* 
 in support of the preservation of the Poems of Ossian through that 
 medium : 1, The beauty of the poetry, of which it is impossible to 
 form an adequate idea from any translation hitherto given ; 2, The 
 partiality which the Highlanders naturally entertained for songs, which 
 contained the traditional history of the greatest heroes, in the ancient 
 annals of their country ; 3, It is to be observed that the Bards were 
 for a long time a distinct class or caste, whose whole business it was, 
 either to compose verses themselves, or to recite the poetry of others; 
 4, Though the poems were not composed in rhyme, yet there was an 
 emphasis laid upon particular syllables of a. particular sound in every 
 line, which greatly assisted the memory ; 5, The verses were set to 
 particular music, by which the remembrance of the words was greatly 
 facilitated ; and, 6, The Highlanders, at their festivals and other public 
 meetings, acted the poems of Ossian, and on such occasions, those who 
 could repeat the greatest number of verses were liberally rewarded. 
 What also tended greatly to preserve the recollection of the Gaelic 
 poetry, was a practice followed by the Highlanders of going by tiu-ns 
 to each others houses in every village during the winter season, and 
 reciting or hearing recited or sung the poems of Ossian, and also 
 poems and songs ascribed to other bards. 
 
 The first person who made a collection of Gaelic poetry was the 
 Reverend John Farquliarson, a Jesuit missionary in Strathglass, about 
 the year ] 745, of which collection some interesting information will be 
 afterwards given. 
 
 Alexander Macdonald, a schoolmaster at Ardnamurchan, was the 
 next who made a collection of Gaelic poetry, which was published in 
 Gaelic at Edinburgh, in the year 1751. In an English preface Mac- 
 donald assigns two reasons for the publication; 1, That it may raise a 
 desire to learn something of the Gaelic language, which he states may 
 be found to contain in its bosom the charms of poetry and rhetoric ; 
 and, 2, To bespeak the favour of the public to a great collection of 
 poems, in all kinds of poetry that have been in use among the most 
 cultivated nations, with a translation into English verse, and critical 
 observations on the nature of such writings, to render the work useful 
 to those who do not understand the Gaelic language. 
 
 Jerome Stone, a native of the county of Fife, and who had acquired 
 
 i Uissertation on the authenticity of Ossian's Poems, p. 60 
 
42 HISTORY OF TtlE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 a knowledge of the Gaelic language during some years' residence in 
 Dunkeld, where he kept a school, was the third person who collected 
 several of the ancient poems of the Highlands, and was the first person 
 who especially called public attention to the beauty of these poems in a 
 letter which he addressed " To the Author of the Scots Magazine,'"* 
 accompanied with a translation in rhyme of one of them, both of which 
 appeared in that periodical in January, 1 756. As Stone was only twenty 
 or twenty-one years of age when lie made this translation, and being 
 besides in an obscure situation, and with few opportunities of cultivating 
 liis native genius or talents, he could not be supposed capable of giving 
 a very happy or impressive translation of Gaelic poetry, especially when 
 fettered with rhyme, which, even in the ablest hands, and those most 
 accustomed to the construction of English verse, affords always an un- 
 faithful, and generally an imperfect transcript of ancient poetry. His 
 place of residence, too, was unfavourable either to the acquirement of 
 pure Gaelic, or the collection of the best copies of the ancient poetry 
 of the Highlands.f 
 
 The next and most noted collector of Gaelic poetry was the cele- 
 brated James Macpherson, whose spirited translations, or forgeries, as 
 some writers maintain, have consigned his name to immortality in ths 
 literary world. The circumstances which gave rise to this collection 
 were as follow : — In the summer of 1759, John Home, the author of 
 Douglas, having met Mr. Macpherson at Moffat, learned from him in 
 conversation that he was possessed of some pieces of ancient Gaelic 
 poetry in the original, one or two of which Mr. Home expressed a 
 desire to see an English translation of as a specimen. Accordingly Mr. 
 Macpherson fm'nished Mr. Home with two fragments which the latter very 
 much admired, and which he sometime thereafter showed to the celebrated 
 
 * As the letter in question is curious, and displays considerable talent, it is here given 
 entire : — 
 
 Dunkeld, Nov. 15th, 1755. 
 Sir, — Those who have any tolerable acquaintance with the Irish language mast 
 knovr, that there ai'e a gi'eat number of poetical compositions in it, and some of them of 
 very gi'eat antiquity, whose merit entitles them to an exemption from the unfortunate 
 neglect, or rather abhorrence, to which ignorance has subjected that emphatic language 
 in which they were composed. Several of these performances are to be met with, whlcli, 
 for sublimity of sentiment, nervousness of expression, and high sph'ited metaphor, ai'e 
 hardly to be equalled among tlie chief productions of the most cultivated nations. 
 Others of them breathe such tenderness and simplicity, as must be affectin{{ to every 
 mind that is in the least tinctured with the softer passions of pity and humanity. Of 
 this kind is the poem of which I here send you a translation. Youi' learned readers 
 win easily discover the confonmity there Is betwixt the tale upon which it is built, and 
 the story of Belerophon, as related by Homer; while it will be no small gratification to 
 Ihe curiosity of some, to see the different manner in which a subject of the same natuie 
 is handled by the gi-eat father of poetry and a Highland bai-d. It is hoped the uncom- 
 mon turn of several expressions, and the seeming extravagance there is in some of the 
 comparisons I have observed in the translation, will give no offence to such persons as 
 can form a just notion of those compositions which are the productions of simple and 
 unassisted genius, in which energy is always more sought after than neatness, and the 
 strictness of connexion less adverted to than the design of moving the passions and 
 affecting the heart.— I am, &c 
 t Report of Highland Society referred to. 
 
ORIOIN OP MACPHERSON'S TRANSLATION. 48 
 
 Dr. Hugh Blair and other literary friends, as valuable curiosities. Th« 
 Doctor, as well as Mr. Home, was so struck with the high spirit of 
 poetry which breathed in them, that he immediately requested an inter- 
 view with Macpherson, and having learned from him, that, besides the 
 few pieces of Gaelic poetry which he had in his possession, greater and 
 more considerable poems of the same strain were to be found in the 
 Highlands, and were well known to the natives there ; Dr. Blair urged 
 him to translate the other pieces which he had, and bring them to him, 
 promising that he. Dr. Blair, would take care to circulate and bring 
 them out to the public, to whom they well deserved to be made known. 
 Dr. Blair informs us that Macpherson was extremely reluctant and 
 averse to comply with his request, saying, that no translation of his 
 could do justice to the spirit and force of the original ; and that besides 
 injuring them by translation, he apprehended that they would be very ill 
 relished by the public as being so different from the strain of modern 
 ideas and of modern, correct, and polished poetry. It was not till 
 after much and repeated importunity on the part of Dr. Blair, and 
 after he had represented to Macpherson the injustice he would do to 
 his native country by keeping concealed those hidden treasures, which, 
 he was assured, if brought forth, would serve to enrich the whole 
 learned world, that he was at length prevailed upon to translate and 
 bring to the Reverend Doctor the several poetical pieces which he had 
 in his possession. These were published in a small volume at Edin- 
 burgh ill the year 1760, under the title of Fragments of AmAcnt Poetry 
 collected in the Highlands of Scotland ; to which Dr. Blair prefixed an 
 introduction. " These Fragments," says Dr. Blair, " drew much at- 
 tention and excited, among all persons of taste and letters, an earnest 
 desire to recover if possible, all those considerable remains of Gaelic 
 poetry which were said still to exist in the Highlands."* 
 
 Several eminent literary men of the day were extremely desirous to 
 have these literary treasures immediately collected; and Mr. Macpherson 
 was spoken to on the subject and urged by several persons to under- 
 take the search ; but he showed, extreme unwillingness to engage in it, 
 representing to them his diffidence of success and of public approbation, 
 and the difficulty and expensiveness of such a search as was requisite 
 throughout the remote Highlands. At length, to encourage him to under- 
 take it, a meeting was brought together at a dinner, to which Mr. Mac- 
 pherson was invited ; and Dr. Blair, from whom this account is taken, 
 says he had a chief hand in convoking there many of the first per- 
 sons of rank and taste in Edinburgh. Patrick, Lord Elibank, took a 
 great lead at that meeting, together with Principal Robertson the 
 Historian, Mr. John Home, Dr. Adam Ferguson and many others, 
 vvho were all very zealous for forwarding the proposed discovery ; and 
 after much conversation with Mr. Macpherson, it was agreed that he 
 
 • I>etterfrom Dr. Blair to Henry Mackenzie Esq., in Appendix to Highland Society's 
 eport refeiTed to. 
 
44 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 should disengage himself from all other employment, and set out with- 
 out delay on this poetical mission through the Highlands ; but, as his 
 circumstances did not admit of his engaging in this at his own expense, 
 that the whole expense he might incur was to be defrayed by a col- 
 lection raised from the meeting with the aid of such other friends as 
 they might choose to apply to for that purpose. When this meeting 
 was about breaking up, Mr. Macpherson followed Dr. Blair to the door 
 and told him, that from the spirit of the meeting, he now, for the first 
 time, entertained the hope that the undertaking to which he had so 
 often prompted him would be attended with success ; that hitherto he 
 had imagined they were merely romantic ideas which the Doctor had 
 held out to him, but now he saw them likely to be realized, and should 
 endeavour to exert himself so as to give satisfaction to all his friends. 
 
 Under this patronage Mr. Macpherson set out on his literary journey 
 to the Highlands in the year 1760 ; and during his tour he transmitted 
 from time to time to Dr. Blair and his other literary friends, accounts 
 of his progress in collecting, from many different and remote parts, all 
 the remains he could find of ancient Gaelic poetry, either in writing or 
 by oral tradition. In the course of his journey he wrote two letters to 
 the Rev. James M'Lagan, formerly minister of Amab-ie, afterwards of 
 Blair in Athole, which, as they throw much light on the subject of these 
 poems, and particularly on the much contested question, whether Mac- 
 pherson ever collected any manuscripts, aregiven entire. The first of these 
 letters is dated from Ruthven, 27th October, 1760, and is as follows :— 
 
 " Rev. Sir, — You perhaps have heard, that I am employed to make 
 a collection of the ancient poetry in the Gaelic. I have already tra- 
 versed most of the Isles, and gathered all worth notice in that quarter. 
 1 intend a journey to Mull and the coast of Argyle, to enlarge my col- 
 lection. 
 
 " By letters from Edinburgh, as well as gentlemen of your acquaint- 
 ance, I am informed, that you have a good collection of poems of the 
 kind I want. It would be, therefore, very obliging should you transmit 
 me them as soon as convenient, that my book might be rendered more 
 complete, and more for the honour of our old poetry. Traditions are 
 uncertain ; poetry delivered down from memory must lose considerably ; 
 and it is a matter of surprise to me, how we have now any of the beauties 
 of our ancient Gaelic poetry remaining. 
 
 " Your collection, I am informed, is pure, as you have taken pains to 
 restore the style. I shall not make any apology for this trouble, as it 
 will be for the honour of our ancestors, how many of their pieces of 
 genius will be brought to light. / have met with a number of old manu- 
 scripts in my travels; the poetical part of them, I have endeavoured to 
 secure. 
 
 " If any of that kind falls within your hearing, I beg it of you, to have 
 them in sight. 
 
 " I shall probably do myself the pleasure of waiting on you before I 
 return to Edinburgh. Your correspondence in the meantime will he 
 
MACPHEBSON S TOUR THROUGH THE HIGHLANDS. 45 
 
 very aj^eeable. You will excuse this trouble from an entire stranf^er, 
 and believe me, &c. (Signed) James M'Pherson. 
 
 " Inform me of what you can of the tradition of the poems : direct 
 to me by Edinburgh and Ruthven, inclosed to Mr. Macpherson, post- 
 master here." 
 
 The second letter is dated from Edinburgh, 1 6 tli January, 1761, and 
 runs thus : — 
 
 " Rev. Sir, — I was favoured with your letter inclosing the Gaelic 
 poems, for which I hold myself extremely obliged to you. Duan a 
 Ghairibh is less poetical and more obscure than Teantach mor na Fehie. 
 The last is far from being a bad poem, were it complete, and is parti- 
 cularly valuable for the ancient manners it contains. I shall reckon 
 myself much obliged to you for any other pieces you can send me. It 
 is true I have the most of them from other hands, but the misfortune 
 is, that I find none expert in the Irish orthography, so that an obscure 
 poem is rendered doubly so, by their uncouth way of spelling. It 
 would have given me real pleasure to have got your letter before I left 
 the Highlands, as in that case I would have done myself the pleasure 
 of waiting on you ; but I do not despair but something may soon cast 
 up that may bring about an interview, as I have some thoughts of 
 making a jaunt to Perthshire. Be that, however, as it will, I shall be 
 always glad of your correspondence ; and hope that you will give me 
 all convenient assistance in my present undertaking. 
 
 " I liave been lucky enough to lay my hands on a pretty complete poem, 
 and truly epic, concerning Fingal. The antiquity of it is easily ascer- 
 tained, and it is not only superior to any thing in that language, but 
 reckoned not inferior to the more polite performances of other nations 
 in that way. I have some thoughts of publishing the original, if it 
 will not clog the work too much. 
 
 " I shall be always ready to acknowledge the obligation you have laid 
 
 upon me, and promise I will not be ungrateful for further favours. — 
 
 It would give me pleasure to know how I can serve you, as I am, &o. 
 
 (Signed) " James M'Pherson." 
 
 The districts through which Mr. Macpherson travelled were chiefly 
 the north-western parts of Inverness-shire, the Isle of Skye, and some 
 of the adjoining islands ; " places, from their remoteness and state of 
 manners at that period, most likely to afford, in a pure and genuine 
 state, the ancient traditionary tales and poems, of which the recital 
 then formed, as the Committee has before stated, the favourite amuse- 
 ment of the long and idle winter evenings of the Highlanders."* 
 Before returning to Edinburgh Mr. Macpherson paid a visit to an early 
 acquaintance, the Rev. Andrew Gallie, then missionary at Badenocli, 
 who was a proficient in the Gaelic language, to whom, and to Mr. 
 Macpherson of Strathmashie in Badenoch, he exhibited the poems and 
 manuscripts which he had collected during his tour. " They consisted," 
 
 • Report of the Committee of the HighJand Society. 
 
46 IIISTOEV OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 says Ml-. Gallie, " of several volumes, small octavo, or ratner large 
 duodecimo, in the Gaelic language and characters, being the poems of 
 Ossian, and other ancient bai-ds. I remember perfectly," continues the 
 Reverend Gentleman, " that many of those volumes were, at the close, 
 said to have been collected by Paul Macmhuirich, Bard Clanraonuil, 
 and about the beginning of the 14th century. Mr. Macpherson and 1 
 were of opinion, that thoTigh the bard collected them, yet that they musl 
 have been writ by an ecclesiastic, for the characters and spelling were 
 most beautiful and correct. Every poem had its first letter of its first 
 word most elegantly flourished and gilded, some red, some yellow, some 
 blue, and some green : the material writ on seemed to be a limber yet 
 coarse and dark vellum : the volumes were bound in strong parchment' 
 Mr. Macpherson had them from Clanronald."* Mr. Macpherson, on the 
 occasion of his visit to Mr. Gallie. availed himself of the able assistance 
 of that gentleman, and of his namesake Mr. Macpherson of Strath- 
 mashie, in collating the dififerent editions or copies of the poems he had 
 collected, and in translating difficult passages and obsolete words. 
 
 On his return to Edinburgh from his poetical tour, Mr. Macpherson 
 took lodgings in a house at the head of Blackfriars' Wynd, immediately 
 below that possessed by his chief patron. Dr. Blair, and immediately set 
 about translating from the Gaelic into English. He soon afterwards, 
 VIZ., in 1761, published one volume in quarto, containing Eingal, 
 an epic poem, in six books, and some other detached pieces of a similai 
 kind. He published, in the year 1762, another epic poem called Te- 
 MORA, of one of the books or divisions of which he annexed the original 
 Gaelic, being the only specimen he ever published, though at his death 
 he left Z.IOOO to defray the expense of a publication of the originals ol 
 the whole of his translations, with directions to his executors for can-y- 
 ing that purpose into effect. Various causes contributed to delay theii 
 appearance till the year 1807, when they were published under the 
 sanction of the Highland Society of London. 
 
 Such is the brief history of Macpherson's connexion with those re- 
 markable poems, which have excited the admiration of the literary 
 world, and given occasion to a controversy which, for nearly half a 
 century, agitated the breasts of philologists and antiquaries, and which 
 even now does not seem to be set at rest ; for we find, that, in a 
 modem publication,! a writer of great penetration and extensive eru- 
 dition, thus speaks of these poems : " Some fragments of the songs 
 of the Scottish Highlanders, of very uncertain antiquity, appear to have 
 fallen into the hands of Macpherson, a young man of no mean genius, 
 unacquainted with the higher criticism applied to the genuineness of 
 ancient writings, and who was too much a stranger to the studious 
 world to have learnt those refinements which extend probity to litera- 
 
 ,,I„''"*"^'" *^°'" ^'■- '^'^'^ *" Chai-les Macintosh, Esq., W. S., dated March 12th, 
 1799, inserted in Report refeiTed to. 
 
 t History of England. By the Right Honourable Sir Jamea Mackintosh, 
 M. I'., -vol. i. p. 86. 
 
OPIKION OF SIR JAMES MACKINTOSH- 47 
 
 tiu-e as well as to property. Elated by the praise not unjustly bestowed 
 on some of these fragments, instead of insuring a general assent to them 
 by a publication in their natural state, he unhappily applied his talents 
 for skilful imitation to complete poetical works in a style similar to the 
 fragments, and to work them into the unsuitable shape of epic and 
 dramatic poems. 
 
 " He was not aware of the impossibility of poems, preserved only by 
 tradition, being intelligible after thirteen centuries to readers who 
 knew only the language of their own times ; and he did not perceive 
 the extravagance of peopling the Caledonian mountains, in the fourth 
 century, with a race of men so generous and merciful, so gallant, so 
 mild, and so mag-nanimous, that the most ingenious romances of the 
 age of chivalry could not have ventm-ed to represent a single hero as 
 on a level with their common virtues. He did not consider the prodi- 
 gious absurdity of inserting as it were a people thus advanced in mora] 
 civilization between the Britons, ignorant and savage as they are painted 
 by Caesar, and the Highlanders, fierce and rude as they are presented 
 by the first accounts of the chroniclers of the twelfth and fourteenth 
 centuries. Even the better part of the Scots were, in the latter period, 
 thus spoken of: — ' In Scotland ye shall find no man lightly of honour 
 or gentleness : they be like wylde and savage people.'* The great 
 historian who made the annals of Scotland a part of European litera- 
 ture, had sufficiently warned his countrymen against such faults, by the 
 decisive observation that their forefathers were unacquainted with the 
 art of writing, which alone preserves language from total change, and 
 great events from oblivion.-j- Macpherson was encouraged to over- 
 leap these and many other improbabilities by youth, talent, and ap- 
 plause : perhaps he did not at first distinctly present to his mind the 
 permanence of the deception. It is more probable, and it is a suppo- 
 sition countenanced by many circumstances, that after enjoying the 
 pleasure of duping so many critics, he intended one day to claim the 
 poems as his own ; but if he had such a design, considerable obstacles 
 to its execution arose around him. He was loaded with so much praise 
 that he seemed bound in honour to his admirers not to desert them. 
 The support of his own country appeared to render adherence to those 
 poems, which Scotland inconsiderately sanctioned, a sort of national 
 obligation. Exasperated, on the other hand, by the, perhaps, unduly 
 vehement, and sometimes very coarse attacks made on him, he was 
 unwilling to surrender to such opponents. He involved himself at last 
 so deeply as to leave him no decent retreat. Since the keen and 
 searching publication of Mi-. Laing, these poems have fallen in reputa- 
 tion, as they lost the character of genuineness. They had been admired 
 by all the nations, and by all the men of genius in Europe. The last 
 incident in their story is perhaps the most remarkable. In an Italian 
 version, which softened their defects, and rendered their characteristic 
 
 • BeiTicr's troisait, xi. 7. Lond. 1812. + Buchan. Rer. Scotic. lib ii. in inlio- 
 
48 HISTORy OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 qualities faint, they formed almost the whole poetical library of Napoleou, 
 a man who, whatever may be finally thought of him in other respects, 
 must be o^vned to be, by the transcendant vigour of his powers, entitled 
 to a place in the first class of human minds. No other imposture in 
 literary history approaches them in the splendour of their course." 
 
 A sentence so severe and condemnatory, proceeding from an author 
 of such acknowledged ability as Sir James Mackintosh, and who we pre- 
 sume had fully considered the question, must have considerable eifect • 
 but we apprehend it is quite possible that minds of the first order may, 
 even in a purely literary question, be led astray by prepossessions. 
 That Macpherson endeavoured to complete some of the poetical frag- 
 ments he collected, in his translation, may, we think, be fairly admitted; 
 and, indeed, the Committee of the Highland Society, with that candour 
 which distinguished their investigation in answering the secoiid question 
 to which their inquiries were directed, namely, How far the collection of 
 poetry published by Mr. Macpherson was genuine, considered that point 
 as rather difficult to answer decisively. The Committee reported, that 
 they were inclined to believe that Mr. Macpherson " was in use to 
 supply chasms, and to give connexion, by inserting passages which he 
 did not find, and to add what he conceived to be dignity and delicacy 
 to the original composition, by striking out passages, by softening inci- 
 dents, by refining the language, in short, by changing what he con- 
 sidered as too simple or too rude for a modern ear, and elevating what 
 in his opinion was below the standard of good poetry. To what de- 
 gree, however, he exercised these liberties it is impossible for the 
 Committee to determine. The advantages he possessed, which the 
 Committee began its inquiries too late to enjoy, of collecting from the 
 oral recitation of a number of persons, now no more, a very great num- 
 ber of the same poems, on the same subjects, and then collating those 
 different copies or editions, if they may be so called, rejecting what was 
 spurious or corrupted in one copy, and adopting from another something 
 more genuine and excellent in its place, afforded him an opportunity of 
 putting together what might fairly enough be called an original whole, of 
 much more beauty, and with much fewer blemishes, than the Committee 
 believes it now possible for any person, or combination of persons, to 
 obtain." But this admission, when all the other circumstances which 
 are urged in favour of the authenticity of these poems are considered, 
 assuredly does not detract in any material degree from their genuineness ; 
 more particularly when the history of Mr. Farquharson's coUeetion of 
 Gaelic poetry, shortly to be noticed, is taken into account ; a collection 
 with which the Committee were totally unacquainted, till it was brought 
 to light by the patriotic exertions of Sir John Sinclair, seconded by 
 those of the late highly respected Bishop Cameron. 
 
 While we readily subscribe to the position as to the impossibility of 
 poems, preserved only by tradition, being intelligible after thirteen 
 centuries to readers who knew only the language of their own times, 
 we cannot agree to the assumption that the Gaelic of the Highlands, as 
 
REMARKS ON SIR JAMEs' OPINION. 49 
 
 it was spoken in the Ossianic era, has been so materially altered or 
 corrupted as to be unintelligible to the Gaelic population of the present 
 age. That some alterations in the language may have taken place there 
 can be no doubt; but, in an original and purely idiomatic language, these 
 must have been necessarily few and unimportant. No fair analogy can be 
 drawn between an original language, as the Gaelic unquestionably is, and 
 tlie modem tongues of Europe, all, or most of which, can be deduced from 
 their origin and traced through their various changes and modifications; 
 but who can detect any such in the Gaelic ? " A life of St. Patrick," says 
 the Rev. Dr. John Smith,* " written in the sixth century, in Irish verse. 
 IS stiU intelligible to an Irishman ; and a poem of near one hundred verses, 
 of which I have a copy, and which was composed about the same time 
 by St. Columba, though for ages past little known or repeated, will he 
 understood, except a few words, by an ordinary Highlander." And 
 if such be the case as to poetical compositions, which had lain dormant 
 for an indefinite length of time, can we suppose that those handed 
 down iminterruptedly from father to son through a long succession of 
 generations, could by any possibility have become unintelligible ? 
 " The preservation of any language from total change" does not, we 
 apprehend, depend upon the art of writing alone, but rather upon its 
 construction and character, and on its being kept quite apart from 
 foreign admixture. Owing to the latter circumstance all the European 
 languages, the Gaelic alone excepted, have undergone a total change 
 notwithstanding the art of writing. In connexion with this fact it may 
 be observed, that the purest Gaelic is spoken by the unlettered natives 
 of Mull and Skye, and the remote parts of Argyleshire and Inverness- 
 shire ; and it has been truly observed, that " an unlettered Highlander 
 will feel and detect a violation of the idiom of his language more readUy 
 than his countryman who has read Homer and Virgil."f 
 
 The high state of refinement and moral civilization depicted in the 
 poems of Ossian afi"ords no solid oDjection against their authenticity. 
 The same mode of reasoning might with great plausibility be urged 
 against the genuineness of the Iliad and Odyssey. Fiction is essentia! 
 to the character of a true poet ; and we need not be surprised that one 
 so imaginative and sublime as Ossian should people his native glens 
 with beings of a superior order. 
 
 We have already alluded to a collection of Gaelic poems made by 
 Mr. Farquharson, which unfortunately does not now exist. The his- 
 tory of this collection being very interesting, as throwing a flood of light 
 on the Ossianic question, and supporting, in an essential manner, the 
 views of the defenders of the authenticity of Ossian's poems, we hope 
 we shall be excused for drawing the attention of the reader to the 
 documents which detail the circumstances relating to that collection. 
 Sir John Sinclair Baronet, having accidentally heard that Dr Cameron, 
 
 • Letter to Henry Mackenzie, Esq., in Report refeired to. 
 
 t Kssay on the Authenticity of Ossian's Poems, by Dr. Patrick Graham, p. 103. 
 
 J a 
 
50 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANOS. 
 
 the Catholic Bishop of Edinburgh, could furnish some interesting 
 information regarding the authenticity of Ossian, with that praiseworthy 
 zeal which has ever distinguished the honourable Baronet, addressed the 
 follo>ying card to the Bishop, dated Charlotte Square, Edinburgli, 
 7th Februai-y, 1806. 
 
 "Sir John Sinclaii- presents his compliments to Bishop Cameron. 
 Has accidentally heard that the Bishop can throw some new light upon 
 the controversy regarding the authenticity of the poems of Ossian, 
 and takes the liberty, therefore, of requesting his attention to the sub- 
 joined queries. 
 
 « 1. Does the Bishop ever recollect to have seen, or heard of any 
 ancient Gaelic manuscripts in France ? 
 
 " 2. Did they contain any of the poems of Ossian, and what were 
 they ? 
 
 "3. Did the Bishop compare them with Macpherson's translation, 
 and did it seem to be a just one ? ,. 
 
 " 4. Can the Bishop recollect any other person or persons, now living, 
 who saw those manuscripts? 
 
 " 5. Where did he see them ; and is there any chance of those being 
 yet recovered, or copies of them obtained?" 
 
 To which application. Bishop Cameron returned for answer, that ho 
 had taken the necessary steps for acquiring and laying befori^ Sir 
 John the most satisfactory account he could, of a manuscript Gaelic 
 collection, which contained a very considerable part of what was after- 
 wards translated and published by Macpherson— that the collector Lad 
 died in Scotland some years before — that the manuscript had been lost 
 in France ; but there was at least one alive, who, being much pleased 
 with the translation, although he did not understand the original, saw 
 them frequently compared, and had the manuscript in his hands — and 
 that Sir John's queries, and whatever else could throw any light on the 
 subject, would be attended to. 
 
 In answer to a second application from Sir John, the Bishop re- 
 gretted that the information he had hitherto received, concerning the 
 manuscript of Ossian's poems, was not so complete as he expected — 
 and that the MS. was irreparably lost — that the Rev. James Macgillivray 
 declared, that he remembered the manuscript perfectly well ; that it 
 was in folio, large paper, about three inches thick, written close, and 
 in a small letter — the whole in Mr. John Farquharson's handwriting 
 — that Mr. Macgillivray went to Douay College, in 1763, where Mr 
 Farquharson was at the time Prefect of Studies — that Gaelic poetry 
 and the contents of the MS. were frequently brought upon the carpet 
 — that about 1766, Mr. Glendonning of Parton sent Macpherson's 
 translation of the poems of Ossian to Mr. Farquharson — that the 
 attention of every one was then drawn to the MS. in proportion lo 
 the Impression made upon their minds by the translation. Mr. Mac 
 gillivray saw them collated hundreds of times — that the common 
 complaint was, that the translation fell very far short of the energy 
 
FARQUHARSOn's GAELIC COLLECTION. A1 
 
 and beputy of the original—and Mr. Macgillivray was convinced that 
 Ihe MS. contained all the poems translated by Macpherson. 1. 
 Because he recollected very distinctly having heard Mr. Farquhar- 
 son say, after having read the translation, that he had all these poems in 
 his collection. 2. Because he never saw him at a loss to find the 
 origmal in the MS. when any observation occurred upon any passage 
 m the translation — that he knew the poems of Fingal and Temora were 
 of the number, for he saw the greater part of both collated with the 
 translation, and he heard Mr. Farquharson often regret that Mac- 
 pherson had not found or published several poems contained in his 
 
 MS., and of no less merit than any of those laid before the public 
 
 that Mr. Farquharson came to Scotland in 1773, leaving his MS. in the 
 Scots' College of Douay, where Mr. Macgillivray had occasion to see 
 it frequently during his stay there till 1775 ; but, he said, it had got 
 into the hands of young men who did not understand the Gaelic, and was 
 much tattered, and that several leaves had been torn out — that the late 
 Principal of that College, who was then only a student there, remem- 
 bered very well having seen the leaves of the mutilated manuscript 
 torn out to kindle the fire in their stove. 
 
 Bishop Cameron believed the collection was made before the middle 
 of last century. He was personally acquainted with Mr. Farquharson 
 from 1773 to 1780, and the poems were often the subject of their con- 
 versation, that whatever opinion the literary world might form of them, 
 it was not easy to foresee that Macpherson should be seriously believed 
 to be the author of them, and it was hoped he would publish the originals. 
 In that persuasion perhaps few Highlanders would have copied them, 
 for the value of any trifling variation. 
 
 Bishop Cameron afterwards acquainted Sir John, that he considered 
 the testimony of Mr. Macgillivray, on the subject of Mr. Farquharson's 
 collection of Gaelic poems, as of the greatest weight with him, for 
 many reasons. The impression made upon Mr. Macgillivray by the 
 translation enhanced his veneration for the original. The manuscript 
 appeared to him, in a very diflFereut light, from that in which it 
 was seen by those who had from their infancy been accustomed to hear 
 the contents of it recited or sung by illiterate men, for the entei-tain- 
 ment of the lower classes of Society — that the account then given by 
 Mr. Macgillivray, was the same which he gave him thirty years ago; 
 for he. Bishop Cameron, took notes of it then, and had frequently 
 repeated it since on his authority. 
 
 On receipt of the communication alluded to, Sir John drew up the 
 following queries which he transmitted to Bishop Cameron to be com- 
 municated to his friends. 
 
 « Queries for the Rev. Dr. John Chisholm, and for the Rev. James 
 Macgillivray, to be answered separately. 
 
 " 1. Did you recollect a manuscript of Gaelic poetry, at the college 
 of Douay in Flanders ? 
 
 "2 At what time do you recollect receiving that manuscript? 
 
52 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 " fi. Was it an ancient or modem manuscript f 
 
 " 4. By wliom was it supposed to be written, and at what period ? 
 
 " 5. Did it contain other poems, and of equal or inferior merit ? 
 
 " 6. To whom were the poems ascribed ? 
 
 "7. Did you compare the Celtic manuscript with Macpherson'g 
 translation, and what similarity existed between them ? 
 
 " 8. To what extent did you make the comparison, or was it made 
 in your presence ? 
 
 " 9. Were the Gaelic scholars at Douay perfectly satisfied with the 
 result of the comparison ? 
 
 « 10. Was there any communication of the circumstance made to 
 any in Great Britain, so far as your knowledge goes? 
 
 "11. How long did the manuscript remain at the College of Douay ? 
 
 « 12. What was the cause of the loss thereof? 
 
 " 13. Is there any chance of recovering a copy, or any part of it "i 
 
 " 14. Are there any other persons in Scotland who saw the manu- 
 script, and can certify the comparison above-mentioned ? 
 
 " 15. Did you ever hear of any other manuscript of Ossian, either 
 in France, or in Rome ? 
 
 " 16. Do you entertain any doubt, respecting the authenticity of the 
 poems of Ossian, and that Mr. Macpherson was merely the translator 
 thereof? 
 
 " 17. Do you think that his translation did justice to the original? 
 
 To these queries Bishop Chisholm replied as follows : — 
 
 1. That he recollected the manuscript in question. 2. That he re- 
 membered having seen it in the hands of the Rev. Mr. John Far- 
 quharson, a Jesuit, in the years 1766—67, &c., but could not then read 
 it. 3. Mr. Farquharson wrote it all when (4.) missionary in Strath- 
 glass, before and after the year 1745. 5. It contained, as Mr. Far- 
 quharson said, Gaelic poems not inferior to either Virgil or Homer's 
 poems, according to his judgment, called (6.) by him Ossian's poems. 
 7. The Bishop did not, but Mr. Farquharson did, compare the Celtic 
 manuscripts with Macpherson's translation, and he affirmed the trans- 
 lation was inferior to the original, and (8.) he said so of the whole of 
 Mr. James Macpherson's translation. 9. There was not one scholar 
 at Douay, that could read the Gaelic in his, Bishop Chisholm's, time. 
 10. Mrs. Frazer of Culbokie spoke of the manuscript to him on hij 
 return to Scotland, and told him she had taught Mr. Farquharson 
 to read the Gaelic on his ai-rival in Scotland, in which his progress in 
 a short time exceeded her own. She likewise had a large collection, 
 of which she read some passages to him, when he could scarcely under- 
 stand the Gaelic, and which escaped his memory since ; the manuscript 
 was in fine large Irish characters, written by Mr. Peter Macdonel, 
 chaplain to Lord Macdonel of Glengary, after the Restoration, who 
 had taught Mrs. Frazer, and made such a good Gaelic scholar of her: 
 she called this collection a Bolg Solair, that Mr. Frazer of Culbokie, 
 her grandson^ could give no account of it. 11. The manuscript WM 
 
PARQCHARSONS GAELIC COLLECTION. 53 
 
 at Douay, 1777, when the Bishop left that place. 12. Tliat he could 
 not say what might have been done with it since ; it was then much 
 damaged, that Mr. John Farquhavson, in Elgin, formerly prefect 
 of studies, and at the time of the French Revolution, Principal of the 
 Scotch College, was the only one that could give any account of it, if 
 he remembered it. 13. The Bishop feared that neither it nor any 
 pai't of it could be recovered. 14. Mr. Farquharson, Mr. James Mac- 
 giUivray, Mr. Ronald Maodonald, and the Bishop had seen it. The 
 15th query was answered in the negative. 16. The Bishop never 
 doubted the authenticity of Ossian's poems, and never thought Mac- 
 pherson any thing but a translator. 17. By what he had seen of the 
 original he believed it was impossible for Macpherson to do justice to 
 it ; that it was likewise his opinion, he had it in his power to do more 
 justice to it than he had done, and was convinced he had not taken 
 up the meaning of the original in some passages. The Bishop added 
 that Mr. MacgiUivray was a great proficient in poetry, and was much 
 admired for his taste, that he never saw one more stubborn and 
 stiflF in denying the merit of Highland poets, till Macpherson's trans- 
 lation appeared, which, when compared with Mr. Farquharson's collec- 
 tion, made a convert of him ; and none then admired Ossian's more 
 than he. 
 
 Mr. MacgiUivray in answering Sir John's communication stated, 
 that Mr. Farquharson was a man of an excellent taste in polite litera- 
 ture, and a great admirer of the ancient poets. When he went to 
 Strathglass, where he lived upwards of thirty years, he knew very 
 little of the Erse language, and was obliged to begin a serious study of 
 it ; that he was greatly assisted in this study by that Mrs. Frazer 
 of Culbokie, who passed for the best Erse scholar in that part of 
 the country. From this lady he leamt the language grammatically, 
 and to read and write it ; she likewise gave him a high opinion of 
 Erse poetry, by the many excellent compositions in that language, 
 with which she made him acquainted; that in consequence of this, 
 when he became master of the language he collected every thing of the 
 kind he could meet with, and of such collections was formed the MS. 
 in question. 
 
 He first saw the MS. in the possession of Mr. Farquharson, when 
 he was a student in the Scotch College of Douay, and afterwards 
 at Dinant in the county of Liege, Mr. Farquharson being then prefect 
 of studies. That it remained in Mr. Farquharson's possession 
 fi-om the year 1763, when Mr. M'G. went first to the college, until 
 1773, when he and Mr. Farquharson left Dinant, the latter to re- 
 turn to Scotland, and the former to prosecute his studies at Douay. 
 That Mr. Farquharson, on his return to Scotland, passed by Douay 
 where he left his MS. That Mr. M'G. saw it there till the summer 
 of 1775 when he left Douay, and was at that time in a much worse con- 
 dition than he had ever seen it before : that it had got into the hands 
 of the students, none of whom, he believed, could read it : that it was 
 
54 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 much tattered in many places, and many leaves liaU been lorn (,ui. 
 That from the manner in which it was then treated, very little 
 care had been taken of it afterwards ; but allowing that what remained 
 of it had been carefully kept, it must have perished with every thing 
 else in that house, during the French Revolution. That the MS. was 
 a large folio about three inches thick, and entirely in Mr. Far- 
 quharson's own handwriting. As it consisted wholly of poems col- 
 lected by himself, it was written pretty close, so that it must have 
 contained a great deal. Mr. M'G. could not say positively how Mr, 
 Farquharson had collected the poems ; that many of them certainly 
 must have been obtained from hearing them recited, and he had a 
 sort of remembrance that Mr. F. frequently mentioned bis having got 
 a great many of them from Mrs. Frazer, and indeed it must have been 
 so, as she first gave him a relish for Gaelic poetry, by the fine pieces 
 with which she made him acquainted. That Mr. M'G. could say nothing 
 at all of the particular pieces which Mr. F. got from her, or from any 
 other person, as he did not remember to have heard him specify any 
 thing of the kind. Mr. Macgillivray farther observes, that in the year 
 1766 or 1767, Mr. Farquharson first saw Mr. Macpherson's transla- 
 tion of Ossian. It was sent to him by Mr. Glendoning of Parton. 
 That he remembered perfectly well his receiving it, although he did 
 not recollect the exact time, but Mr. Farqidiarson said, when he had 
 read it, that he had all the translated poems in his collection. That 
 Mr. M'G. had an hundred times seen him tm-ning over his folio, when 
 he read the translation, and comparing it with the Erse ; and he could 
 positively say, that he saw him in this manner go through the whole 
 poems of Fingal and Temora. Although he could not speak so pre- 
 cisely of his comparing the other poems in the translation with his 
 manuscript, Mr. M'G. was convinced he had them, as he spoke in general 
 of his having aU the translated poems ; and he never heard him men- 
 tion that any poem in the translation was wanting in his collection ; 
 whereas he has often beard him say that there were many pieces in 
 it, as good as any that had been published, and regret that the trans- 
 lator had not found them, or had not translated them. Mr. M'G. does 
 not remember to have ever heard Mr. F. tax Mr. Macpherson's trans- 
 lation with deviating essentially from the sense of the original, which 
 he would not have failed to have done, had he found grounds for it ; 
 for he very frequently complained that it did not come up to the 
 strength of the original, and to convince his friends of this, he used 
 to repeat the Erse expressions, and to translate them literally, com- 
 paring them with Macpherson's. This diiference, however, he seemed 
 to ascribe rather to the natm-e of the two languages, than to any inac- 
 curacy or infidelity in the translator. 
 
 With regard to the time at which Mr. Farquharson collected the 
 poems he had, it was evident that it must have been during his resi- 
 dence in Strathglass, as he brought them from Scotland to Douay with 
 liim. Mr. M'G. did not know the very year he came to Douay, but 
 
FARQUHARSON S GAElilO COLLECTION'. 55 
 
 he was sure it was before 1760, and he always understood that Mr. F. 
 had collected them long before that time. When Mr. Farquharson 
 first received Macpherson's translation, Mr. M'G. was studying poetry 
 and rhetoric, and he thought that nothing could equal the beauties of 
 the ancient poets, whom he was then reading. He says that he used 
 with a sort of indignation, to hear Mr. Farquharson say, that there 
 were Erse poems equal in merit to the pieces of the ancients, whom 
 he so much admired ; but when he saw the translation, he began to 
 think his indignation unjust, and consequently paid more attention 
 to the comparison which Mr. F. made of it with his own collection, 
 than he would otherwise have done. 
 
 " This is all the information," says Mr. MacgiUivray, " I can give re- 
 lative to Mr. Farquharson's manuscript ; I have often regretted, since 
 disputes began to runso high about the authority of Ossian'spoems, that I 
 didnotask Mr. Farquharson a thousand questions about them, whichl did 
 not think of then, and to which,Iam sure,hecould havegivenmethemost 
 satisfactory answers ; at any rate, what I have so often heard from him, has 
 left on my mind so full a conviction of the authenticity of the po ems, or at 
 least that they are no forgery of Macpherson's, that I could never since 
 hear the thing called in question, without the greatest indignation. It is 
 certain that Mr. Farquharson made his collection before Macpherson's 
 time, and I am sure that he never heard of Macpherson till he saw his 
 book. I sincerely wish that persons of more judgment, and more reflec- 
 tion than I had at the time, had had the same opportunities of seeing 
 and hearing what I did, and of receiving from Mr. Farquharson, whose 
 known character was sincerity, the information he could have given 
 them ; in that case, I believe, they would have been convinced them- 
 selves, and I make no doubt but they would have been the means of 
 convincing the most incredulous." 
 
 Bishop Cameron, after sending the communications alluded to, to Sir 
 John Sinclair, informed him that besides Dr. Chisholm and Mr. Mac- 
 giUivray, two other persons had been named, who were students in the 
 Scots College of Douay, in the year 1773, when Mr. Farquharson, re- 
 turning to Scotland, from Dinant, spent some days amongst his country- 
 men, and left his manuscript with them — that the first of these two 
 afterwards president of the College, and then residing in Elgin, had 
 declared to the Bishop, that he remembered the MS., that no one in 
 the College could read it, and that he had seen the leaves torn out 
 of it, as long as it lasted, to light the fire. 
 
 That the second, the Rev. Ronald Macdonald, residing in Uist, de- 
 clared, that he had a clear remembrance of having seen the manuscript. 
 But it was after his return to Scotland in 1780, after he had acquired a 
 more perfect knowledge of the Gaelic, when he discovered that the poems 
 of Ossian were not so common, or so fresh in the memory of his coun- 
 trymen, when the public began to despair of Mr. Macpherson's pub- 
 lishing his original text, and when some people doubted, or afi'ected 
 to doubt, the existence of an original, it was then Mr. Macdonald 
 
56 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 formed some idea of the value of the manuscript, and often expressed 
 Iiis regret that he had not brought it to Scotland, for he was conlSdent 
 no objection would have been made to liis taking it. 
 
 The following extracts from the Bishop's last letter to Sir John, 
 are curious and interesting:^ 
 
 " Prom the year 1775, when he came to Scotland, to 1780, when I 
 went to Spain, where I resided more than twenty years, Mr. Macgil- 
 livray and I lived in a habit of intimacy and friendship. Our interviews 
 were frequent, and we were not strangers to Macpherson's translation 
 of the poems of Ossian. It was then Mr. Macgillivray gave me the 
 first account of the manuscript. The Rev. John Farquharson, to whom 
 it belonged, lived at that time with his nephew, Mr. Farquharson of 
 Inverey, at Balmorral. Amongst many others who visited in that 
 respectable family, it is probable Lord Fife may still recollect tlie 
 venerable old man, and bear testimony of the amiable candour and 
 simplicity of his manners. I knew him, and he confirmed to me all 
 that my friend, Mr. Macgillivray, had told me. He added, that when 
 he was called to Douay, I believe about the year 1753, he had left 
 another collection of Gaelic poems in Braemar. He told me by whom 
 and in what manner it had been destroyed ; and made many humorous 
 and just observations, on the different points of view, in which different 
 people may place the same object. He seemed to think that similar, 
 and even fuller collections might still be formed with little trouble. 
 He was not sensible of the rapid, the incredible, the total change, 
 which had taken place in the Highlands of Scotland, in the course of 
 a few years. 
 
 " The Poems of Ossian, were sometimes the subject of my conversa- 
 tion with my friends in Spain. I wished to see them in a Spanish dress. 
 The experiment was made ; but the public reception of the specimen did 
 not encourage the translator to continue his labour. The author of a very 
 popular work on the Origin, Progress, and present state of Literature, 
 had confidently adopted the opinion of those, who thought, or called 
 Mr. Macpherson, the author, not the translator, of the poems ; and the 
 opinion became common amongst our literati. This gave me occasion 
 to communicate to my friends, the grounds of my opinion. To that 
 circumstance, I ascribe my having retained a distinct memory of what 
 I have now related ; and upon that account alone, I have taken the 
 liberty of troubling you with this perhaps no less unimportant than 
 tedious relation. 
 
 " The Right Rev. Dr. Eneas Chisholm, informs me, that the late 
 Mr. Archibald Frazer, major in the Glengary Fencibles, son of Mrs. 
 Frazer, Culbokie, so renowned for her Gaelic learning, assured him, 
 that his mother's manuscripts had been carried to America. Her son, 
 Simon, emigrated thither with his family, in 1773. He had received 
 a classical education, and cultivated the taste which he had inherited 
 for Gaelic poetry. When the American war broke out, Simon 
 declared himself for the mother country. He became an officer in the 
 
GENERAL CONCLUSION 57 
 
 British service, was taken prisoner, and thrown into a dungeon, where 
 he was said to have been very cruelly used, and where he died ; I 
 understood two of his sons, William and Angus, are now in Canada 
 but I can learn nothing of the fate of his manuscripts." 
 
 In consequence of the allusion by Bishop Chisholm to the Rev. 
 John Farquharson who had been President of the Scotch College at 
 Douay, as knowing something of his namesake's collection. Sir John 
 Sinclair requested that he would send him all the particulai-s he could 
 possibly recollect as to the MS. alluded to, and his opinion regarding the 
 authenticity of Ossian. He also wished to be informed if there was 
 a chance of recovering the whole, or any part of the Douay MS. ? or 
 if any copy of any part of it was extant ? To which request Mr. 
 Fai-quharson replied, that he perfectly recollected to have seen in 1775 
 and 1776 the MS. mentioned, but being no Gaelic scholar, all that he 
 could attest was his having repeatedly heard the compiler assert, it 
 contained various Gaelic songs, a few fragments of modern composi- 
 tion, but chiefly extracts of Ossian's poems, collected during his long 
 residence in Strathglass, previous to the rebellion of Forty-five ; and 
 to have seen him compare the same with Macpherson's translation, and 
 exclaiming frequently at its inaccuracy ; that the MS. might be about 
 three inches thick, large paper, scarce stitched, some leaves torn, others 
 lost, and of course little heeded, as the Highland Society's and Sir John 
 Sinclair's patriotic exertions were not then thought of. What its subse- 
 quent fate had been, he could not positively say ; for, thrown care- 
 lessly amongst other papers into a corner of the college archives, no 
 care whatever had been taken of it, being in a manner en fmilles de- 
 tacMes, in a handwriting scarcely legible, and of a nature wholly unin- 
 telligible. 
 
 The documents referred to establish beyond the possibility of doubt, 
 that long before the name of Macpherson was known to the literary 
 world, a collection of manuscript Poems in Gaelic did exist which 
 passed as the Poems of Ossian, and that they were considered by 
 competent judges as not inferior to the poems of Virgil or Homer: they 
 demonstrate the absurdity of the charge that Macpherson was the author 
 of the poems he published, and annihilate the rash and unfounded asser- 
 1 ion of the colossus of English literature. Dr. Samuel Johnson, that 
 " the poems of Ossian never existed in any other form than that 
 which we have seen," in Macpherson's translation and " that the 
 editor or author never could show the original, nor can it be shown by 
 any other."* Whether the celebrated Lexicographer, had he lived to 
 witness the publication of the Gaelic manuscripts under the sanction of 
 the Highland Society of London, would have changed his opinion is a 
 question which cannot be solved ; nor is it necessary to speculate on 
 the subject. Every unprejudiced mind must now be satisfied of the 
 authenticity of these poems, and may adopt " the pleasing supposition 
 that Fingal lived and that Ossian sung." 
 
 • Journey to the Western Islands, ed. 1798, p. 205. 
 I. H 
 
5S HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 The most formidable objection against the genuineness of the poems 
 of Ossian, and which has been urged with great plausibility, is the 
 absence of all allusions to religion. " Religion," says Mr. Laing, " was 
 avoided as a dangei-ous topic that might lead to detection. The 
 gods and rites of the Caledonians were unknown. From the danger, 
 however, or the difficulty of inventing a religious mythology, the 
 author has created a savage society of refined atheists ; who 
 believe in ghosts, but not in deities, and are either ignorant of, or 
 indiiferent to, the existence of superior powers. In adopting Rous- 
 seau's visions concerning the perfection of the savage state, which was 
 then so popular, Macpherson, solicitous only for proper machinery, 
 has rendered the Highlanders a race of unheard-of infidels, who believed 
 in no gods but the ghosts of their fathers." 
 
 It is certainly not easy to account for this total want of religious 
 allusions, for to suppose that at the era in question the Caledonians 
 were entirely destitute of religious impressions, or in other words, a 
 nation of atheists is contrary to the whole history of the human race. 
 That the druidical superstition was the religion of all the Celtic tribes 
 is placed beyond all doubt, and that the influence and power of impe- 
 rial Rome gradually weakened and finally extinguished that system is 
 equally certain. The extinction of that superstition took place long 
 before the supposed era of Ossian, but to imagine that all recollection 
 of the ancient belief had also been obliterated, is to suppose what is 
 far from probable. Indeed, the well known traditions respecting the' 
 disputes between the Druids, and Trathal and Cormac, ancestors to 
 Fingal, in consequence of the attempts of the former to deprive Tren- 
 mor, grandfather to Fingal, of the office of Vergobretus or chief Magis- 
 trate which was hereditary in his family, show plainly that Ossian 
 could not be ignorant of the tenets of the Druids ; and as the Fingaliaa 
 race from the circumstance noticed were the enemies of the Druids, the 
 silence of Ossian respecting them and their tenets is not much 
 to be wondered at. 
 
 It cannot, however, be denied that this silence has puzzled the 
 defenders of the poems very much, and many reasons have been given 
 to account for it. The reason assigned by Dr. Graham of Aberfoil 
 in his valuable Essay appears to be the most plausible. " We are in- 
 formed," says he, " by the most respectable writers of antiquity, that 
 tlie Celtic hierarchy was divided into several classes, to each of which 
 its own particular department was assigned. The Druids, by the con- 
 sent of all, constitute the highest class ; the Bards seem to have been 
 the next in rank ; and the Eubages the lowest. The higher mysteries 
 of religion, and probably, also, the science of the occult powers of 
 nature, which they had discovered, constituted the department of the 
 Druids. To the Bards, again, it is allowed by all, were committed the 
 celebration of the heroic achievements of their warriors, and the public 
 record of the history of the nation. But we know, that in every polity 
 which depends upon mystery, as that of the Druids undoubtedly did, 
 
MTTHOLOOY OF OSSIAN. 
 
 59 
 
 the inferior orders are sedulously prevented from encroaching ou tue 
 pale of those immediately above them, by the mysteries which consti- 
 tute their peculiar badge. Is it not probable, then, that the Bards 
 were expi-essly prohibited from encroaching upon the province of their 
 superiors by intermingling religion, if they had any knowledge of its 
 mysteries, which it is likely they had not, with the secular objects of 
 tiieir song? Thus, theu, we seem warranted to conclude upon this 
 subject, by the time that Ossian flourished, the higher order of thii> 
 hierarchy had been destroyed ; aud in all probability the peculiar 
 mysteries which they taught had perished along with them : and evei? 
 if any traces of them remained, such is the force of habit, and the 
 veneration which men entertain for the institutions in which they have 
 been educated, that it is no wonder the Bards religiously forbore 
 to tread on ground from which they had at all times, by the most 
 awful sanctions been excluded. In this view of the subject, it would 
 seem, that the silence which prevails in these poems, with regard to 
 the higher mysteries of religion, instead of furnishing an argument 
 against their authenticity, aiFords a strong presumption of their having 
 been composed at the very time, in the very circumstances, and by the 
 ^rery persons to whom they have been attributed." 
 
 But it is unnecessary to enlarge further on this subject. The pub- 
 lication of the original poems, so long withheld from the world by the 
 unaccountable conduct of Macpherson, has settled the question of their 
 authenticity, and there are few persons now so sceptical as not to bn 
 • convinced that these poems are of very high antiquity. 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 PICTISH PERIOD, ANNO 446 TO 843. 
 
 I'icTs and Caledonians— Chronological Table of the Pictish Kings— The Scoto-Irish 
 or Dah-iads — Settlement of the Dalriads in Argyle, in five hundred and three, under 
 Loi-n, Fergus, and Angus— Conversion of the Caledonians, or Picts, to Christianity 
 by St. Columba — Inauguration of Aidan, King of Scots, in lona — Death of St. Colum- 
 bar— Summary of Pictish History — Wars with the Scots — Arrival of the Vikingr or 
 Pirate Kings — Summary 'of the history of the Scoto-Irish Kings — Accession of 
 Kenneth to the Pictish Throne — Government of the Scoto-Irish— Their Judges and 
 Laws — Courts of Justice— Mode of Living— Practice of Fosterage — Genealogy and 
 Chronology of the Scoto-Irish Kings. 
 
 We now enter upon what is called the Pictish period of Caledonian 
 history, which embraces a course of three hundred and ninety-seven 
 years, viz., from the date of the Roman abdication of the government of 
 North Britain, in the year four hundred and forty-six, to the subversion 
 of the Pictish government in the year eight hundred and forty-three. 
 This interval of time is distinguished by two important events in the 
 history of North Britain — the arrival and settlement of the Dalriads, 
 or Scoto-Irish, on the shores of Argyle, in the year five hundred and 
 three, and the introduction of Christianity by St. Columba into the 
 Highlands, in five hundred and sixty-three, both of which events will 
 be fully noticed in the sequel. 
 
 Many conjectures have been hazarded as to the derivation of the term 
 Pict, to which there seems no necessity to revert here; but of this 
 there can be no doubt, that the Picts were Celts, and that they were no 
 other than a part of the race of the ancient Caledonians under another 
 name. Of the twenty-one distinct tribes which inhabited North Britain, 
 at the time of the Roman invasion, as we have observed, the most 
 powerful was that of the Caledonii, or Caledonians, who inhabited the 
 whole of the interior country, from the ridge of mountains which sepa- 
 rates Inverness and Perth on the south, to the range of hills that forms 
 the forest of Balnagowan in Ross, on the north, comprehending all the 
 middle parts of Inverness and of Ross; but in process of time the whole 
 population of North Britain, were designated by the generic appellation 
 of Caledonians, though occasionally distinguished by some classic writers, 
 proceeding on fanciful notions, by the various names of Mseatse, Dicale- 
 dones, Vecturiones, and Picti. 
 
CHRONOLOGY OF THE PICTISH KINGS. 
 
 61 
 
 At the time of the Roman abdication, the Caledonians, or Picts, weit 
 under the sway of a chieftain, named Drust, the son of Erp, who, for 
 his prowess in his various expeditions against the Roman provincials, 
 has been honoured by the Irish Annalists, with the name of Drust oj 
 the hundred battles. History, however, has not done him justice, for it 
 has left little concerning him on record. In fact, little is known of the 
 Pictish history for upwards of one hundred years, immediately after 
 the Roman abdication. Although some ancient chronicles afford us lists 
 of the Pictish Kings, or Princes, a chronological table of whom, accord- 
 ing to the best authorities, is here subjoined: — 
 
 A CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF THE PICTISH KINGS. 
 
 Seriea. 
 
 TUEIR N4MES, AND FILIATIONS. 
 
 Date of 
 Accession, 
 
 Duration of 
 Reigns, 
 
 Period 
 of their 
 Deaths. 
 
 1 
 
 Drust, the son of Erp .... 
 
 
 
 451 
 
 2 
 
 TALoac, the son of Aniel 
 
 451 
 
 4 years. 
 
 455 
 
 3 
 
 Nacion MoaBET, the son of Erp 
 
 455 
 
 25 ... 
 
 480 
 
 4 
 
 Drest Gurthinmoch .... 
 
 480 
 
 30 ... 
 
 510 
 
 6 
 
 Gaianah Eteuch 
 
 510 
 
 12 ... 
 
 522 
 
 6 
 
 Dadkest 
 
 522 
 
 1 ... 
 
 523 
 
 7 
 
 Drest, the son of Girom .... 
 
 523 
 
 1 ... 
 
 524 
 
 
 Drest, the son of Wdrest, with the formei' 
 
 524 
 
 5 ... 
 
 529 
 
 
 Brest, the son of Girom, alone 
 
 529 
 
 5 ... 
 
 534 
 
 8 
 
 Gartnach, the son of Girom 
 
 534 
 
 7 ... 
 
 641 
 
 9 
 
 Gealtraim, the son of Girom . 
 
 541 
 
 1 ... 
 
 642 
 
 10 
 
 Talorg, the son of Muircholaich 
 
 542 
 
 11 ... 
 
 553 
 
 11 
 
 Drest, the son of Munait 
 
 563 
 
 1 ... 
 
 554 
 
 12 
 
 Galam, with Aleph 
 
 554 
 
 1 ... 
 
 655 
 
 
 Galam, with Bridei .... 
 
 555 
 
 1 ... 
 
 656 
 
 13 
 
 Bridei, the son of Mailcon 
 
 566 
 
 30 ... 
 
 586 
 
 14 
 
 Gartnaich, the son of Domelch 
 
 586 
 
 n ... 
 
 597 
 
 15 
 
 Nectu, the nephew of Verb 
 
 597 
 
 20 ... 
 
 617 
 
 16 
 
 CiNEOCH, the son of Lxithrin 
 
 617 
 
 19 ... 
 
 636 
 
 17 
 
 Garnard, the son of Wid 
 
 636 
 
 4 ... 
 
 640 
 
 18 
 
 Bridei, the son of Wid .... 
 
 640 
 
 5 ... 
 
 645 
 
 19 
 
 Talorc, their brother .... 
 
 645 
 
 12 ... 
 
 657 
 
 20 
 
 Tallorcan, the son of Enfi-et . 
 
 657 
 
 4 ... 
 
 661 
 
 21 
 
 Gabtnait, the son of Donnel 
 
 661 
 
 G\ ... 
 
 667 
 
 22 
 
 Drest, his brother 
 
 667 
 
 7 ... 
 
 674 
 
 23 
 
 Bridei, the son of Bili .... 
 
 674 
 
 21 ... 
 
 695 
 
 24 
 
 Taban, the son of Entifidich 
 
 695 
 
 4 ... 
 
 699 
 
 25 
 
 Bridei, the son of Dereli .... 
 
 699 
 
 11 ... 
 
 710 
 
 26 
 
 Nechton, the son of Dereli 
 
 710 
 
 15 ... 
 
 725 
 
 27 
 
 Drest, and Elpin 
 
 725 
 
 5 ... 
 
 730 
 
 28 
 
 Ungcs, the son of Urguis .... 
 
 730 
 
 31 ... 
 
 761 
 
 29 
 
 Bridei, the son of Urguis 
 
 761 
 
 2 ... 
 
 763 
 
 SO 
 
 CiNioD, the son of Wredech 
 
 763 
 
 12 ... 
 
 775 
 
 31 
 
 Elpin, the son of Bridei .... 
 
 775 
 
 3i ... 
 
 779 
 
 32 
 
 Drest, the son of Talorgan 
 
 779 
 
 6 ... 
 
 784 
 
 33 
 
 Talorgan, the son of Ungus 
 
 784 
 
 24 ... 
 
 786 
 
 34 
 
 Canaul, the son of Taria .... 
 
 786 
 
 5 ... 
 
 791 
 
 85 
 
 CoKSTAUTiN, the son of Urguis 
 
 791 
 
 80 ... 
 
 821 
 
 36 
 37 
 
 Ungds (Hungus), the son of Urguis 
 Drest, the son of Constantine, and Talorgaii,\ 
 ■ the son of Wthoil . . . . / 
 
 821 
 833 
 
 12 ... 
 3 ... 
 
 833 
 836 
 
 38 
 
 UuEK, the son of Ungus .... 
 
 836 
 
 3 ... 
 
 8i39 
 
 39 
 
 Wbad, the son of Bai'goit .... 
 
 839 
 
 3 ... 
 
 842 
 
 40 
 
 Bred 
 
 842 
 
 1 ... 
 
 84ij 
 
 • See Chalmers' Caledonia, Vol. I. p. 206. Innes' Critical Enquiry, Vol. 1. fron. 
 p. Ill to 117, &c. &c 
 
62 HtSTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS 
 
 But before proceeding furthei" with the Pictish history, it is proper, 
 in the order of time, to give some details concerning tlie settlement of 
 the Dalriads, and the introduction of Christianity among the Highland 
 Clans. And with regard to the first of these events we beg to refer 
 the reader to the short notice given of the Scots in the first chapter, 
 vvhich will serve as a preliminary to what follows. 
 
 The Scoto-Irish, a branch of the great Celtic family, are generally 
 supposed to have found their way into Ireland from the western shores 
 uf North Britain, and to have established themselves at a very early 
 [)eriod in the Irish Ulladh, the Ulster of modern times. They appear 
 to have been divided into two tribes or clans, the most powei-ful of 
 which was called Cruithne or Cruithnich ; a term said to mean eaters 
 of corn or wheat, from the tribe being addicted to agricultiu-al pursuits. 
 The quarrels between these two rival tribes were frequent, and grew 
 to such a height of violence, about the middle of the third century, as 
 to call for the interference of Cormac, who then ruled as king of Ireland, 
 and it is said that Cairbre-Riada, the general and cousin of king Cormac, 
 conquered a territory in the north-east corner of Ireland, of about 
 thirty miles in extent, possessed by the Cruithne. This tract was 
 granted by the king to his general, and was denominated Dal-Riada, 
 or the portion of Riada, over which Cairbre and his posterity reigned 
 for several ages, under the protection of their relations, the sovereigns 
 of Ireland.* The Cruithne of Ireland and the Picts of North Britain 
 being of the same lineage and language, kept up, according to O'Connor, 
 a constant communication with each other; and it seems to be satisfac- 
 torily established that a colony of the Dalriads or Cruithne of Ireland, 
 had settled at a very early period in Argyle, from which they were 
 ultimately expelled and driven back to Ireland about the period of the 
 abdication, by the Romans, of the government of North Britain, in the 
 year four hundred and forty-six. 
 
 In the year five hundred and three, a new colony of the Dalriads or 
 Dalriadini, under the direction of three brothers, named Lorn, Fergus, 
 and Angus, the sons of Ere, the descendant of Cairbre-Riada, settled 
 in the country of the British Epidii, near the Epidian promontory of 
 Richard and Ptolemy, named afterwards by the colonists Ceantir or 
 head-land, now known by the name of Cantyre. History has thrown 
 but little light on the causes which lead to this settlement, afterwards so 
 important in the annals of Scotland; and a question has even been 
 raised whether it was obtained by force or favour. In proof of the 
 first supposition it has been observed,f that the head-land of Cantyre, 
 which forms a very narrow peninsula and runs far into the Deucaledo- 
 nian sea, towards the neai-est coast of Ireland, being separated by lofty 
 mountains from the Caledonian continent, was in that age very thinly 
 peopled by the Cambro-Britons ; that these descendants of the Epidii 
 
 ' OTlaherty'sOgygia; Ogygia vindicated, pp. 163, 4. & a. O'Connor's Dissertation, 
 pp. 196, 7. 
 
 T (.^hidmer's Caledonia, Vol. I. p. 27."). 
 
THE DALRIAUS. SCOTO-IRISH KINGS. f)3 
 
 %nre little connected with the central clans and still less considered 
 by the Pictish government, which, perhaps, was not yet suflBciently refin- 
 ed to be very jealous of its rights, or to be promptly resentful of its 
 wrongs ; and that Drest- Gurthinmoch then reigned over the Picts, and 
 certainly resided at a great distance, beyond Drum-Albin. It is also 
 to be observed, in further corroboration of this view, that Lorn, Fergus, 
 and Ang^s, brought few followers with them ; and though they were 
 doubtless joined by subsequent colonists, they were, for sometime, oc- 
 cupied with the necessary, but uninteresting labours of settlement 
 within their appropriate districts. Ceantir was the portion of Fergus, 
 Lom possessed Lorn to which he gave his name, and Angus is sup- 
 posed to have colonized Ila, for it was enjoyed by Muredach, the son 
 of Angus, after his decease. Thus these three princes or chiefs had 
 each his own tribe and territory, according to the accustomed usage of 
 tlie Celts ; a system which involved them frequently in the miseries of 
 civil war, and in questions of disputed succession. 
 
 There is no portion of history so obscure, or so perplexed as that of 
 the Scoto-Irish kings, and their tribes, from their first settlement, in 
 the year five hundred and three, to their accession to the Pictish throne 
 in eight hundred and forty-three. Unfortunately no contemporaneous 
 written records appear ever to have existed of that darkperiod of our annals, 
 and the eiforts which the Scotch and Irish antiquaries have made to 
 extricate the truth from the mass of contradictions in which it lies buried, 
 have rather been displays of national prejudice than calm researches 
 by reasonable inquirers. The annals, however, of Tigernach, and of 
 Ulster, and the useful observations of O'Flaherty and O'Connor, along 
 with the brief chi'onicles and historical documents, first brought to light 
 by the industrious Innes, in his Critical Essay, (a work praised even by 
 Pinkerton,) have thrown some glimpses of light on a subject which had 
 long remained in almost total darkness, and been rendered still more ob- 
 scnre by the fables of our older historians. Some of the causes which have 
 rendered this part of our history so perplexed are thus stated by 
 Chalmers in his Caledonia. " The errors and confusion, which have 
 been introduced into the series, and the history, of the Scottish kings, 
 have chiefly originated from the following causes : — 1st. The sove- 
 reignty was not transmitted by the strict line of hereditary descent. 
 There were, as we shall see, three great families, who, as they sprung 
 from the royal stock, occasionally grew up into the royal stem ; two of 
 these were descended from Fergus I. by his grandsons, Comgal and 
 Gauran ; the third was descended from Lorn, the brother of Fergus. 
 This circumstance naturally produced frequent contests, and civil wars, 
 for the sovereignty, which, from those causes, was sometimes split; and 
 the representatives of Fergus, and Lorn, reigned independently over 
 their separate territories, at the same time. The confusion, which all 
 this had produced, can only be cleared up, by tracing, as far as possible, 
 the history of these different families, and developing the civil contests 
 which existed among them. 2d. Much perplexity has been produced 
 
64 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 by the mistakes and omissions of the Gaelic hai-rl, who composed th^ 
 Albania Duan, particularly, in the latter part of the series, where he 
 has, erroneously, introduced several suppositious kings, from the Pictish 
 catalogue. These mistakes having been adopted by those writers, 
 whose subject was rather to support a system, than to unravel the his- 
 tory of the Scottish monarchs, have increased, rather than diminished 
 the confusion.'' 
 
 Although the Dalriads had embraced Christianity before their ar- 
 rival in Argyle, they do not appear to have been anxious to introduce 
 it among the Caledonians or Picts. Their patron saint was Ciaran, 
 the son of a carpenter. He was a prelate of great fame, and several 
 churches in Argyle and Ayrshire were dedicated to him. The ruins 
 of Kil-keran, a church dedicated to Ciaran, may stiU be seen in Camp- 
 belton in Cantyre. At Kil-kiaran in Ilay, Kil-kiaran in Lismore, and 
 Kil-keran in Carrick, there were chapels dedicated, as the names indi- 
 cate, to Ciaran. Whatever were the causes which prevented the Dal- 
 riads from attempting the conversion of their neighbours, they were 
 destined at no distant period, from the era of the Dalriadic settlement, 
 to receive the blessings of the true religion, from the teaching of St. 
 Columba, a monk of high family descent, and cousin of Scoto-Irish kings. 
 It was in the year five hundred and sixty-three, when he was forty- 
 two years of age, that he took his departure from his native land, to 
 labour in the pious duty of converting the Caledonians to the faith of 
 the gospel. On arriving among his kindred on the shores of Argyle, 
 he cast his eyes about that he might fix on a suitable site for a monas- 
 tery, which he meant to erect, from whicli were to issu« forth the 
 apostolic missionaries destined to assist him in the work of conversion, 
 and in which also the youth set apart for the office of the holy 
 ministry were to be instructed. St. Columba, with eyes brimful 
 of joy, espied a solitary isle lying in the Scottish sea, near the south- 
 west angle of Mull, then known by the simple name /, signifying in 
 Irish an island, afterwards changed by the venerable Bede into Hy, 
 latinized by the monks into lona, and again honoured with the name 
 of I-columb-cil, tlie isle of St. Columba's retreat or cell. No better 
 station or one more fitted for its purpose could have been selected than 
 this islet during such barbarous times ; but events, which no human 
 prudence could foresee, rendered the situation afterwards most unsuit- 
 able ; for during the ravages of the Danes, in the eighth and ninth 
 centuries, lona was particularly exposed to their depredations, and suf- 
 fered accordingly. 
 
 In pursuance of his plan, St. Columba settled with twelve disciples 
 in Hy. " They now," says Bede, " neither sought, nor loved, any thing 
 of this world," true traits in the missionary character. For two years did 
 they labour with their own hands erecting huts and building a church. 
 These monks lived under a very strict discipline which St. Columba 
 had established, and they recreated themselves, after their manual and 
 devotional labours closed, by reading and transcribing the Holy 
 
INTRODUCTION OF CHRISTIANITV. 6B 
 
 Scriptures from the Latin or Vulgate translation. Having formed his 
 infant establishment, the pious missionary set out on his apostolic tour 
 among the Picts. Judging well that if he could succeed in converting 
 Bridei, the son of Mailcon who then governed the Picts and had great 
 influence among them, the arduous task he had undertaken of bringing 
 over the whole nation to the worship of the true God would be more 
 easily accomplished, he first began with the king, and by great patience 
 and perseverance succeeded in converting him. Whetlier the Saint 
 was gifted with miraculous powers as many excellent writers maintain, 
 is a question on which we do not wish to enter ; but we cannot sub- 
 scribe to the remaj-k of Chalmers, that " the power of prophecy, the 
 gift of miracles, which were arrogated by Columba, and are related by 
 his biographers, are proofs of the ignorance and simplicity of the age." 
 Doubtless the Picts at the time we are treating of were extremely 
 ignorant; but if a belief in miracles is to be held as a proof of ignorance 
 and simplicity, how are we to account for it amongst a highly 
 refined and civilized people ? The question whether miracles ceased 
 after the Apostolic age, is a question not of opinion but of fact; for, 
 assuredly, there is no limitation to be found in Scriptui-e of the 
 duration of miraculous gifts, which God in his good providence may 
 grant whenever He may deem proper. The learned Grotius in his 
 Commentary on Mark xvi. 17 and 18, says, " As the latter ages, also, 
 are fall of testimonies of the same thing, I do not know by what reason 
 some are moved to restrain that gift (of miracles) to the first ages only. 
 Wherefore, if any one would even now preach Christ, in a manner 
 agreeable to him, to nations that know him not, I make no doubt but 
 the force of the promise will still remain." As it is not our intention 
 to defend the alleged miracles of St. Columba, we shall merely quote 
 the testimony of the celebrated Dr. Conyers Middleton, on the historical 
 proofs in support of miracles, which we do the more readily as he stoutly 
 maintained the cessation of miraculous powers after the Apostolic age: 
 " As far as church historians can illustrate or throw light upon any 
 thing, there is not a single point in all history, so constantly, explicitly, 
 and unanimously affirmed by them all, as the continual succession of 
 those (miraculous) powers through all ages, from the earliest father 
 that first mentions them, down to the time of the Reformation ; which 
 same succession is still farther deduced by persons of the most eminent 
 character, for their probity, learning, and dignity in the Roman church 
 to this very day : so that the only doubt that can remain with us is, 
 whether the church historians are to be trusted or not? For if any 
 credit be due to them in the present case, it must reach either to all 
 or to none, because the reason of believing them in any one age will 
 be found to be of equal force in all." 
 
 The conversion of Bridei was immediately followed by that of his 
 people, and St. Columba soon had the happiness of seeing the blessings 
 of Christianity diffused among a people who had not before tasted its 
 sweets. Attended by his disciples he traversed the whole of the 
 
66 HISTORY OF THK HIGHLANDS. 
 
 ' I'ictish territories, and even penetrated into tlie islands of Orkney, 
 spreading every-where the light of faith by instracting the people in 
 the truths of the Gospel. To keep up a succession of the teachers of 
 religion, he established monasteries in every district, and from these 
 issued, for many ages, Apostolic men to labour in that part of the vine- 
 yard of Clu'ist. These monasteries or cells were long subject to the 
 Abbey of lona. 
 
 Conal, the fifth king of the Scots in Argyle, the kinsman of St 
 Columba, and under whose auspices he entered on the work of conver- 
 sion, and to whom it is said he was indebted for Hy, died in five 
 hundred and seventy-one. His successor Aidan went over to Hyona 
 in five hundred and seventy-four, and was there ordained and inau- 
 gurated by the Abbot according to the ceremonial of the liher vitreus, 
 the cover of which is supposed to have been encrusted with clirystal. 
 P. Martene, a learned benedictine, says in his work, De Antiquis 
 Ecclesim Rilibus, that this inauguration of Aidan is the most ancient 
 account that, after all his researches, he had found as to the benediction, 
 or inauguration of kings. There can be no doubt, however, that the 
 ceremony was practised long before the time of Aidan. 
 
 St. Columba died on the 9th of June, five hundred and ninety-seven, 
 after a glorious and well spent life, thirty-four years of which he had 
 devoted to the instruction of the nation he had converted. His in- 
 fluence was very great with the neighbouring princes, and they often 
 applied to him for advice, and submitted to him their difi'erences 
 which he frequently settled by his authority. His memory was long 
 held in reverence by the Scots and Caledonians. 
 
 To return to the history of the Picts, we have already observed that 
 little is known of Pictish history for more than a hundred years after 
 the Roman abdication ; but at the time of the accession of Bridei in 
 five hundred and fifty-six to the Pictish throne, some light is let in upon 
 that dark period of the Pictish annals. The reign of that prince was 
 distinguished by many warlike exploits, but above all by his conversion 
 and that of his people to Christianity, which indeed formed his greatest 
 glory. His chief contests were with the Scoto-Irish or Dalriads, whom 
 ho defeated in five hundred and fifty-seven, and slew Gauran their 
 king. Bridei died in the year five hundred and eighty-six, and for 
 several ages his successors carried on a petty system of warfare, partly 
 foreign and partly domestic. Passing over a domestic conflict, at Lin- 
 dores in six hundred and twenty-one, under Cineoch the son of Luthrin, 
 and the trifling battle of Ludo-Feirn in six hundred and sixty-three 
 among the Picts themselves, we must nevertheless notice the important 
 battle of Dun-Nechtan, fought in the year six hundred and eighty-five, 
 between the Picts under Bridei, the son of Bill, and the Saxons, under 
 the Northumbrian Egfrid. The Saxon king, it is said, attacked the Picta 
 without provocation, and against the advice of his court. Crossing the 
 Forth from Lothian, the Bemicia of that age, he entered Strathern 
 and penetrated through the defiles of the Pictish kingdom, leaving fire aud 
 
WARS BETWEEN THE PICTS AND SCOTS. 67 
 
 desolation in his train. His career was stopt at Dun-Nechtan, the hill 
 fort of Nechtan, the Dunnichen of the present times ; and by a neigh- 
 bouring lake long known by the name of Nechtfin's mere, did Egfrid 
 and his Saxons fall before Bridei and his exasperated Picts. This 
 ivas a sad blow to the Northumbrian power ; yet the Northumbrians, 
 in six hundred and ninety-nine, under Berht, an able leader, again 
 ventm-ed to try their strength with the Picts, when they were once more 
 defeated by Bridei, the son of Dereli, who had recently mounted the 
 Pictisb throne. The Picts were, however, finally defeated by the 
 Saxons, in seven hundred and ten, under Beorthfryth, in Mananfield, 
 when Bridei, the Pictish king, was killed. 
 
 The wars between the Picts and Northumbrians were succeeded by 
 various contests for power among the Pictish princes which gave rise 
 to a civil war. Ungus, honoured by the Irish Annalists with the title 
 of great, and Elpin, at the head of their respective partizans, tried their 
 strength at Moncrib, in Strathern, in the year seven hundred and 
 twenty-seven, when the latter was defeated ; and the conflict was again 
 renewed at Duncrei, when victory declared a second time against 
 Elpin, who was obliged to flee from the hostility of Ungus. Nechtan 
 next tried his strength with Ungus, in seven hundred and twenty-eight, 
 at Moncur, in the Carse of Gowrie, but he was defeated, and many of 
 his followers perished. Drust, the associate of Elpin in the Pictish 
 government, also took the field the same year against the victorious 
 Ungus, but he was slain in a battle fought at Drumderg, an extensive ridge 
 on the western side of the river Ila. Talorgan, the son of Congus, was 
 defeated by Brude, the son of Ungus, in seven hundred and thirty ; 
 and Elpin, who, from the time of his last defeat, till that year, had 
 remained a fugitive and an outlaw, now lost his life at Pit Elpie, within 
 the parish of LifF, near the scene of his flight in seven hundred and 
 twenty-seven. This Elpin is not to be confounded, as some fabulous 
 wi-iters have done, with the Scottish Alpin who fell at Laicht-Alpin in 
 the year eight hundred and thirty-six. 
 
 Having now put down rebellion at home, the victorious Ungus com 
 raenced hostilities against the Dalriads, or Scoto-Irish, in the year seven 
 hundred and thirty-six. Muredach, the Scottish king was not disposed 
 to act on the defensive but carried the war into the Pictish territories. 
 Talorgan, the brother of Ungus, however, defeated him in a bloody 
 engagement in which many principal persons fell. The Scots were 
 again worsted in another battle in seven hundred and forty by Ungus, 
 who in the same year repulsed an attack of the Northumbrians under 
 Eadbert. In the year seven hundred and fifty, he defeated the Britons 
 of the Cumbrian kingdom, in the well fought battle of Catli-0, in 
 which his brother Talorgan was killed. Ungus, who was certainly by 
 far the most powerful and ablest of the Pictish monarchs, died in seven 
 hundred and sixty-one. A doubtful victory was gained by Ciniod the 
 Pictish king over Aodh-fin, the Scottish king, in seven hundred and 
 
eg HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 Mxty-soven. Constantin, having overcome Canaul, the son of Tarla in 
 seven hundred and ninety-one, succeeded him in the throne.* 
 
 Up to this period, the pirate kings of the northern seas, or the Vihingr, 
 as they were termed, had confined their ravages to the Baltic ; hut, in 
 the year seven hundred and eighty-seven, they for the first time 
 appeared on the east coast of England. Some years afterwards they 
 found their way to the Caledonian shores, and during the ninth century 
 they ravaged the Hebrides. In eight hundred and thirty-nine, the 
 Vihingr entered the Pictish territories. A murderous conflict ensued 
 between them and the Picts under Uen their king, in which both he 
 and his only brother Bran, as well as many of the Pictish chiefs, fell. 
 This event hastened the downfal of the Pictish monarchy : and as the 
 Picts were unable to resist the arms of Kenneth, the Scottish king, he 
 carried into execution, in the year eight hundred and forty-three, a pro- 
 ject he had long entertained, of uniting the Scots and Picts, and placing 
 both crowns on his head. The ridiculous story about the total extermina- 
 tion of the Picts by the Scots has long since been exploded. They 
 were recognized as a distinct people even in the tenth century, but 
 before the twelfth they lost their characteristic nominal distinction by 
 being amalgamated with the Scots, their conquerors. 
 
 The Scoto-Irish after their arrival in Argyle did not long continue 
 under the separate authority of the three brothers. Lorn, Fergus, and 
 Angus. They were said to have been very far advanced in life before 
 leaving Ireland, and the Irish chroniclers assert that St. Patrick gave 
 them his benediction before his death, in the year four hundred and 
 ninety-tliree. The statement as to their advanced age derives some 
 support from their speedy demise after they had laid the foundations 
 of their settlements, and of a new dynasty of kings destined to rule 
 over the kingdom of Scotland. Angus was the first who died, leaving 
 a son, Muredach, who succeeded him in the small government of Ha. 
 After the death of Lorn the eldest brother, Fergus, the last sm-vivor, 
 became sole monarch of the Scoto-Irish ; but he did not long enjoy 
 the sovereignty, for he died in five hundred and six. In an ancient 
 Gaelic poem or genealogical account of the Scoto-Irish kings, Fergusf 
 is honoured with the appellation ard, which means either that he was 
 !i great sovereign or the first in dignity. 
 
 Fergus was succeeded by his son Domangart or Dongardus, who 
 died in five hundred and eleven, after a short but troubled reign of about 
 five years. His two sons Comgal and Gabhran or Gauran, successively 
 enjoyed his authority. Comgal had a peaceful reign of four and twenty 
 years, during which he extended his settlements. He left a son named 
 Conal, but Gauran his brother, notwithstanding, ascended the throne 
 in the year five hundred and thirty-five without opposition. Gauran 
 
 * See the Ulster Annals where an account is given of all these conflicts, 
 f The proper Irish name it seems is Feargus, derived from the fearg of the Irish 
 language, signifying a waiTior or champion. Many Irish chieftains were so uauied. 
 
WARS BETWEEN THE SCOTS AND SAXONS. 69 
 
 reigned two and twenty years, and, as we have already observed, was 
 slain in a battle with the Picts under Bridei their king. 
 
 Conal, the son of Comgal then succeeded in five hundred and fifty- 
 seven, and closed a reign of fourteen years in five hundred and seventy- 
 one ; but a civil war ensued between Aidan, the son of Gauran, and 
 Duncha, the son of Conal, for the vacant crown, the claim to which 
 was decided on the bloody field of Loro, in five hundred and seventy- 
 five, where Duncha was slain. Aidan, the son of Gauran, was formally 
 inaugurated by St. Columba in lona, in five hundred and seventy-four 
 Some years thereafter Aidan assisted the Cumbrian- Britons against the 
 Saxons. He defeated the latter at Fethanlea, on Stanmore, in Nor- 
 thumberland, in five hundi-ed and eighty- four, and again in five hundred 
 and ninety, at the battle of Leithredh, in which his two sons, Arthur 
 and Eocha-fin, were slain, with upwards of three hundred of his men ; 
 a circxunstaDce which renders the supposition probable, that the armies 
 of those times were far from numerous, and that the conflicts partook 
 little of the regular system of modern warfare. Another battle was 
 , fought at Kirkinn in five hundred and ninety-eight, between Aidan and 
 the Saxons, in which he appears to have had the disadvantage and in 
 which he lost Domangart his son ; and in six hundred and three he was 
 finally defeated by the Northumbrians under .^thilfrid at the battle of 
 Dawstane in Roxburghshire. The wars with the Saxons weakened 
 the power of the Dalriads very considerably, and it was not till after a 
 long period of time that they again ventured to meet the Saxons in the 
 field. 
 
 During a short season of repose Aidan, attended by St. Columba, 
 went to the celebrated council of Drum-keat in Ulster, in the year 
 five hundred and ninety. In this council he claimed the principality of 
 Dalriada, the land of his fathers, and obtained an exemption from do- 
 ing homage to the kings of Ireland, which his ancestors, it would appear, 
 had been accustomed to pay. Aidan died in six hundred and five, at 
 the advanced age of eighty, and was buried in the church of Kil-keran, 
 the ruins of which are still to be seen in the midst of Campbelton. 
 
 Aidan was succeeded in the throne by his son Eocha-bui, or Eocha 
 the yellow-haired, who reigned sixteen years. In six hundred and 
 twenty he got involved in a war with the Cruithne of Ulster. His son 
 Kenneth-Caer, the tanist or heir apparent, was appointed to the com- 
 mand of the army destined to act against these Cruithne. A battle 
 was fought at Ardcoran in which Kenneth was successful, and in which 
 Tiachna, the son of the Ultonian monarch was slain. The same year 
 was distinguished by another battle gained over the same people at 
 Kenn, by Donal-breac, the son of Eocha'-bui. Eocha' died soou 
 afterwards, when his son Kenneth-cear, or the awkward, assumed the 
 monarchical dignity ; but he was killed in a battle against the Irish 
 Cruithne, at Fedhaevin, in six hundred and twenty-one, after a short 
 reign of three months. 
 
 Ferchar, the son of Eogan, the first of the race of Lorn who evei 
 
HJSTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 mounted tiie tlii'one, now succeeded. He was, according to Usher, 
 crowued by Coiian, the Bishop of Sodor ; but neither his own reign nor 
 that of his predecessor is marked by any important events. He died 
 in six hundred and thirty-seven, after a reign of sixteen years. 
 
 Donal, surnamed breac or freckled, the son of Eocha'-bui, of 
 the race of Gauran, succeeded Ferchar in six hundred and thirty-seven. 
 He was a warlike prince and had distinguished himself in the wars 
 against the Cruithne of Ireland. Congal-Claon, the son of Scanlan, 
 the king of the Cruithne in Ulster, having slain Suibne-mean, the king 
 of Ireland, was attacked by Domnal II., supreme king of Ireland, who 
 succeeded Suibne, and was defeated in the battle of Duncetheren, in 
 six hundred and twenty-nine. Congal sought refuge in Cantyre, and 
 having persuaded Donal-breac, the kinsman of Domnal, to join him in 
 a war against Domnal, they invaded Ireland with a heterogeneous mass 
 of Scoto-Irish, Picts, Britons, and Saxons, commanded by Donal and 
 his brothers. Cealach, the son of Maelcomh, the nephew of the reign- 
 ing king, and as tanist or heir apparent, the leader of his army, attacked 
 Donal-breac in the plain of Moyrath in six hundred and thirty-seven, 
 and completely defeated him after an obstinate and bloody engagement. 
 Congal, the murderer of his sovereign, met his merited fate, and 
 Donal-breac was obliged to secure his own and his army's safety by a 
 speedy return to Cantyre. St. Columba had always endeavoured to 
 preserve an amicable understanding between the Cruithne of Ulster 
 and the Scoto-Irish, and his injunctions were, that they should live in 
 constant peace ; but Donal disregarded this wise advice and paid dearly 
 for disregarding it. He was not more successful in a,n enterprize 
 against the Picts, having been defeated by them in the battle of Glen- 
 moreson during the year six hundred and thirty-eight. He ended his 
 days at Straith-cairmaic on the Clyde, by the sword of Hoan, one of the 
 regnli of Strathcluyd, in the year six hundred and forty-two. The same 
 destiny seems to have pursued his issue, for his son Cathasuidh fell by 
 the same hand in six hundred and forty-nine. 
 
 Conal II., the grandson of Conal I., who was also of the Fergnsian 
 race of Congal, next ruled over the tribes of Cantyre and Argyle ; but 
 Dungal of the race of Lorn, having obtained the government of 
 the tribe of Lorn, questioned the right of Conal. He did not, 
 however, carry his pretensions far, for Conal died, in undisturbed 
 possession of his dominions, in six hundred and fifty-two, after a reign 
 of ten years. To Donal-duin, or the brown, son of Conal, who reigned 
 thirteen years, succeeded Maolduin, his brother, in six hundred and 
 sixty-five. The family feuds which had long existed between the Fer- 
 p-usian races of Comgal and Tauran, existed in theii- bitterest state 
 during the reign of Maolduin. Domangart the son of Donal-breac was 
 murdered in six hundred and seventy-two, and Conal the son of Maol- 
 duin was assassinated in six hundred and seventy-five. 
 
 Fnvdi&v-fada, or the tall, apparently of the race of Lorn, and either 
 the son or grandson of Ferchar, who died in six hundred and seventy- 
 
CIVIL WARS AMONG THE SCOTS. 71 
 
 tliree, seized the reins of government upon the death of Maolduiii, 
 Donal, the son of Coual and grandson of Maolduin, was assassinated in 
 six hundred and ninety-five, with the view, no douht, of securing Fyr- 
 chai-'s possession of the crown, which he continued to wear amidst 
 family feuds and domestic troubles for one and twenty years. On the 
 death of Ferchar, in seven hundred and two, the sceptre passed again 
 to the Fergusian race in the person of Eocha'-rineval, remarkable for 
 his Roman nose, the son of Domangart, who was assassinated in six 
 hundred and seventy-two. The reign of this prince was short and un- 
 fortunate. He invaded the territories of the Britons of Strathcluyd 
 and was defeated on the banks of the Leven in a bloody conflict. 
 Next year he had the misfortune to have his sceptre seized by a prince 
 of the rival race of Lorn. 
 
 This prince was Ainbhcealach, the son of Ferchar-fada. He suc- 
 ceeded Eocha' in seven hundred and five. He was of an excellent dis- 
 position, but after reigning one year, was dethroned by his brother, 
 Selvach, and obliged, in seven hundred and six, to take refuge in 
 Ireland. Selvach attacked the Britons of Strathcluyd, and gained two 
 successive victories over them, the one at Lough-coleth in seven hundred 
 and ten, and the other at the rock of Mionuire in seven hundred and 
 sixteen. At the end of twelve years, Ainbhcealach returned from Ire- 
 land, to regain a sceptre which his brother had by his cruelties shown 
 himself unworthy to wield, but he perished in the baltle of Finglein, 
 a small valley among the mountains of Lorn in seven hundred and 
 nineteen. Selvach met a more formidable rival in Duncha-beg, 
 who was descended from Fergus, by the line of Congal • he assumed 
 the government of Cantyre and Argail, and confined SiJvach to his 
 family settlement of Lorn. These two princes, appear to have been 
 pretty fairly matched in disposition and valour, and both exeited them- 
 selves for the destruction of one another, a resolution which brought 
 many miseries upon their tribes. In an attempt which they made to 
 invade the territories of each other in seven hundred and nineteen, by 
 means of their currachs, the novel scene of a naval combat ensued off 
 Ardaness on the coast of Argyle, which was maintained on both sides 
 with as determined perseverance and bravery, as were ever displayed in 
 modem times by the English and the Dutch. Selvach though superior 
 in skill, was overcome by the fortune of Duncha ; but Selvach was 
 not subdued. The death of Duncha in seven hundred and twenty-one, 
 put an end to his designs ; but Eocha' III. the son of Eocha'-rineval, 
 the successor of Duncha, being as bent on the overthrow of Selvach as 
 his predecessor, continued the war. The rival chiefs met at Air- 
 Gialla in seven hundred and twenty-seven, where a battle was fought, 
 which produced nothing but irritation and distress. This lamentable 
 state of things was put an end to by the death of Selvach in seven 
 hundi-ed and twenty-nine. This event enabled Eocha' to assume the 
 government of Lorn, and thus the Dalriadian kingdom, which had 
 been alternately ruled by chiefs of the houses of Fergus and Lorn, be 
 
72 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 came again united under Eocha'. He died in seven hundred and 
 thii-ty-thi-ee, after a reign of thirteen years, during nine of which he 
 ruled over Cantyre and Argail, and four over all the Dalriadic tribes. 
 
 Eocha was succeeded in the kingdom by Muredach, the son of 
 Aiiibhceallach of the race of Lorn, called by the gaelic bard Mure- 
 dhaigh Mhaith, or Muredagh tlie good. His reign was short and un- 
 fortunate In revenge for an act of perfidy committed by Dungal, the 
 son of Selvach, who had carried off Forai, the daughter of Brude, and 
 the niece of Ungus, the great Pictish king, the latter, in the year seven 
 hundred and thirty-six, led his army from Strathern, through the passes 
 of the mountains into Lorn, which he wasted with fire and sword. 
 He seized Dun-ola,thechiefresidenceoftheLorn dynasty in Mid- Lorn, 
 and burned Creic, another fortress, and having taken Dungal and 
 Feradach, the two sons of Selvach, prisoners, he carried them to 
 Forteviet, his capital, in fetters. Muredach collected his forces, and 
 went in pm-suit of his retiring enemy, and having overtaken him at 
 Cnuic-Coirhre, a battle ensued, in which the Scots were repulsed 
 with great slaughter. Talorgan, the brother of Ungus, commanded the 
 Picts on this occasion, and pursued the flying Scots. In this pursuit 
 Muredach is supposed to have perished, after a reign of three years. 
 
 Eogban or Ewan, the son of Muredach, took up the fallen suc- 
 cession in seven hundred and thirty-six, and died in seven hundred 
 and thirty-nine, in which year the Dalriadic sceptre was assumed by 
 Aodh-fin, the son of Eocha' III. and grandson of Eocha'-rineva!, 
 descended from the Fergusian race of Guaran. This sovereign is 
 called by the Gaelic bard, Aodh na Ardf-hluith, or Hugh, the high or 
 great king, a title which he appears to have well merited, from his 
 Buccessful wars against the Picts. In seven hundred and forty, he 
 measured his strength with the celebrated Ungus ; but victory declared 
 for neither, and during the remainder of Ungus' reign, he did not attempt 
 to renew hostilities. After the death of Ungus in seven hundred and 
 sixty-one, Aodh-fin declared war against the Picts, whose territories 
 he entered from Upper Lorn, penetrating through the passes of Glen- 
 orchy and Braid- Alban. In seven hundred and sixty-seven, he reached 
 Forteviot, the Pictish capital in Strathern, where he fought a doubtful 
 battle with Ciniod the Pictish king. As the Picts had seized all the 
 defiles of the mountains by which he could effect a retreat, his situation 
 Became extremely critical ; but he succeeded by great skill and bravery, in 
 rescuing his army from their peril, and leading them within the passes 
 of Upper Lorn, where the Picts did not venture to follow him. 
 Aodh-fin died in seven hundred and sixty-nine, after a splendid reign 
 of thirty years. 
 
 JFei'gus II., son of Aodh-fin, succeeded to the sceptre on the demise 
 of his father, and died after an unimportant reign of three years. 
 Selvach II., the son of Eogan, assumed the government in seven hun- 
 di-ed and seventy-two. His reign, which lasted twenty-four years, pre- 
 sents nothing very remarkable in history. 
 
ACCESSIOK OF KENNETH TO THE PICTISH THRONE. 73 
 
 A new sovereign of a diiFerent lineage, now mounted the throne of 
 the Scots in seven hundred and ninety-six, in the person of Eocha'- 
 annuine, the son of Aodh-fin of the Guaran race. Eocha' IV. is 
 known also by the latinized appellation of Achaius. On his accession, 
 he found a civil war raging in his dominions, which he took no means 
 to allay, but the rival chieftains could not be kept in check, and 
 probably Eocha' thought he best consulted his own interest and the 
 stability of his throne by allowing them to waste their strength upon 
 one another. The story of the alliance between Achaius and Charle- 
 magne, has been shown to be a fable, which, notwithstanding, continues 
 to be repeated by superficial writers. He, however, entered into an 
 important treaty with the Picts, by marrying Urgusia, the daugh- 
 ter of Urguis, an alliance which enabled his grandson Kenneth, after 
 wards to claim and acquire the Pictish sceptre, in right of Urgusia 
 his grandmother. Achaius died in eight hundred and twenty-six, 
 after a happy and prosperous reign of thirty years. 
 
 He was succeeded by Dungal, the son of Selvach II. of the race of 
 Lorn, being the last of that powerful family which swayed the 
 Dalriadic sceptre. After a feeble reign of seven years, he died in 
 eight hundred and thirty-three. 
 
 Alpin, the last of the Scoto-Irish kings, and the son of Eocha' IV 
 and of Urgusia, now mounted the throne. He was killed in eight 
 hundred and thirty-six, near the site of Laicht castle, on the ridge 
 which separates Kyle from GaUoway. Having landed with a force on 
 the coast of Kyle, within the bay of Ayr, he laid waste the country 
 between the Ayr and the Doon, before the native chiefs could assem- 
 ble a sufficient force to oppose him ; but being met by them near the spot 
 just mentioned, he met his fate, from the weapon of an enraged chief. 
 The fiction that Alpin fell in a battle with the Picts, when assert- 
 ing his right to the Pictish throne, has long been exploded. 
 
 In eight hundred and thirty-six, Kenneth, the son of Alpin, succeeded 
 his father. He is called, by the Gaelic bard so often alluded to, Chion- 
 asith Chruaidh, signifying Kenneth the hardy. He was a prince of a 
 warlike disposition, and of great vigom- of mind and body. He avenged 
 the death of his father, by frequent inroads among the people dwelling 
 to the south of the Clyde ; but the great glory of his reign, consists 
 in his achievements against the Picts, which secured for him and his 
 posterity the Pictish sceptre. The Pictish power had, previous to the 
 period of Kenneth's accession, been greatly enfeebled by the inroads of 
 the Danish Vikingr ; but it was not till after the death of Uven, the 
 Pictish king, in eight hundred and thirty-nine, after a distracted reign 
 of three years, that Kenneth made any serious attempt to seize the 
 Pictish diadem. On the accession of Wred, the last of the Pictish 
 kings, Kenneth laid claim to the Pictish throne in right of Urgusia 
 his grandmother ; and after an arduous struggle, he wrested the seep 
 tre from the hand of Wred, in eight hundred and forty-three, after 
 he had reigned over the Snots seven years. In noticing the opinion 
 
 I. K 
 
74 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 of those writers who suppose that the Picts rather subdued the Scots, 
 than that they were subdued by their Scoto-Irish rivals, Chalmers 
 observes that " there are two moral certainties, which forbid the adopt- 
 ing of this theory, or the believing' of that system : it is morally cer- 
 tain, that the language which was spoken by the people, on the north 
 of the Clyde and Forth, was Cambro-British, till the close of the Pic- 
 tish period, in eight hundred and forty-three, a.d. : it is also morally 
 certain that the prevailing language, within the same country, through- 
 out the Scottish period, from eight hundred and forty three to ten 
 hundred and ninety-seven, a.d., was the Scoto-Irish, the speech oi 
 Kenneth, and his people."* 
 
 The history of the Scoto-Irish kings afford few materials either 
 amusing or instructive ; but it was impossible, from the connexion 
 between that history, and the events that will follow in detail, to pass 
 it over in silence. The Scoto-Irish tribes appear to have adopted much 
 the same form of Government, as existed in Ireland at the time of their 
 departure from that kingdom; the sovereignty of which, though nomi- 
 nally under one head, was in reality a pentarchy, which allowed four 
 provincial kings to dispute the monarchy of the fifth. This system was 
 the prolific source of anarchy, assassinations, and civil wars. The Dal- 
 riads were constantly kept in a state of intestine commotion and mutual 
 hostility by the pretensions of their rival chiefs, or princes of the three 
 races, who contended with the common sovereign for pre-eminence or 
 exemption. The dlighe-tanaiste, or law of tanistry, which appears to 
 have been generally followed as in Ireland, as well in the succession of 
 kings as in that of chieftains, rather increased than mitigated these dis- 
 orders ; for the claim to rale not being regulated by any fixed law of heredi- 
 tary succession, but depending upon the capricious will of the tribe, rivals 
 were not found wanting to dispute the rights so conferred. There was 
 always, both in Ireland and in Argyle, an heir presumptive to the Crown 
 chosen,under the name oUanist, who commanded the army during the life 
 of the reigning sovereign, and who succeeded to him after his demise. 
 Budgets, and committees of supply, and tax:es, were wholly unknown in 
 those times among the Scots, and the monarch was obliged to support his 
 dignity by voluntary contributions of clothes, cattle, furniture, and other 
 necessaries. 
 
 Among the Scots, the tenure of lands ceased with the life of the pos- 
 sessors, and women could not even possess an inch of ground under the 
 Brehon law. So late as the reign of Alexander II., the Galloway-men 
 rose, almost en masse, to support the pretensions of a bastard son against 
 the claims of three legitimate daughters of their late lord, a revolt which 
 it required all the power of the sovereign to put down. The portion 
 allotted to daughters on marriage, and denominated Spre in Irish, con- 
 fisted of cattle. 
 
 We have elsewhere observed, that writing, during the existence of 
 
 ■■ CoTednnia, Vol. I. pp. 304 and SOS. In proof of this opinion, he refers to the changt 
 by the Suota of the British word Aher into the Scoto-Irish Inver in ancient Chartularies, 
 
JUDGES AND LAWS. 75 
 
 the Druids, was unknown to the Celtic tribes, and that their history, 
 laws and religion were preserved by tradition. There is reason to 
 believe, that tradition supplied the place of written records for many 
 ages after the extinction of the Druidical superstition. Hence among 
 the Scots, traditionary usages and local customs, long supplied the place 
 of positive or written laws. It is a mistake to suppose, as some writers 
 have done, that the law consisted in the meie will of the Brehon 
 or judge. The office of Brehon was no doubt hereditary, and it is 
 quite natural to infer, that under such a system of jurisprudence, the 
 dictum of the judge might not always comport with what was under- 
 stood to be the common law or practice ; but from thence, to argue that 
 the wlQ of the judge was to be regarded as the law itself, is absurd, 
 and contrary to every idea of justice. As the principle of the rude 
 jurisprudence of the Celtic tribes had forits object, the reparation, rather 
 than the prevention of crimes, almost every crime, even of the blackest 
 kind, was commuted by a mulct or payment. Tacitus observes in al- 
 lusion to this practice, that it was " a temper wholesome to the com- 
 monwealth, that homicide and lighter transgressions were settled by 
 the payment of horses or cattle, part to the king or community, part 
 to him or his friends who had been wronged." The law of Scotland 
 long recognised this system of compensation. The fine was termed, 
 under the Brehon law, eric, which not only signifies a reparation, but 
 also a fine, a ransom, a forfeit. Among the Albanian Scots it was 
 called cro, a term preserved in the Regiam Majestatem, which has a 
 whole chapter showing " the cro of ilk man, how mikil it is."* This 
 law of reparation, according to O'Connor, was first promulgated in 
 Ireland, in the year one hundred and sixty-four.f According to the 
 Regiam Majestatem, the cro of a villain was sixteen cows ; of an earl's 
 son or thane, one hundred ; of an earl, one hundred and forty ; and that 
 of the king of Scots, one thousand cows, or three thousand oras, that is 
 to say, three oras for every cow. 
 
 Besides a share of the fines imposed, the Brehon or judge obtained 
 a piece of arable land for his support. When he administered justice, 
 he used to sit sometimes on the top of a hillock or heap of stones, 
 sometimes on turf, and sometimes even on the middle of a bridge, sur- 
 rounded by the suitors, w*o, of course, pleaded their own cause. We 
 have already seen, that under the system of the Druids, the offices of 
 religion, the instruction of youth, and the administration of the laws, 
 were conducted in the open air ; and hence the prevalence of the prac- 
 tice alluded to. But this practice was not peculiar to the Druids ; for 
 all nations, in the early stages of society, have followed a similar custom. 
 The Tings of the Scandinavians, which consisted of circular enclosures 
 of stone without any covering, and within which both the judicial and 
 legislative powers were exercised, aflFord a striking instance of this. 
 According to Pliny,| even the Roman Senate first met in the open 
 
 • Lib. iT. cap. xxiv. f O'Connor's Dissert. t Lib. viii, c. 45 
 
76 HISTORY OP THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 air, and the sittings of the Court of the Areopagus, at Athens, were so 
 iicld. The present custom of holding courts of justice in halls is not 
 of very remote antiquity in Scotland, and among the Scoto-Irish, the 
 baron bailie long continued to dispense justice to the Baron's vassals 
 from a moothill or eminence, which was generally on the bank of a 
 I'iver, and near to a religious edifice. 
 
 In the rude state of Scoto-Irish society, learning and the arts could 
 receive little encouragement. Architecture was but little regarded; 
 the materials employed in the construction of houses consisting only of 
 wattles, of which slight articles were built, even the celebrated Abbey 
 of lona, from which issued the teachers of religion for many ages. 
 The comforts of stone and lime buildings were long unknown to 
 the Scoto-Irish. As they were without manufactures, their clothing 
 must necessarily have been very scanty. " The clothing even of the 
 Monks," says Chalmers, " consisted of the skins of beasts, though they had 
 woollen, and linen, which they knew how to obtain from abroad by means 
 of traffic : the variegated plaid was introduced in latter times. Venison, 
 and fish, and seals, and milk, and flesh, were the food of the people. 
 The monks of lona, who lived by their labour, had some provision of 
 corn, and perhaps the chiefs, who lived in strengths. But, it is to he 
 recollected, that the monks were every-where, for ages, the improvers 
 themselves, and the instructors of others, in the most useful arts. 
 They had the merit of making many a blade of grass grow where none 
 grew before. Even lona had orchards, during the rugged times of the 
 ninth century, till the Vikingr brutishly ruined all. Whatever tlia 
 Scoto-Irish enjoyed themselves, they were willing to impart to others. 
 The most unbounded hospitality was enjoined by law, and by manners, 
 as a capital virtue."* 
 
 Of the various customs and peculiarities which distinguished the 
 ancient Irish, as well as the Scoto-Irish, none has given rise to greater 
 speculation than that of fosterage; which consisted in the mntual ex- 
 change, by different families, of their children for the purpose of being 
 nursed and bred. Even the son of the chief was so entrusted during 
 pupilarity with an inferior member of the clan. An adequate reward 
 was either given or accepted in every case, and the lower orders, to 
 whom the trust was committed, regarded it ^ an honour rather than a 
 service. " Five hundred kyne and better," says Campion, " were some- 
 times given by the Irish to procure the nursing of a great man's child." 
 A firm and indissoluble attachment always took place among foster- 
 brothers, and it continues in consequence to be a saying among High- 
 landers, that " afi^ectionate to a man is a friend, but a foster-brother is 
 as the life-blood of his heart." Camden observes, that no love in the 
 world is comparable by many degrees to that of foster-brethren in 
 Ireland.-]- The close connexion which the practice of fosterage created 
 between families, while it frequently prevented civil feuds, often led to 
 
 " Ch.-dmers' Caledonia, vol 1. + HoUivncl's Camden, Ireland, p. 116. 
 
GKNEAI-OGY AND CHRONOLOGY OP THE SCOTO-IRISH KINGS. 77 
 
 them. But the strong- attachment thus created was not confined to 
 foster-brothers : it also extended to theh- parents. Spenser relates of 
 the foster-mother to Murrough O'Brien, that, at his execution, she 
 sucked the blood from lus head, and bathed her face and breast with 
 it, saying that it was too precious to fall to the earth. 
 
 The family, which had been fortunate to bring up the chief, were 
 greatly beloved and respected by him, and the foster-brothers were 
 promoted in his household to places of triist and confidence. The 
 remuneration for fosterage was often a matter of paction, and, ia 
 modem times, became, in some cases, the subject of an especial written 
 agreement ; but, in general, an understood practice prevailed in parti 
 cular districts. « In Mull, the father sends with his child a certain 
 number of cows, to which the same number is added by the fosterer; 
 the father appropriating a proportionate extent of country, without 
 rent, for their pasturage. If every cow brings a calf, half belongs to 
 the fosterer and half to the child ; but if there be only one calf between 
 two cows, it is the child's ; and when the child returns to the parents. 
 It is accompanied by all the cows given both by the father and by the 
 fosterer, with half of the increase of the stock by propagation. These 
 oeasts are considered as a portion, and called macaladh cattle, of which 
 the father has the produce, but is supposed not to have the full pro- 
 perty, but to owe the same number to the child, as a portion to the 
 daughter, or a stock for the son."* 
 
 It is unnecessary, at this stage of our labours, to enter upon the 
 subject of clanship, as we mean to reserve our observations thereon tiU 
 we come to the history of the clans, when we shall also notice some 
 peculiarities or traits of the Highlanders not hitherto mentioned. We 
 shall conclude this chapter by giving 
 
 A GENEALOGICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF THE 
 SCOTO-IRISH KINGS, FROM THE YEAR 503 TO 843. 
 
 Series. 
 
 NAMES AND FILIATIONS. 
 
 Date of 
 Accession. 
 
 Duration 
 of Reigns. 
 
 Demise. 
 
 
 
 A.D. 
 
 Years. 
 
 A.D. 
 
 
 LoABN, the son of Ere, reigned contempo-"! 
 
 
 
 
 
 rary with Fergus ....)- 
 
 In 503 
 
 3 
 
 In 506 
 
 1 
 
 Fergds, the son of Ere . 
 
 ■ J 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 DoMAKGART, the son of Fergus 
 
 
 506 
 
 5 
 
 511 
 
 3 
 
 CoMGAL, the son of Domangart 
 
 
 511 
 
 24 
 
 535 
 
 4 
 
 Gauran, the son of Domangai-t 
 
 
 535 
 
 22 
 
 557 
 
 5 
 
 CoNAL, the son of Comgal 
 
 
 557 
 
 14 
 
 571 
 
 6 
 
 AiDAN, the son of Gauran 
 
 
 571 
 
 34 
 
 605 
 
 7 
 
 EoACHA -Bui, the son of Aidan 
 
 605 
 
 16 
 
 621 
 
 8 
 
 KENNETH-Cear, the son of Eoaciia'-Bui 
 
 621 
 
 i 
 
 621 
 
 9 
 
 Febchak., the son of Eogan, the first of the"! 
 race of Lorn J 
 
 621 
 
 16 
 
 637 
 
 10 
 
 DoNAi^Breac, the son of Eoacha'-Bui . 
 
 637 
 
 5 
 
 642 
 
 11 
 
 CoKAL II., the grandson of Conal I. . \ 
 DuNGAL reigned some years with Conal . J 
 
 642 
 
 10 
 
 652 
 
 12 
 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 DoNAi^Duin, the son of Conal 
 
 652 
 
 13 J 
 
 666 
 
 • Johnson's Tour to the Hebrides. 
 
78 
 
 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 NAMES AND FILIATIONS. 
 
 Date of I Duration 
 Accession. ! of Reijjns. 
 
 Demise, i 
 
 14 
 15 
 16 
 
 17 
 
 18 
 
 19 
 
 20 
 
 2] 
 
 22 
 23 
 24 
 25 
 26 
 27 
 28 
 
 Maol-Diuii, tte son of Conal 
 FERCHAR-Fada, the grandson of Ferchar J. 
 BoACHA-Rinevel, the son of Domangartj ( 
 
 and the grandson of Donal-breac . J 
 AiNBHCEALACH, tlie soH of Ferchar-fada 
 Selvach, the son of Ferchai'-fada, reigned' 
 
 over Lorn, fi-om 706 to 729 
 DuNCHA-Beg reigned over Cantyre and Ar- 
 
 gail, till 720 
 
 EocHA* III,, the son of Eoacha'-rinevel, 
 
 over Cantyre and Argail, fi-om 720 to 729 ; 
 
 and also over Lorn from 729 to 733 
 MuREDACH, the son of Ainbhcealach 
 EoGAN, the son of Muredach . 
 AoDH-Fin, the son of Eoacha* III. , 
 
 Fergus, the son of Aodh-fin . 
 Selvach II., the son of Eogan 
 EoACHA'-Annuine IV., the son of Aodh-fin 
 DuNGAL, the son of Selvach II. 
 Alpin, the son of Eoacha'-annuiue IV. 
 
 29 I Kenneth, the son of Alpin 
 
 A. 15. 
 In 665 
 681 
 
 702 
 
 705 
 
 706 
 
 7.33 
 7.36 
 739 
 769 
 772 
 796 
 826 
 833 
 838 
 
 Years. 
 16 
 21 
 
 3 
 
 I 
 
 27 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 30 
 
 3 
 
 24 
 
 80 
 
 7 
 
 3 
 
 7 
 
 A.D. 
 In 681 
 
 702/ 
 
 705 I 
 706 
 
 7;b 
 
 736 
 739 
 769 
 772 
 796 
 826 
 833 
 836 
 84S 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 SCOTTISH PERIOD, ANNO 843 to 1097. 
 
 PictaTian Kingdom— Attacks of the Danish Vikingr— Death of Kenneth Macalpm— 
 Defeat of the Danes by Constantine III — Battles of Bruiianburg, of the Bands, and 
 of Limcarty — New Inroads of the Danes— Their defeat — Usurpation of Macbeth — 
 Malcolm Ceanmore — Accession of Donal-bane — Music and Musical Instruments 
 of the Highlanders — Learning and Civilization — Chronological Tbale of the Scot- 
 tish Kings, Anno 843 — 1097. 
 
 The accession of Kenneth, son of Alpin, to the Pictish throne, led to 
 a union of the two crowns, or of two separate nations into one monarchy ; 
 but this union gave the Scots an ascendancy, which enabled them, after- 
 wards, to give their name to the whole of North Britain. The coali- 
 tion, or rather amalgamation of the Scots and Picts under one sovereigTi, 
 was greatly facilitated from their being of the same common origin, 
 and speaking respectively the Gaelic and British tongues, the diifer- 
 ences between which were immaterial; for nothing tends more to keep 
 up a separation between the inhabitants of a country, than a marked 
 distinction in their language. The consolidation of the Scottish and 
 Pictish power, under the direction of one supreme Chief, enabled these 
 nations not only to repel foreign aggression, but afterwards to enlarge 
 their territories beyond the Forth, which had hitherto formed, for many 
 ages, the Pictish boundary on the south. Pictavia, or the country of 
 the Picts, is said to have been anciently divided into six kingdoms or 
 states ; but, passing over these fictitious monarchies, we may observe, 
 that, at the time of the union in question, it consisted of the whole of 
 the territory north of the Forth, with the exception of that on the 
 western coast, extending from the Clyde on the south, to Loch-Ew 
 and Loch-Marce on the north, and from the sea on the west, to Drum- 
 alban on the east ; which latter territory and the adjacent isles were 
 possessed by the Scots. 
 
 Although the power of the tribes to the north of the Forth was greatly 
 augmented by the union which had taken place ; yet all the genius and 
 warlike energy of Kenneth were necessary to protect him and his people 
 from insult. Ragnor Lodbrog with his fierce Danes infested the country 
 round the Tay on the one side, and the Strathclyde Britons on the 
 other, wasted the adjoining territories, and burnt Dunblane. Yet 
 Kenneth overcame these embarrassments, and made frequent incursions 
 
so 
 
 HISTORY 01' THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 into the Saxon territories in Lothian, and caused his foes to tremtle. 
 After a brilliant and successful reign, Kenneth died at Forteviot, or 
 Abernethy, the Pictish capital, on the sixth day of February, in the 
 year eight hundred and fifty-nine, having ruled the Scots seven yews, 
 and the Scots and Picts jointly sixteen years, being a reign of twenty- 
 three years. Kenneth was a prince of a very religious disposition, and, 
 in the midst of his cares, did not forget the interests of religion. He 
 built a church in Dunkeld, to which, in eight hundred and fifty, he removed 
 the relics of St. Columba from lona. He is celebrated also as a legislator, 
 and it is extremely probable that the union of the two nations rendered 
 some legislative enactments for their mutual government necessary ; but 
 no authentic traces of such laws now appear, the Macalpine laws which 
 have been attributed to the son of Alpin being clearly apocryphal. 
 
 Kenneth left a son, named Constantino, and a pious daughter, Maolm- 
 huire,* celebrated by the Irish annalists. But Constantine did not im- 
 mediately succeed his father, for the sceptre was assumed by Donal III. 
 his uncle, son of Alpin. The Gaelic bard calls him, " Dhomhnaill 
 dhreachruaid," or Donal of the ruddy countenance. He died at his 
 palace of Balachoir, in the year eight hundred and sixty-three, after a 
 short reign of four years It is said that the Scoto-Irish chiefs, during 
 this reign, re-enacted the laws of Aodh-fin, the son of Eocha III. at 
 Forteviot. 
 
 Constantine, the son of Kenneth, succeeded his uncle Donal, and 
 soon found himself involved in a dreadful conflict with the Danish pirates 
 Having, after a contest, which lasted half a century, established them- 
 selves in Ireland, and obtained secure possession of Dublin, the Vikingr 
 directed their views towards the western coasts of Scotland, which they 
 laid waste. These ravages were afterwards extended to the whole of 
 the eastern coast, and particularly to the shores of the Frith of Forth; 
 but although the invaders were often repulsed, they never ceased to 
 return and renew their attacks. In the year eight hundred and eighty- 
 one, Constantine, in repelling an attack of the pirates at the head of his 
 people, was slain near a rampart called the Danes' dyke, in the parish 
 of Crail. The Gaelic bard thus alludes to that event. 
 
 -Gona bhrigh 
 
 " Don cliuraidh do Chonstantin :" 
 The hero Constantine bravely fought, 
 Throughout a lengthened reign. 
 
 Aodh or Hugh, tlie. fair liaired, succeeded his brother Constantine in 
 eight hundred and eighty-one. His reign was unfortunate, short, and 
 troublesome. Grig, an artful Chieftain, who was Maormor of the 
 country between the Dee and the Spey, having raised the standard of 
 insurrection, Aodh endeavoured to put it down, but did not succeed ; 
 • This name signiiies in Gaelic the devotee of Mary. This lady was married, 1. 
 to Aodh-Finlaith, who reigned in Ireland between 863 and 879; 2. to his successor, 
 Flann-Sionna, who reigned from 897 to 916. Ogygia, p. 434. She had several sons 
 who reigned in Ireland ; and a daughter Ligach, who mai'iied Congal, the king of Ire- 
 land. She died in 923. 
 
DEFEAT OF THE DANES. gj 
 
 and having been wounded in the bloody field of StrathaUan, he was car- 
 ried to Inverm-ie, where he died, after lingering two months, haviixi 
 held the sceptre only one yeai-. 
 
 Grig, the worthless chief who had waged war with his sovereign, 
 now assumed the crown, and, either to secure his wrongful possession, 
 or from some other motive, he associated with him in the government, 
 Eoacha, son of Ku, the British king of Strathclyde, and the grand- 
 son, by a daughter, of Kenneth Macalpin. After a reign of eleven 
 years, both Eoacha and Grig were forced to abdicate, and gave way 
 to 
 
 Donal IV. who succeeded them in eight hundred and ninety-three. 
 During his reign the kingdom was infested by the piratical incursions 
 of the Danes. Although they were defeated by Donal in a well con- 
 tested action at Collin, on the Tay, they nevertheless returned under 
 Ivar O'lvar, from Ireland, in the year nine hundred and four, but 
 they were gallantly repulsed, and their leader killed in a threatened 
 attack on Forteviot, by Donal, who unfortunately also perished in 
 defence of his people, after a reign of eleven years. 
 
 Constantino III., the son of Aodh, a prince of a warlike and enter- 
 prizing character, next followed. He had to sustain, during an unusually 
 long reign, the repeated attacks of the Danes. In one invasion they 
 plundered Dunkeld, and iu nine hundred and eighty, they attempted 
 to obtain the grand object of their designs, the possession of Forteviot 
 in Strathem, the Pictish capital; but in this design, they were again 
 defeated and forced to abandon the country. The Danes remained 
 quiet for a few years, but in nine hundred and eighteen their fleet 
 entered the Clyde, from Ireland, under the command of Reginald, 
 where they were attacked by the Scots in conjunction with the 
 Northern Saxons whom the ties of common safety had now united 
 for mutual defence. Reginald is said to have drawn up his Danes 
 in four divisions; the first headed by Godfrey O'lvar; the second by 
 Earls; the third by Chieftains, and the fourth by Reginald himself, 
 as a reserve. The Scots, with Constantine at their head, made a 
 furious attack on the first three divisions, which they forced to retire. 
 Reginald's reserve not being available to turn the scale of victory 
 against the Scots, the Danes retreated dm-ing the night, and embarked 
 on board their fleet. 
 
 After this defeat of the Danes, Constantine enjoyed many years' 
 repose. A long grudge had existed between him and jEthelstane, 
 son of Edward, the elder, which at last came to an open rupture. 
 Having formed an alliance with several princes and particularly with 
 Anlof, king of Dublin as well as of Northumberland, and son-in-law 
 of Constantine; the latter collected a large fleet in the year nine 
 hundred and thirty-seven, with which he entered the Humber. The 
 hope of plunder had attracted many of the Vikingr to Constantine's 
 standard, and the sceptre of ^thelstane seemed now to tremble in his 
 hand. But that monarch was fully prepared for the dangers with 
 
HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 which he was threatened, and resolved to meet his enemies in battle. 
 After a long, bloody, and obstinate contest at Brunanbui-g, near the 
 southern shore of the Humber, victory declared for ^thelstane. 
 Prodigies of valour were displayed on both sides, especially by 
 Turketel, the Chancellor of England; by Aniof, and by the son of 
 Constantine, who lost his life. The confederates, after sustaining a 
 heavy loss, sought for safety in their ships. This, and after misfortunes, 
 gradually disgusted Constantine with the vanities of this world, and, 
 in the fortieth year of his reign, he put into practice a resolution 
 which he had formed of resigning his crown and embracing a monastic 
 life. He became Abbot of the Monastery of St. Andrews, and thus 
 ended a long and chequered life in a cloister, like Charles V. 
 
 Malcolm I., the son of Donal IV., obtained the abdicated throne. 
 He was a prince of great abilities and prudence, and Edmund of Eng- 
 land courted his alliance by ceding Cumbria, then consisting of Cum- 
 berland and part of Westmoreland, to him, iu the year nine hundred 
 and forty-five, on condition that he would defend that northern county, 
 and become the allj of Edmund. Edred, the brother and successor of 
 Edmund, accordingly applied for, and obtained the aid of Malcolm 
 against Anlaf, king of Northumberland, whose country, according to 
 the barbarous practice of the times, he wasted, and carried off the peo- 
 ple with their cattle. Malcolm, after putting down an insurrection of 
 the Moray-men under Cellach, their Maormor, or chief, whom he 
 slew, was sometime thereafter assassinated, as is supposed, at Fetter- 
 essoe, by one of these men, in revenge for the death of his chief. 
 
 Indulph, the son of Constantine III., succeeded the murdered mo- 
 narch in the year nine hundred and fifty-three. He sustained many 
 severe conflicts with the Danes, and ultimately lost his life, after a 
 reign of eight years, in a successful action with these pirates, on the 
 moor which lies to the westward of Cullen. This victory is known in 
 the tradition of the country by the name of The Battle of the Bands. 
 This battle took place in nine hundred and sixty-one. 
 
 Duff, the son of Malcolm I., according to the established order of 
 succession, now mounted the tlirone ; but Culen, the son of Indulf, laid 
 claim to the sceptre which his father had wielded. The parties met at 
 Duncrub, in Strathern, and, after a doubtful struggle, in which Doncha, 
 the Abbot of Dunkeld, and Dubdou, the Maormor of Athol, the par- 
 tizans of Culen, lost their lives, victory declared for Duff. But this 
 triumph was of short duration, for Duff was afterwards obliged to 
 retreat from Forteviot into the north, and was assassinated at Forres 
 m the year nine hundred and sixty-five, after a brief and unhappy reign 
 of four years and a half. 
 
 Culen, the son of Indulf, succeeded, as a matter of course, to the 
 crown of Duff, which he stained by his vices. He and his brother 
 Eocha were slain in Lothian, in an action with the Britons of Strath- 
 clyde, after an inglorious reign of four years and a half. This hap- 
 pened in the year nine hundred and seventy. 
 
BATTLE OF LUNCAHTY. 83 
 
 Kenneth III., son of Malcolm I., and brother of DuiF, succeeded 
 Culen the same year. He waged a successful war against the Britons 
 of Strathclyde, and annexed their territories to liis kingdom. Dm-ing 
 his reign the Danes meditated an attack upon Forteviot, or Dunkeld, 
 for the purposes of plunder ; and, with this view, they sailed up the Tay 
 with a numerous fleet. Kenneth does not appear to have been fully 
 prepared, being probably not aware of the intentions of the enemy ; 
 but collecting as many of his chiefs and their followers as the spur of 
 the occasion would allow, he met the Danes at Luncarty, m the vicinity 
 of Pertli, on the south-western side of the Tay, at a small distance from 
 Inveralmond. Preparations for battle immediately commenced. Mal- 
 colm, the Tanist, prince of Cumberland, commanded the right wing of 
 the Scottish army ; Duncan, the Maormor of Athole, had the charge of 
 the left ; and Kenneth, the king, commanded the centre. A furious 
 combat ensued, and man stood singly opposed to man. The Danes with 
 their battle-axes made dreadful havock, and compelled the two wings 
 of the Scottish army to give way ; but they retired without much con- 
 fusion, and rallied behind the centre division, under the immediate 
 command of the king. Here they were enabled to take up a new 
 position on more advantageous ground, from which they renewed the 
 combat with great vigour, and finally succeeded in repulsing the enemy, 
 who, as usual, fled to their ships. 
 
 The defeat of the Danes enabled Kenneth to turn his attention to 
 the domestic concerns of his kingdom. His first thoughts were directed 
 to bring about a complete change in the mode of succession to the 
 crown, in order to perpetuate in, and confine the crown to his own des- 
 cendants. This alteration could not be well accomplished as long as 
 Malcolm, the son of Dufi^, the Tanist of the kingdom, and prince of 
 Cumberland, stood in the way ; and, accordingly, it has been said that 
 Kenneth was the cause of the untimely death of prince Malcolm, who 
 is stated to have been poisoned. It is said that Kenneth got an Act 
 passed, that in future the son, or nearest male heir, of the king, should 
 always succeed to the throne ; and that in case that son or heir were 
 not of age at the time of the king's demise, that a person of rank should 
 be chosen Regent of the kingdom, until the minor attained his fourteenth 
 year, when he should assume the reins of government ; but whether 
 such a law was really passed on the moot-hill of Scone or not, of 
 which we have no evidence, certain it is that two other princes suc- 
 ceeded to the crown before Malcolm, the son of Kenneth. Kenneth, 
 after a reign of twenty-four years, was assassinated by Finella, the 
 wife of the Maormor of the Mearns, and the daughter of Cunechat, 
 the Maormor of Angus, in revenge for having put her only son to 
 death while suppressing an insurrection in the Mearns. This event 
 took place in the year nine hundred and ninety-four. 
 
 Constantine I V., son of Culen, characterized by the name duin, or 
 deceitful, by the Gaelic bard, succeeded ; but his right was disputed by 
 Kenneth, the Grim, son of Duft". The dispute was decided in a battle 
 
84 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 near the river Almond, in Perthshire, where Constantino lost his life, 
 in nine hundred and ninety-five. 
 
 Kenneth IV., surnamed Grim, from the strength of his body, the 
 son of Duff, now obtained the sceptre which he had coveted ; but he 
 was disturbed in the possession thereof by Malcolm, the son of Ken- 
 neth III., heir presumptive to the crown, and regulus or prince of 
 Cumberland. By the interposition of Fothad, one of the Scottish 
 bishops, the parties were, for some time, prevented from coming to 
 blows, and it is said that a treaty was concluded, by which it was sti- 
 pulated that Kenneth should wear the crown during his life, and that 
 Malcolm and his heirs should succeed in future as intended by Kenneth 
 III. But this treaty proved in the end only a truce, for Malcolm again 
 took the field, and decided his claim to the crown in a bloody battle at 
 Monivaird, in Strathern, in which Kenneth, after a noble resistance, 
 received a mortal wound. This happened in the year one thousand 
 and three, after Kenneth had reigned eight years. 
 
 Malcolm II. now ascended the vacant throne, stained with the blood 
 of the brave Kenneth ; but he was not destined to enjoy repose. Of 
 lura the Gaelic bard has said — 
 
 " Trocha blaidhain hreacaid rainn 
 Ba righ manaidhj Maolcholaim." 
 Thii'ty years of variegated reign ^ 
 Was king hy fate Malcolm. 
 
 The Danes, who had now obtained a firm footing in England, di- 
 rected their attention in an especial manner to Scotland, which they 
 were in hopes of subduing. They had hitherto been defeated in every 
 attempt they had made to establish themselves in the north ; but hav- 
 ing become powerful by their vast possessions in England, they con- 
 sidered that they now had great chances of success in their favour. 
 Accordingly, immense preparations were made by the celebrated Sweyn 
 to invade Scotland. He ordered Olaus, his viceroy in Norway, and 
 Enet in Denmark, to raise a powerful ai'my, and to equip a suitable 
 fleet. Sigurd, the Earl of Orkney, carried on an harrassing and preda- 
 tory warfare on the shores of the Moray Frith, which he continued 
 even after a matrimonial alliance he formed with Malcolm, by marry- 
 ing his daughter ; but this was no singular trait in the character of a 
 Vikingr, who plundered friends and foes with equal pleasure. The 
 scene of Sigurd's operations was chosen by his brother northmen foi 
 making a descent, which they effected near Speymoiith. They carried 
 fire and sword thi-ough Moray, and laid siege to the fortress of Nairne, 
 one of the strongest in the north. The Danes were forced to raise the 
 siege for a time, by Malcolm, who encamped his army in a plain near 
 Kilflos or Kinloss. In this position he was attacked by the invaders, 
 and, after a severe action, was forced to retreat, after being seriously 
 wounded. Nairne then surrendered, but the whole garrison were 
 hanged, notwithstanding a capitulation which stipulated for their lives 
 and properties. 
 
DEFEAT OF THE DAMES. 85 
 
 Having mastered all his forces, Malcolm, in the ensuing spring, march- 
 ed north with his army, and encamped at Mortlaoh. This was in 
 the year one thousand and ten. The Danes advanced to meet the 
 Scots, and a dreadful and fierce conflict ensued, the result of which was 
 long dubious. At length the northmen gave way and victory declared 
 for Malcolm. Had the Danes succeeded they would in all probability have 
 obtained as permanent a footing in North Britain as they did in 
 England ; but the Scottish kings were determined, at all hazards, never 
 to suffer them to pollute the soil of Scotland by allowing them even the 
 smallest settlement in their dominions In gratitude to God for his 
 victory, Malcolm, in pursuance of a vow which it is said he made on the 
 field of battle, endowed a religious house at Mortlach with its appro- 
 priate church erected near the scene of action. Pope Benedict 
 afterwards confirmed this endowment, and Mortlach soon became the 
 residence of a bishop. 
 
 The Danes were not discouraged by this defeat. On the contrary, 
 that, as well as some disasters which they met with on the coasts of Angus 
 and Buchan, exasperated Sweyn who formed a determination to seek 
 revenge by another descent. He therefore, despatched Camus, an able 
 general, who effected a landing with his army on the coast of Angus, 
 near to Panbride, but he had advanced but a very few miles when he 
 was met by Malcolm, who attacked him with great fury and intrepidity. 
 After a bloody contest the army of Camus gave way and their leader 
 sought safety in flight, but he was closely pursued and was killed by a 
 stroke from a battle-axe which cleft his skull asunder. The place of 
 his overthrow is indicated by a monumental stone called Camus- 
 Cross.* 
 
 No defeat, however, could subdue the persevering attempts of the 
 Danes, to subject North Britain to their sway. They renewed their 
 enterprize again by landing on the coast of Buchan, about a mile west 
 from Slaines Castle, in the parish of Cruden, but they were attacked 
 and defeated by the Maormor of the District. The site of the field of 
 battle has been ascertained by the discovery of human bones left expos- 
 ed by the shifting or blowing of the sand. From the circumstance of 
 a chapel having been erected in this neighbourhood dedicated to St. 
 Olaus, the site of which has become invisible, by being covered with 
 sand, the assertion of some writers that a treaty was entered into with 
 the Danes, who were then Christians, by which it was stipulated, that 
 the field of battle should be consecrated by a Bishop as a burying- place 
 for the Danes who had fallen in battle, and that a church should be then 
 built and priests appointed in all time coming to say masses for the 
 souls of the slain, seems very probable. Another stipulation it is said 
 was made, by which the Danes agreed to evacuate the Burgh-head of 
 Moray, and finally to leave every part of the kingdom, which they 
 accordingly did in the year one thousand and fourteen. 
 
 * A huge skeleton was dwg up many years ago near Camus'-Cross supposed to have 
 been that of Caniua. It was lying in a sepulchre which was erected with four stones. 
 
I 
 
 8f> HISTORY OP THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 Some time after this Malcolm was engaged in a war with the 
 Northumbrians, and, having led his army in one thousand and eighteen, 
 to Carham, near Werk, on the southern bank of the Tweed, where 
 he was met by Uchtred, the Earl of Northumberland, a desperate 
 battle took place which was contested with great valour on both 
 sides. The success was doubtful on either side, though Uchtred claimed 
 a victory, but be did not long enjoy the fruits of it, as he was soon 
 thereafter assassinated when on his road to pay obeisasce to the great 
 Canute. Endulf, the brother and successor of Uchtred, justly dreading 
 the power of the Scots, was induced to cede Lothian to Malcolm for ever, 
 who, on this occasion, gave oblations to the churches and gifts to the cler- 
 gy, who in return transmitted his name to posterity. He was designed 
 par excellence, rex mctoriosissimiis. 
 
 The last struggle with which Malcolm was threatened, was with the 
 celebrated Canute, who, for some cause or other not properly explained, 
 entered Scotland in the year one thousand and thirty-one ; but these 
 powerful parties appear not to have come to action. Canute's expedi- 
 tion appears, from what followed, to have been fitted out, to compel 
 Malcolm to do homage for Cumberland, for it is certain that Malcolm 
 engaged to fulfil the conditions on which his predecessors had held that 
 country, and that Canute thereafter returned to England. 
 
 But the reign of Malcolm was not only distinguished by foreign 
 wars, but by civil contests between rival chiefs. Finlegh, the Maor- 
 nior of Ross, and the father of Macbeth, was assassinated in one 
 thousand and twenty, and about twelve years thereafter, Maolbride, 
 the Maormor of Moray, grandfather of Lulach, was, in revenge for 
 Finlegh's murder, burnt within his castle, with fifty of his men. 
 
 At length after a splendid reign of thirty years, Malcolm slept with 
 his fathers, and his body was transferred to lona, and interred with 
 due solemnity among the remains of his predecessors. The story of 
 his assassination is a mere fiction. 
 
 Malcolm was undoubtedly a prince of great acquirements. He made 
 many improvements in the internal policy of his kingdom, and in him 
 religion always found a guardian and protector. But although Malcolm 
 is justly entitled to this praise, he by no means came up to the standard 
 of perfection assigned him by fiction. 
 
 Duncan, son of Bethoc, one of the daughters of Malcolm II., suc- 
 ceeded his grandfather in the year one thousand and thirty-three. He 
 had to sustain several severe conflicts with the Danes, whom he finally 
 repulsed from his dominions, and in virtue of the engagements of his 
 grandfather, with Canute, he entered Northumberland in one thousand 
 rtnd thirty-five, and attacked Durham, but was forced to retire with 
 loss, according to an old English historian.* The unhappy fate of 
 Duncan is too familiar to render any detail of the circumstances of that 
 event necessary. Tiie scene of Macbeth's perfidy was not at Inverness, 
 
 * Simeon, Dun. p. .3.1. 
 
DEFEAT AND DEATH OF MACBETH. §7 
 
 as soine writers have erroneously laid it, but at Bothgowanan, near 
 Elgin. Duncan had reigned only six years when he was assassinated 
 by Macbeth, leaving two infant sons, Malcolm and Donal, by a sister 
 of Siward, the Earl of Northumberland. The former fled to Cum- 
 berland, and the latter took refuge in the Hebrides on the death of 
 their father. 
 
 Macbeth, " snorting with the indigested fumes of the blood of his 
 sovereign," immediately seized the gory sceptre. As several fictions 
 have been propagated concerning the history and genealogy of Macbeth, 
 we may mention that, according to the most authentic authorities, he 
 was by birth Thane of Ross, and by his marriage with the Lady Gru- 
 och, became also Thane of Moray, during the minority of Lulach, the 
 infant son of that lady, by her mai-riage with GUcomgain, the Maormor, 
 or Thane of Moray. Lady Gruoch was the daughter of Boedhe, son 
 of Kenneth IV. ; and thus Macbeth united in his own person many 
 powerful interests which enabled him to take quiet possession of the 
 throne of the murdered sovereign. He of course found no dilBculty 
 in getting himself inaugurated at Scone, under the protection of the 
 clans of Moray and Ross, and the aid of those who favoured the pre- 
 tensions of the descendants of Kenneth IV. 
 
 Various attempts were made on the part of the partizans of Malcolm, 
 son of Duncan, to dispossess Macbeth of the Throne. The most for- 
 midable was that of Siward, the powerful Earl of Northumberland, 
 and the relation of Malcolm, who, at the instigation or command of 
 Edward the Confessor, led a numerous army into Scotland in the year 
 one thousand and fifty-four. They marched as far north as Dunsinnan, 
 where they were met by Macbeth, who commanded his troops in per- 
 son. A furious battle ensued, but Macbeth fled from the field after 
 many displays of courage. The Scots lost 3000 men, and the Saxons 
 1,500, including Osbert, the son of Siward. Macbeth retired to his 
 fastnesses in the north, and Siward returned to Northumberland ; but 
 Malcolm continued the war till the death of Macbeth, who was slain 
 by Macduff, Thane of Fife, in revenge for the cruelties he had inflicted 
 on his family, at Lumphanan, on the fifth day of December in the 
 year one thousand and fifty-six. 
 
 Macbeth was unquestionably a person of great vigour, and well fitted 
 to govern in the age in which he lived ; and had he obtained the crown 
 by fair and honourable means, his character might have stood well with 
 posterity. He appears to have entertained some sentiments of com 
 punction on account of his many crimes, for which he offered some 
 expiation by deeds of charity and benevolence, and particularly by 
 grants to the church ; but it is to be feared that his heart remained 
 unchanged. 
 
 Lulach, the great-grandson of Kenneth IV., who fell at the battle of 
 Monivaird in the year one thousand and three, being supported by the 
 powerful influence of his own family, and that of the deceased monarch, 
 ascended the throne at the age of twenty-five or twenty-six ; but his 
 
gg HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 reign lasted only a few months, he having fallen in battle at Essie, in 
 Strathbogie, on the third day of April, one thousand and fifty-seven, in 
 defending his cro^vn against Malcolm. The body of Lulach was in- 
 terred along with that of Macbeth, in lona, the common sepulchi-e, for 
 many centuries, of the Scottish kings. 
 
 Malcolm III., better known in history by the nameof Malcolm Cean- 
 more. or great head, vindicated his claim to the vacant throne after a 
 two years' struggle. His first care was to recompense those who had 
 assisted him in obtaining the sovereignty, and it is said that he created 
 new titles of honour, by substituting earls for thanes; but this has been 
 disputed, and there are really no sure data from which a certain con- 
 clusion can be drawn. 
 
 In the year one thousand and fifty-nine, Malcolm paid a visit to 
 Edward the Confessor, during whose reign he lived on amicable terms 
 with the English ; but after the death of that monarch he made a hos- 
 tile incursion into Northumberland, and wasted the country. He even 
 violated the peace of St. Cuthbert in Holy Island. 
 
 William, Duke of Normandy, having overcome Harold in the battle 
 of Hastings, on the fourteenth day of October, one thousand and sixty- 
 six ; Edgar jEtheling saw no hopes of obtaining the crown and took his 
 departure from England along with his mother and sisters for Hungary ; 
 but they were driven by adverse winds into the Frith of Forth, and 
 took refuge in a small port, which was afterwards named the Queen's- 
 ferry, in memory of Queen Margaret. Malcolm on hearing of the dis- 
 tress of the illustrious strangers, left his royal palace at DunfermUne 
 to meet them, and invited them to Dunfermline, where they were hos- 
 pitably entertained. Margaret, one of Edgar's sisters, was a princess 
 of great virtues and accomplishments ; and she at once won the heart 
 of Malcolm. 
 
 The oiFer of his hand was accepted, and their nuptials were celebrated 
 with great solemnity and splendour. This Queen was a blessing to the 
 king, and to the nation, and appears to have well merited the appella- 
 tion of Saint. There are few females in history who can be compared 
 with Queen Margaret. 
 
 It is quite unnecessary, and apait from the object of the present work, 
 to enter into any details of the wars between Malcolm and William 
 the Conqueror, and William Rufus. Suffice it to say, that both Mal- 
 colm and his eldest son Edward were slain in an attack on Alnwick 
 Castle, on the thirteenth day of November, one thousand and ninety- 
 three, after a reign of thirty-six years. Queen Margaret, who was on 
 her death-bed, when this catastrophe occurred, died shortly after she 
 received the intelligence with great composure and resignation to the 
 will of God. Malcolm had six sons, viz., Edward, who was killed along 
 with his father, Edmund, Edgar, Ethelred, Alexander and David, and 
 two daughters, Maud, who was married to Henry I, of England, and 
 Mary, who married Eustache, count of Boulogne. Of the sons, Edgar, 
 Alexander, and David, sncceisively came to the crown. 
 
LAW OF TANISTRY CELTIC MUSIC 89 
 
 On the demise of Malcolm, Donal-bane his brother, assumed the 
 government ; but Duncan, the son of Malcolm, who had lived many 
 years in England, and held a high military rank under William Rufus, 
 invaded Scotland with a large army of English and^Nformans, and forced 
 Donal to retii-e for safety to the Hebrides. Duncan, whom some 
 writers suppose to have been a bastard, and others a legitimate son of 
 Malcolm, by a former wife, enjoyed the crown only six months, having 
 been assassinated by Maolpeder, the Maormor of the Mearns, at Men- 
 teith, at the instigation, it is believed, of Donal. Duncan left, by his 
 wife Ethreda, daughter of Gospatrick, a son, William, sometimes sur- 
 named Fitz-Duncan. 
 
 Donal-bane again seized the sceptre, hut he survived Duncan only 
 two years. Edgar ^theling having assembled an army in England, 
 entered Scotland, and made Donal prisoner in an action which took place, 
 in September one thousand and ninety-seven. He was imprisoned by 
 orders of Edgar, and died at Roscobie in Forfarshire, after having been 
 deprived of his eyesight, according to the usual practice of the age. 
 The series of the Scoto-Irish Kings may be said to have ended witli 
 Donal-bane. 
 
 The accession of Kenneth to the Pictish throne, and the consequent 
 union of the Scots and Picts, introduced, throughout the whole extent 
 of the Pictish dominions, many usages which were peculiar to the Scoto- 
 Irish. Some of these would require the force of a positive law to esta- 
 blish them, while others would be gradually amalgamated with the Pic- 
 tish customs. The authenticity of the Macalpine laws has been ques- 
 tioned; but, without entering into a discussion upon such a dubious ques- 
 tion, we think there can be no doubt that the new sovereign would find 
 it necessary to make some regulations for the government of the two 
 nations he had united. It certainly appears, that the Brehon law of the 
 Scoto-Irish was introduced among the Picts under Kenneth. By this 
 law every chief, or faith, had a Brehon, or judge, within his district, 
 and this office was hereditary, descending to the sons of the judge, who 
 were brought up to the study of the law. The law of tanistry, which 
 limited the right of succession to the crown to the royal line, but did 
 not confine that succession to any direct series, was another character- 
 istic in the new government, which superseded the Pictish law of suc- 
 cession. This law which left the succession open to competition, and 
 the only exception from which seems to have been, when a tanist, or 
 heir presumptive, was appointed during the life of the reigning monarch, 
 naturally produced innumerable disorders in the state, and weakened 
 the government, and hence the many civil strifes, tumults, and assassi- 
 nations we have witnessed during the whole sway of the Scoto-Irish 
 kings. 
 
 We have already alluded to the poetry of the Celts. And here it may 
 not be out of place to take some notice of their music, which seems to 
 have been cultivated with greater success by the Scots, than by the 
 Picts. A question has been raised by the genealogists of music. 
 
90 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS 
 
 vvliether she is the mother or daughter of poetry, or, m other words, 
 whether music or poetry be the older art. Such a discussion appears to 
 be neither instructive nor amusing, and may therefore be passed over 
 with this simple remark, that the kindred and sister arts of poetry and 
 music, are undoubtedly almost coeval in their origin. Among the 
 Celts the science of music was cultivated with great care, and formed 
 a branch of the education of the Bards. Some remains of the songs 
 of the Druids are said still to exist,* and it is alleged that the chaunt- 
 ing of the Druidical precepts in times of paganism, was imitated by the 
 early Christians. This is indeed extremely probable. The primitive 
 Christians did not, for many ages, devote their attention to the improve- 
 ment of the melody of the church, and in the east they are supposed to 
 have long followed the music of the synagogue. The Gregorian 
 chaunt, as used in the Catholic churches at Vespers, is conjectured to 
 be nearly the same as that used by the Jews, with some trifling variations, 
 made by St. Ambrose, Archbishop of Milan, and afterwards still far- 
 ther improved by Pope Gregory the Great, from whom the music de 
 rives its present name.f 
 
 The great characteristics of the Gaelic music, are, its simplicity, ten- 
 derness, and expression. All the ancient music is distinguished by the 
 first quality; for the complex movements and intricate notes of modern 
 composers were unknown to antiquity : but the latter qualities, which may 
 be termed national, in as much as they are dependant upon the genius 
 and character of a people, and the structure of language, are peculiar 
 attributes of the music of the Highlanders. " The Welsh, the Scots, 
 and the Irish, have all melodies of a simple sort, which, as they are 
 connected together by cognate marks, evince at once tlieir relationship 
 and antiquity ."J 
 
 The ancient Scottish scale consists of six notes, as shown in the an- 
 nexed exemplification, No. 1. The lowest note, A, was afterwai-ds 
 added to admit of the minor key in wind instruments. The notes in 
 the Diatonic scale, No. 2, were added about the beginning of the fif- 
 teenth century, and when music arrived at its present state of perfection, 
 the notes in the Chromatic scale. No. 8, were further added. Although 
 many of the Scottish airs have had the notes last mentioned introduced 
 into them, to please modern taste, they can be played without them, 
 and without altering the character of the melody. Any person who 
 understands the ancient scale can at once detect the later additions. 
 
 No, 1. 
 
 i 
 
 V 
 
 A C 
 
 • Logan's Scottish Gael. Vol. II, 
 
 + The Gregorian song consists of eight tones, of which four are called authentic, and 
 four are said to he plagal. The former are confined to an octave; the plagal descends 
 from the lower octave to the fourth helow. 
 
 i Caledonia I. 476. 
 
GAELIC MUSIU SOKQS. 
 
 9] 
 
 No. 2. j 
 
 ? 
 
 -•- ^ DEFGABC 
 
 ABC 
 
 BJJ qj B| Dp eJj Fb e| ob Ab 
 
 
 D dI 
 
 j ^j— g— »- 
 
 Bb cb bJ Db 
 
 ^ ^ 
 
 O GB A AJ g C C*t 
 
 The Gaelic music consists of difterent kinds or species. 1. Martial 
 music, the GoUtraidheacht of the Irish, and the Prosnachadh Cath of 
 the Gael, consisting of a spirit-stirring measure, short and rapid. 
 2. The Geantraidheacht, or plaintive, or sorrowful, a kind of music to 
 which the Highlanders are very partial. The Coronach or lament, sung 
 at funerals, is the most noted of this sort. 3. The Suantraidheacht, or 
 composing, calculated to calm the mind, and to lull the person to sleep. 
 4. Songs of peace, sung at the conclusion of a war. 3. Songs of victory 
 Bunghy the bards before the king on gaining a victory. 6. Love songs. 
 These last, form a considerable part of the national music, the sensi- 
 bility and tenderness of which excites the passion of love, " and stim- 
 ulated by its influence, the Gael indulge a spirit of the most romantic 
 attachment and adventure which the peasantry of perhaps no other 
 country exhibit."* 
 
 " The ancient Gael were fond of singing, whether in a sad or cheer- 
 ful frame of mind. Bacon justly remarks, ' that music feedeth that dis. 
 position which it findeth:' it was a sure iign of brewing mischief, when 
 a Caledonian warrior was heard to ' hum his surly song.' This race, 
 in all their labours, used appropriate songs, and accompanied their harps 
 with their voices. At harvest the reapers kept time by singing; at sea 
 the boatmen did the same; and while the women were graddaning, 
 performing the luaghadh, or at other rural labour, they enlivened their 
 work by certain airs called luineags. When milking, they sung a cer- 
 tain plaintive melody, to which the animals listened with calm atten- 
 tion. The attachment which the natives of Celtic origin have to their 
 music, is strengthened by its intimate connexion with the national 
 songs. The influence of both on the Scots' character is confessedly 
 Sreat— the pictures of heroism, love, and happiness, exhibited m their 
 songs, are indelibly impressed on the memory, and elevate the mmd of 
 the humblest peasant. The songs, united with their appropriate music, 
 affect the sons of Scotia, particularly wh«n far distant from their na ive 
 glens and majestic mountains, with indescribable feelings and excite a 
 fpirit of the iiost romantic adventure. In this respect the Swiss, who 
 inhabit a country of like character, and who resemble the Highlanders 
 
 LoKn.n II. 2.52-3. 
 
D2 inSTOEY OF THE HtGHLANDS. 
 
 in many particulai-s, experience similar emotions. On heariog- the na- 
 tional ranz de vaclies, their bowels yearn to revisit the ever dear scenes 
 of tlieir youth. So powerfully is the amor patrise awakened by this 
 celebrated air, that it was found necessary to prohibit its being played 
 under pain of death among the troops, who would burst into tears on 
 hearing it, desert their colours, and even die. 
 
 " No songs could be more happily constructed for singing during 
 labour, tlian those of the Highlanders, every person being able to join 
 in them, sufficient intervals being allowed for breathing time. In a 
 certain part of the song, the leader stops to take breath, when all the 
 others strike in and complete the air with a chorus of words and sylla- 
 bles, generally without signification, but admirably adapted to give 
 effect to the time. In singing during a social meeting, the company 
 reach their plaids or handkerchiefs from one to another, and swaying 
 them gently in their hands, from side to side, take part in the chorus 
 as above. A large company thus connected, and see-sawing in regular 
 time, has a curious effect ; sometimes the bonnet is mutually grasped 
 over the table. The low country manner is, to cross arms and shake 
 each other's hands to the air of " auld lang syne,'' or any other popu- 
 lar and commemorative melody. Fhir a bhata, or, the boatmen, is 
 sung in the above manner, by the Highlanders with much effect. It 
 is the song of a girl whose lover is at sea, whose safety she prays for, 
 aud whose return she anxiously expects. The greater proportion of 
 Gaelic songs, whether sung in the person of males or females, celebrate 
 the valour and heroism, or other manly qualifications, of the Clans." * 
 Connected with the Gaelic music, the musical i7istrume)its of the Celts 
 remain to be noticed; but we shall confine our observations to the harp 
 and to the bag-pipe, the latter of which has long since superseded the 
 former in the Highlands. The harp is the most noted insti'ument of 
 antiquity, and was in use among many nations. It was, in particular, 
 the favoui-ite instrument of the Celts. The Irish were great proficients 
 in harp music, and they are said to have made great improvements on 
 the instrument itself. So honourable was the occupation of a harper 
 among the Irish, that none but freemen were permitted to play on the 
 harp, and it was reckoned a disgrace for a gentleman not to have a 
 harp, and be able to play on it. The royal household always included 
 a harper, who bore a distinguished rank. Even kings did not disdain 
 to relieve the cares of royalty by touchiuir the strings of the harp; and 
 we are told by Major, that James I., who died in fourteen hundred 
 and thirty-seven, excelled the best harpers among the Irish, and the 
 Scotch Highlanders. But harpers were not confined to the houses of 
 kings, for every chief had his harper, as well as his bard. 
 
 The precise period when the harp was superseded by the bag-pipe 
 it is not easy to ascertain. Roderick Morrison, usually called Rory 
 Dall, or the blind, was one of the last native harpers. He was harper 
 
 * Logan II. 255. 
 
BAG-PIPE. 93 
 
 to the laird of M'Leod. On the death of his master, Momson led an 
 itinerant life, and in sixteen hundred and fifty, he paid a visit to 
 Robertson of Lnde, on which occasion he composed a porst or air, 
 called Suipar cliiurn na Leod, or Lude's Supper, which, with other 
 pieces, is still preserved. M'Intosh, the compiler of the Gaelic 
 Pioverbs, relates the following anecdote of Mr. Robertson, who, it 
 appears, was a harp player himself of some eminence. " One night, 
 my father, James M'Intosh, said to Lude, that he would be happy to 
 liear him play upon the harp, which, at that time, began to give 
 place to the violin. After supper, Lude and he retired to another 
 room, in which there was a couple of harps, one of which belonged to 
 Queen Mary. James, says Lude, here are two harps; the largest 
 one is the loudest, but the small one is the sweetest, which do you 
 wish to hear played? James answered the small one, which Lude 
 took up, and played upon, till daylight." 
 
 The last harper, as is commonly supposed, was Murdoch M'Donald, 
 harper to M'Lean of Coll. He received instructions in playing from 
 Rory Dall, in Sky, and afterwards in Ireland, and from accounts of pay- 
 ineiits made to him, by M'Lean, still extant, Mui-doch seems to have 
 continued in his family till the year seventeen hundred and thirty-four, 
 when he appears to have gone to Quinish, in Mull, where he died. 
 
 The history of the bag-pipe is curious and interesting, but sucli 
 history does not fall within the scope of this work. Although a very 
 ancient instrument it does not appear to have been known to the 
 Celtic nations. It was in use among the Trojans, Greeks and Romans; 
 but how or in what manner it came to be introduced into the Highlands, 
 is a question which cannot be solved. Two suppositions have been 
 started on this point, either that it was brought in by the Romans, or by 
 the Northern Nations. The latter conjecture appears to be the most 
 probable, for we cannot possibly imagine, that if the bag-pipe had 
 been introduced so early, as the Roman epoch, no notice should 
 have been taken of that instrument, by the more early annalists and 
 poets. But if the bag-pipe was an imported instrument, how does it 
 happen that the great Highland pipe is peculiar to the Highlands, and 
 is perhaps the only national instrument in Europe? If it was intro- 
 duced by the Romans, or by the people of Scandinavia, how has it happen- 
 ed that no traces of that instrument in its present shape are to be found 
 anywhere except in the Highlands? . There is, indeed, some plausibility 
 in these interrogatories, but they are easily answered by supposing, what 
 is very probable, that the great bag-pipe, in its present form, is the 
 work of modern improvement, and that, originally, the instrument was 
 much the same, as is still seen in Belgium and Italy. 
 
 The effects of this national instrument in arousing the feelings of 
 those who have, from infancy, been accustomed to its wild and 
 warlike tones are truly astonishing. " In halls of joy, and in scenes of 
 mourning it has prevailed ; it has animated her (Scotland's) warriors 
 in battle, and welcomed them back after their toils, to the homes of i 
 
94 HISTOHY OF THE HIGHLANSii. 
 
 their love and the hills of their nativity. Its strains were the &•«» 
 sounded on the ears of infancy, and they are the last to he forgotten, in 
 the wanderings of age. Even Highlanders will allow that it is not 
 the gentlest of instruments ; but when far from their mountain homes, 
 what sounds, however melodious, could thi-ill round their heart like one 
 burst of their own wild native pipe ? The feelings which other m- 
 struments awaken, are general and undefined, because they talk alike 
 to Frenchmen, Spaniards, Germans, and Highlanders, for they are 
 common to all ; but the bag-pipe is sacred to Scotland, and speaks a 
 language which Scotsmen only feel. It talks to them of home and all 
 the past, and brings before them, on the burning shores of India, the 
 wild hills and oft frequented streams of Caledonia ; the friends that are 
 thinking of them, and the sweethearts and wives that are weeping 
 for them there I and need it be told here, to how many fields of dan- 
 ger and victory its proud strains have led ! There is not a battle 
 that is honourable to Britain in which its war blast has not sounded. 
 When every other instrument has been hushed by the confusion and 
 carnage of the scene, it has been borne into the thick of battle, and, far 
 in the advance, its bleeding but devoted bearer, sinking on the earth, 
 has sounded at once encouragement to his countrymen and his own 
 coronach."* Many interesting anecdotes connected with the use of 
 tliis instrument on the field of battle will be given when we come to 
 treat of the military history of the modem Highlanders. 
 
 History has thro^vn little light on the state of learning in the 
 Highlands during the Pictish and Scottish periods ; but, judging from 
 the well-attested celebrity of the college of Icolm-kill, which shed its 
 rays of knowledge over the mountains and through the glens of Cale- 
 donia, we cannot doubt that learning did flourish in some degree among 
 the Scots and Picts. The final destruction of the venerable abbey of 
 lona, by the Danish pirates, unfortunately checked for a time the pro- 
 gress of civilization, and swept away, as is supposed, the proofs collected 
 by the monks in support of the learning of those times, and to which, 
 if they had been preserved, the historian of future ages would have 
 appealed. No man, no scholar, no christian can visit the hallowed ruins 
 of lona without awakening associations, the most powerful and affect- 
 ing. Dr. Johnson, the great and inflexible moralist, thus describes 
 the emotions he felt on visiting this celebrated spot : " We were now 
 treading that illustrious island, which was once the luminary of the 
 Caledonian regions, whence savage clans and roving barbarians derived 
 the benefit of knowledge, and the blessings of religion. To abstract 
 trie mind from all local emotion would be impossible, if it were endea- 
 voured, and would be foolish, if it were possible. Whatever withdraws 
 lis from the power.of our senses, whatever makes the past, the distant, 
 or the future, predominate over the present, advances us in the dignity 
 of thinking beings. Far from me, and from my friends, be such frigid 
 
 * Preface to Macdonald's Ancient Mai-tial Music of Scotland. 
 
 L_ 
 
CHRONOLOGY OF THE SCOTTISH KINGS. 
 
 90 
 
 pliilosophy, as would conduct us, indifferent and unmoved, over any 
 ground whicli lias been dignified by wisdom, bravery, or virtue I Thai, 
 man is little to be envied, whose patriotism would not gain force on 
 the plains of Marathon, or whose piety would not grow warm amonjj 
 the ruins of lona." 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF THE SCOTTISH KINGS, FROM Si3 
 TO 1097, ADJUSTED FROM THE BEST AUTHORITIES. 
 
 OF THE KINCS. 
 
 Kenneth Macalpine over the Scots and Pirts 
 
 DONAL MaCALFIN ...... 
 
 CoNSTx\NTiNE II., son of K-Onneth . 
 AoDH, or Hugh, the son of Kenneth 
 EocHA, or AcHv oi* Grig, jointly . 
 DoNAL IV., the son of Constantine 
 CoNSTANTiNE III., the son of Aodh 
 Mat.colm 1., son of Donal IV. 
 Indulf, the son of Constantine III. 
 DuF, the son. of jMaleolm 1. . . . . 
 Culen, the son of Indulf ... * 
 
 Kenneth III., the son of Malcolm 1. 
 Constantine IV., the son of Culen 
 Kenneth IV., sui-named Grim, the son of Dtif 
 Malcolji II., the son of Kenneth HI. 
 Duncan, the grandson of IMaleoim 11. 
 Macbeth, the son of Finlech 
 LuLACH, the son of Gruoch and Gilcomjjain . 
 RIalcolm-Ceanmore, the son of Duncau 
 Donal-Bane, the son of Duncan . 
 Duncan II., the son of Malcolm Hi- 
 Donal-Cane, ag^aju . ... 
 
 Date of 
 
 Diiratiun of 
 
 
 Accessions. 
 
 Heign 
 
 Demise 
 
 AD. 
 
 Year.. 
 
 All. 
 
 84;3 
 
 16 
 
 mi 
 
 859 
 
 4 
 
 8(>3 
 
 863 
 
 )8 
 
 881 
 
 881 
 
 1 
 
 882 
 
 882 
 
 11 
 
 89:1 
 
 893 
 
 1) 
 
 904 
 
 904 
 
 40 
 
 944 
 
 944 
 
 9 
 
 9.53 
 
 933 
 
 8 
 
 961 
 
 Stil 
 
 4i 
 
 91^5 
 
 Bli.i 
 
 4 
 
 970 
 
 970 
 
 24 
 
 994 
 
 994 
 
 n 
 
 995 
 
 995 
 
 8 
 
 1003 
 
 1003 
 
 30 
 
 103:3 
 
 1033 
 
 fi 
 
 10:39 
 
 1039 
 
 17 
 
 1056 
 
 1056 
 
 4jr 
 
 Kh^ 
 
 1057 
 
 3<)-8Homliii. 
 
 1093 
 
 1093 
 
 L 
 
 1094 
 
 lU9i 
 
 J 
 
 1094 
 
 lOM 
 
 1097 
 
 I ON. A.. 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 Philological demarcalion between the Highlands and Lowlands — Anglo-Saxon coloni- 
 zation of the Highlands— Characteristics of the Highlanders— Care shown by them in 
 educating their Children— Highland Garb— Dress of the women— Antiquity of Tartan 
 —Superstitions of the Highlanders— Kelpies, Urisks, Daoine Shi, &c.— Second Sight 
 
 Weddings Matrimonial fidelity — Punishment of the breach thereof— Reciprocal 
 
 attachment of Parents and Children— Disgrace and Punishment of Bankruptcy- 
 Fidelity in performing engagements— Courage— Love of Country— Contempt of 
 Death — Hospitality. 
 
 We have now arrived at an era in our history, when the line of demar- 
 cation between the inhabitants of the Lowlands and Highlands of Scot- 
 land begins to appear, and when, by the influx of a Gothic race into the 
 former, the language of that part of North Britain is completely revo- 
 lutionized, when a new dynasty or race of sovereigns ascends the 
 throne, and when a great change takes place in the laws and constitu- 
 tion of the kingdom. 
 
 At the epoch which closes the last chapter, the Gaelic was the al- 
 most universal language of North Britain. In proof of this, reference 
 has been made to proper names, or names of persons and places, which 
 were all Gaelic during that period, as may be seen by consulting the 
 ancient chartularies and chronicles, the annals of Ulster, and the re- 
 gister of the Priory of St Andrews. In the Lowlands, however, some 
 places still retain the British appellations conferred on them by the 
 aboriginal inhabitants of North Britain. The cause of this may be 
 owing to the close affinity between the same names in the British and 
 Gaelic; and to this circumstance, that the Gaelic language did not ob- 
 tain such a complete mastery over the British in the Lowlands as in the 
 Highlands. 
 
 Although the Anglo-Saxon colonization of the Lowlands of Scotland 
 does not come exactly within the design of the present work ; yet, as 
 forming an important feature in the history of the Lowlands of Scotland 
 as contradistinguished from the Highlands, a slight notice of it may not 
 be uninteresting. 
 
 At the time when the Romans invaded North Britain, the whole 
 population of both ends of the island consisted of a Celtic race, the 
 descendants of its original inhabitants. Shortly after the Roman ab- 
 dication of North Britain in the year four hundred and forty-six, 
 which was soon succeeded by the final departure of the Romans 
 
ANGLO-SAX0^f COLONIZATION OF THE LOWLANDS. 97 
 
 from the British shores, the Saxons, a people of Gothic origin, establish- 
 ed themselves upon the Tweed, and afterwards extended their settlements 
 to the Frith of Forth and to the banks of the Solway and the ClydOi 
 About the beginning of the sixth century the Dalriads, as we have seen, 
 landed in Kintyre and Argyle from the opposite coast of Ireland, and 
 colonized these districts, from whence, in the course of little more than 
 two centuries, they overspread the Highlands and western islands, which 
 their descendants have, ever since, continued to possess. Towards the 
 end of the eighth century, a fresh colony of Scots from Ireland settled 
 in Galloway among the Britons and Saxons, and having overspread the 
 whole of that country, were afterwards joined by detachments of the 
 Scots of Kintyre and Argyle, in connexion with whom they peopled 
 that peninsula. Besides these three races, who made permanent settle- 
 ments in Scotland, the Scandinavians colonized the Orkney and Shet- 
 land islands, and also established themselves on the coasts of Caithness 
 and Sutherland. 
 
 But notwithstanding these early settlements of the Gothic race, the 
 era of the Saxon colonization of the Lowlands of Scotland is, with more 
 propriety, placed in the reign of Malcolm Ceanmore, who, by his marriage 
 with a Saxon princess, and the protection he gave to the Anglo-Saxon 
 fugitives who sought for an asylum in his dominions from the persecu- 
 tions of WUliam the Conqueror, and his Normans, laid the foundations ol 
 those great changes which took place in the reigns of his successors. 
 Malcolm, in his warlike mcursions into Northumberland and Dur- 
 ham, carried off immense numbers of young men and women, who were 
 to be seen in the reign of David I. in almost every village and house 
 in Scotland. The Gaelic population was quite averse to the settlement 
 of these strangers among them, and it is said that the extravagant mode 
 of living introduced by the Saxon followers of Queen Margaret, was one 
 of the reasons which led to their expulsion from Scotland, in the reign 
 of Donalbane, who rendered himself popular with his people by this un- 
 friendly act. 
 
 This expulsion was, however, soon rendered nugatory, for on the acces- 
 sion of Edgar, the first sovereign of the Scoto-Saxon dynasty, many dis- 
 tinguished Saxon families with their followers settled in Scotland, to the 
 heads of which families the king made grants of land of considerable 
 extent. Few of these foreigners appear to have come into Scotland 
 during the reign of Alexander I. the brother and successor of Edgar; 
 but vast numbers of Anglo-Saxons, Anglo-Normans, and Flemings, esta- 
 blished themselves in Scotland in the reign of David I. That prince 
 had received his education at the court of Henry I. and had married 
 Maud or MatUdes, the only child of Waltheof earl of Northumberland 
 and Huntingdon, by Judith, niece to WiUiam the Conqueror on the 
 mother's side. This lady had many vassals, and when David came to 
 the throne in the year one thousand one hundred and twenty-four, he 
 was followed, successively, by a thousand Anglo-Normans, to whom he 
 
U8 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 distributed lands, on wliielx they and tlieir followers settled. Most ol 
 the illustrious families in Scotland originated from this source. 
 
 Malcolm Ceanmore had, before his accession to the throne, resided 
 for some time in England as a fugitive, under the protection of Edward 
 the Confessor, where he acquired a knowledge of the Saxon language; 
 which language, after his marriage with the princess Margaret, became 
 that of the Scottish court. This circumstance made that language 
 fashionable among the Scottish nobility, in consequence of which and of 
 the Anglo-Saxon colonization under David I., the Gaelic language was 
 altogether superseded in the Lowlands of Scotland in little more than 
 two centuries after the death of Malcolm. A topographical line of de- 
 marcation was then fixed as the boundary between the two languages, 
 which has ever since been kept up, and presents one of the most singu- 
 lar phenomena ever observed in the history of philology. 
 
 The change of the seat of government by Kenneth on ascending the 
 Pictish throne, from Inverlochay, the capital of the Scots, to Abernethy 
 also followed by the removal of the marble chair, the emblem of sover- 
 eignty, from DunstafFnage to Scone, appears to have occasioned no de- 
 triment to the Gaelic population of the Highlands; but when Malcolm 
 Ceanmore transferred his court about the year one thousand and sixty- 
 six to Dunfermline, which also became, in place of lona, the sepulchre of 
 the Scottish kings, the rays of royal bounty, which had hitherto diifused 
 ics protecting and benign influence over the inhabitants of the Highlands, 
 were withdrawn, and left them a prey to anarchy and poverty. " The 
 people,'' says General David Stewart, " now beyond the reach of the 
 laws, became turbulent and fierce, revenging in person those wrongs for 
 which the administrators of the laws were too distant and too feeble to 
 afford redress. Thence arose the institution of chiefs, who naturally 
 became the judges and arbiters in the quarrels of their clansmen and 
 followers, and who were surrounded by men devoted to the defence of 
 their rights, their property, and their power; and accordingly the chiefs 
 established within their own territories a jurisdiction almost wholly in- 
 dependent of their liege lord."* 
 
 The connexion which Malcolm and his successors maintained with 
 England, estranged still farther the Highlanders from the dominion of 
 the sovereign and the laws; and their history, after the Gaelic population 
 of the Lowlands had merged into and adopted the language of the 
 Anglo-Saxons, presents, with the exception of the wars between rival 
 clans, which wiU be noticed afterwards, nothing remarkable till their 
 first appearance on the military theatre of our national history in the 
 campaigns of Montrose, Dundee, and others. Of these campaigns and 
 other interesting military achievements of the modern Highlanders, we 
 intend to give the details ; but before entering upon that important and 
 highly interesting portion of our labours, we mean to bring under the 
 
 • Sketches, I. 20. 
 
GENERAL CHAIIACTER OF THE HIGHLANDERS. 99 
 
 notice of tlie reader such objects of general interest coniiected with the 
 ancient state of the Highlands, and the character and condition of the 
 Highlanders in former times, as may be considered interesting either in 
 a local or national point of view. 
 
 The early history of the Highlanders presents us with a bold and 
 Qardy race of men, filled with a romantic attachment to their native 
 mountains and glens, cherishing an exalted spirit of independence, and 
 fiimly bound together in septs or clans by the ties of kindred. Hav- 
 ing little intercourse with the rest of the world, and pent up for many 
 centuries within the Grampian range, the Highlanders acquired a pe- 
 culiar character, and retained or adopted habits and manners differing 
 widely from those of their Lowland neighbours. " The ideas and em- 
 ployments, which their seclusion from the world rendered habitual, — 
 the familiar contemplation of the most subUme objects of nature, — the 
 habit of concentrating their affections within the narrow precincts of their 
 own glens, or the limited circle of their own kinsmen, — and the necessity 
 of union and self-dependence in all difficulties and dangers, combined 
 to form a peculiar and original character. A certain romantic senti- 
 ment, the offspring of deep and cherished feeling, strong attachment to 
 their country and kindred, and a consequent disdain of submission to 
 strangers, formed the character of independence ; while an habitual 
 contempt of danger was nourished by their solitary musings, of which 
 the honour of their clan, and a long descent from brave and warlike 
 ancestors, formed the frequent theme. Thus, their exercises, their 
 amusements, their modes of subsistence, their motives of action, their 
 prejudices and their superstitions, became characteristic, permanent, and 
 peculiar. 
 
 " Firmness and decision, fertility in resources, ardour in friendship, 
 and a generous enthusiasm, were the result of such a situation, such 
 modes of life, and such habits of thought. Feeling themselves separated 
 by Nature firom the rest of mankind, and distinguished by their lan- 
 guage, their habits, their manners, and their dress, they considered 
 themselves the original possessors of the country, and regarded the 
 Saxons of the Lowlands as strangers and intruders."* 
 
 Like their Celtic ancestors, the Highlanders were tall, robust, and 
 well formed. Early marriages were unknown among them, and it was 
 rare for a female who was of a puny stature and delicate constitution to 
 be honoured with a husband. The following observations of Martin on 
 the inhabitants of some of the western islands may be generally ap- 
 plied to the Highlanders : — " They are not obliged to art in forming 
 their bodies, for Nature never fails to act her part bountifully to them; 
 perhaps there is no part of the habitable globe where so few bodily im- 
 perfections are to be seen, nor any children that go more early. I 
 tiave obsei-ved several of them walk alone before they were ten months 
 
 ■ Stewart's Sketches, I. 7, S. 
 
100 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 old : they are bathed all over every morning and evening, some in cold, 
 some in warm water ; but the latter is most commonly used, and they 
 wear nothing strait about them. The mother generally suckles the 
 child, failing of which, a nurse is provided, for they seldom bring up any 
 by hand : they give new born infants fresh butter to take away the 
 miconium, and this they do for several days ; they taste neither sugar, 
 nor cinnamon, nor have they any daily allowance of sack bestowed on 
 them, as the custom is elsewhere, nor is the nurse allowed to taste ale. 
 The generality wear neither shoes nor stockings before they are se- 
 ven, eight, or ten years old ; and many among them wear no night 
 caps before they are sixteen years old, and upwards ; some use none all 
 their life-time, and these are not so liable to headaches as others who 
 keep their heads warm."* 
 
 This practice of bathing children every morning and evening contri- 
 butes more than any other expedient to steel the body against cold, and 
 to preserve the frame from rheumatic affection. Nor did this healthy 
 operation cease with childhood, — it was continued in after life, and the 
 practice still is with those who wear the kilt to wash their limbs every 
 morning as a preventive against cold. These precautions made the 
 Highlanders impervious to cold, and indifferent to warm and cumbrous 
 clothing. Their wardrobe was, of course, very scanty, but quite suffi- 
 cient for useful purposes, — comfort and cleanliness. 
 
 As a proof of the indifference of the Highlanders to cold, reference 
 has been made to their often sleeping in the open air during the severi- 
 ty of winter. Birt, who resided among them and ivrote in the year 
 seventeen hundred and twenty-five, relates that he has seen the places 
 ivhich they occupied, and which were known by being free from the 
 snow that deeply covered the ground, except where the heat of their 
 bodies had melted it. The same writer represents a chief as givmg of- 
 fence to his clan by his degeneracy in forming the snow into a pillow 
 before he lay down. " The Highlanders were so accustomed to sleep 
 in the open air, that the want of shelter was of little consequence to 
 them. It was usual before they lay down, to dip their plaids in water, 
 by which the cloth was less pervious to the wind, and the heat of their 
 bodies produced a warmth, which the woollen, if dry, could not afford. 
 An old man informed me, that a favourite place of repose was under a 
 cover of thick over-hanging heath. The Highlanders, in 1745, could 
 scarcely be prevailed on to use tents. It is not long since those who 
 frequented Lawrence fair, St Sair's, and other markets in the Garioch 
 of Aberdeenshire, gave up the practice of sleeping in the open fields. 
 The horses being on these occasions left to shifi for themselves, the in- 
 habitants no longer have their crop spoiled, by their ' upthrough 
 neighbours,' with whom they had often bloody contentions, in conse- 
 quence of these unceremonious visits."f 
 
 • Mailiii's Western Islands, 2d edit. r. 194, 195. f I,ogan I. 404, 405. 
 
HIGHLAND GARB. 101 
 
 Till of late yews the general opinion was that the plaid, philebeg 
 and bonnet formed the ancient garb of the Highlanders, but some 
 wTiters have maintained that the philebeg is of modem invention, and 
 that the truis, which consisted of breeches and stockings in one piece, 
 and made to fit close to the limbs, was the old costume. Pinkerton 
 says, that the kilt " is not ancient, but singular, and adapted to their' 
 — ^the Highlanders' — " savage life, — ^was always unknown among the 
 Welsh and Irish, and that it was a dress of the Saxons, who could not 
 afford breeches."* We like an ingenious argument even from the pen 
 of this vituperative writer, with all his anti-Gaelic prejudices, and have 
 often admired his tact in managing it ; but after he had admitted that 
 " breeclies were unknown to the Celts, from the beginning to this 
 day,"f It was carrying conjecture too far to attribute the introduction of 
 the philebeg to the Saxons, who were never able to introduce any of 
 their customs into the Highlands ; and of all changes in the dress of a 
 people, we think the substitution of the kilt for the truis the most im 
 probable. 
 
 That the truis are very ancient in the Highlands is probable, but 
 they were chiefly confined to the higher classes, who always used them 
 when travelling on horseback. Beague, a Frenchman, who wrote a 
 history of the campaigns in Scotland in fifteen hundred and forty- 
 nine, printed in Paris in fifteen hundred and fifty-six, states that, at 
 the siege of Haddington, in fifteen hundred and forty-nine, " they 
 (the Scottish army) were followed by the Highlanders, and these 
 last go almost naked ; tliey have painted waistcoats, and a sort of wool- 
 len covering, variously coloured." 
 
 The style of dress is alluded to by our older historians, by Major, 
 Bishop Lesly, and Buchanaji. Lindsay of Pitscottie also thus notices 
 
 it : " The other pairt northerne ar full of mountalnes, and very rud 
 
 and homelie kynd of people doeth inhabite, which is called the Reid 
 Schankes, or wyld Scottis. They be cloathed with ane mantle, with 
 ane schirt, fachioned after the Irish manner, going bair legged 
 to the knie."| Another who wrote before the year fifteen hundred and 
 ninety-seven, observes that, in his time, " they" — ^the Highlanders — " de- 
 light much in marbled cloths, especially that have long stripes of sundry 
 colours ; they love chiefly purple and blue ; their predecessors used short 
 mantles, or plaids of divers colours, sundrie ways divided, and among soms 
 the same custom is observed to this day ; but, for the most part now, 
 they are brown, most near to the colour of the hadder, to the effect when 
 they lye among the hadders, the bright colour of their plaids shall not 
 bewray them, with the which, rather coloured than clad, they suffer the 
 most cruel tempests that blow in the open fields, in such sort, that in 
 a night of snow they sleep sound."§ 
 
 m Introduction to History of Scotland, II. 73. t Ibid. I. 394. 
 
 \ Chronicles of Scotland, Ixxiv. 
 
 § Cpi-tayne Mattero concerning Scotland, London, printed lOOK. 
 
102 IlISTORy OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 There was nothing a Highlander took so much delight in as the im- 
 provement of his personal appearance by the aid of dress. The poini 
 of personal decoration being once secured, it mattered not, says Gene- 
 ral Stewart, that his dwelling was mean, his domestic utensils scanty, 
 and of the simplest construction, and his house and furniture merely 
 such as could be prepared by his own hands. Yet, with all his gay 
 tendencies, the Highlander looked upon the occupations of the tailor 
 and weaver with profound contempt, and as fit only for sickly and effemi-. 
 nate persons. He did not disdain, however, to be his own shoemaker, 
 cooper, and carpenter, all of which he considered honourable profes- 
 sions, when confined at least to the supply of his own domestic necessi- 
 ties. We shall now give a description of the different parts of the High- 
 land costume : — 
 
 The Breacan-feile, literally, the chequered covering, is the original 
 garb of the Highlanders, and forms the chief part of the costume; 
 but it is now almost laid aside in its simple form. It consisted of 
 d plain piece of tartan from four to six yards in length, and two 
 yards broad. The plaid was adjusted with great nicety, and made 
 to surround the waist in great plaits or folds, and was firmly bound 
 round the loins with a leathern belt in such a manner that the lower 
 side fell down to the middle of the knee joint, and then, while there 
 were the foldings behind, the cloth was double before. The upper 
 j)art was then fastened on the left shoulder with a large brooch or 
 pin, so as to display to the most advantage the tastefulness of the 
 arrangement, the two ends being sometimes suffered to hang down ; but 
 that on the right side, which was necessarily the longest, was more 
 usually tucked under the belt. In battle, in travelling, and on other 
 occasions, this added much to the commodiousness and grace of the cos- 
 tume. By this arrangement, the right arm of the wearer was left 
 uncovered and at full liberty ; but in wet or very cold weather the plaid 
 was thrown loose, by which both body and shoulders were covered. To 
 give free exercise for both arms in case of need, the plaid was fastened 
 across the breast by a large silver bodkin, or circular brooch, often en- 
 riched with precious stones, or imitations of them, having mottos 
 engraved, consisting of allegorical and figurative sentences.* Although 
 the belted plaid was peculiar to the Highlanders, it came gradually to 
 be worn by some of the inhabitants of the Lowland districts adjoining 
 the Highlands; but it was. discontinued about the end of the last 
 century. 
 
 As the Breacan was without pockets, a purse,- called sporan by the 
 Highlanders, was fastened or tied in front, which was very serviceable. 
 This purse was made of goats' or badgers' skin, and sometimes of leather, 
 and was neither so large nor so gaudy as that now in use. People o 
 rank or condition ornamRnted their purses sometimes with a silver 
 
 * Slewai-t's Sketches, I. 74. 
 
HIGHLAND GARB. JQS 
 
 mouthpiece, and fixed the tassels and other appendages with silver fasten- 
 ings; but in general the mouthpieces were of brass, and the cords 
 employed were of leather neatly interwoven. The sporan was divided 
 into several compartments. One of these was appropriated for holding 
 a watch, another money, &c. The Highlanders even carried their shot 
 in the sporan occasionallj', but for this purpose they commonly carried 
 a wallet at the right side, in which they also stowed when travelling, a 
 quantity of meal and other provisions. This military knapsack wps 
 called dorlach by the Highlanders. 
 
 The use of stockings and shoes is comparatively of recent date in the 
 Highlands. Originally they encased their feet in a piece of untanned 
 hide, cut to the shape and size of the foot, and drawn close together with 
 leather thongs, a practice which is observed by the descendants of the 
 Scandinavian settlers in the Shetland islands even to the present day ; 
 but this mode of covering the feet was far fi-om being general, as the 
 greater part of the population went barefooted. Such was the state of 
 the Highlanders who fought at Killicrankie ; and Birt, who wrote up- ' 
 wards of a century ago, says that he visited a well-educated and polite 
 Laird, in the north, who wore neither shoes nor stockings, nor had any 
 covering for his feet. A modern writer observes, that when the High- 
 land regiments were embodied during the French and American Wcirs, 
 hundreds of the men were brought down without either stockings or 
 shoes. 
 
 The stockings, which were originally of the same pattern with the 
 plaid, were not knitted, but were cut out of the web, as is still done in 
 the case of those worn by the common soldiers in the Highland regi- 
 ments ; but a great variety of fancy patterns are now in use. The 
 garters were of rich colours, and broad, and were wrought in a small 
 loom, which is now almost laid aside. Their texture was very close, 
 which prevented them from wrinkling, and displayed the pattern 
 to its full extent. On the occasion of an anniversary cavalcade, on 
 Michaelmas day, by the inhabitants of the island of North Uist, when 
 persons of all ranks and of both sexes appeared on horseback, the women, 
 in return for presents of knives and purses given them by the men, pre- 
 sented the latter " with a pair of fine garters of divers colours."f 
 
 The bonnet, of which there were various patterns, completed the na- 
 tional garb, and those who could afford had also, as essential accompani- 
 ments, a dirk, with a knife and fork stuck in the side of the sheath, and 
 sometimes a spoon, together with a pair of steel pistols. 
 
 The garb, however, differed materially in quality and in ornamental 
 display, according to the rank or ability of the wearer. The short coat 
 and waistcoat worn by the wealthy, were adorned with silver buttons, 
 tassels, embroidery, or lace, according to the taste or fashion of the times ; 
 and even " among the better and more provident of the lower ranks," 
 
 t Martin's Vv estern Islands, 2d Edit. p. SO. 
 I. o 
 
104 HISTORY OF THR HIGHLANDS. 
 
 as Geiisral Stewart remarks, silver buttons were frequently found, which 
 had come down to them as an inheritance of long descent. The same 
 author observes, that the reason for wearing these buttons, which were 
 of a large size and of solid silver, was, that their value might defray the 
 expense of a decent funeral in the event of the wearer falling in battle, 
 or dying in a strange country and at a distance from his friends. The 
 officers of Mackay's and Munroe's Highland regiments, who served 
 under Gustavus Adolphus in the wars of sixteen hundred and twenty- 
 six, and sixteen hundred and thirty-eight, in addition to rich buttons, 
 wore a gold chain round the neck, to secure the owner, in case of being 
 wounded or taken prisoner, good treatment, or payment for future 
 ransom. 
 
 Although shoe buckles now form a part of the Highland costume, 
 they were unknown in the Highlands one hundred and fifty years ago. 
 The ancient Highlanders did not wear neckcloths. Their shirts, were 
 of woollen cloth, and as linen was long expensive, a considerable time 
 elapsed before linen shirts came into general use. We have heard an 
 old and intelligent Highlander remark, that rheumatism was almost, if 
 not wholly, unknown in the Highlands until the introduction of linen 
 shirts. 
 
 It is obser\'ed by General Stewart, that " among the circumstances 
 which influenced the military character of the Highlanders, their pecu- 
 liar garb was conspicuous, which, by its freedom and lightness, enabled 
 them to use their limbs, and to handle their arms with ease and celerity, 
 and to move with great speed when employed with either cavalry or 
 light infantry. In the wars of Gustavus Adolphus, in the civil wars of 
 Charles I., and on various other occasions, they were often mixed with 
 the cavalry, affording to detached squadrons the incalculable advantage 
 of support from infantry, even in their most rapid movements." " I 
 observed," says the author of ' Memoirs of a Cavalier,' speaking of the 
 Scots army in sixteen hundred and forty, " I observed that these parties 
 had always some foot with them, and yet if the horses galloped or pushed 
 on ever so forward, the foot were as forward as they, which was an ex- 
 traordinary advantage. These were those they call Highlanders ; they 
 would run on foot with all their arms, and all their accoutrements, and 
 kept very good order too, and kept pace with the horses, let them go at 
 what rate they would." 
 
 Among the different costumes with which we are acquainted, none 
 can stand comparison with tlie Highland garb for gracefuhiess. The 
 nice discernment and correct taste of Eustace preferred it to the formal 
 and gorgeous drapery of the Asiatic costume. Its utility, now that 
 such a complete change has been effected in the manners and con- 
 dition of the people, may be questioned, but it must be admitted on all 
 hands, that a more suitable dress for the times when it was used, could 
 not have been invented. 
 
 The dress of the women seems to require some little notice. Till 
 
 J 
 
ANTIQUITY OF TARTAN. 105 
 
 marriage, or till they arrived at a certain age, they went with the head bare, 
 the hair being tied with bandages or some slight ornament, after which 
 they wore a head-dress, called the curch, made of linen, which was tied 
 under the chin ; but when a young woman lost her virtue and character 
 she was obliged to wear a cap, and never afterwards to appear bare-headed. 
 Martin's observations on the dress of the females of the western islands, 
 may be taken as giving a pretty correct idea of that worn by those of 
 the Highlands. " The women wore sleeves of scarlet cloth, closed at 
 the end as men's vests, with gold lace roimd them, having plate buttons 
 set with fine stones. The head-dress was a fine kerchief of linen, strait 
 about the head. The plaid was tied before on the breast, with a buckle 
 of silver or brass, according to the quality of the person. I have seen 
 some of the former of one hundred merks value ; the whole curiously 
 engraved with various animals. There was a lesser buckle which was 
 worn in the middle of the larger. It had in the centre a large piece of 
 crystal, or some finer stone, of a lesser size." The plaid, which, with 
 the exception of a few stripes of red, black, or blue, was whitfe, reached 
 from the neck almost to the feet ; it was plaited, and was tied round the 
 waist by a belt of leather, studded with small pieces of silver. 
 
 The antiquity of the tartan has been called in question by several 
 writers, who have maintained that it is of modern invention ; but they 
 have given no proofs in support of their assertion. We have seen that 
 an author who wrote as far back as the year fifteen hundred and ninety 
 seven, mentions this species of cloth ; and in the account of charge and 
 discharge of John, Bishop of Glasgow, Treasurer to King James III. 
 in fourteen hundred and seventy one, the following entries occur: — 
 
 " An elne and ane halve of blue tartane to lyne his gowne 
 
 of cloth of gold, £1 lo' 6 
 
 " Four elne and ane halve of tartane for a sparwurt aboun 
 
 his credill, price ane elne, 10s 2 5 
 
 " Halve ane elne of duble tartane to lyne collars to her 
 lady the Queue, price 8 shillings." 
 It is therefore absurd to say that tartan is a modern invention. 
 
 When the great improvements in the process of dyeing by means of 
 chemistry, are considered, it will appear surprising, that without any 
 knowledge of this art, and without the substances now employed, the 
 Highlanders should have been able, from the scanty materials which their 
 country afforded, to produce the beautiful and lasting colours which 
 distinguished the old Highland tartan, some specimens of which are un- 
 derstood still to exist, and which retain much of their original bril- 
 liancy of colouring. " In dyeing and arranging the various colours of 
 their tartans, they displayed no small art and taste, preserving at the 
 same time the distinctive patterns (or sets, as they were called) of the 
 different clans, tribes, families, and districts. Thus, a Macdonald, a 
 Campbell, a Mackenzie, &c. was known by his plaid ; and, in like man- 
 ner, the Athole, Glenorchy, and other colours of different districts, were 
 
106 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 easily distinguishable. Besides those general divisions, industrious 
 housewives had patterns, distinguished by the set, superior quality, and 
 fineness of cloth, or briglitness and variety of the colours. In those 
 times, when mutual attachment and confidence subsisted between the 
 proprietors and occupiers of land in the Highlands, the removal of ten- 
 ants, except in remarkable cases, rarely occurred ; and, consequently, it 
 was easy to preserve and perpetuate any particular set or pattern, even 
 among the lower orders."* 
 
 The Highlanders, in common with most other nations, were much 
 addicted to superstition. The peculiar aspect of their country, in 
 which nature appears in its wildest and most romantic features, exhi- 
 biting at a glance sharp and rugged mountains, with dreary wastes — . 
 wide-stretched lakes, and rapid torrents, over which the thunders and 
 lightnings, and tempests, and rains, of heaven, exhaust their terrific rage, 
 wrought upon the creative powers of the imagination, and from these 
 appearances, the Highlanders " were naturally led to ascribe every dis- 
 aster to the influence of superior powers, in whose character the predo- 
 minating feature necessarily was malignity towards the human race."f 
 
 The most dangerous and most malignant creature was the kelpie, or 
 water-horse, which was supposed to allure women and children to his 
 subaqueous haunts, and there devour them. Sometimes he would swell 
 the lake or torrent beyond its usual limits, and overwhelm the unguard- 
 ed traveller in the flood. The shepherd, as he sat upon the brow of a 
 rock in a summer's evening, often fancied he saw this animal dashing 
 along the surface of the lake, or browsing on the pasture-ground upon 
 iis verge. 
 
 The urisks, who were supposed to be of a condition somewhat inter- 
 mediate between that of mortal men and spirits, " were a sort of lubhary 
 supernaturals, who, like the brownies of England, could be gained over 
 by kind attentions to perform the drudgery of the farm ; and it was be- 
 lieved that many families in the Highlands had one of the order attached 
 to it." \ The urisks were supposed to live dispersed over the High- 
 lands, each having his own wild recess ; but they were said to hold 
 stated assemblies in the celebrated cave called Coire-nan- UrisUn, situ- 
 ated near the base of Ben-Venue, in Aberfoyle, on its northern shoulder. 
 It overhangs Loch Katrine " in solemn grandeur," and is beautifully 
 and faithfully described by Sir Walter Scott.§ 
 
 " Stewart's Sketches, vol. I. p. 76. \ Graham's Sketches of Terthshire. t "'^^'l- 
 § " It was a wild and strange retreat. 
 As e'er was trod by outlaw's feet. 
 The dell, upon the mountain's crest, 
 Yawned like a gash on warrior's breast ; 
 Its trench had staid full many a rock, 
 Hurl'd by primeval earthquake shock 
 From Ben- Venue's grey summit wild, 
 And here, in random ruin piled, 
 They frowned incumbent o'er the spot, 
 And formed the rugged sylvan grot. 
 
SUPERSTITIONS OF THE HIGHLANDERS. 107 
 
 The urisks, though generally inclined to mischief, were supposed to 
 relax in this propensity, if kindly treated by the families which they 
 haunted. They were even serviceable ui some instances, and in this 
 point of view were often considered an acquisition. Each family regu- 
 larly set down a bowl of cream for its urisk, and even clothes were 
 sometimes added. The urisk resented any omission or want of atten- 
 tion on the part of the family; and tradition says, that the urisk of 
 Glaschoil, a small farm about a mile to the west of Ben- Venue, havmg 
 been disappointed one night of his bowl of cream, after performing the 
 task allotted him, took his departure about day-break, uttering a horrible 
 shriek, and never again returned. 
 
 The Daoine Shith, or Shi' fmen of peace J, or as they are sometimes 
 called, Daoine matha (good men), come next to be noticed. Dr P. 
 Graham considers the part of the popular superstitions of the Highlands 
 which relates to these imaginary persons, and which is to this day re- 
 tained, as he observes, in some degree of purity, as " the most beautiful 
 and perfect branch of Highland mythology." 
 
 Although it has been generally supposed that the mythology of the 
 Daoine Shi' is the same as that respecting the fairies of England, as 
 portrayed by Shakspeare, in the Midsummer Night's Dream, and 
 perhaps, too, of the Orientals, they differ essentially in many important 
 points. 
 
 The Daoine Shi', or men of peace, who are the fairies of the High- 
 landers, " though not absolutely malevolent, are believed to be a pee- 
 vish repining race of beings, who, possessing themselves but a scanty 
 portion of happiness, are supposed to envy mankind their more com- 
 plete and substantial enjoyments. They are supposed to enjoy, in their 
 
 The oak and birch, with mingled sliade, 
 At noontide there a tmlight made, 
 Unless where short and sudden shone 
 From straggling beam on cliff or stone. 
 With such a glimpse as prophet's eye 
 Gains on thy depth. Futurity. 
 No murmur wak'd the solemn still, 
 Save tinkling of a fountain rill ; 
 But when the wind chafed with the lake, 
 A sullen sound would upward break. 
 With dashing hollow voice, that spoke 
 The incessant war of wave and rock. 
 Suspended cliffs, with hideous sway, 
 Seem'd nodding o'er the cavern grey. 
 From such a den the wolf had sprung, 
 In such a wild cat leaves her young ; 
 Yet Douglas and his daughter fair 
 Sought for a space their safety there. 
 Grey Superstition's whisper dread, 
 Debarred the spot to vulgar tread ; 
 For there, she said, did fays resort, 
 And satyrs hold their sylvan courts 
 By moon-light tread their mystic maze, 
 And blast the rash beholder's gaze." 
 
 Lady of the Lake, c, iii. s. 26. 
 
]08 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 subterraneous recesses, a sort of shadovpy happiness, a tinsel grandeiir, 
 which, however, they would willingly exchange for the more solid joys 
 of mortals." * Green was the colour of the dress which these men of 
 peace always wore, and they were supposed to take offence when any 
 of the mortal race presumed to wear their favourite colour. The High- 
 landers ascribe the disastrous result of the battle of Killiecrankie to the 
 circumstance of Viscount Dundee having been dressed in green on that 
 ill-fated day. This colour is even yet considered ominous to those of 
 his name who assume it. 
 
 The abodes of the Daoine Shi' are supposed to be below grassy emi- 
 nences or knolls, where, during the night, they celebrate their festivities 
 by the light of the moon, and dance to notes of the softest music.f 
 Tradition reports that they have often allured some of the human race 
 into their subterraneous retreats, consisting of gorgeous apartments, and 
 that they have been regaled with the most sumptuous banquets and de- 
 licious wines. Their females far exceed the daughters of men in beauty. 
 If any mortal shall be tempted to partake of their repast, or join in their 
 pleasures, he at once forfeits the society of his fellow-men, and is bound 
 down irrevocably to the condition of a Shi'ich, or man of peace. 
 
 " A woman," says a Highland tradition, " was conveyed, in days of 
 yore, into the secret recesses of the men of peace. There she was re- 
 cognised by one who had formerly been an ordinary mortal, but who 
 had, by some fatality, become associated with -the Shi'ichs. This ac- 
 quaintance, still retaining some portion of human benevolence, warned 
 her of her danger, and counselled her, as she valued her liberty, to ab- 
 stain from eating or drinking with them for a certain space of time. 
 She complied with the counsel of her friend ; and when the period 
 assigned was elapsed, she found herself again upon earth, restored to 
 the society of mortals. It is added, that when she had examined the 
 viands which had been presented to her, and which had appeared so 
 tempting to the eye, they were found, now that the enchantment had 
 been removed, to consist only of the refuse of the earth.'' 
 
 Some mortals, however, who had been so unhappy as to fall into the 
 snares of the Shi'ichs, are generally believed to have obtained a release 
 from Fairyland, and to have been restored to the society of their friends. 
 Ethert Brand, according to the legend, was released by the intrepidity 
 of his sister, as related by Sir Walter Scott in the fourth Canto of the 
 Lady of the Lake : — 
 
 * Graham's Sketches. 
 
 I The beh'ef in Fairies is a popular supei-slition among the Shetlanders. The margin 
 of a small lake called tlie Sandy Loch, about two miles from lierwick, is celebrated for 
 having been their favourite resort It is said that they often walk in procession along the 
 iides of the loch in different costumes. Some of the natives used frequently, when pass- 
 ing by a knoll, to stop and listen to the music of the fairies, and when the music ceased, 
 they would hear the rattling of the pewter plates which were to be used at supper. The 
 fairies sometimes visit tie Shetland bams, from which they are usually ejected by means 
 of a /ZoiV, which the proprietor wields with great agility, thumping and threshing in 
 every direction. 
 
SUPERSTITIONS OF THE HIGHLANDERS. 109 
 
 '' She crossed him thrice that lady bold : 
 
 He rose beneatli her hand. 
 The fairest knight on Scottish mould. 
 
 Her brother, Ethert Brand I" 
 
 A recent tradition gives a similar story, except in its unfortunate 
 catastrophe, and is thus related by Dr Patrick Grahame in his « Sketches 
 of Perthshire." 
 
 The Rev. Robert Kirk, the first translator of the Psalms into Gaelic 
 verse, had formerly been minister at Balquidder ; and died minister of 
 Aberfoyle, in 1688, at the early age of 42. His gravestone, which 
 may be seen near the east end of the church of Aberfoyle, bears the 
 inscription which is given underneath.:j; He was walking, it is said, 
 one evening in his night-gown, upon the little eminence to the west 
 of the present manse, which is still reckoned a Dun-Bhi'. He fell down 
 dead, as was believed ; but this was not his fate : — 
 
 " It was between the niglit and day, 
 
 When the fairy king lias power, 
 That he sunk down (but not; in sinfol fray. 
 And, 'twixt life and death, was snatched away, 
 
 To the joyless Elfin bower." 
 
 Mr Kirk was the near relation of Mr Graham of Duchray, the an- 
 cestor of the present General Graham Stirling. Shortly after his fune- 
 ral, he appeared in the dress in which he had sunk down, to a mutual 
 relation of his own and of Duchray. " Go," said he to him, " to my 
 cousin Duchray, and tell him that I am not dead ; I fell down in a 
 swoon, and was carried into Fairy-land, where I now am. Tell him, 
 that when he and my friends are assembled at the baptism of my child 
 — for he had left his wife pregnant — I will appear in the room, and that 
 if he throws the knife which he holds in his hand over my head, I will 
 be released, and restored to human society." The man, it seems, ne- 
 glected for some time, to deliver the message. Mr Kirk appeared to 
 him a second time, threatening to haunt him night and day till he ex- 
 ecuted his commission, which at length he did. The day of the baptism 
 arrived. They were seated at table. Mr Kirk entered, but the laird of 
 Duchray, by some unaccountable fatality, neglected to perform the 
 prescribed ceremony. Mr Kirk retired by another door, and was seen 
 no more. It is firmly believed that he is, at this day, in Fairy-land. 
 
 Another legend in a similar strain is also given as communicated by 
 a very intelligent young lady : — 
 
 " A young man roaming one day through the forest, observed a 
 number of persons, all dressed in green, issuing from one of those 
 round eminences which are commonly accounted fairy hills. Each of 
 them, in succession, called upon a person by name, to fetch his horse. 
 A caparisoned steed instantly appeared ; they all mounted, and sallied 
 
 i RoBERTDS Kirk, A. M. Lisav-x HiBEBNn(c}.aE lumen, Oaiii, Sic. 
 
110 HISTORY OP THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 forth into the regions of the air. The young man, like Ali Baba in the 
 Arabian Nights, ventured to pronounce the same name, and called for 
 his horse. The steed immediately appeared ; he mounted, and was 
 soon joined to the fairy choir. He remained with them for a year, go- 
 ing about with them to fairs and weddings, and feasting, though unseen 
 by mortal eyes, on the victuals that were exhibited on those occasions. 
 They had, one day, gone to a wedding, where the cheer was abun- 
 dant. During the feast the bridegroom sneezed. The young man, ac- 
 cording to the usual custom, said, ' God bless you.'* The fairies were 
 offended at the pronunciation of the sacred name, and assured him, 
 that if he dared to repeat it they would punish him. The bridegroom 
 sneezed a second time. He repeated his blessing ; they threatened mo re 
 than tremendous vengeance. He sneezed a third time ; he blessed im 
 as before. The fairies were enraged ; they tumbled him from a preci- 
 pice, but he found himself unhurt, and was restored to the society of 
 mortals." 
 
 The Shi'ichs, or men of peace, are supposed to have a design against 
 new-born children, and women in chUdbed, whom, it is still universally 
 believed, they sometimes carry off into their secret recesses. To pre- 
 vent this abduction, women in childbed are closely watched, and are 
 not left alone, even for a single moment, till the child is baptized, when 
 the Shi'ichs are supposed to have no more power over them.f 
 
 * Dr Graham has some curious observations on this practice. It is mentioned by 
 Apuleius in Iiis Metamorphosis of the Golden Ass; and in the Greek Anthologia, 
 this custom is recorded in a verse, which speaks of the withholding of this blessing by an 
 evil-minded person: — 
 
 Lib. II. § £i? ^yiTEiSs/f, 
 " Nor does he say, Jupiter save him, if he should sneeze." 
 
 In the seventeenth book of Homer's Odyssey, Penelope, led by the account given by 
 Eumaeus of a stranger that had just arrived, to entertain some hopes of the return 
 of Ulysses, expresses her expectations, when her son Telemachus sneezes aloud. 
 Auguring favourably from this omen, Penelope smiles, and gives orders to conduct 
 the stranger to the palace. 
 
 ** She spoke. Telemachus then sneez'd aloud ; 
 Constrained, his nostril echo'd through the crowd, 
 The smiling queen the happy omen blest.'' 
 
 From the existence of the practice of blessing among the Siamese, it has been in. 
 ferred, with some degree of probability, that it is of oriental origin, and was brought 
 into Europe along with the druidical superstition. Father Tachard, in his Voyage (k 
 Siam, abridged by Le Clerc in his BiUiotheque Universelle de I'Annee, 1687, thus re- 
 lates the belief of the Siamese as to this practice. " The Siamese believe that, in the 
 other world, there is an angel, whose name is Prayompaban, who has a book before 
 him, in which the life of every individual upon earth is written; he is. incessantly 
 employed in reading this book ; and when he arrives at the page which contains the 
 history of any particular person, that person infallibly sneezes. This, say the Siamese 
 is the reason why we sneeze upon earth; and that we are in use to wish a long and 
 happy life to those who sneeze." 
 
 + The Fairies of Shetland appear to be bolder than the Shi'ichs of the Highlands, 
 
SUPERSTITIONS OE THE HIGHLANDERS. Ill 
 
 The following tradition will illustrate this branch of the popular su- 
 perstition respecting the Shi'ichs : A woman whose new-born child had 
 been conveyed by them into their secret abodes, was also carried thither 
 herself, to remain, however, only until she should suckle her infant. 
 She one day, during this period, observed the Shi'ichs busily employed 
 in mixing various ingredients in a boiling cauldron; and as soon as the 
 composition was prepared, she remarked that they all carefully anointed 
 their eyes with it, laying the remainder aside for future use. In a mo- 
 ment when they were all absent, she also attempted to anoint her eyes 
 with the precious drug, but had time to apply it to one eye only, when 
 the Daoine Shi returned. But with that eye, she was henceforth enabled 
 to see every thing as it really passed in their secret abodes; she saw 
 every object, not as she had hitherto done, in deceptive splendour and 
 elegance, but in its genuine colours and form. The gaudy ornaments 
 of the apartment were reduced to the naked walls of a gloomy cavern. 
 Soon after, having discharged her office, she was dismissed to her own 
 home. Still, however, she retained the faculty of seeing with her medi- 
 cated eye, every thing that was done, any where in her presence, by 
 the deceptive art of the order. One day, amidst a throng of people, 
 she chanced to observe the Shi'ich, or man of peace, in whose possession 
 she had left her child, though to every other eye invisible. Prompted 
 by maternal affection, she inadvertently accosted him, and began to in- 
 quire after the welfare of her child. The man of peace, astonished at 
 thus being recognised by one of mortal race, sternly demanded how 
 she had been enabled to discover him. Awed by the terrible frown of 
 his countenance, she acknowledged what she had done. He spit into 
 her eye, and extinguished it for ever. 
 
 The Shi'ichs, it is still believed, have a great propensity for attending 
 funerals and weddings, and other public entertainments, and even 
 fairs. They have an object in this; for it is believed that, though invi- 
 sible to mortal eyes, they are busily employed in carrying away the 
 substantial articles and provisions which are exhibited, in place of which 
 they substitute shadowy forms, having the appearance of the things 
 so purloined. And so strong was the belief in this mythology, even till 
 a recent period, that some persons are old enough to remember, that 
 some individuals would not eat any thing presented on the occasions 
 alluded to, because they believed it to be unsubstantial and hurtful. 
 
 As the Shi'ichs are always supposed to be present on all occasions, 
 though invisible, the Highlanders, whenever they allude to them, do so 
 
 for they are believed to carry off young children even after baptism, taking care, 
 however, to substitute a cabbage stock, or something else in lieu, which is made to 
 assume the appearance of the abstracted child. The unhappy mother must take as 
 much care of this phantom as she did of her child, and on no account destroy it, 
 otherwise, it is believed, the fairies will not restore her child to her. " This is not 
 my bairn," said a mother to a neighbour who was condoling with her on the wasted ap- 
 pearance of her infant, then sitting on her knee,—" this is not my bairn— may the d-1 
 rest where my bairn now is ! " 
 
 I. P 
 
112 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 in terras, of respect. This is, however, done as seldom as possible, as 
 they endeavour to avoid conversing about them as much as possible ; 
 aod when the Shi'ichs are casually mentioned, the Highlanders add 
 some propitiatory expression of praise to avert their displeasure, which 
 they greatly dread. This reserve and dread on the part of the Higli- 
 landers, is said to arise from the peevish envy and jealousy which the 
 Shi'ichs are believed to entertain towards the human race. Although 
 believed to be always present, watching the doings of mortals, the 
 Shi'ichs are supposed to be more particular in their attendance on Fri- 
 day, on which day they are believed to possess very extensivs influence. 
 They are believed to be especially jealous of what may be said con- 
 cerning them ; and if they are at all spoken of on that day, which is 
 never done -without great reluctance, the Highlanders uniformly style 
 them the Daoine matha, or good me?i. 
 
 According to the traditionary legends of the Highlanders, the Shi'- 
 ichs are believed to be of both sexes; and it is the general opinion 
 among the Highlanders that men have sometimes cohabited with fe- 
 males of the Shi'ich race, who are in consequence called Leannan Shi'. 
 These mistresses are believed to be very kind to their mortal para- 
 mours, by revealing to them the knowledge of many things both present 
 and future, which were concealed from the rest of mankind. The 
 knowledge of the medicinal virtues of many herbs, it is related, has 
 been obtained in this way from the Leannan Shi'. The Daoine Shi' 
 of the other sex are said, in their turn, to have sometimes held inter 
 course with mistresses of mortal race. 
 
 This popular superstition relating to the Daoine Shi', is supposed, 
 with good reason, to have taken its rise in the times of the Druids, or 
 rather to have been invented by them after the overthrow of their hier- 
 archy, for the purpose of preserving the existence of their oi'der, after 
 they had retreated for safety to caves and the deep recesses of the fo- 
 rest. This idea receives some corroboration from the Gaelic term, 
 Druidheaehd, which the Highlanders apply to the deceptive power by 
 which the men of peace are believed to impose upon the senses of man- 
 kind ; " founded, probably, on the opinion entertained of old, concern- 
 ing the magical powers of the Druids. Deeply versed, according to 
 Caesar's information, as the Druids were, in the higher departments of 
 philosophy, and probably acquainted with electricity, and various 
 branches of chemistry, they might find it easy to excite the belief of 
 their supernatural powers, in the minds of the uninitiated vulgar." J 
 The influence of this powerful order upon the popular belief was felt 
 long after the supposed era of its extinction ; for it was not until Chris- 
 tianity was introduced into the Highlands, that the total suppression of 
 the Druids took place. Adomnan mentions in his life of St Columba, 
 
 * Graham's Sketches. 
 
SUPERSTITIONS OF THE HIGHLANDERS. 113 
 
 the mocidruidi, (or sons of Druids,) as existing in Scotland in the time 
 of Columba; and he informs us, " that the saint was interrupted at the 
 castle of the king (of the Picts), in the discharge of his religious offices, 
 by certain magi;" a term, by the bye, applied by Pliny to the order 
 of the Druids. The following passage from an ancient Gaelic MS.* in the 
 possession of the Highland Society of Scotland, supposed to be of the 
 12th or 13th century, is conjectured to refer to the incident noticed by 
 Adomnan. " After this, St Columba went upon a time to the king ol 
 the Picts, namely, Bruidhi, son of Milchu, and the gate of the castle 
 was shut against him ; but the iron locks of the town opened instantly, 
 through the prayers of Columb Cille. Then came the son of the king, 
 to wit, Maelchu, and his Druid, to argue keenly against Columb Cille, 
 in support of paganism." 
 
 Martin relates, that the natives of South-Uist believed that a valley 
 called Glenslyte, situated between two mountains on the east side of the 
 island, was haunted by spirits, whom they called the Great Men, and 
 that if any man or woman entered the valley without first making an en- 
 tire resignation of themselves to the conduct of the great men, they would 
 infallibly grow mad. The words by which they gave themselves up to 
 the guidance of these men are comprehended in three sentences, where- 
 m the glen is twice named. This author remonstrated with the inha- 
 bitants upon this " piece of silly credulity," but they answered that 
 there had been a late instance of a woman who went into the glen with- 
 out resigning herself to the guidance of the great men, " and imme- 
 diately after she became mad ; which confirmed them in their unreason- 
 able fancy." He also observes, that the people who resided in the glen 
 in summer, said, they sometimes heard a loud noise in the air like men 
 speaking.-|- 
 
 The same writer mentions a universal custom among the inhabitants 
 of the western islands, of pouring a cow's milk upon a little hill, or big 
 stone, where a spirit they called Brownie, was believed to lodge, which 
 spirit always appeared in the shape of a tall man, with very long brown 
 hair. On inquiring " from several well-meaning women, who, until oi 
 late, had practised it," they told Martm that it had been transmitted to 
 them by their ancestors, who believed it was attended with good for- 
 tune, but the most credulous of the vulgar had then laid it aside. 
 
 It was also customary among the " over-curious," in the western 
 islands, to consult an invisible oracle, concerning the fate of families, 
 battles, &c. This was done three different ways ; the first was by a 
 company of men, one of whom being chosen by lot, was afterwards car- 
 ried to a river, the boundary between two villages : four of the company 
 seized on him, and having shut his eyes, they took him by the legs and 
 arms, and then tossing him to and fro, struck his posteriors with force 
 
 + MS. No. IV. noticed in tlie Appendix to Uie Report on the Poems of Oisian, 
 
 p, 310. 
 \ Western Islands, 2d Ed. p. 86. 
 
J[14 HISTOEY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 against the bank. One of them then cried out, What is it you have 
 got here? Another answered, A log of birch wood. The other cried 
 again, Let his invisible friends appear from all quarters, and let them 
 relieve him, by giving an answer to our present demands; and in a few 
 minutes after, a number of little creatures came from the sea, who an- 
 swered the question, and disappeared suddenly. The man was then set 
 at liberty, and they all returned home to take their measures according 
 to the prediction of their false prophets. This was always practised at 
 night. 
 
 The second way of consulting the oracle vcas by a party of men, who 
 first retired to solitary places, remote from any house, and then singling 
 out one of their number, wrapt him in a large cow's hide, which they 
 folded about him, covering all but his head, in which posture they left 
 him all night until his invisible friends relieved him by giving a proper 
 answer to the question put; which answer he received, as he fancied, 
 from several persons he found about him all that time His companions 
 returned to him at break of day when he communicated his news to 
 them, which it is said " often proved fatal to those concerned in such 
 unlawful inquiries."* 
 
 The third way of consulting the oracle, and which consultation was 
 to serve as a confirmation of the second, was this: The same company 
 who put the man into the hide, took a live cat and put him on a spit. 
 One of the company was employed to turn the spit, and when in the act 
 of turning, one of his companions would ask him, what are you doing? 
 He answered, I roast this cat, until his friends answer the question, the 
 same as that proposed to the man inclosed in the hide. Afterwards a 
 very large cat was said to come, attended by a number of lesser cats, 
 desiring to relieve the cat turned upon the spit, and answered the ques- 
 tion. And if the answer turned out to be the same that was given to 
 the man in the hide, then it was taken as a confirmation of the other, 
 which in this case was believed infallible, f 
 
 A singular practice called Deis-iuil existed in the Western Islands, so 
 called from a man going round carrying fire in his right hand, which in 
 the Gaelic is called Deas. In the island of Lewis this fiery circuit was 
 made about the houses, corn, cattle, &c. of each particular family, to 
 protect them from the power of evil spirits. The fire was also carried 
 round about women before they were churched after child-bearing, and 
 about children till they were baptized. This ceremony was performed 
 in the morning and at night, and was practised by some of the old mid- 
 wives in Martin's time. Some of them told him that ' the fire-round 
 was an efiectual means of preserving both the mother and the infant 
 from the power of evil spirits, who are ready at such times to do mis- 
 chief, and sometimes carry away the infant; and when they get them 
 once in their possession, return them poor meagre skeletons; and these 
 
 » Martin, 2d ed. p. 112. f Ibid. 
 
SUPERSTITIONS OF THE HIGHLANDERS. ]]6 
 
 infants are said to have voracious appetites, constantly craving for meat. 
 In this case it was usual with those who believed that their children 
 were thus taken away, to dig a grave in the fields upon quarter-day, and 
 there to lay the fairy skeleton till next morning ; at which time the 
 parents went to the place, where they doubted not to find their own 
 child instead of this skeleton. Some of the poorer sort of people in 
 these islands long retained a custom of performing rounds sun-wise, 
 about the persons of their benefactors three times, when they blessed them, 
 and wished good success to all their enterprises. Some were very careful, 
 when they set out to sea, that the boat should be first rowed about sun- 
 wise ; and if this was neglected, they were afi-aid their voyage would prove 
 unfortunate.' These and many other customs which were peculiar to the 
 mhabitants of the Western Islands, are, we think, of Scandinavian origin, 
 and were probably introduced by the Danish Vikingr. The practice of 
 turning the boat sun-wise is still observed by the fishermen of the 
 Shetland islands, where none of the Celtic usages were ever introduced. 
 
 A prevailing superstition also existed in the Western Islands, and 
 among the inhabitants of the neighbouring coast, that women, by a cer- 
 tain charm or by some secret influence, could withdraw and appropriate 
 to their own use the increase of their neighbour's cow's milk. It was 
 believed, however, that the milk so charmed did not produce the ordi- 
 nary quantity of butter usually churned from other milk, and that the 
 curds made of such milk were so tough that they could not be made so 
 firm as other cheese, and that it was also much lighter in weight. It 
 was also believed that the butter produced from the charmed milk could 
 be discovered from that yielded fi-om the charmer's own milk, by a 
 diiference in the colour, the former being of a paler hue than the latter. 
 The woman in whose possession butter so distinguished was found, was 
 considered to be guilty. To bring back the increase of milk, it was 
 usual to take a little of the rennet from all the suspected persons, and 
 put it into an egg shell full of milk, and when the rennet taken fi'om the 
 charmer was mingled with it, it was said presently to curdle, but not 
 before. Some women put the root of groundsel among their cream as 
 an amulet against such charms. 
 
 In retaliation for washing dishes, wherein milk was kept, in streams or 
 rivulets in which trouts were, it was believed that they prevented or took 
 away an increase of milk, and the damage thus occasioned could only 
 be repaired by taking a live trout and pouring milk into its mouth. If 
 the milk curdled immediately, this was a sure sign of its being taken 
 away by trouts ; if not, the inhabitants ascribed the evil to some other 
 cause. Some women, it was affirmed, had the art to take away the milk 
 of nurses. 
 
 A sunilar superstition existed as to malt, the virtues of which were 
 said to be sometimes imperceptibly filched, by some charm, before being 
 used, so that the drink made of this malt had neither strength nor good 
 taste, while, on the contrary, the supposed charmer had very good ale all 
 
116 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 the time. The following curious story is told by Martin in relation 
 to this subject. " A gentleman of my acquaintance, for tlie space of 
 a year, could not have a drop of good ale in his house ; and having 
 complained of it to all that conversed with him, he was at last advised 
 to get some yeast from every alehouse in the parish ; and having got a 
 little from one particular man, he put it among his wort, which became 
 as good ale as could be drank, and so defeated the charm. After which, 
 the gentleman on whose land this man lived, banished him thirty-six 
 miles from thence."* 
 
 A singular mode of divination was sometimes practised by the High- 
 landers with bones. Having picked the flesh clean off a shoulder-blade 
 of mutton, which was supposed to lose its virtue if touched by iron, they 
 turned towards the east, and with looks steadily fixed on the transparent 
 bone they pretended to foretell deaths, burials, &c. 
 
 The phases or changes of the moon were closely observed, and it was 
 only at particular periods of her revolution that they would cut turf or 
 fuel, fell wood, or cut thatch for houses, or go upon any important ex- 
 pedition. They expected better crops of grain by sowing their seed in 
 the moon's increase. " The moon," as Dr Johnson observes, " has great 
 influence in vulgar philosophy," and in his memory it was a precept 
 annually given in one of the English almanacs, " To kill hogs when 
 the moon was increasing, and the bacon would prove the better in 
 boiling." 
 
 The aid of superstition was sometimes resorted to for curing diseases. 
 For hectic and consumptive complaints, the Highlanders used to pare 
 the nails of the fingers and toes of the patient, — put these parings into 
 a bag made from a piece of his clothes, — and after waving their hand 
 with the bag thrice round his head, and crying, Deis-iuil, they buried it 
 in some unknown place. Pliny, in his natural history, states this practice 
 to have existed among the Magi or Druids of his time. 
 
 To remove any contagious disease from cattle, they used to extinguish 
 the fires in the surrounding villages, after which they forced fire with a 
 wheel, or by rubbing one piece of dry wood upon another, with which 
 they burned juniper in the stalls of the cattle that the smoke might purify 
 the air about them. When this was performed, the fires in the houses 
 were rekindled from the forced fire. Shaw relates in his history of 
 Moray, that he personally witnessed both the last mentioned practices. 
 
 Akin to some of the superstitions we have noticed, but differing from 
 them in many essential respects, is the belief— for superstition it cannot 
 well be called — in the Second Sight, by which, as Dr Johnson observes, 
 " seems to be meant a mode of seeing, superadded to that which nature 
 generally bestows,"f and consists of " an impression made either by the 
 mind upon the eye, or by the eye upon the mind, by which things dis- 
 tant or future are perceived, and seen as if they were present."^ This 
 
 Western Islands, p. 122. f Jouruey, p. 166. \ Ibid. 
 
SECOND SIGHT. H7 
 
 " deceptive faculty" is called Taibhse in the Gaelic, which signifies a 
 spectre, or a vision, and is neither voluntary nor constant, but consists 
 " in seeing an otherwise invisible object, without any previous means used 
 by the person that sees it for that end ; the vision makes such a lively 
 impression upon the seers, that they neither see nor think of any thing 
 else, except the vision, as long as it continues : and then they appear 
 pensive or jovial, according to the object which was represented to 
 them."* 
 
 It has been observed by lookers-on, that those persons who saw, or 
 were supposed to see, a vision, always kept their eye-lids erect, and that 
 they continued to stare until the object vanished. Martin affirms that 
 he and other persons that were with them, observed this more than once 
 and he mentions an instance of a man in Skye, the inner part of whose 
 eye-lids was turned so far upwards during a vision, that after the object 
 disappeared he found it necessary to draw them down with his fingers, and 
 would sometimes employ others to draw them down, which he indeed, 
 Martin says, " found from experience to be the easier way.'' 
 
 The visions are said to have taken place either in the morning, at 
 noon, in the evening, or at night. If an object was seen early in the 
 morning, its accomplishment would take place in a few hours thereafter. 
 If at noon, that very day. If in the evening, perhaps that night; if 
 after the candles were lighted, the accomplishment would take place by 
 weeks, months, and sometimes years, according to the time of night the 
 vision was seen. 
 
 As the appearances which are said to have been observed in visions 
 and their prognostics are not generally known, and may prove curious 
 to the general reader, a few of them shall be here stated, as noted by 
 Martin. 
 
 When a shroud was perceived about one, it was a sure prognostic of 
 death. The time was judged according to the height of it about the 
 person. If not seen above the middle, death was not to be expected for 
 the space of a year, and perhaps some months longer; and as it was fre- 
 quently seen to ascend higher towards the head, death was concluded to 
 be at hand wifhin a few days, if not hours. 
 
 If a woman was seen standing at a man's left hand, it was a presage 
 that she would be his wife, whether they were married to others, or un- 
 married at the time of the apparition. 
 
 If two or three women were seen at once standing near a man's left 
 hand, she that was next to him would undoubtedly be his wife first, and 
 so on, whether all three, or the man, were single or married at the time 
 of the vision or not. 
 
 It was usual for the Seers to see any man that was shortly to arrive 
 at the house. If unknown to the Seer he would give such a description 
 of the person he saw as to make him to be at once recognised upon his 
 
 Martin, p. 300. 
 
118 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 arrival. On the other hand, if the Seer knew the person he saw in the 
 vision, he would tell his name, and know by the expression of his counte- 
 nance whether he came in a good or bad humour. 
 
 The Seers often saw houses, gardens, and trees, in places where there 
 were none, but in the course of time these places became covered with 
 them. 
 
 To see a spark of fire fall upon one's arm or breast, was a forerunner 
 of a dead child to be seen in the arms of those persons. To see a seat 
 empty when one was sitting on it, was a presage of that person's imme- 
 diate death. 
 
 There are now few persons, if any, who pretend to this faculty, and the 
 belief in it is almost generally exploded. Yet it cannot be denied that 
 apparent proofs of its existence have been adduced which have staggered 
 minds not prone to superstition. When the connexion between cause 
 and effect can be recognised, things which would otherwise have appeared 
 wonderful and almost incredible, are viewed as ordinary occurrences. 
 The impossibility of accounting for such an extraordinary phenomenon 
 as the alleged faculty, on philosophical principles, or from the laws of na- 
 ture, must ever leave the matter suspended between rational doubt and 
 confirmed scepticism. " Strong reasons for incredulity," says Dr Johnson, 
 "will readily occur. This faculty of seeing things out of sight is local, and 
 commonly useless. It is a breach of the common order of things, without 
 any visible reason or perceptible benefit. It is ascribed only to a people 
 very little enlightened; and among them, for the most part, to the mean 
 and ignorant. To the confidence of these objections it may be replied, 
 that by presuming to determine what is fit, and what is beneficial, they 
 presuppose more knowledge of the universal system than man has at- 
 tained; and therefore depend upon principles too complicated and ex- 
 tensive for our comprehension ; and that there can be no security in th« 
 consequence, when the premises are not understood: that the Second 
 Sight is only wonderfiil because it is rare, for, considered in itself, it in- 
 volves no more difiiculty than dreams, or perhaps than the regular ex- 
 ercises of the cogitative faculty ; that a general opinion of communica- 
 tive impulses, or visionary representations, has prevailed in all ages and 
 all nations ; that particular instances have been given, with such evi- 
 dence as neither Bacon, nor Bayle, has been able to resist ; that sudden 
 impressions, which the event has verified, have been felt by more than 
 own or publish them; that the Second Sight of the Hebrides imphes 
 only the local frequency of a power which is no where totally unknown j 
 and that where we are unable to decide by antecedent reason, we must 
 be content to yield to the force of testimony."* 
 
 Among the various modes of social intercourse which gladdened the 
 minds and dissipated the worldly cares of the Highlanders, weddings 
 bore a distinguished part, and they were longed for with a peculiar 
 
 • Journey to the Tl'estern Islands, p. 167, 168. 
 
MARUIAGES AND FESTIVITIES. HO 
 
 earnestness. Young and old, from the boy and girl of the age of ten 
 to the hoary headed sire and aged matron, attended them. The marriage 
 invitations were given by the bride and bridegroom, in person, for 
 some weeks previous, and included the respective friends of the betroth- 
 ed parties living at the distance of many miles. 
 
 When the bride and bridegroom had completed their rounds, the 
 custom was for the matrons of the invited families to return the visit 
 within a few days, carrying along with them large presents of hams, 
 beef, cheese, butter, malt, spirits, and such other articles as they inclined 
 or thought necessary for the approaching feast. To such an extent was 
 this practice carried in some instances in the quantity presented, that, 
 along with what the guests paid (as they commonly did) for their enter- 
 tainment at the marriage, and the gifts presented on the day after the 
 marriage, the young couple obtained a pretty fair competence, which 
 warded off the shafts of poverty, and even made them comfortable in 
 after-life. 
 
 The joyous wedding-morning was ushered in by the notes of the 
 bagpipe. A party of pipers, followed by the bridegroom and a party 
 of his friends, commenced at an early hour a round of morning calls to 
 remind the guests of their engagements. These hastened to join the 
 party, and before the circuit, which sometimes occupied several hours, 
 had ended, some hundreds, perhaps, had joined the wedding standard 
 before they reached the bridegroom's house. The bride made a similar 
 round among her friends. Separate dinners were provided; the bride- 
 groom giving a dinner to his friends, and the bride to hers. The 
 marriage ceremony was seldom performed till after dinner. The 
 clergyman, sometimes, attended, but the parties preferred waiting on 
 him, as the appearance of a large procession to his house gave additional 
 importance and eclat to the ceremony of the day, which was furthei 
 heightened by a constant firing by the young men, who supplied them- 
 selves with guns and pistols, and which firing was responded to by 
 every' hamlet as the party passed along; "so that, with streamers flying, 
 pipers playing, the constant firing from all sides, and the shouts of the 
 young men, the whole had the appearance of a military army passing, 
 with all the noise of warfare, through a hostile country." 
 
 On the wedding-day, the bride and bridegroom avoided each other till 
 they met before the clergyman. Many ceremonies were performed 
 during the celebration of the marriage rites. These ceremonies were of 
 an amusing and innocent description, and added much to the cheerful- 
 ness and happiness of the young people. One of these ceremonies 
 consisted in untying all the bindings and strings about the person of the 
 bridegroom, to denote, that nothing was to be bound on the marriage 
 day but the one indissoluble knot which death only can dissolve. The 
 bride was exempted from this operation from a delicacy of feeling 
 towards her sex, and from a supposition that she was so pure that 
 infidelity on her part could not be contemplated. 
 
 I. Q 
 
120 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 To discontinue practices in themselves innocent, and wliich con- 
 tribute to the social happiness of mankind, must ever be regretted, and 
 it is not therefore to be wondered at, that a generous and open-hearted 
 Highlander, like General Stewart, should have expressed his regret at 
 the partial disuse of these ceremonies, or that he should have preferred 
 a Highland wedding, where he had himself "been so happy, and seen 
 so many blithe countenances, and eyes sparlding with delight, to such 
 weddings as that of the Laird of Drum, ancestor of the Lord Sommer- 
 ville, when he married a daughter of Sir James Bannatyne of Core- 
 house."* 
 
 The festivities of the wedding-day were generally prolonged to a late 
 hour, and during the whole day the fiddlers and pipers never ceased 
 except at short intervals, to make sweet music. The fiddlers performed 
 in the house, the pipers in the field ;f so that the company alternately 
 enjoyed the pleasure of dancing within and without the house, as 
 inclined, provided the weather permitted. 
 
 No people were more attached to the fulfilment of all the domestic duties, 
 and the sacred obligation of the marriage vow, than the Highlanders. A 
 violation thereof was of course of unfrequent occurrence, and among the 
 common people a separation was almost unknown. Rarely, indeed, did 
 a husband attempt to get rid of his wife, however disagreeable she might 
 be. He would have considered his children dishonoured, if he had 
 driven their mother from the protection of his roof. The punishment 
 inflicted by the ecclesiastical authority for an infringement of the 
 marriage vow was, that "the guilty person, whether male or female, 
 was made to stand in a barrel of cold water at the church door, after 
 
 * " Oil that occasion, sanctified by tlie puritanical cant of the times, tliere was *one 
 marquis, three earls, two lords, sixteen barons, and eight ministers present al the solemnity, 
 but not one musician; they liked yet better the bleating of the calves of Dan and Bethel 
 —the ministers' long-winded, and sometimes nonsensical graces, little to purpose, than 
 all musical instruments of the sanctuaries, at so solemn an occasion, which, if it be 
 lawful at all to have them, certainly it ought to be upon a wedding-day, for divertisement 
 to the guests, tliat innocent recreation of music and dancing being much more warrantable 
 and far better exercise than drinking and smoking tobacco, wherein the holy brethren of 
 the Presbyterian (persuasion) for the most part employed themselves, without any formal 
 health, or remembrance of their friends, a nod with the head, or a sign with the turning 
 up of the white of the eye, served for the ceremony." Stewai-t's Sketches— Memoirs of 
 the Sommerville Family. 
 
 I "Plajing the bagpipes within doors," says General Stewart, "is a Lowland and 
 English custom. In the Highlands tiie piper is always in the open air; and when 
 people wish to dance to his music, it is on the green, if the weather permits; nothing but 
 necessity makes them attempt a pipe-dance in the house. The bagpipe was a field instru- 
 ment intended to call the clans to arms, and animate them in battle, and was no more 
 intended for a house th:m a round of six pounders. A broadside from a first-rate, or a 
 romid from a battery, has a sublime and impressive effect at a proper distance. In the 
 same manner, the sound of bagpipes, softened by distance, had an indescribable effect on 
 the mind and actions of the Highlanders. But as few would choose to be under the 
 muzzle of the guns of a battery, so I have seldom seen a Highlander, whose eare were 
 not grat; d when close to pipes, however much his breast might be warmed, and his feelings 
 roused, by the sounds to which he had been accustomed in liis youth, when proceeding 
 from ti.e proper distance." — Sketches, App. xxiii. 
 
HONESTY OF THE HlGHLANDEllS. 121 
 
 which, the delinquent, clad in a wet canvass shirt, was made to stand 
 before the congregation, and at close of service the minister explained 
 the nature of the offence."* Illicit intercourse before marriage between 
 the sexes was also of rare occurrence, and met with condign punishment 
 in the public infamy which attended such breaches against chastity. 
 
 This was the more remarkable, as early marriages were discouraged 
 and the younger sons were not allowed to marry until they obtained 
 sufficient means to keep a house and to rent a small farm, or were other- 
 wise enabled to support a family. 
 
 The attachment of the Highlanders to their offspring and the vene- 
 ration and filial piety which a reciprocal feeling produced on the part 
 of their children, were leading-characteristics in the Highland character, 
 and much as these mountaineers have degenerated in some of the other 
 virtues, these affections still remain almost unimpaired. Children seldom 
 desert their parents in their old age, and when forced to earn a subsistence 
 from home, they always consider themselves bound to share with their 
 parents whatever they can save from their wages. But the parents are 
 never left alone, as one of the family, by turns, remains at home for the 
 purpose of taking care of them in terms of an arrangement. " The sense 
 of duty is not extinguished by absence from the mountains. It accom- 
 panies the Highland soldier amid the dissipations of a mode of life, to 
 which he has not been accustomed. It prompts him to save a portion 
 of his pay, to enable him to assist his parents, and also to work when 
 he has an opportunity, that he may increase their allowance, at once 
 preserving himself fi-om idle habits, and contributing to the comfort and 
 happiness of those who gave him birth. I have been a frequent witness 
 of these offermgs of filial bounty, and the channel through which they 
 were communicated, and I have generally found that a threat of inform- 
 ing their parents of misconduct, has operated as a sufficient check on 
 young soldiers, who always received the intimation with a sort of horror. 
 They knew that the report would not only grieve their relations, but 
 act as a sentence of banishment against themselves, as they could not 
 return home with a bad or blemished character. Generals M'Kenzie, 
 Fraser, and M'Kenzie of Suddie, who successively commanded the 
 78th Highlanders, seldom had occasion to resort to any other punish- 
 ment than threats of this kind, for several years after the embodying of 
 that regiment.'-]- 
 
 Nor were the Highlanders less alive to the principles of honesty and 
 fair dealing, in their transactions with one another. Disgrace was the 
 usual consequence of insolvency, which was considered ex facie criminal. 
 Bankrupts were not only compelled to wear a dyvours habit, but to un- 
 dergo a singular punishment. They "were forced to surrender their 
 all, and were clad in a party-coloured clouted garment, with the hose 
 of different sets, and had their hips dashed against a stone, in presenre 
 
 • Dr M'Queen's Dissertation. f Stewart's Sketches, I. 86. 
 
122 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 of the people, by four men, each taking hold of an arm or a leg. This 
 punishment was called Toncruaidh."* 
 
 Such was the confidence in their honour and integrity, that in the 
 ordinary transactions of the people, a mere verbal obligation without the 
 intervention of any writing, was held quite sufficient, although contract- 
 ed in the most private manner,f and there were few instances where the 
 obligation was either unfulfilled or denied. Their mode of concluding 
 or confirming their money agreements or other transactions, was by 
 the contracting parties going out into the open air, and with eyes erect, 
 taking Heaven to witness their engagements, after which, each party put 
 a mark on some remarkable stone or other natural object, which their 
 ancestors had been accustomed to notice. 
 
 Accustomed, as the Highlanders were, to interminable feuds arising 
 out of the pretensions of rival clans, the native courage which they had 
 inherited from their Celtic progenitors was preserved unimpaired. In- 
 stances of cowardice were, therefore, of rare occurrence, and whoever 
 exhibited symptoms of fear before a foe, was considered infamous and 
 put to the ban of his party. The following anecdote, as related by Mrs 
 Grant, shows, strongly, the detestation which the Highlanders entertain 
 towards those who had disgraced themselves and their clan by an act of 
 poltronery : " There was a clan, I must not say what clan it is, who 
 liad been for ages governed by a series of chiefs, singularly estimable, 
 and highly beloved, and who, in one instance, provoked their leader to 
 the extreme of indignation. I should observe, that the transgression 
 was partial, the culprits being the inhabitants of one single parish. 
 These, in a hasty skirmish with a neighbouring clan, thinking discre- 
 tion the best part of valour, sought safety in retreat. A cruel chief 
 would have inflicted the worst of punishments — ^banishment from the 
 bounds of his clan, — which, indeed, fell little short of the curse of 
 
 * Stewart's Sketches, 
 f Two remarkable instances of the regard paid by the Highlanders to their engage- 
 ments, are given by General Stewart. " A gentleman of the name of Stewart, agreed to 
 lend a considerable sum of money to a neighbour. "When they had met, and the money 
 was already counted down upon the table, the borrower offered a. receipt, As soon as 
 the lender (grandfather of the late Mr Stewart of Ballachulish) heard this, he immediate- 
 ly collected the money, saying, that a man who could not trust his own word, without a 
 bond, should not be trusted by him, and should have none of his money, which he put 
 up in his purse and returned home." An inhabitant of the same district kept a retail 
 shop for neaily fifty years, and supplied the whole district, then full of people, mth all 
 Sheir little merchandise. He ncitlier gave nor asked any receipts. At Martinmas of 
 each year he collected the amount of his sales which were always paid to a day. In one 
 of his annual rounds, a customer happened to be from home ; consequently, he returned 
 unpaid, but before he was out of bed the following morning, he was awakened by a call 
 from his customer, who came to pay his account. After the business was settled, his 
 neighbour said, " You are now paid ; I would not for my best cow that I should sleep 
 while you wanted your money after your term of payment, and that I should be the last 
 in the country in your debt." Such examples of stem honesty, are now, alas! of rare 
 occurrence. Many of the virtues which adorned the Highland character have disappeared 
 in the vortex of modern improvement, by which the country has been completely revo- 
 luLiunized. 
 
PUNISHMENT OF COWARDICE LOCAL ATTACHMENTS. 123 
 
 KehEima. This good laird, however, set bounds to his wrath, yet made 
 their punishment severe and exemplary. He appeared himself with all 
 the population of the three adjacent parishes, at the parish church of 
 the offenders, where they were all by order convened. After divine 
 service, they were marched three times round the church, in presence 
 of their offended leader and his assembled clan. Each individual, on 
 coming out of the church door, was obliged to draw out his tongue with 
 his fingers, and then cry audibly, ' Shud bleider heich,' (i. e.) ' This 
 is the poltroon,' and to repeat it at every corner of the church. After 
 this procession of ignominy, no other punishment was inflicted, except 
 that of being left to guard the district when the rest were called out to 
 battle. ... It is credibly asserted, that no enemy has seen the back 
 of any of that name (Grant) ever since. And it is certain, that, to this 
 day, it is not safe for any person of another name to mention the cir- 
 cumstance in presence of one of the affronted clan."* 
 
 The Highlanders, like the inhabitants of other romantic and moun- 
 tainous regions, always retain an enthusiastic attachment to their coun- 
 try, which neither distance of place nor length of time can efface. This 
 stron'g feeling has, we think, been attributed erroneously to the power- 
 ful and lasting effect which the external objects of nature, seen m their 
 wildest and most fantastic forms and features, are calculated to impress 
 npon the imagination. 
 
 No doubt the remembrance of these objects might contribute to en- 
 dear the scenes of youth to the patriotic Highlander when far removed 
 from his native glens; but it was the recollection of home, — sweet 
 home 1 — of the domestic circle, and of the many pleasing associations 
 which arise from the contemplation of the days of other years, when 
 mirth and innocence held mutual dalliance, that chiefly impeUed him to 
 sigh for the land of his fathers. Mankind have naturally an affection 
 for the country of their birth, and this affection is felt more or less ac- 
 cording to the degree of social or commercial intercourse which exists 
 among nations. Confined, like the Swiss, for many ages within their 
 natural boundaries, and having little or no intercourse with the rest of 
 the world, the Highlanders formed those strong local attachments for 
 which they were long remarkably distinguished ; but which are now 
 being gradually obliterated by the mighty changes rapidly taking place 
 in the state of society. 
 
 Firmly attached as they were to their country, the Highlanders had 
 also a singular predilection for the place of their birth. An amusing 
 instance of this local attachment is mentioned by General Stewart. A 
 tenant of his father's, at the foot of the mountain Shichallain, having 
 removed and foUowed his son to a farm which the latter had taken at 
 some distance lower down the country, the old man was missing for a 
 considerable time one morning, and on being asked on his return where 
 
 * On the SupersUlions of the Highlanders. 
 
]24 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 he had been, replied, " As I was sitting by the side of the river, a 
 thought came across me, that, perhaps, some of the waters from Shichal- 
 lain, and the sweet fountains that watered the farm of my forefathers, 
 might now be passing by me, and that if I bathed they might touch my 
 skin. I immediately stripped, and, from the pleasure I felt in being 
 surrounded by the pure waters of Leidna-breilag (the name o-f the farm) 
 I could not tear myself away sooner." But this fondness of the High- 
 lander was not confined to the desire of living upon the beloved spot — it 
 extended even to the grave. The idea of dying at a distance from home 
 and among strangers could not be endured, and the aged Highlander, when 
 absent from his native place, felt discomposed lest death should overtake 
 him before his return. To be consigned to the grave among strangers, 
 without the attendance and sympathy of friends, and at a distance from 
 their family, was considered a heavy calamity ; and even to this day, 
 people make the greatest exertions to carry home the bodies of such re- 
 lations as happen to die far fi'om the ground hallowed by the ashes 0/ 
 their forefathers.* This trait was exemplified in the case of a woman 
 aged ninety-one, who a few years ago went to Perth from her house in 
 Strathbrane in perfect health, and in the possession of all her facilities. 
 A few days after her arrival in Perth, where she had gone to visit a 
 daughter, she had a slight attack of fever. One evening a considerable 
 quantity of snow had fallen, and she expressed great anxiety, particularly 
 when told that a heavier fall was expected. Next morning her bed was 
 found empty, and no trace of her could be discovered, till the second 
 day, when she sent word that she had slipt out of the house at midnight, 
 set off on foot through the snow, and never stopped till she reached 
 home, a distance of twenty miles. When questioned some time afterwards 
 why she went away so abruptly, she answered, "If my sickness had in- 
 creased, and if I had died, they could not have sent my remains home 
 through the deep snows. If I had told my daughter, perhaps she would 
 have locked the door upon me, and God forbid that my bones should be 
 at such a distance from home, and be buried among Gall-na-machair, 
 The strangers of the plain."-]- 
 
 Among the causes which contributed to sustain the warlike charactei 
 of the Highlanders, the exertions of the bards in stimulating them to 
 deeds of valour in the field of battle, must not be overlooked. We have 
 already noticed some of the duties of their office (Chapter II.) which 
 need not be here repeated ; but we omitted to mention that one of the 
 most important of these consisted in attending the clans to the field, and 
 exhorting them before battle to emulate the glories of their ancestors, 
 and to die if necessary in defence of their country. The appeals of the 
 bards, which were delivered and enforced with great vehemence and 
 earnestness, never failed to arouse the feelings ; and when amid the dii. 
 of battle the voices of the bards could no longer be heard, the pipers 
 
 • Stewart's Sketches, i. 79, SO. \ Ibid. 
 
WARLIKE CHARACTER CONTEMPT OF DEATH. 125 
 
 succeeded them, and cheered on their respective parties with their war- 
 like and inspiring strains. After the termination of the battle, the bard • 
 celebrated the praises of the brave warriors who had fallen in battle, and 
 related the heroic actions of the survivors to excite them to similar ex- 
 ertions on future occasions. To impress still more deeply upon the 
 minds of the survivors the honour and heroism of their fallen friends, the 
 piper was employed to perform plaintive dirges for the slain. 
 
 From the associations raised in the mind by the great respect thus 
 paid to the dead, and the honours which awaited the survivors who dis- 
 tinguished themselves in the field of battle, by their actions being cele- 
 brated by the bards, and transmitted to posterity, originated that mag- 
 nanimous contempt of death for which the Highlanders are noted. While 
 among some people the idea of death is avoided with studious alarm, the 
 Highlander will speak of it with an easy and unconcerned familiarity, as 
 an event of ordinary occurrence, but in a way " equally remote from 
 dastardly affectation, or fool-hardy presumption, and proportioned solely 
 to the inevitable certainty of the event itself."* 
 
 To be interred decently, and in a becoming manner, is a material con- 
 sideration in the mind of a Highlander, and care is generally taken, even 
 by the poorest, long before the approach of death, to provide sufficient ar- 
 ticles to insure a respectable interment. To wish one another an honour- 
 able death, criocli onarach, is considered friendly by the Highlanders, and 
 even children will sometimes express the same sentiment towards their pa- 
 rents. " A man well known to the writer of these pages was remarkable 
 for his filial affection, even among the sons and daughters of the moun- 
 tains, so distinguished for that branch of piety. His mother being a 
 widow, and having a numerous family, who had married very early, he 
 continued to live single, that he might the more sedulously attend to 
 her comfort, and watch over her declining years with the tenderest care. 
 On her birth-day, he always collected his brothers and sisters, and all 
 their families, to a sort of kindly feast, and, in conclusion, gave a toast, 
 not easily translated from the emphatic language, without circumlocu- 
 tion, — An, easy and decorous departure to my mother, comes nearest to 
 it. This toast, which would shake the nerves of fashionable delicacy, 
 was received with great applause, the old woman remarking, that God 
 had been always, good to her, aaid she hoped she would die as decently 
 as she had lived, fiar it is thought of the utmost consequence to die 
 decently. The ritual of d'ecorous departure, and of behaviour to be 
 observed by the friends of the dying, on that solemn occasion, being 
 fully established, nothing is more common than to take a solemn leave 
 of old people, as if they were going on a journey, and pretty much in 
 the same terms. People frequently send conditional messages to the 
 departed. If you are permitted, tell my dear brother, that I have mere- 
 ly endured the world since he left it, and that I have been very kind 
 
 • Stpwart's SkfWhes. 
 
!26 
 
 IIISTOUY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 to every creature he used to clierish, for his sake. I have, indeed, heard 
 
 a person of a very enlightened mind, seriously give a message to ar. 
 aged person, to deliver to a child he had lost not long before, which she 
 as seriously promised to deliver, with the wonted salvo, if she was per- 
 nn'tted."* 
 
 In no country was " the savage virtue of hospitality'' carried to a 
 greater extent than in the Highlands, and never did stranger receive a 
 lieartier welcome than was given to the guest who entered a Hin-hlaud 
 mansion or cottage. This hospitality was sometimes carried rather too 
 far, particularly in the island of Barra, where, according to Martin, the 
 custom was, that, when strangers from the northern islands went there, 
 " the natives, immediately after their landing, obliged them to eat, even 
 tliough they should have liberally eat and drank but an hour before their 
 landing there." This meat they called Bieyta'v, i. e. Ocean meat. Sir 
 Robert Gordon informs us that it was a custom among the western 
 islanders, that when one was invited to another's house, they never se- 
 parated till the whole provision was finished; and that, when it was 
 done, they went to the next house, and so on from one house to an 
 other until they made a complete round, from neighbour to neighbour 
 always carrying the liead of the family in which they had been last cn- 
 teitained to the next house along with them.f 
 
 « Mrs Gram's Superstitions of llie Higlilanders. 
 + Genealogical History of the Eaildom of Sutiierland, p. 183. 
 
 COIR-NAN-URISEIJT. 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Consequences of the removal of the seat of Government — Institution of Chiefs — Theii 
 great power — System of Clanship — Military ranks of the Clans — Fiery-cross — War 
 cry — Omens — Hunting provision — Numerical strength of the Clans — Remarkable 
 succession of the Chiefs — Consequences of Clanship — Disputes of the Clans — Treaties 
 — Spirit of hostility and revenge — Modes of warfare — Creachs — Cearnachs — Black 
 mail — Absence of theft and highway robbery — Voluntary tribunals — Compensation 
 for injuries — Mild but arbitrary sway of the Chiefs — Legal authority conferred on the 
 great Barons and Chiefs — its extent — attendance at their courts — Donations to Chiefs 
 and younger sons and daughters on marriage — Attachment and fidelity of the Clans to 
 their Chiefs — Instances thereof. 
 
 The removal of the court by Malcolm Ceanmore to the Lowlands was 
 an event which was followed by results very disastrous to the future 
 prosperity of the Highlands. The inhabitants soon sunk into a state ot 
 poverty, and, as by the transference of the seat of government the ad- 
 ministration of the laws became either inoperative or was feebly enforced, 
 the people gave themselves up to violence and turbulence, and revenged 
 in person those injuries which the laws could no longer redress. Re- 
 leased from the salutary control of monarchical government, the High- 
 landers soon saw the necessity of substituting some other system in its 
 place, to protect themselves against the aggressions to which they were 
 exposed. From this state of things originated the institution of Chiefs, 
 who were selected by the different little communities into which the po- 
 pulation of the Highlands was naturally divided, on account of their su- 
 perior property, courage, or talent. The powers of the chiefs were very 
 great. They acted, as judges or arbiters, in the quarrels of their clans- 
 men and foUowers, and as they were backed by resolute supporters of 
 their rights, their property, and their power, they established within 
 their own territories a jurisdiction almost independent of the kingly au- 
 thority. 
 
 From this division of the people into clans and tribes under separate 
 chiefs, arose many of those institutions, feelings, and usages which charac- 
 terized the Highlanders. " The nature of the country, and the motives 
 which induced the Celts to make it their refuge, almost necessarily pre- 
 scribed the form of their institutions. Unequal to contend with the 
 overwhelming numbers, who drove them from the plains, and, anxious 
 to preserve their independence, and their blood uncontaminated by a 
 mixture with strangers, they defended themselves in those strongholds 
 which are, in every country, the sanctuaries of national hberty, and the 
 refuge of those who resist the oppressions and the dominion of a more 
 
 I. " 
 
128 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 powerful neighbour. Thus, in the absence ol' their monarchs, and de- 
 fended by their barrier of rocks, they did not always submit to the au- 
 thority of a distant government, which could neither enforce obedience, 
 nor aiFord protection. The division of the country into so many straths, 
 valleys, and islands, separated from one another by mountains, or arms 
 of the sea, gave rise, as a matter of necessity, to various little societies; 
 and individuals of superior property, courage, or talent, under whose 
 banners tliey had fought, or under whose protection they had settled, 
 naturally became their chiefs. Their secluded situation rendered general 
 intercourse difficult, while the impregnable ramparts with which they 
 were surrounded made defence easy."* 
 
 The various little societies into which the Highland population was, 
 by the nature of the country, divided, having no desire to change their 
 residence or to keep up a communication with one another, and having 
 all their wants, which were few, supplied within themselves, became ui- 
 dividually isolated. Every district became an independent state, and 
 thus the Highland population, though possessing a community of cus- 
 toms and the same characteristics, was divided or broken into separate 
 masses, and placed under different jurisdictions. A patriarchal-]- system 
 of government, " a sort of hereditary monarchy founded on custom, and 
 allowed by general consent, rather than regulated by laws," was thus 
 established over each community or clan in the persons of the chiefs, 
 which continued in full vigour till about the year seventeen hundred and 
 forty-eight. 
 
 As a consequence of the separation which was preserved by the dif- 
 ferent clans, matrimonial alliances were rarely made with strangers, and 
 hence the members of the clan were generally related to one another by 
 the ties of consanguinity or affinity. While this double connexion 
 tended to preserve harmony and good will among the members of the 
 same clan, it also tended, on the other hand, to excite a bitter spirit of 
 animosity between rival clans, whenever an affront or injury was offered 
 by one clan to another or by individuals of different clans. 
 
 Although the chief had great power with his clan in the different re- 
 lations of landlord, leader, and judge, his authority was far from absolute, 
 as he was obliged to consult the leading men of the clan in matters of 
 importance — in things regarding the clan or particular families, in re- 
 moving differences, punishing or redressing injuries, preventing law- 
 suits, supporting declining families, and declaring war against, or adjusting 
 terms of peace with other clans. 
 
 As the system of clanship was calculated to cherish a warlike spirit, 
 
 • Stewart's Sketches, I. 21, 22. 
 
 t The power of the chiefs over their clang was, from political motives, often supported 
 by the government, to counteract the great influence of the feudal system which enabled 
 the nobles frequently to set the authority of tlie state at defiance. Although the duke of 
 Gordon, was the feudal superior of the lands held by the Camerons, M'Phersons, 
 M'Donells of Keppoch and others, hehad no influence over those clans who always obeyed 
 the orders of Locheil, Clunic, Keppoch, &c. 
 
SYSTEM OF CLANSHIP FIERY-CROSS. 129 
 
 the young chiefs and heads of families were regarded or despised ac- 
 cording to their military or peaceable disposition. If they revenged a 
 quarrel with another clan by killing some of the enemy or carrying off 
 their cattle and laying their lands waste, they were highly esteemed, and 
 great expectations were formed of their future prowess and exploits. But 
 if they failed in their attempts, they were not respected ; and if they ap- 
 peared disinclined to engage in hostile rencontres, they were despised.* 
 
 The military ranks of the clans were fixed and perpetual. The chief 
 was, of course, the principal commander. The oldest cadet commanded 
 the right wing, and the youngest the rear. Every head of a distinct 
 family was captain of his own tribe. An ensign or standard-bearer 
 was attached to each clan, who generally inherited his office, which had 
 been usually conferred on an ancestor who had distinguished himself. 
 A small salary was attached to this office. 
 
 Each clan had a stated place of rendezvous, where they met at the 
 call of their chief. When an emergency arose for an immediate meeting 
 from the incursions of a hostile clan, the cross or tarie, or fiery-cross, 
 was immediately despatched through the territories of the clan. This 
 signal, consisted 'of two pieces of wood placed in the form of a cross. 
 One of the ends of the horizontal piece was either burnt or burning, 
 and a piece of linen or white cloth stained with blood was suspended 
 from the other end. Two men, each with a cross in his hand, were 
 despatched by the chief in diflPerent directions, who kept running with 
 great speed, shouting the war cry of the tribe, and naming the place of 
 rendezvous, if different from the usual place of meeting. The cross was 
 delivered from hand to hand, and as each fresh bearer ran at filll speed, 
 the clan assembled with great celerity. General Stewart says, that one 
 of the latest instances of the fiery-cross being used, was in seventeen 
 hundred and forty-five by Lord Breadalbane, when it went round Loch 
 Tay, a distance of thirty-two miles, in three hours, to raise his people and 
 prevent their joining the rebels, but with less effect than in seventeen 
 hundred and fifteen when it went the same round, and when five hundred 
 men assembled the same evening under the command of the Laird of 
 Glenlyon to join the Earl of Mar. 
 
 * Martin observes that in tile Western Islands, "every heir, or young chieftain of a 
 tribe, was oWiged in honour to give a public specimen of his valour before he was owned 
 arid declared governor or leader of his people, who obeyed and followed him upon all occa- 
 sions. This chieftain was usually attended with a retinue of young men of quality, who 
 had not beforehand given any proof of their valour, and were ambitious of such an op- 
 portunity to signalize themselves. It was usual for the captain to lead them, to make 
 a desperate incursion upon some neighbour or other that they were in feud with, and they 
 were obliged to bring, by open force, the cattle they found on the lands they attacked, or 
 to die in the attempt. After the performance of this achievement, the young chieftain 
 was ever after reputed valiant, and worthy of government, and such as were of his retinue 
 acquired the like reputation. This custom being reciprocally used among them, was not 
 reputed robbery, for the damage which one tribe sustained by this essay of the chieftain 
 of another, was repaired when their chieftain came in his turn to make his specimen ; but 
 I have not heard an instance of this practice for these sixty years past." Western 
 Islands.— 2d edit. p. 101, 102. 
 
130 
 
 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 Every clan had its own war cry, (called in Scottish slogan,) to which 
 every clansman answered. It served as a watch-word in cases of sudden 
 alarm, in the confusion of combat, or in the dai-kness of the night. The 
 clans were also distinguished by a particular badge, or by the peculiar 
 arrangements or sets of the diiFerent colours of the tartan, which, with 
 the different war cries, will be fully noticed when we come to treat of 
 the history of the clans. 
 
 When a clan went upon any expedition they were much addicted to 
 omens. If they met an armed man they believed that good was por- 
 tended. If they observed a deer, fox, hare, or any other four-footed 
 beast of game, and did not succeed in killing it, they prognosticated evil. 
 If a woman barefooted crossed the road before them, they seized her 
 and drew blood from her forehead. 
 
 The CtfJc?-OiWic/(e,ornight'sprovision, was paid by many tenants to 
 the chief, and in hunting or going on an expedition, the tenant who 
 lived near the hill was bound to furnish the master and his followers a 
 night's entertainment, with brawn for his dogs. 
 
 There are no sufficient data to enable us to estimate correctly the 
 number of fighting men which the clans could bring at any time into 
 the field ; but a general idea may be formed of their strength in seven- 
 teen hundred and forty-five, from the following statement of the respective 
 forces of the clans as taken from the memorial supposed to be drawn up 
 by the Lord President Forbes of Culloden, for the information of govern- 
 ment. It is to be observed, however, that besides the clans here men- 
 tioned, there were many independent gentlemen, as General Stewart ob- 
 serves, who had many followers, but being what were called broken 
 names, or small tribes, are omitted. 
 
 Argyle, 
 
 3000 
 
 Breadalbane, ...... 
 
 1000 
 
 Lochnell and other chieftains of the Campbells, 
 
 1000 
 
 Macleans, ....... 
 
 500 
 
 Maclauchlans, 
 
 200 
 
 Stewart of Appin, 
 
 300 
 
 Macdougals, 
 
 200 
 
 Stewart of GrandtuUy, 
 
 300 
 
 Clan Gregor, 
 
 700 
 
 DukeofAthol, . . . . " . 
 
 3000 
 
 Farquharsons, 
 
 500 
 
 Duke of Gordon, 
 
 300 
 
 Grant of Grant, 
 
 850 
 
 Mackintosh, 
 
 800 
 
 Macphersons, 
 
 400 
 
 Frasers, 
 
 900 
 
 Grant of Glenmorriston, .... 
 
 150 
 
 Chisholms 
 
 200 
 
WAR CRY OMENS STRENGTH OF THE CLANS. 
 
 131 
 
 Duke of Perth, . 
 
 . 
 
 300 
 
 Seaforth, 
 
 . 
 
 1000 
 
 Cromarty, Scatwell, Gairloch, and other chieftains 
 
 
 of the Mackenzies, . 
 
 . 
 
 1600 
 
 Laird of Menzies, 
 
 
 300 
 
 Munros, 
 
 . 
 
 300 
 
 Rosses. .... 
 
 
 600 
 
 Sutherland, 
 
 . 
 
 2000 
 
 Mackays, 
 
 
 800 
 
 Sinclairs, 
 
 . . 
 
 1100 
 
 Macdonald of Slate, 
 
 
 700 
 
 Macdonald of Clanronald, 
 
 
 700 
 
 Macdonell of Glengary, . 
 
 
 600 
 
 Macdonell of Keppoch, 
 
 . 
 
 300 
 
 Macdonald of Glencoe, 
 
 
 130 
 
 Robertsons, 
 
 . 
 
 200 
 
 Camerons, 
 
 
 800 
 
 M'Kinnon, 
 
 . 
 
 200 
 
 Macleod, 
 
 
 700 
 
 The Duke of Montrose, Earls of Bute and Moray, 
 
 
 Macfarlanes, M'Neils 
 
 of Barra, M'Nabs, 
 
 
 M'Naughtons, Laments, 
 
 &c. &c. 
 
 5600 
 
 31,930 
 
 There is nothing so remarkable in the political history of any country 
 as the succession of the Highland chiefs, and the long and uninterrupted 
 sway which they held over their followers. The authority which a 
 chief exercised among his clan was truly paternal, and he might, with 
 great justice, have been called the father of his people. We cannot ac- 
 count for that warm attachment and the incorruptible and unshaken 
 fidelity which the clans uniformly displayed towards their chiefs, on any 
 other ground, than the kind and conciliatory system which they must 
 have adopted towards their people; for, much as the feelings of the latter 
 might have been awakened, by the songs and traditions of the bards, to 
 a respect for the successors of the heroes whose praises they heard cele- 
 brated, a sense of ^v-rongs committed, or of oppressions exercised, would 
 have obliterated every feeling of attachment in the minds of the sufferers, 
 and caused them to attempt to get rid of a tyrant who had rendered 
 himself obnoxious by his tyranny 
 
 The division of the people into small tribes, and the establishment of 
 patriarchal government, were attended with many important consequences 
 affecting the character of the Highlanders. This creation of an imperium 
 in imperio was an anomaly, but it was, nevertheless, rendered necessary 
 from the state of society in the Highlands shortly after the transference 
 of the seat of government from the mountains. The authority of the 
 
]32 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 king, though weak and inefficient, continued, however, to be recognized, 
 nominally at least, except indeed when he interfered in the disputes 
 between the clans. On such occasions his authority was utterly disre- 
 garded. " His mandates could neither stop the depredations of one clan 
 against another, nor allay their mutual hostilities. Delinquents could 
 not, with impunity, be pursued into the bosom of a clan which protected 
 them, nor could his judges administer the laws in opposition to their in. 
 terests or their will. Sometimes he strengthened his arm by fomenting 
 animosities among them, and by entering occasionally into the interest 
 of one, in order to weaken another. Many instances of this species ol 
 policy occur in Scottish history, which, for a long period, was unhappily 
 a mere record of internal violence."* 
 
 The general laws being thus superseded by the internal feuds of the 
 clans, and the authority of the sovereign being insufficient to repress 
 these disorders, a perpetual system of warfare, aggression, depredation, and 
 contention existed among them, which, during the continuance of clan- 
 ship, banished peace from the Highlands. The little sovereignties of the 
 clans "touched at so many points, yet were so independent of one 
 another; they approached so nearly, in many respects, yet were, in 
 others, so distant; there were so many opportunities of encroachment, 
 on the one hand, and so little of a disposition to submit to it, on the 
 other; and the quarrel of one individual of the tribe so naturally in- 
 volved the rest, that there was scarcely ever a profound peace, or perfect 
 cordiality betAveen them. Among their chiefs the most deadly feuds 
 frequently arose from opposing interests, or from wounded pride. These 
 feuds were warmly espoused by the whole clan, and were often trans- 
 mitted, with aggravated animosity, from generation to generation.""!- 
 
 The disputes between opposing clans were frequently made matters of 
 negotiation, and their differences were often adjusted by treaties. Op- 
 posing clans, as a means of strengthening themselves against the attacks 
 of their rivals, or of maintaining the balance of power, also entered into 
 coalitions with friendly neighbours. These bands of amity or Tnanrent, 
 as they were called, were of the nature of treaties of offensive and de- 
 fensive alliance, by which the contracting parties bound themselves to 
 assist each other ; and it is remarkable that the duty of allegiance to the 
 king was always acknowledged in these treaties, — " always excepting my 
 duty to our lord the king, and to our kindred and friends," was a clause 
 which was uniformly inserted in them. In the same manner, when men 
 wlio were not chiefs of clans, but of subordinate tribes, thus bound them- 
 selves, their fidelity to their chiefs was always excepted. The smaller 
 clans who were unable to defend themselves, and such clans or families 
 who had lost their chiefs, were included in these friendly treaties.^ 
 
 * Stewart's Sketches, I. 30. t Ibid. I. 30, 31. 
 
 \ General Stewart says that the families of the name of Stewart, whose estates lay in 
 the district of Athol, and whose chief, by birth, was at a distance, ranged themselves 
 under the family of Athol, though they were themselves sufficiently numerous to raise 
 1000 fighting men. 
 
CONSEQUENCES OF CLANSHIP FEUDS. 133 
 
 I 
 
 Under these treaties the smaller clans identified themselves with the 
 greater clans; they engaged in the quarrels, followed the fortunes, and 
 fought under the greater chiefs; but their ranks, as General Stewart ob- 
 serves, were separately marshalled, and led by their own subordinate 
 chieftains and lairds, who owned submission only when necessary, for 
 the success of combined operations. We shall give several instances of 
 this union in the history of the clans. 
 
 As the system of clanship, by repudiating the authority of the sovereign 
 and of the laws, prevented the clans from ever coming to any general 
 terms of accommodation for settling their diiferences, their feuds were in- 
 terminable, and the Highlands were, therefore, for ages, the theatre of a 
 constant petty warfare destructive of the social virtues. " The spirit of 
 opposition and rivalry between the clans perpetuated a system of hos- 
 tility, encouraged the cultivation of the military at the expense of the 
 ijocial virtues, and perverted their ideas of both law and morality. Re- 
 venge was accounted a duty, the destruction of a neighbour a meritori- 
 ous exploit, and rapine an honourable occupation. Their love of dis- 
 tinction, and their conscious reliance on their courage, when under the 
 direction of these perverted notions, only tended to make their feuds 
 more implacable, their condition more agitated, and their depredations 
 more rapacious and desolating. Superstition added its influence in ex- 
 asperating animosities, by teaching the clansmen, that, to revenge the 
 death of a relation or friend, was a sacrifice agreeable to their shades : 
 thus engaging on the side of the most implacable hatred, and the dark- 
 est vengeance, the most amiable and domestic of all our feelings, — 
 reverence for the memory of the dead, and afiection for the virtues of 
 of the living."* 
 
 As the causes out of which feuds originated were innumerable, so 
 many of them were trivial and unimportant, but as submission to the 
 most trifling insult was considered disgraceful, and might, if overlooked, 
 lead to fresh aggression, the clan was immediately summoned, and the 
 cry for revenge met with a ready response in every breast. The most 
 glaring insult that could be ofi'ered to a clan, was to speak disrespect- 
 fully of its chief, f an oflfence which was considered as a personal afiront 
 by all his followers, and was resented accordingly. 
 
 It often happened that the insulted clan was unable to take the field 
 to repel aggression or to vindicate its honour; but the injury was never 
 forgotten, and the memory of it was treasured up till a fitting oppor- 
 tunity for taking revenge should arrive. The want of strength was 
 sometimes supplied by cunning, and the blackest and deadliest inten- 
 tions of hatred and revenge were sought to be perpetrated under the 
 
 * Stewart's Sketches, Vol. I. 33, 31. 
 t " When a quarrel begins in words between two Highlanders of different clans, it is 
 esteemed the very height of maiice and rancour, and the greatest of all provocations, to 
 reproach one another with the vices or personal defects of their chiefs, or that of the par- 
 ticular branch whence they sprung." — Letters from a Gentleman in the North of Scotland 
 
134 
 
 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 mask of conciliation and friendship. This was the natural result of the 
 inefficiency of the laws which could afford no redress for wrongs, and 
 which, therefore, left every individual to vindicate his rights with his own 
 hand. The feeling of revenge, when directed against rival tribes, was 
 cherished and honoured, and to such an extent was it carried, that 
 there are well authenticated instances where one of the adverse parties 
 have been exterminated m tne bloody and ferocious conflicts which the 
 feuds occasioned. 
 
 As the wealth of the Highlanders consisted chiefly in flocks and herds, 
 " the usual mode of commencing attacks, or of making reprisals, was by 
 an incursion to carry off the cattle of the hostile clan. A predatory ex- 
 pedition was the general declaration of enmity and a command given by 
 the chief to clear the pastures of the enemy, constituted the usual letters 
 of marque."* These creachs, as such depredations were termed, were 
 carried on with systematic order, and were considered as perfectly justi- 
 fiable. If lives were lost in these forays, revenge full and ample was 
 taken, but in general personal hostilities were avoided in these incursions 
 either against the Lowlanders or rival tribes. These predatory expedi- 
 tions were more frequently directed against the Lowlanders, whom the 
 Highlanders considered as aliens, and whose cattle they, therefore, con- 
 sidered as fair spoil at all times. The forays were generally executed 
 with great secrecy, and the cattle were often lifted and secured for a con- 
 siderable time before they were missed. To trace the cattle which had 
 been thus carried off, the owners endeavoured to discover their foot 
 marks in the grass, or by the yielding of the heath over which they had 
 passed; and so acute had habit recdered their sight, that they frequently 
 succeeded, in this manner, in discovering their property. The man on 
 whose property the track of the cattle was lost was held liable if he did 
 not succeed in following out the trace or discovering the cattle; and if he 
 did not make restitution, or offer to compensate the loss, an immediate 
 quarrel was the consequence. A reward called Tasgal money was 
 sometimes offered for the recovery of stolen cattle; but as this was con- 
 sidered in the light of a bribe it was generally discouraged. The 
 Camerons and some other clans, it is said, bound themselves by oath 
 never to accept such a reward, and to put to death all who should re- 
 ceive it. 
 
 Besides the Creadis there was another and a peculiar class of forays 
 or spoliations called Cearnachs, a military term of similar import with 
 the Catherens of the Lowlands, the Kernes of the English, and the 
 Catervse of the Romans. The Cearnachs were originally a select body 
 of men employed in difficult and dangerous enterprizes where more than 
 ordinary honour was to be acquired ; but, in process of time, they were 
 employed in the degrading and dishonourable task of leving contribu- 
 tions on their Lowland neighbours, or in forcing them to pay tribute or 
 
 Stewart's Sketclies, 1. 3£. 
 
CREACHS CEARNACHS. 235 
 
 llack mail for protection. Young men of the second order of gentry 
 who were desirous of entering the military profession, frequently joined 
 in these exploits, as they were considered well fitted for accustoming those 
 who engaged in them to the fatigues and exercises incident to a military 
 life. The celebrated Robert Macgregor Campbell, or Rob Roy,* was 
 the most noted of these freebooters. 
 
 The cearnachs were principally the borderers living close to and 
 within the Grampian range, but cearnachs from the more northerly parts 
 of the Highlands also paid frequent visits to the Lowlands, and carried 
 off large quantities of booty. The border cearnachs judging such irrup- 
 tions as an invasion of their rights, frequently attacked the northern 
 cearnachs on their return homewards ; and if they succeeded in capturing 
 the spoil, they either appropriated it to their own use or restored it to 
 the owners. 
 
 It might be supposed that the system of spoliation we have described, 
 would have led these freebooters occasionally to steal from one another. 
 
 * This famous person^ whose name has been immortalized by our great Novelist, was 
 the younger son of Mr Macgregor of Glengyle (a respectable family in Perthshire,) by 
 a daughter of Campbell of Glenlyon, sister to the Commander at the base massacre of 
 Glenco. He was born between the year 1657 and 1660, and married Helen Campbell of 
 the family of Glenfalloch. Rob Roy followed the profession of a drover or cattle-dealer 
 at an early period of life, and was so successful in business, that before the year 1707 he 
 purchased the lands of Craigrostane on the banks of Lochlomond from the family of 
 Montrose, and relieved the estate of Glengyle, the property of Ins nephew, from consider- 
 able debts. Before the Union no cattle were allowed to be imported into England, but 
 free intercoui'se in that commodity being allowed by the treaty, various speculators engag- 
 ed in this traffic, and, among others, the Marquis of Montrose, afterwards created Duke> 
 and Rob Roy entered into a joint adventure. The capital to be advanced was fixed at 
 10,000 merks each, and Rob Roy was to purchase tlie cattle and drive them to England for 
 Bale. Macgregor made his purchases accordingly, but finding the market overstocked on 
 his arrival in England, in consequence of too many speculators having entered the field, 
 he was obliged to,sell the cattle below prime cost. The Duke refused to bear any share of 
 the loss, and insisted on repayment of the whole money advanced by him with interest. 
 Macgregor told him that if such were his principles he should not considerithis principle 
 to pay the interest, nor his interest to pay the principal, and he kept his word. Macgregor 
 having expended the Duke's money in organizing a body of the Macgregors in 1715, under 
 the nominal command of his nephew, his Grace took legal means to recover his 
 money, and laid hold of the lands of Craigrostane in security. This proceeding so exas- 
 perated Macgregor, that he declared perpetual war against the Duke, and resolved that in 
 future he should supply himself with cattle from his Grace's estates, a resolution which 
 he literally kept, and for nearly thirty years, down to the day of his death, he carried oti 
 the Duke's cattle with impunity, and disposed of them publicly in difl()rent parts of the 
 country. 
 
 Although these cattle generally belonged to the Duke's tenants, he was the ultimate 
 sufferer, as they were unable to pay their rents, to liquidate which, their cattle mainly 
 contributed. M&cgregor also levied contributions in meal and money ; but he never took 
 it away till delivered to the Duke's storekeeper in payment of rent, and he then gave the 
 storekeeper a receipt for the quantity taken. At settling the money-rents Macgregor 
 often attended, and several instances are recorded of his having con)pelled the Duke's fac- 
 tor to pay him a share of the rents, which he took good care to see were discharged to the 
 tenants beforehand. This singular man lived till nearly eighty years of age, thirty of 
 vfhich he spent in open violation of the laws. He died peaceably in his bed, and his 
 funeral, which took place in 1736, was attended by the whole population of tlie surround- 
 ing country, with the exception of the Duke and his immediate friends. This funeral was 
 the last at which a piper ofliciated in the Highlands of Perthshire. 
 I. S 
 
136 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 Such, however, was not the case ; for they observed the strictest honesty 
 m this respect. No precautions were taken — because unnecessary — to 
 protect property, and the usual securities of locks, bolts, and bars, were 
 never used, nor even thought of. Instances of theft from dwelling- 
 houses were very rare ; and, with the exception of one case which hap- 
 pened so late as the year seventeen hundred and seventy, highway rob- 
 bery was totally unknown. Yet, notwithstanding the laudable regard 
 thus shown by the freebooters to the property of their own society, they 
 attached no ideas of moral turpitude to the acts of spoliation we have 
 alluded to. Donald Cameron, or Donald Bane Leane, an active leader 
 of a party of banditti who had associated together after the troubles of 
 seventeen hundred and forty-five, tried at Perth for cattle-stealing, 
 and executed at Kinloch Rannoch, in seventeen hundred and fifty- 
 two, expressed surprise and indignation at his hard fate, as he con- 
 sidered it, as he had never committed murder nor robbery, or taken 
 any thing but cattle off the grass of tliose with whom he had quarrelled. 
 The practice of " lifting of cattle " seems to have been viewed as a very 
 venial offence, even by persons holding very different views of morality 
 from the actors, in proof of which, General Stewart refers to a letter of 
 Field-Marshall Wade to Mr Forbes of CuUoden, then Lord Advocate, 
 dated October, seventeen hundred and twenty-nine, describing an en- 
 tertainment given him on a visit to a party of cearnachs. " The Knight 
 and I," saj's the Marshall, " travelled in my carriage with great ease 
 and pleasure to the feast of oxen which the highwaymen had prepared for 
 us, opposite Lochgarry, where we found four oxen roasting at the same 
 time, in great order and solemnity. We dined in a tent pitched for 
 that purpose. The beef was excellent ; and we had plenty of bumpers, 
 not forgetting your Lordship's and CuUoden's health ; and, after three 
 hours' stay, took leave of our benefactors, the highwaymen,* and arrived 
 at the hut at Dalnachardoch, before it was dark." f 
 
 Amid the violence and turbulence which existed in the Highlands, 
 no appeal for redress of wrongs committed, or injuries sustained, could 
 be effectually made to the legal tribunals of the country ; but to prevent 
 the utter anarchy which would have ensued fi'om such a state of society, 
 voluntary and associated tribunals, composed of the principal men of 
 the tribes, were appointed. A composition in cattle being the mode of 
 compensating injuries, these tribunals generally determined the amount 
 of the compensation according to the nature of the injury, and the 
 wealth and rank of the parties. These compensations were called Erig. 
 
 Besides these tribunals, every chief held a court, in which he decided 
 
 • General Stewart observes, that the Marshall had not at this period been long enough 
 in the Highlands to distinguish a cearnach, or " lifter of cattle," from a highwayman. 
 " No such character as the latter then existed in the country; and it may be presumed 
 he did not consider these men in the light which tlie word would indicate, — for certainly 
 the Commander-in-chief would neither have associated with naen whom he supposed to 
 be really highwaymen, nor partaken of their hospitality." 
 
 t CiJloden Papers 
 
COURTS OF THE CHIEFS THEIR POWERS. 137 
 
 all disputes occurring among his clansmen. He generally resided 
 among them. " His castle was the court where rewards were distri- 
 buted, and the most enviable distinctions conferred. All disputes were 
 settled by his decision, and the prosperity or poverty of his tenants de- 
 pended on his proper or improper treatment of them. These tenants 
 followed his standard in war — attended him in his hunting excursions — ■ 
 supplied his table with the produce of their farms — and assembled to 
 reap his corn, and to prepare and bring home his fuel. They looked 
 up to him as their adviser and protector. The cadets of his family, re- 
 spected in proportion to the proximity of the relation in which they 
 stood to him, became a species of sub-chiefs, scattered over different 
 parts of his domains, holding their lands and properties of him, with a 
 sort of subordinate jurisdiction over a portion of his people, and were 
 ever ready to afford him their counsel or assistance in all emergencies. 
 
 " Great part of the rent of land was paid in kind, and generally con- 
 sumed where it was produced. One chief was distinguished from an- 
 other, not by any additional splendour of dress or equipage, but by 
 being followed by more dependants, and by entertaining a greater num- 
 ber of guests. What his retainers gave from their individual property 
 was spent amongst them in the kindest and most liberal manner. At 
 the castle every individual was made welcome, and was treated accord- 
 ing to his station, with a degree of courtesy and regard to his feelings 
 unknown in any other country.* This condescension, while it raised 
 the clansman in his own estimation, and drew closer the ties between 
 him and his superior, seldom tempted him to use any improper fami- 
 liarities. He believed himself weU born, and was taught to respect 
 himself in the respect which he showed to his chief; and thus, instead 
 of complaining of the difference of station and fortune, or considering a 
 ready obedience to his chieftain's call as a slavish oppression, he felt 
 convinced that he was supporting his own honour in showing his grati- 
 tude and duty to the generous head of his family. ' Hence, the High- 
 landers, whom more savage nations called savage, carried in the outward 
 expression of their manners the politeness of courts without their vices, 
 and in their bosoms the high point of honour without its follies.' " f 
 
 In many minds the idea of a Highland chief is associated with that of 
 a domineering tyrant who plunders and oppresses his people. This 
 notion is, however, extremely fallacious. « Nothing," says Mrs Grant, 
 
 • This was noticed by Dr Johnson. He thus describes a meeting between the young 
 laird of Coll and some of his " subjects :"-" Wherever we roved, we were V^^'^f^l'^ 
 The reverence with which his subjects regarded him. He did not -deavour to dazz a 
 them by any magnificence of dress,-his only distinction was a ^f •;," " .^^. \°™;„'^ 
 but as soon ash? appeared, they forsook their work and clustered about him he took 
 fhem by the hand, and the^ seemed mutually delighted. He J^- '^^f "P-^^^;/' '™ 
 of a chieftain, and seems desirous to continue the customs of h,s house The bagp pe. 
 played regularly when dinner was served, whose person and dress made " good appear 
 Zl;J he brought no disgrace upon the family of Eankin which has long supplied 
 the lairdg of Coll with hereditary mvLsic." -Journey to the Western Islands. 
 
 t Stewart's Sketches, i. 46, &c-Dalrymple's Memoirs. 
 
138 HlSTORy OF THE UIGHLANDS. 
 
 " can be more erroneous than tne prevalent idea, that a Highland chief 
 was an ignorant and unprincipled tyrant, who rewarded the abject sub- 
 mission of his followers with relentless cruelty and rigorous oppression, 
 If ferocious in disposition, or weak in understanding, he was curbed and 
 directed by the elders of his tribe, who, by inviolable custom, were his 
 standing counsellors, without whose advice no measure of any kind was 
 decided." * 
 
 It cannot, however, be denied, that the authority of the chief was 
 naturally arbitrary, and was sometimes exercised unduly and with great 
 severity ; as a proof of which, there is said to exist among the papers of 
 the Perth family, an application to Lord Drummond from the town of 
 Perth, dated in seventeen hundred and seven, requesting an occasional 
 use of his Lordship's executioner, who was considered an expert opera- 
 tor, a request with which his Lordship complied, reserving, however, to 
 himself the power of recalling the executioner when he had occasion for 
 liis services. Another curious illustration of this exercise of power is 
 given by General Stewart. Sometime before the yeai- seventeen hun- 
 dred and forty-five, Lord President Forbes dined at Blair castle with 
 the Duke of AthoU, on his way from Edinburgh to his seat at Culloden. 
 A petition was delivered to his Grace in the course of the evening, on 
 reading which, he thus addressed the President : " My Lord, here is a 
 petition from a poor man, whom Commissary Bisset, my baron bailie 
 (an officer to whom the chief occasionally delegated his authority), has 
 condemned to be hanged ; and as he is a clever fellow, and is strongly 
 recommended to mercy, I am much inclined to pardon him." " But 
 your Grace knows," said the President, " that, after condemnation, no 
 man can pardon but his Majesty." " As to that," replied the Duke, 
 " since I have the power of punishing, it is but right that I should have 
 the power to pardon." Then, calling upon a servant who was in wait- 
 ing, his Grace said, " Go, send an express to Logierait, and order 
 Donald Stewart, presently under sentence, to be instantly set at liberty." 
 
 The authority which the generality of the chiefs exercised, was ac- 
 quired from ancient usage and the weakness of the government ; but 
 the lords of regality, and the great barons and chiefs, had jurisdiction 
 conferred on them by the crown, both in civil and criminal cases, which 
 they sometimes exercised in person and sometimes by deputy. The 
 persons to whom they delegated this authority were called bailies. In 
 civil matters the baron or chief could judge in questions of debt within 
 his barony, as well as in most of those cases known by the technical 
 term of possessory actions. And though it has always been an esta- 
 blished rule of law, that no person can be judge in his own cause, a 
 baron might judge in all actions between himself and his vassals and 
 tenants, necessary for making his rents and feu-duties effectual. Thus, 
 he could ascertain the price of corns due by a tenant and pronounce 
 
 » Superstitions of the Higlilanclers. 
 

 ^ ) 
 
FIDELITY TO CHIEFS. 139 
 
 sentence against him for arrears of rent; but in all cases where the 
 chief was a party, he could not judge in person. The criminal jurisdic- 
 tion of a baron, according to the laws ascribed to Malcohn Mackenneth, 
 extended to all crimes except treason, and the four pleas of the cro^vn, 
 viz. robbery, murder, rape, and fire-raising. Freemen could be tried 
 by none but their peers. Whenever the baron held a court, his vassals 
 were bound to attend and afford such assistance as might be required. 
 On these occasions, many useful regulations for the good of the com- 
 munity were often made, and supplies were sometimes voluntarily 
 granted to the chief to support his dignity. The bounty of the vassals 
 was especially and liberally bestowed on the marriage of the chief, and 
 in the portioning of his daughters and younger sons. These donations 
 consisted of cattle, which constituted the principal riches of the country 
 in those patriarchal days. In this way the younger sons of the chief 
 were frequently provided for on their settlement in life. 
 
 The reciprocal ties which connected the chief and his clan were al- 
 most indissoluble. In return for the kindness and paternal care be- 
 stowed by the former on the latter, they yielded a ready submission to 
 his authority, and evinced a rare fidelity to his person, which no adver- 
 sity could shake. Innumerable instances of this devoted attachment 
 might be given, but two will suffice. In the battle of Inverkeithing, 
 between the royalists and the troops of Oliver Cromwell, five hundred 
 of the followers of the Laird of Maclean were left dead on the field. 
 Sir Hector Maclean being hard pressed by the enemy in the heat of 
 the action, he was successively covered from their attacks by seven 
 brothers, all of whom sacrificed their lives in his defence ; and as one 
 fell another came up in succession to cover him, crying, " Another for 
 Hector." This phrase, says General Stewart, has continued ever since 
 a proverb or watchword, when a man encounters any sudden danger that 
 requires instant succour. The other instance is that of a servant of the 
 late James Menzies of Culdares, who had been engaged in the rebellion 
 of seventeen hundred and fifteen. Mr Menzies was taken at Preston in 
 Lancashire, was carried to London, where he was tried and condemned, 
 but afterwards reprieved. This act prevented him from turning out in 
 seventeen hundred and forty-five : but to show his good wishes towards 
 Prince Charles, he sent him a handsome charger as a present, when ad- 
 vancing through England. The servant who led and delivered the 
 horse was taken prisoner and carried to Carlisle, where he was tried 
 and condemned. Every attempt was made, by threats of immediate 
 execution, in case of refiisal, and promises of pardon, on giving informa- 
 tion, to extort a discovery fi-om him of the person who sent the horse, 
 but in vain. He knew, he said, what would be the consequence of a 
 disclosure, and that his own life was nothing in comparison with that 
 which it would endanger. Being hard pressed at the place of execu- 
 tion to inform on his master, he asked those about him if they were 
 really serious in supposing that he was such a villain as to betray his 
 
140 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 master. He said, that if he did what they desired, and forgot his mas- 
 ter and his trust, he needed not return to his country, for Glenlyoii 
 would be no home or country for him, as he would be despised and 
 hunted out of the glen. This trusty servant's name was John Mac- 
 naughton, a native of Glenlyon in Perthshire.* 
 
 The obedience and attachment of the Highlanders to their chiefs, and 
 the readiness they displayed, on all occasions, to adopt, when called upon, 
 the quarrels of their superiors,f did not, however, make them forget 
 
 « A picture of the horse was in the possession of the late General Stewart of Garth, 
 being a legacy bequeathed to him by the daughter of Mr Menzies. " A brother of Mao- 
 naughton (says the General) lived for many years on the estate of Garth, and died in 
 1790. He always went about armed, at least so far armed, that when debarred wearing 
 a sword or dirk, he slung a large long knife in Itis belt. He was one of the last I re- 
 collect of the ancient race, and gave a very favourable impression of tlieir general man- 
 ner and appearance. He was a smith by trade, and although of the lowest order of 
 the people, he walked about with an air and manner that might have become a field- 
 marshal. He spoke with great force and fluency of language, and, although most re- 
 spectful to those to whom he thought respect was due, h6 had an appearance of inde- 
 pendence and ease, that strangers, ignorant of the language and character of the people, 
 might have supposed to proceed from impudence. As he always carried arms when 
 legally permitted, so he showed on one occasion that he knew how to handle them. When 
 the Black Watch was quartered on the banks of the rivers Tay and Lyon, in 1741, an 
 affray arose between a few of the soldiers and some of the people at a fair at Kenmore. 
 Some of the Breadalbane men took tlie part of the soldiers, and, as many were armed, 
 swords were quickly dra\Mi, and one of the former killed, when their opponents, with 
 whom was Macnaughton, and a smith, (to whom he was then an apprentice,) retreated 
 and fled to the ferry-boat across the Tay. There was no bridge, and the ferryman, on 
 seeing the fray, chained his boat. Macnaughton was the iirst at the river side, and 
 leaping into the boat, followed by liis master, the smith, with a stroke of his broadsword 
 cut the chain, and crossing the river, fixed the boat on the opposite side, and thus pre- 
 vented an immediate pursuit. Indeed no farther steps were taken. The earl of Bread- 
 albane, who was then at Taymouth, was immediately sent for. On inquiry, he found 
 that the whole had originated from an accidental reflection thrown out by a soldier of 
 one of the Argyle companies against the Atholemen, then supposed to be Jacobites, 
 and that it was diJflcult to ascertain who gave the fatal blow. The man who was killed 
 was an old warrior of nearly eighty years of age. He had been with Lord Breadalbane's 
 men, under Campbell of Glenlyon, at the battle of Sherifl'muir; and, as his side lost 
 their cause, he swore never to shave again. He kept his word, and as his beard grew 
 till it reached his girdle, he got the name of Padric-na-Phaisaig, " Peter with the Beard." 
 
 t Sir Walter Scott has thus beautifully and justly described tlie alacrity of a dan 
 gathering at the call of a chief: — 
 
 " He whistled shrill. 
 And he was answered from the hill; 
 Wild as the scream of the curlieu. 
 From crag to crag the signal flew ; 
 Instant, through copse and heath arose 
 Bonnets and spears and bended bows ; 
 On right, on left, above, below. 
 Sprung up at once the lurking foe ; 
 From sliingles grey their lances start. 
 The bracken bush sends forth the dart. 
 The rushes and the willow wand, 
 Are bristling into axe and brand, 
 And every tuft of broom gives life 
 I'o plaided warrior, armed for strife. 
 
INDEPENDENCE OF THE CLANS. 141 
 
 their own independence. When a chief was unfit for his situation, or 
 had degraded his name and family, the clan proceeded to depose him, 
 and set up the next in succession, if deserving, to whom they transferred 
 their allegiance, as happened to two chiefs of the families of Macdonald 
 of Clanronald and Macdonell of Keppoch. The head of the family of 
 Stewart of Garth, who, on account of his ferocious disposition, was nick- 
 named the " Fierce Wolf," was, about the year fifteen hundred and 
 twenty, not only deposed, but confined for life in a cell in the castle of 
 Garth, which was, therefore, long regarded by the people with a kind of 
 superstitious terror. The clans even sometimes interfered with the 
 choice of the chiefs in changing their places of abode, or in selecting a 
 site for a new residence. The Earl of Seaforth was prevented by his 
 clan (the M'Kenzies) from demolishing Brahan castle, the principal seat 
 of the family. In the same way the Laird of Glenorchy, ancestor of 
 the Marquis of Breadalbane, having some time previous to the year fif- 
 teen hundred and seventy, laid the foundation of a castle which he in- 
 tended to build on a hill on the side of Lochtay, was compelled, or in- 
 duced, by his people, to change his plan and build the castle of Bal- 
 loch or Taymouth. 
 
 From what has been stated, it will be perceived that the influence of 
 a chief with his clan depended much on his personal qualities, of which 
 kindness and a condescension, which admitted of an easy familiarity, were 
 necessary traits. The author of ' Letters from the North' thus alludes to 
 the familiarity which existed between a chief and his clan, and the af- 
 fability and courtesy with which they were accustomed to be treated : 
 '<■ And as the meanest among them pretended to be his relations by con- 
 sanguinity, they insisted on the privilege of taking him by the hand 
 whenever they met him. Concerning this last, I once saw a number of 
 very discontented countenances when a certain lord, one of the chiefsi 
 endeavoured to evade this ceremony. It was in the presence of an 
 English gentleman, of high station, from whom he would willingly have 
 concealed the knowledge of such seeming familiarity with slaves of wretch- 
 ed appearance ; and thinking it, I suppose, a kind of contradiction to 
 what he had often boasted at other times, viz., his despotic power in bis 
 clan" 
 
 That whistle garrison'd the glen 
 At once with full five hundred men, 
 As if the ya^vning hill to heaven 
 A subterranean host had given. 
 Watching their leader's beck and will, 
 All silent there they stood, and still, 
 Lilte the loose crags whose threatening mass 
 Lay tottering o'er the hollow pass, 
 As if an infant's touch could urge 
 Their headlong passage down the verge, 
 With step and weapon forward flung. 
 Upon the mountain-side they hung. 
 
 Ladj/ of the Lalte, Canto V. ix- 
 
142 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 From tlie feeling of self-respect which the urbanity and coiidescensioD 
 of the chiefs naturally created in the minds of the people, arose that ho- 
 nourable principle of fidelity to superiors and to their trust, which we 
 have already noticed, " and which," says General Stewart, " was so ge- 
 nerally and so forcibly imbibed, that the man who betrayed his trust 
 was considered unworthy of the name which he bore, or of the kindred 
 to which he belonged." Besides the instance already given in illustra- 
 tion of this honourable principle, others will be related in the course of 
 this work. 
 
 From this principle flowed a marked detestation of treachery, a vice 
 of very rare occurrence among the Highlanders ; and so tenacious were 
 they, on that point, that the slightest suspicion of infidelity on the part of an 
 individual estranged him from the society of his clan, who shunned him 
 as a person with whom it was dangerous any longer to associate. The 
 case of John Du Cameron, better known, from his large size, by the 
 name of Sergeant Mor,* affords an example of this. This man had been 
 a sergeant in the French service, and returned to Scotland in the year 
 seventeen hundred and forty-five, when he engaged in the rebellion. 
 Having no fixed abode, and dreading the consequences of having served 
 in the French army, and of being afterwards engaged in the rebellion, 
 he formed a party of freebooters, and took up his residence among the 
 mountains between the counties of Perth, Inverness, and Argyle, where 
 he carried on a system of spoliation by carrying off the cattle of those 
 he called his enemies, if they did not purchase his forbearance by the 
 payment of Slack mail. Cameron had long been in the habit of sleep- 
 ing in a barn on the farm of Dunan in Rannoch ; but having been be- 
 trayed by some person, he was apprehended one night when asleep in 
 the barn, in the year seventeen hundred and fifty -three, by a party of 
 Lieutenant (after Sir Hector) Munro's detachment. On finding him- 
 self seized, being a powerful man, he shook off' all the soldiers who had 
 
 • The following amusing anecdote of this man is related by General Stewart:—" On 
 one occasion he met with an officer of the garrison of Fort-William on the moun- 
 tains of Lochaber. The officer told him that he suspected he had lost his way, and, 
 having a large sum of money for the garrison, was afraid of meeting the sergeant 
 Mor ; he therefore requested that the stranger would accompany him on his road. Tho 
 other agreed ; and, while they walked on, they talked much of tlie sergeant and his 
 feats, the officer using much freedom with his name, calling him robber, murderer.— 
 ' Stop there,' interrupted his companion, ' he does indeed take the cattle of the whigs 
 and you Sassanachs, but neither he nor his ceamaehs ever shed innocent blood ; except 
 once,' added he, ' that I was unfortunate at Braemar, when a man was killed, but I 
 immediately ordered the creach (the spoil) to be abandoned, and left to the owners, re- 
 treating as fast as we could after such a misfortune !' ' Kom,' says the officer, ' what 
 had you to do with the affiiir?' • I am John Du Cameron,— I am the sergeant Mor; 
 there is the road to Inverlochay,— you cannot now mistake it. You and your money are 
 safe. Tell your governor to send a more wary messenger for his gold. Tell him also, 
 that, although an outlaw, and forced to live on the public, I am a soldier as well as him- 
 self, and would despise taking his gold from a defenceless man who confided vx me.' 
 The officer lost no time in reaching the garrison, and never forgot the adventure, which 
 he frequently related." 
 
ABHORRENCE OF TREACHERY. 
 
 143 
 
 laid hold of liim, and attempted to escape, but he was overpowered by 
 the remainder of the party who had remained outside. He was carried 
 to Pertli, and tliere tried before the court of justiciary for the murder 
 alluded to in tlie note, and various acts of theft and cattle stcalinfi. 
 Being found guilty, he was executed at Perth in seventeen hundred and 
 fifty-three, and hung in chains. It was generally believed in the coun- 
 try that Cameron had been betrayed by the man in whose barn he 
 had taken shelter, and tlie circumstance of his renting a farm from go- 
 vernment, on the forfeited estate of Strowan, on advantageous terms, 
 strengthened the suspicion, but beyond this there was nothing to con- 
 firm the imputation ; yet this man was ever after heartily despised, anil, 
 having by various misfortunes lost all his property, wliich obliged him 
 to leave the country in great poverty, the )3eople firmly believed, and 
 the belief it is understood is still prevalent in Rannoch, that his mis- 
 fortunes were a just judgment upon him for violating the trust reposed 
 in liim by an unsuspecting and unfortunate person. 
 
 Such were some of the leading characteristics of this fine and cele- 
 brated race of people, who preserved many of their national peculiarities 
 till a comparatively recent period. These, however, are now fast dis- 
 appearing amidst the march of modern improvement and civilization, 
 and we are sorry to add that tlie vices which seem almost inseparable 
 from this new state of society, have found their way into the Highlands, 
 and supplanted, in some degree, many of those shining virtues which 
 were once the glory of the Gael. 
 
CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Accession of Alexander I. — Defeat of the Earl of Moray at Stracathrow — Insurrection 
 in Moray Rising of Somerled, Lord of the Isles — Defeat of Earl Gilchrist — New re- 
 volt of Somerled— Tumults in Ross — Rebellion of Donal Bane — his death — Attempts 
 of Harold, Earl of Orkney and Caithness — Insurrections in Ross, Moray, and Argjle 
 
 Revolt of Gillespoc M'Scolane — Inauguration of Alexander III. — Revolt in Ross 
 
 against the Earl — BatUe of Bealligh-ne-Broig — Robert Bruce defeats the Lord of 
 Lorn— His expedition against the Western Isles — their submission — New revolt of tlic 
 Islanders Feud between the Monroes and Mackintoshes — and between the Clan Chat- 
 tan and the Camerons — Combat on the North Inch of Perth between the Clan Chat- 
 tan nd Clan Kay — Devastations of the Wolf of Badenoch and his son — Battle of 
 Gasklune — Feud between the Earl of Sutlierland and the Mackays — Battle of Tuttim- 
 Tur« igh — Formidable insurrection of Donald of the Isles — Battle of Harlaw, 
 
 We now resume the thread of our historical narrative. During the 
 short reign of Edgar, which lasted nine years, viz. from one thousand 
 and ninety-seven to eleven hundred and six, Scotland appears to have 
 enjoyed repose; but that of his brother and successor, Alexander I., 
 was disturbed in the year eleven hundred and twenty by an insurrec- 
 tion in Moray, under Angus, the grandson of Lulach, who laid claim 
 to the crown. This rising was immediately suppressed by the king 
 in person, who, from the promptitude displayed by him, obtained the 
 appellation of the fierce from his people. The Earl of Moray, ten years 
 afterwards, again took the field for the purpose of overthrowing the 
 government of King David ; but the latter having collected all his 
 forces, and being aided by the martial barons of Northumberland, 
 with Walter L'Espec at their head, Angus was completely defeated at 
 Stracathrow, one of the passes in Forfarshire, whither he had advanced 
 with his army. 
 
 The next enterprise of any note was undertaken by Somerled, Thane 
 of Argyle and the Isles, against the authority of Malcolm IV. ; who, 
 after various conflicts, v/as repulsed, though not subdued, by Gilchrist, 
 earl of Angus. A peace, concluded with this powerful chieftain in 
 eleven hundred and fifty-three, was considered of such importance as to 
 form an epoch in the dating of Scottish charters. A still more formi- 
 dable insurrection broke out among the Moray men, under Gildominick, 
 on account of an attempt, on the part of the government, to intrude the 
 Anglo-Norman jurisdiction, introduced into the Lowleiuds, upon their 
 Celtic customs ; and the settling of Anglo-Belgic colonists among them. 
 These insurgents laid waste the neighbouring counties, and so regard- 
 less were they of the royal authority, that they actually hanged the 
 
INSURRECTION IN MORAY. 145 
 
 heralds who were sent to summon them to lay down their arms. Mal- 
 colm despatched the gallant Earl Gilchrist with an army to subdue 
 them, but he was defeated, and forced to recross the Grampians. 
 
 Tills defeat aroused Malcolm, who was naturally of an indolent disposi- 
 tion. About the year eleven hundred and sixty he marched north with a 
 powerfiil army, and found the enemy on the muir of Urquhart, near the 
 Spey, ready to give him battle. After passing the Spey, the noblemen 
 in the king's army reconnoitered the enemy ; but they found them so 
 well prepared for action, and so flushed with their late success, that they 
 considered the issue of a battle rather doubtful. On this account, the 
 commanders advised the king to enter into a negotiation with the rebels, 
 and to promise, that in the event of a submission their lives would be 
 spared. The offer was accepted, and the king kept his word ; but as 
 thp Moray men were, as Buchanan says, " Homines inquieto semper 
 ingenio," men of a factious disposition, his Majesty, by the advice of 
 his nobles, ordained that every family in Moray which had been en- 
 gaged in the rebellion should, within a limited time, remove out of Mo- 
 ray to other parts of the kingdom, where lands would be assigned to them, 
 and that their places should be supplied with people from other parts of 
 the kingdom. For the performance of this order, they gave hostages, 
 and at the time appointed transplanted themselves, some into the nor- 
 thern, but the greater number into the southern counties.* Chalmers 
 considers this removal of the Moray men as " an egregious probability," 
 because " the dispossessing of a whole people is so difficult an operation, 
 that the recital of it cannot be believed without strong evidence ;"f but 
 it is not said that the wlwle people were removed, and it is very proba- 
 ble that only the ringleaders and their families were transported. The 
 older historians say that the Moray men were (pene internecionem) al- 
 most totally cut off in an obstinate battle, and strangers brought into 
 their place ; but this statement is at variance with the register of Pais- 
 ley, and the fact, that while there are very few persons of the name of 
 Murray in Moray, they are numerous in the counties on the English 
 borders, and are to be found in the more northern counties, where some 
 of them have taken the name of Sutherland, favours the account which 
 that writing gives of the transportation of the Moray men. 
 
 About this time Somerled, the ambitious and powerful lord of the 
 isles, made another and a last attempt upon the king's authority. Hav- 
 ing collected a large force, chiefly in Ireland, he landed in eleven hun- 
 dred and sixty-four near Renfrew, the seat of the Steward of Scotland; 
 but he was defeated by the brave inhabitants and the king's troops in a 
 decisive battle, in which he and his son Gillecolane were slain. 
 
 The reign of William the Lion was marked by many disturbances in 
 the Highlands. The Gaelic population could not endure the new set- 
 tlers whom the Saxon colonization had introduced among them, and 
 
 • Shaw's Hist, of Moray, p. 25960, New Ed. + Caledonia, vol. i. p. 627. 
 
I4o HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 every opportunity was taken to vex and annoy them. At this period, 
 the Gaelic people rose upon them, and forced them to retire to the 
 towns and castles for shelter. An open insurrection broke out in Ross- 
 shire, which obliged William, in the year eleven hundred and seventy- 
 nine, to march into the north, where he built two garrisons to keep the 
 people in check. He restored quiet for a few years ; but in eleven hun- 
 dred and eighty-seven, Donal Bane again renewed his pretensions to 
 the crown, and raised the standard of revolt in the north. He took 
 possession of Ross, and wasted Moray. William lost no time in leading 
 an army against him. While the king lay at Inverness with his army, 
 a foraging party under the command of Roland, the brave lord of Gal- 
 loway, fell in with Donal Bane and his army upon the Mamgarvy moor, 
 on the borders of Moray. A conflict ensued, in which Donal and five 
 hundred of his followers were killed. Roland carried the head of Do- 
 nal to William, " as a savage sign of returning quiet." This happened 
 on the fifth of July, eleven hundred and eighty -seven. After this, mat- 
 ters remained pretty quiet in the north till the year eleven hundred 
 and ninety-six, when Harold, the powerful earl of Orkney and Caith- 
 ness, disturbed its peace. William dispersed the insurgents at once ; but 
 they again appeared the following year near Inverness, under the com- 
 mand of Torphin, the son of Harold. The rebels were again over- 
 powered. The king seized Harold, and obliged him to deliver up his 
 son, Torphin, as an hostage. Harold was allowed to retain the northern 
 part of Caithness, but the king gave the southern part of it, called 
 Sutherland, to Hugh Freskin, the progenitor of the earls of Sutherland. 
 Harold died in twelve hundred and six; but as he had often rebelled, his 
 son suflTered a cruel and lingering death in the castle of Roxburgh, where 
 he had been confined. 
 
 During the year twelve hundred and eleven, a new insurrection 
 broke out in Ross, headed by Guthred, the son of Donal Bane, or 
 M'William, as he was called. Great depredations were committed by 
 the insurgents, who were chiefly freebooters from Ireland, the Plebrides, 
 and Loehaber. For a long time they baJfled the king's troops ; and 
 although the king built two forts to keep them in check, and took many 
 prisoners, they maintained for a considerable period a desultory and 
 predatory warfare. Guthred even forced one of the garrisons to capitu- 
 late, and burnt the castle ; but being betrayed by his followers, and de- 
 livered up to William Comyng, the Justiciary of Scotland, he was exe- 
 cuted in the year twelve hundred and twelve. 
 
 Shortly after the accession of Alexander II. in twelve hundred and 
 fourteen, the peace of the north was attempted to be disturbed by Do- 
 nald M'William, who made an inroad from Ireland into Moray ; but he 
 was repulsed by the tribes of that country, led by M'Intagart, the earl 
 of Ross. In twelve hundred and twenty -two, an insurrection broke out 
 in Argyle. Notwithstanding the formidable obstacles which presented 
 themselves from the nature of the country, Alexander carried his army 
 
TUMULTS IN CAITHNESS AND MORAY. 147 
 
 into it, which so alarmed the men of Argyle, that they immediately 
 made their submission. Several of the chiefs fled for safety, and to 
 punish them, the king distributed their lands among his officers, and 
 their followers. 
 
 During the same year a tumult took place in Caithness, on account 
 of the severity with which the tithes were exacted. Adam, the bishop, 
 after being cruelly scourged, was burnt in his palace of Halkirk. The 
 king, who was at the time at Jedburgh, hearing of this horrid murder, 
 inmiediately hastened to the north with a military force, and inflicted 
 the punishment of death upon the principal actors in this tragedy, who 
 amounted, it is said, to four hundred persons ; and that their race might 
 become extinct, their children were emasculated, a practice very com- 
 mon in these barbarous times. The earl of Caithness, who was sup- 
 posed to have been privy to the murder, was deprived of his estate, 
 which wEis afterwards restored to him on payment of a heavy fine. Tlie 
 earl was murdered by his own servants in the year twelve hundred and 
 thirty-one, and in order to prevent discovery, they laid his body into his 
 bed and set fire to the house. 
 
 In twelve hundred and twenty-eight the country of Moray became the 
 theatre of a new insurrection, headed by a Ross-shire freebooter, named 
 GiUespoc M'Scolane. He committed great devastations by burning 
 some wooden castles in Moray, and spoiling the crown lands. He even 
 attacked and set fire to Inverness. The king led an army against him, 
 but without success. Next year a larger army of horse and foot, under 
 the command of John Comyn, earl of Buchan, Justiciary of Scotland, 
 was sent against this daring rebel, whom he captured, with his two sons, 
 and sent their heads to the king. Chalmers thinks that it was on this 
 occasion that the king gave the great district of Badenoch to Walter 
 Comyn, the son of the earl of Buchan. 
 
 Angus, the lord of Argyle, who had usually paid homage to the king 
 of Norway for some of the Hebrides, having refhsed his homage to the 
 Scottish king, Alexander marched an army against him to enforce obe- 
 dience, but his Majesty died on his journey in Kerreray, a small island 
 near the coast of Argyle, on the eighth day of July, twelve hundred 
 and forty-nine, in the fifty-first year of his age, and the thirty-fifth of 
 his reign. 
 
 According to the custom of the times, his son, Alexander III., then 
 a boy only in his eighth year, was seated on the royal chair, or sacred 
 stone of Scone, which stood before the cross, in the eastern division of 
 the chapel. Immediately before his inauguration, the bishop of St An- 
 drews knighted him, by girding him with the belt of knighthood, and 
 explained to him, first in Latin and afterwards in Norman French, the 
 nature of the compact he and his subjects were about to enter into. 
 The crown, after the king had been seated, was placed on his head, and 
 the sceptre put into his hand. He was then covered with the royal 
 mantle, and received the homage of the nobles on their knees, who, in 
 
148 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 token of submission, tlirew their robes beneath his feet. On this occa- 
 sion, agreeably to ancient practice, a Gaelic sennachy, or bard, clothed 
 in a red mantle, and venerable for his great age and hoary locks, ap- 
 proached the king, and in a bended and reverential attitude, recited, 
 from memory, in his native language, the genealogy of all the Scottish 
 kings, deducing the descent of the youthful monarch from Gathetus, 
 the fabulous founder of the nation.* The sennachy, after pronouncing 
 liis blessing in his native tongue, Beannachdte do Righ Albainn, Alex- 
 ander, Mac-Alexander, Mac-William, Mac-David, Mac-Malcom, was 
 dismissed with handsome presents. The reign of this prince was dis- 
 tinguished by the entire subjugation of the western islands to the power 
 of the Scottish crown. The Scandinavian settlers were allowed to leave 
 the islands, if inclined, and such of them as remained were bound to 
 observe the Scottish laws. 
 
 Shortly after the accession of Alexander III., an insurrection broke 
 out against the earl of Ross, of some of the people of that province. 
 The earl apprehended their leader or captain, whom he imprisoned at 
 Dingwall. In revenge, the Highlanders seized upon the earl's second 
 son at Balnagown, took him prisoner, and detained him as an hostage 
 till their captain should be released. The Monroes and the Dingwalls 
 immediately took up arms, and having pursued the insurgents, overtook 
 them at a place called Bealligh-ne-Broig, between Ferrandonald and 
 Loch Broom, where a bloody conflict ensued. " The Clan Iver, Clan- 
 Talvich, and Clan-Laiwe," says Sir Robert Gordon, " wer almost uter- 
 lie extinguished and slain.'' The Monroes and Dingwalls lost a great 
 many men. Dingwall of Kildun, and seven score of the surname of 
 Dingwall, were killed. No less than eleven Monroes of the house of 
 Foulis, who were to succeed one after another, fell, so that the succes- 
 sion of Foulis opened to an infant then lying in his cradle. The earl's 
 son was rescued, and to requite the service performed, he made various 
 grants of lands to the Monroes and Dingwalls.f 
 
 No event of any importance appears to have occurred in the High- 
 lands till the time of king Robert Bruce, when he was attacked, after 
 his defeat at Methven, by Stewart, lord of Lorn, who defeated his small 
 army in Strathfillan. But Bruce was determined that Stewart should 
 not long enjoy his petty triumph. Having been joined by his able par- 
 tizan. Sir James Douglas, he entered the territory of Lorn. On ar- 
 riving at the narrow pass of Cruachan Ben, between Loch Awe and 
 
 * Almost the same ceremonial of inauguration was observed at the coronation of Mac- 
 donald, king of the Isles. Martin says, that " there was a big stone of seven feet square, 
 in which there was a deep impression made to receive the feet of Mack-Donald, for he was 
 crowned king of the Isles standing in this stone; and swore that he would continue his 
 vassals in the possession of their lands, and do exact justice to all his subjects; and then 
 his father's sword was put into his hand. The bishop of Argyle and seven priests anoint- 
 ed him king, in presence of all the heads of the tribes in the isles and continent, and were 
 his vassals ; at which lime the orator rehearsed a catalogue of his ancestors." — Western 
 Islands, p. 211. 
 
 f Gordon's Genealogical History of the Earldom of Sutherland, p. 26. 
 
bruce's expedition against the western islands. 149 
 
 Loch Etive, Bruce was informed that Stewart had laid an ambus- 
 cade for him. As the pass was dangerous, and miglit be defended by 
 a handful of men against a considerable army, Bruce resolved not to 
 enter the pass at first, but to divide his army into two parts. One of 
 these divisions, consisting entirely of archers who were lightly armed, 
 was placed under the command of Douglas, who was directed to make 
 a circuit round the mountain, and to attack the Highlanders in the 
 rear. As soon as Douglas had gained possession of the ground above 
 the Highlanders, Bruce entered the pass, and, as soon as he had ad- 
 vanced into its narrow gorge he was attacked by the men of Lorn, who, 
 from the surrounding heights, hurled down stones upon him accompa- 
 nied with loud shouts. They then commenced a closer attack, but, be- 
 ing instantly assailed in the rear by Douglas' division, and assaulted 
 by the king with great fury in fi'ont, they were thrown into complete 
 disorder, and defeated with great slaughter. Stewart, who was, during 
 the action, on board a small vessel in Loch Etive, waiting the result, 
 took refuge in his castle of DunstafTnage. After ravaging the territory 
 of Lorn, and giving it up to indiscriminate plunder, Bruce laid siege to 
 the castle, which, after a slight resistance, was sui-rendered by the lord 
 of Lorn, who swore homage to the king ; but John, the son of the chief, 
 refused to submit, and took refuge in England. 
 
 During the civil wars among the competitors for the Scottish crown, 
 and those under Wallace and Bruce for the independence of Scotland, 
 the Highlanders scarcely ever appear as participators in those stirring 
 scenes which developed the resources, and called forth the chivalry of 
 Scotland ; but we are not to infer from the silence of history that they 
 were less alive than their southern countrymen to the honour and glory 
 of their country, or that they did not contribute to secure its indepen- 
 dence. General Stewart says that eighteen Highland chiefs* fought 
 under Robert Bruce at Bannockburn ; and as these chiefs would be ac- 
 companied by their vassals, it is fair to suppose that Highland prowess 
 lended its powerful aid to obtain that memorable victory which secured 
 Scotland fi-om the dominion of a foreign yoke. 
 
 After Robert Bruce had asserted the independence of his country by 
 the decisive battle of Bannockburn, the whole kingdom, with the ex- 
 ception of some of the western islands, under John of Argyle, the ally 
 of England, submitted to his authority. He, therefore, undertook an ex- 
 pedition against those isles, in which he was accompanied by Walter, the 
 hereditary high-steward of Scotland, Ms son-in-law, who, by his mar- 
 riage with Marjory, King Robert's daughter, laid the foundation of the 
 Stewart dynasty. To avoid the necessity of doubling the Mull of Kin- 
 
 • The chiefs at Bannockburn were M'Kay, Mackintosh, Macpherson, Cameron, Sin- 
 clair, Campbell, Menzies, Maclean, Sutherland, Robei-tson, Grant, Fraser, Macfar- 
 lane, Ross, Macgregor, Muiiro, Mackenzie, and Macquarrie. After the lapse of five 
 hundred years since the battle of Bannockburn was fought, it is truly astonishing to find 
 such a number of direct descendants who are now iti existence, and still possessed of their 
 paternal estates. 
 
150 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS, 
 
 tyre, which was a dangerous attempt for the small vessels then in use, 
 Robert sailed up Loch-Fine to Tarbet with his fleet, which he dragged 
 across the narrow isthmus between the lochs of East and West Tarbet, 
 by means of a slide of smooth planks of trees laid parallel to each other. 
 It had long been a superstitious belief amongst the inhabitants of the 
 Western Islands, that they should never be subdued till their invaded 
 sailed across this neck of land, and it is said that Robert was thereby 
 partly induced to follow the course he did to impress upon the minds of 
 the islanders a conviction that the time of their subjugation had arrived. 
 The islanders were quickly subdued, and John of Lorn, who, for his 
 services to Edward of England, had been invested with the title of Ad- 
 miral of the Western fleet of England, was captured and imprisoned first 
 in Dumbarton castle, and afterwards in the castle of Lochleven, where 
 he died. 
 
 The feeble and effeminate reign of David II. was disturbed by an- 
 other revolt by the lord of the Isles, who was backed in his attempt 
 to throw off his dependence by a great number of the Highland chieis. 
 David, with " an unwonted energy of character, commanded the at- 
 tendance of the steward, with the prelates and barons of the realm, and 
 surrounded by this formidable body of vassals and retainers, proceeded 
 against the rebels in person. The expedition was completely successful. 
 The rebel prince, John of the Isles, with a numerous train of those 
 wild Highland chieftains who followed his banner, and had supported 
 him in his attempt to throw off his dependence, met the king at In- 
 verness, and submitted to his authority. He engaged in the most so- 
 lemn manner, for himself and his vassals, that they should yield them- 
 selves faithful and obedient subjects to David, their liege lord ; and 
 not only give due and prompt obedience to the ministers and officers of 
 the king in suit and service, as well as in the payment of taxes and pub- 
 lic burdens, but that they would coerce and put down all others, of 
 whatever rank or degree, who dared to raise themselves in opposition 
 to the royal authority, and would compel them either to submit, or 
 would pursue and banish them from their territories : for the fulfilment 
 of which obligation the lord of the Isles not only gave his own oath, 
 under the penalty of forfeiting his whole principality if it was broken, 
 but offered the high-steward, his father-in-law, as his security, and de- 
 livered his lawful son, Donald, his grandson, Angus, and his natural son, 
 also named Donald, as hostages for the strict performance of the articles 
 of the treaty."* The deed by which John of the Isles bound himself to 
 the performance of these stipulations is dated fifteenth November, thir- 
 teen hundred and sixty-nine.f 
 
 To enable him the better to succeed in reducing the inhabitants of 
 the Highlands and islands to the obedience of the laws, it is stated by 
 
 * Tytler's Hist, of Scotland, vol. ii. 185. Robertson's Parliamentary Records, p. 113. 
 t Vide the Deed printed in the Appendix to Mr Tytlci's History, vol. ii. 
 
FEUD BETWEEN THE MONROES AND MACKINTOSHES. 151 
 
 an old historian,* that David used artifice by dividing the chiefs, aud 
 promising high rewards to those who should slay or capture their bro- 
 ther chiefe. The writer says that this diabolical plan, by implanting 
 the seeds of disunion and war amongst the chiefs, succeeded; and that 
 they gradually destroyed one another, a statement, to say the least of 
 it, highly improbable. Certain it is, however, that it was in this reign 
 that the practice of paying manrent began, when the powerful wished 
 for followers, and the weak wanted protection, a circumstance which 
 shows that the government was too weak to afford protection to the op- 
 pressed, or to quell the disputes of rival clans. 
 
 In the year thirteen hundred and thirty-threef John Monroe, the tu- 
 tor of Foulis, in travelling homeward, on his journey from Edinburgh 
 to Ross, stopped on a meadow in Stratherdale that he and his servants 
 might get some repose. While they were asleep, the owner of the 
 meadow cut off the tails of their horses. Being resolved to wipe off 
 this insult, he, immediately on his return home to Ross, summoned his 
 whole kinsmen and followers, and, after informing them how he had 
 been used, craved their aid to revenge the injury. The clan, of course, 
 complied ; and, having selected three hundred and fifty of the best and 
 ablest men among them, he returned to Stratherdale, which he wasted 
 and spoiled ; killed some of the inhabitants, and carried off their cattle. 
 In passing by the isle of Moy, on his return home, Macintosh, the chief 
 of the clan Chattan, being urged by some person who bore Monroe a 
 grudge, sent a message to him demanding a share of the spoil. This 
 was customary among the Highlanders when a party drove cattle which 
 had been so taken through a gentleman's land, and the part so exacted 
 was called a Slaoig Rathaid, or Staoig Creich, that is, a Road Collop. 
 Monroe, not being disposed to quarrel, offered Macintosh a reasonable 
 share, but this he was advised not to accept, and demanded the half of 
 the booty. Monroe refused to comply with such an unreasonable de- 
 mand, and proceeded on his journey. Macintosh, determined to en- 
 force compliance, immediately collected his clansmen, and went in pur- 
 suit of Monroe, whom he overtook at Clach-na-Haire, near Inverness. 
 As soon as Monroe saw Macintosh approaching, he sent home five of 
 his men to Ferrindonald with the cattle, and prepared for action. But 
 Macintosh paid dearly for his rapacity and rashness, for he and the 
 greater part of his men were killed in the conflict. Several of the Mon- 
 i>oes also were slain, and John Monroe himself was left for dead in the 
 field of battle, and might have died if the predecessor of Lord Lovat 
 had not carried him to his house in the neighbourhood, where he was 
 cured of his wounds. One of his hands was so mutilated, that he lost 
 the use of it the remainder of his life, on which account he was after- 
 
 » Fordun a Goodal, vol. ii. 380. 
 
 t This is the date assigned hy Sir Robert Gordon, but Shaw makes it more than a cen- 
 tury later, viz., in 1454. 
 
152 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 Hards called John Bac-laimh, or Ciotach* The Monroes had great 
 advantage of the ground by taking up a position among rocks, from 
 which they annoyed the Mackintoshes with their arrows. 
 
 Besides the feuds of the clans in the reign of David II. the Highlands 
 appear to have been disturbed by a formidable insurrection against the 
 government, for, in a parliament which was held at Scone, in the year 
 thirteen hundred and sixty-six, a resolution ,vas entered into to seize 
 the rebels in Argyle, Athole, Badenoch, Lochaber and Ross, and all 
 others who had risen up against the royal authority, and to compel 
 them to submit to the laws. The chief leaders in this commotion 
 (of vhich the bare mention in the parliamentary record is the only 
 account which has reached us) were the Earl of Ross, Hugh de 
 Ross, John of the Isles, John of Lorn, and John de Haye, who 
 were all summoned to attend the parliament and give in their submis- 
 sion, but they all refused to do so in the most decided manner ; and 
 as the government was too weak to compel them, they were suffered to 
 remain independent. 
 
 In the year thirteen hundred and eighty-six a feud having taken place 
 between the clan Chattan and the Camerons, a battle took place in which 
 a great number of the clan Chattan were killed, and the Camerons were 
 nearly cut off to a man. The occasion of the quarrel was this. The 
 lands of Mackintosh-)- in Lochaber, were possessed by the Camerons, who 
 were so tardy in the payment of their rents that Mackintosh was fre- 
 quently obliged to levy them by force by carrying off his tenants' cattle. 
 The Camerons were so irritated at having their cattle poinded and 
 taken away, that they resolved to make reprisals, preparatory to which 
 they marched into Badenoch to the number of about four hundred 
 men, under the command of Charles Macgilony. As soon as Mackin- 
 tosh became acquainted with this movement he called his clan and 
 friends, the Macphersons and Davidsons, together. His force was su- 
 perior to that of the Camerons, but a dispute arose among the chiefs 
 which 'almost proved fatal to them. To Mackintosh, as captain of the clan 
 
 » Sir R. Gordon, p. 47— Shaw, p. 264. 
 
 + According to Uiat eminent antiquary, the Reverend Donald Macintosh, non-juring 
 episcopal clergyman, in his historical illustrations of his Collections of Gaelic Proverbs, 
 published in 1785, the ancestor of Mackintosh became head of the clan Chattan in this 
 way. During these contests for the Scottish crown, which succeeded the death of 
 King Alexander III., and favoured the pretensions of the King of the Isles, the latter 
 styling himself " King," had, in 1291, sent his nephew Angus Macintosh of Macintosh 
 to Dougall Dall (Blind) MacGillichattan, chief of the clan Chattan, or Macphersons, 
 to acquaint him that " the King" was to pay him a visit. Macpherson, or MacGilli- 
 chattan, as he was named, in honour of the founder of the family Gillichatlan* Mor, 
 having an only child, a daughter, who, he dreaded might attract an inconvenient de- 
 gree of royal notice, offered her in marriage to Macintosh along with his lands, and the 
 station of the chief of the clan Chattan. Macintosh accepted the offer, and was received 
 as chief of the lady's clan. 
 
 ♦ " A votary or servant of St Kattan," a most popular Scottish saint "Wo have thus Giilichallumt 
 meaning a " votary of Coluinba," and of which another form ia Malcolm or Mo?ca^m, the prefix Mil, 
 being corrupted into Mai, signifying the same as Gilly, Tlius GtV.y'Dhia is the etymon of Culdee, 
 signifying " servant of God," — Gilluchrist means " servant of Christ" 
 
COMBAT ON THE NORTH INCH OF PERTH. 153 
 
 C'liattan, the command of the centre of the army was assigned with the 
 CO sent of all parties ; but a difference took place between Cluny and 
 Invernahavon, each claiming the command of the right wing. Cluny 
 demanded it as the chief of the ancient clan Chattan, of which the Da- 
 vidsons of Invernahavon were only a branch ; but Invernahavon con- 
 tended, that to him, as the oldest branch, the command of the right 
 wing, belonged according to the custom of the clans. The Camerons 
 came up during this quarrel about precedency, on which Mackintosh, as 
 umpire, decided against the claim of Cluny. This was a most impru- 
 dent award, as the Macphersons exceeded both the Mackintoshes and 
 Davidsons in numbers, and they were, besides, in the country of the 
 Macphersons. These last were so offended at the decision of Mackintosh, 
 that they withdrew from the field, and became, for a time, spectators of 
 the action. The battle soon commenced, and was fought with great 
 obstmacy. Many of the Mackintoshes, and almost all the Davidsons, 
 were cut off by the superior number of the Camerons. The Macphersons 
 seeing their friends and neighbours almost overpowered, could no longer 
 restrain themselves, and friendship got the better of their wounded pride.* 
 They, therefore, at this perilous crisis, rushed in upon the Camerons, 
 who, from exhaustion and the loss they had sustained, were easily de- 
 feated. The few that escaped, with their leader, were pursued from 
 Invernahavon, the place of battle, three miles above Ruthven, in Badc- 
 noch. Charles Macgilony was killed on a hill in Glenbenchir, which 
 was long called Torr-Thearlaich, i.e. Charles'-hlU.t 
 
 In the opinion of Shaw, this quarrel about precedency was the origin 
 of the celebrated judicial conflict, which took place on the North Inch 
 of Perth, before Robert III., his queen, Annabella Drummond, and the 
 Scottish nobility, and some foreigners of distinction, in the year one 
 thousand three hundred and ninety-six, and of which a variety of ac- 
 counts have been given by our ancient historians. The parties to this 
 combat were the Macphersons, properly the clan Chattan, and the David- 
 sons of Invernahavon, called in the Gaelic Clann-Dhaibhidh, and com- 
 monly pronounced Clann-Chai. The Davidsons were not, as some writers 
 have supposed, a separate clan, but a branch of the clan Chattan. These 
 rival tribes had for a long period kept up a deadly enmity atone another, 
 which was difficult to be restrained; but afler the award by Mackintosh 
 ao-ainst the Macphersons, that enmity broke out into open strife, and for 
 ten years the Macphersons and the Davidsons carried on a war of ex- 
 termination and kept the country in an uproar. 
 
 To put an end to these disorders, Robert III. sent Dunbar earl of 
 
 . The Kererend Donald Markintosh gives a different account of this matter. 
 He says that Macintosh, irritated at Cluny's conduct, despatched '» f^^ ^JP "^ 
 minstr;i. who was instructed to feign he had been sent by the Camerons and to s.ng, 
 few Gae'lic lines reflecting on the cowardice of those who had h""g J' °°J >" '^^ ^;"; ° 
 danger. Cluny, stung by the satire, attacked the supposed autho.s that n.ght in thur 
 camp, and put them to flight with the loss of their chief. 
 
 t Shaw's History of Moray, p. 260, 261. 
 
154 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 Moray, and I<indsay ot Glenesk, afterwards earl of Crawfurrl, two of the 
 leading men of the kingdom, to endeavour to effect an amicable arrange- 
 ment between the contending parties ; but having failed in their attempt, 
 they proposed that the differences should be decided in open combat 
 before the king. " The ideas of chivalry, the factitious principles of 
 that singular system of manners from which we derive our modern code 
 of honour, had hitherto made little progress amongst them (the High- 
 landers ;) but the more intimate intercourse between the northern and 
 southern portions of the kingdom, and the residence of the lowland 
 barons amongst them, appear to have introduced a change ; and the 
 notions of the Norman knights becoming more familiar to the fierce 
 mountaineers, they adopted the singular idea of deciding their quarrel 
 by a combat of thirty against thirty. This project, instead of discour- 
 agement, met with the warm approval of government, who were happy 
 that a scheme should have suggested itself, by which there was some 
 prospect of the leaders in those fierce and endless disputes being cut 
 off."* A precedent had occurred in Robert the First's time, when Hugh 
 Hardinge fought William de Saintlowe, on the North Inch of Perth, 
 in the royal presence. The same ground was now fixed on, and the 
 Monday before Michaelmas was the day appointed for the combat. Ac- 
 cording to Sir Robert Gordon, who is followed by Sir Robert Douglas 
 and Mr Mackintosh, it was agreed that no weapon but the broad sword 
 was to be employed, but Wyntoun, who lived about the time, adds bows, 
 battle-axes, and daggers. 
 
 " All thai entrit in Barreris, 
 With Bow and Axe, Knyf and Swerd, 
 To deal amang them thair last Werd." 
 
 The chronicler is borne out by Bower, in regard to the bow at least. 
 The numbers on each side have been variously reported. By mistaking 
 the word triceni, used by Boece and Buchanan for treceni, some writers 
 have multiplied them to three hundred. Bower, the continuator of 
 Fordun and Wyntoun, however, mention expressly sixty in all, or thirty 
 on either side. 
 
 On the appointed day the combatants made their appearance on the 
 North Inch of Perth, to decide in presence of the king, his queen, and a 
 large concourse of the nobility, their respective claims to superiority. 
 Barriers had been erected on the ground to prevent the spectators 
 from encroaching, and the king and his party took their stations upon a 
 platform from which they could easily view the combat. At length the 
 warriors, armed with sword and target, bows and arrows, short knives 
 and battle-axes, advanced within the barriers, and eyed one another with 
 looks of deadly revenge. When about to engage, a circumstance oc- 
 curred which postponed the battle, and had well-nigh prevented it alto- 
 gether. According to some accounts, one of the Macphersons fell sick ; 
 
 t Tyder, vol. iii. 76, 77. 
 
COMBAT ON THE NORTH INCH OF PERTH. 155 
 
 but Bower says, that when the troops had been marshalled, one of the 
 Macphersons, panic-struck, slipped through the crowd, plunged into the 
 Tay and swam across, and, though pursued by thousands, effected his 
 escape.* Sir Robert Gordon merely observes, that, " at their entrie into 
 the feild, the clan Chattan lacked one of their number, who wes privilie 
 stolne away, not willing to be pertaker of so deir a bargane." A man 
 being now wanting on one side, a pause ensued, and a proposal was made 
 that one of the Davidsons should retire, that the number on both sides 
 might be equal, but they refiised. As the combat could not proceed 
 from this inequality of numbers, the king was about to break up the 
 assembly, when a diminutive and crooked, but fierce man, named Henry 
 Wynd, a Burgher of Perth, a foundling reared in the hospital of the 
 burgh, and an armourer by trade, sprung within the barriers, and, as 
 related by Bower, thus addressed the assembly : " Here am I. Will 
 any one fee me to engage with these hirelings in this stage play ? For 
 half a mark will I try the game, provided, if I escape alive, I have my 
 board of one of you so long as I live. Greater love, as it is said, hath 
 no man than this, that a man lay down his life for his friends. What 
 then shall be my reward, who stake my life for the foes of the common- 
 wealth and realme." This demand of Gow Crom, " Crooked Smith,'' 
 as Henry was familiarly styled, adds Bower, was granted by the king 
 and nobles. A murderous conflict now began. The armourer bending 
 his bow, and sending the first arrow among the opposite party, killed 
 one of them. After showers of arrows had been discharged on both 
 sides, the combatants with fury in their looks and revenge in their hearts, 
 rushed upon one another, and a terrific scene ensued which appalled the 
 heart of many a valorous knight who witnessed the bloody tragedy. 
 The violent thrusts of the daggers, and the tremendous gashes inflicted 
 by the two-handed swords and battle-axes, hastened the work of butchery 
 and death. " Heads were cloven asunder, limbs were lopped from the 
 trunk. The meadow was soon flooded with blood, and covered with 
 dead and wounded men."-t- 
 
 After the crooked armourer had killed his man, as already related from 
 Bower, it is said that he either sat down or drew aside, which being ob- 
 served by the leader of Cluny's band, he asked his reason for thus stop- 
 ping ; on which Wynd said, " Because I have fiilfiUed my bargain, and 
 earned my wages." — " The man," exclaimed the other, " who keeps no 
 reckoning of his good deeds, without reckoning shall be repaid," an ob- 
 servation which tempted the armourer to earn, in the multiplied deaths 
 of his opponents, a sum exceeding by as many times the original stipu- 
 
 * Le'iley, (1st. edition, p. 252.) says that the fugitive in question belonged to the clan 
 Kay. His words are, " Anno imperii sui (Robert! Illtii.) quinto, maxima in Scolia 
 herba! a duabus Sylvestrium familiis dankaya, et clanquhattana, debantur, &c. . . . 
 Tempus prafinitur, locus insulor apud Perthum figitur, hostes in palestram descen- 
 dunt. Sed cum ex Clanliaya tribu unus timore perculsus se clanculum subducebat, a 
 pugna tantii per abstinetur dum aliquis cognatus fugitur locum subirct." 
 t Tales of a Grandfather, vol. II. 
 
156 
 
 HISTORY OP THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 lacion. 
 adage, 
 
 Tliis speech of the leader has been formed into the Gaelic 
 
 ** Am fear nach cunntadh rium 
 Cha chunntainn ris" 
 
 which Mackintosh thus renders, 
 
 " The man that reckons not with me 
 I wiJI not reckon with him." 
 
 Victory at last declared for the Macphersons, but not until twenty- 
 nine of the Davidsons had fallen prostrate in the arms of death. Nine- 
 teen of Cluny's men also bit the dust, and the remaining eleven, with 
 the exception of Henry Wynd, who by his excellence as a swordsman 
 had mainly contributed to gain the day, were all grievously wounded. 
 The survivor of the clan Kay escaped unhurt. Mackintosh, following 
 Buchanan, relates, that this man, after all his companions had fallen, threw 
 himself into the Tay, and making the opposite batnk, escaped ; but this 
 is an improbable story, and is most likely a new version of Bower's ac- 
 count of the affrighted champion before the commencement of the action, 
 which seems to have been metamorphosed by the genius of fiction into a 
 concluding embellishment. 
 
 The leader of the clan Kay or Davidsons, is called by Bower Schea- 
 beg, and by Wyntoun, Scha-Ferquharis son. Boetius, who superintended 
 the press in the first edition of his work, calls him Stratberge. These 
 three authors agree in calling the leader of the opposite force Christi- 
 Jcnson, for Boece does not differ from the others, except by using the 
 Gaelic form of Jonson, viz. Mac-Iaiti. " Shaw Macintosh," as Sir Robert 
 Douglas styles him, or Shaiu Oig, as he is also called by Sir Robert, is, 
 by this genealogist, stated to have been uncle of Lachlan Mackintosh, 
 captain of the Clan Chattan, in right of his paternal grandmother, and to 
 have commanded the Clan Chattan. But are we to believe Sir Robert in 
 opposition to the united testimony of Wyntoun, Bower, and Boetius? 
 Who Christi-Mac-Iain, or Chrisli-Jonson was genealogically, we are not 
 informed, but one thing is pretty clear, that he, not Schea-beg, or Shaw 
 Oig, for these are obviously one and the same, commanded the ClanChat- 
 tan, or " Clann-a-Chait." Both the principals seem to have been absent 
 or spectators merely of the battle, and as few of the leading men of the 
 clan, it is believed, were parties in the combat, the savage policy of the 
 government, which, it is said, had taken this method to rid itself of the 
 chief men of the clan, by making them destroy one another, was com- 
 pletely defeated. This affair seems to have produced a good effect, as 
 the Highlanders remained quiet for a considerable time thereafter. 
 
 The disorders in the Highlands occasioned by the feuds of the clans, 
 were, about the period in question, greatly augmented by Alexander of 
 Badenoch, fourth son of Robert H., whom he had constituted Lieutenant 
 or governor from the limits of Moray to the Pentland Firth. This per- 
 son, from the ferocity of his disposition, obtained the appropriate appel- 
 lation of "the Wolf of Badenoch." Avaricious, as well as cruel, the 
 
 'JIfllMsi 
 
BATTLE OP GASKT.UNE. 157 
 
 Wolf seized upon the lands of Alexander Barr, bishop of Moray, and as 
 he persisted in keeping violent possession of them, he was excommuni- 
 cated. The sentence of excommunication not only proved unavailing, 
 but tended to exasperate the lord of Badenochto such a degree of fury, 
 that, in the month of May thirteen hundred and ninety, he descended 
 from his heights, and burnt the town of Forres, with the choir of the 
 church, and the manse of the archdeacon. And in June following, he 
 burnt the town of Elgin, the church of St Giles, the hospital of Maison- 
 Dieu, and the cathedral, with eighteen houses of the canons and chap- 
 lains in the coUege of Elgin. He also plundered these churches of their 
 sacred utensils and vestments, which he carried off. For this horrible 
 sacrilege the Lord of Badenoch was prosecuted, and obliged to make 
 due reparation. Upon making his submission he was absolved by 
 Walter Trail, bishop of St Andrews, in the church of the Black friars in 
 Perth. He was first received at the door, and afterwards before the 
 high altar, in presence of the king, (Robert III. his brother,) and many 
 of the nobility, on condition that he should make full satisfaction to the 
 bishop of Moray, and obtain absolution from the pope.* 
 
 The lord of Badenoch had a natural son, named Duncan Stewart, 
 who inherited the vices of his father. Bent upon spoliation and blood- 
 shed, and resolved to imitate the barbarous exploits which his father 
 had just been engaged in, he collected a vast number of Catherans, 
 armed only with the sword and target, and with these he descended 
 from the range of hills which divides the county of Aberdeen and For- 
 far, devastated the country, and murdered the inhabitants indiscri- 
 minately. A force was instantly collected by Sir Walter Ogilvy, sheriff of 
 Angus, Sir Patrick Gray, and Sir David Lindsay of Glenesk, to oppose 
 him, and although inferior in numbers, they attacked Stewart and his 
 parly of freebooters at Gasklune, near the water of Ila. A desperate 
 conflict took place, which was of short duration. The Catherans fought 
 with determined bravery, and soon overpowered their assailants. The 
 sheriff, his brother, Wat of Lichtoune, Young of Ouchterlony, the 
 lairds of Cairncross, Forfar, and Guthry, and sixty of their followers, 
 were slain. Sir Patrick Gray and Sir David Lindsay were severely 
 wounded, and escaped with difficulty. Winton has preserved an anec- 
 dote illustrative of the fierceness of the Highlanders. Lindsay had run 
 one of them, a strong and brawny man, through the body with a spear, 
 and brought him to the earth; but although in the agonies of death, he 
 WTithed himself up, and with the spear sticking in his body, struck 
 Lindsay a desperate blow with his sword, which cut him through the 
 stirrup and boot into the bone, on which he instantly fell and expired.f 
 
 Following chronological exactness, the following occurrence should 
 have been previously related, had not a necessary connexion existed be- 
 tween the history of the battle on the North Inch of Perth, and the ac- 
 
 • Shaw's Moray, p. 311-15.— Winton, vol. ii. 363.— Keith's Catalogue, p. 83. 
 t Winton, vol. ii. 369. 
 
168 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS 
 
 count which precedes it. Nicolas, Earl of Sutherland, had a teud with 
 Y-Mackay of Far, in Strathnaver, Chief of the Clanwig-worgm, and 
 his son Donald Mackay, in which many lives were lost, and great depre- 
 dations committed on both sides. In order to put an end to this differ- 
 ence, the Earl proposed a meeting of the parties at Dingwall, to be held in 
 presence of the Lord of the Isles, his father-in-law, and some of the 
 neighbouring gentry, the friends of the two families. The meeting hav- 
 ing been agreed to, the parties met at the appointed time, and took up 
 their residence in the Castle of Dingwall in apartments allotted for them. 
 A discussion then took place between the Earl and Mackay, regarding 
 the points in controversy, in which high and reproachful words were ex- 
 changed, which so incensed the Earl, that he killed Mackay and his son 
 with his own hands. Having with some difficulty effected his escape 
 from the followers and servants of the Mackays, he immediately return- 
 ed home and prepared for defence, but the Mackays were too weak to 
 take revenge. This event took place in the year thirteen hundred and 
 ninety -five. The matter was in some degree reconciled between Robert, 
 the successor of Nicolas, and Angus Mackay, the eldest son of Donald.* 
 Some years after this event a serious conflict took place between the 
 inhabitants of Sutherland and Strathnaver, and Malcolm Macleod of 
 the Lewis, which arose out of the following circumstances. Angus 
 Mackay above mentioned, had married a sister of Malcolm Macleod, by 
 whom he had two sons, Angus Dow, and Roriegald. On the death of 
 Angus, Houcheondow Mackay, a younger brother, became tutor to his 
 nephews, and entered upon the management of their lands. Malcolm 
 Macleod, understanding that his sister, the widow of Angus, was ill treat- 
 ed by Houcheondow, went on a visit to her, accompanied by a number 
 of the choicest men of his country, with the determination of vindicating 
 her cause either by entreaty or by force. He appears not to have suc- 
 ceeded in his object, for he returned homeward greatly discontented, and 
 in revenge laid waste Strathnaver and a great part of the Breachat in 
 Sutherland, and carried off booty along with him. As soon as Houcheoii 
 Dow and his brother Neill Mackay learnt this intelligence, they ac- 
 quainted Robert, Earl of Sutherland, between whom and Angus Mackay 
 a reconciliation had been effected, who immediately despatched Alex- 
 ander Ne-Shrem-Gorme (Alexander Murray of Cubin,) with a number 
 of stout and resolute men, to assist the Mackays. They followed 
 Macleod with great haste, and overtook him at Tuttim-Turwigh, upon the 
 marches between Ross and Sutherland. The pursuing party at first at- 
 tempted to recover the goods and cattle which had been carried off, but 
 this being opposed by Macleod and his men, a desperate conflict ensued, 
 in which great valour was displayed on both sides. It " was long, 
 furious, cruel, and doubtful," says Sir Robert Gordon, and was " rather 
 desperate than resolute," as the same author quaintly observes. At 
 
 * Sir Robert Gordon's History, p. 60. 
 
:iil,u'kaii 
 
 A.F-uliarroL ,V '"" Loiiilou i- EGmliurst 
 
REBELLION OF THE LOED OF THE ISLES. 159 
 
 last the Lewismen, with their commander, Malcolm Macleod, nick-named 
 Gilealm Beg M'Bowen, were slain, and the goods and cattle were re- 
 covered. One man alone of Macleod's party, who was sorely wounded, 
 escaped to bring home the sorrowful news to the Lewis, which he had 
 scarcely delivered when he expired.* 
 
 These feuds were followed by a formidable insurrection in fourteen 
 hundred and eleven by Donald, Lord of the Isles, of such a serious na- 
 ture as to threaten a dismemberment of the kingdom of Scotland. The 
 origin of this rebellion arose out of the following circumstances. The 
 male succession to the Earldom of Ross having become extinct, the 
 honours of the Peerage devolved upon a female, Euphemia Ross, wife of 
 Sir Walter Lesley. Of this marriage there were two children, Alexander, 
 afterwards Earl of Ross, and Margaret afterwards married to the Lord 
 of the Isles. Earl Alexander married a daughter of the Duke of Albany. 
 Euphemia, Countess of Ross, was the only issue of this marriage, but be- 
 coming a nun she resigned the earldom of Ross in favour of her uncle 
 John Stewart, Earl of Buchan. The Lord' of the Isles conceiving that 
 the Countess, by renouncing the world, had forfeited her title and estate, 
 and, moreover, that she had no right to dispose thereof, claimed both in 
 right of Margaret his wife. The duke of Albany, governor of Scotland, 
 at whose instigation the Countess had made the renunciation, of course 
 refused to sustain the claim of the prince of the islands. The Lord of 
 the Isles then raised the standard of revolt ; and having formed an alliance 
 with England, from whence he was to be supplied with a fleet far superior 
 to the Scottish, he, at the head of an army of ten thousand men, fully 
 equipped and armed after the fashion of the islands with bows and arrows, 
 pole-axes, knives, and swords, burst like a torrent upon the Earldom, 
 and carried every thing before him. He, however, received a tem- 
 porary check at Dingwall, where he was attacked with great impetuosity 
 by Angus DubhMackay of Farr, or Black Angus, as he was called, but 
 Angus was taken prisoner, and his brother Roderic Gald and many of 
 his men were killed. 
 
 Flushed with the progress he had made, Donald now resolved to carry 
 into execution a threat he had often made to burn the town of Aberdeen. 
 For this purpose he ordered his army to assemble at Inverness, and sum- 
 moned all the men capable of bearing arms in the Boyne, and the Enzie, to 
 join his standard on his way south. This order being complied with, the 
 Lord of the Isles marched through Moray without opposition. He com- 
 mitted great excesses in Strathbogie and in the district of Garioch, which 
 belonged to the earl of Mar. The inhabitants of Aberdeen were m 
 dreadful alarm at the near approach of this marauder and his fierce 
 hordes; but their fears were aUayed by the speedy appearance of a well 
 equipped army, commanded by the earl of Mar, who bore a high mili- 
 tary character, assisted by many brave knights and gentlemen in Angus 
 
 ♦ Sir Robert Gordon, p. 61, Gg. 
 I X 
 
160 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 and the Mearns. Among these were Sir Alexander Ogihy, sheriff of 
 Angus, Sir James Scrymgeour, constable of Dundee and hereditary 
 standard bearer of Scotland, Sir William de Abernethy of Salton, 
 nephew to the duke of Albany, Sir Robert Maule of Panmure, Sir 
 Alexander Irvine of Drum, and Sir Robert Melville. The Earl was 
 also joined by Sir Robert Davidson, the Provost of Aberdeen, and aparty 
 of the burgesses. 
 
 Advancing from Aberdeen, Mar marched by Inverury, and descried 
 the Highlanders stationed at the village of Harlaw, on the water of 
 Urj' near its junction with the Don. Mar soon saw that he had to con- 
 tend with tremendous odds, but although his forces were, it is said, as one 
 to ten to that opposed to him, he resolved, from the confidence he had in 
 his steel-clad knights, to risk a battle. Having placed a small but select 
 body of knights and men-at-arms in front, under the command of the 
 constable of Dundee and the sheriff of Angus, the Earl drew up the 
 main strength of his army in the rear, including the Murrays, the Straitens, 
 the Maules, the Irvings, the Lesleys, the Lovels, the Stirlings, headed 
 by their respective chiefs. The Earl then placed himself at the head of 
 this body. At the head of the Islesmen and Highlanders was the Lord 
 of the Isles, subordinate to whom were Mackintosh and Maclean and 
 other Highland chiefs, all bearing the most deadly hatred to their Saxon 
 foes, and panting for revenge. 
 
 On a signal being given, the Highlanders and Islesmen, setting up those 
 terrific shouts and yells which they were accustomed to raise on entering 
 into battle, rushed forward upon their opponents; but they were received 
 with great firmness and bravery by the knights, who, with their spears 
 levelled, and battle axes raised, cut dovni many of their impetuous but 
 badly armed adversaries. After the Lowlanders had recovered them- 
 selves from the shock which the furious onset of the Highlanders had 
 produced. Sir James Scrymgeour, at the head of the knights and ban- 
 nerets who fought under him, cut his way through the thick columns of 
 the Islesmen, carrying death every where around him ; but the slaughter 
 of hundreds by this brave party did not intimidate the Highlanders, who 
 kept pouring in by thousands to supply the place of those who had fallen. 
 Surrounded on all sides, no alternative remained for Sir James and his 
 valorous companions but victory or death, and the latter was their lot. 
 The constable of Dundee was amongst the first who suffered, and his 
 fall so encouraged the Highlanders, that seizing and stabbing the horses, 
 they thus unhorsed their riders whom they despatched with their dag- 
 gers. In the mean time the earl of Mar, who had penetrated with his 
 main army into the very heart of the enemy, kept up the unequal con- 
 test with great bravery, and, although he lost during the action almost 
 the whole of his army, he continued the fatal struggle with a handful of 
 men till nightfall. The disastrous result of this battle was one of the 
 greatest misfortunes which had ever happened to the numerous respec- 
 table families in Angus and the Mearns. Many of these families lost 
 
CATTLE OF HARLAW. 161 
 
 not only their head, but every male in the house. Lesley of Balquhain 
 is said to have fallen v/ith six of his sons. Besides Sir James Scrym- 
 geour, Sir Alexander Ogilvy the sheriff of Angus, with his eldest son 
 George Ogilvy, Sir Thomas Murray, Sir Robert Maule of Panmure, 
 Sir Alexander Irving of Drum,* Sir William Abernethy of Salton, Sir 
 Alexander Straiton of Lauriston, James Lovel, and Alexander Stirling, 
 and Sir Robert Davidson, Provost of Aberdeen, with five hundred men- 
 at-arms including the principal gentry of Buchan, and the greater part 
 of the burgesses of Aberdeen v/ho followed their Provost, were among 
 the slain. The Higlilanders left nine hundred men dead on the iield of 
 battle, including the chiefs, Maclean and Mackintosh. This memorable 
 battlef was fought on the eve of the feast of St James the Apostle, the 
 twenty-fourth day of July, in the year fourteen hundred and eleven, 
 " and from the ferocity with which it was contested, and the dismal 
 spectacle of civil war and bloodshed exhibited to the country, it appears 
 to have made a deep impression on the national mind. It fixed itself in 
 the music and the poetry of Scotland ; a march, called the Battle of Har- 
 law, continued to be a popular air down to the time of Drummond of 
 Hawthornden, and a spirited ballad, on the same event, is still repeated 
 in our age, describing the meeting of the armies, and the deaths of the 
 chiefs, in no ignoble strain."^ 
 
 Mar and the few brave companions in arms, who survived the battle, 
 were so exhausted with fatigue and the wounds they received, that they 
 were obliged to pass the night on the field of battle, where they expected 
 
 . The Laird of Maclean according to a tradition in the family of Irving of Drum, was 
 killed by Sir Alexander living. Genealogical collections, MS. Advocates' Library, 
 Jac. V. 4. 16. Vol. I. p. ISO. 
 
 t The site of the battle is thus described in the manuscript geographical description of 
 Scotland, collected by Macfarlaiie and preserved in the Advocates' Library, Vol. I. p. 7. 
 " Through this parish (the cliapel of Garioch formerly called Capella Beatffi Mariae 
 Virginis°de Garryoch, Chart. Aberdon, p. 31.) runs the king's high way from Aberdeen 
 to Inverness, and from Aberdeen to the high country. A large mile to the east of the 
 church lies the field of an ancient battle called the battle of Harlaw, from a country town 
 of that name hard by. This town, and the field of battle, which lies along the king's 
 highway upon a moor, extending a short mile from S. E. to N. W. slands on the north- 
 east side of the water of Urie, and a small distance therefrom. To the west of the field 
 of battle, about half a mile, is a farmer's house, called Legget's Den, hard b)', in which 
 is a tomb, built in the form of a malt steep, of four large stones, covered with a broad 
 stone above, where, as the country people generally report, Donald of the Isles lies buried, 
 being slain in the battle, and therefore they call it commonly Donald's tomb." This is 
 an evident mistake, as it is well known that Donald was not slain. Mr Tytler conjec- 
 tures with much probability that the tomb alluded to may be that of the chief of Maclean 
 ur Mackintosh, and he refers, in support of this opinion, to Macfariane's genealogical col. 
 lections (MS. Advocates' Library. Jac. V. 4. 16. Vol. I. p. 180. ) in which an account is 
 given of the family of Maclean, and from which it appears that Lauchlan Lubanich had, 
 by Maedonald's daughter, a son, called Eachin Rusidh ni Cath, or Hector Rufus Belli- 
 cosus who commanded as lieutenant-general under the eari of Ross at the battle of Har- 
 law when he and Irving of Drum, seeking out one another by their armonal bearings on 
 thei'r shields, met and killed each other. This Hector was married to a daughter of tie 
 earl of Duuglas. 
 
 t Tytler, vol. III. 177. 
 
K>:i 
 
 H [STORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 a renewal of the attack next morning ; but when morning dawned, they 
 found that the Lord of the Isles had retreated, durkig the night, by 
 Inverury and the hill of Benochie. To pursue him was impossible, and 
 he was therefore allowed to retire, without molestation, and to recruit 
 his exhausted strength. 
 
 As soon as the news of the disaster at Harlaw reached the cars of 
 the duke of Albany, then regent of Scotland, he set about collecting an 
 :irniy, with which he marched in person to the North, in autumn, witli 
 a determination to bring the Lord of the Isles to obedience. Having 
 taken possession of tlie castle of Dingwall, he appointed a governor, and 
 from thence proceeded to recover the whole of Ross. Donald retreated 
 before him, and took up his winter-quarters in th" islands. Hostilities 
 were renewed next summer, but the contest was not long or doubtful 
 — notwithstanding some little advantages obtained by the King of the 
 Isles — for he was compelled to give up his claim to the earldom of 
 Ross, to become a vassal to the Scottish crown, and to deliver hostages 
 to secure his future good behaviour. A treaty to this effect was entered 
 into at Pilgilbe or Polgillip, the modern Loch-Gillip in Argyle. 
 
 NORTH INCH OF PERTH. 
 
CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 State of the Highlands at the Accession of James I— Disturbances in Caithness— Battle 
 of Harpisdell — Arrival of the King at Inverness— Summons the Chiefs to appear 
 — their Seizure and Fate — Revolt of Alexander, Prince of the Isles — Rapid Movement 
 of the King — Alexaudersurrenders himself and is imprisoned — Insurrection of Donald 
 Balloch — Murder of Mowat of Freshwick by Thomas Macneill — his Apprehension 
 and Execution — Battle of Dium-ne-Coub — Lawless State of the Higlilands— Instance 
 of Shocking Barbarity — Apprehension and Execution of Donald Ross, the Perpetrator 
 — Another Expedition by James I. to the Highlands — Commotions in Caithness — 
 Battles at Sandset and at Blare Tannie — Insurrection of the Lord of the Isles — Combat 
 on the Sands of Strathfleet — Conduct of Allan of Lorn of the Wood — Alliance between 
 the Lord of the Isles and other Chiefs and Edward IV. of England — Singular Treaty 
 — Rebellion and Excesses of tlie Earl of Ross — his Submission and Assassination — 
 Battle between the Clandonald and Clankenzie — Combat between the Mackays and 
 the Bosses — Perfidious Attempt of the Mackays — Plan of James IV. to restore Good 
 Government in the Highlands — Repeated Visits to the Highlands and Islands— Feud 
 between Alexander Sutherland of Dilred, and Sir James Dunbar — Alexander Dun. 
 bar killed by Alexander Sutherland — Execution of Dilred — The earl of Sutherland 
 kills one nephew and wounds another. 
 
 On the return of James I. from his captivity in England, he found 
 
 Scotland, and particularly the Highlands, in a state of the most fearful 
 
 insubordination. Rapine, robbery, and an utter contempt of the laws 
 
 prevailed to an alarming extent, which required all the energy of a wise 
 
 and prudent prince, like James, to repress. When these excesses were 
 
 first reported to James, by one of his nobles, on entering the kingdom, 
 
 he thus expressed himself: — "Let God but grant me life, and there 
 
 shall not be a spot in my dominions where the key shall not keep the 
 
 castle, and the furze-bush the cow, though I myself should lead the life 
 
 of a dog to accomplish it."* The following correct and well-drawn 
 
 sketch of the state of the Highlands, in the reign of James I., is thus 
 
 given by Mr Tytler: — "At this period, the condition of the Highlands, 
 
 so far as is discoverable from the few authentic documents which have 
 
 reached our times, appears to have been in the highest degree rude and 
 
 uncivilized. There existed a singular combination of Celtic and of 
 
 feudal manners. Powerful chiefs, of Norman name and Norman blood, 
 
 had penetrated into the remotest districts, and ruled over multitudes of 
 
 vassals and serfe, whose strange and uncouth appellatives proclaim their 
 
 difference of race in the most convincing manner.-f The tenure of lands 
 
 by charter and seisin, the feudal services due by the vassal to his lord, 
 
 » Fordun a Goodal, vol. ii. 511. 
 <■ MS. Adv. Lib. Coll. Diplom. a Macfarlane, vol. i. 246— MS. Cart. Moray, 2G3. 
 
1(34 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS 
 
 the bands of friendship or of manreht which indissolubly united certaJn 
 chiefs and nobles to each other, the baronial courts, and the complicated 
 official pomp of feudal life, were all to be found in full strength and 
 operation in the northern counties; but the dependence of the barons, 
 who had taken up their residence in these wild districts, upon the king, 
 and their allegiance and subordination to the laws, were less intimate 
 and influential than in the Lowland divisions of the country; and aa 
 they experienced less protection, we have already seen, that in great 
 public emergencies, when the captivity of the sovereign, or the payment 
 of his ransom, called for the imposition of a tax upon property through- 
 out the kingdom, these great northern chiefs thought themselves at 
 liberty to resist the collection within their mountainous principalities. 
 
 "Besides such Scoto-Norman barons, however, there were to be found 
 in the Highlands and the Isles, those fierce aboriginal chiefs, who 
 hated the Saxon and the Norman race, and offered a mortal opposition 
 to the settlement of all intruders within a country which they considered 
 their own. They exercised the same authority over the various clans 
 or septs of which they were the chosen heads or leaders, which the 
 baron possessed over his vassals and their military followers ; and the 
 dreadful disputes and collisions which perpetually occurred between 
 these distinct ranks of potentates, were accompanied by spoliations, 
 ravages, impi-isonments, and murders, which had at last become so 
 frequent and so far extended, that the whole country beyond the 
 Grampian range, was likely to be cut off, by these abuses, from all 
 regular communication with the more pacific parts of the kingdom." * 
 
 Having, by a firm and salutary, but perhaps severe, course of policy, 
 restored the empire of the laws in the Lowlands, and obtained the 
 enactment of new statutes for the future welfare and prosperity of the 
 kingdom, James next turned his attention to his Highland dominions, 
 which, as we have seen, were in a deplorable state of insubordination, 
 which made both property and life insecure. The king determined to 
 visit in person the disturbed districts, and by punishing the refractory 
 chiefs, put an end to those tumults and enormities which had, during 
 his minority, triumphed over the laws. The departure of James to his 
 northern dominions was hastened by the intelligence of a disturbance in 
 Caithness, into which Angus Dubh Mackay,or Black Angus, had entered, 
 with all the forces he could collect in Strathnaver, and spoiled and laid 
 waste that district. The inhabitants of Caithness met Mackay at Harpisdell, 
 where a battle was fought, in which both sides suffered severely, but 
 the result was not decisive, and Mackay continued his depredations. 
 In the midst of these disorders, the king, in the year fourteen hundred 
 and twenty-seven, arrived at Inverness, attended by his parliament, and 
 immediately summoned the principal chiefs there to appear before him. 
 From whatever motives — whether from hopes of effecting a reconciliation 
 
 • Hist. vol. iii. 250, 251. 
 
APPREHENSION AND PUNISHMENT OF CHIEFS. 165 
 
 by a ready compliance with the mandate of the king, or from a dread, in 
 case of refusal, of the fate of the powerful barons of the south who had 
 fallen victims to James severity — the order of the king was obeyed, and the 
 chiefs repaired to Inverness. No sooner, however, had they entered the hall 
 where the parliamenc was sitting, than they were by order of the king 
 arrested, ironed, and imprisoned in diiferent apartments, and debarred 
 all communication with each other, or with their followers. It has been 
 supposed that these chiefs may have been entrapped by some fair pro- 
 mises on the part of James, and the joy which, according to Fordun, he 
 manifested at seeing these turbulent and haughty spirits caught in the 
 toils which he had prepared for them, favours this conjecture. The 
 number of chiefs seized on this occasion are stated to have amounted to 
 about forty ; but the names of the principal ones only have been pre- 
 served. These were Alaster or Alexander Macdonald, Lord of the 
 Isles ; Angus Dubh, with his four sons, who could bring into the field 
 four thousand fighting men ; Kenneth More and his son-in-law, Angus 
 of Moray, and Macmathan who could muster two thousand men ; 
 Alexander Maereiny of Garraoran and John Macarthur, each of whoni 
 could bring into the field a thousand strong. Besides these were John 
 Ross, James Campbell, and William Lesley. The Countess of Ross, 
 the mother of Alexander, the Lord of the Isles, and heiress of Sir Walter 
 Lesley, was also apprehended and imprisoned at the same time.* 
 
 The king now determined to inflict summary vengeance upon his 
 captives. Those who were most conspicuous for their crimes were 
 immediately executed ; among whom were James Campbell, who was 
 tried, convicted, and hanged for the murder of John of the Isles ; and 
 Alexander Maereiny and John Macarthur who were beheaded. Alex- 
 ander of the Isles and Angus Dubh, after a short confinement, were 
 both pardoned ; but the latter was obliged to deliver up his son Neill 
 as an hostage for his good behaviour, who was confined in the Bass, 
 in the mouth of the Frith of Forth, and, from that circumstance, was 
 afterwards named Neill- Wasse-Mackay.f Besides these, many others, 
 who were kept in prison in diiferent parts of the kingdom, were after- 
 wards condemned and executed. 
 
 The royal clemency, which had been extended so graciously to the 
 Lord of the Isles, met with an ungrateful return ; for shortly after the 
 king had returned to his lowland dominions, Alexander collected a force 
 of ten thousand men in Ross and the Isles, and with this formidable 
 body laid waste the country ; plundered and devastated the crown-lands, 
 against which his vengeance was chiefly directed, and razed the royal 
 burgh of Inverness to the ground. On hearing of these distressing 
 events, James, with a rapidity rarely equalled, collected a force, the 
 extent of which has not been ascertained, and marched with great speed 
 into Lochaber, where he found the enemy, who, from the celerity ol 
 
 * Fordun a Hcnrne, vol. iv. 12>>3— 4. t Sir R. Gordon, p. 64. 
 
106 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 his movements, were taken almost by surprise. Alexander prepared for 
 battle ; but, before its commencement, he had the misfortune to witness 
 the desertion of the Clan Chattan, and the Clan Cameron, who, to a 
 man, went over to the royal standard. The king, thereupon, attacked 
 Alexander's army, which he completely routed, and the latter sought 
 his safety in flight. Being closely pursued, he sent a message to the 
 king suing for peace ; but James sternly refused to enter into any ne- 
 gotiation with a person who had rendered himself an outlaw ; and giv- 
 ing strict orders for his apprehension, returned to his capital. 
 
 Reduced to the utmost distress, and seeing the impossibility of evad- 
 ing the active vigilance of his pursuers, who hunted him from place to 
 place, this haughty lord, who considered himself on a par with kings, 
 resolved to throw himself entirely on the mercy of the king, by an act 
 of the most abject submission. Having arrived in Edinburgh, to which 
 he had travelled in the most private manner, the humbled chief sud- 
 denly presented himself before the king, on Easter- Sunday, in the church 
 of Holyrood, when he and his queen, surrounded by the nobles of the 
 court, were employed in their devotions before the high altar. The 
 extraordinary appearance of the fallen prince denoted the inward work- 
 ings of his troubled mind. Without bonnet, arms, or ornament of any 
 kind, his legs and arms quite bare, and his body only covered with a 
 plaid, and holding a naked sword in his hand by the point, he fell down 
 on his knees before the king imploring mercy and forgiveness, and in 
 token of his unreserved submission, offered the hilt of his sword to his 
 majesty. At the solicitation of the queen and nobles, James spared his 
 life, but committed him immediately to Tantallan-castle, under the 
 charge of William, Earl of Angus, his nephew. This took place in the 
 year fourteen hundred and twenty-nine. The countess of Ross was 
 kept in close confinement in the ancient monastery of Inchcolm, on the 
 small island of that name, in the Frith of Forth.* The king, however, 
 relented, and released the Lord of the Isles and his motlier, after about 
 a year's imprisonment. 
 
 During the confinement of the Lord of the Isles, the people of the 
 isles and western Highlanders, incited by Donald Balloch, his kinsman, 
 again revolted. He defeated the earls of Mar and of Caithness, at In- 
 verlochy, with great slaughter ; but, on the approach of the king, Don- 
 ald abandoned his army, and fled to Ireland, where he vi'as afterwai'ds 
 killed. His head was sent to the king at Stirling, in the year fourteen 
 hiyidred and twenty-six. Many of Donald's followers were put to 
 death by James' orders. 
 
 About this period happened another of those bloody frays, which 
 destroyed the internal peace of the Highlands, and brought ruin and 
 desolation upon many families. The circumstances which gave rise to 
 the battle of Drum-ne-coub, were these. Thomas Macneill, son of 
 
 "* Furdun, vol. iv, 12S6 
 
BATTLE OF DRUM-NE-COUB. ^gy 
 
 Keill Mackay, who was engaged in the battle of Tuttura Turwigh, pos- 
 sessed the lands of Creigh, Spaniziedaill, and Palrossie in Sutherland 
 Having conceived some displeasure at Mowat, the laird of Freshwick, 
 the latter, with his party, in order to avoid his vengeance, took refuge 
 in the chapel of St DufFus, near the town of Tain, as a sanctuary. 
 Thither they were followed by Thomas, who not only slew Mowat and 
 his people, but also burnt the chapel to the ground. This outrage, 
 upon religion and humanity, exasperated the king, who immediately 
 ordered a proclamation to be issued, denouncing Thomas Macneill a 
 rebel, and promising his lands and possessions as a reward to any one 
 that woxdd kill, or apprehend him. Angus Murray, son of Alexander 
 Murray of Cubiu, immediately set about the apprehension of Thomas 
 Macneill. To accomplish his purpose, he held a secret conference with 
 Morgan and Neill Macneill, the brothers of Thomas, at which he of- 
 fered, provided they would assist him in apprehending their brother, his 
 two daughters in marriage, and promised to aid them in getting peace- 
 able possession of such lands in Strathnaver, as they claimed, which 
 he showed them might be easily obtained, with little or no resistance, as 
 Neill Mackay, son of Angus Dubh, from which the chief opposition 
 might have been expected, was then a prisoner in the Bass, and Angus 
 Dubh, the father, was unable, from age and infirmity, to defend his 
 pretensions. Angus Murray also promised to request the assistance of 
 the earl of Sutherland. As these two brothers pretended a right to the 
 possessions of Angus Diibh in Strathnaver, they were easily allured by 
 these promises ; they immediately apprehended their brother Thomas at 
 Spaniziedaill in Sutherland, and delivered him up to Murray, by whom 
 he was presented to the king. Macneill was immediately executed at 
 Inverness, and Angus Murray obtained, in terms of tlie royal proclama- 
 tion, a grant of the lands of Palrossie and Spaniziedaill from the king. 
 The lands of Creigh fell into the hands of the Lord of the Isles, as 
 superior, by the death and felony of Macneill.* 
 
 In pursuance of his promise, Murray gave his daughters in marriage 
 respectively to Neill and Morgan Macneill, and with the consent and 
 approbation of Robert, Earl of Sutherland, he invaded Strathnaver 
 with a party of Sutherland men, to take possession of the lands of 
 Angus Dubh Mackay. Angus immediately collected his men, and gave 
 the command of them to John Aberigh, his natural son, as he wa? 
 unable to lead them in person. Both parties met about two miles from 
 Toung, at a place called Drum-ne-Coub ; but, before they came to 
 blows, Angus Dubh Mackay sent a message to Neill and Morgan, his 
 cousins-german, oiFering to surrender them all his lands and possessions 
 in Strathnaver, if they would allow him to retain Keantayle. This fair 
 offer was, however, rejected, and an appeal was, therefore, immediately 
 made to arms. A desperate conflict then took place, in which many 
 
 * Sir Robert Gordon, pp. 64, 65. 
 1. Y 
 
108 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 were killed on both sides ; among whom were Angus Murray and his 
 two sons-in-law, Neill and Morgan Macneill. John Abeiigh, though 
 he gained the victory, was severely wounded, and lost one of his arms. 
 After the battle, Angus DubhMackay was carried, at his own request, 
 to the field to search for the bodies of his slain cousins, but he was 
 killed by an arrow from a Sutherland man, wlio lay concealed in a 
 bush hard bj^. Neill Mackneill left three sons, Angus, John Bayn, and 
 Paul ; two of them, Angus and Paul, after the death of their father, 
 fixed their quarters in Sutherland, and molested the inhabitants residing 
 along the sea-coast thereof, and drove away some of their cattle to the 
 isle of Dolay in Breacht, where they took refuge ; but being closely 
 pursued, and judging that they were not sufficiently secure in the island, 
 they retired, under cloud of night, to a hill close by, afterwards called 
 Knoc-Mliic-Neill, where they and their followers were slain, from which 
 circumstance the hill was so named.* 
 
 In consequence of this disaster at Drum-na-Coub, the earl of Suth- 
 erland took up arms, and forced John Aberigh to seek safety in the 
 isles. But he returned to Sutherland ; and having entered Strathully, 
 unawares, the night after Christmas, he slew three of the Sutherlands at 
 DinoboU. He again fled, but was so closely pursued by Robert, Earl 
 of Sutherland, that he was forced to submit, after previously obtaining 
 pardon. John then settled quietly in Strathnaver, where he continued 
 till the reign of James I., when his brother Neill- Wasse-Mackay was 
 relieved from his confinement in the Bass, and entered, with the full 
 consent of John, into possession of his estates. To requite him, how- 
 ever, for his attention to his father, he gave him the lands of Loch- 
 naver in liferent, which were long possessed by his posterity.-]- 
 
 About this time, the state of the Highlands was lawless in the ex- 
 treme. Property and life were equally insecure from the banditti who 
 infested the country. James I. made many salutary regulations for put- 
 ting an end to the disorders consequent upon such a state of society, 
 and the oppressed looked up to him for protection. The following re- 
 markable case will give some idea of the extraordinary barbarity in 
 which the spoliators indulged : — A notorious thief, named Donald Ross, 
 who had made himself rich with plunder, carried off" two cows from a 
 poor woman. This woman having expressed a determination not to 
 wear shoes again till she had made a complaint to the king in person, 
 the robber exclaimed, " It is false : I'll have you shod before you reach 
 the court ;" and thereupon, with a brutality scarcely paralleled, the 
 cruel monster took two horse shoes, and fixed them on her feet with 
 nails driven into the flesh. The victim of this savage act, as soon as 
 she was able to travel, went to the king, and related to him the 
 whole circumstances of her case, which so exasperated him, that he 
 immediately sent a warrant to the sheriff' of the county, where Ross 
 
 • Sir R. Gordon, pp. 65,66. t Sir R. Gordon, p. 66. 
 
BATTLE OF BLARE-TANNIE. 160 
 
 resided, for his immediate apprehension ; which being effected, he was 
 sent under an escort to Perth, where the court was then held. Ross 
 was tried and condemned ; and before his execution, a linen shirt, on 
 which was painted a representation of his crime, was thrown over him, 
 in which dress he was paraded through the streets of the town, after- 
 wards dragged at a horse's tail, and hanged on a gallows.* 
 
 The commotions in Strathnaver, and other parts of the Highlands, 
 induced the king to make another expedition into that part of his do- 
 minions ; previous to which, he summoned a Parliament at Perth, which 
 was held on the fifteenth day of October, fourteen hundred and thirty- 
 one, in which a land-tax, or " zelde," was laid upon the whole lands of 
 the kingdom, to defray the expenses of the undertaking. No contem- 
 porary record of this expedition exists ; but it is said that the king pro- 
 ceeded to Dunstafihage castle, to punish those chiefs who had joined in 
 Donald Balloch's insurrection ; that on his arrival there, numbers of 
 these came to him and made their submission, throwing the whole odium 
 of the rebellion upon the leader, whose authority, they alleged, they 
 were afraid to resist ; and that, by their means, three hundred thieves 
 and robbers were apprehended and put to death. 
 
 For several years after this expedition, the Highlands appear to have 
 been tranquil ; but, on the liberation of Neill Mackay from his confine- 
 ment on the Bass, in the year fourteen hundred and thirty-seven, fresli 
 disturbances began. This restless chief had scarcely been released, 
 when he entered Caithness, and spoiled the country. He was met at a 
 place called Sandsett ; but the people who came to oppose his progress 
 were defeated, and many of them were slain. This conflict was called 
 Ruaig Hanset ; that is, the flight, or chase at Sandsett.f 
 
 About the same time, a quarrel took place between the Keiths and 
 some others of the inhabitants of Caithness. As the Keiths could not 
 depend upon their own forces, they sought the aid of Angus Mackay, 
 son of Neill last mentioned, who had recently died. Angus agreed to 
 join the Keiths; and accordingly, accompanied by his brother, John 
 Roy, and a chieftain named lain-Mor-Mac-Iain-Riabhaich, with a 
 company of men, he went into Caithness, and joining the Keiths, in- 
 vaded that part of Caithness, hostile to the Keiths. The people of 
 Caithness lost not a moment in assembling together, and met the Stratli- 
 naver men and the Keiths at a place called Blare-Tannie. Here a san- 
 
 » Fordun a Goodal, vol. ii. p. 510. Sir Robert Gordon says, that ' Mackdonald 
 P.osse being brought out of prisson with tuelve of his associats, the king commanded that 
 they should be likewise shod with iron shoes, in the same sort as they had befor served 
 the woman, and afterwaids, that they should be careid, tlirie several] dayes, through the 
 streets of Edenburgh, for a spectacle to the people. All which l)eing performed, the said 
 Mackdonald Ross wes beheaded, and his twelve companions hanged on the high wayes. 
 A notable pateme of justice, which may be an example to the negligent and sluggishjus- 
 ticiars of our tyme, who suffer the poore and wpak to be oppressed by strong and idla 
 «agabounds." p. 68. 
 
 f Sir R. Gordon, p. 6S. 
 
170 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 guinary contest took place ; but victory declared for the Keiths, whose 
 success was chiefly owing to the prowess of lain-Mor-Mac-Iain- 
 Riabhaich, whose name was, in consequence, long famous in that and 
 the adjoining country.* 
 
 After the defeat of James, the ninth earl of Douglas, who had re- 
 nounced his allegiance to James II. at Arkinholme, in fourteen hundred 
 and fifty-five, he retired into Argyleshire, where he was received by the 
 earl of Ross, with whom, and the Lord of the Isles, he entered into an 
 alliance. The ocean prince, having a powerful fleet of five hundred 
 galleys at his command, immediately assembled his vassals, to the 
 amount of five thousand fighting men, and having embarked them in 
 his navy, gave the command of , the whole to Donald Balloch, Lord of 
 Isla, his near kinsman, a chief who, besides his possessions in Scotland, 
 had great power in the north of Ireland. This potent chief, whose here- 
 ditary antipathy against the Scottish throne was as keen as that of his 
 relation, entered cheerfully into the views of Douglas. With the force 
 under his command, he desolated the western coast of Scotland from 
 Innerkip to Bute, the Cumrays, and the island of Arran ; yet formidable 
 as he was both in men and ships, the loss was not so considerable as 
 might have been expected, from the prudent precautions taken by the 
 king to repel the invaders. The summary of the damage sustained, is 
 Ihus related in a contemporary chronicle : — " There was slain of good 
 men, fifteen ; of women, two or three ; of children, three or four. The 
 plunder included five or six hundred horse, ten thousand oxen and kine, 
 and more than a thousand sheep and goats. At the same time, they 
 burnt down several mansions in Innerkip around the church ; harried all 
 Arran ; stormed and levelled with the ground the castle of Brodick ; 
 and wasted, with fire and sword, the islands of the Cumrays. They 
 also levied tribute upon Bute ; carrying away a hundred bolls of malt, 
 a hundred marts, and a hundred marks of silver."-j- 
 
 While Donald Balloch was engaged in this expedition, the Lord of 
 the isles, with his kinsmen and followers to the number of five or six 
 hundred, made an incursion into Sutherland, and encamped before the 
 castle of Skibo. What his object was has not been ascertained ; but, as 
 a measure of precaution, the earl of Sutherland sent Neill Murray, son 
 of Angus Murray, who was slain at Drum-na-Coub, to watch his motions. 
 The Lord of the isles immediately began to commit depredations, where- 
 upon he was attacked by Murray, and compelled to retreat into Ross 
 with the loss of one of his captains, named Donald Dubh-na-Soirn, and 
 fifty of his men. Exasperated at this defeat, Macdonald sent another 
 party of his islanders along with a company of men from Ross to 
 Strathfleet in Sutherland to lay waste the country, and thus wipe off 
 the disgrace of his late defeat. On hearing of this fresh invasion, the 
 earl of Sutherland despatched his brother Robert with a sufficient force 
 
 • Sir R. Gordon, p. by. f Aucliinleck Chronicle, p. 55. 
 
TREATY BETWEEN THE EAEL OP ROSS AND EDWARD IV. 171 
 
 to attack the Clandonald. They met on the sands of Strathfleet, and, 
 after a fierce and bloody struggle', the islanders and their allies were 
 overthrown with great slaughter. The survivors fled with great preci- 
 pitation, and were pursued as far as the Bonagh. Many perished in 
 the course of their flight. This was the last hostile irruption of the 
 Clandonald into Sutherland, as all the disputes between the Lord of the 
 Isles and the Sutherland family were afterwards accommodated by a ma- 
 trimonial alliance.* 
 
 The vigorous administration of James II. which checked and con- 
 trolled the haughty and turbulent spirit of his nobles, was also felt, as 
 we have seen, in the Highlands, where his power, if not always ac- 
 knowledged, was nevertheless dreaded; but upon the murder of that 
 wise prince, and the accession of his' infant son to the crown, the 
 princes of the north again abandoned themselves to their lawless courses. 
 The first who showed the example was Allan of Lorn of the Wood, as 
 lie was called, a nephew of Donald BaUoch by his sister. Coveting the 
 estate of his elder brother, Ker of Lorn, Allan imprisoned him in a 
 dungeon in the island of Kerera, with the view of starving him to 
 death that he might the more easily acquire the unjust possession he de- 
 sired ; but Ker was liberated, and his property restored to him by the 
 earl of Argyle to whom he was nearly related, who suddenly attacked 
 Allan with a fleet of galleys, defeated him, burnt his fleet, and slew the 
 greater part of his men. This act, so justifiable in itself, roused the re- 
 vengeful passions of the island chiefs, who issued from their ocean re- 
 treats and committed the most dreadful excesses.-]- 
 
 After the decisive battle of Teuton, Henry VI. and his Queen retired 
 to Scotland to watch the first favourable opportunity of seizing the 
 sceptre fii'om the house of York, and fixing it in the race of Lancaster 
 Edward IV. anticipating the danger that might arise to his crown by an 
 alliance between his rival, the exiled monarch, and the king of Scotland, 
 determined to counteract the eflfects of such a connexion by a stroke of 
 policy. Aware of the disaffected disposition of some of the Scottish 
 nobles, and northern and island chiefs, he immediately entered into a ne- 
 gotiation with John, earl of Ross, and Donald BaUoch, to detach them 
 from their allegiance. On the nineteenth day of October fourteen hun- 
 dred and sixty-one, the earl of Ross, Donald Balloch, and his son John 
 de Isie, held a council of their vassals and dependants at Astornish, at 
 which it was agreed to send ambassadors to England to treat with Ed- 
 ward. On the arrival of these ambassadors a negotiation was entered 
 into between them and the earl of Douglas, and John Douglas of Balveny, 
 his brother, both of whom had been obliged to leave Scotland for theirtrea- 
 sons in the previous reign. These two brothers, who were animated by a 
 spirit of hatred and revenge against the family of their late sovereign James 
 II., warmly entered into the views of Edward, whose subjects they had 
 
 * Sir R. Gordon, p. 74. t Auchiuleck Clironicle, pp. 69, 59. 
 
172 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 become; and they concluded a treaty with the noithein ambassadors 
 which assumed as its basis nothing less than the entire conquest of Scot- 
 land. Among other conditions, it was stipulated, that, upon payment of 
 a stipulated sum of money to himself, his' son, and ally, the Lord of the 
 Isles should become for ever the vassal of England, and should assist 
 Edward and his successors in the wars in Ireland and elsewhere. And, 
 in the event of the entire subjugation of Scotland by the earls of Ross 
 and Douglas, the whole of the kingdom, on the north of the Frith of 
 Forth, wcis to be divided equally between these Earls and Donald Bal- 
 loch, and the estates which formerly belonged to Douglas, between the 
 Frith of Forth and the borders, were to be restored to him. This sin- 
 gular treaty is dated London, the eighteenth February, fourteen hun- 
 dred and sixty-two.* 
 
 Pending this negotiation, the earl of Angus, at that time one of 
 the most powerful of the Scottish nobles, having, by the promise of an 
 English dukedom from the exiled Henry, engaged to assist in restoring 
 him to his crown and dominions, the earl of Ross, before the plan had 
 been organized, in order to counteract the attempt, broke out into 
 open rebellion, which was characterized by all those circumstances of bar- 
 barous cruelty which distinguished the inroads of the princes of the 
 islands. He first seized the castle of Inverness at the head of a small 
 party, being admitted unawares by the governor, who did not suspect 
 his hostile intentions. He then collected a considerable army, and pro- 
 claimed himself king of the Hebrides-. With his army he entered the 
 country of Athole, — denounced the authority of the king, and com- 
 manded all taxes to be paid to him ; and, after committing the most 
 dreadful excesses, he stormed the castle of Blair, dragged the earl and 
 countess of Athole from the chapel of St Bridget, which he plundered, 
 and carried them off to Isla as prisoners. It is related that the earl of 
 Ross thrice attempted to set fire to the holy pile, but in vain. He lost 
 many of his war-galleys in a storm of thunder and lightning, in which 
 the rich booty he had taken was consigned to the deep, a punishment 
 which " was universally ascribed to the wrath of Heaven, which had 
 armed the elements against the abettor of sacrilege and murder."f Pre- 
 parations were immediately made by the regents of the kingdom for 
 punishing this rebellious chief; but these'became unnecessary, for, touched 
 with remorse, he collected the remains of his plunder, and stripped to his 
 shirt and drawers, and barefooted, he, along with his principal followers, 
 in the same forlorn and dejected condition, went to the chapel of St 
 Bridget which they had lately desecrated, and there performed a penance 
 before the altar. The earl and countess of Athole were thereupon vo- 
 luntarily released from confinement, and the earl of Ross was afterv^fards 
 assassinated in the castle of Inverness by an Irish harper who bore him 
 a grudge.J 
 
 Roluli ScoliEc, vol. ii 407. -f Tytler. vol. iv. 195. 
 
 J Ferrcrius, p S«3.— Lcslcj de Rubus Gestis Scotoiiim, p. 300.— Lesley's Ilislory of 
 Sixttlainl, p. 3i. 
 
REBELLION OF THE LORD OF THE ISLES. 173 
 
 The successor of the Lord of the Isles not being disposed to tender 
 the allegiance which his father had' violated, the king, in the month of 
 May, fourteen hundred and seventy-six, assembled a large army on the 
 north of the Forth, and a fleet on the west coast, for the purpose of 
 making a simultaneous attack upon him by sea and land. The earl of 
 Crawford was appointed admiral of the fleet, and the earl of Athole 
 Eeneralissimo of the army. The latter was so quick in his movements 
 as to come upon the earl of Ross almost by surprise, and seeing no 
 hopes of making effectual resistance against such a powerful force as 
 that sent against him, he tendered his submission to the king on cer- 
 tain conditions, and resigned the earldom of Ross, and the lands of 
 Kintyre and Knapdale, into his majesty's hands. By this act he was 
 restored to the king's favour, who forgave him all his offences, and 
 mfeft him of new in the lordship of the isles and the other lands which 
 he did not renounce. The earl of Athole was rewarded for this service 
 by a grant of the lands and forest of Cluny.* 
 
 After the Lord of the Isles had thus resigned the earldom of Ross 
 into the king's hands, that province was perpetually molested by incur- 
 sions firom the islanders, who now considered it a fit theatre for the ex- 
 ercise of their predatory exploits. Gillespoc, cousin of the Lord of the 
 Isles, at the head of a large body of the islanders, invaded the higher 
 part of Ross, and committed great devastation. The inhabitants, or as 
 many as the shortness of the time would permit, amongst whom the 
 Clankenzie were chiefly distinguished, speedily assembled, and met the 
 islanders on the banks of the Connan, where a sharp conflict took place. 
 The Clankenzie fought with great valour, and pressed the enemy so 
 hard, that Gillespoc Macdonald was overthrown, and the greater part of 
 his men were slain or drowned in the river about two miles from Braile, 
 thence called Blar-na-Pairc. The predecessor of the Laird of Brodie, 
 who happened to be with the chief of the Mackenzies at the time, fought 
 with great courage. It is reported that, before the skirmish, the Clan- 
 donald robbed and burnt a chapel n6ar the river Connan, not far from 
 the place they fought, which, it was believed, was the cause of their dis- 
 aster. Another contest took place afterwards between the islanders and 
 the Clandonald and the Clankenzie, at a place called Drumchatt, when, 
 after a sharp conflict, the islanders were routed and driven out of Ross.f 
 
 For a considerable time the district of Sutherland had remained 
 tranquil, but on the eleventh of July, fourteen hundred and eighty-seven, 
 it again became the scene of a bloody rencounter between the Mackays 
 and the Rosses. To revenge the death of a relation, or to wipe away 
 the stigma of a defeat, were considered sacred and paramount duties 
 by the Highlanders; and if, fi-om the weakness of the clan, the 
 minority of the chief, or any other cause, the day of deadly reckoning 
 was delayed, the feeling which prompted revenge was never dormant, 
 
 • Lesley's Hist., p. 41. — Sir R. Gordon, p. 77. t Sir R. Gordon, p. 67. 
 
174 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 and the earliest opportunity was embraced of vindicating the honour of 
 the clan. Angus Mackay, son of the famous Neill of the Bass, having 
 been killed at Tarbet by a Ross, his son, John Riabhaich Mackay, 
 applied to John, earl of Sutherland, on whom he depended, to assist 
 him in revenging his father's death. The earl promised his aid, and 
 accordingly sent his uncle, Robert Sutherland, with a company of chosen 
 men to assist John Mackay. With this force, and such men as John 
 Mackay and his relation, Uilleam-Dubh-Mac-Iain-Abaraich, son of John 
 Aberigh who fought at Drum-na-Coub, could collect, they invaded 
 Strath-oy-kell, carrying fire and sword in their course, and laying waste 
 many lands belonging to the Rosses. As soon as the laird of Balna- 
 nown, the chief of the Rosses, heard of this attack, he collected all his 
 forces, and attacked Robert Sutherland and John Riabhaich Mackay, at 
 a place called Aldy-charrish. A long and obstinate battle took place : 
 on which side victory was to declare itself was a point which remained 
 for a considerable time very dubious ; but the death of Balnagown 
 and seventeen of the principal landed gentlemen of Ross decided tlie 
 combat, for the people of Ross, being deprived of their leader, were 
 thrown into confusion, and utterly put to flight, with great slaughter. 
 Among the principal gentlemen slain on the side of the Rosses were, 
 Alexander Ross of Balnagown, Mr William Ross, Alexander Terrall, 
 Angus M'CuUoch of Terrell, William Ross, John Wause, William 
 Wasse, John Mitchell, Thomas Wause, and Hutcheon Wause. 
 
 The fruit of this victory was a large quantity of booty, which the 
 victors divided the same day ; but the avarice of the men of Assint 
 induced them to instigate John Mackay to resolve to commit one of the 
 most perfidious and diabolical acts ever perpetrated by men who had 
 fought on the same side. The design of the Assint men was, to cut off 
 Robert Sutherland and his whole party, and possess themselves of their 
 share of the spoil, before the earl of Sutherland could learn the result of 
 thc'battle, that he might be led to suppose that his uncle and his men 
 had all fallen in the action with the Rosses. When this plan was divulged 
 to Uilleam-Dubh-Mac-Iain-Abaraich, he was horrified at it, and imme- 
 diately sent notice to Robert Sutherland of it, that he might be upon 
 his guard. Robert assembled his men upon receipt of this extraordinary 
 intelligence, told them of the base intentions of John Mackay, and put 
 them in order, to be prepared for the threatened attack ; but on John 
 Riabhaich Mackay perceiving that Robert and his party were prepared 
 to meet him, he slunk off, like a perfidious villain, and went home to 
 Strathnaver.* 
 
 The lawless state of society in the Highlands, which followed as a 
 consequence from the removal of the seat of government to the Low- 
 lands, tholigh it often engaged the attention of the Scottish sovereigns, 
 never had proper remedies applied to it. At one time the aid of force 
 
 • Sir R. Gordon, pp. 73, 79. 
 
WISE POLICY OF JAMES IV. 175 
 
 was called in, and when that was found ineffectual, the vicious principle 
 of dividing the chiefs, that they might the more effectually weaken and 
 destroy one another, was adopted. Both plans, as might be supposed, 
 proved abortive. If the government had, by conciliatory measures, and 
 by a profusion of favours, suitable to the spirit of the times, secured 
 the attachment of the heads of the clans, the supremacy of the laws 
 might have been vindicated, and the sovereign might have calculated 
 upon the support of powerful and trust-worthy auxiliaries in his do- 
 mestic struggles against the encroachments of the nobles. Such ideas 
 appear never to have once entered the minds of the kings, but it was 
 reserved for James IV. to make the experiment. " To attach to his 
 interest the principal chiefs of these provinces, to overawe and subdue 
 the petty princes who affected independence, to carry into their terri- 
 tories, hitherto too exclusively governed by their own capricious or 
 tyrannical institutions, the same system of a severe, but regular and 
 rapid administration of civil and criminal justice, which had been estab- 
 lished in his Lowland dominions, was the laudable object of the king ; 
 and for this purpose he succeeded, with that energy and activity which 
 remarkably distinguished him, in opening up an intercourse with many 
 of the leading men in the northern counties. With the captain of the 
 Clanchattan, Duncan Mackintosh ; with Ewan, the son of Alan, captain 
 of the Clancameron ; with Campbell of Glenurqhay ; the Macgil- 
 leouns of Duart and Lochbuy ; Mackane of Ardnamurchan ; the 
 lairds of Mackenzie and Grant ; and the earl of Huntlej', a baron of 
 the most extensive power in those northern districts — he appears to 
 have been in habits of constant and regular communication — rewarding 
 them by presents, in the shape either of money or of grants of land, 
 and securing their services in reducing to obedience such of their fel- 
 low chieftains as proved contumacious, or actually rose in rebellion."* 
 
 But James carried his views farther. Rightly judging how much the 
 personal presence of the sovereign would be valued by his distant sub- 
 jects, and the good effects which would result therefrom, he resolved 
 to visit different parts of his northern dominions. Accordingly, in the 
 year fourteen hundred and ninety, accompanied by his court, he rode 
 twice from Perth across the chain of mountains which extends across 
 the country from the border of the Mearns to the head of Loch Ran- 
 noch, which chain is known by the name of the " Mount." Again, in 
 fourteen hundred and ninety-three, he twice visited the Highlands, and 
 went as far as Dunstaffnage and Mengarry, m Ardnamurchan. In the 
 following year he visited the isles no less than three times. His first 
 voyage to the islands, which took place in April and May, was con- 
 ducted with great state. He was attended by a vast suite, many of whom 
 fitted out vessels at their own expense. The grandeur which surrounded 
 the king, impressed the islanders with a high idea of his wealth and 
 
 « Tytler, vol. iv. p. 367, 368. 
 z 
 
17(1 niSTORY OF THE HIGTIT.ANPS. 
 
 power; and his condescension and familiarity witii all cla^sses of his sub- 
 jects, acquired for him a popularity which added strength to his throne. 
 During these marine excursions, the youthful monarch indulged his 
 passion for sailing and hunting, and thereby relieved the tediousness of 
 business, by the recreation of agreeable and innocent pleasures. 
 
 The only opposition which James met with during these excursions 
 was from the restless Lord of the Isles, who had the temerity to put the 
 king at defiance, notwithstanding the repeated and signal marks of the 
 royal favour he had experienced. But James was not to be trifled with, 
 for he summoned the island prince to stand his trial for " treason in 
 Kintire ;" and in a parliament held in Edinburgh shortly after the king s 
 return from the north, " Sir John of the Isles," as he is named in the 
 treasurer's accounts, was stripped of his power, and his possessions were 
 forfeited to the crown. 
 
 One of those personal petty feuds which were so prevalent in the 
 Highlands, occurred about this time. Alexander Sutherland of Dilred, 
 being unable or unwilling to repay a sum of money he had borrowed 
 from Sir James Dunbar of Cumnock, the latter took legal measures to 
 secure his debt by appraising part of Dilred's lands. This proceeding 
 vexed the laird of Dilred exceedingly, and he took an umbrage at the 
 Dunbars, who had recently settled in Sutherland, " grudgeing as it were, 
 (says Sir R. Gordon,) "that a stranger should brawe (brave) him at his 
 owne doors." Happening to meet Alexander Dunbar, brother of Sir 
 James, who had lately married Lady Margaret Baillie, Countess Dowa- 
 ger of Sutherland, high words passed between them, a combat ensued, 
 and after a long contest Alexander Dunbar was killed. Sir James Dun- 
 bar thereupon went to Edinburgh, and laid the matter before King James 
 the Fourth, who was so exasperated at the conduct of Alexander Suther- 
 land, that he immediately proclaimed him a rebel, sent messengers every 
 where in search of him, and promised his lands to any person that would 
 apprehend him. After some search he was apprehended with ten of 
 his followers by his uncle, Y-Roy-Mackay, brother of John Reawigh 
 Mackay already mentioned, who sent him to the king. Dilred was tried, 
 condemned, and executed, and his lands declared forfeited. For this ser- 
 vice, Y-Roy- Mackay obtained from the king a grant of the lands of Arm- 
 dall, Far, Golspietour, Kinnald, Kilcolmkill, and Dilred, which formerly 
 belonged to Alexander Sutherland, as was noted in Mackay's infeftment, 
 dated in fourteen hundred and forty-nine.* " Avarice, (says Sir R. 
 Gordon,) is a strange vyce, which respects neither blood nor freindship. 
 This is the first infeftment that any of the familie of Macky had from 
 the king, so far as I can perceave by the records of this kingdom ; and 
 they wer untill this tyme possessors onlie of ther lands in Strathnaver, 
 not careing much for any charters or infeftments, as most pairts of the 
 Highlajiders have alwise done." 
 
 • Sir !l. Gordon, p. SO. 
 
I'EUDS AMONG THE MACKAY3. ]77 
 
 The graait of the king as to the lands over which Sir James Dunbar's 
 t^ecurity extended, was called in question by Sir James, who obtained a 
 decree before the lords of council and session, in February fifteen hun- 
 dred and twelve, setting aside the right of Y-Roy-Mackay, and ordaining 
 the earl of Sutherland, as superior of the lands, to receive Sir James 
 Dunbar as his vassal.* 
 
 A lamentable instance of the ferocity of these times is cifforded in the 
 case of one of the earls of Sutherland, who upon some provocation slew 
 two of his nephews. This earl, who was named John, had a natural 
 brother, Thomas Moir, who had two sons, Robert Sutherland and the 
 Keith, so called on account of his being brought up by a person of that 
 name. The young men had often annoyed the earl, and on one occasion 
 they entered his castle of Danrobin to brave him to his face, an act which 
 so provoked the earl, that he instantly killed Robert in the house. The 
 Keith, after receiving several wounds, made his escape, but he was over- 
 taken and slain at the Clayside near Dunrobin, which from that circum- 
 stance was afterwards called Ailein-Cheith, or the bush of the Keith. f 
 
 • Sir R. Gurdoi), p. 80. t Sir R. Gordon, p. 81„ 
 
 DUNKOMN CASTLE. 
 
CHAPTER IX 
 
 Alliance between tlie Earl of Sutherland and the Earl of Caithness — Feuds among the 
 Mackays — John Mackay ravages Sutherland — Mackay defeated at Torrah-Dow— 
 Quarrel between the Keiths and the Clan Gun — Skirmish at Loch Salchie — Combat 
 between the Mackays and the Murrays — Alexander Sutherland, the bastard, claims 
 the Eai'ldom of Sutherland — His warlike operations, apprehension, and execution — 
 John Mackay invades Sutherland — His Defeat — Dissention among the Clan-Chattan 
 — Murder of the Chief — Operations of Hector Mackintosh — Massacre of the Ogilvies 
 — Three hundred of the Mackintoshes executed — Remarkable instance of Fidelity — 
 Submission of Hector Mackintosh — His Assassination — Donald Mackay invades 
 Sutherland — Skirmishes at Aldy-ne-Beth and at Loch Buy — Lawless proceedings of 
 the Clanranald — Battle of Blar-Nan-Lein, in which the Erasers are almost annihi- 
 lated — Apprehension and punishment of Ewen AUenson and Donald M'Coneilglase 
 —Illegal conduct of the Earl of Caithness and Donald Mackay — Apprehension and 
 Execution of the chief of the Mackintoshes — Commotions in Sutherland — Expedi- 
 tion against the Clanranald— Queen Regent's journey to the Highlands — Mackay's 
 depredations — His submission and imprisonment — Devastations of John More-Matkay 
 — Severe defeat of the Sti-athnaver men — Criminal conduct of Mackay — Feuds in 
 Sutherland and Caithness — Executionof the Chief of the Guns— The Earl and Coun- 
 tess of Sutherland poisoned — Mackay of Far wastes Sutherland — The Earl of Caithness 
 takes the castle of Skibo, and seizes the young Earl of Sutherland — Feud between the 
 Murrays and the Seill-faille — Oppressive proceedings of the Earl of Caithness — The 
 Earl of Sutherland rescued — Quarrel between the Monroes and the Mackenzies — 
 Renewed oppressions of the Earl of Caithness. 
 
 In the year fifteen hundred and sixteen, Adam Earl of Sutherland, 
 in anticipation of threatened dangers in the north, entered into bonds of 
 friendship and alliance with the earl of Caithness for mutual protection 
 and support. The better to secure the goodwill and assistance of the 
 earl of Caithness, Earl Adam made a grant of some lands upon the east- 
 side of the water of UUy ; but the earl of Caithness, although he kept 
 possession of the lands, joined the foes of his ally and friend. The earl 
 of Sutherland, however, would have found a more trust-worthy supporter 
 in the person of Y-Roy-Mackay, who had come under a written obliga- 
 tion to serve him, the same year ; but Mackay died, and a civil war imme- 
 diately ensued in Strathnaver, between John and Donald Mackay his 
 bastard sons, and Neill-Naverigh Mackay, brother of Y-Roy, to obtain 
 possession of his lands. John took possession of all the lands belonging 
 to his father in Strathnaver ; but his uncle Neill laid claim to them, and 
 applied to the earl of Caithness for assistance to recover them. The earl, 
 after many entreaties, put a force under the command of Neill and his two 
 sons, with which they entered Strathnaver, arid obtaining an accession of 
 strength in that country, they dispossessed John Maokay, who immedi- 
 ately went to the Clan Chattan, and Clan Kenzie, to crave their aid and 
 
^utlicriaiiD 
 
 'riOlarlou A: ('" X,oiii''>ii i- MhiUurih 
 
FEUDS AMONG' THE MAOKAYS. 179 
 
 support, leaving his brother Donald Mackay to defend himself in Strath- 
 naver as he best could. Donald not having a sufficient force to meet 
 his uncle and cousins in open combat, had recourse to a stratagem which 
 succeeded entirely to his mind. With his little band he, under cloud of 
 night, surprised his opponents at Delreavigh in Strathnaver, and slew 
 both his cousins and the greater part of their men, and thus he utterly 
 destroyed the issue of Neill. John Mackay, on hearing of this, immedi- 
 ately joined his brother, and drove out of Strathnaver all persons who 
 had favoured the pretensions of his uncle Neill-Naverigh. This unfor- 
 tunate old man, after being abandoned by the earl of Caithness, threw 
 himself upon the generosity of his nephews, requesting that they would 
 merely allow him a small maintenance to keep him from poverty during 
 the remainder of his life ; but these unnatural nephews, regardless of 
 mercy and the ties of blood, ordered Neill to be beheaded in their presence 
 by the hands of Claff-na-Gep, his own foster brother.* 
 
 In the year fifteen hundred and seventeen, advantage was taken by 
 John Mackay, of the absence of the earl of Sutherland, who had gone to 
 Edinburgh to transact some business connected with his estates, to in- 
 vade the province of Sutherland, and to burn and spoil every thing which 
 came in his way. He was assisted in this lawless enterprise by two races 
 of people dwelling in Sutherland, called the Siol-Phaill, and the Siol- 
 Thomais, and by Neil-Mac-Iain-Mac-Angus of Assint, and his brother 
 John Mor-Mac-Iain, with some of their countrymen. As soon as the 
 countess of Sutherland, who had remained at home, heard of this invasion, 
 she prevailed upon Alexander Sutherland, her bastard brother, to oppose 
 Mackay. Assisted chiefly by John Murray of Aberscors, and Uilleam- 
 Mac-Sheumais-Mhic-Chruner, chief of the Clan Gun in Sutherland, 
 Alexander convened hastily the inhabitants of the country and went in 
 search of the enemy. He met John Mackay and his brother Donald, at 
 a place called Torran-Dubh or Cnocan-Dubh, near Rogart in Strath- 
 fleet. Mackay 's force was prodigious, for he had assembled not only the 
 whole strength of Strathnaver, D urines, Edderachilis and Assint, with the 
 Siol-Phaill and Siol-Thomais ; but also all the disorderly and idle men of 
 the whole diocess of Caithness, with all such as he could entice to join 
 nim from the west and north-west isles, to accompany him in his expe- 
 dition, buoyed up with the hopes of plunder. But the people of Suther- 
 land were nowise dismayed at the appearance of this formidable host, 
 and made preparations for an attack. A desperate struggle commenced, 
 and after a long contest Mackay 's van-guard was driven back upon the 
 position, occupied by himself. Mackay having rallied the retreating 
 party, selected a number of the best and ablest men he could find, and 
 having placed the remainder of his army under the command of his 
 brother, Donald, to act as a reserve in case of necessity, he made a 
 furious attack upon the Sutherland men, who received the enemy with 
 
 Sir Robert Gordon, p. 90. 
 
130 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 great coolness and intrepidity. The chief's on both sides encouraged 
 their men to fight for the honour of their clans, and in consequence the 
 fight was severe and bloody ; but in the end the Sutherland men, afl;er great 
 slaughter, and after prodigies of valour had been displayed by both 
 parties, obtained the victory. Mackay's party was almost entirely 
 cut off, and Mackay himself escaped with difficulty. The victors next 
 turned their attention to the reserve under the command of Donald 
 Mackay ; but Donald dreading the fate of his brother, fled along with his 
 party, who immediately dispersed themselves. They were, however 
 closely pursued by John Murray and Uilleam Mac-Sheumais, till the 
 darkness of the night prevented the pursuit. In this battle, two hundred 
 of the Strathnaver men, thirty-two of the Siol-Phaill, and fifteen of the 
 Siol-Thomais, besides many of the Assint men, and their commander, 
 Niall-Mac-Iain-Mac-Aonghais, a valiant chieftain, were slain. John 
 Mor-Mac-Iain, the brother of this chief, escaped with his life after re- 
 ceiving many wounds. Of the Sutherland men, thirty-eight only were 
 slain. Sir Robert Gordon says that this " was the greatest conflict that 
 hitherto hes been foughtin between the inhabitants of these cuntreyes, or 
 within the diocy of Catteynes, to our knowlege."* 
 
 Shortly after the battle of Torran-Dubh, Uilleam Mac-Sheumais, called 
 Cattigh, chief of the Clan Gun, killed George Keith of Aikregell with 
 his son and twelve of their followers, at Drummoy, in Sutherland, as 
 they were travelling from Inverugie to Caithness. This act was com- 
 mitted by Mac-Sheumais to revenge the slaughter of liis grandfather (the 
 Cruner,) who had been slain by the Keiths, under the following circum- 
 stances. A long feud had existed between the Keiths and the Clan Gun, 
 to reconcile which, a meeting was appointed at the chapel of St Tayr in 
 Caithness, near Gernigs, of twelve horsemen on each side. The Cruner, 
 then chief of the Clan Gun, with some of his sons and his principal kins- 
 men, to the number of twelve in whole, came to the chapel at the ap- 
 pointed time. As soon as they arrived, they entered the chapel and 
 prostrated themselves in prayer before the altar. While employed in this 
 devotional act, the laird of Inverugie and Aikregell arrived with twelve 
 horbes, and two men on each horse. After dismounting, the whole of 
 this party rushed into the chapel armed, and attacked the Cruner and 
 his party unawares. Tlie Clan Gun, however, defended themselves with 
 great intrepidity, and although the whole twelve were slain, many of the 
 Keiths were also killed. For nearly two centuries the blood of the slain 
 was to be seen on the walls of the chapel which it had stained. James 
 Gun, one of the sons of the Cruner, being absent, immediately on hearing 
 of his father's death, retired with his family into Sutherland where he 
 settled, and where his son William Mac-Sheumais or Mac-James, other- 
 wise William Cattigh, was born. 
 
 As John Mackay imputed his defeat at Torran-Dubh mainly to John 
 
 • Sir R. GcjiJon, p. 92. 
 
CLAIMS OF ALEXANDER SUTHERLAND THE BASTARD. 181 
 
 Murray of Aberscors, he resolved to take the tirst convenient opportu- 
 nity of revenging himself, and wiping off the disgrace of his discomfiture. 
 He, therefore, not being in a condition himself to undertake an expedi' 
 tion, employed two brothers, William and Donald, his kinsmen, chieftains 
 of the Sliochd-Iain-Abaraich, with a company of men to attack Murray 
 Th e latter having mustered his forces, the parties met at a place called 
 Loch-Salchie, not far from the Torran-Dubh, where a sharp skirmish 
 took place, in which Murray proved victorious. The two Strathnaver 
 chieftains and the greater part of their men were slain, and the remainder 
 were put to flight. The principal person who fell on Murray's side was 
 his brother John-Roy, whose loss he deeply deplored. 
 
 Exasperated at this second disaster, John Mackay sent John Croy 
 and Donald, two of his nephews, sons of Angus Mackay, who was killed 
 at Morinsh in Ross, at the head of a number of chosen men to plunder 
 and burn the town of Pitfour, in Strathfleet, which belonged to John 
 Murray ; but they were equally unsuccessful, for John Croy Mackay, 
 and some of his men were slain by the Murrays, and Donald was taken 
 prisoner. In consequence of these repeated reverses, John Mackay 
 submitted himself to the earl of Sutherland, on his return from Edinburgh, 
 and granted him his bond of service, in the year fifteen hundred and 
 eighteen. But notwithstanding of this submission, Mackay afterwards 
 tampered with Alexander Sutherland, the bastard, and having gained 
 his favour by giving his sister to Sutherland in marriage, he prevailed 
 upon him to raise the standard of insurrection against the earl of Suther- 
 land. All these commotions in the north happened during the minority 
 of King James V., when, as Sir R. Gordon says, " everie man thought 
 to escape unpunished, and cheiflie these who were remotest from the 
 seat of justice."* 
 
 This Alexander Sutherland was son of John, the third of that name, 
 Earl of Sutherland, and as he pretended that the Earl and his mother 
 had entered into a contract of marriage, he laid claim, on the death of 
 the earl, to the title and estates, as a legitimate descendant of Earl John, 
 his father. By the entreaties of Adam Gordon, Lord of Aboyne, who 
 had married Lady Elizabeth, the sister and sole heiress of Earl John, 
 Alexander Sutherland judicially renounced his claim in presence of the 
 SheriflT of Inverness, on the twenty-fifth day of July, fifteen hundred and 
 nine. He now repented of what he had done, and being instigated by 
 the earl of Caithness and John Mackay, mortal foes to the house of 
 Sutherland, he renewed his pretensions. Earl Adam, perceiving that he 
 might incur some danger in making an appeal to arms, particularly, as 
 the clans and tribes of the country, with many of whom Alexander had 
 become very popular, were broken into factions and much divided on 
 the question betwixt him and Alexander Sutherland, endeavoured to win 
 him over by offering him many favourable conditions, again to renounce 
 
 • Sir R. Gordon, p. 93. 
 
182 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 his claims ; but in vain. He maintained the legitimacy of his descent, 
 and alleged that the renunciation he had granted at Inverness, had been 
 obtained from him contrary to his inclination, and against the advice of 
 his best friends. 
 
 Having collected a considerable force, he, in absence of the earl, who 
 was in Strathbogy, attacked Dunrobin castle, the chief strength of the 
 earl, which he took. In this siege he was chiefly supported by Alex- 
 ander Terrell of the Doill, who in consequence of taking arms against 
 the earl, his superior, lost all his lands, and was afterwards apprehended 
 and executed. As soon as the earl heard of the insurrection, he des- 
 patched Alexander Lesley of Kinninuvy, with a body of men into Suther- 
 land, to assist John Murray of Aberscors, who was already at the head 
 of a force to support the earl. They immediately besieged Dunrobin, 
 which surrendered. Alexander had retired to Strathnaver; but he 
 again returned into Sutherland with a fresh body of men, and laid waste 
 the country. After putting to death several of his own kinsmen who 
 had joined the earl, he descended farther into the country, towards the 
 parishes of Loth and Clyne. Meeting with little or no opposition, the 
 bastard grew careless, and being observed wandering along the Suther- 
 land coast, flushed with success and regardless of danger, the earl formed 
 tiie design of cutting him entirely off". With this view he directed Alex- 
 aider Lesley of Kinninuvy, John Murray, and John Scorrigh-Mac, 
 Finlay, one of the Siol-Thoraais, to hover on Sutherland's outskirts, and 
 to keep skirmishing with him till he, the earl, should collect a sufficient 
 force, with which to attack him. Having collected a considerable body 
 of resolute men, the earl attacked the bastard at a place called Ald- 
 Quhillin, by East Clentredaill, near the sea side. A warm contest en- 
 sued, in which Alexander Sutherland was taken prisoner, and the most 
 of his men were slain, including John Bane one of his principal support- 
 ers, who fell by the hands of John Scorrigh-Mac-Finlay. After the 
 battle Sutherland was immediately beheaded by Alexander Lesley on the 
 spot, and his head sent to Dunrobin on a spear, which was placed upon the 
 top of the great tower, " which shews us (as Sir Robert Gordon, following 
 the superstition of his times, curiously observes,) that whatsoever by fate 
 is aUotted, though sometymes forshewed, can never be avoyded. For 
 the witches had told Alexander the bastard, that his head should be the 
 highest that ever wes of the Southerlands ; which he did foolishlye inter- 
 pret that some day he should be earl of Southerland, and in honor above 
 all his predicessors. Thus the divell and his ministers, the witches, 
 deceaving still such as trust in them, will either find or frame predictions 
 for everie action or event, which doeth ever fall out contrarie to ther 
 expectations : a kynd of people to all men unfaithfuU, to hopers deceatful, 
 and in all cuntries aUwise forbidden, allwise reteaned and manteaned."* 
 
 The earl of Sutherland being now far advanced in life, retired for the 
 
 • Sir R. Gordon, pp. 96, 97. 
 
MACKAy's invasion of SUTHERLAND. 183 
 
 most part to Strathbogy and Aboyne to spend the remainder of his days 
 amongst his friends, and intrusted the charge of the country to Alex- 
 ander Gordon, his eldest son, a young man of great intrepidity and 
 talent. The restless chief, John Mackay, still smarting under his mis- 
 fortunes, and thirsting for revenge, thought the present a favourable op- 
 portunity for retrieving his losses. With a considerable force, therefore, 
 he invaded Sutherland, and entered the parish of Creigh, which he in- 
 tended to ravage, but the Master of Sutherland hastened thither, attacked 
 Mackay, and forced him to retreat into Strathnaver with some loss. 
 Mackay then assembled a large body of his countrymen and invaded 
 the Breachat. He was agam defeated by Alexander Gordon at the 
 Grinds after a keen skirmish. Hitherto Mackay had been allowed to 
 hold the lands of Grinds, and some other possessions in the west part of 
 Sutherland, but the Master of Sutherland now dispossessed him of all 
 these as a punishment for his recent conduct. Still dreading a renewal 
 of Mackay 's visits, the Master of Sutherland resolved to retaliate, by 
 invading Strathnaver in return, and thereby showing Mackay what he 
 might in future expect if he persevered in continuing his visits to Suther- 
 land. Accordingly, he collected a body of stout and resolute men, and 
 entered Strathnaver, which he pillaged and burnt, and, having collected 
 a large quantity of booty, returned into Sutherland. In entering Strath- 
 naver, the Master of Sutherland had taken the road to StrathuUy, pass- 
 ing through Mackay's bounds in the hope of falling in with and appre- 
 hending him, but Mackay was absent on a Creach excursion into Suther- 
 land. In returning, however, through the Diric Muir and the Breachat, 
 Alexander Gordon received intelligence that Mackay with a company 
 of men was in the town of Lairg, with a quantity of cattle he had col- 
 lected in Sutherland, on his way home to Strathnaver. He lost no time 
 in attacking Mackay, and such was the celerity of his motions, that his 
 attack was as sudden as unexpected. Mackay made the best resistance 
 he could, but was put to the rout, and many of his men were killed. 
 He himself made his escape with great difficulty, and saved his life by 
 swimming to the island of Eilean-Minric, near Lairg, where he lay con- 
 cealed during the rest of the day. All the cattle which Mackay had 
 carried away were rescued and carried back into Sutherland. The fol- 
 lowing day Mackay left the island, returned home to his country, and 
 again submitted himself to the Master and his father, the earl, to whom 
 he a second time gave his bond of service and manrent m the year 
 fifteen hundred and twenty-two. * 
 
 As the earl of Caithness had always taken a side against the Suther- 
 land family in these different quarrels, the earl of Sutherland brought 
 an action before the Lords of Council and Session against the earl of 
 Caithness to recover back from him the lands of StrathuUy, on the 
 ground, that the earl of Caithness had not fulfilled the condition on winch 
 
 « Sir R. Gordon, p. 97. 
 2 A 
 
1S4 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 the lands were granted to him, viz. to assist the earl of Sutherland 
 against his enemies. There were other minor points of dispute between 
 the earls, to get all which determined they both repaired to Edinburgh. 
 Instead, however, of abiding the issue of atrial at law before the judges, 
 both parties, by the advice of mutual friends, referred the decision of all 
 the points in dispute on either side to Gavin Dunbar, * bishop of Aber- 
 deen, who pronounced his award, at Edinburgh, on the eleventh day of 
 March fifteen hundred and twenty-four, which put an end to all contro- 
 versies, and made the eai'ls live in peace with one another ever after. 
 
 The year fifteen hundred and twenty-six was signalized by a great 
 dissension among the Clan Chattan. The chief and head of that clan 
 was Lauchlan Mackintosh of Dunnachtan, " a verrie honest and wyso 
 gentleman (says Bishop Lesley), an barroun of gude rent, quha keipit 
 hes hole ken, friendes and tennentis in honest and guid rewU ;" f and 
 according to Sir Robert Gordon, " a man of great possessions, and of 
 such excellencies of witt and judgement, that with great commendation 
 he did conteyn all his followers within the limits of ther dueties.J" The 
 strictness with which this worthy chief curbed the lawless and turbulent 
 dispositions of his clan raised up many enemies, who, as Bishop Lesley 
 says, were " impacient of vertuous living." At the head of this restless 
 party was James Malcolmeson, a near kinsman of the chief, who insti- 
 gated by his worthless companions, and the temptation of ruling the clan, 
 murdered the good chief. Afraid to face the better part of the clan, to 
 whom the chief was beloved, Malcolmeson, along with his followers, 
 took refuge in the island in the loch of Rothiemurcus ; but the enraged 
 clan followed them to their hiding places and despatched them. 
 
 As the son of the deceased chief was of tender age, and unable to 
 govern the clan, with common consent they made choice of Hector 
 Mackintosh, a bastard brother of the late chief, to act as captain till his 
 nephew should arrive at manhood. In the meantime, the earl of Moray, 
 who was uncle to young Mackintosh, the former chief having been mar- 
 ried to the earl's sister, took away his nephew and placed him under the 
 care of his friends for the benefit of his education, and to bring him up 
 virtuously. Hector Mackintosh was greatly incensed at the removal of 
 the child, and used every effort to get possession of him ; but meeting 
 with a refiisal he became outrageous, and laid so many plans for ac- 
 complishing his object, that his intentions became suspected, as it was 
 thought he could not wish so ardently for the custody of the child with- 
 out some bad design. Baffled in eveiy attempt. Hector, assisted by his 
 brother William, collected a body of their followers and invaded the earl 
 of Moray's lands. They overthrew the fort of Dykes and besieged the 
 castle of Tarnoway, the country surrounding which they plundered, 
 
 * It was this excellent Bishop who built, at his o^■™ expense, the beautiful bridge of 
 seven arches on tlie Dee, near Aberdeen. The Episcopal arms cut on some of the stones 
 are almost as entire as when chiselled by the hands of the sculptor. 
 
 ■• Hist, of Scotland, p. 137. 4 p. gg. 
 
PROCEEDINGS AGAINST THE MACKINTOSHES. 183 
 
 burnt the houses of the mhabitajnts, and slew a number of men, women, 
 and children. Raising the siege of Tarnoway, Hector and his men then 
 entered the country of the Ogilvies and laid siege to the castle of Pet- 
 tens, which belonged to the laird of Durnens, one of the families of the 
 Ogilvies, and which, after some resistance, surrendered. No less than 
 twenty-four gentlemen of the name of Ogilvie were massacred on this 
 occasion. After this event, the Mackintoshes and the party of banditti 
 they had collected, roamed over the whole of the adjoining country, car- 
 rying terror and dismay into every bosom, and plundering, burning, and 
 destroying every thing within their reach. To repress disorders which 
 called so loudly for redress. King James V., by the advice of his council, 
 granted a commission to the earl of Moray to take measures accordingly. 
 Having a considerable force put under his command, the earl went in pur- 
 suit of Mackintosh and his party, and having surprised them, he took 
 upwards of three hundred * of them and hanged them, along with William 
 Mackintosh, the brother of Hector. William's head was fixed upon a 
 pole at Dykes, and his body was quartered, the four quarters of which 
 were sent to Elgin, Forres, Aberdeen, and Inverness, for public expo- 
 sure to deter others from following his example. A singular instance of 
 the fidelitj"- of the Highlanders to their chiefs is afforded in the present 
 case, where out of such a vast number as suffered, not one would reveal 
 the secret of Hector Mackintosh's retreat, although promised their lives 
 for the discovery. " Ther faith wes so true to ther captane, that thej' 
 culd not be persuaded, either by fair meanes, or by any terror of death, 
 to break the same or to betray their master." f 
 
 Seeing no hopes of escaping the royal vengeance but by a ready sub- 
 mission. Hector Mackintosh, by advice of Alexander Dunbar, Dean of 
 Moray, tendered his obedience to the king, which was accepted-of, and 
 he was received into the royal favour. He did not, however, long sur- 
 vive, for he was assassinated in St Andrews by one James Spence', who 
 was in consequence beheaded. After the death of Hector, the Clan- 
 Chattan remained tranquil during the remaining years of the minority 
 of the young chief, who, according to Bishop Lesley, " wes sua well 
 brocht up by the meenes of the erle of Murray and the laird of Phind- 
 later in vertue, honestie, and civile policye, that after he had received 
 the governement of his cuntrey, he was a mirrour of vertue to all the 
 hieland captanis in Scotland."^; But the young chieftain's " honestie and 
 civile policye" not suiting the ideas of those who had concurred in the 
 murder of his father, a conspiracy was formed against him by some of 
 his nearest kinsmen to deprive him of his life, which unfortunately took 
 effect. 
 
 The Highlands now enjoyed repose for some years. John Mackay 
 
 » This is the miitiber given by Bishop Lesley, whose accoujit must be preferred to that 
 of Sir K. Gordon, who states it at upwards of two hundred, as the bishop Uved about a 
 century before Sir Robert. 
 
 t Sir B. Gordon, p. 100. \ Hist. p. J38. 
 
186 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS 
 
 died in fifteen hundred and twenty-nine, and was succeeded by hia 
 brother, Donald, who remained quiet during the life of Adam, Ear 
 of Sutherland, to whom his brother had twice granted his bond of ser- 
 vice. But, upon the death of that nobleman, he began to molest the 
 inhabitants of Sutherland. In fifteen hundred and forty-two, he attacked 
 the village of Knockartol, which he burnt ; and at the same time he plun- 
 dered Strathbroray. To oppose his farther progress. Sir Hugh Kennedy 
 collected as many of the inhabitants of Sutherland as the shortness of the 
 time would permit ; and, being accompanied by Gilbert Gordon of 
 Gartay, John Murray of Aberscors, his son Hutcheon Murray, and 
 Mac-Mhic-Sheumais of Killiernan, he attacked Mackay, quite unawares, 
 near Alt-Na-Beth. Notwithstanding this unexpected attack, Mackay 's 
 men met their assailants with great firmness, but the Strathnaver mei.i 
 were ultimately obliged to retreat with the loss of their booty, and a 
 great number of slain, amongst whom was John Mackean-Mac-Angus, 
 chief of Sliochd-Mhic-Iain-Mhic-Hutcheon, in Edderachilis. Donald 
 Mackay was closely pursued, but he retreated with great skill, and, in 
 the course of his retreat, killed William Macwilliam, who pressed hard 
 upon him, with his own hands. Though closely pressed by Gilbert 
 Gordon and Hutcheon Murray, he made good his retreat into Strath- 
 naver. 
 
 By no means disheartened at his defeat, and anxious to blot out the 
 stain which it had thrown upon hmi, he soon returned into Sutherland 
 with a fresh force, and encamped near Skibo. Hutcheon Murray col- 
 lected some Sutherland men, and with them he attacked Mackay, and 
 kept him in check till an additional force, which he expected, should 
 arrive. As soon as Mackay saw this new body of men approaching, 
 with which he was quite unable to contend, he retreated suddenly into 
 his own country, leaving several of his men dead on the field. This 
 affair' was called the skirmish of Loch-Buy. This mode of annoyance, 
 which continued for some time, was put an end to by the apprehension 
 of Donald Mackay, who being brought before the earls of Huntly and 
 Sutherland, was, by their command, committed a close prisoner to the 
 castle of Foulis, where he remained a considerable time in captivity 
 At last, by means of Donald Mac-Iain-Mhoir, a Strathnaver man, he 
 effected his escape, and, returning home, reconciled himself with the 
 earl of Sutherland, to whom he gave his bond of service and manrent, 
 on the eighth day of April, fifteen hundred and forty-nine. 
 
 During the reign of James V., some respect was paid in the High- 
 lands to the laws ; but the divisions which fell out amongst the nobility, 
 the unquiet state of the nation during the minority of the infant queen, 
 and the wars with England, relaxed the springs of government, and the 
 consequence was, that the usual scenes of turbulence and oppression soon 
 displayed themselves in the Highlands, accompanied with all those cir- 
 cumstances of ferocity, which rendered them so revolting to humanity 
 The Clanranald was particularly active in these lawless proceedings. 
 
COMBAT OF BLAR-NAN-T,EIN. 187 
 
 This clan bore great enmity to Hugh, Lord Lovat ; and because Ran-^ 
 aid, son of Donald Glass of Moidart, was sister's son of Lovat, they 
 conceived a prejudice against him, dispossessed him of his lands, and 
 put John Macranald, his cousin, in possession of the estate. Lovat 
 took up the cause of his nephew, and restored him to the possession of 
 his property ; but the restless clan dispossessed Ranald again, and laid 
 waste a part of Lovat's lands in Glenelg. These disorders did not escape 
 the notice of the earl of Arran, the governor of the kingdom, who, by 
 advice of his council, granted an especial commission to the earl of 
 Huntly, making him lieutenant-general of all the Highlands, and of 
 Orkney and Zetland. He also appointed the earl of Argyle, lieutenant 
 of Argyle and the Isles. The earl of Huntly lost no time in raising a 
 -arge army in the north, with which he marched, in May fifteen hundred 
 and forty-four, attended by the Mackintoshes, Grants, and Erasers, 
 against the clan Cameron and the clan Ranald, and the people of Moy- 
 dart and Knoydart, whose principal captains were Ewen AUenson, 
 Ronald M'Coneilglas, and John Moydart. These had wasted and plun- 
 dered the whole country of Urquhart and Glenmorriston, belonging to 
 the laird of Grant, and the country of Abertarf, Strathglas, and others, 
 the property of Lord Lovat. They had also taken absolute possession of 
 these different territories, as their own properties, which they intended to 
 possess and enjoy in all time coming. But, by the mediation of the 
 earl of Argyle, they immediately dislodged themselves upon the earl of 
 Huntly's appearance, and retired to their own territories in the west 
 On restoring Ranald to his possession, and clearing the lands of Lord 
 Lovat and the laird of Grant, of the intruders, the earl returned to the 
 low country with his army. 
 
 In returning to his own country, Lovat was accompanied by the 
 Grants and Mackintoshes as far as Gloy, afterwards called the Nine- 
 Mile- Water, and they even offered to escort him home in case of dan- 
 ger ; but, having no apprehensions, he declined, and they returned home 
 by Badenoch. This was a fatal error on the part of Lovat, for as soon 
 as he arrived at Letterfinlay, he was informed that the Clanranald were 
 at hand, in full march, to intercept him. To secure an important pass, 
 he despatched lain-Cleireach, one of his principal officers, with fifty 
 men ; but, from some cause or other, lain-Cleireach did not accomplish 
 his object ; and as soon as Lovat came to the north end of Loch Lochy, 
 he perceived the Clanranald descending the hill from the west, to the 
 number of about five hundred, divided into seven companies. Lovat 
 was thus placed in a position in which he could neither refuse nor avoid 
 battle. The day, (3d July,) being extremely hot, Lovat's men, who 
 amounted to about three hundred, stript to the shirts, from which cir- 
 cumstance, the battle was called Blar-Nan-Leine, i. e. the Field of Shirts. 
 A sort of skirmishing warfare at first took place, first with bows and 
 arrows, which lasted a considerable time, until both sides had expended 
 their shafts. The combatants then drew their swords, and rushed op 
 
IBS HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 each other with fierce and deadly intent. The slaughter was tremen- 
 dous, and few escaped on either side. Lord Lovat with three hundred 
 of the surname of Fraser, and other followers, were left dead on the 
 field. Lovat's eldest son, a youth of great accomplishments, who had 
 received his education in France, from whence he had lately arrived, 
 was mortally wounded, and taken prisoner. He died within three days. 
 Great as was the loss on the side of the Frasers, that on the opposite 
 side was comparatively still greater. According to a tradition handed 
 down, only four of the Frasers, and ten of the Clanranald, remained 
 alive. The darkness of the night alone put an end to the combat. This 
 was an unfortunate blow to the Clanfraser, which would have been al- 
 most entirely annihilated ; but, for the happy circumstance, as reported, 
 that the wives of eighty of the Frasers, who were slain, were pregnant 
 at the time, and were each of them afterwards delivered of a male 
 child.* 
 
 As soon as intelligence of this disaster was brought to the earl of 
 Huntly, he again returned with an army, entered Lochaber, which he 
 laid waste, and apprehended many of the leading men of the hostile 
 tribes, whom he put to death. The two principal ringleaders, Ewen 
 AUensone, or Ewin-Mac-AUan, and Ronald M'Coneilglase, or Rey- 
 nald-Mac-Donald-Glas, as they are respectively named by Bishop 
 Lesley and Sir Robert Gordon, having concealed themselves, the earl 
 compelled their people to give up these chieftains, and other leading 
 men of the tribes to him. These he carried with him to Perth, 
 where, after being detained as prisoners a considerable time, they were 
 brought to trial in presence of the principal nobles and barons of the 
 north of Scotland, condemned and executed. The two chiefs were be- 
 headed, and, as a terror to others, their heads were placed on the gates 
 of the town. John Moidart, on hearing the fate of his lawless compa- 
 nions, fled into the isles, where he remained for some time. 
 
 In consequence of a charge made against Andrew Stuart, Bishop of 
 Caithness, of having instigated the clan Gun to the murder of the laird 
 of DufFus in Thurso, the bishop retired from his charge, and afterwards 
 went into banishment in England. During the vacancy in the diocese, 
 the earl of Caithness and Donald Mackay, taking advantage of the civil 
 dissentions of the state, took possession of the bishop's lands, and levied 
 the rents for the behoof, as they pretended, of the expatriated bishop. 
 Mackay took possession of the castle of Ski bo, one of the bishop's pa- 
 laces, which he fortified, and placed under the charge of Neill - Mae- 
 William. The earl of Caithness, at the same time, possessed himself 
 of the castle of Strabister, another residence of the bishop. But, upon 
 the restoration of the bishop, both the earl and Mackay absolutely re- 
 fused to surrender to him these, or any other parts of his possessions, or 
 to account to him for the rents they had received in his name. The 
 
 • Lesley, p. 1S4.— Sir R. Gordon, p. 109, 110.— ShaWs Moray, p. 2C5, 256. 
 
EXECUTION OF MACKINTOSH. 189 
 
 earU of Hantly and Sutherland, who were in Edinburgh at the time, 
 hearing of this refusal, appointed captain James CuUen, an experienced 
 naval and military officer, to go before them into Sutherland, and ascer- 
 tain the exact state of matters. The people of the country, who were 
 favourable to the bishop's claims, immediately assembled on the arrival 
 of Cullen at Dornoch, with a resolution to besiege the castle of Skibo 
 But the Strathnaver men, who keptpossession, hearing of their approach, 
 were afraid to stand a siege, and withdrew privately from the castle, 
 and went home to Strathnaver ; but, being closely pursued, some of 
 them were cut off. On the return of the earls of Huntly and Suther- 
 land to the north, they summoned the earl of Caithness and Mackay to 
 appear before them at Helmsdale, to answer for their intromissions witli 
 the bishop's rents, and for the wrongs they had done. The earl of 
 Caitlmess immediately obeyed the call, and although the river of 
 Helmsdale was greatly swollen by recent heavy rains, he, in order to 
 show his ready submission, crossed it on foot, to the great danger of his 
 life, as the water was as high as his breast. Having made a final and 
 satisfactory arrangement, the earl returned into Caithness. Mackay 
 was forced to appear with great unwillingness ; and, although he was 
 pardoned, the earls committed him a prisoner to the castle of Foulis.* 
 
 The great power conferred on the earl of Huntly, as Lieutenant 
 General in the north of Scotland, and the promptitude and severity with 
 which he put down the insurrections of some of the chiefs alluded to, 
 raised up many enemies against him. As he in company with the earl 
 of Sutherland was about to proceed to France for the purpose of convey- 
 ing the queen regent to that country, in the year fifteen hundred and 
 fifty, a conspiracy was formed against him, at the head of which was 
 Mackintosh, chief of the Clan Chattan. This conspiracy being dis- 
 covered to the earl, he ordered Mackintosh to be immediately appre- 
 hended and brought to Strathbogie, where he was beheaded in the 
 month of August of that year. His lands were also forfeited at the same 
 time. This summary proceeding excited the sympathy and roused the 
 indignation of the friends of the deceased chief, particularly of the earl 
 of Cassillis. A commotion was about to ensue, but matters wei-e adjust- 
 ed, for a time, by the prudence of the queen regent, who recalled the 
 act of forfeiture and restored Mackintosh's heir to all his father's lands. 
 But the Clan Chattan was determined to avail themselves of the first 
 favourable opportunity of being revenged upon the earl, which they, 
 therefore, anxiously looked for. As Lauchlan Mackintosh, a near kins- 
 man of the chief, was suspected of having betrayed his chief to the 
 earl, the clan entered his castle of Pettie by stealth, slew him and ban- 
 ished all his dependants from the country of the clan. 
 
 About the same time the province of Sutherland again became the 
 scene of some commotions. The earl having occasion to leave Lome, 
 
 • Sir K. Gordon, p. 112, 11 3. 
 
190 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 intrusted the government of the country to Alexander Gordon, his bro- 
 ther, who ruled it with great justice and severity; but the people, dislik- 
 ing the restraints put upon them by Alexander, created a tumult, and 
 placed John Sutherland, son of Alexander Sutherland; the bastard, at 
 their head. Seizing the favourable opportunity, as it appeared to 
 them, when Alexander Gordon was attending divine service in the 
 church at Golspikirktoun, they proceeded to attack him, but receiving 
 notice of their intentions, he collected the little company he had about 
 him, and went out of church resolutely to meet them. Alarmed at seeing 
 him and his party approach, the people immediately dispersed and re- 
 turned every man to his own house. But William Murray, son of Caen 
 Murray, one of the family of Pulrossie, indignant at the affront offered 
 to Alexander Gordon, shortly afterwards killed John Sutherland upon 
 the Nether Green of Dunrobin at the west corner of the garden, in re- 
 venge for which murder William Murray was himself thereafter slain by 
 the Laird of Clyne. 
 
 The Mackays also took advantage of the earl of Sutherland's absence, 
 to plunder and lay waste the country. Y-Mackay, son of Donald, as- 
 sembled the Strathnaver men and entered Sutherland, but Alexander 
 Gordon forced him back into Strathnaver, and not content with acting 
 on the defensive, he entered Mackay's country, which he wasted, and 
 carried off a large booty in goods and cattle, in the year fifteen hundred 
 and fifty-one. Mackay, in his turn, retaliated, and this system of mutual 
 aggression and spoliation continued for several years.* 
 
 During the absence of the earl of Huntly in France, John of Moy- 
 dart, chief of the Clanranald, returned from the isles and recommenced 
 his usual course of rapine. The queen regent, on her return from 
 France, being invested with full authority, sent the earl of Huntly on 
 an expedition to the north, for the purpose of apprehending Clanranald 
 and putting an end to his outrages. The Earl having mustered a con- 
 siderable force, chiefly Highlanders and of the Clan Chattan, passed into 
 Moydart and Knoydart, but his operations were paralyzed by disputes 
 in his camp. The chief and his men having abandoned their own coun- 
 try, the earl proposed to pursue them in their retreats among the fast- 
 nesses of the Highlands; but his principal officers, who were chiefly 
 from the Lowlands, unaccustomed to such a mode of warfare in such a 
 country, demurred ; and as the earl was afraid to entrust himself with 
 the Clan Chattan, who owed him a deep grudge on account of the exe 
 cution of their last chief, he abandoned the enterprize and returned to 
 the low country. Sir Robert Gordon says that the failure of the expe- 
 dition was owing to a tumult raised in the earl's camp by the Clan 
 Chattan, who returned home ; but we are rather disposed to consider 
 Bishop Lesley's account, which we have followed, as the most correct.f 
 *• The failure of this expedition gave great offence to the queen, who, 
 
 • Sir H. Gordon, p. 1S3. f Lesley, p. E51. 
 
JOURNEY OF THE QUEEN REGENT TO THE NORTH. 191 
 
 instigated it is supposed by Huntly's enemies, attributed it to negli- 
 gence on his part. The consequence was, that the earl was committed 
 a prisoner to the castle of Edinburgh in the month of October, where he 
 remained till the month of March following. He was compelled to re- 
 nounce the earldom of Moray and the lordship of Abernethy, with his 
 tacks and possessions in Orkney and Zetland, and the tacks of the 
 lands of the earldom of Mar and of the lordship of Strathdie, of which 
 he was bailie and steward, and he was moreover condemned to a banish- 
 ment of five years in France. But as he was about to leave the king- 
 dom, the Queen, taking a more favourable view of his conduct, recalled 
 the sentence of banishment, and restored him to the office of Chan- 
 cellor, of which he had been deprived ; and to make this act of leni- 
 ency somewhat palatable to the earl's enemies, the queen exacted a 
 heavy pecuniary fine from the earl. 
 
 As the Highlands still continued in a state of misrule, principally 
 owing to the conduct of John of Moidart, the queen sent the earl of 
 Athole to the Highlands, the following year, with a special commission to 
 apprehend this turbulent chief; and he succeeded so well by negotiation 
 as to prevail upon John, two of his sons, and some of his kinsmen, to 
 submit themselves to the queen, who pardoned them, but ordered them 
 to be detained prisoners in the castle of Methven where they were well 
 treated. Disliking such restraint, they effected their escape into their 
 own country privately, where they again began their usual restless course 
 of life. 
 
 The great disorders which prevailed in the Highlands at this time, in- 
 duced the queen-regent to undertake a journey thither in order to punish 
 these breaches of the law, and to repress existing tumults. She according- 
 ly arrived at Inverness in the month of July, fifteen hundred and fifty- 
 five, where she was met by John, Earl of Sutherland, and George, Earl 
 of Caithness. Although the latter nobleman was requested to bring his 
 countrymen along with him to the court, he neglected or declined to do 
 so, and he was therefore committed to prison at Inverness, Aberdeen, 
 and Edinburgh, successively, and he was not restored to liberty till he 
 paid a considerable sum of money. Y-Mackay of Far, was also sum- 
 moned to appear before the queen at Inverness, to answer for his spolia- 
 tions committed in the country of Sutherland during the absence of Earl 
 John in France ; but he refused to appear. Whereupon the queen granted 
 a commission to the earl of Sutherland, to bring Mackay to justice. The 
 earl accordingly entered Strathnaver with a great force, sacking and 
 spoiling every thing in his way, and possessing himself of all the princi- 
 pal positions to prevent Mackay's escape. Mackay, however, avoided 
 the earl, and as he declined to fight, the earl laid siege to the castle of 
 Borwe, the orincipal strength in Strathnaver, scarcely two miles distant 
 from Far, which he took after a short siege, and hanged Ruaridh-Mac- 
 lain-Mhoir, the commander. This fort the earl completely demolished. 
 
 While the earl of Sutherland was engaged in the siege, Mackay en- 
 T 2b 
 
192 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 tered Sutherland secretly, and burnt the church of Loth. He thereaf- 
 ter went to the village of KnockartoU, where he met Mackenzie and his 
 countrymen in Strathbroray. A slight skirmish took place between 
 them ; but Mackay and his men fled after he had lost Angus-Mackean- 
 voir one of his commanders, and several of his followers. Mackenzie 
 was thereupon appointed by the earl to protect Sutherland from the 
 incursions of Mackay during his stay in Strathnaver. Having been 
 defeated again by Mackenzie, and seeing no chance of escape, Mackay 
 surrendered himself, and was carried south, and committed a prisoner 
 to the castle of Edinburgh, in which he remained a considerable time 
 During the queen's stay in the north, many notorious delinquents were 
 brought to trial, condemned and executed. 
 
 During Mackay's detention in Edinburgh, John Mor-Mackay, who 
 took charge of his kinsman's estate, seizing the opportunity of the earl 
 of Sutherland's absence in the south of Scotland, entered Sutherland 
 at the head of a determined body of Strathnaver men, and spoiled 
 and wasted the east corner of that province, and burnt the chapel of 
 St Ninian. Mac-Mhic-Sheumais, chief of the Clan-Gun, the laird of 
 Clyne, the Terrell of the Doill, and James Mac- William having col- 
 lected a body of Sutherland men, pursued the Strathnaver men, whom 
 they overtook at the foot of the hill called Ben-Moir in Berridell. Here 
 they laid an ambush for them, and having, by favour of a fog, passed 
 their sentinels, they unexpectedly surprised Mackay's men, and attacked 
 them with great fury. The Strathnaver men made an obstinate resist- 
 ance, but were at length overpowered. Many of them were killed, and 
 others drowned in the water of Garwary. Mackay himself escaped with 
 great difficulty. This was one of the severest defeats the Strathnaver 
 men ever experienced, except at the battle of Knoken-dow-Reywird. 
 
 On the relcEise of Mackay from his confinement in the castle of Edin- 
 burgh, he was employed in the wars upon the borders, against the 
 English, in which he acquitted himself courageously ; and on his return 
 to Strathnaver he submitted himself to the earl of Sutherland, with 
 whom he lived in peace during the remainder of the earl's life. But 
 Mackay incurred the just displeasure of the tribe of Slaight-ean-Voir by 
 the committal of two crimes of the deepest dye. Having imbibed a 
 violent affection for the wife of Tormaid-Mac-Iain-Mhoir, the chieftain 
 of that tribe, he, in order to accomplish his object, slew the chief, after 
 which he violated his wife, by whom he had a son called Donald Balloch 
 Mackay. The insulted clan flew to arms ; but they were defeated at 
 Durines, by the murderer and adulterer, after a sharp skirmish. Three 
 of the principal men of the tribe who had given themselves up, trusting 
 to Mackay's clemency, were beheaded.* 
 
 In the year fifteen hundred and sixty-one, several petty feuds occur- 
 red in Sutherland and Caithness. Hugh Murray, of Aberscors, killed 
 
 * Sir R. Gordon, p. 136. 
 
Miu'Liiv 
 
 A.FiiHai-tou k- C". Lomion Szlirnhw^h. 
 
EARL AND COUNTESS OF SUTHERLAND POISONED. 193 
 
 Imhear-Mac-Iain-Mhic-Thomais, a gentleman of the Siol-Thomais, for 
 wnich act he incurred the displeasure of the earl of Sutherland. Mur- 
 ray thereupon fled into Caithness, and sought the protection of the earl 
 ot Caithness. Houcheon Murray, the father of Hugh, being suspected 
 by the earl of Sutherland as having been privy to the murder, was ap- 
 prehended and imprisoned in Dunrobin castle ; but after a slight con- 
 finement he was released as innocent, and by his mediation his son 
 Hugh was restored to tlie favour of the earl. No reconciliation, how, 
 ever, took place between the Murrays and the Siol-Thomais, who con- 
 tinued for a long period at variance. About the same time, William 
 and Angus Sutherland, and the other Sutherlands of Berridale, killed 
 several of the earl of Caithness people, and wasted the lands of the 
 Clynes in that country. For these acts they were banished by the earl 
 from Caithness ; but they again returned, and being assisted by Hugh 
 Murray of Aberscors, they took the castle of Berridale, laid waste the 
 country, and molested the people of Caithness with their incursions. 
 By the mediation of the earl of Sutherland, William and Angus Suther- 
 land, and their accomplices obtamed a pardon from Queen Mary, which 
 so exasperated the earl of Caithness, that he imbibed a mortal hatred 
 not only against the earl of Sutherland, but also against the Murrays, 
 and all the inhabitants of Sutherland.* 
 
 Amongst the many acts which disgrace the memory of James, Earl 
 of Moray, the bastard brother of queen Mary, the murder of Alexan- 
 der Gun, son of John Robson, chief of the Clan-Gun, in the year fif- 
 teen hundred and sixty-five, must not be overlooked. The cause of the 
 earl's antipathy was this : — On one occasion, the earls of Sutherland and 
 Huntly happened to meet the earl of Moray directly in the face on the 
 high street of Aberdeen. Alexander Gun was then in the service of the 
 earl of Sutherland, and as he was walking in front of his master, he 
 declined to give the earl of Moray any part of the height of the street, 
 and forced him and his company to give way. As he considered this 
 to be a deadly affront put upon him, he resolved upon revenge, and 
 seizing the opportunity of the earl of Sutherland's absence in Flanders, 
 he, by means of Andrew Monroe of Miltoun, entrapped Gun, and 
 made him a prisoner at the Delvines, near the town of Nairn, from 
 whence he was taken to Inverness, and after a mock-trial, was executed. 
 Alexander Gun is reported to have been a very able and strong man, 
 endowed with many good qualities.f 
 
 George, earl of Caithness, who had long borne a mortal hatred to 
 John, earl of Sutherland, now projected a scheme for cutting him off, as 
 well as his countess, who was big with child, and their only sou, Alexander 
 Gordon ; the earl and countess were accordingly both poisoned at Helms- 
 dale while at supper by Isobel Sinclair, wife of Gilbert Gordon of Gar- 
 tay, and sister of William Sinclair of Dumbaith, instigated, it is said, by 
 
 » Sir R. Gordon, p. ISO t IWd. p. 144. 
 
194 HISTORY 01' THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 the carl ; but their son, Alexander, made a very narrow escape, not 
 having returned in time from a hunting excursion, to join his father 
 and mother at supper. On Alexander's return the earl had become 
 fully aware of the danger of his situation, and he was thus prevented 
 by his father from participating in any part of the supper which re- 
 mained, and after taking an atfectionate and parting farewell, and re- 
 commending him to the protection of God and of his dearest friends, he 
 sent him to Dunrobin the same night without his supper. The earl and 
 his lady were carried next morning to Dunrobin, where they died 
 within five days thereafter, in the month of July, fifteen hundred and 
 sixty-seven, and were buried in the cathedral church at Dornoch. 
 Pretending to cover himself from the imputation of being concerned 
 in this murder, the earl of Caithness punished some of the earl's most 
 faithful servants under the colour of avenging his death ; but the de- 
 ceased earl's friends being determined to obtain justice, apprehended 
 Isobel Sinclair, and sent her to Edinburgh to stand her trial, where, 
 after being tried and condemned, she died on the day appointed for 
 her execution. During all the time of her illness she vented the most 
 dreadful imprecations upon her cousin, the earl, who had seduced her 
 to commit the horrid act. Had this woman succeeded in cutting ofl 
 the earl's son, her own eldest son, John Gordon, but for the extraor- 
 dinary circumstances of his death to be noticed, would have succeeded 
 to the earldom, as he was the next male heir. This youth happen- 
 ing to be in the house when his mother had prepared the poison, be- 
 came extremely thirsty, and called for a drink. One of his mother's 
 servants, not aware of the preparation, presented to the youth a por- 
 tion of the liquid into which the poison had been infused, which he 
 drank. This occasioned his death within two days, a circumstance 
 which, together with the appearances of the body after death, gave a 
 clue to the discovery of his mother's guilt.* 
 
 Taking advantage of the calamity which had befallen the house of 
 Sutherland, and the minority of the young earl, now only fifl^een years 
 of age, Y-Mackay of Far, who had formed an alliance with the earl of 
 Caithness, invaded the country of Sutherland, wasted the barony of 
 Skibo, entered the town of Dornoch, and, upon the pretence of a 
 quarrel with the Murrays, by whom it was chiefly inhabited, set fire to 
 it, in which outrage he was assisted by the laird of Dufiiis. This hap- 
 pened in the year fifteen hundred and sixty-seven. These measures were 
 only preliminary to a design which the earl of Caithness had formed to 
 get the earl of Sutherland into his hands, but he had the cunning to 
 conceal his intentions in the meantime, and to instigate Mackay to act 
 as he wished without appearing to be in any way concerned. 
 
 In pursuance of his design upon Alexander, the young earl of Su- 
 therland, the earl of Caithness prevailed upon Robert Stuart, bishop 
 
 Sir R. Gordon, p. 147. 
 
CRUELTIES OF THE EARL OF CAITHNESS. 195 
 
 of Caithness, to write a letter to the governor of the castle of Skibo, 
 in which the earl of Sutherland resided, to deliver up the castle to him ; 
 a request with which the governor complied. Having taken posses- 
 sion of the castle, the earl carried off the young man into Caithness, 
 and although only fifteen years of age, he got him married to Lady 
 Barbara Sinclair, his daughter, then aged thirty-two years. Y-Mackay 
 was the paramour of this lady, and for continuing the connexion with 
 him she was afterwards divorced by her husband. 
 
 After Y-Mackay had burned Dornoch, he made an attack upon 
 Hugh Murray, son of Houcheon Murray of Aberscors, in the village of 
 Pitfiir in Strathfleet, took him prisoner, and killed his brother, Donald 
 Roy-Murray, and a kinsman named Thomas Murray. A few of the 
 inhabitants of Sutherland went in pursuit of Mackay, whom they over- 
 took in the Breachat ; but Houcheon Murray prevented them from at- 
 tacking him, as he was afraid that his son, then a prisoner in Mackay's 
 hands, would be killed by the Strathnaver men to prevent a rescue. 
 With a few words of defiance, smd some arrows discharged on either 
 side, according to the ordinary custom of commencing skirmishes, the 
 matter ended, and the Sutherland men returned to their homes. The 
 interference of Houcheon Murray was certainly judicious, for Mackay 
 delivered up his son after a short captivity. As the tribe of the Siol- 
 Phaill had been the cause of the dissension between Mackay and the 
 Murrays, a feud occurred on the release of Hugh between the Murrays 
 and the Siol-Phaill, in which lives were sacrificed on both sides, and 
 which continued till a reconciliation was effected by the earl of Suther- 
 land on coming of age.* 
 
 The earl of Caithness having succeeded in his wishes in obtaining pos- 
 session of the earl of Sutherland, entered the earl's country, and took 
 possession of Dunrobin castle, in which he fixed his residence. He 
 also brought the earl of Sutherland along with him, but he treated him 
 meanly, and he burnt all the papers belonging to the house of Suther- 
 land he could lay his hands on. Cruel and avaricious, he, under the 
 pretence of vindicating the law for imaginary crimes, expelled many of 
 the ancient families in Sutherland from that country, put many of 
 the inhabitants to death, disabled those he banished, in their persons, by 
 new and unheard of modes of torture, and stripped them of all thtir 
 wealth. To be suspected of favouring the house of Sutherland, and to 
 be wealthy, were deemed capital crimes by this oppressor. 
 
 As the earl of Sutherland did not live on friendly terms with his wife 
 on account of her licentious connexion with Mackay, and as there ap- 
 peared no chance of any issue, the earl of Caithness formed the base 
 design of cutting off the earl of Sutherland, and marrying William 
 Sinclair, his second son, to Lady Margaret Gordon, the eldest sister of 
 the earl of Sutherland, whom he had also gotten into his hands, with 
 
 • Sir R. Gordon, p. 151. 
 
196 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 the view of makiiisr William earl of Sutherland. The better to conceal 
 his intentions the earl of Caithness made a journey south to Edinburgh, 
 and gave the necessary instructions to those in his confidence to despatch 
 the earl of Sutherland ; but some of his trusty friends having received 
 private intelligence of the designs of the earl of Caithness from some 
 persons who were privy thereto, they instantly set about measures for 
 defeating them by getting possession of the earl of Sutherland's person. 
 Accordingly, under cloud of night, they came quietly to the burn of 
 Golspie, in the vicinity of Dunrobin, where, concealing themselves to 
 prevent discovery, they sent Alexander Gordon of Sidderay to the 
 castle, disguised as a pedler, for the purpose of warning the earl of 
 Sutherland of the danger of his situation, and devising means of escape. 
 Being made acquainted with the design upon his life, and the plans ol 
 his friends for rescuing him, the earl, early the following morning, pro- 
 posed to the residents in the castle, under whose charge he was, to ac- 
 company him on a small excursion in the neighbourhood. This propo- 
 sal seemed so reasonable in itself, that, although he was perpetually 
 watched by the earl of Caithness' servants, and his liberty greatly 
 restrained, they at once agreed ; and, going out, the earl being aware of 
 the ambush laid by his friends, led his keepers directly into the snare be- 
 fore they were aware of danger. The earl's friends thereupon rushed 
 from their hiding-place, and seizing him, conveyed him safely out of 
 the country of Sutherland to Strathbogie in the year fifteen hundred and 
 sixty-nine. As soon as the earl of Caithness' retainers heard of the 
 escape of earl Alexander, they collected a party of men favourable to 
 their interests, and went in hot pursuit of him as far as Port-ne-Coulter : 
 but they found that the earl and his friends had just crossed the ferry. 
 In the act of crossing they were overtaken by a great tempest which 
 suddenly arose, and made a very narrow escape from drowning.* 
 
 Shortly after this affair a quarrel ensued between the Monroes and 
 the Clan Kenzie, two very powerful Rosshire clans which happened thus : 
 Lesley, the celebrated Bishop of Ross, had made over to his cousin, the 
 Laird of Balquhain, the right and title of the castle of the Canonry of 
 Ross, together with the castle lands. Notwithstanding of this grant, the 
 Regent Murray, had given the custody of this castle to Andrew Monroe 
 of Milntown ; and to make Lesley bear with the loss, the Regent promised 
 him some of the lands of the Barony of Fintry in Buchan, but on condition 
 that he should cede to Monroe the castle and castle lands of the 
 Canonry; but the untimely and unexpected death of the Regent inter- 
 rupted this arrangement, and Andrew Monroe did not, of course, ob- 
 tain the title to the castle and castle lands as he expected. Yet Monroe 
 had the address to obtain permission from the earl of Lennox dur- 
 ing his regency, and afterwards from the earl of Mar, his successor in 
 that office, to get possession of the castle. The Clan Kenzie grudg- 
 
 • Sir R. Gordon, p. 154. 
 
TOWN AND CATHEDRAL OF DORNOCH BURNT. 197 
 
 hig to see Monroe in possession, and being desirous to get hold of the 
 castle themselves, they purchased Lesley's right, and, by virtue thereof, 
 demanded delivery of the castle. Monroe refused to accede to this de- 
 mand, on which the clan laid siege to the castle ; but Monroe defended 
 it for three years at the expense of many lives on both sides. It was 
 then delivered up to the Clan Kenzie under the act of pacification.* 
 
 No attempt was made by the earl of Sutherland, during his minority, 
 to recover his possessions from the earl of Caithness. In the meantime 
 the latter, disappointed and enraged at the escape of his destined prey 
 vexed and annoyed still farther the partisans of the Sutherland family. 
 In particular, he directed his vengeance against the Murrays, and made 
 vVilliam Sutherland of Evelick, brother to the Laird of Duifus, appre- 
 nend John Croy-Murray, under the pretence of bringing him to justice. 
 This proceeding roused the indignation of Hugh Murray of Aberscors, 
 who assembled his friends, and made several incursions upon the lands 
 of Evelick, Pronsies, and Riercher. They also laid waste several vil- 
 lages belonging to the Laird of Duffus, from which they carried off some 
 booty, and apprehending a gentleman of the Sutherlands, they detained 
 him as an hostage for the safety of John Croy-Murray. Upon this the 
 Laird of Duffus collected all his kinsmen and friends, together with the 
 Siol-Phaill at Skibo, and proceeded to the town of Dornoch, with the in- 
 tention of burning it. But the inhabitants, aided by the Murrays, went 
 out to meet the enemy, whom they courageously attacked and over- 
 threw, and pursued to the gates of Skibo. Besides killing several 
 of Duffus' men they made some prisoners, whom they exchanged for 
 John Croy-Murray. This affair was called the skirmish of Torran-Roy. 
 
 The Laird of Duffus. who was father-in-law to the earl of Caithness, 
 and supported him in all his plans, immediately sent notice of this disas- 
 ter to the earl, who without delay sent his eldest son, John, Master of 
 Caithness, with a large party of countrymen and friends, including 
 Y-Mackay and his counti^men, to attack the Murrays in Dornoch. 
 They besieged the town and castle, which were both manfully defended 
 by the Murrays and their friends; but the Master of Caithness, favoured 
 by the darkness of the night, set fire to the cathedral, the steeple 
 of which, however, was preserved. After the town had been reduced, 
 the Master of Caithness attacked the castle and the steeple of the church, 
 into which a body of men had thrown themselves, both of which held 
 out for the space of a week, and would probably have resisted much 
 longer, but for the interference of mutual friends of the parties, by whose 
 mediation the Murrays surrendered the castle and the sieeple of the 
 church; and as hostages for the due performance of other conditions, 
 they delivered up Thomas Murray, son of Houcheon Murray of Aberscors, 
 Houcheon Murray, son of Alexander Mac -Sir -Angus, and John 
 Murray, son of Thomas Murray, the brother of John Murray of Aber- 
 
 * Sir R. GoMon, p. 155. 
 
198 
 
 HISTORY OF THE HIGHJ.ANDS. 
 
 scors. But the earl of Caithness refused to ratify the treaty which his 
 son had entered into with the Murrays, and afterwards basely beheaded 
 the three hostages. These occurrences took place in the year fifteen 
 hundred and seventy.* 
 
 ■» Sir li. (iordon, p. 166. 
 
CHAPTER X. 
 
 Oispersioii of the Murrays and other friends of the Earl of Sutherland— Attempt to 
 detach Mackay from the Earl of Caithness— Breaks liis engagement— Irruption of the 
 Seill-faille into Strathtleet— Ai-rest and imprisonment of John, Master of Caithness, by 
 his father— Death of Mackay — Clan Gun attacked by the Strathnaver men— Thelalter 
 defeated— The Slaight-Ean-Aberigh and the Slaight-Ean-Voir attack the Clan Gun 
 — Attack on the Slaight-Ean-Aberigh by William Mackay and the SlaighuEan- 
 Roy — Feud between the Clan Gun and the Slaight-Ean-Abeiigh- Attadc on the Isle 
 of Assint— Meeting of the Earls of Caithness and Sutherland at Elgin— Combination 
 against the Clan Gun — Skirmish of Clan-tom- Richie— Battle of Aldgown — Execulior 
 of the Chief of the Clan Gun in Caithness — Another meeting between the two Earls- 
 New confederacy against the Clan Gun— Departure of the Clan from Caithness- 
 Defeated near Loch Broom — Feud between the Macleans and Macdonalds of the Isles 
 — Angus Macdonald of Kintyre arrested by Sir Lauchlan Maclean— His liberation- 
 Sir Lauchlan arrested by Macdonald — His release — Invades Ila — Mutual ravages in 
 Mull and Kintyre — Sir Lauchlan tampers with Mackean of Ardinmurchie — Imprison- 
 ment of Maclean and Macdonald in the castle of Edinburgh — New disputes between 
 the Houses of Sutheiland and Caithness. 
 
 The Murrays and the other friends of the Sutherland family, no 
 longer able to protect themselves from tite vengeance of the earl of Caith- 
 ness, dispersed themselves into different countries, there to wait for more 
 favourable times when they might return to their native soil witliout 
 danger. The Murrays went to Stratlibogie, where Earl Alexander 
 then resided. Hugh Gordon of Drummoy retired to Orkney, where he 
 married a lady named Ursla Tulloch; but he frequently visited his 
 friends in Sutherland, in spite of many snares laid for him bjr the earl 
 of Caithness, while secretly going and returning through Caithness. 
 Hugh Gordon's brothers took refuge with the Murrays at Strathbogie. 
 John Gray of Skibo, and his son Gilbert, retired to St Andrew's, where 
 their friend Robert, bishop of Caithness, then resided, and Mac-Mhic- 
 Sheumais of StrathuJly went to Glengarry. 
 
 As the alliance of such a powerful and warlike chief as Mackay, would 
 have been of great importance to the Sutherland interest, an attempt 
 was made to detach him from the earl of Caithness. The plan appears 
 to have originated with Hugh Murray of Aberscors, who made repeated 
 visits to Strathbogie, to consult with the earl of Sutherland and his 
 friends on this subject, and afterwards went into Strathnaver, and held a 
 conference with Mackay, whom he prevailed upon to accompany him to 
 Strathbogie. Mackay then entered into an engagement with the earl 
 of Huntly and the earl of Sutherland, to assist the latter against the earl 
 
 I. 2 c 
 
200 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 of Caithness, in consideration of which, and on payment of £300 Scots, 
 he obtained from the earl of Huntly the heritable riglit and title of the 
 lands of Strathnaver; but Mackay, influenced by Barbara Sinclair, the 
 wife of the earl of Sutherland, with whom he now publicly cohabited, 
 broke his engagement, and continued to oppress the eaiTs followers and 
 dependants. 
 
 About this time the tribe called the Slol-Phaill, made an incursion 
 into Strathfleet, and attacked Hugh Murray of Aberscors. In a skir- 
 mish which took place, the Siol-Phaill took three of the Murray 
 prisoners, whom they afterwards delivered up to the earl of Caithness, 
 who put them to death. In revenge for this cruel act, Hugh Murray 
 afterwards killed two of the principal men of the tribe.* 
 
 From some circumstances which have not transpired, the earl ol 
 Caithness became suspicious of his son John, the Master of Caithnesr, 
 as having, in coimexion with Mackay, a design upon his life. To put 
 an end to the earl's suspicion, Mackay advised John to go to Girnigo, 
 (castle Sinclair,) and to submit himself to his father's pleasure, a request 
 with which the Master complied; but, after arriving at Girnigo, he 
 was, while conversing with his father, arrested by a party of armed men, 
 who, upon a secret signal being given by the earl, had rushed in at the 
 chamber door. He was instantly fettered and thrust into prison within 
 the castle, where, after a miserable captivity of seven years, he died, a 
 prey to famine and vermin. 
 
 Mackay, who had accompanied the Master to Girnigo, and who in all 
 probability would have shared the same fate, escaped and returned home 
 to Strathnaver, where he died, within four months thereafter, of grief and 
 remorse for the many bad actions of his life. During the minority of 
 his son Houcheon, John Mor-Mackay, the cousin, and John Beg- 
 Mackay, the bastard son of Y-Mackay, took charge of the estate ; but 
 John Mor-Mackay was speedily removed from his charge by the earl of 
 Caithness, who, considering him as a favourer of the earl of Sutherland, 
 caused him to be apprehended and carried into Caithness, where he was 
 detained in prison till his death. During this time, John Robson, the 
 chief of the Clan Gun, in Caithness and Strathnaver, became a depen- 
 dant on the earl of Sutherland, and acted as his factor in collecting the 
 rents and duties of the bishop's lands within Caithness which belonged 
 to the earl. This connexion was exceedingly disagreeable to the earl of 
 Caithness, who in consequence took a grudge at John Robson, and to 
 gratify his spleen, he instigated Houcheon Mackay to lay waste the 
 lands of the Clan Gun, in the Brea-Moir, in Caithness, without the 
 knowledge of John Beg-Mackay, his brother. As the Clan Gun had 
 always been friendly to the family of Mackay, John Beg-Mackay was 
 greatly exasperated at the conduct of the earl, in enticing the young 
 chief to commit such an outrage; but he had it not in his power to 
 
 • Sir R. Gordon, p. 163. 
 
FEUDS IN STRATHNAVER AND CAITHNESS. 201 
 
 make any reparation to the injured clan. Jolin Robson the chief, how- 
 ever, assisted by Alexander, earl of Sutherland, invaded Strathnaver and 
 made ample retaliation. Meeting the Strathnaver men at a place called 
 Creach-Drumi-Doun, he attacked and defeated them, killing several of 
 them, and chiefly those who had accompanied Houcheon Mackay in his 
 expedition to the Brea-Moir. He then carried off a large quantity ol 
 booty, -which he divided among the Clan Gun of StrathuUy, who had 
 suffered by Houcheon Mackay 's invasion.* 
 
 The earl of Caithness having resolved to avenge himself on John 
 Beg-Mackay, for the displeasure shown by him at the conduct of 
 Houcheon Mackay, and also on the Clan Gun, prevailed upon Neill- 
 Mac-Iain-Mac-WiUiam, chief of the Sliochd-Iain-Abaraich, and James 
 Mac-Rory, chief of the Sliochd-Iain-Mhoir, to attack them. Accord- 
 ingly, in the month of September, fifteen hundred and seventy-nine, 
 these two chiefs, with their followers, entered Balnekill in Durines, 
 during the night-time, and slew John Beg-Mackay, and William Mac- 
 Iain-Mac-Rob, the brother of John Robson, and some of their people. 
 The friends of the deceased were not in a condition to retaliate, but 
 they kept up the spirit of revenge so customary in those times, and only 
 waited a favourable opportunity to gratify it. This did not occur till 
 several years thereafter. In the year fifteen hundred and eighty-seven. 
 James Mac-Rory, " a fyne gentleman and a good commander," accord- 
 ing to Sir Robert Gordon, was assassinated by Donald Balloch-Mackay, 
 the brother of John Beg-Mackay ; and two years thereafter John 
 Mackay, the son of John Beg, attacked Neill-Mac-Iain-Mac-William, 
 whom he wounded severely, and cut off some of his followers. '• This 
 Neill (says Sir R. Gordon) heir mentioned, wes a good captain, bold, 
 craftie, of a verie good witt, and quick resolution." Shortly after these 
 events the Sliochd-Iain-Abaraich were attacked in Seyzer in Strathnaver 
 by William Mackay, brother of John Beg, and the Sliochd-Iain-Roy, 
 and many of them killed. 
 
 After the death of John Beg-Mackay, and William Mac-Iain-Mac- 
 Rob, a most deadly and inveterate feud followed, between the Clan Gun 
 and the Sliochd-Iain-Abaraich, but no recital of the details has been 
 handed down to us. "The long, the many, the horrible encounters 
 (observes Sir R. Gordon) which happened between these two trybes, 
 with the bloodshed, and infinit spoills committed in every pairt of the 
 diocy of Catteynes by them and their associats, are of so disordered 
 and troublesome memorie, that, what with their asperous names, together 
 with the confusion of place, tymes, and persons, would yet be (no doubt) 
 a warr to the reader to overlook them ; and therefor, to favor myne 
 oune paines, and his who should get little profite or delight thereby, I 
 doe pass them over."f 
 
 In the year fifteen hundred and eighty-five, a quarrel took place be- 
 
 • Sir R. Gordon, p. 173. t Hist. p. 17'J. 
 
202 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 tween Neill Houcheonson, and Donald Neilson, the Laird ot Assint.who 
 nad married Houcheon Mackay's sister. The cause of Donald Neilson 
 was espoused by Houcheon Mackay, and the Clan Gun, who came with 
 an army out of Caithness and Strathnaver, to besiege Neill Houcheon- 
 son in the isle of Assint. Neill, who was commander of Assint, and a 
 follower of tlie earl of Sutherland, sent immediate notice, to the earl, of 
 Mackay's movements, on receiving which, the earl, assembling a body of 
 men, despatched them to Assint to raise the siege; but Mackay did not 
 wait for their coming and retreated into Strathnaver. As the earl of 
 Caithness had sent some of his people to assist Mackay, who was the 
 earl of Sutherland's vassal, the latter resolved to punish both, and ac- 
 cordingly made preparations for entering Strathnaver and Caithness, 
 with an army. But some mutual friends of the parties interfered to pre- 
 vent the eiFusion of blood, by prevailing on the two earls to met at Elgin, 
 in the presence of the earl of Huntly and other friends, and get their 
 differences adjusted. A meeting was accordingly held, at which the earls 
 were reconciled. The whole blame of the troubles and commotions 
 which had recently disturbed the peace of Sutherland and Caithness, was 
 thrown upon the Clan Gun, who were alleged to have been the chief 
 instigators, and as their restless disposition might give rise to new dis- 
 orders, it was agreed, at said meeting, to cut them off, and particularly 
 that part of the tribe which dwelt in Caithness, which was chiefly dread- 
 ed, for which purpose the earl of Caithness bound himself to deliver up, 
 to the earl of Sutherland, certain individuals of the clan living in Caith- 
 ness. This condition vi'as humiliating to the earl of Caithness, who, 
 along with Mackay, had taken the Clan Gun under his protection, and 
 on his return he refused to implement it. On hearing of his refusal the 
 earl of Huntly took a journey into Sutherland, and sent messages to 
 the earl of Caithness and Mackay to meet him at Dunrobin castle. 
 The earl complied ; but Mackay declined, and was, therefore, denounced 
 rebel for his disobedience. The earl of Caithness being then called 
 upon to fulfil his promise to deliver up some of the Clan Gun, gave 
 his assurance to that effect, and to enable him to implement his engage- 
 ment a resolution was entered into to send two companies of men against 
 those of the Clan Gun who dwelt in Caithness and Strathnaver, and to 
 surround them in such a way as to prevent escape. The earl of Caith- 
 ness, notwithstanding, sent private notice to the clan of the preparations 
 making Eigainst them by Angus Sutherland of Mellary, in Berridale; 
 but the clan were distrustful of the earl, as they had already received 
 secret intelligence that he had assembled his people together for the 
 purpose of attacking them. 
 
 As soon as the earl of Sutherland could get his men collected he 
 proceeded to march to the territories of the Clan Gun ; but meeting by 
 chance, on his way, with a party of Strathnaver men, under the com- 
 mand of William Mackay, brother of Houcheon Mackay, carrying off 
 the cattle of James Mac-Rory, a vassal of his own, from Coircceuiin 
 
' BATTLE OF ALDGOWN. 203 
 
 Loch in tlie Diri-Meanigh, he rescued and brought back his vassal's 
 cattle. After this the earl's party pursued William Mackay and the 
 Strathnaver men during the whole day, and killed one of the princi- 
 pal men of the Clan Gun in Strathnaver, called Angus-Roy, with se- 
 veral others of Mackay 's company. This affair was called Latha-Tom- 
 Fraoioh, that is, the day of the heather bush. At the end of the pursuit, 
 and towEirds evening, the pursued party found themselves on the bor- 
 ders of Caithness, where they found the Clan Gun assembled in conse- 
 quence of the rising of the Caithness people who had taken away their 
 cattle. 
 
 This accidental meeting of the Strathnaver men and the Clan Gun 
 was the means, probabljr, of saving both from destruction. They imme- 
 diately entered into an alliance to stand by one another, and to live or 
 die together. Next morning they found themselves placed between 
 two powerful bodies of their enemies. On the one side was the earl of 
 Sutherland's party at no great distance, reposing themselves from the 
 fatigues of the preceding day, and on the other were seen advancing the 
 Caithness men, conducted by Henry Sinclair, brother to the laird of 
 Dun, and cousin to the earl of Caithness. A council of war was im- 
 mediately held to consult how to act in this emergency. William 
 Mackay gave it as his opinion, that they should immediately attack the 
 Sutherland men, who were wearied with the labour of the preceding 
 day, before the Caithness men should arrive, and who might be thus 
 easily defeated. But the Clan Gun objected to Mackay's plan, and 
 proposed to attack the Caithness men first, as they were far inferior in 
 numbers. This proposal having been acceded to, the Clan Gun and 
 their allies, who had the advantage of the hill, attacked the Caithness 
 men with great resolution. The latter foolishly expended their arrows 
 while at a distance from their opponents ; but the Clan Gun having 
 husbanded their shot till they came in close contact with the enemy 
 did great execution. The Caithness men were completely overthrown, 
 after leaving one hundred and forty of their party, with their captain, 
 Henry Sinclair, dead on the field of battle. Had not the darkness of 
 the night favoured then- flight, they would have all been destroyed. 
 Henry Sinclair was Mackay's uncle, and not being aware that he had 
 been in the engagement till he recognised his body among the slain, 
 Mackay felt extremely grieved at the unexpected death of his relative. 
 This skirmish took place at Aldgown, in the year fifteen hundred and 
 eighty-six. The Sutherland men having lost sight of Mackay and his 
 party among the hills, immediately before the conflict, returned into their 
 own country with the booty they had recovered, and were not aware 
 of the defeat of the Caithness men till some time after that event. 
 
 The earl of Caithness afterwards confessed that he had no intention of 
 attacking the Clan Gun at the time in question ; but that his policy was 
 to have allowed them to be closely pressed and pursued by the Suther- 
 land men, and then to have relieved them from the imminent danger 
 
204 UISTOEY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 they would thereby be placed in, so that they might consider that if 
 was to him they owed their safety, and thus lay them under fresh obli- 
 gations to him. But the deceitful part he acted proved very disastrous 
 to his people, and the result so exasperated him against the Clan Gun, 
 that he hanged John-Mac-Iain-Mac-Rob, chieftain of the Clan Gun, 
 in Caithness, whom he had kept captive for some time. 
 
 At the time the affair of Aldgowu took place, Houcheon Mackay was 
 on a visit to the earl of Caithness, whose paternal aunt he had married. 
 But when the inhabitants of Caithness understood that William Mackay, 
 his brother, had been with the Clan Gun at Aldgown, they attempted to 
 murder Houcheon, who was, in consequence of this attempt upon his life, 
 obliged to flee privately into Strathnaver.* 
 
 The result of all these proceedings was another meeting between the 
 earls of Sutherland and Caithness at the hill of Bingrlme in Sutherland, 
 which was brought about by the mediation of Sir Patrick Gordon of 
 Auchindoun, who was sent into the north by his nephew, the earl 
 of Huntly, for that purpose. Here again a new confederacy was 
 formed against the Clan Gun in Caithness, who were now maintained 
 and harboured by Mackay. The earl of Sutherland, on account of 
 the recent defeat of the Caithness men, undertook to attack the clan 
 first. He accordingly directed two bodies to march with all haste 
 against the clan, one of which was commanded by James Mack-Rory 
 and Neill Mac-Iain-Mac-William, chief of the Sliochd-Iain-Abaraich, 
 who were now under the protection of the earl of Sutherland ; and the 
 ether by William Sutherland Johnson, George Gordon in Marie, and 
 William Murray in Kinnald, brother of Hugh Murray of Aberscors. 
 Houcheon Mackay seeing no hopes of maintaining the Clan Gun any 
 longer without danger to himself,' discharged them from his country, 
 whereupon they made preparations for seeking an asylum in the wes- 
 tern isles. But, on their journey thither, they were met near Loch 
 Broom, at a place called Leckmelme, by James Mac-Rory and Neill 
 Mac-Iain-Mac-William, where, after a sharp skirmish, they were 
 overthrown, and the greater part of them killed. Their commander, 
 George Mac-Iain-Mac-Rob, brother of John Mac-Iain-Mac-Rob, 
 who was hanged by the earl of Caithness, was severely wounded, and 
 was taken prisoner after an unsuccessful attempt to escape by swimming 
 across a loch close by. After being carried to Dunrobin castle, and 
 presented to the earl of Sutherland, George Gun was sent by him to 
 the earl of Caithness, who, though extremely grieved at the misfor- 
 tune which had happened to the Clan Gun, dissembled his vexation, 
 and received the prisoner as if he approved of the earl of Sutherland's 
 proceedings against him and his unfortunate people. After a short 
 confinement, George Gun was released from his captivity by the earl 
 of Caithness, at the entreaty of the earl of Sutherland, not from any fa- 
 
 • Sir R. Gordon, pp. 18!--18i. 
 
FEUD BETWEEN THE MACDONALDS AND MACLEAN'S 205 
 
 vour to the prisoner himself, or to the earl, whom the earl of Caithness 
 hated mortally, but with the design of making Gun an instrument ol 
 annoyance to some of the earl of Caithness' neighbours. But the earl 
 of Caithness was disappointed in his object, for George Gun, after his 
 enlargement from prison, always remained faithful to the earl of Suther- 
 land.* 
 
 About this time a violent feud arose in the western isles between 
 Angus Macdonald of Kintyre, and Sir Lauchlan Maclean of Duart, in 
 Mull, whose sister Angus had married, which ended almost in the total 
 destruction of the Clandonald and Clanlean. The circumstances which 
 led to this unfortunate dissension were these : — 
 
 Donald Gorm Macdonald of Slate, when going on a visit from Slate 
 to his cousin, Angus Macdonald of Kintyre, was forced by contrary 
 winds to land with his party in the island of Jura, which belonged, partly 
 to Sir Lauchlan Maclean, and partly to Angus Macdonald. The part 
 of the island where Macdonald of Slate landed belonged to Sir Lauchlan 
 Maclean. No sooner had Macdona:ld and his company landed, than 
 by an unlucky coincidence, Macdonald Tearreagh and Houcheon Mac- 
 gillespoc, two of the Clandonald, who had lately quarrelled with Donald 
 Gorm, arrived at the same time with a party of men ; and, understand- 
 ing that Donald Gorm was in the island, they secretly took away, by 
 night, a number of cattle belonging to the Clanlean, and immediately 
 put to sea. Their object in doing so was to make the Clanlean be- 
 lieve that Donald Gorm and his party had carried off the cattle in the 
 hope that the Macleans would attack Donald Gorm, and they were not 
 disappointed. As soon as the lifting of the cattle had been discovered, 
 Sir Lauchlan Maclean assembled his whole forces, and, under the im- 
 pression that Donald Gorm and his party had committed the spoliation, 
 he attacked them suddenly and unawares, during the night, at a place 
 in the island called Inverchuockwrick, and slew about sixty of the Clan- 
 donald. Donald Gorm, having previously gone on board his vessel to 
 pass the night, fortunately escaped. 
 
 When Angus Macdonald heard of this " untoward event," he visited 
 Donald Gorm in Skye for the purpose of consulting with him on the 
 means of obtaining reparation for the loss of his men. On his return 
 homeward to Kintyre, he landed in the isle of Mull, and, contrary to 
 the advice of Coll Mac-James and Reginald Mac-James, his two 
 brothers, and of Reginald Mac-Coil, his cousin, who wished him to 
 send a messenger to announce the result of his meeting with Donald 
 Gorm, went to the castle of Duart, the principal residence of Sir Lauch- 
 lan Maclean in Mull. His two brothers refused to accompany him, 
 and they acted rightly; for, the day after Angus arrived at Duart, 
 he and all his party were perfidiously arrested by Sir Lauchlan Mac- 
 lean, Reginald Mac-Coll, the cousin of Angus, alone escaped. The 
 
 • Sir R. Gordon, p. 185. 
 
200 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 Rhinns of Islay at this time belonged to the Clandonald, but they had 
 given the possession of them to the Clanlean for personal services. Sir 
 Lauchlan, thinliing the present a favourable opportunity for acquiring an 
 absolute right to this property, offered to release Angus Macdonald, 
 provided he would renounce his right and title to the Rhinns ; and, in 
 ease of refusal, he threatened to make him end his days in captivity. 
 Angus, being thus in some degree compelled, agreed to the proposed 
 terms ; but before obtaining his liberty, he was forced to give James 
 Macdonald, his eldest son, and Reginald Mac-James, his brother, as 
 hostages, until the deed of conveyance should be delivered to Sir 
 Lauchlan. 
 
 It was not, however, the intention of Angus Macdonald tii imple- 
 ment this engagement, if he could accomplish the liberation of his son 
 and brother. His cousin had suffered a grievous injury at the hands of 
 Sir Lauchlan Maclean without any just cause of offence, and he him- 
 self had, when on a friendly mission, been detained most unjustly as a 
 prisoner, and compelled to promise to surrender into Sir Lauchlan's hands, 
 by a regular deed, a part of his property. Under these circumstances, 
 his resolution to break the unfair engagement he had come under is not 
 to be wondered at. To accomplish his object he had recourse to a stra- 
 tagem in which he succeeded, as will be shown in the sequel. 
 
 After Maclean had obtained delivery of the two hostages, he made 
 a voyage to Islay to get the engagement completed. He left behind, 
 in the castle of Duart, Reginald Mac-James, one of the hostages, 
 whom he put in fetters, and took the other to accompany him on his 
 voyage. Having arrived in the isle of Islay, he encamped at Eilean- 
 Gorm, a ruinous castle upon the Rhinns of Islay, which castle had been 
 lately in the possession of the Clanlean. Angus Macdonald was re- 
 siding at the time at the house of Mulindry or Mullindhrea, a com- 
 fortable and well-furnished residence belonging to him on the island, 
 and to which he invited Sir Lauchlan, under the pretence of affording 
 him better accommodation, and providing him with better provisions 
 than he could obtain in his camp ; but Sir Lauchlan having his suspi- 
 cions, declined to accept the invitation. " There wes (says Sir Robert 
 Gordon) so little trust on either syd, that they did not now meit in 
 friendship or amitie, bot vpon ther owne guard, or rather by messingers, 
 one from another. And true itis (sayeth John Colwin, in his manuscript,) 
 that the islanders are, of nature, verie suspicious ; full of invention 
 against ther nighbours, by whatsoever way they may get them destroyed. 
 Besyds this, they are bent and eager in taking revenge, that neither 
 have they regaird to persone, tyme, aige, nor cause ; and ar generallie 
 so addicted that way, (as lykwise are the most pairt of all Highlanders) 
 that therein they surpasse all other people whatsoever." 
 
 The refusal of Sir Lauchlan, to take up his residence at Mulindry, 
 did not prevent Macdonald from renewing his offer, which he pressed 
 very warmly, saying, that he would make him as welcome as far as he 
 
ARREST OF SIR LAUCHLAN MACLEAN 207 
 
 was able, that they should make merry together as long as the provi- 
 sions at Mulindry lasted, and that when these were exhausted, he 
 would go to Sir Lauchlan's camp and enjoy such fare as he could afiw-d. 
 But Maclean told the bearer of the message frankly, that he was dis- 
 trustful of Macdonald's intentions, and would not, therefore, come. 
 Angus replied, by means of his messenger, that Maclean's suspicions 
 were unfounded ; that he meant to show him nothing but brotherly 
 love and affection ; and that as he held his son and brother as pledges, 
 he could lun no risk whatever in taking up his residence at Mulindry 
 Sir Lauchlan was now thrown off his guard by these fair promises, and 
 agreed to pay Macdonald a visit, and accordingly proceeded to Mulin- 
 dry, accompanied by James Macdouald, his own nephew, and the son 
 of Angus, and eighty-six of his kinsmen and servants. Maclean and 
 his party, on their arrival, were received by Macdonald with much ap- 
 parent kindness, and were sumptuously entertained during the whole 
 day. In the meantime, Macdonald sent notice to all his friends and 
 well-wishers in the island to come to his house at nine o'clock at night, 
 his design being to seize Maclean and his party. At the usual hour for 
 going to repose, Maclean and his people were lodged in a long-house, 
 which stood by itself, at some distance from the other houses. During 
 the whole day, Maclean had always kept James Macdonald, the hostage, 
 within his reach as a sort of protection to him in case of an attack, and 
 at going to bed he took him along with him. About an hour after 
 Maclean and his people had retired, Angus assembled his men to the 
 number of three or four hundred, and made them surround the house 
 in which Maclean and his company lay. Then going himself to the 
 door, he called upon Maclean, and told him that he had come to give 
 him his reposing drink, which he had forgotten to offer him before go- 
 ing to bed. Maclean answered that he did not wish to drink at that 
 time; but Macdonald insisted that he should rise and receive the drink, 
 it being, he said, his will that he should do so. The peremptory tone 
 of Macdonald made Maclean at once apprehensive of the danger of his 
 situation, and immediately getting up and placing the boy between his 
 shoulders, prepared to preserve his life as long as he could with the boy, 
 or to sell it as dearly as possible. As soon as the door was forced open, 
 James Macdonald, seeing his father with a naked sword in his hami, 
 and a number of his men armed in the same manner, cried aloud for 
 mercy to Maclean, his uncle, which being granted. Sir Lauchlan was 
 immediately removed to a secret chamber, where he remained till next 
 morning. After Maclean had surrendered, Angus Macdonald announ- 
 ced to those within the house, that if they would come without, their 
 lives would be spared; but he excepted Macdonald Terreagh and 
 another individual whom he named. "The whole, with the exception of 
 these two, having complied, the house was immediately set on fire, and 
 consumed along with Macdonald Terreagh and his companion. The 
 former was one of the Clan Donald of the western islands, and not only 
 I. 2d 
 
208 HISTOKY OX THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 had assisted the Clan Lean against his own tribe, but was also the ori- 
 ginator, as we have seen, of all these disturbances ; and the latter was a 
 near kinsman to Maclean, one of the oldest of the clan, and celebrated 
 both for his wisdom and prowess. This affair took place in the month 
 of July, fifteen hundred and eighty-six. 
 
 When the intelligence of the seizure of Sir Lauchlan Maclean reached 
 the Isle of Mull, Allan Maclean, who was the nearest kinsman to Mac- 
 lean, whose children were then very young, bethought himself of an 
 expedient to obtain the possessions of Sir Lauchlan. In conjunction with 
 his friends, Allan caused a false report to be spread in the island of Islay, 
 that the friends of Maclean had killed Reginald Mac-James, the re- 
 maining hostage at Duart in Mull, by means of which he hoped that 
 Angus Macdonald would be moved to kill Sir Lauchlan, and thereby 
 enable him, (Allan,) to supply his place. But although this device did 
 not succeed, it proved very disastrous to Sir Lauchlan's friends and 
 followers, who were beheaded in pairs by Coll Mac-James, the brother 
 of Angus Macdonald. 
 
 The friends of Sir Lauchlan seeing no hopes of his release, applied 
 to the earl of Argyle to assist them in a contemplated attempt to 
 rescue him out of the hands of Angus Macdonald ; but the earl per- 
 ceiving the utter hopelessness of such an attempt with such forces as 
 he and they could command, advised them to complain to King James 
 VI. against Angus Macdonald, for the seizure and detention of their 
 chief. The king immediately directed that Macdonald should be sum- 
 moned by a herald-at-arms to deliver up Sir Lauchlan into the hands 
 of the earl of Argyle ; but the herald was interrupted in the perform- 
 ance of his duty, not being able to procure shipping for Islay, and was 
 obliged to return home. The earl of Argyle had then recourse to ne- 
 gotiation with Macdonald, and after considerable trouble he prevailed 
 on him to release Sir Lauchlan on certain strict conditions, but not un- 
 til Reginald Mac-James, the brother of Angus, had been delivered u]), 
 and the earl, for performance of the conditions agreed upon, had given 
 his own son, and the son of Macleod of Harris, as hostages. But 
 Maclean, quite regardless of the safety of the hostages, and in open 
 violation of the engagements he had come under, on hearing that Angus 
 Macdonald had gone to Ireland on a visit to the Clandonald of the 
 glens in Ireland, invaded Ila, which he laid waste, and pursued those 
 who had assisted in his capture. 
 
 On his return from Ireland, Angus Macdonald made great prepara- 
 tions for inflicting a just chastisement upon Maclean. Collecting a 
 large body of men, and much shipping, he invaded Mull and Tiree, 
 carrying havock and destruction along with him, and destroying every 
 human being and every domestic animal of whatever kind. While Mac- 
 donald was committing these ravages in Mull and Tiree, Maclean, in- 
 stead of opposing him, invaded Kintyre, where he took ample retalia- 
 tion by wasting and burning a great part of that country. In this 
 
IRESH DISPUTES IN SUTHERLAND AND CAITHNESS. 209 
 
 niauncr did these hostile clans continue, for a considerable period, mu- 
 tually to vex and destroy one another till they were almost exterminated 
 root and branch. 
 
 In order to strengthen his own power and to weaken that of his anta- 
 gonist, Sir Lauchlaii Maclean attempted to detach John Mac-Iain, o< 
 Ardnamurohan, from Angus Macdonald and his party. Mac-Iain had 
 formerly been an unsuccessful suitor for the hand of Maclean's mother, 
 and Sir Hector now gave him an invitation to visit him in Mull, pro- 
 mising, at the same time, to give him his mother in marriage. Mac- 
 Iain accepted the invitation, and on his arrival in Mull, Maclean 
 prevailed on his mother to marry Mac-Iain, and the nuptials were ac- 
 cordingly celebrated at Torloisk in Mull. Maclean thought, that by 
 gratifying Mac-Iain in his long-wished-for object, he would easily suc- 
 ceed in obtaining his assistance against Macdonald ; but he was dis- 
 appointed in his expectations, for no persuasion could induce Mac-Iain 
 to join against his own tribe, towards which, notwithstanding his matri- 
 monial alliance, he entertained the strongest affection. Chagrined at the 
 unexpected refusal of Mac-Iain, Sir Lauchlan resolved to punish his refrac- 
 tory guest by one of those gross infringements of the laws of hospitality 
 which so often marked the hostility of rival clans. During the dead 
 hour of the night he caused the door of Mac-Iain's bed-chamber to be 
 forced open, dragged him from his bed, and from the arms of his wife, 
 and put him in close confinement, after killing eighteen of his followers. 
 After suffering a year's captivity, he was released and exchanged for 
 Maclean's son, and the other hostages in Macdonald's possession. 
 
 The dissensions between these two tribes having attracted the atten- 
 tion of government, the rival chiefs were induced, partly by command 
 of the king, and partly by persuasions and fair promises, to come to 
 Edinburgh in the year fifteen hundred and ninety-one, for the purpose 
 of having their differences reconciled. On their arrival they were come 
 mitted prisoners within the castle of Edinburgh, but were soon released 
 and allowed to return home on payment of a small pecuniary fine, "and 
 a shamfull remission (says Sir Robert Gordon) granted to either of 
 them."* 
 
 In the year fifteen hundred and eighty-seven, the flames of civil dis- 
 cord, which had lain dormant for a short time, burst forth between the 
 rival houses of Sutherland and Caithness, the immediate cause of which 
 was this : In the year fifteen hundred and eighty-three, Alexander, 
 Earl of Sutherland, obtained from the earl of Huntly a grant of the 
 superiority of Strathnaver, and of the heritable sheriffship of Su- 
 therland and Strathnaver, which last was granted in lieu of the lard- 
 ship of Aboyne. This grant was confirmed by his Majesty in a charter 
 under the great seal, by which Sutherland and Strathnaver were dis- 
 joined and dismembered from the sheriffdom of Inverness. The success 
 
 • Hist. p. VJi. 
 
210 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 which had attended the arms of the earl of Sutherland against the Claii 
 Gun, and the kinsmen and dependants of the earl of Caithness, excited 
 the envy and indignation of the latter, who became more desirous than 
 ever to cripple the power of the earl of Sutherland. And as the 
 strength and influence of the earl of Sutherland were greatly increaiied 
 by the power and authority with which the superiority of Strathnaver 
 invested him, the earl of Caithness used the most urgent entreaties with 
 the earl of Huntly, who was his brother-in-law, to recal the gift of the 
 superiority which he had granted to the earl of Sutherland, and confer 
 the same on him. The earl of Huntly gave no decided answer to this 
 application, although he seemed rather to listen with a favourable ear 
 to his brother-in-law's request. The earl of Sutherland having been 
 made aware of his rival's pretensions, and of the reception which he had 
 met with from the earl of Huntly, immediately notified to Huntly that 
 he would never restore the superiority either to him or to the earl of 
 Caithness, as the bargain he had made with him had been long finally 
 concluded. The earl of Huntly was much offended at this notice, but 
 he and the eai-1 of Sutherland were soon reconciled through the media- 
 tion of Sir Patrick Gordon of Auchindun. 
 
 Disappointed in his views of obtaining the superiority in question, 
 the earl of Caithness seized the first opportunity, which presented itself, 
 of quarrelling with the earl of Sutherland, and he now thought that a 
 suitable occasion had occurred. George Gordon, a bastard son of Gil- 
 bert Gordon of Gartay, having offered many indignities to the earl of 
 Caithness, the earl, instead of complaining to the earl of Sutherland, in 
 whose service this George Gordon was, craved satisfaction and redress 
 from the earl of Huntly. Huntly very properly desired the earl of 
 Caithness to lay his complaint before the earl of Sutherland ; but this he 
 declined to do, disdaining to seek redress from Earl Alexander. En- 
 couraged, probably, by the refusal of the earl of Huntly to interfere, and 
 the stubbornness of the earl of Caithness to ask redress from his master, 
 George Gordon, who resided in the town of Marie in StrathuUy, on the 
 borders of Caithness, not satisfied with the indignities which he had 
 formerly shown to the earl of Caithness, cut oif the tails of the earl's 
 horses as they were passing the river of Helmsdale under the care of 
 nis servants, on their journey from Caithness to Edinburgh, and in deri- 
 sion desired the earl's servants to show him what he had done. 
 
 This George Gordon, it would appear, led a very irregular and 
 wicked course of life, and shortly after the occurrence we have just 
 related, a circumstance happened which induced the earl of Caithness 
 to take redress at his own hands. George Gordon had incurred the 
 displeasure of the earl of Sutherland by an incestuous connexion with 
 his wife's sister, and as he had no hopes of regaining the earl's favour 
 but by renouncing this impure intercourse, he sent Patrick Gordon, his 
 brother, to the earl of Caithness to endeavour to effect a reconciliation 
 with him, as he could no longer rely upon the protection of his master, 
 
HOSTILE PREPARATIONS IN SUTHERLAND. 211 
 
 the earl of Sutherland. The earl of Caithness, who felt an inward sa- 
 tisfaction at hearing of the displeasure of the earl of Sutherland at 
 George Gordon, dissembled his feelings, and pretended to listen with 
 great favour to the request of Patrick Gordon, in order to throw 
 George Gordon off his guard, while he was in reality meditating his 
 destruction. The ruse succeeded so effectually, that although Gordon re- 
 ceived timeous notice, from some friends, of the intentions of the earl to 
 attack him, he reposed in false security upon the promises held out to 
 bim, and made no provision for his personal safety. But he was soon 
 undeceived by the appearance of the earl and a body of men, who, 
 entering Marie under the silence of the night, surrounded his house and 
 required him to surrender. He, however, refused to comply, and 
 when attacked defended the house with great bravery, and killed a 
 gentleman of the name of Sutherland, one of the principal officers of 
 the earl ; but being sorely pressed, he made a desperate effort to escape 
 by cutting his way through his enemies and throwing himself into the 
 river of Helmsdale, which he attempted to swim across, but, in his en- 
 deavours to reach the opposite bank, was slain by a shower of arrows. 
 This occurrence took place in the month of February fifteen hundrea 
 and eighty seven. The earl detained Patrick Gordon, the brother of 
 George, prisoner, but he soon escaped and returned into Sutherland. 
 
 The earl of Sutherland, though he disliked the conduct of George 
 Gordon, was highly incensed at his death, and made great preparations 
 to punish the earl of Caithness for his attack upon Gordon. The earl 
 of Caithness in his turn assembled his whole forces, and being joined 
 by Mackay and the Strathnaver men, together with John, the master 
 of Orkney, and the earl of Carrick, brother of Patrick, earl of Orkney, 
 and some of his countrymen, marched to Helmsdale to meet the earl 
 of Sutherland. As soon as the latter heard of the advance of the earl 
 of Caithness, he also proceeded towards Helmsdale, accompanied by 
 Mackintosh, Roderick Mackenzie of Redcastle, Hector Monroe of 
 Contaligh, and Neill Houcheonson, with the men of Assint. On his 
 arrival at the river of Helmsdale, the earl of Sutherland found the 
 enemy encamped on the opposite side. Neither party seemed inclined 
 to come to a general engagement, but contented themselves with daily 
 skirmishes by annoying each other with guns and arrows from the op- 
 posite banks of the river, which, in some instances, proved fatal. The 
 Sutherland men, who were very expert archers, annoyed the Caithness 
 men so much, as to force thom to break up their camp on the river side 
 and to remove among the rocks above the village of Easter Helmsdale. 
 Mackay and his countrymen were encamped on the river of Marie, and 
 in order to detach him from the earl of Caithness, Mackintosh crossed 
 that river and had a private conference with him. After reminding him 
 of the friendship which had so long subsisted between his ancestors and 
 the Sutherland family. Mackintosh endeavoured to impress upon his 
 mind the danger he incurred by taking up arms against his own supe- 
 
2! '2 
 
 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 rior the earl of Sutherland, and entreated him, for his own sake, to jom 
 the earl ; but Mackay remained inflexible. 
 
 By the mediation of mutual friends, the two earls agreed to a tempo- 
 rary truce on the ninth of March fifteen hundred and eighty-seven, and 
 thus the efl^ision of human blood was stopped for a short time. As 
 Mackay was the vassal of the earl of Sutherland, the latter refused to 
 comprehend him in the truce, and insisted upon an unconditional sub- 
 mission, but Mackay obstinately refused to do so, and returned home to 
 his own country, highly chagrined that the earl of Caithness, for whom 
 he had put his life and estate in jeopardy, should have acceded to the earl 
 of Sutherland's request, to exclude him from the benefit of the truce. Be- 
 fore the two earls separated, they came to a mutual understanding to re- 
 duceMackaytoobedience; and thathe might not suspect theirdesign,they 
 agreed to meet at Edinburgh for the purpose of concerting the necessary 
 measures together. Accordingly, they held a meeting at the appointed 
 place m the year fifteen hundred and eighty-eight, and came to the reso- 
 lution to attack Mackay ; and to prevent Mackay from receiving any 
 intelligence of their design, both parties swore to keep the same secret ; 
 but the earl of Caithness, regardless of his oath, immediately sent notice 
 to Mackay of the intended attack, for the purpose of enabling him to 
 meet it. Instead, however, of following the earl of Caithness' advice, 
 Mackay, justly dreading his hollow friendship, made haste, by the 
 advice of Mackintosh and the Laird of Foulis, to reconcile himself 
 to the earl of Sutherland, his superior, by an immediate submission. 
 For this purpose, ho and the earl first met at Inverness, and after con- 
 ferring together they made another appointment to meet at Elgin, where 
 a perfect and final reconciliation took place in the month of November, 
 fiiteen hundred and eighty-eight. 
 
 r \STIE DtTAET 
 
CHAPTER XI. 
 
 i'lie Earl of Sutherland invades Caithness— Truce between the two Earls— Caithness 
 breaks the truce— Affair of the Creach-ne-Kamkish— Earl of Sutherland again invades 
 Caithness— Submission of the people— Fresh truce— Sinclair of Murlde invades Strath- 
 ully — Skirmish at Crissalh'sh— The Earl of Sutherland enters Caithness a third time 
 — Meeting of the Earls at Elgin — Dispute between the Gordons and Murrays about 
 precedency— Battle of Clyne— Houcheon Mackay invades Caithness— Feud between 
 the Clan Gun and other tribes — The Clan-Chattan opposes the Earl of Huntly— 
 Quarrel between the Gordons and the Grants— Meeting at Forres of the Grants, Clan- 
 Chattan and others — Huntly breaks up the meeting— Huntl)'s operations against the 
 Earl of Moray— Deatli of the Earl of Moray— Tumults in consequence— Huntly com- 
 mitted— Revoltofthe Clan-Chattan— Defeated by the Camerons— Defeat of the Grants 
 
 — Clan-Chattan invade Strathdee and Glenmucke — Defeated by the Earl of Huntly 
 
 March of the Earl of Argyle to the north— Battle of Glenlivet— Journey of James VI. 
 to tlie north — Tumults in Ross — Feud in the Western Isles between the Maeleans and 
 Macdonalds— Defeat of the Macleans in Ila — Dispute between the Earls of Sutherland 
 and Caithness— Feud between Macdonald of Slate and Sir Roderick Macleod of Har- 
 ris—Dreadful excesses in Skye and Uist — Defeat of the Macleans in Skye— Recon- 
 ciliation between Macleod and Macdona 
 
 The truce between the two earls having now expired, the earl of 
 Sutherland, emboldened by the submission of Mackay, demanded redress 
 from the earl of Caithness for the slaughter of George Gordon, an re- 
 quired that the principal actors in that affair should be punished. The earl 
 of Caithness having refused reparation, the earl of Sutherland sent two 
 hundred men into Caithness under the command of John Gordon of 
 Golspietour, afterwards of Embo, and of John Gordon of Kilcalmekill, 
 his brother, to reconnoitre and ascertain the strength of the enemy be- 
 fore invading the country himself. The Gordons and their party, en- 
 tered the parishes of Dumbaith and Lathron, and after wasting the 
 country and killing John James-son, one of the principal gentlemen in 
 Caithness, and some others, they returned with an immense booty in 
 cattle, which they divided among themselves. This division was long 
 known by the name of Creach-lairn, that is, the harship of Lathron. 
 
 Immediately on the return of this party, the earl of Sutherland, ac- 
 companied by Mackay, Mackintosh, the Laird of Foulis, the Laird of 
 Assint, and Gille-Calum, Laird of Rasay, entered Caithness with all his 
 forces. In taking this step he was warranted by a commission which he 
 had obtained at court through the influence of chancellor Maitland, 
 against the earl of Caithness for killing George Gordon. The people of 
 Caithness, alarmed at the great force of the earl, fled in all directions on 
 his approach, and he never halted till he reached the strong fort of Gir- 
 nigo, where he pitched his camp for twelve days. He then penetrated 
 as far as Duncansby, killing several of the country people in his route, 
 
214 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 and collecting an immense quantity of cattle and goods, so large, indeed, 
 as to exceed all that had been seen together in that country for many 
 years, all of which was divided among the army, agreeably to the custom 
 in such cases. This invasion had such an effect upon the people of Caith- 
 ness, that every race, clan, tribe and family there, vied with one another 
 in offering pledges to the earl of Sutherland to keep the peace in all time 
 coming. This affair took place in the month of February, fifteen hundred 
 and eighty-eight, and was called La-na-Creach-Moir, that is, the time of 
 the great slaughter or spoil. The town of Wick was also pillaged and 
 burnt, but the church was preserved. In the church was found the 
 heart of the earl of Caithness' father in a case of lead, which was opened 
 by John Mac Gille-CalumRasay, and the ashes of the heart were thrown 
 by him to the winds. 
 
 During the time when these depredations were committing, the earl 
 of Caithness shut himself up in the castle of Girnigo ; but on learning 
 the disasters which had befallen his country, he desired a cessation of 
 hostilities and a conference with the earl of Sutherland. As the castle 
 of Girnigo was strongly fortified, and as the earl of Caithness had made 
 preparations for enduring a long siege, the earl of Sutherland complied 
 with his request. Both earls ultimately agreed to refer all their differ- 
 ences and disputes to the arbitrament of friends, and the earl of Huntly 
 was chosen by mutual consent to act as umpire or oversman, in the 
 event of a difference of opinion. A second truce was in this way en- 
 tered into until the decision of the arbiters, when all differences were to 
 
 cease 
 
 * 
 
 Notwithstanding this engagement, however, the earl of Caithness 
 soon gave fresh provocation, for before the truce had expired he 
 sent a party of his men to Diri-Chatt in Sutherland, under the 
 command of Kenneth Buy, and his brother, Farquhar Buy, chieftains 
 of the Siol-Mhic-Iraheair in Caithness, and chief advisers of the earl ol 
 Caithness in his bad actions, and his instruments in oppressing the poor 
 people of Caithness. These men, after killing Donald-Mac-Iain-Moir, 
 a herdsman of the earl of Sutherland, carried off some booty out of 
 Baddenligh. The earl of Sutherland lost no time in revenging himself. 
 At Whitsunday, in the year fifteen hundred and eighty-nine, he sent 
 three hundred men into Caithness with Alexander Gordon of Kilcalme- 
 kill at their head. They penetrated as far as Girnigo, laying the coun- 
 try waste everywhere around them, and striking terror into the hearts 
 of the inhabitants, many of whom, including some of the Siol-Mhic- 
 Imheair, they killed. After spending their fury the party returned to 
 Sutherland with a large booty, and without the loss of a single man. 
 This affair was called the Creach-na-Camchic. 
 
 To retaliate upon the earl of Sutherland for this inroad, James Sin- 
 clair of Markle, brother of the earl of Caithness, collected an army of 
 
 • Sir R. Gordon, p, 157. 
 
SKIRMISH AT CRISSALMGH. '215 
 
 three thousand men, with which he marched into Strathully, in the 
 month of June, fifteen hundred and eighty-nine. As the earl of Suther- 
 land had been apprehensive of an attack, he had placed a range of sen- 
 tinels along the borders of Sutherland, to give notice of the approach of 
 the enemy. Of these, four were stationed in the village of Liribell, which 
 the Caithness men entered in the middle of the day unknown to the 
 sentinels, who, instead of keeping an outlook, were at the time care- 
 lessly enjoying themselves within the watch-house. On perceiving the 
 Caithness men about entering the house, they shut themselves up with- 
 in it; but the house being set on fire, three of them perished, and the 
 fourth, rushing through the flames, escaped with great difficulty, and 
 announced to his countrymen the arrival of the enemy. 
 
 From Strathully, Sinclair passed forward with his army to a place 
 called Crissalligh, on the height of Strathbroray, and began to drive 
 away some cattle towards Caithness. As the earl of Sutherland had 
 not yet had sufficient time to collect a sufficient force to oppose Sinclair, 
 he sent in the meantime Houcheon Maekay, who happened to be at 
 Dunrobin, with five or six hundred men, to keep Sinclair in check until 
 a greater force should be assembled. With this body, which was has- 
 tily drawn together on the spur of the occasion, Maekay advanced 
 with amazing celerity, and such w£is the rapidity of his movements, that 
 he most unexpectedly came up with Sinclair, not far from Crissalligh, 
 when his army was ranging about without order, or military discipline. 
 On coming up, Maekay found John Gordon of Kilcalmekill at the head 
 of a small party skirmishing with the Caithness men, a circumstance 
 which made him instantly resolve, though so far inferior in numbers, to 
 attack Sinclair. Crossing therefore the water, which was between him 
 and the enemy, Maekay and his men rushed upon the army of Smclair, 
 which they defeated after a long and warm contest. The Caithness 
 men retreated with the loss of their booty and part of their baggage, 
 and were closely pursued by a body of men, commanded by John 
 Murray, nicknamed the merchant, to a distance of sixteen miles.* 
 
 This defeat, however, did not satisfy the earl of Sutherland, who, hav- 
 ing now assembled an army, entered Caithness with the intention of 
 laying it waste. The earl advanced as far as Corrichoigh, and the earl 
 of Caithness convened his forces at Spittle, where he lay waiting the 
 arrival of his enemy. The earl of Huntly having been made acquainted 
 with the warlike preparations of the two hostile earls, sent, without de- 
 lay, his uncle. Sir Patrick Gordon of Auchindun to mediate between 
 them, and he luckily arrived at the earl of Sutherland's head-quarters, 
 at the very instant his army was on its march to meet the earl of Caith- 
 ness. By the friendly interference of Sir Patrick, the parties were pre- 
 vailed upon to desist from their hostile intentions, and to agree to hold 
 an amicable meeting at Elgin, in presence of the earl of Huntly, to 
 
 • Sir R. Gordon, p. 199. 
 r 2 E 
 
216 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 whom they also agreed to refer all their differences. A meeting accord- 
 ingly took place in the month of November, fifteen hundred and eighty- 
 nine, at which all disputes were settled, and in order that the reconcili- 
 ation might be lasting, and that no recourse might again be had to 
 arms, the two earls subscribed a deed, by whi.ch they appointed Huntly 
 and his successors hereditary judges, and arbitrators of all disputes, or 
 differences, that might from thenceforth arise between these two families 
 and houses. 
 
 This reconciliation, however, as it did not obliterate the rancour 
 which existed between the people of these different countries, was but 
 of short duration. The frequent depredations committed by the vassals 
 and retainers of the earis upon the property of one another, led to an 
 exchange of letters and messages between them, about the means to be 
 used for repressing these disorders. During this correspondence the 
 eai'l of Sutherland became unwell, and, being confined to his bed, the 
 earl of Caithness, in October fifteen hundred and eighty-nine, wrote him 
 a kind letter which he had scarcely despatched when he most unaccount- 
 ably entered Sutherland with a hostile force ; but he only remained one 
 night in that country, in consequence of receiving intelligence of a medi- 
 tated attack upon his camp, by John Gordon of Kilcalmekill, and Neill 
 Mac-Iain-Mac-William. A considerable number of the Sutherlands 
 having collected together, they resolved to pursue the Caithness men, 
 who had carried off a large quantity of cattle ; but on coming nearly 
 up with them, an unfortunate difference arose between'the Murrays and 
 the Gordons, each contending for the command of the vanguard. The 
 Murrays rested their claim upon their former good services to the 
 riouse of Sutherland; but the Gordons refusing to admit it, all the 
 Murrays, with the exception of William Murray, brother of the laird of 
 Palrossie, and John Murray, the merchant, withdrew, and took a sta- 
 tion on a hill hard by to witness the combat. This unexpected event 
 seemed to paralyze the Gordons at first ; but seeing the Caithness men 
 driving the cattle away before them, and thinking that if they did not 
 attack them they would be accused of cowardice, Patrick Gordon of 
 Gartay, John Gordon of Embo, and John Gordon of Kilcalmekill, after 
 some consultation, resolved to attack the retiring foe without loss of 
 time, and without waiting for the coming up of the Strathnaver men, 
 who were hourly expected. This was a bold and desperate attempt, as 
 the Gordons were only as one to twelve in point of numbers, but they 
 could not brook the idea of being branded as cowards. With such nu- 
 merical inferiority, and with the sun and wind in their faces to boot, the 
 Sutherland men advanced upon and resolutely attacked the Caithness 
 men near Clyne. In the van of the Caithness army were placed about 
 fifteen hundred archers, a considerable number of whom were from the 
 Western Isles, under the command of Donald Balloch Mackay of Skow- 
 rie, who poured a thick shower of arrows upon the men of Sutherland 
 as they advanced, and who, in return, gave their opponents a similar re- 
 
BATTLE OF CLYNE. 217 
 
 ception. The combat raged with great fury for a considerable time be- 
 tween these two parties : thrice were the Caithness archers driven back 
 upon their rear, which was in consequence thrown into great disorder, 
 and thrice did they return to the conflict cheered on and encouraged by 
 their leader ; but, though superior in numbers, tliey could not withstand 
 tlie firmness and intrepidity of the Sutherland men, who forced them to 
 retire from the field of battle on the approach of night, and to abandon 
 the cattle which had been carried off. The loss in Itilled and wounded 
 was about equal on both sides, but with the exception of Nicolas Su- 
 therland, brother of the laird of Forse, and Angus Mac-Angus- Ter- 
 mat, both belonging to the Caithness party, and John Murray, the 
 merchant, on the Sutherland side, there were no principal persons 
 killed. This Angus Mac-Angus was the ablest and most active man 
 in Caithness, and for his extraordinary swiftness was called Birlig. 
 Among the wounded was John Gordon of Kilcalm-Kill, and Williara 
 Murray before mentioned. This affair took place in the month of Oc- 
 tober fifteen hundred and ninety. The obstinacy with which the Caith- 
 ness men fought was owing principally to Donald Balloch Mackay, who 
 at the time in question had been banished from Sutherland and Strath" 
 naver for tlie murder of James Macrory, and other crimes, and had 
 placed himself under the protection of the earl of Caithness. Being 
 afterwards apprehended and imprisoned in Dunrobin castle, he was, on 
 the entreaty of his brother, Houcheon Mackay, released by the earl of 
 Sutherland, and ever after remained faithful to the earl.* 
 
 Houcheon Macliay, taking advantage of the temporary absence of 
 the Caithness men in their late excursion into Sutherland, entered into 
 Caithness, laying waste every thing in his course, even to the gates of 
 Thurso, and carried off a large quantity of booty without opposition, 
 which he divided among his countrymen according to custom. He had 
 previously sent the greater part of his men under the direction of his 
 brother William to assist the Sutherland men ; but he was too late in 
 joining them, a circumstance which raised a suspicion that William fa- 
 voured privately the views of the earl of Caithness. 
 
 Vain as the efforts of the mutual friends of the two rival earls had hi- 
 therto been to reconcile them effectually, the earl of Huntly and others 
 once more attempted an arrangement, and having prevailed upon the 
 parties to meet at Strathbogie, a final agreement was entered into in the 
 month of March, in the year fifteen hundred and ninety-one, by which 
 tliey agreed to bury all bygone differences in oblivion, and to live on 
 terms of amity in all time thereafter. 
 
 This fresh reconciliation of the two earls was the means of restoring 
 quiet in their districts for a considerable time, which was partially inter- 
 rupted in the year fifteen hundred and ninety-four bv a quarrel between 
 the Clan Gun and some of the other petty tribes. Donald Mac-William- 
 
 » Sir R. Gordon, p. 203. 
 
218 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 Mac-Heuric, Alister Mac-Iain-Mac- Rorie, and others of the Clau Guu 
 entered Caithness and attacked Farquhar Buy, one of the captains of the 
 tribe of Siol-Mhic-Imheair, and William Sutherland, alias William Aba- 
 raich, the chief favourite of the earl of Caithness, and the principal plotter 
 against the life of George Gordon, whose death has been already noticed. 
 After a warm skirmish, Farquhar Buy, and William Abaraich, and some 
 of their followers, were slain. To revenge this outrage, the earl of Caith- 
 ness sent the same year his brother, James Sinclair of Murlde, with a 
 party of men against the Clan Gun in Strathie, in Strathnaver, who 
 killed seven of that tribe. George Mac-Iain-Mac-Rob, the chief, 
 and Donald Mac-William-Mac-Henric, narrowly escaped with their 
 lives. 
 
 For the sake of continuity, we have deferred noticing those transac- 
 tions in the north in which George Gordon, earl of Huntly, was more 
 immediately concerned, and which led to several bloody conflicts. 
 
 The earl, who was a favourite at court, and personally liked by 
 James the Sixth, finding himself in danger from the prevailing faction, 
 retired to his possessions in the north, for the purpose of improving his 
 estates and enjoying domestic quiet. One of his first measures was to 
 erect a castle at Ruthven, in Badenoch, in the neighbourhood of his 
 hunting forests. This gave great offence to Mackintosh, the chief of 
 the Clan-Chattan, and his people, as they considered that the object of 
 its erection was to overawe the clan. Being the earl's vassals and te- 
 nants they were bound to certain services, among which, the furnishing 
 of materials for the building formed a chief part ; but instead of assist- 
 ing the earl's people, they at first indirectly and in an underhand man- 
 ner, endeavoured to prevent the workmen from going on with their 
 operations, and afterwards positively refused to furnish the necessaries 
 required for the building. This act of disobedien.ce, followed by a quar- 
 rel in the year fifteen hundred and ninety, between the Gordons and 
 the Grants, was the cause of much trouble, the occasion of which was this. 
 John Grant, the tutor of Ballendalloch, having withheld the rents due 
 to the widow, and endeavoured otherwise to injure her, James Gordon, 
 her nephew, eldest son of Alexander Gordon of Lismore, along with 
 some of his friends, went to Ballendalloch to obtain justice for her. 
 On their arrival, differences were accommodated so far that the tutor 
 paid up all arrears due to the lady, except a trifle, which he insisted, on 
 some ground or other, on retaining. This led to some altercation, in 
 which the servants of both parties took a share, and latterly came to 
 blows ; but they were separated, and James Gordon returned home. 
 Judging from what had taken place, that his aunt's interests would in 
 future be better attended to if under the protection of a husband, he 
 persuaded the brother of Sir Thomas Gordon of Cluny to marry her, 
 which he did. This act so incensed the tutor of Ballendalloch, that he 
 at once showed his displeasure by killing, at the instigation of the laird 
 of Grant one of John Gordon's servants. For this the tutor, and such 
 

 A-riOlai-tOR A.- C" London A- £r]iiiburij!i 
 
MEETING AT FORRES ATTACK UPON HOLYROOD. 219 
 
 of the Grants as should harbour or assist him. were declared outlaws 
 and rebels, and a commission was granted to the earl of Huntly to ap- 
 prehend and bring them to justice, in virtue of which, he besieged the 
 house of Ballendalloch, which he took by force, on the second day of 
 November, fifteen hundred and ninety; but the tutor effected his 
 escape. Sir John Campbell of Cadell, a despicable tool of the Chan- 
 cellor Maitland, who had plotted the destruction of the earl and the 
 laird of Grant, now joined in the conspiracy against him, and stirred up 
 the Clan-Chattan, and Mackintosh their chief, to aid the Grants. 
 They also persuaded the earls of Atholl and Moray to assist them 
 against the earl of Huntly. 
 
 As soon as Huntly ascertained that the Grants and Clan-Chattan, 
 who were his own vassals, had put themselves under the command of 
 these earls, he assembled his followers, and, entering Badenoch, sum- 
 moned his vassals to appear before him, and deliver up the tutor and his 
 abettors, but none of them came. He then proclaimed and denounced 
 them rebels, and obtained a royal commission to invade and apprehend 
 them. To consult on the best means of defending themselves the earls 
 of Moray and Atholl, the Dunbars, the Clan-Chattan, the Grants, and 
 the laird of Cadell, and others of their party met at Forres. Two 
 contrary opinions were given at this meeting. On the one hand Mack- 
 intosh, Grant, and Cadell advised the earls, who were pretty well sup- 
 ported by a large party in the north, immediately to collect their forces 
 aind oppose Huntly ; but the Dunbars, on the other, hand, were op- 
 posed to this advice, and endeavoured to convince the earls that they 
 were not in a fit condition at that time to make a successful stand 
 against their formidable antagonist. In the midst of these delibera- 
 tions Huntly, who had received early intelligence of the meeting, and 
 had, in consequence, assembled his forces, unexpectedly made his ap- 
 pearance in the neighbourhood of Forres. This sudden advance of 
 Huntly struck terror into the minds of the persons assembled, and the 
 meeting instantly broke up in great confusion. The whole party, with 
 the exception of the earl of Moray, left the town in great haste, and 
 fled to Tarnoway. The earl of Moray had provided all things neces- 
 sary for his defence in case he should be attacked ; but the earl of 
 Huntly, not aware that he had remained behind, marched directly to 
 Tarnoway in pursuit of the fugitives. On arriving within sight of the 
 castle into which the flying party had thrown themselves, the earl sent 
 John Gordon, brother of Sir Thomas Gordon of Cluny, with a small 
 body of men to reconnoitre ; but approaching too near without due 
 caution, he was shot by one of the earl of Moray's servants. As Hunt- 
 ly found the castle well fortified, and as the rebels evacuated it and fled 
 to the mountains, leaving a sufficient force to protect it, he disbanded 
 his men on the twenty-fourth day of November fifteen hundred and 
 ninety, and returned home, from whence he proceeded to Edinburgh. 
 
 Shortly after his arrival the earl of Bothwell, who had a design upon 
 
220 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 the life of Chancellor Maitland, made an attack upon the palace of 
 Ilolyroodhouse under cloud of night, with the view of seizing Mait- 
 land ; but, having failed in his object, he was forced to flee to the north 
 to avoid the vengeance of the king. The earl of Huntly, who had 
 been lately reconciled to Maitland, and the duke of Lennox, were sent 
 in pursuit of Bothwell, but he escaped their hands. Understanding af- 
 terwards that he was harboured by the earl of Moray at Dunibristle, 
 the chancellor, having procured a commission against him from the king 
 in favour of Huntly, again sent him to the north, accompanied by forty 
 gentlemen to attack tlie earl of Moray. When the party had arrived 
 near Dunibristle, the earl of Huntly sent captain John Gordon, bro- 
 ther of Gordon of Gight, with a summons to the earl of Moray, requir- 
 ing him to surrender himself prisoner ; but instead of complying, one 
 of the earl's servants levelled a piece at the bearer of the despatch, and 
 wounded him mortally. Huntly, therefore, after giving orders to take 
 the earl of Moray alive if possible, forcibly entered the house ; but Sir 
 Thomas Gordon, recollecting tke fate of his brother at Tarnoway, and 
 Gordon of Gight, who saw his brother lying mortally wounded before 
 his eyes, entirely disregarded the injunction ; and, following the earl, 
 who had fled among the rocks on the adjoining sea-shore, slew him. 
 
 The earl of Huntly immediately despatched John Gordon of Buckia 
 to Edinburgh, to lay a statement of the affair before the king and the 
 chancellor. The death of the earl of Moray would have passed quietly 
 over, as an event of ordinary occurrence in those troublesome times ; but 
 as he was one of the heads of the protestant party, the presbyterian 
 ministers gave the matter a religious turn by denouncing the catholic 
 earl of Huntly as a murderer, who wished to advance the interest of his 
 church by imbruing his hands in the blood of his protestant countrymen. 
 The effect of tlie ministers' denunciations was a tumult among the people 
 in Edinburgh, and other parts of the kingdom; which obliged the king 
 to cancel the commission he had granted to the earl of Huntly. The 
 spirit of discontent became so violent that captain John Gordon, who had 
 been left at Innerkeithing for the recovery of his wounds, but who had 
 been afterwards taken prisoner by tlie earl of Moray's friends and car- 
 ried to Edinburgh, was tried before a jury, and contrar3f to law and 
 justice condemned and executed, for having assisted the earl of Huntly 
 acting under a royal commission. The recklessness and severity of 
 this act were still more atrocious, as Captain Gordon's wounds were 
 incurable, and he was fast hastening to his grave. John Gordon of 
 Buckie, who was master of the king's'household, was obliged to flee from 
 Edinburgh, and made a narrow escape with his life. 
 
 As for the earl of Huntly, he was summoned at the instance of the 
 Lord of St Colme, brother of the deceased earl of Moray, to stand trial. 
 He accordingly appeared at Edinburgh and offered to abide the result of 
 a trial by his peers, and in the mean time was committed a prisoner 
 to the castle of Blackness on the twelfth day of March fifteen hundred 
 
SKIRMISHES IN BADENOCH, STRATHSPEY, &C. 221 
 
 and ninety one, till the peers should assemble to try him. On giving 
 sufficient surety, however, that he would appear and stand trial on re- 
 ceiving six days' notice to that efTect, he was released by the king on 
 the twentieth day of the same month. 
 
 The Clan-Chattan, who had never submitted without reluctance to the 
 earl of Huntly, considered the present aspect of affairs as peculiarly fa- 
 vourable to the design they entertained of shaking off' the yoke altogether, 
 and being countenanced and assisted by the Grants, and other friends 
 of the earl of Moray, made no secret of their intentions. At first the 
 earl sent AUen Macdonald-Duibh, the chief of the Clan-Cameron, with 
 his tribe to attack the Clan-Chattan in Badenoch, and to keep them in 
 due order and subjection. Tlie Camerons, thougli warmly opposed, suc- 
 ceeded in defeating the Clan-Chattan, who lost fifty of theu- men after a 
 sharp skirmish. The earl next dispatched Mackronald with some of the 
 Lochaber men against the Grants in Strathspey, whom he attacked, killed 
 eighteen of them and laid waste the lands of Ballendalloch. After the 
 Clan-Chattan had recovered from their defeat, they invaded Strathdee 
 and Glenmuck, under the command of Angus Donald Williamson, and 
 killed Henry Gordon of the Knock, Alexander Gordon of Teldow, 
 Thomas Gordon of Blaircharrish, and the old Baron of Breghly, also 
 a Gordon. The baron was much addicted to hospitality, and unsus- 
 picious of any bad design against him he entertained the hostile party 
 in his best manner, but they afterwards basely murdered him. This oc- 
 currence took place on the first day of November fifteen hundred and 
 ninety two. To punish this aggression the earl of Huntly collected his 
 forces and entered Pettie, then in possession of the Clan-Chattan, as a 
 fief fi-om the earls of Moray, and laid waste all the lands of the Clan- 
 Chattan there, killed many of them, and carried off a large quantity 
 of cattle which he divided among his army. But in returning from 
 Pettie after disbanding his army, he received the unwelcome intelligence 
 that William Mackintosh, son of Lauchlan Mackintosh, the chief, with 
 eight hundred of the Clan-Cliattan, had invaded the lands of Auchindun 
 and Cabberogh. The earl, after desiring the small party which remained 
 with him to follow him as speedily as possible, immediately set off" at 
 full speed, accompanied by Sir Patrick Gordon of Auchindun, and 
 thirty-six horsemen, in quest of Mackintosh and his party. Overtaking 
 them before they had left the bounds of Cabberogh upon the top of a 
 hill called Stapliegate, he attacked them with his small party, and after 
 a warm skirmish defeated them,, killing about sixty of their men and 
 wounding William Mackintosh and- others. 
 
 After this event the earl of Huntly undertook a second expedition 
 into Pettie. He gave orders to Alexander Gordon of Abergeldie, his 
 bailie in Badenoch, to bring his forces in Lochaber and Badenoch to 
 Inverness, and on his way thither he was desired to send a party under 
 the command of Mackronald to lay waste the lands of the Laird of 
 Grant in Strathspey, and those of Mackintosh .in Badenoch, which he 
 
222 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 accordingly did. In this new expedition the earl of Huntly did great 
 damage to the lands of the rebels, killed several of them, and returned 
 home with a large booty.* 
 
 The earl of Huntly, after thus subduing his enemies in the north, now 
 found himself placed at the ban of the government on account of an 
 alleged conspiracy between him and the earls of Angus and Errol and 
 the crown of Spain, to overturn the state and the church. , The king 
 and his councillors seemed to be satisfied of the innocence of the earls, 
 but the ministers, who considered the reformed religion in Scotland in 
 danger while these catholic peers were protected and favoured, impor- 
 tuned his majesty to punish them. The king yielding to necessity and 
 to the intrigues of Queen Elizabeth, forfeited their titles, intending to 
 restore them when a proper opportunity occurred, and to silence the cla- 
 mours of the ministers, convoked a parliament, which was held in the end 
 of the month of May, fifteen hundred and ninety-four. As few of the 
 peers attended, the ministers, having the commissioners of the burghs or 
 their side, carried every thing their own way, and the consequence was, 
 that the three earls were attainted without trial and their arms were torn 
 in presence of the parliament, according to the custom in such cases. 
 
 Having so far succeeded, the ministers, instigated by the Queen 
 of England, now entreated the king to send the earl of Argyle, a youth ol 
 nineteen years of age, in the pay of queen Elizabeth, with an army against 
 the Catholic earls. The king, still yielding to necessity, complied, and 
 Argyle having collected a force of about twelve thousand men, entered 
 Badenoch and laid siege to the castle of Ruthven, on the twenty-seventh 
 day of September, fifteen hundred and ninety-four. He was accom- 
 panied in this expedition by the earl of Athol, Sir Lauchlan Maclean 
 with some of his islanders, the chief of the Mackintoshes, the laird of 
 Grant, the Cian-Gregor, Macneil of Barra with all their friends and 
 dependents, together with the whole of the Campbells, and a variety of 
 others whom a thirst for plunder or malice towards the Gordons had 
 induced to join the earl of Argyle's standard. The castle of Ruthven 
 was so well defended by the Clan-Pherson, who were the earl of Hunt- 
 ly's vassals, that Argyle was obliged to give up the siege. He then 
 marched through Strathspey, and encamped at Drummin, upon the 
 river Avon, on the second day of October, from whence he issued or- 
 ders to Lord Forbes, the Erasers, the Dunbars, the Clan-Kenzie, the 
 Irvings, the Ogilvies, the Leslies, and other tribes and clans in the 
 north, to join his standard with all convenient speed. 
 
 The earls, against whom this expedition was directed, were by no 
 means dismayed. They knew that although the king was constrained 
 by popular clamour to levy war upon them, he was in secret fi-iendly to 
 them ; and they were, moreover, aware that the army of Argyle, who 
 was a youth of no military experience, was a raw and undisciplined 
 
 • Sir Robert Gordon, p. 218. 
 
BATTLE OP GLENLIVET. 223 
 
 militia, and composed, in a great measure, of Catholics, who could not 
 be expected to feel very warmly for the Protestant interest, to support 
 which, the expedition was professedly undertaken. The seeds of disaf- 
 fection, besides, had been already sown in Argyle's camp by the cor- 
 ruption of the Grants and Campbell of Lochnell. 
 
 On hearing of Argyle's approach, the earl of Errol immediately col- 
 lected a select body of about one hundred horsemen, being gentlemen, 
 on whose courage and fidelity he could rely, and with these he joined 
 the earl of Huntly at Strathbogie. The forces of Huntly, after this 
 junction, amounted, it is said, to nearly fifteen hundred men, almosi 
 altogether horsemen, and with this body he advanced to Carnborrow, 
 where the two earls and their chief followers made a solemn vow to 
 conquer, or to die. Marching from thence, Huntly's army arrived at 
 Auchindun the same day that Argyle's army reached Drummin. At 
 Auchindun, Huntly received intelligence that Argyle was on the eve 
 of descending from the mountains to the lowlands, which induced him, 
 on the following day, to send captain Thomas Carr and a party of horse- 
 men to reconnoitre the enemy, while he himself advanced with his main 
 army. The reconnoitring party soon fell in, accidentally, with Argyle's 
 scouts, whom they chased, and some of whom they killed. This oc- 
 currence, which was looked upon as a prognostic of victory, so encour- 
 aged Huntly and his men, that he resolved to attack the army of Ar- 
 gyle before he should be joined by Lord Forbes, and the forces which 
 were waiting for his appearance in the lowlands. Argyle had now 
 passed Glenlivet, and had reached the banks of a small brook named 
 Altchonlachan. 
 
 On the other hand, the earl of Argyle had no idea that the earls of 
 Huntly and Errol would attack him with such an inferior force ; and he 
 was, therefore, astonished at seeing them approach so near him as they 
 did. Apprehensive that his numerical superiority in foot would be 
 counterbalanced by Huntly's cavalry, he held a council of war to deli- 
 berate whether he should at once engage the enemy, or retreat to the 
 mountains, which were inaccessible to Huntly's horsemen, till his low- 
 land forces, which were chiefly cavalry, should come up. The council 
 advised Argyle to wait till the king, who had promised to appear with 
 a force, should arrive, or, at all events, till he should be joined by the 
 Erasers and Mackenzies from the north, and the Irvings, Forbesses, and 
 Leslies from the lowlands with their horse. This opinion, which was 
 considered judicious by the most experienced of Argyle's army, was 
 however disregarded by him, and he determined to wait the attack of 
 the enemy ; and to encourage his men he pointed out to them the small 
 number of those they had to combat with, and the spoils they might 
 expect after victory. He disposed his army on the declivity of a hill, 
 betwixt Glenlivet and Glenrinnes in two parallel divisions. The right 
 wing consisting of the Macleans and Mackintoshes was commanded by 
 Sir Lauchlan Maclean and Mackintosh— the left, composed of the 
 I. 2f 
 
'2-24: HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 Grants, Macneills, and Macgregors, by Grant of Gartinbeg, and the 
 centre, consisting of the Campbells, &c., was commanded by Campbell of 
 A.uchinbreck. This vanguard consisted of four thousand men, one-half of 
 (vhom carried muskets. The rear of the army, consisting of about six 
 thousand men, was commanded by Argyle himself. The earl of Huntly's 
 vanguard was composed of three hundred gentlemen, led by the earl of 
 Errol, Sir Patrick Gordon of Auchindun, the laird of Gight, the laird of 
 Bonnitoun, and captain, afterwards Sir Thomas Carr. The earl himself 
 followed with the remainder of his forces, having the laird of Cluny 
 upon his right hand and the laird of Abergeldy upon his left. Three 
 pieces of field ordnance under the direction of Captain Andrew Gray, 
 afterwards colonel of the English and Scots, who served in Bohemia, 
 were placed in front of the vanguard. Before advancing, the earl of 
 Huntly harangued his little army to encourage them to fight manfully ; 
 he told them that they had no alternative before them but victory or 
 death — that they were now to combat, not for their own lives only, but 
 also for the very existence of their families, which would be utterly 
 extinguished if they fell a prey to their enemes. 
 
 The position which Argyle occupied on the declivity of the hill gave 
 him a decided advantage over his assailants, who, from the nature of 
 their force, were greatly hampered by the mossiness of the ground at 
 the foot of the hill, which was interspersed by pits from which turf 
 had been dug. But, notwithstanding these obstacles, Huntly ad- 
 vanced up the hill with a slow and steady pace. It had been arranged 
 between him and Campbell of Lochnell, who had promised to go over 
 to Huntly as soon as the battle had commenced, that, before charging 
 Argyle with his cavalry, Huntly should fire his artillery at the yellow 
 standard. Campbell bore a mortal enmity at Argyle, as he had mur- 
 dered his brother, Campbell of Calder, in the year fifteen hundred and 
 ninety-two; and as he was Argyle's nearest heir, he probably had direct- 
 ed the firing at the yellow standard in the hope of cutting ofi" the earl. 
 Unfortunately for himself, however, Campbell was shot dead at the 
 first fire of the cannon, and upon his fall all his men fled from the field. 
 Macneill of Barra was also slain at the same time. The Highlanders, 
 who had never before seen field pieces, were thrown into disorder by 
 the cannonade, which being perceived by Huntly he charged the enemy, 
 and rushing in among them with his horsemen increased the confusion. 
 The earl of Errol was directed to attack the right wing of Argyle's army 
 commanded by Maclean, but as it occupied a very steep part of the hill, 
 and as Errol was greatly annoyed by thick voUies of shot from above, he 
 was compelled to make a detour, leaving the enemy on his left. But 
 Gordon of Auchindun disdaining such a prudent course, galloped up the 
 hill with a party of his own followers, and charged Maclean with great 
 impetuosity; but Auchindun's rashness cost him his life. The fall of 
 Auchindun so exasperated his followers that they set no bounds to their 
 fury ; but Maclean received their repeated assaults with firmness, and 
 
BATTLE OF GLENLIVET. 225 
 
 manoeuvred his troops so well as to succeed in cutting off the earl of 
 Errol and placing him between his own body and that of Argyle, by 
 whose joint forces he was completely surrounded. At this important 
 crisis when no hopes of retreat remained, and when Errol and his men 
 were in danger of being cut to pieces, the earl of Huntly, very fortunately, 
 came up to his assistance and relieved him from his embarrassment. 
 The battle was now renewed and continued for two hours, during which 
 both parties fought with great bravery, the one, says Sir Robert Gordon, 
 " for glorie, the other for necessitie." In the heat of the action the earl 
 of Huntly had a horse shot under him, and was in imminent danger of 
 his life; but another horse was immediately procured for him. After a 
 hard contest the main body of Argyle's army began to give way, and re- 
 treated towards the rivulet of Altchonlachan ; but Maclean stiU kept the 
 field and continued to support the falling fortune of the day. At length, 
 finding the contest hopeless, and after losing many of his men, he retired 
 in good order with the small company that stiU remained about him. 
 Huntly pursued the retiring foe beyond the water of Altchonlachan 
 when he was prevented from following them farther by the steepness of 
 the hills so unfavourable to the operations of cavalry. The success of 
 Huntly was mainly owing to the treachery of Lochnell and of John 
 Grant of Gartinbeg, one of Huntly's vassals, who, in terms of a concerted 
 plan, retreated with his men as soon as the action began, by which act 
 the centre and the left wing of Argyle's ai-my was completely broken. 
 On the side of Argyle five hundred men were killed besides Mac- 
 neill of Barra, and Lochnell, and Auchinbreck, the two cousins of 
 Argj'le. The earl of Huntly's loss was comparatively trifling. About 
 fourteen gentlemen were slain, including Sir Patrick Gordon of 
 Auchindun and the Laird of Gight ; and the earl of Errol and a con- 
 siderable number of persons were wounded. At the conclusion of the 
 battle the conquerors returned thanks to God on the field for the victory 
 they had achieved. This battle is called by some writers the battle of 
 Glenlivet, and by others the battle of Altchonlachan. Among the tro- 
 phies found on the field was the ensign belonging to the earl of Argyle, 
 which was carried with other spoils to Strathbogie, and placed upon the 
 top of the great tower. So certain had Argyle been of success in his 
 enterprize, that he had made out a paper apportioning the lands of the 
 Gordons, the Hays, and all who were suspected to favour them, among 
 the chief ofiicers of his army. This document was found among the 
 baggage which he left behind him on the field of battle.* 
 
 When Lord Forbes, Lesley of Balquhain, and Irving of Drum, who 
 had assembled all their forces and followers for the purpose of joining 
 Argyle, heard of his defeat, they resolved to unite themselves with the 
 Dunbars and the other forces which were marching from the provmces 
 of Ross and Moray to assist Argyle, and to make an attack upon the 
 
 * Sir R. Gordon, pp. 226, 227, 228, 229.-ShaWs Moray, pp. 266, 267, 268. 
 
226 HISTORY OF the highlands. 
 
 Gordons on tlieir return homewards to revenge old quarrels. For this 
 purpose, and to conceal their plans, the whole of the Forbeses, and the 
 greater part of the Leslies and Irvings, met under, cloud of night at 
 Druminor and proceeded on their journey; but a singular occurrence 
 took place which created such confusion and amazement in their minds 
 as to induce them to return home. They had not gone far when a gen- 
 tleman of the name of Irving, while riding alongside of Lord Forbes, 
 was most unexpectedly shot dead by an unknown hand, and strange to 
 tell, although all the fire arms carried by the party were immediately 
 searched for the purpose of ascertaining the individual who had com- 
 mitted the deed, every one was found to be loaded. This affair raised 
 suspicions among the party, and becoming distrustful of one another, 
 they dissolved their companies and returned home. The tribes and clans 
 of the north who were to have joined Argyle were prevented from doing 
 so by the policy of John Dunbar of Muyness, who was a partizan of the 
 earl of Huntly. Thus the Gordons escaped the snare which had been 
 laid for them. 
 
 Although Argyle certainly calculated upon being joined by the king, 
 it seems doubtful if James ever entertained such an intention, for he 
 stopt at Dundee, fi-om whence he did not stir till he heard of the result 
 of the battle of Glenlivet. Instigated by the ministers and other ene- 
 mies of the earl of Huntly, who became now more exasperated than 
 ever at the unexpected failure of Argyle's expedition, the king pro- 
 ceeded north to Strathbogie, and in his rout he permitted, most unwil- 
 lingly, the house of Craig in Angus, belonging to Sir John Ogilvie, 
 son of Lord Ogilvie, that of Bagaes in Angus, the property of Sir 
 Walter Lindsay, the house of Culsamond in Garioch, appertaining to 
 the laird of Newton-Gordon, the house of Slaines in Buchan belonging 
 to the earl of Errol, and the castle of Strathbogie, to be razed to the 
 ground, under the pretext that priests and Jesuits had been harboured 
 in them. In the meantime the earl of Huntly and his friends retired 
 into Sutherland, where they remained six weeks with Earl Alexander; 
 and on the king's departure from Strathbogie, Huntly returned thither, 
 leaving his eldest son George, Lord Gordon, in Sutherland with his aunt 
 till the return of more peaceable times. 
 
 The king left the duke of Lennox to act as his lieutenant in the 
 north, with whom the two earls held a meeting at Aberdeen, and as 
 their temporary absence from the kingdom might allay the spirit of vio- 
 lence and discontent, which was particularly annoying to his majesty, 
 they agreed to leave the kingdom during the king's pleasure. After 
 spending sixteen months in travelling through Germany and Flanders, 
 Huntly was recalled, and on his return, he, as well as the earls of Angus 
 and Errol, were restored to their former honours and estates by the Par- 
 liament, held at Edinburgh in the month of November, fifteen hundred 
 and ninety-seven, and in testimony of his regard for Huntly, the king, 
 two years thereafter, created him a marquis. This signal mark of the 
 
.S§tbtB 
 
 AFvUsi-toii f^ f"" Loiidmi i^imLnrsi' 
 
FEUD BETWEEN THE CLANDONALD AND THE MACLEANS. 227 
 
 royal favour had such an influence upon the Clan-Chattan, the Clan- 
 Kenzie, the Grants, Forbeses, Leslies, and the other hostile clans and 
 tribes, that they at once submitted themselves to the marquis. 
 
 The warliite operations in the north seem, for a time, to have drawn 
 off the attention of the clans from their own feuds ; but in the year fif- 
 teen hundred and ninety-seven, a tumult occurred at Loggiewreid in 
 Ross, which had almost put that province and the adjoining country into 
 a flame. The quarrel began between John Mac-Gille-Calum, brother of 
 Gille-Calum, laird of Rasay, and Alexander Bane, brother of Duncan 
 Bane of TuUoch, in Ross. The Monroes took the side of the Banes, and 
 the Mackenzies aided John Mac-Gille-Calum. In this tumult John Mac- 
 Gille-Calum and John Man-Murthow-Mac- William, a gentleman of the 
 Clan-Kenzie, and three persons of that surname, were killed on the one 
 side, and on the other side were slain John Monroe of Culcraigie, his 
 brother Houcheon Monroe, and John Monroe Robertson. This occur- 
 rence renewed the ancient animosity between the Clan-Kenzie and the 
 Monroes, and both parties began to assemble their friends for the pur- 
 pose of attacking one another ; but their differences were, in some mea- 
 sure, happily reconciled by the mediation of mutual friends. 
 
 In the following year the ambition and avarice of Sir Lauchlan Mac- 
 lean, of whom notice has been already taken, brought him to an un- 
 timely end, having been slain in Islay by Sir James Macdonald, his 
 nephew, eldest son of Angus Macdonald of Kintyre. Sir Lauchlan 
 had long had an eye upon the possessions of the Clanronald in Islay; but 
 having failed in extorting a conveyance thereof from Angus Macdonald 
 in the way before alluded to, he endeavoured by his credit at court and 
 by bribery or other means, to obtain a grant from the crown, in fifteen 
 hundred and ninety-five, of these lands. At this period Angus Mac- 
 donald had become infirm from age, and his son, Sir James Mac- 
 donald, was too young to make any effectual resistance to the newly 
 acquired claims of his covetous uncle. After obtaining the gift. Sir 
 Lauchlan collected his people and friends and invaded Islay, for the pur- 
 pose of taking possession of the lands which belonged to the Clandonald. 
 Sir James Macdonald, on hearing of his uncle's landing, collected his 
 friends and landed in Islay to dispossess Sir Lauchlan of the property. 
 To prevent the effusion of blood, some mutual friends of the parties 
 interposed, and endeavoured to bring about an adjustment of their 
 differences. They prevailed upon Sir James to agree to resign the half of 
 the island to his uncle during the life of the latter, provided he would 
 acknowledge that he held the same for personal service to the Clan- 
 donald in the same manner as Maclean's progenitors had always held 
 the Rhinns of Islay; and he moreover offered to submit the question to 
 any impartial friends Maclean might choose, under this reasonable condi- 
 tion, that in case they should not agree, his Majesty should decide. But 
 Maclean, contrary to the advice of his best friends, would listen to no 
 proposals short of an absolute surrender of the whole of the island. Sir 
 
228 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 James, therefore, resolved to vindicate his right by an appeal to arms, 
 though his force was far inferior to that of Sir Lauchlan. Taking pos- 
 session of a hill at the head of Loch Groynard, which the Macleans had 
 inetfectually endeavoured to secure. Sir James attacked their advanced 
 guard, whicli he forced to fall back upon their main body. A desperate 
 struggle then took place, in which great valour was displayed on both 
 sides. Sir Lauchlan was killed fighting at the head of his men, who 
 were at length compelled to retreat to tlieir boats and vessels. Besides 
 their chief, the Macleans left eighty of their principal men, and two 
 hundred common soldiers, dead on the field of battle. Lauchlan 
 Barroch-Maclean, son of Sir Lauchlan, was dangerously wounded, but 
 escaped. Sir James Macdonald was also so severely wounded that he 
 never fully recovered from his wounds. About thirty of the Clandonald 
 were killed and about sixty wounded. Sir Lauchlan, according to Sir 
 Robert Gordon, had consulted a witch before he undertook this journey 
 into Islay, who advised him, in the first place, not to land upon the island 
 on a Thursdaj' ; secondly, that he should not drink of the water of a well 
 near Groynard ; and lastly, she told him that one Maclean should be 
 slain at Groynard. " The first he transgressed unwillingly (says Sir 
 Robert), being driven into the island of Ila by a tempest upon a Thurs- 
 day ; the second he transgressed negligentlie, haveing drank of that 
 water befor he wes awair; and so he wes killed ther at Groinard, as wes 
 foretold him, bot doubtfullie. Thus endeth all these that doe trust in 
 such kynd of responces, or doe hunt after them I"* 
 
 On hearing of Maclean's death and the defeat of his men, the king 
 became so highly incensed against the Clandonald, that, finding he had 
 a right to dispose of their possessions both in Kintyre and Islay, he made 
 a grant of them to the earl of Argyle and the Campbells. This gave 
 rise to a number of bloody conflicts between the Campbells and the Clan- 
 donald in the years sixteen hundred and fourteen, fifteen, and sixteen, 
 which ended in the ruin of the latter. 
 
 The rival houses of Sutherland and Caithness had now lived on friend- 
 ly terms for some years. After spending about eighteen months at 
 court, and attending a convention of the estates at Edinburgh, in July, 
 fifteen hundred and ninety eight, John, sixth earl of Sutherland, went 
 to the continent, where he remained till the month of September, sixteen 
 hundred. The earl of Caithness, deeming the absence of the earl of Su- 
 therland a fit opportunity for carrying into efiect some designs against 
 him, caused William Mackay obtain leave from his brother Houcheon 
 Mackay to hunt in the policy of Durines belonging to the earl of Su- 
 therland. The earl of Caithness thereupon assembled all his vassals and 
 dependants, and, under the pretence of hunting, made demonstrations 
 for entering Sutherland or Strathnaver. As soon as Mackay was in- 
 formed of his intentions he sent a message to the earl of Caithness, inti- 
 
 Hist. p. 238. 
 
ADVANCE AND RETREAT OF THE EARL OF CAITHNESS. 229 
 
 mating to him tliat he would not permit him to enter either of these 
 countries, or to cross the marches. The earl of Caithness returned a 
 haughty answer ; but he did not carry his threat of invasion into execu- 
 tion on account of the arrival of the earl of Sutherland from the conti- 
 nent. As the earl of Caithness still continued to threaten an invasion, 
 the earl of Sutherland collected his forces, in the month of July, sixteen 
 hundred and one, to oppose him. Mackay, with his countrymen, soon 
 joined the earl of Sutherland atLagan-Gaincamhd in Dirichat, where he 
 was soon also joined by the Monroes under Robert Monroe of Conta- 
 ligh, and the laird of Assint with his countrymen. 
 
 While the earl of Sutherland's force was thus assembling, the earl of 
 Caithness advanced towards Sutherland with his army. The two armies 
 encamped at the distance of about three miles asunder, near the hill of 
 Bengrime. In expectation of a battle the morning after their encamp- 
 ment, the Sutherland men took up a position in a plain which lay be- 
 tween the two armies, called Leathad Reidh, than which a more conve- 
 nient station could not have been selected. But the commodiousness of 
 the plain was not the only reason for making the selection. There had 
 been long a prophetic tradition in these countries that a battle was to be 
 fought on this ground between the inhabitants of Sutherland, assisted 
 by the Strathnaver men, and the men of Caithness ; that although the 
 Sutherland men were to be victorious their loss would be great, and 
 *hat the loss of the Strathnaver men should even be greater, but that the 
 Caithness men should be so completely overthrown that they should not 
 be able, for a considerable length of time, to recover the blow which they 
 were to receive. This superstitious idea made such an impression upon 
 the minds of the men of Sutherland that it was with great difficulty they 
 could be restrained from immediately attacking their enemies. 
 
 The earl of Caithness, daunted by this circumstance, and being diffi- 
 dent of the fidelity of some of his people, whom he had used with great 
 cruelty, sent messengers to the earl of Sutherland expressing his regret 
 at what had happened, stating that he was provoked to his present mea- 
 sures by the insolence of Mackay, who had repeatedly dared him to the 
 attack, and that, if the earl of Sutherland would pass over the affiiir, he 
 would permit him and his army to advance twice as far into Caithness as 
 he had marched into Sutherland. The earl of Sutherland, on receipt of 
 this offer, called a council of his friends to deliberate upon it. Mackay 
 and some others advised the earl to decline the proposal, and attack the 
 earl of Caithness ; they represented to him that as he had collected an 
 excellent and resolute army, and as this was his first enterprise, he 
 should give to the world a specimen of his prowess ; that if he let the 
 present occasion for humbling his enemies escape, that they would 
 again grow bold and insolent, and, presuming upon his weakness, might 
 attempt new aggressions. Others, however, of the earl's advisers were 
 of a contrary opinion, and thought it neither fit nor reasonable to risk 
 
230 HISTORY OF TriE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 SO many lives when such ample satisfaction was offered. A sort of 
 middle course was, therefore, adopted by giving the earl of Caithness 
 an opportunity to escape if he inclined. The messengers were accord- 
 ingly sent back with this answer, that if the earl of Caithness and his 
 army would remain where they lay till sunrise next morning they might 
 be assured of an attack. 
 
 When this answer was delivered in the earl of Caithness' camp, his 
 men got so alarmed that the earl, with great difficulty, prevented 
 them from running away immediately. He remained on the field 
 all night watching them in person, encouraging them to remain, and 
 making great promises to them if they stood firm. But his entreaties 
 were quite unavailing, for as soon as the morning dawned, on per- 
 ceiving the approach of the earl of Sutherland's army, they fled from 
 the field in the utmost confusion, jostling and overthrowing one ano- 
 ther in their flight, and leaving their whole baggage behind them. The 
 advanced guard of the earl of Sutherland was commanded by Patrick 
 Gordon of Gartay and Donald Ballooh Mackay. The right wing of 
 the main body, consisting of the Strathnaver men, was led by Mackay; 
 the Monroes and the men of Assint formed the left wing, and the earl 
 of Sutherland commanded the centre, composed of the Sutherland men. 
 A body of the Gordons, under the direction of William Gun-Mac- 
 Mhic-Sheumais of Killeirnan, was despatched, by a circuitous route, for 
 the purpose of attacking the Caithness men in their rear ; but, on ar- 
 riving at the place appointed for them, they found that the earl of 
 Caithness' army had disappeared. They, therefore, waited for the 
 coming up of the main body, which was at some distance. The earl of 
 Sutherland resolved to pursue the flying enemy ; but, before proceeding 
 on the pursuit, his army collected a quantity of stones which they ac- 
 cumulated into a heap to commemorate the flight of the Caith- 
 ness men, which heap was called Carn-Teiche, that is, the Flight 
 Cairn. 
 
 Not wishing to encounter the earl of Sutherland under the adverse cir- 
 cumstances which had occurred, the earl of Caithness, after entering his own 
 territories, sent a message to this effect to his pursuer, that having com- 
 plied with his request in withdrawing his army, he hoped hostile pro- 
 ceedings would cease, and that if the earl of Sutherland should advance 
 with his army into Caithness, Earl George would not hinder him; but he 
 suggested to him the propriety of appointing some gentlemen on both sides 
 to see the respective armies dissolved. The earl of Sutherland acceded 
 to this proposal, and sent George Gray of Cuttle, eldest son of Gilbert 
 Gray of Sordell, with a company of resolute men into Caithness to see 
 the army of the earl of Caithness broken up, who accordingly witnessed 
 the disbanding of the Caithness men, who returned joyfully to their 
 homes, having, as they conceived, made a narrow escape with their 
 lives. The earl of Caithness, in his turn, despatched Alexander Bane, 
 
FEUD BETWEEN MACDONALD AND MACLEAN. 231 
 
 chief of the Caithness Banes, who witnessed the dismissal of the earl oi 
 Sutherland's army.* 
 
 About the period in question, great commotions took place in the 
 north-west isles, in consequence of a quarrel between Donald Gorm 
 Macdonald of Slate, and Sir Roderick Macleod of Harris, which arose 
 out of the following circumstances. Donald Gorm Macdonald, who 
 had married the sister of Sir Roderick, instigated by jealousy, had con- 
 ceived displeasure at her and put her away. Having complained to her 
 brother of the treatment thus received. Sir Roderick sent a message to 
 Macdonald requiring him to take back his wife. Instead of complying 
 with this request, Macdonald brought an action of divorce against her, 
 and having obtained decree therein, he, thereupon, married the sister of 
 Kenneth Mackenzie, lord of Kintail. Sir Roderick, who considered 
 himself disgraced and his family dishonoured by such proceedings, now 
 determined to wipe away the stain, as he thought, by avenging himself 
 upon his brother-in-law. Assembling, therefore, all his countrymen and 
 his tribe, the Siol-Thormaid, without delay, he invaded with fire and 
 sword the lands of Macdonald, in the isle of Skye, to which he laid 
 claim as his own. Macdonald retaliated this aggression by landing in 
 Harris with his forces, which he laid waste, and after killing some of the 
 inhabitants retired with a large booty in cattle. To make amends for 
 this loss, Sir Roderick invaded Uist, which belonged to Macdonald, and 
 despatched his cousin, Donald Glas Macleod, with forty men into the 
 interior, to lay the island waste, and to carry off a quantity of goods and 
 cattle which the inhabitants had placed within the precincts of the 
 church of Kiltrynard as within a sanctuary. This exploit turned out to 
 be very serious, as Donald Macleod and his party were most unexpect- 
 edly attacked in the act of carrying off their prey by John Mac-Iain- 
 Mhic-Sheumais, a kinsman of Macdonald, at the head of a body of twelve 
 men who had remained in the island, by whom Donald Macleod and 
 the greater part of his men %vere cut to pieces, and the booty rescued. 
 Sir Roderick thinking that the force which had attacked his cousin was 
 much greater than it was, retired from the island, intending to retuin on 
 a future day with a greater force to revenge his loss. 
 
 This odious system of warfare continued till the hostile parties had 
 almost exterminated one another; and to such extremities were they 
 reduced by the ruin and desolation which followed their footsteps, that 
 they were compelled to eat horses, dogs, and cats, and other filthy ani- 
 mals, to preserve a miserable existence. To put an end, if possible, at 
 once to this destructive contest, Macdonald collected all his remaining 
 forces, with the determination of striking a decisive blow at his oppo- 
 nent; and accordingly, in the year sixteen hundred and one, he entered 
 Sir Roderick's territories with the design of bringing him to battle. 
 Sir Roderick was then in Argyle soliciting aid and advice from the earl 
 
 * Sir Rubert Gordon, p. 243. 
 2 G 
 
■2:i-2 
 
 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 of Arg3ne against the Clandonald ; but on hearing of the approacii of 
 Macdoiiald, Alexander Macleod, brother of Sir Rodericli, resolved to 
 try the result of a battle. Assembling, therefore, all the inhabitants of 
 his brother's lands, together with the wliole tribe of the Siol-Thormaid 
 and some of the Siol-ThorcuiU, he encamped close by the hill of Ben- 
 quhillin, in Skye, resolved to give battle to the Clandonald next morn 
 ing, who were equally prepared for the combat. Accordingly, on the 
 arrival of morning, an obstinate and deadly fight took place, which last- 
 ed the whole day, each side contending with the utmost valour for vic- 
 tory ; but at length the Clandonald overthrew their opponents. Alex- 
 ander Macleod was wounded and taken prisoner, along with Neill-Mac- 
 Aiastair-Ruaidh, and thirty others of the choicest men of the Siol- 
 Thormaid. lain-Mac-Thormaid and Thormaid-Mac-Thormaid, two 
 near kinsmen of Sir Roderick, and several others, were slain. 
 
 After this art'air, a reconciliation took place between Macdonald and 
 Sir Roderick, at the solicitation of old Angus Macdonald of Kintyre, 
 the laird of Coll, and other friends, when Macdonald delivered up to 
 Sir Roderick the prisoners he had taken at Benquhillin ; but although 
 these parties never again showed any open hostility, they brought seve- 
 ral actions at law against each other, the one claiming from the other 
 respectively, certain parts of their possessions. When the bloody strife 
 between these two rivals was over, Macdonald paid a visit to the earl 
 of Sutherland, and renewed the ancient league of friendship and alli- 
 uiice, which had been contracted between their predece,ssors. 
 
 StriLBIIEIN IN ASSYNT. 
 
CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Feud between the Colquhouns and Macgregors— Defeat of the Colquhoiins and Buchan- 
 ans — Harsh proceedings against the Macgregors — The chief of the Macgregors sur- 
 renders himself— Base Execution of the Chief and his hostages— Quarrel between the 
 Clan-Kenzie and Glengarry— The latter outlawed— Proceedings against him and his 
 people— Alister Mack-William-Moir beheaded— Murder of Angus Maclc-Kenneth- 
 Mack-AIister — Circumstances which led thereto — The Earl of Caithness attempts to 
 disturb the North — Deadly quarrel in Dornoch— Meeting of the Earls of Sutherland 
 and Caithness at Elgin— Their reconcihation — Dispute between the Earls of Caithness 
 and Orkney — Feud between the Murrays and some of the Seili-Thomas — Dissentions 
 in Moray among the Dunbars— Quarrel between the Earl of Caithness and the Chief 
 of the Mackays — Commotions in Lewis among the Macleods — Proceedings of Torquill 
 Connaldagh — Avaricious conduct of the Mackenzies — Invasion of Lewis by Fife ad- 
 venturers — They are forced to abandon it— Second invasion and final abandonment ul 
 Lewis^Plans of Lord Kintail to obtain possession thereof — Acquires right thereto — 
 Kxpulsion of Neill Macleod — Quarrel between the Laird of Rasay and Mackenzie of 
 Gairloch — Rasay and Mackenzie, younger of Gairloch, killed — DepredatioTis of 
 William Mack-Angus- Rory — Apprehension of Arthur Smith, a false coiner — His 
 trial and liberation — Employed by the Earl of Caithness — Commission against Smith- 
 Apprehended in Thurso — Tumult in the town in consequence — The Earl of Caithness 
 prosecutes the Commissioners — Submission of diflerences. 
 
 In the early part of the year sixteen hundred and two, the west of Scot- 
 laud was thrown into a state of combustion, in consequence of the re- 
 newal of some old quarrels between Colquhoun of Luss, the chief 
 of that surname, and Alexander Macgregor chief of the Clan-Gregor. 
 Aggressions had formerly been committed on both sides ; first by Luss 
 and his party against some of the Macgregors, and then by John Mac- 
 gregor, the brother of Alexander, against the laird of Luss and his de- 
 pendants and tenants. To put an end to these dissensions, Alexander 
 Macgregor left Rannoch, accompanied by about two hundred of his 
 kinsmen and friends, entered Lennox, and took up his quarters on the 
 confines of Luss's territory, where he expected, by the mediation of his 
 friends, to bring matters to an amicable adjustment. As the laird of 
 Luss was suspicious of Macgregors real intentions, he assembled all his 
 vassals, with the Buchanans and others, to the number of 300 horse, 
 and 500 foot, with the design, if the result of the meeting should 
 not turn out to his expectations and wishes, to cut off Macgregor and 
 his party. But Macgregor, anticipating his intention, was upon his 
 guard, and, by his precautions, defeated the design upon him. A con- 
 ference was held for the purpose of terminating all differences ; but the 
 meeting broke up without any adjustment ; Macgregor then proceeded 
 
234 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 homewards. The laird of Luss, in pursuance of his plan, immediately fol- 
 lowed Macgregor with great haste through Glenfreon, in the expecta- 
 tion of coming upon him unawares, and defeating him ; but Macgregor, 
 who was on the alert, observed, in due time, the approach of his pur- 
 suers, and made his dispositions accordingly. He divided his company 
 into two parts, the largest of which he kept under his own command, 
 and placed the other part under the command of John Macgregor, 
 his brother, whom he dispatched by a circuitous route, for the purpose 
 of attacking Luss's party in the rear, when they should least expect to 
 be assailed. This stratagem succeeded, and the result was, that after a 
 keen contest, Luss's party was completely overthrown, with the loss of 
 two hundred men, besides several gentlemen and burgesses of the town 
 of Dumbarton. It is rpjnarkable that of the Macgregors, John, the 
 brother of Alexander, and another person alone, were killed, though 
 some of the party were wounded. 
 
 The laird of Luss and his friends sent early notice of their disaster 
 to the king, and they succeeded so effectually by misrepresenting the 
 whole affair to him, and exhibiting to his majesty eleven score bloody 
 shirts belonging to those of their party who were slain, that the king 
 grew exceedingly incensed at the Clan-Gregor, who had no per- 
 son about the king to plead their cause, proclaimed them rebels, 
 and interdicted all the lieges from harbouring or having any communi- 
 cation with them. The earl of Argyle with the Campbells were after- 
 wards sent against the proscribed clan, who hunted them through the 
 country. About sixty of the clan made a brave stand at Bentoik against 
 a party of two hundred chosen men belonging to the Clan-Cameron, 
 Clan-Nab, and Clan-Ronald, under the command of Robert Campbell, 
 son of the laird of Glenorchy, when Duncan Aberigh, one of the chief- 
 tains of the Clan-Gregor, and his son Duncan, and seven gentlemen of 
 Campbell's party were killed. But although they made a brave resist- 
 ance, and killed many of their pursuers, the Macgregors, after many 
 skirmishes and great losses, were at last overcome. Commissions were 
 thereafter sent through the kingdom, for fining those who had harboured 
 any of the Clan, and for punishing all persons who had kept up any 
 communication with them, and the fines so levied were given by the 
 king to the earl of Argyle, who converted the same to his own use as a 
 recompense for his services against the unfortunate Macgregors. 
 
 Alexander Macgregor, the chief, after suffering many vicissitudes of 
 fortune, and many privations, at last surrendered himself to the earl of 
 Argyle, on condition that he should grant him a safe conduct into Eng- 
 land to king James, that he might lay before his majesty a true state of 
 the whole affair from the commencement, and crave the royal mercy ; 
 and as a security for his return to Scotland, he delivered up to Argyle 
 thirty of his choicest men, and of the best reputation among the clan 
 as hostages to remain in Argyle in custody, till his return from Eng- 
 land. But no sooner had Macgregor arrived in Berwick on his way to 
 
% . 
 
 EXPEDITION AGAINST THE LAIRD OF GLENGARRY. 235 
 
 London, than he was basely arrested, and brought back by the earl to 
 Edinburgh, and, by his influence, executed along with the thirty host- 
 ages. Argyle hoped, by these means, ultimately to annihilate the whole 
 clan ; but in this cruel design he was quite disappointed, for the clan 
 speedily increased, and became almost as powerful as before.* 
 
 While the Highland borders were thus disturbed by the warfare be- 
 tween the Macgregors and the Colquhouns, a commotion happened in the 
 interior of the Highlands, in consequence of a quarrel between the Clan- 
 Kenzie and the laird of Glengarry, who, according to Sir Robert Gordon, 
 was " unexpertandunskilfull inthelawes oftherealme.'' From his want 
 of knowledge of the law, the Clan-Kenzie are said by the same writer 
 to have " easalie intrapped him within the compas thereof," certainly by 
 no means a difficult matter in those lawless times ; and having thus made 
 him commit himself, they procured a warrant for citing him to appear 
 before the justiciary court at Edinburgh, which they took good care 
 should not be served upon him personally. Either not knowing of 
 these legal proceedings, or neglecting the summons, Glengarry did not 
 appear at Edinburgh on the day appointed, but went about revenging 
 the slaughter of two of his kinsmen, whom the Clan-Kenzie had killed 
 after the summons for Glengarry's appearance had been issued. The 
 consequence was that Glengarry and some of his followers were outlawed. 
 Through the interest of the earl of Dunfermline, lord chancellor of 
 Scotland, Kenneth Mackenzie, afterwards created Lord Kintail, ob- 
 tain a commission against Glengarry and his people, which occasioned 
 great slaughter and trouble. Being assisted by many followers from the 
 neighbouring country, Mackenzie, by virtue of his commission, in- 
 vaded Glengarry's territories, which he wasted and destroyed with fire 
 and sword without control. On his return, Mackenzie besieged the 
 castle of Strome, which ultimately surrendered to him. To assist Mac- 
 kenzie in this expedition, the earl of Sutherland, in token of the ancient 
 friendship which had subsisted between bis family and the Mackenzies, 
 sent two hundred and forty well equipped and able men, under the com- 
 mand of John Gordon of Embo. Mackenzie again returned into 
 Glengarry, where he had a skirmish with a party commanded by Glen- 
 garry's eldest son, in which the latter and sixty of his followers were 
 killed. The Mackenzies also suffered some loss on this occasion. At 
 last, after much trouble and bloodshed on both sides, an agreement was 
 entered into, by which Glengarry renounced in favour of Kenneth Mac- 
 kenzie, the castle of Strome and the adjacent lands.* 
 
 In the year sixteen hundred and five, the peace of the northern High- 
 lands was about being disturbed by one of those atrocious occurrences., 
 80 common at that time. The chief of the Mackays had a servant 
 named Alastair-Mac-Uilleam-Mhoir. This man having some business to 
 transact in Caithness, went there without the least apprehension of dan- 
 
 • Sir R. Gordon, p. 247. + i^'^- P- ^W- 
 
236 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 ger, as the earls of Sutherland and Caithness had settled all their differ* 
 ences. No sooner, however, did the latter hear of Mac-Uilieam- Mhoir's 
 arrival in Caithness, than he sent Henry Sinclair, his bastard brother, 
 with a party of men to kill him. Mac-Uilleam-Mhoir, being a bold an 
 resolute man, was not openly attacked by Sinclair ; but on entering 
 the house where Mac-Uilleam-Mhoir had taken up his residence, he 
 and his party pretended that they had come on a friendly visit to him 
 to enjoy themselves in his company. Not suspecting their hostile inten- 
 tions, he invited them to sit down and drink with him ; but scarcely had 
 they taken their seats when they seized Mac-Uilleam-Mhoir, and carried 
 him off prisoner to the earl of Caithness, who caused him to be beheaded, 
 in his own presence, the following daj'. The fidelity of this unfortunate 
 man to Mackay, his master, during the disputes between the earls of 
 Sutherland and Caithness, was the cause for which he suffered. Mac- 
 kay, resolved upon getting the earl punished, entered a legal prosecution 
 against him at Edinburgh, but by the mediation of the marquis of 
 Huntly the suit was quashed.* 
 
 In July, sixteen hundred and five, a murder was committed in Strath- 
 naver, by Robert Gray of Ilopsdale or Ospisdell, upon the body of 
 Angus-Mac-Kenneth-Mac-Alister, one of the Siol-Mhurchaidh-Rhai- 
 bhaich, under the following circumstances. John Gray of Skibo held the 
 lands of Ardinsh under John, the fifth of that name, earl of Sutherland, 
 as superior, which lands the grandfather of Angus Mac-Kenneth had in 
 possession from John Mackay, son of Y-Roy-Mackay, who, before the 
 time of this earl John, possessed some lands in Breachat. When John 
 Gray obtained the grant of Ardinsh from John the fifth, he allowed 
 Kenneth Mac-Alister, the father of Angus Mac-Kenneth, to retain 
 possession thereof, which he continued to do till about the year fifteen 
 hundred and seventy-three. About this period a variance arose 
 between John Gray and Hugh Murray of Aberscors, in consequence of 
 some law-suits which they carried on against one another; but they 
 were reconciled by Alexander, earl of Sutherland, who became bound 
 to pay a sum of money to John Gray, for Hugh Murray, who was in 
 the meantime to get possession of the lands of Ardinsh in security. As 
 John Gray still retained the property and kept Kenneth Mac-Alister 
 in the possession thereof at the old rent, the Murrays took umbrage 
 at him, and prevailed upon the earl of Sutherland to grant a conveyance 
 of the wadset or mortgage over Ardinsh in favour of Angus Murray, 
 formerly bailie of Dornoch. In the meantime, Kenneth Mac-Alister 
 died, leaving his son, Angus Mac-Kenneth, in possession. Angus Mur- 
 ray having acquired the mortgage, now endeavoured to raise the rent of 
 Ardinsh, but Angus Mac-Kenneth refusing to pay more than his father 
 had paid, was dispossessed, and the lands were let to William Mac-Iain- 
 Mac-Kenneth, cousin of Angus Mac-Kenneth. This proceeding so exas- 
 
 • Sir R. Gordon, p, 253. 
 
CONFLICT IN DORNOCH. 237 
 
 perated Angus that he murdered his cousin William Mackenneth, his 
 wife, and two sons, under cloud of night, and so determined was he that 
 no other person should possess the lands but himself, that he killed no 
 less than nine other persons, who had successively endeavoured to occupy 
 them. No more tenants being disposed to occupy Ardinsh at the 
 risk of their lives, and Angus Murray getting wearied of his possession, 
 resigned his right to Gilbert Gray of Skibo on the death of John Gray, 
 his father. Gilbert, thereafter, conveyed the property to Robert Gray of 
 Ospisdell, his second son ; but Robert, being disinclined to allow Angus 
 Mackenneth, who had again obtained possession, to continue tenant, he 
 dispossessed him and let the land to one Finlay Logan, but this neM' 
 tenant was murdered by Mackenneth in the year sixteen hundred and 
 four. Mackenneth then fled into Strathnaver with a party composed 
 of persons of desperate and reckless passions like himself, with the in- 
 tention of annoying Robert Gray by their incursions. Gray having as- 
 certained that they were in the parish of Creich, he immediately at- 
 tacked them and killed Murdo Mackenneth, the brother of Angus, 
 who made a narrow escape, and again retired into Strathnaver. He 
 again returned into Sutherland on the first of May sixteen hundred and 
 five, and, in the absence of Robert Gray, burnt his stable with some of 
 his cattle at Ospisdell. Gray then obtained a warrant against Mac- 
 kenneth, and having procured the assistance of a body of men from 
 John, earl of Sutherland, he entered Strathnaver and attacked Mac- 
 kenneth at the Cruifs of Hoip and slew him.* 
 
 The earl of Caithuess, disliking the unquiet state in which he had for 
 some time been forced to remain, made another attempt in the month of 
 July, sixteen hundred and seven, to hunt in Beugrime, without asking 
 permission from the earl of Sutherland; but he was prevented from ac- 
 complishing his purpose by the sudden appearance in StrathuUy, of the 
 earl of Sutherland, attended by his friend Mackay, and a considerable 
 body of their countrymen. Almost the whole of the inhabitants oi 
 Dornoch turned out on this occasion, and went to StrathuUy. During 
 their absence a quarrel ensued in the town between one John Macphaill, 
 and three brothers of the name of Pope, in which one of the latter was 
 killed ; the circumstances leading to and attending which were these. 
 In the year fifteen hundred and eighty-five, William Pope, a native of 
 Ross, settled in Sutherland, and, being a man of good education, was 
 appointed schoolmaster in Dornoch, and afterwards became its resident 
 minister. He also received another clerical appointment in Caithness, 
 by means of which, and of his other living, he became, in course of time, 
 wealthy. This good success induced two younger brothers, Charles 
 and Thomas, to leave their native country and settle in Sutherland. 
 Thomas was soon made chancellor of Caithness, and minister of Rogart. 
 Charles became a notary public and a messenger-at-arms, and havmg 
 
 Sir K. Gordon, p. 254. 
 
238 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 by his good conduct and agreeable conversation ingratiated himself with 
 the earl of Sutherland, he was appointed to the office of sheriff-clerk of 
 Sutherland. Charles and Thomas, being, like their brother, of very 
 provident dispositions, soon acquired considerable wealth, which they 
 laid out, in conjunction with their brother William, in the purchase of 
 houses in the town of Dornoch, where they chiefly resided. Having 
 acquired a very considerable property in this way, many of the inhabi- 
 tants of the tovra envied their acquisitions, and took every occasion to 
 insult them as intruders, who had a design, as they supposed, to drive 
 the ancient inhabitants of the place from their possessions. On the oc- 
 casion in question, William and Thomas Pope, along with other minis- 
 ters, had held a meeting at Dornoch on church affairs, on dissolving 
 which, they went to breakfast nt an inn. While at breakfast, John 
 Macphaill entered the house, and demanded some liquor from the mis- 
 tress of the inn, but she refused to give him any, as she knew him to 
 be a troublesome and quarrelsome person. Macphaill, irritated at the 
 refusal, spoke harshly to the woman, and the ministers having made 
 some excuse for her, Macphaill vented his abuse upon them. Being 
 threatened by Thomas Pope, for his insolence, he pushed an arrow vfith 
 a barbed head, which he held in his hand, into one of Pope's arms. The 
 parties then separated, but the two Popes being observed walking in 
 the churchyard, in the evening, with their swords girt about them, by 
 Macphaill, who looked upon tlieir so arming themselves as a threat, he 
 immediately made the cu-cumstance known to Houcheon Macphaill, his 
 nephew, and one William Murray, all of whom entered the churchyard 
 and assailed the two brothers with the most vituperative abuse. Charles 
 Pope, who had been absent from town the whole day, learning, on his 
 return, the danger his brothers were in, immediately hastened to the 
 spot, where he found the two parties engaged. Charles attacked Murray, 
 whom he wounded in the face, whereupon Murray instantly killed 
 him. William and Thomas were grievously wounded by Macphaill and 
 his nephew, and left for dead, but they ultimately recovered. As there 
 were at that time no persons in the town friendly to the Popes, almost 
 the whole population having gone to StrathuUy, the murderers escaped. 
 Macphaill and his nephew fled to Holland, where they ended their days. 
 After this occurrence, the surviving brothers left Sutherland and went 
 back into their own country. 
 
 By the mediation of the marquis of Huntly, the earls of Caithness 
 and Sutherland again met at Elgin with their mutual friends, and once 
 more adjusted their differences. On this occasion, the earl of Suther- 
 land was accompanied by large parties of the Gordons, the Frasers, the 
 Dunbars, the Clan-Kenzie, the Monroes, the Clan-Chattan, and other 
 friends, which so displeased the earl of Caithness, who was grieved to 
 see his rival so honourably attended, that he could never afterwards be 
 induced to meet again with the earl of Sutherland or any of his family. 
 
 In the following year, viz. sixteen hundred and eight, the earl of 
 
DISCORD AMONG THE DUNBARS. 9.39 
 
 Caithness embroiled himself with the notorious Patrick Stewart, earl of 
 Orkney. Some servants of the latter being forced, by stress of wea- 
 ther, to land in Caithness, the earl of Caithness apprehended them, and, 
 after forcing them to swallow a quantity of spirits, which completely in- 
 toxicated them, he ordered one side of their heads and beards to be 
 shaved, which being done, he compelled them to go to sea although 
 the storm had not abated. Having with some difficulty reached Ork- 
 ney, they laid their case before their master, who immediately com- 
 plained to the king and council. His majesty directed his council to 
 take steps for bringing the case to trial; but the two earls having arrived 
 in Edinburgh for the purpose of mutual recrimination, they were in- 
 duced, by their friends, to adjust their private quarrels between them- 
 selves, a proposal to which they wisely acceded, for assuredly neither 
 could gain by a contrary proceeding, and both might, by exposing one 
 another's crimes, have suffered greatly. 
 
 During the year last mentioned, a quarrel occurred in Sutherland 
 between Iver Mac-Donald-Mac-Alister, one of the Siol Thomais, and 
 Alexander Murray in Auchindough. Iver, and his eldest son, John, 
 meeting one day with Alexander Murray, and his son Thomas, an al- 
 tercation took place on some questions in dispute. From words they 
 proceeded to blows, and the result was, that John, the son of Iver, and 
 Alexander Murray, were killed. Iver then fled into Strathnaver, whi- 
 ther he was followed by Thomas Murray, accompanied by a party of 
 twenty-four men, to revenge the death of his father. Iver, however, 
 avoided them, and having assembled some friends, he attacked Murray, 
 unawares, at the hill of Binchlibrig, and compelled him to flee, after 
 taking five of his men prisoners, whom he released after a captivity of 
 five days. As the chief of the Mackays protected Iver, George Murray 
 of Pulrossie took up the quarrel, and annoyed Iver and his party; but 
 the matter was compromised by Mackay, who paid a sum of money to 
 Pub-ossie and Thomas Murray, as a reparation for divers losses they 
 had sustained at Iver's hands during his outlawry. This compromise 
 was the more readily entered into by Pulrossie, as the eari of Suther- 
 land was rather favourable to Iver, and was by no means displeased at 
 him for the injuries he did to Pulrossie, who had not acted dutifully to- 
 wards him. Besides having lost his own son in the quarrel, who was 
 killed by Thomas Murray, Iver was unjustly dealt with in being made 
 the sole object of persecution.* 
 
 A civil dissension occurred about this time in Moray, among the 
 Dunbars, which nearly proved fatal to that family. To understand 
 the origin of this dispute, it is necessary to state the circumstances 
 which led to it, and to go back to the period when Patrick Dunbar, 
 sherifl' of Moray, and tutor and uncle of Alexander Dunbar of West- 
 field, was kUled, along with die eari of Moray at Dunibnstle, Aloxan- 
 
 • Sir E, Gordon, p. 259. 
 , 2 H 
 
240 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 der Dunbar did not enjoy his inheritance long, having died at Dun- 
 keld, shortly after the death of his uncle, under circumstances which led 
 to a suspicion that he had been poisoned. As he died without issue he 
 was succeeded by Alexander Dunbar, son of Patrick, slain at Duni- 
 bristle, by a sister of Robert Dunbar of Burgy. This Alexander was a 
 young man of great promise, and was directed in all his proceedings by 
 his uncle Robert Dunbar of Burgy. Patrick Dunbar of Blery and 
 Kilbuyack and his family, imagining that Robert Dunbar, to whom they 
 bore a grudge, was giving advice to his nephew, to their prejudice, con- 
 ceived a deadly enmity at both, and seized every occasion to an- 
 noy the sheriff of Moray and his uncle. An accidental meeting having 
 taken place between Robert Dunbar, brother of Alexander, and William 
 Dunbar, son of Blery, high words were exchanged, and a scuffle en- 
 sued, in which William Dunbar received considerable injury in his per- 
 son. Patrick Dunbar and his sons were so incensed at this occurrence, 
 that they took up arms and attacked their chief, Alexander Dunbar, 
 sheriff of Moray, in the town of Forres, where he was shot dead by 
 Robert Dunbar, son of Blery. John Dunbar, sheriff of Moray, who 
 succeeded his brother Alexander, and his brother Robert Dunbar of 
 Burgy, endeavoured to bring the murderers of his brother to justice ; but 
 they failed in consequence of Alexander Dunbar being, at the time of his 
 death, a rebel to the king, having been denounced at the horn for a civil 
 cause. The absurdity of a man being declared an outlaw whom any per- 
 son might slay with impunity, merely because he had not fulfilled a civil 
 contract, became now so apparent, that the king procured an act to be 
 passed in the ensuing parliament declaring that any man who killed 
 one of the king's subjects should be liable to the penalties of the law, 
 unless the person killed should at the time of his death have stood de- 
 nounced for a criminal cause. But although John Dunbar and his bro- 
 ther did not succeed in their prosecution, Blery was obliged to pay a 
 sum of money to John Dunbar in satisfaction of his brother's slaughter, 
 and he was compelled to remit his claim upon Robert Dunbar for the 
 bodily injury which his son had received. Robert Dunbar, son of Blery, 
 consented to go into voluntary banishment into Ireland ; and thus this 
 deadly feud was stayed, and a sort of reconciliation effected by the 
 friendly mediation of the earl of Dunfermline, then lord chancellor of 
 Scotland, who fixed the terms of the arrangement above-mentioned.* 
 
 In the year sixteen hundred and ten the earl of Caithness and Hou- 
 cheon Mackay, chief of the Mackays, had a difference in consequence 
 of the protection given by the latter to a gentleman named John Su- 
 therland, the son of Mackay 's sister. Sutherland lived in Berridale un- 
 der the earl of Caithness, but he was so molested by the earl that he lost 
 all patience, and went about avenging the injuries he had sustained. 
 The earl, therefore, cited him to appear at Edinburgh to answer to eer- 
 
 * Sir R. Gordon, p. 261. 
 
COMMOTIONS IN THE LEWIS. 241 
 
 tain charges made against him ; but not obeying the summons, he was 
 denounced and proclaimed a rebel to the king. Reduced, in consequence, 
 to great extremities, and seeing no remedy by which he could retrieve 
 himself, he became an outlaw, wasted and destroyed the earl's country, 
 and carried off herds of cattle, which he transported into Strathnaver, 
 the country of his kinsman. The earl thereupon sent a party of the 
 Siol-Mhic-Imheair to attack him, and, after a long search, they found 
 him encamped near the water of Shin in Sutherland. He, however, was 
 aware of their approach before they perceived him, and, taking advan- 
 tage of this circumstance, he attacked them in the act of crossing said 
 water before they were acquainted with his movements. They were 
 in consequence defeated and pursued, leaving several of their party dead 
 on the field. 
 
 This disaster exasperated the earl, who resolved to prosecute Mackay 
 and his son, Donald Mackay, for giving succour and protection within 
 their country to John Sutherland, an outlaw. Accordingly, he served 
 both of them with, a notice to appear before the privy council to answer 
 to the charges he had preferred against them. Mackay at once obeyed 
 the summons, and went to Edinburgh, where he met Sir Robert Gor- 
 don, who had come from England for the express purpose of assisting 
 Mackay on the present occasion. The earl, who had grown tired of the 
 troubles which John Sutherland had occasioned in his country, was 
 induced, by the entreaties of friends, to settle matters on the follow- 
 ing conditions : — ^that he should forgive John Sutherland all past injuries, 
 and restore him to his former possessions ; that John Sutherland and his 
 brother Donald should be delivered, the one after the other, into the 
 Iiands of the earl to be kept prisoners for a certain time; and that Donald 
 Mac-Thomais-Mhoir, one of the Sliochd-Iain-Abaraich, and a follower 
 of John Sutherland, in his depredations, should be also delivered up to 
 the earl to be dealt with as to him should seem meet, all of which sti- 
 pulations were complied with. The earl hanged Donald Mac-Thomaia 
 as soon as he was delivered up. John Sutherland was kept a prisoner 
 at Girnigo about twelve months, during which time Donald Mackay 
 made several visits to Earl George, for the purpose of getting John Su- 
 therland released, in which he at last succeeded ; besides procuring a 
 discharge to Donald Sutherland, who, in his turn, should have surren- 
 dered himself as prisoner on the release of his brother John; but upon 
 the condition that he and his father Houcheon Mackay should pass the 
 next following Christmas with the earl at Girnigo. Mackay and his 
 brother William, accordingly, spent their Christmas at Girnigo, but 
 Donald Mackay was prevented by business from attending. The de- 
 sign of the earl of Caithness in thus favouring Mackay, was to separate 
 him from the interests of the earl of Sutherland, but he was unsuccess- 
 ful- , J 
 
 Some years before the events we have just related, a com- 
 motion took place in the Lewis, occasioned by the pretensions of 
 
242 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 Torcuill Connaldagh of the Cogigh to the possessions of Roderick 
 Macleod of the Lewis his reputed father. Roderick hud first 
 married Barbara Stuart, daugliter of Lord Methven, by whom he 
 had a son named Torcuill-Ire, who, on arriving at manhood, gave 
 proofs of a warlilie disposition. Upon the death of Barbara Stuart, 
 Macleod married a daughter of Mackenzie, lord of Kintail, whom he 
 afterwards divorced for adultery with the Breive of the Lewis, a sort 
 of judge among the islanders, to whose authority they submitted them- 
 selves when he determined any debateable point between them. Macleod 
 next married a daughter of Maclean, by whom he had two sons, 
 Torcuill Dubh and Tormaid. 
 
 In sailing from the Lewis to Skye, Torcuill-Ire, eldest son of Mac- 
 leod, and two hundred men, perished in a great tempest. Torquill Con- 
 naldagh, above mentioned, was the fruit of the adulterous connexion be- 
 tween Macleod's second wife and the Breive, at least Macleod would 
 never acknowledge him as his son. This Torcuill being now of age, 
 and having married a sit^ter of Glengarry, he took up arms against 
 Macleod, his reputed father, to vindicate his supposed rights as Mac- 
 leod's son, being assisted by Tormaid, Ougigh, and Murthow, three of 
 the bastard sons of Macleod. The old man was apprehended and 
 detained four years in captivity, when he was released on the condition 
 that he should acknowledge Torcuill Connaldagh as his lawful son. 
 Tormaid Ougigh having been slain by Donald Macleod, his brother, an- 
 other natural son of old Macleod, Torcuill Connaldagh, assisted by 
 Murthow Macleod, his reputed bastard brother, took Donald prisoner 
 and carried him to Cogigh, but he escaped from thence and fled to 
 his father in the Lewis, who was highly offended at Torcuill for 
 seizing his son Donald. Macleod then caused Donald to apprehend 
 Murthow, and having delivered him to his father, he was imprisoned 
 by him in the castle of Stornoway. As soon as Torcuill heard of this 
 occurrence, he went to Stornoway and attacked the fort, which he took, 
 after a short siege, and released Murthow. He then apprehended Ro- 
 derick Macleod, killed a number of his men, and carried off all the 
 charters and other title-deeds of the Lewis, which he gave in cus- 
 tody to the Mackenzies. Torcuill had a son named John Macleod, who 
 was in the service of the marquis of Huntly ; he now sent for him, 
 and on his arrival committed the charge of the castle of Stornoway 
 to him, into which old Macleod was imprisoned. John Macleod 
 being now master of the Lewis, and acknowledged superior thereof, he 
 proceeded to expel Rorie-Og and Donald, two of Roderick Mac- 
 leod's bastard sons, from the island ; but Rorie-Og attacked him in Stor- 
 noway, and after killing him, released Roderick Macleod, his father, who 
 possessed the island in peace during the remainder of his life. Torcuill 
 Connaldagh, by the assistance of the Clan-Kenzie, got Donald Macleod 
 into his possession and executed him at Dingwall. 
 
 Upon the death of Roderick Macleod, his son Torcuill Dubh succeeded 
 
desig:ss of the mackenzies upon the lewis. 243 
 
 him in the Lewis and married a sister of Sir Roderick Macleod of 
 Harris. Taking a grudge at Rorie-Og, his brother, he apprehended 
 him and sent him to Maclean to be detained by him in prison ; but 
 he escaped out of Maclean's hands, and afterwards perished in a snow 
 storm. As Torcuill Dubh excluded Torcuill Connaldagh from the suc- 
 cession of the Lewis, as a bastard, the Clan-Kenzie formed a design to 
 purchase and conquer the Lewis, which they calculated on accomplish- 
 ing from the simplicity of Torcuill Connaldagh, who had now no friend 
 to advise with, and from the dissensions which unfortunately existed 
 among the race of the Siol-Thorcuill. This scheme, moreover, received 
 the aid of a matrimonial alliance between Torcuill Connaldagh and 
 the clan, by a marriage between his eldest daughter and Rode- 
 rick Mackenzie, the lord of Kintail's brother. The clan did not 
 avow their design openly, but they advanced their enterprise under the 
 pretence of assisting Torcuill Connaldagh, who was a descendant of 
 the Kintail family, and they ultimately succeeded in destroying the fa- 
 mily of Macleod of Lewis, together with his tribe, the Siol-Thorcuill, 
 and by the ruin of that family and some neighbouring clans, this ambi- 
 tious clan became very powerful and made themselves complete masters 
 of Lewis and other places. As Torcuill Dubh was the chief obstacle 
 in their way, they formed a conspiracy against his life, preparatory to 
 which a private meeting was held, which was attended by Kenneth 
 Mackenzie, afterwards Lord Kintail, Torcuill Connaldagh, Macleod, 
 Breive of Lewis, and Murthow Macleod, the bastard brother of Tor- 
 cuill Dubh. At this meeting Kenneth Mackenzie delivered an opinion, 
 that in order to advance Torcuill Connaldagh to the possession of the 
 Lewis, it was absolutely necessary to put Torcuill Dubh out of the way, 
 a proposition which was unanimously adopted ; but a difficulty occurred 
 in getting a person willing to undertake such a barbarous task. At last 
 the Breive was persuaded by the earnest entreaties of the other three, and 
 on being promised a great reward, to agree to assassinate Torcuill Dubh, 
 after which the meeting broke up. Thereafter the Breive, accompanied 
 by the greater part of his tribe, the Clann-Mhic-Ghille-Moir, went in a 
 galley towards the isle of Rasay, and in his course fell in with a Dutch 
 ship partly laden with wine, which he compelled to follow him into the 
 Lewis. Having arrived there, he invited Torcuill Dubh and a party of 
 his people to a banquet on board the Dutch vessel; but they had scarcely 
 seated themselves, in the expectation of being regaled with wine, 
 when they were all apprehended, tied with cords and carried to the 
 country of the Clan-Kenzie, into the presence of the lord of Kintail, who 
 ordered Torcuill Dubh and his company to be beheaded, which they ac- 
 cordingly were in the month of July fifteen hundred and ninety-seven. 
 At the time of their execution an earthquake happened, which struck 
 terror mto the minds of the executioners. 
 
 The Mackenzies had now gained a great step in the advancement of 
 their avaricious plans, but they nevertheless hated the Breive and the 
 
244 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 tribe for their perfidy towards their master. These, repenting of what 
 they had done, and seeing themselves detested by all men, returned into 
 Lewis, and dreading an attack, strengthened themselves within a fort in 
 the island called Neisse. But they were soon driven from this strong- 
 hold by Neill Macleod, the bastard brother of Torcuill Dubhwith the 
 loss of several men. 
 
 Some of the barons and gentlemen of Fife, hearing of these distur- 
 bances in Lewis, were enticed, by the encouragement held out by persons 
 who had visited the island, and by the reputed fertility of the soil, to 
 attempt to take possession of the island. The professed object of these 
 adventurers was to civilize the inhabitants, but their real design was, by 
 means of a colony, to supplant the ancient inhabitants, and to drive them 
 from the island; but the speculation proved ruinous to many of them, 
 who, in consequence of the losses they sustained, lost their estates, and 
 were, in the end, obliged to abandon the island. In pursuance of their 
 plan, they obtained from the king, in the year fifteen hundred and ninety 
 nine, a gift of the Lewis, which was then alleged to be at his gratuitous 
 disposal. Having assembled in Fife, these adventurers collected a body 
 of soldiers and artificers of all sorts, whom they sent, along with every 
 thing necessary for a plantation, into the Lewis, where, immediately on 
 their arrival, they began to erect houses in a convenient part of the 
 island, and soon completed a small but handsome town, in which they 
 took up their quarters. The new settlers were however much annoyed 
 in their operations by Neill and Murthow Macleod, the only sons of 
 Roderick Macleod who remained in the island. Murthow Macleod suc- 
 ceeded in apprehending the Laird of Balcolmy, and, having taken his 
 ship, killed all his men. After detaining Balcolmy six months in cap- 
 tivity, he was released upon promising a ransom ; but he died on his re- 
 turn to Fife, and Murthow in consequence was disappointed of the 
 promised sum. 
 
 In the meantime, Neill Macleod quarrelled with his brother Murthow, 
 for harbouring and maintaining the Breive, and such of his tribe as were 
 still alive, who had been the chief instruments in the murder of Torcuill 
 Dubh. Neill thereupon apprehended his brother, and some of the Clan- 
 Mhic-Ghille-Mhoir, all of whom he killed, reserving his brother only 
 alive. When the Fife speculators were informed that Neill had taken Mur- 
 thow, his brother, prisoner, they sent him a message ofiering to give 
 him a share of the island and to assist him in revenging the death of 
 Torcuill Dubh, provided he would deliver Murthow into their hands. 
 Neill agreed to this proposal, and having gone thereafter to Edinburgh, 
 he received a pardon from the king for all his past offences. 
 
 These proceedings frustrated for a time the designs of the Mackenzies 
 upon the island, and the lord of Kintail almost despaired of obtaining 
 possession by any means. As the new settlers now stood in his way, he 
 resolved to desist from persecuting the Siol- Torcuill, and to cross the 
 former in all their undertakings, by all the means in his power. He 
 
EXPULSION OF THE FIFE SETTLERS FROM THE LEWIS. 245 
 
 had for some time kept Tormaid Macleod, the lawful brother of Torcuill 
 Dubh, a prisoner; but he now released him, thinking that, upon his ap- 
 pearance in the Lewis, all the islanders would rise in his favour, and he 
 was not deceived in his expectations, for, as Sir Robert Gordon observes, 
 " all these islanders, (and lykwayes the Hielanders,) are, by nature, 
 most bent and prone to adventure themselves, their lyfTs, and all they 
 have, for their masters and lords, yea beyond all other people."* In 
 the meantime, Murthow Macleod was carried to St Andrews, and there 
 executed. Having at his execution revealed the designs of the lord of 
 Kintail, the latter was committed by the order of the king to the castle 
 of Edinburgh, from which, however, he contrived to escape without trial, 
 by means, as is supposed, of the then Lord-Chancellor of Scotland. 
 
 On receiving pardon Neill Macleod returned into the Lewis with the 
 Fife adventurers; but he had not been long in the island when he quar- 
 relled with them oii account of an injury he had received from Sir James 
 Spence of Wormistoun. He, therefore, abandoned them, and watched a 
 favourable opportunity for attacking them. They then attempted to ap- 
 prehend him by a stratagem. In the middle of a very dark night Sir 
 James Spence sent a party to apprehend Neill and Donald Dubh-Mac- 
 Rory, a gentleman of the island, who had assisted Neill against them ; 
 but Neill, contrary to Sir James's expectations, was completely on his 
 guard, and as soon as he became aware of the approach of the party, he 
 attacked them furiously, killed sixty of them, and pursued the remainder 
 till day light next morning, when they took refuge in their camp. When 
 the lord of Kintail heard of this disaster, he thought the time was now 
 suitable for him to stir, and accordingly he sent Tormaid Macleod into 
 the Lewis, as he had intended, promising him all the assistance in his 
 power if he would attack the Fife settlers. 
 
 As soon as Tormaid arrived in the island, his brother Neill, and all 
 the natives, assembled and acknowledged him as their lord and master. 
 He immediately attacked the camp of the adventurers, which he forced, 
 burnt the fort, killed the greater part of their men, took the commanders 
 prisoners, whom he released, after a captivity of eight months, on their 
 solemn promise not to return again to the island, and on their giving a 
 pledge that they should obtain a pardon from the king for Tormaid and 
 his followers for all past offences. After Tormaid had thus obtained 
 possession of the island, John Mac-Donald-Mac-Houcheon appre- 
 hended Torcuill Connaldagh, and carried him into Lewis to his brother, 
 Tormaid Macleod. Tormaid inflicted no punishment upon Connaldagh, 
 but merely required from him delivery of the title deeds of the Lewis, 
 and the other papers which he had carried off when he apprehended his 
 father Roderick Macleod. Connaldagh informed him that he had it not m 
 his power to give them up, as he had delivered them to the Clan-Kenzie, 
 in whose possession they still were. Knowing this to be the fact, Torma.d 
 
 • Hist p. 271. 
 
246 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 released Torcuill Connaldagh, and allowed him to leave the island con- 
 trary to the advice of all his followers and friends, who were for inflict- 
 ing the punishment of death upon Torcuill, as he had been the occasion 
 of all the miseries and troubles which had befallen them. 
 
 The Breive of Lewis soon met with a just punishment for the crime 
 he had committed in betraying and murdering his master, Torcuill 
 Dubh Macleod. The Breive and some of his relations had taken refuge 
 in the country of Assint. John Mac-Donald-Mac-Houcheon, accom- 
 panied by four persons, having accidentally entered the house where 
 the Breive and six of his kindred lodged, found themselves unexpected- 
 ly in the same room with them. Being of opposite factions, the conse- 
 quence was that a battle immediately ensued, in the course of which the 
 Breive and his party fled out of the house, but they were pursued by John 
 and his men, and the Breive and five of his friends killed. To revenge 
 the death of the Breive, Gille-Calum-Mhoir- Mac-Iain, Who became chief 
 of the Clan-Mhic-Ghille-Mhoir after the death of the Breive, searched 
 for John Mac-Donald-Mac-Houcheon to kill him. Meeting one day by 
 chance, in the Cogigh, Gille-Calum-Mhoir was defeated by John, the 
 greater part of his men killed, and he himself was taken prisoner, and 
 being carried into the Lewis to Tormaid Macleod, was tliere beheaded. 
 
 Although the Fife settlers had engaged not to return again into the 
 Lewis, they nevertheless made preparations for invading it, having ob. 
 tained the king's commission against Tormaid Macleod and his tribe, the 
 Siol-Thorcuill. They were aided in this expedition by forces from all 
 the neighbouring countries. The earl of Sutherland, in particular, sent 
 a party of men under the command of William Mac-Mliic-Sheumais, chief 
 of the Clan-Gun in Sutherland, to assist the gentlemen of Fife in sub- 
 duing Tormaid Macleod. As soon as they had effected a landing in the 
 island with all their forces, they sent a message to Macleod, acquainting 
 him that if he would surrender himself to them, in rrame of the king, 
 tliey would transport him safely to London where his majesty then was; 
 and that, upon his arrival there, they would not only obtain his pardon, 
 but also allow him to deal with the king in behalf of his friends, and for 
 the means of supporting himself. Macleod, afraid to risk his fortune 
 against the numerous forces brought against him, agreed to the terms 
 proposed, contrary to the advice of his brother Neill, who refused to 
 yield. Tormaid was thereupon sent to London, where he took care to 
 make the king to be rightly informed of all the circumstances of his 
 case ; he showed his majesty that the Lewis was his just inheritance, 
 and that his majesty had been deceived by the Fife adventurers in making 
 him believe that the island was at his disposal, which act of deception 
 had occasioned much trouble and a great loss of blood. He concluded 
 by imploring his majesty lo do him justice, by restoring him to his 
 rights. Understanding that Macleod's representations were favourably 
 received by his majesty, the adventurers used all their influence at 
 court to thwart him ; and as some of them were the king's own domi'Stic 
 
THE MACKENZIES OBTAIN THE LEWIS. 247 
 
 servants, they at last succeeded so far as to get him to be sent home 
 to Scotland a prisoner. He remained a captive at Edinburgh till the 
 month of March, sixteen hundred and fifteen, when the king granted 
 him permission to pass into Holland, to Maurice, Prince of Orange, 
 where he ended his days. The settlers soon grew wearied of their new 
 possession. Some of them had spent their all in the undertaking, and 
 had no longer the means to supply the wants of the colony ; some had 
 died ; others had business elsewhere to attend to ; and as all of them had 
 declined in their circumstances in this luckless speculation, and as they 
 were continually Einnoyed by Neill Macleod, they finally abandoned the 
 island, and returned to Fife to bewail their loss. 
 
 The death of Tormaid Macleod, and the abandonment of the island by 
 the Fife settlers, were fortunate circumstances for Lord Kintail, who, no 
 longer disguising his intentions, obtained, through the means of tlie 
 Lord Chancellor, a gift of the Lewis, under the great seal, for his own 
 use, in virtue of the old right which Torquill Connaldagh had long be- 
 fore resigned in his favour. Some of the adventurers having complain- 
 ed to the king of this proceeding, his Majesty became highly displeased 
 at the lord of Kintail, and made him resign his right into his Majesty's 
 hands by means of Lord Balmerino, then secretary of Scotland, and Lord 
 President of the session ; which right his Majesty now vested in the 
 persons of Lord Balmerino, Sir George Hay, afterwards chancellor of 
 Scotland, and Sir James Spence of Wormistoun, who undertook the 
 colonization of the Lewis. Sir George Hay and Sir James Spence ac- 
 cordingly made great preparations for accomplishing their purpose ; 
 and, being assisted by most of the neighbouring countries, invaded the 
 Lewis for the double object of planting a colony, and of subduing and 
 apprehending Neill Macleod, who now alone defended the island. 
 
 On this occasion Lord Kintail played a deep and deceitful part, for 
 while he sent Roderick Mackenzie, his brother, with a party of men 
 openly to assist the new colonists who acted under the king's commis- 
 sion, promising them at the same time his friendship, and sending them a 
 vessel from Ross with a supply of provisions ; he privately sent notice 
 to Neill Macleod to intercept the vessel on her way ; so that the set- 
 tlers being disappointed in the provisions to which they trusted, might 
 abandon the island for want. The case turned out exactly as Lord Kin- 
 tail anticipated, for the vessel being taken by Neill Macleod, and Sir 
 George Hay and Sir James Spence having failed in apprehending Neill, 
 and having no provisions for the support of their army, they abandoned 
 the island, leaving a party of men behind to keep the fort, and disbanded 
 their forces. Sir George Hay and Sir James Spence, on their return 
 into Fife, intended to have sent a fresh supply of men, with provisions, 
 into the island ; but Neill Macleod having, with the assistance of his 
 nephew, Malcolm Macleod, son of Roderick Og, the some others of 
 the Lewis men, burnt the fort, and apprehended the men who were left 
 behind in the island, from whence he sent them safely into Fife, they 
 I. 2 1 
 
2-18 HTSTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 abandoned every idea of again taking possession of the island ; and, 
 along with their co-proprietor, sold their right to Lord Kintail for a sum 
 of money, who thus at length obtained what he had so long and anxiously 
 desired. 
 
 Lord Kintail lost no time in taking possession of the island, and all 
 the inhabitants, shortly after his landing, with the exception of Neill 
 Macleod and a few others, submitted to him. Neill, along with his 
 nephews, Malcolm, William, and Roderick, the three sons of Roder- 
 ick Og, the four sons of Torcuill Blair, and thirty others, retired to 
 an impregnable rock in the sea called Berrissay, into which Neill 
 had been accustomed, for some years, to send provisions and other 
 necessary articles to serve him, in case of necessity. Neill lived on 
 this rock for three years, during which period Lord Kintail died, 
 which occurrence took place in the year sixteen hundred and 
 eleven. In the following year, Neill and his company left Berrissay, 
 and landed on the Lewis for the purpose of refreshing themselves upon 
 the land, when they were attacked by some of the Clan-Kenzie, and 
 part of the inhabitants ; but they all escaped, and again took refuge on 
 the rock of Berrissay. As Macleod could not be attacked in his im- 
 pregnable position, and as the nearness of his presence was a source of 
 annoyance, the Clan-Kenzie fell on the following expedient to get quit 
 of him. They gathered together the wives and children of those that 
 were in Berrissay, and also all persons in the island related to them 
 hy consanguinitj' or affinity, and having placed them on a rock in 
 the sea, so near Berrissay that they could be heard and seen by 
 Neill and his party, the Clan-Kenzie vowed that they would suffer the 
 sea to overwhelm them, on the return of the flood-tide, if Neill did not 
 instantly surrender the fort. This appalling spectacle had such an ef- 
 fect upon Macleod and his companions, that they immediately yielded 
 up the rock, and left the Lewis. 
 
 Neill Macleod then retired into Harris, where he remained concealed 
 for a time ; but not being able to avoid discovery any longer, he gave 
 himself up to Sir Roderick Macleod of Harris, and entreated him to 
 carry him into England to the king, a request with which Sir Roderick i 
 promised to comply. In proceeding on his journey, however, along ) 
 with Macleod, he was charged at Glasgow, under pain of treason, to / 
 deliver up Neill Macleod to the privy council. Sir Roderick obeyed 
 the charge, and Neill, with his eldest son Donald, were presented to 
 the privy council at Edinburgh, where Neill was executed in April, six- 
 teen hundred and thirteen. His son, Donald, was banished from the 
 kingdom of Scotland, and immediately went to England, where he re- 
 mained three years with Sir Robert Gordon, tutor of Sutherland, and 
 from England he afterwards went to Holland, where he died. 
 
 While Neill Macleod was on the rock of Berrissay, Peter Love, an 
 English pirate, arrived in the Lewis with a ship laden with a valuable 
 cargo which he had taken. The pirate and Neill being both outlaws, 
 
FATAL AFFRAY IN RASAY. 249 
 
 became very friendly and familiar, and they even proposed, by uniting 
 tlieir forces, to make themselves masters of Lewis both by sea and 
 land. But after the pirate had remained some time in the island, he 
 and all his men were taken prisoners by Torcuill Blair and his sons, and 
 were sent, along with the ship, by Neill Macleod to Edinburgh to the 
 privy council, by doing \Ahich he hoped not only to obtain his own 
 pardon, but also the release of his brother, Tormaid Macleod, from 
 prison. He was, however, disappointed in this expectation. The pirate 
 and his crew were hanged at Leith. 
 
 After the death of Neill Macleod, Roderick and William, the sous 
 of Roderick Og, were apprehended by Roderick Mackenzie, tutor of 
 Kintail, and executed. Malcolm Macleod, his third son, who was kept 
 a prisoner by Roderick Mackenzie, escaped, and having associated 
 himself with the Clandonald in Islay and Kintyre during their quarrel 
 with the Campbells in sixteen hundred and fifteen and sixteen, he an- 
 noyed the Clan-Kenzie with frequent incursions. Malcolm, thereafter, 
 went to Flanders and Spain, where he remained with Sir James Mac- 
 donald. Before going to Spain, he returned from Flanders into the 
 Lewis, in sixteen hundred and sixteen, where he killed two gentlemen 
 of the Clan-Kenzie.* 
 
 The foregoing is a brief sketch of the history of the decay of the 
 family of Macleod of the Lewis and of his tribe, and the causes which 
 led to it; a just punishment for the cruelties which they exercised upon 
 one another during their intestine broils. 
 
 From the occurrences in Lewis, we now direct the attention of 
 our readers to some proceedings in the isle of Rasay, which, as usual, 
 ended in bloodshed. The quarrel lay between Gille-Calum, laird of the 
 island, and Murdo Mackenzie of Gairloch, the occasion of which was 
 this : — The lands of Gairloch originally belonged to the Clann-Mhic- 
 Ghille-Chalum, the predecessors of the laird of Rasay ; and when the 
 Mackenzies began to prosper and to rise, one of them obtained the third 
 part of these lands in mortgage or wadset from the Clanu-Mhic-Ghille- 
 Chalum. In process of time the Clan Kenzie, by some means or other, 
 unknown to the proprietor of Gairloch, obtained a right to the whole of 
 these lands, but they did not claim possession of the whole till the death 
 of Torcuill Dubh Macleod of the Lewis, whom the laird of Rasay and 
 his tribe followed as their superior. But upon the death of Torcuil 
 Dubh, the laird of Gairloch took possession of the whole of the lands of 
 Gairloch in virtue of his pretended right, and chased the Clann-Mhic- 
 Ghille-Chalum from the lands with fire and sword. The Clan retaliated 
 in their turn by invading the laird of Gairloch, plundering his lands and 
 committing slaughters. In a skirmish which took place in the year six- 
 teen hundred and ten, in which lives were lost on both sides, the laird 
 of Gairloch apprehended John Mac-Alaiu-Mac-Rory, one of the princi- 
 
 • Sir R. Gordon, p. 276. 
 
250 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 pal men of the clan ; but being desirous to get hold also of John Hol- 
 moch-Mac-Rory, another of the chiefs, he sent his son Murdo tho 
 following year along with Alexander Bane, the son and heir of Bane of 
 TuUoch in Ross, and some others, to search for and pursue Jolin Holmocli ; 
 and as he understood that John Holmoch was in Skye, he hired a ship to 
 carry his son and party thither ; but instead of going to Skye, they un- 
 fortunately, from some unknown cause, landed in Rasay. 
 
 On their arrival in Rasay, Gille-Calum, laird of Rasay, with twelve of 
 liis followers, went on board with the intention of purchasing some wine. 
 When Murdo Mackenzie saw them approaching, he and his party, 
 that they might not be seen, concealed themselves in the lower part 
 of the vessel, leaving the mariners only on deck. On coming on board, 
 the laird of Rasay, after some conversation with the sailors, left tlie 
 vessel, intending to return immediately. When Murdo Mackenzie 
 understood that Rasay and his party had gone on shore, he came upon 
 deck, and on perceiving Rasay return, he resolved to conceal himself 
 no longer. When Rasay returned first from the vessel, he had desired his 
 brother, Murdo Mac-Ghille-Chalum, to accompany him to the ship with 
 another galley to carry the wine, which he said he had bought from the 
 sailors. On returning to the ship he unexpectedly found Murdo Mac- 
 kenzie on board After consulting with his men, he resolved to take 
 Mackenzie prisoner, in security for his cousin, John Mac-Alain-Mac- 
 Rory, whom the laird of Gairloch detained in captivity. The party 
 then attempted to seize Mackenzie, but he and his party resisting, a 
 keen conflict took place on board, which continued a considerable time. 
 At last, Murdo Mackenzie, Alexander Bane, and the whole of their 
 party, with the exception of three only, were slain. These three fought 
 manfully, and succeeded in killing the laird of Rasay and the whole 
 men who accompanied him on board, and they wounded several persons 
 that remained in the two boats. Finding themselves seriously wounded, 
 they took advantage of a favourable wind which offered, and sailed away 
 from the island, but the whole three expired on the voyage homewards. 
 The laird of Gairloch, after this event, obtained peaceable possession of 
 these lands.* 
 
 About the time this occurrence took place, the peace of the north 
 was almost again disturbed in consequence of the conduct of William 
 Mac-Angus-Roy, one of the Clan Gun, who, though born in Strath- 
 naver, had become a servant to the earl of Caithness. This man bad 
 done many injuries to the people of Caithness by command of the earl; 
 and the mere displeasure of Earl George at any of his people, was 
 considered by William Mac-Angus as sufficient authority for him to 
 steal and take away their goods and cattle. William got so accustomed 
 ro this kind of service, that he began also to steal the cattle and horses 
 of the earl, his master, and, after collecting a large booty in this way, he 
 
 ' Sir Robert Gordon, p. 27S. 
 
APPREHENSION OF WILLIAM MAC-ANGUS. 251 
 
 took his leave. The earl was extremely enraged at his quondam ser- 
 vant for so acting ; but, as William Mac-Angus was in possession of a 
 warrant in writing under the earl's own hand, authorising him to act as 
 he had done towards the people of Caithness, the earl was afraid to 
 adopt any proceedings against him, or against those who protected and 
 harboured him, before the privy council, lest he might produce the 
 warrant which he held from the earl. The confidence which the earl 
 had reposed in him served, however, still more to excite the earl's indig- 
 nation. 
 
 As William Mac- Angus continued his depredations in other quar- 
 ters, he was apprehended in the town of Tain, on a charge of cattle- 
 stealing ; but he was released by the Monroes, who gave security to 
 the magistrates of the town for his appearance when required, upon due 
 notice being given that he was wanted for trial. The Monroes granted 
 this favour out of respect to the chief of the Mstckays, whose countrj'man 
 William Mac- Angus was ; but, as a measure of precaution, they de- 
 tained Mac-Angus in the castle of Foulis until they should receive 
 Mackay's instructions how to act. Impatient of confinement, and think, 
 ing that his friends in Strathnaver were either careless about him In not 
 sending back an answer to the notice sent by the Monroes, or, consi- 
 dering his life in danger, William determined to attempt an escape by 
 jumping from the height of the tower of the castle of Foulis, but he in- 
 jured one of his legs so much in the fall, that he could not proceed. 
 The laird of Foulis again took him into custody, and, being offended at 
 liim for his attempt, he delivered him back again to the provost and 
 bailies of Tain, from whence he was sent into Caithness by Sir William 
 Sinclair of May, sheriff of Tain. The earl of Caithness thereupon put 
 him in fetters, and imprisoned him within Castle Sinclair. His con- 
 finement in Castle Sinclair was, however, of short duration ; for, disen- 
 gaging himself from his fetters, he jumped from the castle into the sea 
 which washed its walls, swam safely to the shore, and, after lurking 
 two days among the rocks and mountains in the neighbourhood, ef- 
 fected his escape into Strathnaver in the year sixteen hundred and 
 twelve. The earl of Caithness sent his son, William, Lord Berridale, 
 in pursuit of him ; and, understanding that he was in the town of Gall- 
 waill in Strathnaver, he hastened there with a party of men, but miss- 
 ing the fugitive, he, in revenge, apprehended a servant of Mackay, 
 called Angus Henriach, without any authority from his majesty, and 
 carried him to Castle Sinclair, where he was put into fetters and closely 
 imprisoned on the pretence that he had assisted William Mac -Angus 
 in effecting his escape from Gall-waill. When this occurrence took 
 place, Donald Mackay, son of Houcheon Mackay, the chief, was at 
 Dunrobin castle, who, on hearing of the apprehension and imprison- 
 ment of his father's servant, could scarcely be made to believe the fact 
 on account of the recent friendship which had been contracted between 
 his father and the earl the preceding Christmas. But being made sen- 
 
HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 sible thereof, and of the cruel usage which the servant had received 
 he prevailed with his father to summon the earl and his son to answcf 
 to the charge of having, apprehended and imprisoned Angus Henriach 
 a free subject of the king, without a commission. The earl was also 
 charged to present his prisoner before the privy council at Edinburgh 
 in the month of June next following, which he accordingly did ; and 
 Angus being tried before the lords and declared innocent, was delivered 
 over to Sir Robert Gordon, who then acted for Mackay.* 
 
 During the same year (1612) another event occurred in the north, 
 which created considerable uproar and discord in the northern High- 
 lands. A person of the name of Arthur Smith, who resided in Banff, 
 had counterfeited the coin of the realm, in consequence of which he, 
 and a man who had assisted him, fled from Banff into Sutherland, 
 where, being apprehended in the year fifteen hundred and ninety-nine, 
 they were sent by the countess of Sutherland to the king, who ordered 
 them to be imprisoned in Edinburgh for trial. They were both ac- 
 cordingly tried and condemned, and having confessed to crimes even 
 of a deeper dye. Smith's accomplice was burnt at the place of execu- 
 tion. Smith himself was reserved for farther trial. During his impri- 
 sonment he contrived to get possession of instruments belonging to his 
 trade, and made a lock of such ingenious device and beautiful work- 
 manship, that it could no where be matched. The lock was presented 
 to the king as a rare and curious piece of work, who was so pleased with 
 It that he ordered Smith's execution to be delayed. Lord Elphinston, the 
 Lord Treasurer of Scotland, regretting that such an ingenious workman 
 should be deprived of life, obtained a fresh respite for him, and after- 
 wards got him liberated from jail. Smith then went to Caithness, and 
 entered into the service of George, Earl of Caithness, in v. hose em- 
 ployment he continued for seven or eight years. His workshop was 
 under the rock of Castle Sinclair, in a quiet retired place called the 
 Gofe, and to which there was a secret passage from the earl's bed- 
 chamber. No person was admitted to Smith's workshop but the earl, 
 and the circumstance of his being often heard working during the night, 
 raised suspicions that some secret work was going on which could not 
 bear the light of day. The mystery was at last disclosed by an inundation 
 of counterfeit coin in Caithness, Orkney, Sutherland, and Ross, which 
 was first detected by Sir Robert Gordon, brother of the earl of Suther- 
 land when in Scotland, in the year sixteen hundred and eleven, and 
 who, on his return to England, made the king acquainted therewith. 
 His Majesty thereupon addressed a letter to the lords of the privy coun- 
 cil of Scotland, authorising them to grant a commission to Sir Robert 
 to apprehend Smith, and bring him to Edinburgh. Sir Robert returned 
 to Scotland the following year, but was so much occupied with other 
 concerns that he could not get the commission executed himself; but 
 
 * Sir R. Gordon p. 281. 
 
TUMULT IN THURSO. 253 
 
 before his departure to England, he entrusted the commission to Don- 
 ald Mackay, his nephew, and to John Gordon, younger of Embo, whose 
 name was jointly inserted in the commission along with that of Sir Ro- 
 bert. Accordingly, Mackay and Gordon, accompanied by Adam Gor- 
 don Georgeson, John Gordon in Broray, and some other Sutherland 
 men, went to Strathnaver, and assembling some of the inhabitants, they 
 marched into Caithness next morning, and entered the town of Thurso, 
 where Smith then resided. 
 
 After remaining about three hours in the town, the party went to 
 Smith's house and apprehended him. On searching his house they 
 found a quantity of fictitious gold and silver coin. Donald Mackay 
 caused Smith to be put on horseback, and then rode off with him out of 
 the town. To prevent any tumult among the inhabitants, Gordon re- 
 mained behind in the town with some of his men to show them, if ne- 
 cessary, his Majesty's commission for apprehending Smith. Scarcely, 
 however, had Mackay left the town, when the town-bell was rung and 
 all the inhabitants assembled. There were present in Thurso at the 
 time, John Sinclair of Stirkage, son of the earl of Caithness' brother, 
 James Sinclair, brother of the laird of Dun, James Sinclair of Dyrren, 
 and other friends, on a visit to Lady Berridale. When information was 
 brought them of the apprehension of Smith, Sinclair of Stirkage, trans- 
 ported with rage, swore that he would not allow any man, no matter 
 whose commission he held, to carry away his uncle's servant in his 
 uncle's absence. Lady Berridale and the rest of the company remon- 
 strated with him on the impropriety of such a rash resolution, and ad- 
 vised him to submit to the king's authority ; but he contemned the ad- 
 vice given him, and upbraiding his party, ran hastily out of the house. 
 His friends followed him quickly, and overtook him just as the inhabi- 
 tants of the town were collecting. There was no time for deliberation, 
 and seeing Sinclair and the people resolute, they joined him in attacking 
 John Gordon and his party. A furious onset was made upon Gordon, 
 but his men withstood it bravely, and after a warm contest, the inhabi- 
 tants were defeated with some loss, and obliged to retire to the centre 
 of the town. Donald Mackay hearing of the tumult, returned to the 
 town to aid Gordon, but the affair was over before he arrived. Sinclair of 
 Stirkage was killed on this occasion, and James Sinclair, brother of the 
 laird of Dun, was left for dead, and would probably have died but for the 
 kind attentions of John Gordon in Broray, and Adam Gordon George- 
 son, his kinsmen. James Sinclair of Dyrren saved himself by flight, 
 but was so closely pursued, that he received several blows on his back 
 while running away. Some of the Sutherland men were wounded, 
 including John Gordon in Broray, Adam Gordon Georgeson, and John 
 BaiUie in KiUen. To prevent the possibility of the escape or rescue of 
 Smith, he was killed by the Strathnaver men as soon as they heard of- 
 the tumult in the town. This affair hanpened in the month of May 
 sixteen hundred and twelve. 
 
25-! HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 Sir Robert Gordon being at this time in Edinburgh, his brother, Sir 
 Alexander Gordon, immediately made him acquainted with all that had 
 taken place under the commission ; and Sir John Sinclair of Greenland 
 sent a gentleman, at the same time, to Edinburgh to inform his brother, 
 the earl of Caithness, of the occurrences in the town of Thurso. The 
 earl was exceedingly grieved at the death of his nephew, for whom 
 he entertained a great affection, and he was extremely vexed to think 
 that an affair, so disgraceful, as he thought, to himself personally, 
 should have occurred in the heart of his own country, and in his chiel 
 town. The earl, therefore, resolved to prosecute Donald Mackay, 
 John Gordon, younger of Embo, with their followers, for the slaughter 
 of Sinclair of Stirkage, and the mutilation of James Sinclair, brother of 
 the laird of Dun, and summoned them, accordingly, to appear at Edin- 
 burgh. On the other hand. Sir Robert Gordon and Donald Mackay 
 prosecuted the earl of Caithness and his son. Lord Berridale, with se- 
 veral other of their countrymen for resisting the king's commission, at- 
 tacking the commissioners, and apprehending Angus Herriach, without 
 a commission, which was declared treason by the laws. The earl of 
 Caithness endeavoured to make the Privy Council believe that the affair 
 at Thurso arose out of a premeditated design against him, and that Sir 
 Robert Gordon's intention in obtaining a commission against Arthur 
 Smith was, under the cloak of its authority, to find means to slay him 
 ajid his brethren ; and that in pursuance of his plan, Sir Robert had, a 
 little before the skirmish in Thurso, caused the earl to be denounced and 
 proclaimed a rebel to the king, and had lain in wait to kill him ; but Sir 
 Robert showed the utter groundlessness of these charges to the Lords of 
 the Council, and although it was quite true that he had caused the earl 
 to be denounced rebel, yet he made it evident, from various circum- 
 stances, that his reason for this was very different from that assigned by 
 the earl. 
 
 On the day appointed for appearance, the parties met at Edinburgh, 
 attended by their respective friends. The earl of Caithness and his son. 
 Lord Berridale, were accompanied by the Lord Gray, the laird of Ros- 
 lin, the laird of Cowdenknowes, a son of the sister of the earl of Caith- 
 ness, and the lairds of Murkle and Greenland, brothers of the ear], 
 along with a large retinue of subordinate attendants. Sir Robert Gor- 
 don and Donald Mackay were attended by the earl of Winton and his 
 brother, the earl of Eglintoun, with all their followers, the earl of Lin- 
 lithgow, with the Livingstones, the Lord Elphinston, with his friends, 
 the Lord Forbes, with his friends, the Drummonds, Sir John Stewart, 
 captain of Dumbarton, and bastard son of the duke of Lennox ; the 
 Lord Balfour, the laird of Lairg Mackay in Galloway ; the laird of 
 Foulis, with the Monroes, the laird of DufFus, some of the Gordons, as 
 Sir Alexander Gordon, brother of the earl of Sutherland, Cluny, Les- 
 moir, Buckie, Knokespock, with other gentlemen of respectability. The 
 absence of the earl of Sutherland and Houcheon Mackay mortified the 
 
SUTHERLAND AND CAITHNESS SUBMIT THEIR DIFFERENCES. 255 
 
 earl of Caithness, who could not conceal his displeasure at being so much 
 overmatched in the respectability and number of attendants by seconds 
 and children, as he was pleased to call his adversaries. 
 
 According to the usual practice on such occasions, the parties were 
 accompanied by their respective friends, from their lodgings, to the house 
 where the council was sitting ; but few were admitted within. The 
 council spent three days in hearing the parties and deliberating upon 
 the matters brought before them, but they came to no conclusion, and 
 adjourned their proceedings till the king's pleasure should be known. 
 In the mean time, the parties, at the entreaty of the Lords of the Coun- 
 cil, entered into recognizances to keep the peace, in time coming, to- 
 wards each other, which extended not only to their kinsmen but also to 
 their friends and dependants. Lord Elphinston became surety for the 
 earl of Sutherland, and his friends and the laird of Cowdenknowes en- 
 gaged for the other party. As soon as this arrangement had been en- 
 tered into, the earl of Caithness dispatched one of his friends to England 
 to lay a favourable statement of his case before the king ; but Sir Ro- 
 bert Gordon being made acquainted with the earl's design, and afraid 
 that he might, by his statement, prejudice his majesty, he posted in haste 
 to England, and arrived at Eltham Park, where the Court was then 
 held, before the earl's messenger reached his destination. Having made 
 the king acquainted with the real state of the facts. Sir Robert returned 
 to Edinburgh. 
 
 The king, after fully considering the state of affairs between the rival 
 parties, and judging that if the law was allowed to take its course, the 
 peace of the northern countries might be disturbed by the earls and 
 their numerous followers, proposed to the Lords of the Privy Council 
 to endeavour to prevail upon them to submit their differences to the 
 arbitration of mutual friends. Accordingly, after a good deal of en- 
 treaty and reasoning, the parties were persuaded to agree to the pro- 
 posed measure. A deed of submission was then subscribed by the earl 
 of Caithness and William, Lord Berridale, on the one part, and by Sir 
 Robert Gordon and Donald Mackay on the other part, taking burden 
 on them for the earl of Sutherland and Mackay. The arbiters appointed 
 by Sir Robert Gordon were the earl of Kinghorn, the master of El- 
 phinston, the earl of Haddington, afterwards Lord Privy Seal of Scot- 
 land, and Sir Alexander Drummond of Meidhop. And the Archbishop of 
 Glasgow, Sir John Preston, Lord President of the Council, Lord Blantyre, 
 and Sir William Oliphant, Lord Advocate, were named by the earl of 
 Caithness. The earl of Dunfermline, Lord Chancellor of Scotland, 
 was chosen oversman and umpire by both parties. As the arbiters had 
 then no time to hear the parties, or to enter upon the consideration of 
 the matters submitted to them, they appointed them to return to Edin- 
 burgh in the month of May, sixteen hundred and thirteen. 
 
 At the appointed time, the earl of Caithness and his brother. Sir John 
 Sinclair of Greenland, came to Edinburgh, where Sir Robert Gordon 
 
 T 2 K 
 
256 HISTORY OP THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 also arrived, at the same time, from England. Sir Alexander Gordon, 
 brother of Sir Robert, likewise went to Edinburgh to give him his ad- 
 vice and assistance. The arbiters, however, who were all members 
 of the Privy Council, being much occupied with state affairs, and 
 finding the matters submitted to them to be of too tedious and intri- 
 cate a nature to take up at that time, resolved to adopt the follow- 
 ing course. They made the parties subscribe a new deed of submission, 
 under which they gave authority to the marquis of Huntly, by whose 
 friendly offices the differences between the two houses had formerly been 
 so often adjusted, to act in the matter by endeavouring to bring about 
 a fresh reconciliation. As the marquis was the cousin-gcrman of the 
 earl of Sutherland, and brother-in-law of the earl of Caithness, who had 
 married his sister, the council thought him the most likely person to 
 be entrusted with such an important negotiation. Besides the authority 
 of the council, the marquis had sufficient powers conferred on him, 
 many years before, to decide all questions which might arise between the 
 earls under a bond subscribed by Alexander, earl of Sutherland, and 
 the earl of Caithness. The marquis entered upon the performance of 
 the task assigned him, but finding the parties obstinate and determined 
 not to yield a single point of their respective claims and pretensions, 
 he declined to act farther in the matter, and remitted the whole affair 
 back to the Privy Council. 
 
CHAPTER XIIL 
 
 The Clan-Cameron disturb Lochaber— Invaded by Lord Gordon— Threats of tlie Earl 
 of Caithness to invade Sutherland and Strathnaver — Earl of Sutherland prepares to 
 oppose him — Sir Donald Mackay and others pardoned — Earl of Sutherland Imprison- 
 ed as a suspected Catholic — Liberated — Returns to prison — Liberated again — Fresh 
 attempts of the Earl of Caithness — William Mack- Karnes settles in Strathnaver — Ap- 
 prehended stealing in the Glen of Loth — Oppressions of the Earl of Caithness — Fir- 
 ing of the corns of Sanset — Discovery of the Fire-raisers — Legal proceedings against 
 the Guns — Earl of Caithness refuses to deliver them up — Agreement between the 
 Earl of Caithness, Sir Robert Gordon, and Lord Forbes — Apprehension and impris- 
 onment of Lord Berridale — Released — Imprisoned again for debt — Alliance bet^-veen 
 the Earl of Caithness and Sir Donald Mackay — Sir Robert Gordon protects the Clan- 
 Gun — Mackay's attempts against the Clan — Dispute between the Earl of Caithness 
 and Sir Alexander Gordon of Navidale — Meeting on the marches of Rimbisdale — 
 Mackay and Sir R. Gordon reconciled — Quarrel between the Earl of Enzie and the 
 Clan-Chattan — The Chief committed to prison — Is reconciled with the Earl — Dispute 
 between the Laird of Duffus and Gordon, younger of Embo — Slaughter of Thomas 
 Lindsay— Hostile preparations against the Earl of Caithness — Liberation of Lord 
 Berridale — Expedition into Caithness — Flight of the Earl — Reduction and Pacifica- 
 tion of Caithness. 
 
 During the years sixteen hundred and twelve and thirteen, the peace 
 of Lochaber was disturbed by the Clan-Cameron, who put the whole of 
 that country into an uproar. George, Lord Gordon, eldest son of 
 the Marquis of Huntly, raised a force to put them down, and wrote 
 to Sir Robert Gordon and Donald Mackay to meet him at Inver- 
 ness, for the purpose of accompanying him into Lochaber. Having 
 collected a body of three hundred men, well armed and appointed, 
 they went to Inverness at the time appointed ; but on arriving there, 
 in the month of August, they were informed that the proposed ex- 
 pedition had, in the meantime, been postponed. In the course of 
 the following year, however, the enterprize was entered upon, and 
 the earl of Sutherland, who had just returned from his travels, sent 
 Donald Mackay and John Gordon, younger of Embo, with three hun- 
 dred able and resolute men, and one hundred and forty servants, to 
 assist Lord Gordon in his expedition. Immediately on their arrival in 
 Lochaber, the Sutherland men accidentally fell in with Alain-Mac-Dhon- 
 iiil-Duibh, captain of the Clan-Cameron, and his party, whom they pro- 
 posed immediately to attack; but they were dissuaded from engaging 
 by some of Lord Gordon's men, who assured them that a truce, for two 
 days, had been entered into between the clan and his lordship. Lord 
 Gordon having pursued these disturbers of the peace, and restored 
 
258 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 Lochaber to quiet in the meantime, returned home ; but he was soon 
 again despatched thither by the privy council, in consequence of fresh 
 disturbances on the part of Alain-Mac-Dhonnil-Duibh, who had killed 
 thirteen of his clan whom he suspected of treachery. Order was again 
 restored, for a time, by the submission of Alain-Mac-Dhonnil-Duibh, 
 who surrendered himself to Lord Gordon in the latter end of sixteen hun- 
 dred and fourteen. Alain was imprisoned at Inverness, but was released 
 from confinement on giving sufficient surety to keep the king's peace in 
 time coming.* 
 
 As the privy council showed no inclination to decide the questions 
 submitted to them by the earl of Caithness and his adversaries, the earl 
 sent his brother, Sir John Sinclair of Greenland, to Edinburgh, to com- 
 plain of the delay which had taken place, and desired him to throw out 
 hints, that if the earl did not obtain satisfaction for his supposed in- 
 juries, he would take redress at his own hands. The earl thought that 
 he would succeed by such a threat in concussing the council to decide 
 in his favour, for he was well aware that he was unable to carry it into 
 execution. To give some appearance of an intention to enforce it, he, 
 in the month of October, sixteen hundred and thirteen, while the earl 
 of Sutherland, his brothers and nephews, were absent from the country, 
 made a demonstration of invading Sutherland or Strathnaver, by col- 
 lecting his forces at a particular point, and bringing thither some pieces 
 of ordnance from Castle Sinclair. The earl of Sutherland, having ar- 
 rived in Sutherland while the earl of Caithness was thus employed, im- 
 mediately assembled some of his countrymen, and along with his brother 
 Sir Alexander, went to the marches between Sutherland and Caithness, 
 near the height of StrathuUy, where they waited the approach of the 
 earl of Caithness. Here they were joined by Mackay who had given 
 notice of the earl of Caithness's movements to the lairds of Foulis, Bal- 
 nagown, and Assint, and the sheriiF of Cromarty, and the tutor of 
 Kinlail, all of whom prepared themselves to assist the earl of Suther- 
 land on receiving notice that their services were wanted. 
 
 While matters stood thus. Sir John Sinclair returned from Edinburgh, 
 who, along with the laird of Murkle, went to his brother's camp, report- 
 ed what he had done, and advised him not to hazard an appeal to arms, 
 but wait the pleasure of the council, who would undoubtedly give him 
 satisfaction. Earl George, very wisely, took his brother's advice, and 
 returned home with his men, who made a narrow escape from drowning, 
 in consequence of being overtaken in their journey home by a tremendous 
 tempest of wind and rain. The earl of Sutherland sent his brother. 
 Sir Alexander, Donald Mackay, and Gordon, younger of Embo, with a 
 party of men after the earl of Caithness, to watch his movements, who 
 remained in Caithness three days, and having witnessed the dissolution 
 of his force, returned to Sutherland. 
 
 » Sir R. Gordon, p. 295. 
 
APPREHENSION OF THE EARL OF SUTHEHLAND. 259 
 
 To prevent the earl of Caithness from attempting any farther inter 
 ference with the privy council, either in the way of intrigue or intimi- 
 dation, Sir Robert Gordon obtained a remission and pardon from the 
 king, in the month of December, sixteen hundred and thirteen, to his 
 nephew, Donald Mackay, John Gordon, younger of Embo, John Gor- 
 don in Broray, Adam Gordon Georgeson, and their accomplices, for 
 the slaughter of John Sinclair of Stirkage at Thurso. An impedi- 
 ment was thrown in the way of its passing the seals by Sir Gideon 
 Murray, the Deputy Treasurer of Scotland, in consequence of a pri- 
 vate warrant from his Majesty, directed to Sir Gideon to pass the sig- 
 nature of the remission gratis ; but this impediment was removed by a 
 second warrant from the king to Sir Gideon, who passed the remission 
 through the seals, in the beginning of the j'ear sixteen hundred and 
 sixteen.* 
 
 The earl of Caithness, being thus baffled in his designs against the 
 earl of Sutherland and his friends, fell upon a device which nev^r failed 
 to succeed in times of religious intolerance and persecution. Unfortu- 
 nately for mankind and for the interests of Christianity, the principles 
 of religious toleration, involving the inalienable right of every man to 
 worship God according to the dictates of his conscience, have been, till 
 of late, but little understood, and at the period in question, and for 
 upwards of one hundred and sixty years thereafter, the statute book of 
 Scotland was disgraced by penal enactments against the Catholics, al- 
 most unparalleled for their sanguinary atrocity. By an act of the first 
 parliament of James VI., any Catholic who assisted at the offices of his 
 religion, was, " for the first fault," that is, for following the dictates of 
 his conscience, to suffer confiscation of all his goods, moveable and 
 immoveable, personal and real; for the second banishment; and death for 
 the third fault I But the law was not confined to overt acts only — the 
 mere suspicion of being a Catholic placed the suspected person out of 
 the pale and protection of the law, for if, on being warned by the bish- 
 ops and ministers, he did not recant and give confession of his faith 
 according to the approved form, he was excommunicated and declared 
 infamous and incapable to sit or stand in judgment, pursue or bear 
 office, f 
 
 Under this last mentioned law, the earl of Caithness now sought to 
 gratify his vengeance against the earl of Sutherland. Having repre- 
 sented to the archbishop of St Andrews and the clergy of Scotland, that 
 the earl of Sutherland was a Catholic in private, he prevailed upon 
 the bishops, with little difficulty, it is supposed, to acquaint the king 
 thereof. His majesty, thereupon, issued a warrant against the earl of 
 Sutherland, who was, in consequence, apprehended and imprisoned at St 
 Andrews. The earl applied to the bishops for a month's delay, namely, 
 till the fifteenth day of February, sixteen hundred and fourteen, pro- 
 
 • Sir R. Gordon, p. 298. t Act James VI., Pail. 3 Cap. 45. 
 
269 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 mising that, before that time, he would either give the church satis- 
 faction, or surrender himself; but his application was refused by the 
 High Commission of Scotland. Sir Alexander Gordon, the brother 
 of the earl, being then in Edinburgh, immediately gave notice to his 
 brother. Sir Robert Gordon, who was at the time in London, of 
 the proceedings against their brother, the earl. Sir Robert having 
 applied to his Majesty for the release of the earl for a time, that he 
 might make up his mind on the subject of religion, and look after 
 his affairs in the north, his Majesty granted a warrant for his libera- 
 tion till the month of August following. On the expiration of the time, 
 he returned to his confinement at St Andrews, from whence he was 
 removed, on his own application, to the abbey of Holyrood house, 
 where he remained till the month of March, sixteen hundred and fif- 
 teen, when he obtained leave to go home, " having," says Sir Robert 
 Gordon, " in some measure satisfied the church concerning his reli- 
 gion." 
 
 The earl of Caithness, thus again defeated in his views, tried, as a 
 dernier resort, to disjoin the families of Sutherland and Mackay. Some- 
 times he attempted to prevail upon the marquis of Huntly to persuade 
 the earl of Sutherland and his brothers to come to an arrangement al- 
 together independent of Mackay ; and at other times he endeavoured to 
 persuade Mackay, by holding out certain inducements to him, to com- 
 promise their differences without including the earl of Sutherland in 
 the arrangement ; but he completely failed in these attempts.* 
 
 Ever since the death of John Sinclair at Thurso, the earl of Caithness 
 used every means in his power to induce such of his countrymen, indivi- 
 dually, as were daring enough, to show their prowess and dexterity to 
 make incursions into Sutherland or Strathnaver, for the purpose of 
 annoying the vassals and dependants of the earl of Sutherland and his 
 ally, Mackay. Amongst others he often communicated on this subject 
 with William Kenneth-son, whose father, Kenneth Buidhe, had always 
 been the principal instrument in the hands of Earl George in oppressing 
 the people of his own country, and for the furtherance of his plans he at 
 last prevailed upon William, who already stood rebel to the king in a 
 criminal cause, to go into voluntary banishment into Strathnaver, and 
 put himself under the protection of Mackay, to whom he was to pretend 
 that he had left Caithness to avoid any solicitations from the earl of 
 Caithness to injure the inhabitants of Strathnaver. To cover their de- 
 signs they caused a report to be spread that William Mac-Kenneth was 
 to leave Caithness because he would not obey the orders of the earl to 
 execute some designs against Sir Robert Gordon, the tutor of Suther- 
 land, and Mackay, and when this false rumour had been sufficiently 
 spread, Mac-Kenneth, and his brother John, and their dependents, fled 
 into Strathnaver and solicited the favour and protection of Mackay. Tlie 
 
 • Sir R. Gordon, p. 2Q9. 
 
APPREHENSION OF WILLIAM MAC-KENNETH. 261 
 
 latter received them kindly ; but as William and his party had been long 
 addicted to robbery and theft, he strongly advised them to abstain from 
 such practices in all time coming ; and that they might not afterwards 
 plead necessity as an excuse for continuing their depredations, he allotted 
 them some lands to dwell on. After staying a month or two in Strath- 
 naver, during which time they stole some cattle and horses out of Caith- 
 ness, William received a private visit, by night, from Kenneth Buidhe, 
 his father, who had been sent bj' the earl of Caithness for the purpose of 
 executing a contemplated depredation in Sutherland. Mackay was then 
 in Sutherland on a visit to his uncle, Sir Robert Gordon, which being 
 known to William Mac-Kenneth, he resolved to enter Sutherland with 
 his party, and carry off into Caithness all the booty they could collect. 
 Being observed in the Glen of Loth, by some of the Clan Gun, collecting 
 cattle and horses, they were immediately apprehended, with the exception 
 of lain-Garbh-Mac-Chonald-Mac-Mhurchidh-Mhoir, who, being a very 
 resolute man, refused to surrender, and was, in consequence, killed. The 
 prisoners were presented to Sir Robert Gordon at Dornoch, who com- 
 mitted William and his brother, John, to the castle of Dornoch for trial. 
 In the meantime, two of the principal men of Mac-Kenneth's party were 
 tried, convicted and executed, and the remainder were allowed to return 
 home on giving surety to keep the peace. This occurrence took place 
 in the month of January, sixteen hundred and sixteen. 
 
 The earl of Caithness, whose restless disposition and lawless pro- 
 ceedings have been already so fully noticed, now finished his career of 
 iniquity by the perpetration of a crime, which, though trivial in its conse- 
 quences, was of so highly a penal nature in itself as to bring his own life 
 into jeopardy. As the circumstances which led to the burning of the 
 com of William Innes, a servant of Lord Forbes at Sanset in Caithness, 
 and the discovery of the earl of Caithness as the instigator, are somewhat 
 curious, it is thought that a recital of them may not be here out of place. 
 Among other persons who had suffered at the hands of the earl was his 
 own kinsman, WiUiam Sinclair of Dumbaith. After annoying him in a 
 variety of ways, the earl instigated his bastard brother, Henry Sinclair, 
 and Kenneth Buidhe, to destroy and lay waste part of Dumbaith's lands, 
 who, unable to resist, and being in dread of personal risk, locked himself 
 up in his house at Dunray, which they besieged. WiUiam Sinclair im- 
 mediately applied to John, earl of Sutherland, for assistance, who sent his 
 friend Mackay, with a party to rescue Sinclair from his perilous situa 
 tion. Mackay succeeded and carried Sinclair along with him into 
 Sutherland, where he remained for a time, but he afterwards went to re- 
 side in Moray where he died. Although thus cruelly persecuted and 
 forced to become an exile from his country, by the earl of Caithness, no 
 entreaties could induce him to apply for redress, choosing rather to suf- 
 fer himself than to see his relative punished. William Sinclair was suc- 
 ceeded by his grandson, George Sinclair, who married a sister of Lord 
 Forbes. By the persuasion of his wife, who was a mere tool m the hands 
 
262 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANUS. 
 
 of the earl of Caithness, George Sinclair was induced to execute <a deed 
 of entail, by which, failing of heirs male of his own body, he lefl the 
 whole of his lands to the earl. Wien the earl had obtained this deed 
 he began to devise means to make away with Sinclair, and he actually 
 persuaded Sinclair's wife to assist him in this nefarious desigu. Having 
 obtained notice of this conspiracy against his life, Sinclair left Caithness 
 and took up his residence with his brother-in-law, Lord Forbes, who re- 
 ceived him with great kindness and hospitality, and reprobated very 
 strongly the wicked conduct of his sister. Sinclair now recalled the en- 
 tail in favour of the earl of Caithness, and made a new deed by which 
 he conveyed his whole estate to Lord Forbes. George Sinclair died 
 soon after the execution of the deed, and having left no issue, Lord 
 Forbes took possession of his lands of Dunray and Dumbaith. 
 
 Disappointed in his plans to acquire Sinclair's property, the earl of 
 Caithness seized every opportunity of annoying Lord Forbes in his 
 possessions, by oppressing his tenants and servants, in every possible way, 
 under the pretence of discharging his duty as sheriiF, to which office he 
 had been appointed by the earl of Huntly on occasion of his marriage 
 with Huntly 's sister. Complaints were made from time to time against 
 the earl, on account of these proceedings, to the Privy Council of Scot- 
 land, who, in some measure, afforded redress ; but to protect his ten- 
 ants more effectually, Lord Forbes took up a temporary residence 
 in Caithness, relying upon the aid of the house of Sutherland in case of 
 need. 
 
 As the earl was aware tliat any direct attack on Lord Forbes would 
 be properly resented, and as any enterprise undertaken by his own peo- 
 ple would be laid to his charge, however cautious he might be in deal- 
 ing with them, the earl fixed on the Clan-Gun as the fittest instruments 
 for effecting his designs against Lord Forbes. Besides being the most 
 resolute men in Caithness, always ready to undertake any desperate ac- 
 tion, they depended more upon the earl of Sutherland and Mackay, 
 from whom they held some lands, than upon the earl of Caithness, a 
 circumstance which the earl supposed, should the contemplated outrages 
 of the Clan-Gun ever become matter of inquiry, might throw the sus- 
 picion upon the earl of Sutherland and Mackay as the silent instigators. 
 Accordingly, the earl opened a negotiation with John Gun, chief of the 
 Clan-Gun in Caithness, and with his brother, Alexander Gun, whose 
 father he had hanged in the year fifteen hundred and eighty-six. In 
 consequence of an invitation, the two brothers, along with Alexander 
 Gun, their cousin-german, repaired to Castle Sinclair, where they met 
 the earl. The earl did not at first divulge his plans to all the party ; 
 but taking Alexander Gun, the cousin, aside, he pointed out to him 
 the injury he alleged he had sustained, in consequence of Lord 
 Forbes having obtained a footing in Caithness, — that he could no longer 
 submit to the indignity shown him by a stranger, — that he had made 
 choice of him (Gun) to undertake a piece of service for him, on per- 
 
FIRE RAISING AT SANSET. 263 
 
 forming which, he would reward him most amply; and to secure com- 
 pliance, the earl desired him to remember the many favours he had al- 
 ready received from him, and how well he had treated him, promising 
 at same time, to show him even greater kindness in time coming. Alex- 
 ander, thereupon, promised to serve the earl, though at the hazard of his 
 life; but upon being interrogated by the earl whether he would under- 
 take to burn the corn of Sanset, belonging to William Innes, a servant 
 of Lord Forbes, Gun, who had never imagined that he was to be employ- 
 ed in such an ignoble affair, expressed the greatest astonishment at the 
 proposal, and refused, in the most peremptory and indignant manner, to 
 tmdertake its execution; yet, to satisfy the earl, he told him that he 
 would, at his command, undertake to assassinate William Innes, an ac- 
 tion which he considered less criminal and dishonourable, and more be- 
 coming a gentleman, than burning a quantity of corn I Finding him 
 obdurate, the earl enjoined him to secrecy. 
 
 The earl next applied to the two brothers, John and Alexander, with 
 whom he did not find it so difficult to treat. They, at first, hesitated 
 with some firmness in undertaking the business on which the earl was 
 so intent ; and they pleaded an excuse, by saying, that as justice was 
 then more strictly executed in Scotland than formerly, fhey could not 
 expect to escape, as they had no place of safety to retreat to after the 
 crime was committed ; as a proof of which, they instanced the cases of 
 the Clan-Donald and Clan-Gregor, two races of people much more 
 powerful than the Clan-Gun, who had been brought to the brink of 
 ruin, and almost annihilated, under the authority of the laws. The earl 
 replied, that as soon as they should perform the service for him, he 
 would send them to the western isles, to some of his acquaintances and 
 friends, with whom they might remain until Lord Forbes and he were re- 
 conciled, when he would obtain their pardon, — that in the mean time 
 he would profess, in public, to be their enemy, but that he would be 
 their friend secretly, and permit them to frequent Caithness without dan- 
 ger. Alexander Gun, overcome at last by the entreaties of the earl, re- 
 luctantly consented to his request, and going into Sanset, in the dead 
 of night, with two accomplices, he set fire to all the corn stacks which 
 were in the barn-yard, belonging to William Innes, and which were in 
 consequence consumed. This affair occurred in the month of Novem- 
 ber, sixteen hundred and fifteen. The earl of Caithness immediately 
 spread a report through the whole country that Mackay's tenants had 
 committed this outrage ; but the deception was of short duration. 
 
 Sir Robert Gordon, tutor of Sutherland, having arrived in the nortli 
 of Scotland from England, in the month of December following this oc- 
 currence, resolved to probe the matter to the bottom, not merely on ac- 
 count of his nephew, Mackay, whose men were suspected, but to satisfy 
 Lord Forbes, who was now on friendly terms with the house of Suther- 
 land ; but the discovery of the perpetrators soon became an easy task, 
 in consequence of a quarrel among the Clan-Gun themselves, who up- 
 I. 2 L 
 
2G4 HISTORY OP THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 braided one another as the authors of the fire-raising. Alexander 
 Gun, the cousin of Alexander Gun the real criminal, thereupon fled 
 from Caithness, and sent some of his friends to Sir Robert Gordon and 
 Donald Mackay with these proposals; — that if they would receive him 
 into favour, and secure him from danger, he would confess the whole 
 circumstances, and reveal the authors of the conflagration, and that 
 he would declare the whole before the privy council, if required. On 
 receiving this proposal. Sir Robert Gordon appointed Alexander Gun 
 to meet them privately at Helmsdale, in the house of Sir Alexander 
 Gordon, brother of Sir Robert. A meeting was accordingly held at the 
 place appointed, at which Sir Robert and his friends agreed to do every 
 thing in their power to preserve Gun's life ; and Mackay promised, 
 moreover, to give him a possession in Strathie, where his father had 
 formerly lived. 
 
 When the earl of Caithness heard of Alexander Gun's flight into 
 Sutherland, he became greatly alarmed, lest Alexander should reveal the 
 affair of Sanset ; and anticipating such a result, the earl gave out every 
 where, that Sir Robert Gordon, Mackay, and Sir Alexander Gordon, had 
 hired some of the Clan- Gun to accuse him of having burnt William In- 
 nes' corn. But this artifice was of no avail, for as soon as Lord Forbes 
 received notice from Sir Robert Gordon of the circumstances related by 
 Alexander Gun, he immediately cited John Gun, and his brother Alex- 
 ander, and their accomplices, to appear for trial at Edinburgh, on the 
 second day of April, sixteen hundred and sixteen, to answer to the 
 charge of burning the corn at Sanset; and he also summoned the earl of 
 Caithness, as sheriff of that county, to deliver them up for trial. John 
 Gun, thinking that the best course he could pursue, under present 
 circumstances, was to follow the example of his cousin, Alexander, sent 
 a message to Sir Alexander Gordon, desiring an interview with him ; 
 which being granted, they met at Navidale. John Gun then offered to 
 confess and reveal every thing he knew concerning the fire, on condition 
 that his life should be spared; but Sir Alexander observed, that he could 
 come under no engagement, as he was uncertain how the king and the 
 council might view such a proceeding; but he promised, that as John 
 had not been an actor in the business, but a witness only to the arrange- 
 ment between his brother and the earl of Caithness, he would do what 
 he could to save him, if he went to Edinburgh in compliance with the 
 summons. 
 
 In this state of matters, the earl of Caithness wrote to the marquis of 
 Huntly, accusing Sir Robert Gordon and Mackay of a design to bring 
 him within the reach of the law of treason, and to injure the honour 
 of his house by slandering him with the burning of the corn at 
 Sanset, — that, in the year sixteen hundred and twelve, they had in- 
 sinuated to the king and council that he was privy to Arthur Smith's 
 doings, — that his brother's son had lost his life in consequence, and 
 that not satisfied therewith, they were now accusing him of new trea- 
 
JUDICIAL PROCEEDINGS AGAINST THE GUNS. -^^^ 
 
 sonable practices. He, therefore, requested the marquis, as a mutual 
 friend, to persuade them to desist from pursuing this business, and he 
 offered, on his own part, to submit to the marquis any controversy be- 
 tween them. Sir Robert Gordon and Mackay having occasion to meet 
 the marquis at the Bog-a-Gight on other business, they were made ac- 
 quainted by him of the earl's communication. They observed, in an- 
 swer, that they had never at any time insinuated any thing against the 
 earl of Caithness ; but tliat if his own conscience did accuse him of any 
 thing, they were not to be blamed on that account, — that they could 
 not refuse to assist Lord Forbes in finding out the persons who had 
 burned the corn at Sanset, but that they had never imagined that the 
 earl would have acted so base a part as to become an accomplice in 
 such a criminal act ; and farther, that as Mackay 's men were challenged 
 with the deed, they certainly were entitled at least to clear Mackay 's peo- 
 ple from the charge, by endeavouring to find out the malefactors, — in 
 all which they considered they had done the earl no wrong. And as 
 to John Sinclair's death, the same had been occasioned by his own act 
 in opposing his majesty's warrant, on which account the king had par- 
 doned the parties concerned, by a remission under the great seal. The 
 marquis of Huntly did not fail to write the earl of Caithness the answer 
 he had received from Sir Robert Gordon and Mackay, which grieved 
 him exceedingly, as he was too well aware of the consequences which 
 would follow if the prosecution of the Guns was persevered in. 
 
 At the time appointed for the trial of the Guns, Sir Robert Gordon, 
 Mackay, and Lord Forbes, with all his friends, went to Edinburgh, and 
 upon their arrival they entreated the council to prevent a remission in 
 favour of the earl of Caithness being passed the signet until the affair 
 in hand was tried ; a request with which the council complied. The 
 earl of Caithness did not appear; but he sent his son. Lord Berridale, 
 to Edinburgh, along with John Gun and all those persons who had 
 been summoned by Lord Forbes, with the exception of Alexander Gun 
 and his two accomplices. He alleged as his reason tm not sending 
 them that they were not his men, being Mackay 's own tenants, and 
 dwelling in Dilred, the property of Mackay, which was held by him of 
 the earl of Sutherland, who, he alleged, was bound to present the three 
 persons alluded to. But the lords of the council would not admit of this 
 excuse, and again required Lord Berridale and his father to present the 
 three culprits before the court on the tenth day of June following, be- 
 cause, although they had possessions in Dilred, they had also lands 
 from the earl of Caithness on which they usually resided. Besides, the 
 deed was committed in Caithness, of which the earl was sheriff, on 
 which account also he was bound to apprehend them. Lord Berridale, 
 whose character was quite the reverse of that of his father, apprehen- 
 sive of the consequences of a trial, now offered satisfaction in his father's 
 name to Lord Forbes, if he would stop the prosecution ; but his lord- 
 ship refused to do any thing without the previous advice and consent 
 
266 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 of Sir Robert Gordon and Mackay, who, upon being consulted, made 
 articles of agreement to be drawn up, which were presented to Lord 
 Berridale by neutral persons for his acceptance, but considering the 
 conditions sought to be imposed upon his father too hard, he rejected 
 them. 
 
 In consequence of the refusal of Lord Berridale to accede to the 
 terms proposed, John Gun was apprehended by one of the magistrates 
 of Edinburgh, on the application of Lord Forbes, and committed a pri- 
 soner to the jail of that city. Gun thereupon requested to see Sir 
 Robert Gordon and Mackay, whom he entreated to use their influence 
 to procure him his liberty, promising to declare every thing he knew of 
 the business for which he was prosecuted before the lords of the coun- 
 cil. Sir Robert and Mackay then deliberated with Lord Forbes and 
 Lord Elphinston on the subject, and they all four promised faithfully to 
 Gun to do every thing in their power to save him, and that they would 
 from thenceforth maintain and defend him and his cousin, Alexander 
 Gun, against the earl of Caithness or any person, as long as they had 
 reason and equity on their side ; besides which, Mackay promised him a 
 liferent lease of the lands of Strathie to compensate for his possessions 
 in Caithness, of which he would, of course, be deprived by the earl for 
 revealing the earl's connexion with the fire-raising at Sanset. John 
 Gun was accordingly examined the following day by the lords of the 
 council, when he confessed that the earl of Caithness made his brother, 
 Alexander Gun, burn the corn of Sanset, and that the affair had been 
 proposed and discussed in his presence. Alexander Gun, the cousin, 
 was examined also at the same time, and stated the same circumstances 
 precisely as John Gun had done. After examination, John and Alex- 
 ander were again committed to prison. 
 
 As neither the earl of Caithness nor his son. Lord Berridale, com- 
 plied with the commands of the council to deliver up Alexander Gun 
 and his accomplices in the month of June, they were both outlawed 
 and denounced rebels ; and were summoned and charged by Lord 
 Forbes to appear personally at Edinburgh in the month of July imme- 
 diately following, to answer to the charge of causing the corn of Sanset 
 to be burnt. This fixed determination on the part of Lord Forbes to 
 bring the earl and his son to trial, had the effect of altering their tone, 
 and they now earnestly entreated him and Mackay to agree to a recon- 
 ciliation on any terms; but they declined to enter into any arrangement 
 until they had consulted Sir Robert Gordon. After obtaining Sir Ro- 
 bert's consent, and a written statement of the conditions which he 
 required, from the earl of Caithness in behalf of his nephew, the earl of 
 Sutherland, the parties entered into a final agreement, in the mouth of 
 July, sixteen hundred and sixteen. The principal heads of the contract, 
 which was afterwards recorded in the books of council and session, were 
 as follow : — That all civil actions between the parties should be settled 
 by the mediation of mutual friends, — that the earl of Caithness and hi'i 
 
PROCEEDINGS AGAINST LORD BERRIDALE. 267 
 
 son should pay to Lord Forbes and Mackay the sum of 20,000 merks 
 Scots money, — that all quarrels and criminal actions should be mu- 
 tually forgiven, and particularly, that the earl of Caithness and all his 
 friends should forgive and remit the slaughter and mutilation at Thurso, 
 — that the earl of Caithness and h.!s son should renounce for themselves 
 and their heirs all jurisdiction, criminal or civil, within Sutherland and 
 Strathnaver, and any other jurisdiction which they should thereafter hap- 
 pen to acquire over any lands lying within the diocese of Caithness then 
 pertaining, or which should afterwards belong, to the earl of Sutherland 
 or his heirs, — that the earl of Caithness should deliver Alexander Gun 
 and his accomplices to Lord Forbes, — that the earl, his son, and their 
 heirs, should never from thenceforth contend with the earl of Suther- 
 land for precedency in parliament or priority of place, — that the earl of 
 Caithness and his son, their friends and tenants, should keep the peace 
 in time coming, under the penalty of great sums of money, and should 
 never molest nor trouble the tenants of the earl of Sutherland and Lord 
 Forbes, — ^that the earl of Caithness, his son, or their friends, should not 
 receive nor harbour any fugitives from Sutherland or Strathnaver, — and 
 that there should be good friendship and amity kept amongst them in 
 all time to come. 
 
 In consequence of this agreement, the two sons of Kenneth Buy, 
 William and John before-mentioned, were delivered to Lord Berridale, 
 who gave security for their keeping the peace; and John Gun and 
 Alexander, his cousin, were released and delivered to Lord Forbes and 
 Mackay, who gave surety to the lords of the council to present them 
 for trial whenever required; and as the earl of Caithness had deprived 
 them of their possessions in Caithness on account of the discovery 
 they had made, Mackay, who had lately been knighted by the king, 
 gave them lands in Strathnaver as he had promised. Matters being 
 thus settled. Lord Berridale presented himself before the court at 
 Edinburgh to abide his trial; but no person of course appearing against 
 him, the trial was postponed. The earl of Caithness, however, failmg 
 to appear, the diet against him was continued till the twenty-eighth day 
 of August following. 
 
 Although the king was well pleased, on account of the quiet which 
 such an adjustment would produce in his northern dominions, with the 
 agreement which had been entered into, and the proceedings which 
 followed thereon, all of which were made known to him by the privy 
 council ; yet, as the passing over such a flagrant act as wilful fire-raismg, 
 without punishment, might prove pernicious, he wrote a letter to the 
 privy council of Scotland, commanding them to prosecute, with all se- 
 verity, those who were guilty of, or accessory to the crime. Lord Bern- 
 dale was thereupon apprehended on suspicion, and committed a prisoner 
 to the castle of Edinburgh ; and his father, perceiving the determmation 
 of the king to prosecute the author-^ of the fire, again declined to appear 
 
268 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 tor trial on the appointed day, on which account he was again outlawed, 
 and declared a rebel as the guilty author. 
 
 In this extremitv Lord Berridale had recourse to Sir Robert Gordon, 
 then resident at court, for his aid. He wrote him a letter, entreating 
 hun that as all controversies were now settled, he would, in place of an 
 enemy, become a faithful friend, — that for his own part, he, Lord Berri- 
 dale, had been always innocent of all the jars and dissensions which had 
 happened between the two families, — that he was also innocent of the 
 crime with which he was charged, — and that he wished his majesty to 
 be informed by Sir Robert of these circumstances, hoping that he 
 would order him to be released from confinement. Sir Robert's an- 
 swer was to this eifect, — that he had long desired a perfect agreement 
 between the houses of Sutherland and Caithness, which he would en- 
 deavour to maintain during his administration in Sutherland, — that he 
 would intercede with the kiag, in behalf of his lordship, to the utmost 
 of his power, — that all disputes being now at an end, he would be his 
 faithful friend, — that he had a very different opinion of his disposition, 
 from that he entertained of his father, the earl ; and he concluded by 
 entreating him to be careful to preserve the friendship which had been 
 now commenced between them. 
 
 As the king understood that Lord Berridale was supposed to be inno- 
 cent of the crime with which he and his father stood charged, and as he 
 could not, without a verdict against Berridale, proceed against the family 
 of Caithness by forfeiture, in consequence of his lordship having been 
 infeft many years before in his father's estate ; his majesty, on the earn- 
 est entreaty of the then bishop of Ross, Sir Robert Gordon, and Sir 
 James Spence of Wormistoun, was pleased to remit and forgive the 
 crime on the following conditions : — 1st. That the earl of Caithness and 
 his son should give satisfaction to their creditors, who were constantly 
 annoying his majesty with clamours against the earl, and craving justice 
 at his hands. 2d. That the earl of Caithness, with consent of Lord Ber- 
 ridale, should freely renounce and resign perpetually, into the hands of 
 his majesty, the heritable sheriffship and justiciary of Caithness. 3d. 
 That the earl of Caithness should deliver the three criminals who had 
 burnt the corn, that public justice might be satisfied upon them, as a 
 terror and example to others. 4th. That the earl of Caithness, with con- 
 sent of Lord Berridale, should give and resign in perpetuum to the bishop 
 of Caithness, the house of Strabister, with as many of the feu lands of 
 that bishoprick as should amount to the yearly value of two thousand 
 merks Scots money, for the purpose of augmenting the income of the 
 bishop which was at that time small in consequence of the greater part 
 of his lands being in the hands of the earl. Commissioners were sent 
 down from London to Caithness, in October sixteen hundred and sixteen, 
 to see that these conditions were complied with. The second condition 
 as well as the last was immediately implemented ; and as the earl and 
 his son promised to give satisfaction to their creditors, and to do every 
 
ALLIANCE BETWIXT MACKAY AND CAITHNESS. 269 
 
 thing in their power to apprehend the burners of the corn ; the latter 
 was released from the castle of Edinburgh, and directions were given for 
 drawing up a remission and pardon to the earl of Caithness. I,ord Ber- 
 ridale, however, had scarcely been released from the castle, when he waa 
 again imprisoned within the jail of Edinburgh, at the instance of Sir James 
 Home of Cowdenknowes, his cousin german, who had become surety 
 for him and his father to their creditors for large sums of money. The 
 earl himself narrowly escaped the fate of his son and retired to Caith- 
 ness, but his creditors had sufficient interest to prevent his remission 
 from passing till they should be satisfied. With consent of the creditors 
 the council of Scotland gave him a personal protection, from time to 
 time, to enable him to come to Edinburgh for the purpose of settling 
 with them, but he made no arrangement and returned privately into 
 Caithness before the expiration of the supersedere which had been 
 granted him, leaving his son to suffer all the miseries of a prison. After 
 enduring a captivity of five years Lord Berridale was released from 
 prison by the good offices of the earl of Enzie, and put, for behoof of 
 himself, and his own, and his father's creditors, in possession of the family 
 estates from which his father was driven by Sir Robert Gordon acting 
 under a royal warrant, a just punishment for the many enormities of a 
 long and misspent life.* 
 
 Desperate as the fortunes of the earl of Caithness were even previous 
 to the disposal of his estates, he most unexpectedly found an ally in Sir 
 Donald Mackay who had taken offence at Sir Robert Gordon, and who 
 being a man of quick resolution and of an inconstant disposition, deter- 
 mined to forsake the house of Sutherland, and to ingratiate himself with 
 his mortal enemy, the earl of Caithness. The pretended cause of 
 Mackay 's discontent was, that Sir Robert Gordon had excluded him 
 firom all share in the government of Sutherland, in which he had parti- 
 cipated jointly with John the last earl of Sutherland, and that Sir Robert 
 had dispossessed him of all the property he had purchased or intended to 
 purchase in that country ; that he had taken from him by a decree- 
 arbitral a part of the Diriemoor which John, the last earl, had given 
 him, and that Sir Robert, instead of countenancing, was rather an 
 enemy to such as depended upon him in Sutherland ; in one word, that 
 all the favours he had received from the earl were now withdrawn 
 from him by his uncles Sir Robert and Sir Alexander. Besides these 
 reasons, Mackay was influenced by pecuniary considerations ; for hav- 
 ing, as he alleged, burdened his estates with debts incurred for some 
 years past in following the house of Sutherland, he thought that, in 
 time coming, he might, by procuring the favour of the earl of Caith- 
 ness, turn the same to his own advantage and that of his countrymen ; 
 and as he had been induced to his own prejudice to grant certain hfe- 
 rent tacks of the lands of Strathie and Dilred to John and Alexander 
 
 • Sir R. Gordon, p. 329. et seij. 
 
270 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 Gun, and others of the Clan-Gun for revealing the affair of Sanset, he 
 thought that by joining the earl of Caithness, these Clan-Gun might be 
 destroyed, by which means he would get back his lands which he meant 
 to convey to his brother, John Mackay, as a portion ; and he, more- 
 over, expected that the earl would give him and his countrymen some 
 possessions in Caithness. But the chief ground of discontent on the 
 part of Sir Donald Mackay was an action brought against him and Lord 
 Forbes before the court of session, to recover a contract entered into 
 between the last earl of Sutherland and Mackay, in the year sixteen 
 hundred and thirteen, relative to their marches and other matters of 
 controversy, which being considered by Mackay as prejudicial to him, 
 he had endeavoured to get destroyed through the agency of some per- 
 sons about Lord Forbes, into whose keeping the deed had been intrusted. 
 
 After brooding over these subjects of discontent for some years, 
 Mackay, in the year sixteen hundred and eighteen, suddenly resolved 
 to break with the house of Sutherland, and to form an alliance with 
 the earl of Caithness, who had long borne a mortal enmity at that fa- 
 mily. Accordingly, Mackay sent John Sutherland, his cousin-german, 
 into Caithness to request a private conference with the earl in any part 
 of Caithness he might appoint. This offer was too tempting to be re- 
 jected by the earl, who expected, by a reconciliation with Sir Donald 
 Mackay, to turn the same to his own personal gratification and advan- 
 tage. In the first place, he hoped to revenge himself upon the Clan- 
 Gun, who were his principal enemies, and upon Sir Donald himself, by 
 detaching him from his superior, the earl of Sutherland, and from the 
 friendship of his uncles, who had always supported him in all his diffi- 
 culties. In the second place, he expected that, by alienating Mackay 
 from the duty and affection he owed the house of Sutherland, that he 
 would weaken its power and influence. And lastly, he trusted that 
 Mackay would not only be prevailed upon to discharge his own part, but 
 would also persuade Lord Forbes to discharge his share of the sum of 
 20,000 merks Scots, which he and his son. Lord Berridale, had become 
 bound to pay them, on account of the burning at Sanset. 
 
 The earl of Caithness having at once agreed to Mackay 's proposal, a 
 meeting was held by appointment in the neighbourhood of Dunray, in 
 the parish of Reay, in Caithness. The parties met in the night-time, ac- 
 companied each by three men only. After much discussion, and various 
 conferences, which were continued for two or three days, they resolved 
 to destroy the Clan-Gun, and particularly John Gun, and Alexander, 
 his cousin. To please the earl, Mackay undertook to despatch these 
 last, as they were obnoxious to him, on account of the part they had 
 taken against him, in revealing the burning at Sanset. They per- 
 suaded themselves that the house of Sutherland would defend the clan, 
 as they were bound to do by their promise, and that that house would 
 be thus drawn into some snare. And to confirm their friendship, the 
 earl and Mackay arranged that John Mackay, the only brother of Sir 
 
PROCEEDINGS OF SIR DONALD MACKAY. 271 
 
 Donald, should marry a niece of the earl, a daughter of James Sinclair 
 of Murkle, who was a mortal enemy of all the Clan-Gun. Having 
 thus planned the line of conduct they were to follow, they parted, 
 after swearing to continue in perpetual friendship. 
 
 Notwithstanding of the private way in which the meeting was held, 
 accounts of it immediately spread through the kingdom ; and every 
 person wondered at the motives which could induce Sir Donald Mackay 
 to take such a step so unadvisedly, without the knowledge of his uncles. 
 Sirs Robert and Alexander Gordon, or of Lord Forbes. The Clan- 
 Gun receiving secret intelligence of the design upon them, from different 
 friendly quarters, retired into Sutherland. The clan were astonished at 
 Mackay 's conduct, as he had promised, at Edinburgh, hi presence of 
 Lords Forbes and Elphingston and Sir Robert Gordon, in the year 
 sixteen hundred and sixteen, to be a perpetual friend to them, and 
 chiefly to John Gun and to his cousin Alexander. 
 
 After Mackay returned from Caithness, he sent his cousin-german, 
 Angus Mackay of Bighouse to Sutherland, to acquaint his uncles, who 
 had received notice of the meeting, that his object in meeting the earl 
 of Caithness was for his own personal benefit, and that nothing had 
 been done to their prejudice. Angus Mackay met Sir Robert Gordon 
 at Dunrobin, to whom he delivered his kinsman's message, which, he 
 said, he hoped Sir Robert would take in good part, adding, that Sir 
 Donald would show, in presence of both his uncles, that the Clan-Gun 
 had failed in duty and fidelity to him and the house of Sutherland, 
 since they had revealed the burning ; and, therefore, that if his uncles 
 would not forsake John Gun, and some others of the clan, he would 
 adhere to them no longer. Sir Robert Gordon returned a verbal answer, 
 by Angus Mackay, that, when Sir Donald came in person to Dunrobin 
 to clear himself, as in duty he was bound to do, he would then accept 
 of his excuse, and not till then. And he, at the same time, wrote a 
 letter to Sir Donald, to this effect — That for his own (Sir Robert's) 
 part, he did not much regard Mackay 's secret journey to Caithness, and 
 his reconciliation with Earl George, without his knowledge or the 
 advice of Lord Forbes ; and that, however unfavourable the world 
 might construe it, he would endeavour to colour it in the best way he 
 could, for Mackay 's own credit. He desired Mackay to consider that 
 a man's reputation was exceedingly tender, and that if it were once 
 blemished, though wrongfully, there would still some blot remain, be- 
 cause the greater part of the world would always incline to speak the 
 worst ; that whatever had been arranged in that journey, between him 
 and the earl of Caithness, beneficial to Mackay, and not prejudicial to the 
 house of Sutherland, he should be always ready to assist him therein, 
 although concluded without his consent : and, as to the Clan-Gun, he 
 could not with honesty or credit abandon them, and particularly John 
 and his cousin Alexander, until tried and found guilty, as he had pro- 
 mised faithfully to be their friend, for revealing the affair of Sanset ; 
 
 T. 2 m 
 
HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 that he had made them this promise at the earnest desire and entreaty 
 of Sir Donald himself; that the house of Sutherland did always esteem 
 their truth and constancy to be their greatest jewel ; and seeing that he 
 and his brother, Sir Alexander, were almost the only branches of it 
 then of age or man's estate, they would endeavour to prove true and 
 constant, wheresoever they did possess friendship ; and that neither the 
 house of Sutherland, nor any greater house whereof they had the 
 honour to be descended, should have the least occasion to be ashamed 
 of them in that respect : that if Sir Donald had quarrelled or challenged 
 the Clan-Gun, before going into Caithness and his arrangement with 
 Earl George, the clan might have been suspected ; but he saw no 
 reason to forsake them until they were found guilty of some great 
 offence. Such was the substance of Sir Robert Gordon's letter to 
 Sir Donald Mackay, who was displeased that his uncles should hesitate 
 for a moment in forsaking John Gun and his clan, at his desire. 
 
 Sir Robert Gordon, therefore, acting as tutor for his nephew, took 
 the Clan-Gun under his immediate protection, with the exception of 
 Alexander Gun, the burner of the corn, and his accomplices. John 
 Gun thereupon demanded a trial before his friends, that they might 
 hear what Sir Donald had to lay to his charge. A meeting was ac- 
 cordingly held at Dornoch, at which the parties met, in presence of Sir 
 Robert and his brother. Sir Alexander Gordon, before whom the whole 
 matter was debated ; but nothing was laid to the charge of the Clan- 
 Gun but mere imputations, v/hich were suggested by the earl of Caith- 
 ness, who alleged that they had suggested to him a plot against Sir 
 Donald's life. This charge being unsupported by any evidence, John 
 Gun and his kinsmen were acquitted, and declared innocent of any of- 
 fence, either against the house of Sutherland or Mackay, since the fact of 
 the burning. 
 
 Sir Donald Mackay, dissatisfied with this result, went to Edinburgh, 
 for the purpose of obtaining a commission against the Clan-Gun from 
 the council, for old crimes, committed by them before his Majesty had 
 left Scotland for England ; but he was successfully opposed in this, by 
 Sir Robert Gordon, who wrote a letter to the lord chancellor and to the 
 earl of Melrose, afterwards earl of Haddington and lord privy seal, 
 showing that the object of Sir Donald, in asking such a commission, 
 was to break the king's peace, and to breed fresh troubles in Caithness. 
 Disappointed in this attempt. Sir Donald returned home to Strathnaver, 
 and, in the month of April, sixteen hundred and eighteen, he went to 
 BraiU, in Caithness, where he met the earl, with whom he continued 
 three nights. On this occasion, they agreed to despatch Alexander 
 Gun, the burner of the corn, lest Lord Forbes should request the earl 
 to deliver him up ; and they hoped that, in consequence of such an 
 occurrence, the tribe might be drawn into some snare. Before parting, 
 the earl delivered to Mackay some old writs of certain lands in Strath- 
 naver, and other places within the diocese of Caithness, which belonged 
 
SIR DONALD MACKAY ENTERS STRATHULLY. 273 
 
 to Sir Donald's predecessors ; by means of which the earl thought he 
 would put Sir Donald by the ears with his uncles, who, he expected, 
 would bring an action against the earl of Sutherland, for the warrandice 
 of Strathnaver, and thus free himself from the superiority of the earl of 
 Sutherland. 
 
 Shortly after this meeting was held, Sir Donald entered Sutherland, 
 privately, for the purpose of capturing John Gun ; but, after lurking 
 two nights in Golspie, watching Gun, without effect, he was discovered 
 by Adam Gordon of Kilcalmkill, a trusty dependant of the house of 
 Sutherland, and thereupon returned to his country. In the mean time, 
 the earl of Caithness, who sought every opportunity to quarrel with the 
 house of Sutherland, disputed with Sir Alexander Gordon of Navidale, 
 about the marches between Torrish, in StrathuUy, and the lands of 
 Berridale. The earl, alleging that Sir Alexander's servants had built 
 their summer sheillings beyond their old accustomed limits, sent some 
 men to pull them down ; and he, moreover, sent a letter to Sir Alexander 
 Gordon, complaining that he had passed the old marches of Torrish, and 
 desiring him, out of courtesy and kindness, to confine himself within his 
 own bounds. Sir Alexander received this letter, .and the intelligence 
 that the sheillings had been cast down, at one and the same time, when 
 he returned for answer, that he did not expect such treatment from him ; 
 but, as the earl had thought proper to begin matters in such a way. Sir 
 Alexander assured him, that, on a certain day during the ensuing week, 
 he would repair these sheillings again, whatever opposition the earl 
 might show to the measure. When Sir Donald Mackay heard of this 
 dispute, and the threat of Sir Alexander Gordon, he sent a message to 
 the earl of Caithness, desiring to know whether he had any intention of 
 meeting Sir Alexander and the Sutherland ^en on the day appointed, 
 as he intended to be present also, if the earl meant to attend. The earl, 
 however, neither returned an answer nor met Sir Alexander, who was 
 consequently allowed to rebuild his sheillings without molestation. 
 
 When Sir Robert Gordon heard of these occurrences in the north, he 
 returned home from Edinburgh, where he had been for some time ; and, 
 on his return, he visited the Marquis of Huntly at Strathbog.e, who 
 advised him to be on his guard, as he had received notice from the carl 
 of Caithness that Sir Donald meant to create some disturbances m 
 Sutherland. The object the earl had in view, in acquamtmg the Mar- 
 quis of Mackay's intentions, was to screen himself from any imputation 
 of being concerned in Mackay's plans, although he favoured them in 
 secret. As soon as Sir Robert Gordon was informed of Mackay s in- 
 tentions, he hastened to Sutherland; but, before his arrival there Su 
 Donald had entered StrathuUy with a body of men, m quest ot Alex- 
 ander Gun, the burner, against whom he had obtained If -^ f -P^"'"- 
 He expected that if he could find Gun in StrathuUy, where th c an of 
 that nLe chiefly dwelt, they, and particularly John Gun, would protect 
 Alexander, and that in consequence he would ensnare John Gun and 
 
274 IIISTOIIV OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 liis tribe, and bring them within the reach of tiie law, tor having re- 
 sisted tlie king's authority; but Mackay was disappointed in liis expec- 
 tutions, for Alexander Gun escaped, and none of the Clan-Gun made tlic 
 least movement, not knowing how Sir Robert Gordon stood affected 
 towards Alexander Gun. In entering StrathuUy, without acquainting 
 his uncles of his intention. Sir Donald had acted improperly, and con- 
 trary to his duty, as the vassal of the house of Sutherland : but, not 
 satisfied with this trespass, he went to Badinloch, and there apprehended 
 William M'Corkill, one of the Clan-Gun, and carried him along with 
 him towards Strathnaver, on the ground that he had favoured the escape 
 of Alexander Gun ; but M'Corkill escaped, while his keepers were 
 asleep, and went to Dunrobin, where he met Sir Alexander Gordon, to 
 whom he related the circumstance. 
 
 Hearing that Sir Robert Gordon was upon his journey to Suther- 
 land, Mackay lefl Badinloch in haste and went privately to the parish 
 of Culmaly, and took up his residence in Golspietour with John Gor- 
 don, younger of Embo, till he should learn in what manner Sir Robert 
 would act towards him. Mackay perceiving that his presence in 
 Golspietour was likejy to lead to a tumult among the people, he sent 
 his men home to Strathnaver, and went himself, the following day, tak- 
 ing only one man along with him, to Dunrobin castle, where he met 
 Sir Robert Gordon, who received him kindly according to his usual 
 manner ; and after Sir Robert had opened his mind very freely to hirr. 
 on the bad course he was pursuing, he^ began to talk to him about a 
 reconciliation with John Gun ; but Sir Donald would not hear of any 
 accommodation, and, after staying a few days at Dunrobin, returned 
 home to his own country. 
 
 A dispute having occurred on the subject of the eastern marches be- 
 tween Sutherland and Strathnaver, it was agreed by the parties inte- 
 rested that some mutual friends should meet at Rimbisdale for the pur- 
 pose of fixing them. The time fixed had now arrived, and, accordingly, 
 Sir Alexander Gordon, John Mackay, and John Monroe of Leamlair, 
 who were appointed to adjust the marches, met at the time and place 
 appointed. To save trouble, it was agreed that they should meet with 
 only twenty-four men on each side ; but the inhabitants of Caithness 
 having flocked to the place of meeting to await the issue, the people of 
 Strathnaver also generally attended, a circumstance which induced Sir 
 Robert Gordon to send five hundred men, without delay, to attend his 
 brother. Sir Alexander, for protecting him in case of necessity, while 
 Sir Robert himself was prepared to join him with the rest of the inha- 
 bitants of Sutherland. The affair of the marches was, however, so 
 effectually settled by Monroe of Leamlair, that all the parties returned 
 quietly to their respective homes. 
 
 Sir Donald Mackay perceiving the danger in which he had placed 
 himself, and seeing that he could place no reliance on the hollow 
 and inconstant friendsliip of the earl of Caithness, became desir- 
 
QUARREL BETWEEN EARL ENZIE AND MACKINTOSH. 275 
 
 ous of a reconciliation with his uncles by submitting himself to the 
 house of Sutherland, and with this view he offered to refer all mat- 
 ters in dispute to the arbitrament of friends, and to make such satis- 
 faction for his offences as they might enjoin. As Sir Robert Gordon 
 still had a kindly feeling towards Mackay, and as the state in which the 
 affairs of the house of Sutherland stood during the minority of his 
 nephew, the earl, could not conveniently admit of following out hostile 
 measures against Mackay, Sir Robert embraced Mackay's offer. The 
 parties, therefore, met at Tain, and matters being discussed in presence 
 of Sir Alexander Gordon of Navidale, George Monroe of Milntoun, and 
 John Monroe of Leamlair, they adjudged that Sir Donald should send 
 Angus Mackay of Bighouse, and three gentlemen of the Slaight-ean- 
 Aberigh, to Dunrobin, there to remain prisoners during Sir Robert's 
 pleasure, as a punishment for apprehending William M'Corkill at 
 Badinloch. After settling some other matters of little moment, the 
 parties agreed to hold another meeting for adjusting all remaining ques- 
 tions, at Elgin, in the month of June of the following year, sixteen hun- 
 dred and nineteen, and subscribed a submission to that effect. Sir Do- 
 nald wished to include Gordon of Embo and others of his friends, in 
 Sutherland, in this arrangement; but as they were vassals of the house 
 of Sutherland, Sir Robert would not allow Mackay to treat for them. 
 
 In the month of November, sixteen hundred and eighteen, the peace 
 of the Highlands was in danger of being disturbed in consequence of a 
 quarrel between George, Lord Gordon, earl of Enzie, and Sir Lauchlan 
 Mackintosh, chief of the Clan-Chattan, which arose out of the following 
 circumstances: — When the earl went into Lochaber, in the year sixteen 
 hundred and thirteen, in pursuit of the Clan-Cameron, he requested 
 Mackintosh to accompany him, both on account of his being the vassal 
 of the marquis of Huntly, the earl's father, and also on account of the 
 ancient enmity which had always existed between the Clan-Chattan and 
 Clan-Cameron, in consequence of the latter keeping forcible possession 
 of certain lands belonging to the former in Lochaber. To induce 
 Mackintosh to join him, the earl promised to dispossess the Clan-Came- 
 ron of the lands belonging to Mackintosh, and to restore him to the 
 possession of them ; but, by advice of the laird of Grant, his father-in- 
 law, who was an enemy of the house of Huntly, he declined to accom- 
 pany the earl in his expedition. The earl was greatly displeased at 
 Mackintosh's refusal, which, afterwards, led to some disputes between, 
 them. A few years after the date of this expedition, in which the earl 
 subdued the Clan-Cameron and took their chief prisoner, whom he im- 
 prisoned at Inverness, in the year sixteen hundred and fourteen, Mack- 
 intosh obtained a commission against Mackronald, younger of Moydart, 
 and his brother, Donald Glas, for laying waste his lands in Lochaber ; 
 and, having collected all his friends, he entered Lochaber for the pur- 
 pose of apprehending them, but, being unsuccessful in his attempt to 
 capture them, he returned home. As Mackintosh conceived that he 
 
1276 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 had a right to the services of all his clan, some of whom were tenants 
 and dependants of the marquis of Huntly, he ordered the latter to fol- 
 low him, and compelled such of them as were refractory to accom- 
 pany him into Lochaber. This proceeding gave offence to the earl of 
 Enzie, who summoned Mackintosh before the lords of the privy council 
 for having, as he asserted, exceeded his commission. He, moreover, 
 got Mackintosh's commission recalled, and obtained a new commission 
 in his own favour from the lords of the council, under which he invaded 
 Lochaber, and expelled Mac-Ronald and his brother, Donald, from that 
 country. 
 
 As Mackintosh held certain lands from the earl and his father for 
 services to be done, which the earl alleged had not been performed by 
 Mackintosh, agreeably to the tenor of his titles, the earl brought an ac- 
 tion against Mackintosh in the year sixteen hundred and eighteen, for 
 evicting these lands, on tlie ground of his not having implemented the 
 conditions on which he held them. And, as the earl had right to the 
 tithes of Culloden, which belonged to Mackintosh, he served him, at 
 same time, with an inhibition, prohibiting him to dispose of these tithes. 
 As the time for tithing drew near. Mackintosh, by advice of the Clan- 
 Kenzie and the Grants, circulated a report that he intended to oppose the 
 earl in any attempt he might make to take possession of the tithes of 
 Culloden in kind, because such a practice had never before been in use. 
 and that he would try the issue of an action of spuilzie, if brought 
 against him. Although the earl was much incensed at such a threat on 
 the part of his own vassal, yet, being a privy counsellor, and desirous 
 of showing a good example in keeping the peace, he abstained from en- 
 forcing his right ; but, having formerly obtained a decree against Mack- 
 intosh for the value of the tithes of the preceding years, he sent tvvo 
 messengers-at-arms to poind and distrain the corns upon the ground 
 under that warrant. The messengers were, however, resisted by Mack- 
 intosh's servants, and forced to desist in the execution of their duty. 
 The earl, in consequence, pursued Mackintosh and his servants before 
 the privy council, and got them denounced and proclaimed rebels to 
 the king. He, thereupon, collected a number of his particular friends 
 with the design of carrying his decree into execution, by distraining the 
 crop at Culloden and carrying it to Inverness. Mackintosh prepared 
 himself to resist, by fortifying the house of Culloden and laying in a 
 large quantity of ammunition, and having collected all the corn within 
 shot of the castle and committed the charge of it to his two uncles, 
 Duncan and Lauchlan, he waited for the approach of the earl. A.s the 
 earl was fully aware of Mackintosh's preparations, and that the Clan- 
 Chattan, the Grants, and the .Clan-Kenzie, had promised to assist 
 Mackintosh in opposing the execution of his warrant, he wrote to 
 Sir Robert Gordon, tutor of Sutherland, to meet him at Culloden on 
 the fifth day of November, sixteen hundred and eighteen, being the day 
 filed by him for enforcing his decree. On receipt of this letter, Sif 
 
SURREMDER OF CULLODEN CASTLE. 277 
 
 Robert Gordon left Sutherland for Bog-a-Gight, where the marquia 
 of Huntly and his son then were, and on his way paid a visit to Mack- 
 intosh with the view of bringing about a compromise ; but Mackintosh, 
 who was a young man of a headstrong disposition, refused to listen to 
 any proposals, and rode post haste to Edinburgh, from whence he went 
 privately into England. 
 
 In the meantime, the earl of Enzie having collected his friends, to 
 the number of eleven hundred horsemen well appointed and armed, and 
 six hundred Highlanders on foot, came to Inverness with this force on 
 the day appointed, and, after consulting his principal officers, marched 
 forwards toward CuUoden. When he arrived within view of the castle 
 the earl sent Sir Robert Gordon to Duncan Mackintosh, who, with his 
 brother, commanded the house, to inform him, that, in consequence of his 
 nephew's extraordinary boasting, he had come thither to put his majesty's 
 laws in execution, and to carry off the corn which of right belonged to 
 Lim. To this message Duncan made this reply, — that he did not mean 
 to prevent the earl from taking away what belonged to him, but that, in 
 case of attack, he would defend the cattle which had been committed to 
 his charge. Sir Robert, on his return, begged the earl to send Lord 
 Lovat, who had some influence with Duncan Mackintosh, to endeavour 
 to prevail on him to surrender the castle. At the desire of the earl. 
 Lord Lovat accordingly went to the house of CuUoden, accompanied 
 by Sir Robert Gordon and George Monroe of Milntoun, and, after some 
 ettreaty. Mackintosh agreed to surrender at discretion ; a party there- 
 upon took possession of the house, and sent the keys to the earl. He 
 was, however, so well pleased with the conduct of Mackintosh, that he 
 sent back the keys to him, and as neither the Clan-Chattan, the Grants, 
 nor the Clan-Kenzie, appeared to oppose him, he disbanded his party 
 and returned home to Bog-a-Gight. He did not even cany off the 
 com, but gave it to Mackintosh's grandmother, who enjoyed the life- 
 rent of the lands of CuUoden as her jointure. 
 
 As the earl of Enzie had other claims against Sir Lauchlan Mackm- 
 tosh, he cited him before the lords of councU and session, but faUing to 
 appear, he was again denounced rebel, and outlawed for his disobe- 
 dience. Sir Lauchlan, who was then in England at court, mformed 
 the kmg of the earl's proceedings, which he described as harsh and ille- 
 gal, and, to counteract the effect which such a statement ^^S^\^^^^ 
 upon the mind of his majesty, the earl posted to London and laid before 
 him a true statement of matters. The consequence was, that Sir 
 Lauchlan was sent home to Scotland and committed to the castle of 
 Edinburgh, untUhe should give the earl fuU satisfaction. This step 
 appears to have brought him to reason, and induced ^'"^^0 apply, 
 through the mediation of some friends, for a reconciliation with the earl, 
 which took place accordingly, at Edinburgh, in the year --teen hun- 
 dred and nineteen. Sir Lauchlan, however, became bound to pay a 
 large sum of money to the earl, part of which he afterwards remitted. 
 
278 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 The laird of Grant, by whose advice Mackintosh had acted in opposing 
 the earl, also submitted to the earl; but the reconciliation was more 
 nominal than real, for the earl was afterwards obliged to protect the 
 chief of the Clan-Cameron against them, and this circumstance gave 
 rise to many dissensions between them and the earl, which ended only 
 with the lives of Mackintosh and the laird of Grant, who both died in 
 the year sixteen hundred and twenty-two, when the ward of part ot 
 Mackintosh's lands fell to the earl, as his superior, during the minority 
 of his son. The earl of Seaforth and his clan, who had also favoured 
 the designs of Mackintosh, were in like manner reconciled, at the same 
 time, to the earl of Enzie, at Aberdeen, through the mediation of the 
 earl of Dunfermline, the chancellor of Scotland, whose daughter the 
 earl of Seaforth had married.* 
 
 In no part of the Highlands did the spirit of faction operate so 
 powerfully, or reign with greater virulence, than in Sutherland and 
 Caithness, and the adjacent country. The jealousies and strifes which 
 existed for such a length of time between the two great rival families of 
 Sutherland and Caithness, and the warfare which these occasioned, 
 sowed the seeds of a deep-rooted hostility, which extended its baneful 
 influence among all their followers, dependants, and friends, and retard- 
 ed the advancement of the social system. The most trivial offences were 
 often magnified into the greatest crimes, and bodies of men, animated by 
 the deadliest hatred, were instantly congregated to avenge imaginary 
 wrongs. It would be almost Ein endless task to relate the many dis- 
 putes and differences which occurred during the seventeenth century in 
 these distracted districts ; but as a short account, or an abridged narra- 
 tive of the principal events is necessary in a work of this nature, we 
 again proceed agreeably to our plan. 
 
 During the year sixteen hundred and twenty-one, a dispute arose 
 between Sutherland of Duifus and John Gordon, younger of Embo, 
 respecting the marches between Embo and the lands of Cuttle, which 
 belonged to the former. Duffus, accompanied by his brother, James 
 Sutherland, and seven other persons, visited the marches one evening, 
 when he sent for young Embo to come and speak with him respecting 
 them. Though late in the evening, Embo went unaccompanied by any . 
 person, and met Duffus and his party, and after exchanging some words, 
 they attacked Gordon and wounded him before he had time to diaw 
 his sword. As soon as this attack became known, the Gordons and the 
 Grays, with some of the earl of Sutherland's tenants, came to Embo, 
 and proceeded from thence to the castle of Skelbo, where Duffus then 
 resided, with the design of attacking him. They did not enter the 
 house, but rode round about it, defying him and daring him to come 
 out. Sir Alexander Gordon, sheriff of Sutherland, hearing of the 
 meeting, immediately hastened to the spot to prevent mischief; and be- 
 
 • Sir 11. Gorclnn, p. 356, et soq. 
 
SLAUGHTER OF THOMAS LINDSAY. 279 
 
 ing assisted by John Gray, dean of Caithness, he took all the par- 
 ties bound to keep the peace till the arrival of Sir Robert Gordon, who, 
 it was expected, would adopt measures of pacification. Sir Robert af- 
 terwards prevailed upon the parties to hold a friendly meeting, at which 
 they agreed to refer their disputes to arbitration. 
 
 The resignation which the earl of Caithness was compelled to make 
 of part of the feu lands of the bishoprick of Caithness, into the hands 
 of the bishop, as before related, was a measure which preyed upon his 
 mind, naturally restless and vindictive, and, in consequence, he contin- 
 ually annoyed the bishop's servants and tenants. His hatred was more 
 especially directed against Robert Monroe of Aldie, commissary of 
 Caithness, who always acted as chamberlain to the bishop, and factor in 
 the diocese, whom he took every opportunity to molest. The earl had 
 a domestic servant, James Sinclair of Dyren, who had possessed part 
 of the lands which he had been compelled to resign, and which were 
 now tenanted by Thomas Lindsay, brother-uterine of Robert Monroe, 
 the commissary. This James Sinclair, at the instigation of the earl, 
 quarrelled with Thomas Lindsay, who was passing at the time near the 
 earl's house in Thurso, and, after exchanging some hard words, Sinclair 
 inflicted a deadly wound upon him, of which he shortly thereafter died 
 Sinclair immediately fled to Edinburgh, and from thence to London, to 
 meet Sir Andrew Sinclair, who was then transacting some business 
 for the king of Denmark there, that he might intercede with the 
 king for a pardon ; but his majesty refused to grant it, and Sinclair, for 
 Detter security, went to Denmark along with Sir Andrew. 
 
 As Robert Monroe did not consider his person safe in Caithness un- 
 der such circumstances, he retired into Sutherland for a time. He 
 then pursued James Sinclair and his master, the earl of Caithness, for 
 the slaughter of his brother, Thomas Lindsay ; but, not appearing for 
 trial on the day appointed, they were both outlawed, and denounced rebels. 
 Hearing that Sinclair was in London, Monroe hastened thither, and in 
 his own name and that of the bishop of Caithness, laid a complaint be- 
 fore his majesty against the earl and his servant. Amongst other griev- 
 ances of which he complained, was the slaughter of his brother, which 
 he satisfied the king, had been brought about by the earl ; that he him- 
 self had narrowly escaped with his life, and, as the earl had been out- 
 lawed for the crime, he begged his majesty to issue such order agamst 
 him, as he should judge expedient. His majesty, thereupon wrote to 
 the Lords of the Privy Council of Scotland, desiring them to adopt the 
 most speedy and rigorous measures to suppress the oppressions of the 
 earl, that his subjects in the north, who were weU afl^ected, might live 
 in safety and peace ; and to enable them the more eff'ectually to punish 
 the earl, his majesty ordered them to keep back the remission which 
 had been granted the earl for the afi^air of Sanset, which had not yet 
 been delivered to him. His majesty also directed the Pnvy Council, 
 with all secrecy and speed, to give a commission to Sir Robert Gordon 
 I. ^ ^ 
 
280 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 to apprehend the earl, or force him to leave the kingdom, and to take 
 possession of all his castles for his majesty's behoof; that he should also 
 compel the landed proprietors of Caithness to find surety not only for 
 keeping the king's peace in time coming, but also for their personal ap- 
 pearance at Edinburgh twice every year, as the West Islanders were 
 bound to do, to answer to such complaints as might be made against 
 them. The letter containing these instructions is dated from Windsor, 
 twenty-fifth of May, sixteen hundred and twenty-one. 
 
 The privy council, on receipt of this letter, communicated the same 
 to Sir Robert Gordon, who was then in Edinburgh ; but he excused 
 himself from accepting the commission offered him, lest his acceptance 
 might be construed as proceeding from spleen and malice against the 
 earl of Caithness. This answer, however, did not satisfy the privy 
 council, who insisted that he should accept the commission, which he, 
 therefore, did, but on condition that the council should furnish him with 
 shipping, and the munitions of war and all other necessaries to force 
 the earl to yield, in case he should fortify either castle Sinclair or Ac- 
 rigell, and withstand a siege. 
 
 While the privy council were deliberating on this matter. Sir Robert 
 Gordon took occasion to speak to Lord Berridale, who was still a pris- 
 oner for debt in the jail of Edinburgh, respecting the contemplated 
 measures against the earl, his father, and as Sir Robert was still very 
 unwilling to enter upon such an enterprize, he advised his Lordship to 
 undertake the business, by engaging in which he might not only get 
 himself relieved of the claims against him, save his country from the 
 dangers which threatened it, but also keep possession of his castles, and 
 that as his father had treated him in the most unnatural manner, by 
 suffering him to remain so long in prison without taking any steps to 
 obtain his liberation, he would be justified, in the eyes of the world, 
 in accepting the offer now made. Being encouraged by the Lord Gor- 
 don, Earl of Enzie, to whom Sir Robert Gordon's proposal had been 
 communicated, to embrace the offer. Lord Berridale notified to the 
 lords of the council the danger which might arise to the peace of the 
 north country, on account of the ancient and long-standing enmity 
 which existed between the inhabitants of Sutherland and Caithness, if 
 Sir Robert Gordon or any other person belonging to the house of 
 Sutherland, were employed in the proposed service, as his father would 
 stand out more against Sir Robert than against any other commissioner 
 not connected with the house of Sutherland. He then offered to under- 
 take the service without any charge to his majesty, and that he would, 
 before being liberated, give security to his creditors, either to return 
 to prison after he had executed the commission, or satisfy them for their 
 claims against him. The privy council embraced at once Lord Berri- 
 dale's proposal, but, although the earl of Enzie offered himself as surety 
 for his lordship's return to prison after the service was over, the credi- 
 tors retused to consent to his liberation, and thus the matter dropt. Sir 
 
MBERATION OF LORD BERRIOALE. 281 
 
 Robert Gordon was again urged by the council to accept the commis- 
 sion, and to make the matter more palatable to him, they granted tho 
 commission to him and the earl of Enzie jointly, both of whom accepted 
 it. As the council, however, had no command from the king to supply 
 the commissioners with shipping and warlike stores, they delayed pro- 
 ceedings till they should receive instructions from his majesty touching 
 that point. 
 
 When the earl of Caithness was informed of the proceedings contem- 
 plated against him, and that Sir Robert Gordon had been employed by 
 a commission from his majesty to act in the matter, he wrote to the 
 Lords of the Privy Council, asserting that he was innocent of the death 
 of Thomas Lindsay ; that his reason for not appearing at Edinburgh to 
 abide his trial for that crime, was not that he had been in any shape 
 privy to the slaughter, but for fear of his creditors, who, he was afraid, 
 would apprehend and imprison him ; and promising, that if his ma- 
 jesty would grant him a protection and safe conduct, he would find 
 security to abide trial for the slaughter of Thomas Lindsay. On receipt 
 of this letter, the lords of the council promised him a protection, and 
 in the month of August, his brother, James Sinclair of Murkle, and Sir 
 John Sinclair of Greenland, became sureties for his appearance at Ed- 
 inburgh, at the time prescribed for his appearance to stand trial. Thus 
 the execution of the commission was in the meantime delayed. 
 
 Notwithstanding the refusal of Lord Berridale's creditors to consent 
 to his liberation, Lord Gordon afterwards did all in his power to ac- 
 complish it, and ultimately succeeded in obtaining this consent, by giv- 
 ing his own personal security either to satisfy the creditors, oV deliver 
 up Lord Berridale into their hands. His lordship was accordingly re- 
 leased from prison, and returned to Caithness in the year sixteen hun- 
 dred and twenty-one, after a confinement of five years. As his final 
 enlai-gement from jail depended upon his obtaining the means of paying 
 his creditors, and as his father, the earl, staid at home consuming the 
 rents of his estates, in rioting and licentiousness, without paying any 
 part either of the principal or interest of his debts, and without feeling 
 the least uneasiness at his son's confinement. Lord Berridale, immedi- 
 ately on his return, assisted by his friends, attempted to apprehend his 
 father, so as to get the family estates into his own possession ; but with- 
 out success. 
 
 In the meantime the earl's creditors, wearied out with the delay which 
 had taken place in liquidating their debts, grew exceedingly clamorous, 
 and some of them took a journey to Caithness in the month of April, 
 sixteen hundred and twenty^two, to endeavour to eifect a settlement 
 with the earl personally. All, however, that they obtained were fair 
 words, and a promise from the earl that he would speedily follow them 
 to Edinburgh, and satisfy them of all demands ; but he failed to perform 
 his promise. About this time, a sort of reconciliation appears to have 
 taken place between the earl and his son. Lord Berridale ; but it was of 
 
282 HrSTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 snort duration. On this new disagreement breaking out, the ear! lost 
 the favour and friendship not only of his brothers, Jaines and Sir Joiin, 
 but also that of his best friends in Caithness. Lord Berridale, there- 
 upon, left Caithness and took up his residence with the Lord Gordon, 
 who wrote to his friends at Court to obtain a new commission against 
 tiie earl. As the king was daily troubled with complaints against the 
 pfirl by his creditors, he readily consented to such a request, and he ac- 
 cordingly wrote a letter to the Lords of the Privy Council of Scotland, 
 in the month of December sixteen hundred and twentj'-two, desiring 
 them to issue a commission to the Lord Gordon to proceed against the 
 earl. Lord Gordon, thinking the present a favourable opportunity to 
 bring matters to an amicable accommodation between the father and 
 the son, which would have superseded the execution of the commission, 
 entered into a negotiation with them for that purpose, but to no effect, 
 and he, therefore, resolved to proceed against the earl by force. The 
 execution of the commission was, however, postponed in consequence 
 of a message to the Lord Gordon to attend the Court and proceed to 
 France on some affairs of state, where he accordingly went in the year 
 sixteen hundred and twenty-three. On the departure of his lordship, 
 the earl made an application to the Lords of the Council for a now 
 protection, promising to appear at Edinburgh on the tenth day of Au- 
 gust sixteen hundred and twenty-three, and to satisfy his creditors, — 
 this was a mere pretence to obtain delay, for although the council granted 
 the protection, as required, upon the most urgent solicitations, the earl 
 failed to appear on the day appointed. This breach of his engagement 
 incensed his majesty and the council the more against him, and made 
 them more determined than ever to reduce him to obedience. He was 
 again denounced and proclaimed rebel, and a new commission was grant- 
 ed to Sir Robert Gordon to proceed against him and his abettors 
 with fire and sword. In this commission there were conjoined with 
 Sir Robert, his brother, Sir Alexander Gordon, Sir Donald Mackay, 
 his nephew, and James Sinclair of Murkle, but on this condition, 
 that Sir Robert should act as chief commissioner, and that nothing 
 should be done by the other commissioners in the siervice they were 
 employed in without his advice and consent. 
 
 The earl of Caithness seeing now no longer any chance of evad- 
 ing the authority of the laws, prepared to meet the gathering storm by 
 fortifying his castles and strongholds. Proclamations were issued inter- 
 dicting all persons from having any communication with the earl, and 
 letters of concurrence were given to Sir Robert in name of his majesty, 
 charging and commanding the inhabitants of Ross, Sutherland, Strath- 
 navcr, Caithness, and Orkney, to assist him in the execution of his 
 majesty's commission ; a ship well furnished with the munitions of 
 war, was sent to the coast of Caithness to prevent the earl's escape by 
 sea, and to famish Sir Robert with ordnance for battering the earl's 
 castles in case he should withstand a siege. 
 
WARLIKE PROCEEDINGS AGAINST THE EARL OF CAITHNESS 283 
 
 Sir Robert Gordon having arrived in Sutherland in the month of 
 August sixteen hundred and twenty-three, was immediately joined by 
 Lord Berridale for the purpose of consulting on the plan of opera- 
 tions to be adopted ; but, before fixing on any particular plan, it was 
 concerted that Lord Berridale should first proceed to Caithness to learn 
 what resolution his father had come to, and to ascertain how the inhabi- 
 tants of that country stood afiected towards the earl. He was also to 
 notify to Sir Robert the arrival of the ship of war on the coast. A day 
 was, at the same time, fixed for the inhabitants of the adjoining pro- 
 vinces, to meet Sir Robert Gordon in StrathuUy, upon the borders be 
 tween Sutherland and Caithness. Lord Berridale was not long in Caith- 
 ness when he sent notice to Sir Robert acquainting him that his father, 
 the earl, had resolved to stand out to the last extremity, and that he had 
 fortified the strong castle of Acrigell, which he had supplied with men, 
 ammunition, and provisions, and upon holding out which he placed 
 his last and only hope. He advised Sir Robert to bring with him into 
 Caithness as many men as he could muster, as many of the inhabitants 
 stood still well afiected to the earl. 
 
 The earl of Caithness, in the meantime, justly apprehensive of the 
 consequences which might ensue if unsuccessful in his opposition, de- 
 spatched a messenger to Sir Robert Gordon, proposing that some gentle- 
 men should be authorized to negotiate between them, for the purpose 
 of bringing matters to an amicable accommodation. He enforced his 
 request by desiring Sir Robert to recollect that he was a nobleman, a 
 peer of the realm, who had onje been a commissioner himself in his 
 majesty's service ; that nothing of a criminal nature could be laid to his 
 charge ; that his creditors were alone concerned ; that he was the first 
 nobleman ever proclaimed a rebel, or challenged as a traitor for debt, 
 without any criminal cause judicially proved against him ; on all which 
 grounds he entreated Sir Robert that such offers as he might make might 
 be again sent to the Privy Council. Sir Robert, who perceived the 
 drift of this message, which was solely to obtain delay, returned foi 
 answer that he was exceedingly sorry that the earl had refused the bene- 
 fit of his last protection for clearing away the imputations laid to his 
 charge ; that although some of the charges against him were civil of- 
 fences, yet, by his disobedience in failing to appear before the Lords of 
 the Council to make his answer, he had changed their nature, and made 
 them criminal ; that, besides these civil actions, he had been charged 
 with several criminal off'ences, which, by absenting himself from trial, 
 he must be held to have acknowledged ; that the Privy Council had al- 
 ready seen how futile all his promises were ; that he. Sir Robert, clearly 
 perceived, that the earl's object in proposing a negotiation, was solely 
 to waste time and to weary out the commissioners and army by delays, 
 which he, for his own part, would not submit to, because the harvest 
 was nearly at hand, and the king's ship could not be detained upon 
 the coast idle. Unless, therefore, the earl would at once submit himself 
 
284 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 unconditionally to the king's mercy, that he would proceed against him 
 and his supporters immediately. The earl had been hitherto so success- 
 ful in his different schemes to avoid the ends of justice, that such an 
 answer was by no means expected, and the firmness displayed in it served 
 greatly to shake the earl's courage. 
 
 Upon receipt of the intelligence from Lord Berridale, Sir Robert 
 Gordon made preparations for entering Caithness without delay ; and, as 
 a precautionary measure, he took pledges from such of the tribes and 
 families in Caithness as he suspected were favourable to the earl. Be- 
 fore all his forces had time to assemble. Sir Robert received notice that 
 the war ship had arrived upon the Caithness coast, and that the earl was 
 meditating an escape beyond seas. Unwilling to withdraw men from 
 the adjoining provinces during the harvest season, and considering the 
 Sutherland forces quite sufficient for his purpose, he sent couriers into 
 Ross, Strathnaver, Assynt, and Orkney, desiring the people who had 
 been engaged to accompany the expedition to remain at home till far- 
 ther notice, and, having assembled all the inhabitants of Sutherland, he 
 picked out the most active and resolute men among them, whom he 
 caused to be well supplied with warlike weapons, and other necessaries, 
 for the expedition. Having thus equipped his army. Sir Robert, accom- 
 panied by his brother. Sir Alexander Gordon, and the principal gentle- 
 men of Sutherland, marched on the third day of September sixteen 
 hundred and twenty-three from Dunrobin to Killiernan in Strathully, 
 the place of rendezvous previously appointed. Here Sir Robert divid- 
 ed his forces into companies, over each of which he placed a com- 
 mander. The following morning he passed the river of Helmsdale and 
 arranged his army in the following order : Half a mile in advance of 
 the main body, he placed a company of the Clan-Gun, whose duty it 
 was to search the fields as they advanced for the purpose of discovering 
 any ambuscades which might be laid in their way, and to clear away any 
 obstruction to the regular advance of the main body. The right wing 
 of the army was led by John Murray of Aberscors, Hugh Gordon of 
 Ballellon, and Adam Gordon of Kilcalmkill. The left wing was com- 
 manded by John Gordon, younger of Embo, Robert Gray of Ospis- 
 dale, and Alexander Sutherland of Kilphidder. And Sir Robert Gor- 
 don himself, his brother Sir Alexander, the laird of Pulrossie, and Wil- 
 liam Mac-Mhic-Sheumais of Killiernan, led the centre. The two wings 
 were always kept a short distance in advance from the centre, from which 
 they were to receive support when required. In this manner the army 
 advanced towards Berridale, and they observed the same order of march- 
 ing during all the time they remained in Caithness. 
 
 As soon as Lord Berridale heard of Sir Robert Gordon's advance, he 
 and James Sinclair of Murkle, one of the commissioners, and some 
 other gentlemen, went forward in haste to meet him. The parties ac- 
 cordingly met among the mountains above Cayen about three miles 
 from Berridale. Sir Robert continued his march till he arrived at Brca- 
 
SURRENDER OF CASTLE SINCLAIR, &C. 
 
 285 
 
 Na-Henglish in Berridale, where at night he encamped. Here they 
 were informed that the ship of war, after casting anchor before Castle 
 Sinclair, had gone from thence to Strabister road, and that the earl of 
 Caithness had abandoned the country, and had sailed by night into one 
 of the Orkney islands with the intention of going from thence into 
 Norway or Denmark. From Brea-Na-Henglish the army advanced to 
 Lathron, where they encamped. Here James Sinclair of MurUe, she- 
 riff of Caithness, Sir William Sinclair of May, the laird of Ratter, 
 the laird of Forse, and several other gentlemen of Caithness, waited 
 upon Sir Robert Gordon and tendered their submission and obedience 
 to his Majesty, offering, at the same time, every assistance they could 
 afford in forwarding the objects of the expedition. Sir Robert received 
 them kindly, and promised to acquaint his Majesty with their submission ; 
 but he distrusted some of them, and he gave orders that none of the 
 Caithness people should be allowed to enter his camp after sunset. At 
 Lathron, Sir Robert was joined by about three hundred of the Caith- 
 ness men, consisting of the Cadels and others who had favoured Lord 
 Berridale. These men were commanded by James Sinclair, fiar of 
 Murkle, and were kept always a mile or two in advance of the army 
 till they reached Castle Sinclair. 
 
 No sooner did Sir Robert arrive before Castle Sinclair, which was a 
 very strong place, and the principal residence of the earl of Caithness, 
 than it surrendered, the keys of which were delivered up to him in 
 name of his Majesty. The army encamped before the castle two nights, 
 during which time the officers took up their quarters within the castle, 
 which was guarded by Sutherland men. 
 
 From Castle Sinclair Sir Robert marched to the castle of Acrigell, an- 
 other strong place, which also surrendered on the first summons, and the 
 keys of which were delivered in like manner to him. The army next 
 marched in battle array to the castle of Kease, the last residence of 
 the earl, which was also given up without resistance. The countess of 
 Caithness had previously removed to another residence not far distant 
 where she was visited by Sir Robert Gordon, who was her cousin ger- 
 man. The countess entreated him, with great earnestness, to get her 
 husband again restored to favour, seeing he had made no resistance to 
 him. Sir Robert promised to do what he could if the earl would follow 
 his advice ; but he did not expect that matters could be accommodated 
 so speedily as she expected from the peculiar situation in which the earl 
 then stood. 
 
 From Kease Sir Robert Gordon returned with his army to Castle 
 Sinclair, where, according to the directions he had received from the 
 privy council, he delivered the keys of all these castles and forts to 
 Lord Berridale to be kept by him for his Majesty's use, for which he 
 should be answerable to the lords of the council until the farther plea- 
 sure of his Majesty should be known. 
 
 The army then returned to Wick in the same marching order which 
 
 >,kl 
 
286 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 they had observed since their first entry into Caithness, at which place 
 the commissioners consulted together, and framed a set of instructions 
 to Lord Berridale for governing Caithness peaceably in time coming 
 conformably to the laws of the kingdom, and for preventing the earl of 
 Caithness from again disturbing the country should he venture to return 
 after the departure of the army. At Wick Sir Robert Gordon was 
 joined by Sir Donald Mackay, who had collected together the choicest 
 men of Strathnaver; but, as the object of the expedition had been ob- 
 tained, Sir Donald, after receiving Sir Robert's thanks, returned the same 
 day to Strathnaver. Sir Robert having brought this expedition to a suc- 
 cessful termination, led back his men into Sutherland, and, after a stay 
 of three months went to England, carrying with him a letter from the 
 privy council of Scotland to the king, giving an account of the expe- 
 dition, and of its happy result.* 
 
 * Sir Robert Gordon, p. 36S. el seq. 
 
CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 Insurrection of the Clan-Chatten against the Earl of Moray- Inetrectaal attempts of the 
 Earl to suppress them-Submission of the Clan-Proceedings of the Earl-lOispute 
 bet,veen the La.rd of Duffus and Gordon, younger of Embolconflict between H! 
 frr. r Sutherland of Clyne-Commitment of Gordon-Attempts of Sir Don- 
 ald Mackay to embroil the houses of Sutherland and Duffus- Capture of An^us Rov 
 Gun-Encounter at tlie bridge of Broray-Feud among the Grants-Depredations o' 
 James Grant-Grant of Carron killed by Grant of Balindalloch-Apprehension and 
 imprisonment rf James Grant-Dispute between the Lairds of Frendraught and Ro- 
 thiemay-Conflict-Rothiemaykilled-Quarrel between Frendraught and the Laird 
 of Pitcaple-Calamitous Fire at Frendraught house-Deatli of John, Viscount 
 Aboyne, Rothiemay, and others-Inquiry as to the cause of the Fire-Escape of 
 James Grant- Attacked by Patrick Macgregor, who is killed-Apprehension of Grant 
 of Balmdalloch, by James Grant— Apprehension and execution of Thomas Grant- 
 James Grant murders two of his surname— Attacked in Strathbogie, and escapes- 
 Depredations of the Clan-Lauchlan— Skirmish between tiiem and the Farquhaisons 
 —Dispute between the Earl of Sutherland and Lord Lorn— Execution of John Mel- 
 drum— Depredations committed upon Frendraught— The Marquis of Huntly accused 
 therewith— The Marquis and Letterfourie committed— Liberated— Death and charac- 
 ter of the Marquis. 
 
 The troubles in Sutherland and Caithness had been scarcely allayed, 
 when a formidable insurrection L.oke out on the part of the Clan-Chat- 
 tan against the earl of Moray, which occasioned considerable uproar and 
 confusion in the Highlands. The Clan-Chattan had for a very long 
 period been the faithful friends and followers of the earls of Moray, who, 
 in consequence, had allotted them many valuable lands and possessions 
 in recompense for their services in Pettie and Strathern. The clan, in 
 particular, had been very active in revenging the death of James, Earl 
 of Moray, who was killed at Dunibristle, upon the marquis of Huntly ; 
 but his son and successor being reconciled to the family of Huntly, and 
 needing no longer, as he thought, the aid of the Clan, he dispossessed 
 them of the lands which his predecessors had bestowed upon them. 
 This harsh proceeding occasioned great irritation, and, upon the death 
 of Sir Lauchlan, their chief, who died a short time before Whitsunday 
 sixteen hundred and twenty-four, they resolved either to recover the 
 possessions of which they had been deprived, or to lay them waste. While 
 Sir Lauchlan lived the Clan were awed by his authority and prevented 
 from such an attempt, but no such impediment now standing in their 
 way, and as their chief, who was a mere child, could run no risk by the 
 I. 2 o 
 
288 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 enterprise, they considered the present a favourable opportunity for car- 
 rying their plan into execution. 
 
 Accordingly, a gathering of the Clan to the number of about two 
 hundred gentlemen and three hundred servants took place about Whit- 
 sunday sixteen hundred and twenty-four. This party was commanded 
 by three uncles of the late chief.* " They keeped the feilds (says 
 Spalding), in their Highland weid upon foot with swords, bowes, ar- 
 rowes, targets, hagbuttis, pistoUis, and other Highland armour ; and 
 first began to rob and spoulzie the earle's tennents, who laboured their 
 possessions, of their haill goods, geir, insight, plenishing, horse, nolt, 
 sheep, corns, and cattell, and left them nothing that they could gett 
 within their bounds ; syne fell in sorning throw out Murray, Stratha- 
 wick, Urquhart, Ross, Sutherland, Brae of Marr, and diverse other 
 parts, takeing their meat and food per force wher they could not gett it 
 willingly, frae freinds alseweill as frae their faes ; yet still keeped them- 
 selves from shedeing of innocent blood. Thus they lived as outlawes, 
 oppressing the countrie, (besydes the casting of the earle's lands waist), 
 and openly avowed they had tane this course to gett thir own possessions 
 again, or then hold the country walking." 
 
 When this rising took place, the earl of Moray obtained from Mon- 
 teith and Balquhidder about three hundred armed men, and placing 
 himself at their head he marched through Moray to Inverness. The 
 earl took up his residence in the castle with the earl of Enzie, his brother- 
 in-law, and after the party had passed one night at Inverness, he dis- 
 patched them in quest of the Clan-Chattan, but whether from fear ol 
 meeting them, or because they could not find them, certain it is that 
 the Monteith and Balquhidder men returned without effecting any thing 
 after putting the earl to great expenses. The earl, therefore, sent them 
 back to their respective countries, and went himself to Elgin, where he 
 raised another body of men to suppress the Clan-Chattan, but who were 
 equally unsuccessful in finding them out, although they pretended that 
 they had searched for them through the country. 
 
 These ineffectual attempts against the Clan, served to make them 
 more bold and daring in their outrages ; and as the earl now saw that 
 no force which he could himself bring into the field was sufficient to 
 overawe these marauders, he went to London and laid a statement of 
 the case before King James, who, at his earnest solicitation, granted him 
 a commission, appointing him his lieutenant in the Highlands, and giving 
 him authority to proceed capitally against the offenders. On his return, 
 the earl proclaimed the commission he had obtained from his Majesty, 
 and issued letters of intercommuning against the Clan-Chattan, at the 
 
 * Spalding says, that the party were commanjed by Lauehlan Mackintosh aliat 
 Lauchlan Og, uncle of the young chief, and Lauehlan Mackintosh or Lauehlan 
 Angus-son, eldest son of Angus Mackintosh, alias Angus William, son of Auld Tir- 
 lie. Hist, of the Troubles and memorable Transactions in England and ScotlauiS. 
 Edio. 1829. 
 
( 
 
 HAUSH PROCEEDINGS OF THE EARL OF MORAY. 289 
 
 head burghs of several shires, prohibiting all persons from harbouring 
 supplying, or entertaining them, in any manner of way, under certain 
 severe pains and penalties. Although the Marquis of Huntly was the 
 earl's father-in-law, he felt somewhat indignant at the appointment, as 
 he conceived that he or his son had the best title to be appointed to the 
 lieutenancy of the north ; but he concealed his displeasure. 
 
 After the earl of Moray had issued the notices, prohibiting all persons 
 from communicating with, or assisting, the Clan-Chattan, their kindred 
 and friends, who had privately promised them aid, before they brolie 
 out, began to grow cold, and declined to assist them, as they were 
 apprehensive for their estates, many of them being wealthy. The 
 earl perceiving this, opened a communication with some of the principal 
 persons of the clan, to induce them to submit to his authority, who, 
 seeing no hopes of maldng any longer an effectual resistance, read- 
 ily acquiesced, and, by the intercession of friends, made their peace 
 with the earl, on condition that they should inform him of the names 
 of such persons as had given them protection, after the publication of 
 his letters of interdiction. Having thus quelled this formidable insur- 
 rection, without bloodshed, the earl, by virtue of his commission, held 
 justice courts at Elgin, where " some slight louns, followers of the Clan- 
 Chattan,"' were tried and executed, but all the principals concerned were 
 pardoned. The court was formed in the earl's own name, and in the names 
 of the laird of Innes, the laird of Brodie, Samuel Falconer of Knockorth, 
 and John Hay, commissary of Moray, his depute, and before whom 
 were summoned all such persons as had held any communication with the 
 clan, or harboured or supplied them, every one of whom, it would 
 appear, attended, to avoid the penalty of contumacy, or being put to 
 the horn, a proceeding by which the person refusing to attend was 
 declared a rebel to the king, and his property forfeited for his Ma- 
 jesty's use. 
 
 As the account which Spalding gives of the appearance of the ac 
 cused, and of the base conduct of the principal men of the Clan-Chattan, 
 in informing against their friends and benefactors, is both curious and 
 graphic, it is here inserted : " Then presently was brought in befor the 
 barr; and in the honest men's faces, the Clan-Chattan who had gotten 
 supply, verified what they had gotten, and the honest men confounded 
 and dasht, knew not what to answer, was forced to come m the earles 
 will, whilk was not for their weill : others compeared and wiUmgly con- 
 fessed, trusting to gett more favour at the carle's hands, but they came 
 little speid: and lastly, some stood out and denyed all, who was re- 
 served to the tryall of an assyse. The principall malefactors stood up 
 in judgment, and declared what they had gotten, whetl^er meat, money, 
 cloathing, gun, ball, powder, lead, sword, dirk, and the hke commodities, 
 and alse instructed the assyse in ilk particular, what they had got en 
 frae the persons pannalled ; an uncouth form of probation, wher the 
 principall malefactor proves against the receiptor for h.s own pardon, 
 
290 HISTOHTf OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 and honest men, perhaps neither of the Clan-Chattan's kyne nor blooil, 
 punished for their good will, ignorant of the laws, and rather receipting 
 them more for their evil nor their good. Nevertheless thir innocent 
 men, under collour of justice, part and part as they came in, wore 
 soundly fyned in great soumes as their estates might bear, and some 
 above their estate was fyned, and every one warded within the tolbuith 
 of Eigine, while the least myte was payed of such as was persued in 
 anno 1624."* 
 
 Some idea of the iniquity of the administration of the laws at this 
 time may be formed, when it is considered that the enormous fines im- 
 posed in the present Instance, went into the pockets of the chief judge, 
 the earl of Moray himself, as similar mulcts had previously gone into 
 those of the earl of Argyle, in his crusade against the unfortunate Clan- 
 Gregor I This legal robbery, however, does not appear to have enriched 
 the houses of Argyle and Moray, for Sir Robert Gordon observes, that 
 " these fynes did not much advantage either of these two earles." The 
 earl of Moray, no doubt, thinking such a mode of raising money an easy 
 Eirid profitable speculation, afterwards obtained an enlargement of hia 
 commission from Charles the First, not only against the Clan-Chattan, 
 but also against all other offenders within several adjacent shires ; but 
 the commission was afterwards annulled by his Majesty, not so much on 
 account of the abuses and injustice which might have been perpetrated 
 under it, but because, as Sir Robert Gordon observes, " it grieved divers 
 of his Majesty's best affected subjects, and chieflie the Marquis cf 
 Huntlie, unto whose predicessors onlie the office of livetennendrie in the 
 north of Scotland had bein granted by former kings, for these many 
 ages." 
 
 There seems reason, however, for supposing that the recall of the 
 commission was hastened by complaints to the king, on the part of the op- 
 pressed ; for the earl had no sooner obtained its renewal, than he held a 
 court against the burgh of Inverness. John Grant of Glenmoriston, and 
 others who had refused to acknowledge their connexion with the Clan- 
 Chattan, or to pay him the heavy fines which he had imposed upon them. 
 The town of Inverness endeavoured to get quit of the earl's extortions, 
 on the ground that the inhabitants were innocent of the crimes laid to 
 their charge ; but the earl frustrated their application to the privy 
 council. The provost, Duncan Forbes, was then sent to the king, and 
 Grant of Glenmoriston took a journey to London, at the same time, on 
 his own account ; but their endeavours with the king proved ineffectual, 
 and they had no alternative but to submit to the earl's exactions.f 
 
 The quarrel between the laird of Duffus and John G ordon younger 
 of Embo, which had lain dormant for some time, burst forth again, in 
 the year sixteen hundred and twenty-five, and proved nearly fatal to 
 
 * Hist. pp. 3, and 4. 
 t Vide the petition of Provost Forbes to the king, " in the name of the inhabitants " 
 of Inverness; printed among the Culloden Papers, No. 6, p. 4. 
 
QUARREL BETWEEN DUFFUS AND EMEO THE YOUNGER. 291 
 
 both parties. Gordon had long watched an opportunity for revenging 
 the wrong which he conceived had been done to him by the laird of 
 DuiTus and his brother, James, but he could never fall in with either of 
 them, as they remained in Moray, and, when they appeared in Suther- 
 land, they were always accompanied by some friends, so that Gordon 
 was prevented from attacking them. Frequent disappointments in this 
 way only whetted his appetite for revenge ; and meeting, when on horse- 
 back, one day, between Sidderay and Skibo, with John Sutherland 
 of Clyne, third brother of the laird of Duffus, who was also on 
 horseback, he determined to make the laird of Clyne suffer for 
 the delinquencies of his elder brother. Raising, therefore, a cudgel 
 whicli he held in his hand, he inflicted several blows upon John Suther- 
 land, who, as soon as he recovered himself from the surprise and confu- 
 sion into which such an unexpected attack had thrown him, drew his 
 sword. Gordon, in his turn, unsheathed his, and a warm combat 
 ensued, between the parties and two friends who accompanied tliem. 
 After they had fought a while, Gordon wounded Sutherland in the head 
 and in one of his hands, and otherwise injured him, but he spared his 
 life, although completely in his power. 
 
 The laird of DufFus, and all his friends and retainers, looked upon 
 this attack as highly contemptuous, not so much on account of the 
 personal injury which John Sutherland had sustained, but of the cud- 
 gelling which he had received. Duffus immediately cited John Gordon 
 to appear before the privy council, to answer for this breach of the 
 peace, and, at the same time, summoned before the council some of the 
 earl of Sutherland's friends and dependants, for an alleged conspiracy 
 against himself and his friends. Duffus, with his two brotliers and 
 Gordon, came to Edinburgh on the day appointed, and, the parties 
 being heard before the council, Gordon was declared guilty of a riot, 
 and was thereupon committed to prison. This result gave great satis- 
 faction to Duffus and his brothers, who now calculated on nothing less 
 than the utter ruin of Gordon ; as they had, by means of Sir Donald 
 Mackay, obtained a Strathnaver man, named William Mack- Allen (one 
 of the Siol Thomais), who had been a servant of Gordon's, to become a 
 witness against him, and to prove every thing that Duffus was pleased 
 to allege against Gordon. 
 
 In this situation of matters. Sir Robert Gordon returned from London 
 to Edinburgh, where he found Duffus in high spirits, exulting at his 
 success, and young Embo in prison. Sir Robert applied to Duffus, 
 hoping to bring about a reconciliation by the intervention of friends, 
 which he thought would be readily acceded to by Duffus, who was the 
 original cause of the discord ; and he trusted, at all events, that Duffus 
 would stop his proceedings against the earl of Sutherland's friends and 
 followers. But Duffus refused to hear of any arrangement; and the 
 more reasonable the conditions were, which Sir Robert proposed, the 
 more unreasonable and obstinate did he become; his object being to 
 
292 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 get payment of great sums of money awarded to him against Gordon by 
 the lords, in satisfaction for the wrong done his brother. 
 
 Disappointed in his endeavours to bring about a reconciliation, Sir 
 Robert applied himself, with all the diligence in his power, to get the 
 fine imposed upon Gordon mitigated, and finally succeeded, by the as- 
 sistance of the earl of Enzie, who was then at Edinburgh, in getting the 
 prosecution against the earl of Sutherland's friends quashed, in obtaining 
 the liberation of John Gordon, and in getting his fine mitigated to one 
 hundred pounds Scots, payable to the king only ; reserving, however, 
 civil action to John Sutherland of Clyne against Gordon, before the 
 lords of session.* 
 
 Sir Donald Mackay, always restless, and desirous of gratifying his 
 enmity at the house of Sutherland, endeavoured to embroil it with the 
 laird of DufFus in the following way. Having formed a resolution to leave 
 the kingdom, Sir Donald applied for, and obtained, a license from the 
 king to raise a regiment in the north, to assist Count Mansfield in his 
 campaign in Germany. He, accordingly, collected, in a few months, about 
 three thousand men from different parts of Scotland, the greater part of 
 whom he embarked at Cromarty in the month of October sixteen hundred 
 and twenty-six ; but, on account of bad health, he was obliged to delay 
 bis own departure till the following year, when he joined the king of 
 Sweden with his regiment, in consequence of a peace having been con- 
 cluded between the king of Denmark and the emperor of Germany.-)- 
 Among others whom Mackay had engaged to accompany him to Ger- 
 many, was a person named Angus Roy Gun, against whom, a short time 
 previously to his enlistment, Mackay and his brother, John Mackay of 
 Dirlet, had obtained a commission from the lords of the privy council 
 for the purpose of apprehending him and bringing him before the coun- 
 cil for some supposed crimes. Mackay could have easily apprehended 
 Angus Roy Gun on different occasions, but having become one of his 
 regiment, he allowed the commission, as far as he was concerned, to re- 
 main a dead letter. 
 
 Sometime after his enlistment, Angus Roy Gun made a journey into 
 Sutherland, a circumstance which afforded Mackay an opportunity of 
 putting into execution the scheme he had formed, and which showed that 
 
 * Sir R. Gordon, p. 397, et seq. 
 ■f A considerable number of gentlemen, chiefly from Ross, Sutherland, and Caithness, 
 joined Maciiay, some of whom rose to high rank in the army of Gustavus Adolphus. 
 Among these were Robert Monroe of Foulis, and his brother, Hector ; Thomas Mac- 
 kende, brother of the earl of Seaforth; John Monroe of Obisdell, and his brother Ro- 
 bert; John Monroe of Assynt, and others of that surname; Hugh Ross of Piiesthill; 
 David Ross and Nicolas Ross, sons of Alexander Ross of Invercharron ; Hugh Gdrdon, 
 son of Adam Gordon of Culkour ; John Gordon, son of John Gordon of Garty ; Adam 
 Gordon and John Gordon, sons of Adam Gordon George-son ; Ive Mackay, "William, 
 son of Donald Mackay of Skowry; William Gun, sou of John Gun Rob-son; John Sin- 
 clair, bastard son of the earl of Caithness; Francis Sinclair, son of James Sinclair of 
 Murkle ; John Innes, son of William Innes of Sanset : John Gun, son of William Gun 
 in Golspie-Kirktown; and George Gun, son of Alexander Gun Rob-son. 
 
DECEITFUL CONDUCT OF SIR DONALD MACKA\. 293 
 
 lis 
 
 he was no mean adept in the arts of cunning and dissimulation. His 
 plan was this : — He wrote, in the first place, private letters to the laird 
 of Duffus, and to his brother, John Sutherland of Clyne, to apprehend 
 Angus Roy Gun under the commission Jie had obtained; and at the same 
 time, sent the commission itself to the laird of Duffus as his authority 
 for so doing. He next wrote a letter to Alexander Gordon, the earl of 
 Sutherland's uncle, who, in the absence of his brother, Sir Robert, go- 
 verned Sutherland, entreating him, as Angus Roy Gun was then in Su- 
 therland, to send him to him to Cromarty, as he was his hired soldier. 
 Ignorant of Mackay's design, and desirous of serving him. Sir Alex- 
 ander sent two of his men to bring Gun to Sir Alexander ; but on 
 their return they were met by John Sutherland of Clyne and a party 
 of sixteen men who seized Gun ; and to prevent a rescue, the laird of 
 DufFus sent his brother, James Sutherland, Alexander Murray, heir- 
 apparent of Aberscors, and William Neill-son, chief of the Sliochd-laiii- 
 Abaraich, with three hundred men to protect his brother John. And as 
 he anticipated an attack from Sir Alexander Gordon, he sent messen- 
 gers to his supporters in Ross, Strathnaver, Caithness, and other places 
 
 for assistance. 
 
 When Sir Alexander Gordon heard of the assembling of such a body 
 
 of the earl of Sutherland's vassals without his knowledge, he made 
 inquiry to ascertain the cause of such a proceeding ; and being in- 
 formed of Gun's capture, he collected eighteen men who were near at 
 hand, and hastened with them from Dunrobin towards Clyne. On ar- 
 riving at the bridge of Broray, he found James Sutherland, and his 
 brother, John, and their whole party drawn up in battle array at the 
 east end of the bridge. He, thereupon, sent a person to the Sutherland^ 
 to know the cause of such an assemblage, and the reason why they had 
 taken Gun from his servants. The bearer of the message was also 
 
 ' instructed to say, that if they pretended to act under a commission, he, 
 Sir Alexander, would, on their producing it, not only desist from all 
 proceedings against them, but would assist them in fulfilling the com- 
 mission ; but, that if they held no such commission, he would not allow 
 any man to be apprehended in Sutherland, and particularly by the earl of 
 Sutherland's vassals, without his permission,— and that failing production 
 of any commission, he would insist upon their immediately delivering 
 up Gun into his hands. As the Sutherlands refused to exhibit their 
 authority, Sir Alexander made demonstrations for passing the bridge, but 
 he was met by a shower of shot and arrows which wounded two of his men. 
 After exchanging shots for some time. Sir Alexander was jomed by a con- 
 siderable body of his countrymen, by whose aid, notwithstanding the re- 
 distance he met with he was enabled to cross the bridge. T^.e Suther- 
 lands were forced to retreat, and as they saw no chance of opposing, 
 l^ith success, the power of the house of Sutherland they, after some 
 kours consultation, delivered up Angus Roy Gun to Sir Alexander Su- 
 therland, who sent him immediately to Mackay then at Cromarty. 
 
 k 
 
294 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 As such an example of insubordination among the earl of Sutiier- 
 land's vassals might, if overlooked, lead others to follow a similar course, 
 Sir Alexander caused the laird of Duffus and his brother of Clyne, with 
 their accomplices, to be cited t^ appear at Edinburgh on the sixteenth 
 day of November following, to answer before the privy council for their 
 misdemeanours. The laird of DuiFus, however, died in the month of 
 October, but the laird of Clyne appeared at Edinburgh at the time ap- 
 pointed, and produced before the privy council the letter he had received 
 from Mackay as his authority for acting as he had done. Sir Alexander 
 Gordon also produced the letter sent to him by Sir Donald, who was 
 thereby convicted of having been the intentional originator of the diifer- 
 ence ; but as the lords of the council thought that the laird of Clyne 
 had exceeded the bounds of his commission, he was imprisoned in the 
 jail of Edinburgh, wherein he was ordered to remain until he should 
 give satisfaction to the other party, and present some of his men who 
 had failed to appear though summoned. By the mediation, however, of 
 James Sutherland, tutor of Duffus, a reconciliation was effected between 
 Sir Robert and Sir Alexander Gordon, and the laird of Clyne, who was, 
 in consequence, soon thereafter liberated from prison.* 
 
 The year sixteen hundred and twenty-eight was distinguished by the 
 breaking out of an old and deadly feud among the Grants, which had been 
 transmitted from father to son for several generations, in consequence of 
 the murder of John Grant of Balindalloch, about the middle of the six- 
 teenth century, by John Roy Grant of Carron, the natural son of John 
 Grant of Glenmoriston, at the instigation of the laird of Grant, the 
 chief of the tribe, who had conceived a grudge against his kinsman. 
 Some years before the period first mentioned, James Grant, one of 
 the Carron family, happening to be at a fair in the town of Elgin, ob- 
 served one of the Grants of the Balindalloch family eagerly pursuing 
 his brother, Thomas Grant, whom he knocked down in the street and 
 wounded openly before his eyes. The assailant was, in his turn, attacked 
 by James Grant, who killed him upon the spot and thereupon decamped. 
 Balindalloch then cited James Grant to stand trial for the slaughter 
 of his kinsman, but, as he did not appear on the day appointed, he was 
 outlawed. The laird of Grant made many attempts to reconcile the 
 parties, but in vain, as Balindalloch was obstinate and would listen to 
 no proposals. An offer was made that James Grant should go into ba- 
 nishment, and that compensation should be made in money and goods 
 according to the usual practice, but nothing less than the blood of James 
 Grant would satisfy Balindalloch. 
 
 This resolution on the part of Balindalloch almost drove James Grant 
 to despair, and seeing his life every moment in jeopardy, and deprived 
 of any hope of effecting a compromise, he put himself at the head of a 
 party of brigands, whom he collected from all parts of the Highlands. 
 
 Sir R. Gordon, p. 401. et seq. 
 
FEUD AMONG THE GRANTS. 295 
 
 These freebooters made no distinction between friends and foes, but 
 attacked all persons of whatever description, and wasted and despoiled 
 their property. James Grant of Dalnebo, one of the family of Balin- 
 dalloch, fell a victim to their fury, and many of the kinsmen of that 
 family, suffered greatly from the depredations committed by Grant and 
 his associates. The earl of Moray, under the renewed and extended 
 commission which he had obtained from King Charles, made various 
 attempts to put an end to these lawless proceedings, but to no purpose ; 
 the failure of these attempts served only to harden James Grant and his 
 party, who continued their depredations. As John Grant of Carron, 
 nephew of James Grant, was supposed to maintain and assist his uncle 
 secretly, a suspicion for which there seems to have been no foundation, 
 John Grant of Balindalloch sought for an opportunity of revenging 
 himself upon Carron, who was a promising young man. Carron having 
 one day left his house along with one Alexander Grant and seven or eight 
 other persons to cut down some timber in the woods of Abernethie ; 
 Balindalloch, thinking the occasion favourable for putting his design 
 into execution, collected sixteen of his friends, and having armed them, 
 went to the forest where Carron was, and, under the pretence of search- 
 ing for James Grant and some of his associates against whom he had a 
 commission, attacked Carron, who fought manfully in defence of his life, 
 but being overpowered, he was killed by Balindalloch. Before Carron 
 fell, however, he and Alexander Grant had slain several of Balindal- 
 loch's friends, among whom were Thomas Grant of Davey and Lauch- 
 lan Mackintosh of Rockinoyr. Alexander Grant afterwards annoyed 
 Balindalloch and killed several of his men, and assisted James Grant to 
 lay waste Balindallooh's lands. " Give me leave heir (says Sir R. Gor- 
 don), to remark the providence and secrait judgement of the Almightie 
 God, who now hath mett Carron with the same measure that his fore- 
 father, John Roy Grant of Carron, did serve the ancestour of Ballen- 
 dallogh ; for upon the same, day of the moneth that John Roy Grant 
 did kill the great grandfather of Ballendalloch (being the eleventh day 
 of September), the verie same day of this month wes Carron slain by 
 this John Grant of Ballendallogh many yeirs thereafter. And, besides, 
 as that John Roy Grant of Carron was left-handed, so is this John 
 Grant of Ballendallogh left-handed also ; and moreover, it is to be ob- 
 served that Ballendallogh, at the killing of this Carron, had upon him 
 the same coat-of-armour, or maiUie-coat, which John Roy Grant had 
 upon him at the slaughter of the great-grandfather of this Ballendal- 
 logh, which maiUie-coat Ballendallogh had, a little befor this tyme, 
 taken from James Grant, in a skirmish that passed betwixt them. Thus 
 wee doe sie that the judgements of God are inscrutable, and that, m 
 his own tyme, he punisheth blood by blood." * 
 
 The earl of Moray when he heard of this occurrence, instead of 
 
 • Hisi. p. 416. 
 
 2p 
 
296 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 taking measures against Balindalloch for this outrage against the laws, 
 which he was fully entitled to do by virtue of the commission he iield, 
 took part with Balindalloch against the friends of Carron. He not only 
 represented Balindallooh's case favourably at court, but also obtained an 
 indemnity for him for some years, that he might not be molested. The 
 countenance thus given by his majesty's lieutenant to the murderer of 
 their kinsmen, exasperated James and Alexander Grant in the highest 
 degree against Balindalloch and his supporters, whom they continually 
 annoyed with their incursions, laying waste their lands and possessions, 
 and cutting off their people. To such an extent was this system of lawless 
 warfare carried, that Balindalloch was forced to flee from the north of 
 Scotland, and to live for the most part in Edinburgh to avoid the dangers 
 with which he was surrounded. But James Grant's desperate career 
 was checked by a party of the Clan-Chattan, who unexpectedly attack- 
 ed him at Auchnachyle in Strathdoun, under cloud of night, in the latter 
 end of the month of December, sixteen hundred and thirty, when he 
 was taken prisoner after receiving eleven wounds, and after four of his 
 party were killed. He was sent by his captors to Edinburgti for trial 
 before the lords of the council, and was imprisoned in the ca-^tle of 
 Edinburgh, from which he escaped in the manner to be noticed in the 
 sequel. 
 
 About the time that James Grant was desolating the district of the 
 Highlands, to which his operations were confined, another part of the 
 country was convulsed by a dispute which occurred between James Crich- 
 ton of Frendret, or Frendraught, and William Gordon of Rothiemay, 
 which ended in tragical consequences. These two gentlemen were near 
 neighbours, and their lands lay adjacent to each other. Part of Gordon's 
 lands which marched with those of Crichton, were purchased by the lat- 
 ter ; but a dispute having occurred about the right to the salmon fishings 
 belonging to these lands, an irreconcilable difference arose between them, 
 which no interference of friends could reconcile, although the matter in 
 dispute was of little moment. The parties having had recourse to the 
 law to settle their respective claims, Crichton prevailed, and succeeded in 
 getting Gordon denounced rebel. He had previously treated Rothiemay 
 very harshly, who, stung by the severity of his opponent, and by the 
 victory he had obtained over him, would listen to no proposals of peace, 
 nor follow the advice of his best friends. Determined to set the law at 
 defiance, he collected a number of loose and disorderly characters, and 
 annoyed Frendraught, who, in consequence, applied for, and obtained a 
 commission from the privy council for apprehending Rothiemay and his 
 associates. In the execution of this task, he was assisted by Sir George 
 Ogilvy of Banff, George Gordon, brother-german of Sir James Gordon 
 of Lesmoir, and the uncle of Frendraught, James Leslie, second son of 
 Leslie of Pitcaple, John Meldrum of Reidhill, and others. Accompa- 
 nied by these gentlemen, Crichton left his house of Frendraught on the 
 first day of January, sixteen hundred and thirty, for the house of Ro- 
 
CONFLICT BETWEEN ROTHIEMAY AND FRENDRAUGHT. 297 
 
 thiemay, with a resolution either to apprehend Gordon, his antagonist, 
 or to set him at defiance by affronting him. He was incited the more 
 to follow this course, as young Rothiemay, at the head of a party, had 
 come a short time before to the very doors of Frendraught, and had 
 braved him to his face. When Rothiemay heard of the advance of 
 Frendraught, he left his house, accompanied by his eldest son, John 
 Gordon, and about eight men on horseback armed with guns and lances, 
 and a party of men on foot with muskets, and crossing the river De- 
 veron, he went forward to meet Frendraught and his party. A sharp 
 conflict immediately took place, in which Rothiemay's horse was killed 
 under him, who being unprovided with another, fought manfully, for 
 some time, on foot, until the whole of his party, with the exception of his 
 son, were forced to retire. The son, notwithstanding, continued to sup- 
 port his father against fearful odds, but was, at last, obliged to save him- 
 self by flight, leaving his father lying on the field covered with wounds, 
 and supposed to be dead. He, however, was found still alive after the 
 conflict was over, and being carried home to his house died within three 
 days thereafter. George Gordon, brother of Gordon of Lesmoir, re- 
 ceived a shot in the thigh, and died in consequence, ten days after the 
 skirmish. These were the only deaths which occurred, although several 
 of the combatants, on both sides, were wounded. John Meldrum, who 
 fought on Fendraught's side, was the only person severely wounded. 
 
 The marquis of Huntly was highly displeased at Frendraught, for 
 having, in such a trifling matter, proceeded to extremities against his 
 kinsman, a chief baron of his surname, whose life had been thus sacri- 
 ficed in a petty quarrel. The displeasure of the marquis was still far- 
 ther heightened, when he was informed that Frendraught had joined the 
 earl of Moray, and had craved his protection and assistance ; but the 
 marquis was obliged to repress his indignation. John Gordon of Ro- 
 thiemay, eldest son of the deceased laird, resolved to avenge the death 
 of his father, and having collected a party of men, he associated him- 
 self with James Grant and other free-booters, for the purpose of laying 
 waste Frendraught's lands, and oppressing him in every possible way. 
 Frendraught, who was in the south of Scotland when this combination 
 against him was formed, no sooner heard of it than he posted to Eng- 
 land, and, having laid a statement of the case before the king, his ma- 
 jesty remitted the matter to the privy council of Scotland, desiring them 
 to use their best endeavours for settling the peace of the northern parts 
 of the kingdom. A commission was thereupon granted by the lords 
 of the council to Frendraught and others, for the purpose of apprehend- 
 ing John Gordon and his associates ; but, as the commissioners were not 
 able to execute the task imposed upon them, the lords of the council 
 sent Sir Robert Gordon, tutor of Sutherland, who had just returned 
 from England, and Sir William Seaton of KiUesmuir to the north with 
 a new commission against the rebels, and, as it seemed to be entirely out 
 
'i96 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 of the power of the earl of Moray to quell the disturbances in the north, 
 they gave the two commissioners particular instructions to attempt, 
 with the aid of the marquis of Huntly, to get matters settled amicably, 
 and the opposing parties reconciled. The lords of the council, at the 
 same time, wrote a letter to the marquis of Huntly to the same 
 effect. Sir Robert Gordon and Sir William Seaton accordingly left 
 Edinburgh on their way north, in the beginning of May, sixteen hun- 
 dred and thirty. The latter stopt at Aberdeen for the purpose of con- 
 sulting with some gentlemen of that shire, as to the best mode of pro- 
 ceeding against the rebels ; and the former went to Strathbogie to ad- 
 vise with the marquis of Huntly. 
 
 On Sir Robert's arrival at Strathbogie, he found that the marquis had 
 gone to Aberdeen to attend the funeral of the laird of Drum. By a 
 singular coincidence, James Grant and Alexander Grant descended the 
 very day of Sir Robert's arrival at Strathbogie from the mountains, at 
 the head of a party of two hundred Highlanders well armed, with a 
 resolution to burn and lay waste Frendraught's lands. As soon as Sir 
 Robert became aware of this circumstance, he went in great haste to 
 Rothiemay-house, where he found John Gordon and his associates in 
 arms ready to set put to join the Grants. By persuasion and entreat- 
 ies, Sir Robert, assisted by his nephew, the earl of Sutherland, and 
 his brother. Sir Alexander Gordon, who were then at Frendraught, on 
 a visit to the lady of that place, who was a sister of the earl, prevailed 
 not only upon John Gordon and his friends to desist, but also upon 
 James Grant and his companions-in-arms, to disperse. 
 
 On the return of the marquis of Huntly to Strathbogie, Rothiemay 
 and Frendraught were both induced to meet them in presence of the 
 marquis. Sir Robert Gordon and Sir William Seaton, who, after much 
 entreaty, prevailed upon them to reconcile their differences, and sub- 
 mit all matters in dispute to their arbitrament. A decree arbitral was, 
 accordingly pronounced, by which the arbiters adjudged that the laird 
 of Rothiemay, and the children of George Gordon, should mutually 
 remit their father's slaughter, and, in satisfaction thereof, they decerned 
 that the laird of Frendraught should pay a certain sum of money to the 
 laird of Rothiemay, for relief of the debts which he had contracted dur- 
 ing the disturbances between the two families,* and that he should pay 
 some money to the children of George Gordon. Frendraught fulfilled 
 these conditions most willingly, and the parties shook hands together 
 in the orchard of Strathbogie, in token of a hearty and sincere reconci- 
 liation, -f- 
 
 The laird of Frendraught had scarcely reconciled himself with Rothie- 
 may, when he got into another dispute with the laird of Pitcaple, the 
 
 * Spalding says that Frendraught was " ordained to pay to the lady, relict of Rothie- 
 may, and the bairns, fiftie thousand merks, in composition of the slaughter." — P. 6. 
 t Sir R. Gordon, p. 416, et seej. Spalding, p. 5. 
 
CONFEDKUACK OP THE LESLIES AGAINST FRENDBAUGHT. 299 
 
 occasion of which was as follows :— John Meldrum of Reidhill had as- 
 sisted Frendraught in his quarrel with old Rothiemay, and had received 
 a wound in the skirmish, in which the latter lost his life, for which in- 
 jury Frendraught had allowed him some compensation ; but, conceiving 
 that his services had not been fairly requited, he began to abuse Fren- 
 draught, and threatened to compel him to give him a greater recompense 
 than he had yet received. As Frendraught refused to comply with his 
 demands, Meldrum entered the park of Frendraught privately in the night- 
 time, and carried away two horses belonging to his pretended debtor. 
 Frendraught, thereupon, prosecuted Meldrum for theft, but he declined 
 to appear in court, and was consequently declared rebel. Fren- 
 draught then obtained a commission, from the lords of the privy coun- 
 cil, to apprehend Meldrum, who took refuge with John Leslie of 
 Pitcaple, whose sister he had married. Under the commission which 
 he had procured, Frendraught went in quest of Meldrum, on the 
 twenty-seventh day of September, sixteen hundred and thirty. He 
 proceeded to Pitcaple's lands, on which he knew Meldrum then lived, 
 where he met James Leslie, second son of the laird of Pitcaple, 
 who had been with him at the skirmish of Rothiemay. Leslie 
 then began to expostulate with him in behalf of Meldrum, his bro- 
 ther-in-law, who, on account of the aid he had given him in his dis- 
 pute with Rothiemay, took Leslie's remonstrances in good part ; but 
 Robert Crichton of Couland, a kinsman of Frendraught, grew so 
 warm at Leslie's freedom, that from high words they proceeded to 
 blows. Couland then drawing a pistol from his belt, shot at and 
 wounded Leslie in the arm, who was, thereupon, carried home apparent- 
 ly in a dying state. 
 
 This affair was the signal for a confederacy among the Leslies, the 
 greater part of whom took up arms against Frendraught, who, a few days 
 after the occurrence, viz. on the fifth of October, first went to the marquis 
 of Huntly, and afterwards to the earl of Moray, to express the regret he 
 felt at what had taken place, and to beg their kindly interference to 
 bring matters to an amicable accommodation. The earl of Moray, for 
 some reason or other, declined to interfere; but the marquis undertook 
 to mediate between the parties. Accordingly, he sent for the laird of 
 Pitcaple to come to the Bog of Gight to confer with him ; but, before 
 setting out, he mounted and equipped about thirty horsemen, in conse- 
 quence of information he had received that Frendraught was at the Bog. 
 At the meeting with the marquis, Pitcaple complained heavily of the 
 injury his son had sustained, and avowed, rather rashly, that he would 
 revenge himself before he returned home, and that, at all events, he 
 would listen to no proposals for a reconciliation till it should be ascer- 
 tained whether his son would survive the wound he had received. The 
 marquis insisted that Frendraught had done him no wrong, and endea- 
 voured to dissuade him from putting his threat into execution ; but Pit- 
 caple was so displeased at the marquis for thus expressing himself, that 
 
300 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 he suddenly mounted his horse and set off, leaving Frendraught behind 
 him. The marquis, afraid of the consequences, detained Frendraught 
 two days with him in the Bog of Gight, and, hearing that the Leslies 
 had assembled, and lay in wait for Frendraught watching his return 
 home, the marquis sent his son John, viscount of Aboyne, and the laird 
 of Rothiemay along with him, to protect and defend him if necessary 
 They arrived at Frendraught without interruption, and being solicited to 
 remain all night they yielded, and, after partaking of a hearty supper, 
 went to bed in the apartments provided for them. 
 
 The sleeping apartment of the viscount was in the old tower of Fren- 
 draught, leading off from the hall. Immediately below this apartment 
 was a vault, in the bottom of which was a round hole of considerable 
 depth. Robert Gordon, a servant of the viscount, and his page, English 
 Will, as he was called, also slept in the same chamber. The laird of Ro- 
 thiemay, with some servants, were put into an upper chamber immediately 
 above that in which the viscount slept ; and in another apartment, di- 
 rectly over the latter, were laid George Chalmer of Noth, Captain Rol- 
 lock, one of Frendraught's party, and George Gordon, another of the 
 viscount's servants. About midnight the whole of the tower almost in- 
 stantaneously took fire, and so suddenly and furiously did the flames 
 consume the edifice, that the viscount, the laird of Rothiemay, English 
 Will, Colonel Ivat, one of Aboyne's friends, and two other persons, 
 perished in the flames. Robert Gordon, called Sutherland Gordon, 
 from having been born in that country, who lay in the viscount's cham- 
 ber, escaped from the flames, as did George Chalmer and Captain Rol- 
 lock, who were in the third floor ; and it is said that Lord Aboyne might 
 have saved himself also, had he not, instead of going out of doors, 
 which he refused to do, ran suddenly up stairs to Rothiemay 's chamber 
 for the purpose of awakening him. While so engaged, the stair-case 
 and ceiling of Rothiemay 's apartment hastily took fire, and, being pre- 
 vented from descending by the flames, which filled the stair-case, they 
 ran from window to window of the apartment piteously and unavailingly 
 exclaiming for help. 
 
 The news of this calamitous event spread speedily throughout the 
 kingdom, and the fate of the unfortunate sufferers was deeply deplored. 
 Many conjectures were formed as to the cause of the conflagration. 
 Some persons laid the blame on Frendraught without the least reason ; 
 for, besides the improbability of the thing, Frendraught himself was a 
 considerable loser, having lost not only a large quantity of silver plate 
 and coin, but also the title deeds of his property and other necessary 
 papers, which were all consumed. Others ascribed the fire to some 
 accidental cause; but the greater number suspected the Leslies and 
 their adherents, who were then so enraged at Frendraught that they 
 threatened to burn the house of Frendraught, and had even entered 
 into a negotiation to that effect with James Grant the rebel, who was 
 Pitcaple's cousin-german, for his assistance, as was proved before the 
 
DEPREDATIONS OF JAMES GRANT. 301 
 
 lords of the privy council, against John Meldrum and Alexander Leslie, 
 Pitcaple's brother, by two of James Grant's men, who were apprehended 
 at Inverness and sent to the lords of the council, by Sir Robert Gordon, 
 sheriff of Sutherland.* 
 
 The marquis of Huntly, who suspected Frendraught to be the author 
 of the fire, afterwards went to Edinburgh and laid a statement of the case 
 before the privy council, who, thereupon, issued a commission to the 
 bishops of Aberdeen and Moray, Lord Carnegie, and Crowner Bruce, 
 to investigate the circumstances which led to the catastrophe. The 
 commissioners accordingly went to Frendraught on the thirteenth day of 
 April, sixteen hundred and thirty-one, where they were met by the 
 Lords Gordon, Ogilvie, and Deskford, and several barons and gentle- 
 men, along with whom they examined the burnt tower and vaults be- 
 low, with the adjoining premises, to ascertain, if possible, how the fire 
 had originated. After a minute inspection, they came to the deliberate 
 opinion, which they communicated in writing to the council, that the 
 fire could not have been accidental, and that it must either have been 
 occasioned by some engine from without, which was highly improbable, 
 or raised intentionally within the vaults or chambers of the tower.-j- 
 
 During James Grant's confinement within the castle of Edinburgh the 
 north was comparatively quiet. On the night of the fifteenth of October, 
 sixteen hundred' and thirty-two, he, however, effected his escape from 
 the castle by descending on the west side by means of ropes furnished 
 to him by his wife or son, and fled to Ireland, Proclamations were 
 immediately posted throughout the whole kingdom, offering large sums 
 for his apprehension, either dead or alive, but to no purpose. His wife 
 was taken into custody by order of the marquis of Huntly, while drink- 
 ing in his gardener's house in the Bog, on suspicion of having aided her 
 husband in effecting his escape ; and by desire of the privy council, 
 who were made acquainted by the marquis of her arrest, she was sent 
 - to Aberdeen to be there tried by the bishops of Aberdeen and Brechin, 
 as the council had appointed. After undergoing an examination, in 
 which she admitted nothing which could in the least degree criminate 
 her, she was set at liberty .:j; 
 
 James Grant did not remain long in Ireland, and returned again to the 
 north, where he concealed himself for some time, only occasionally skulk- 
 ing here and there in such a private manner, that his enemies were not 
 aware of his presence. By degrees he grew bolder, and at last appeared 
 openly in Strathdoun and on Speyside. His wife, who was far advanced 
 in pregnancy, had taken a small house in Carron, belonging to theietts-o'f 
 her husband's nephew, in which she meant to reside till her accouchement, 
 and in which she was occasionally visited by her husband. Balindalloch 
 hearing of this, hired a person named Patrick Macgregor, an outlaw, to 
 apprehend James Grant. This employment was considered by Mac- 
 
 • Sir R. Gordon, p. 241.— Spalding, p. 6, et. seq. t IWd. p. H. 
 
 i Ibid. p. 14.. 
 
iW2 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 gregor and his party a piece of acceptable service, as they expected, in 
 the event of Grant's apprehension, to obtain pardon for their offences 
 from the lords of the council. Macgregor, therefore, at the head of a 
 party of men, lay in wait for James Grant near Carron, and, on 
 observing him enter his wife's house, along with his bastard son and 
 another man, at night, they immediately surrounded the house and at- 
 tempted to force an entry. Grant perceiving the danger he was in, 
 acted with great coolness and determination. Having fastened the door 
 as firmly as he could, he and his two companions went to two windows, 
 from which they discharged a volley of arrows upon their assailants, 
 who all shrunk back, and none would venture near the door, except 
 Macgregor himself, who came boldly forward and endeavoured to force 
 it; but he paid dearly for his rashness, for Grant, immediately laying 
 hold of a musket, shot him through both his thighs, when he instantly 
 fell to the ground and soon thereafter expired. In the confusion which 
 this occurrence occasioned among Macgregor's party, Grant and his 
 two associates escaped. 
 
 Shortly after this event, James Grant apprehended his cousin, John 
 Grant of Balindalloch, by the following stratagem : — On the night of 
 Sunday, the seventeenth of December, sixteen hundred and thirty, 
 while ]3alindalloch was at supper in his own house, Elspet Innes, wife 
 of James Grant, entered the house, and whispered a few words in 
 Balindalloch's ear. After supper was over he rose from table, and, put- 
 ting his wife's plaid about him, he left the house with his sword and 
 target in his hand, and forbade any person to follow him. His wife, how- 
 ever, went out after him, along with James Grant's wife, to the mill of 
 Petchass, the place of assignation. On arriving there, James Grant, on 
 a watchword being given by his wife, came out of the mill, shook 
 hands with Balindalloch, and saluted his wife in a friendly manner; 
 but this greeting was scarcely over, when a party of twelve men, 
 whom James Grant had concealed, rushed out of the mill, and, seizing 
 Balindalloch and his wife, carried them to Culquholy, three miles from 
 Petchass. After remaining a short time there, they released Balindal- 
 loch's wife, who returned home with a sorrowful heart ; and after 
 mufflmg Ballindalloch's face and chaining him to one of the party, they 
 crossed and recrossed different rivulets, that he might not have any 
 idea of the place of their retreat, or whither they were conduct- 
 ing him. At last they arrived at Thomas Grant's house at Dandeis, 
 about three miles from Elgin, on the high road between that town and 
 the Spey, where they took up their lodging and unloosed the shackles 
 from Balindalloch's arm. James Grant ordered him to be watched 
 strictly, whether sleeping or waking, by two strong men on each side oJ 
 him. Balindalloch complained of foul play, but James Grant excused 
 himself for acting as he had done for two reasons ; 1st, Because BaHn- 
 dalloch had failed to perform a promise he had made to obtain a remis- 
 
ESCAPE OF GRANT OF BALINDALLOCH. 303 
 
 sion for him before the preceding l^amraas ; and, 2dly, That he had en- 
 tered into a treaty with the Clan-Gregor to deprive him of his life. 
 
 Balindalloch was kept in durance vile for twenty days in a kiln near 
 Thomas Grant's house, suffering the greatest privations, without fire 
 light, or bed-clothes, in the dead of winter, and without knowing where 
 he was. He was closely watched night and day by Leonard Leslie, son- 
 in-law of Robert Grant, brother of James Grant, and a strong athletic 
 man, named M'Grimmon, who would not allow him to leave the kiln 
 for a moment even to perform the necessities of nature. On Christmas, 
 James Grant, and his party, having gone on some excursion, leaving 
 Leslie and M'Grimmon behind them, Balindalloch, worn out by fa- 
 tigue, and almost perishing from cold and hunger, addressed Leslie in a 
 low tone of voice, lamenting his miserable situation, and imploring him 
 to aid him iu effecting his escape, and promising, in the event of success, 
 to reward him handsomely. Leslie, tempted by the offer, acceded to 
 Balindalloch's request, and made him acquainted with the place of his 
 confinement. It was then arranged that Balindalloch, under the pre- 
 tence of stretching his arms, should disengage .the arm which Leslie 
 held, and that, having so disentangled that arm, he sjiould, by another 
 attempt, get his other arm out of M'Grimmon's grasp. The morning 
 of Sunday, the twenty-eighth day of December, was fixed upon for 
 putting the stratagem into execution. The plan succeeded, and as soon 
 as Balindalloch found his arms at liberty, he suddenly sprung to his feet 
 and made for the door of the kiln. Leslie immediately followed him, 
 pretending to catch him, and as M'Grimmon was hard upon his heels, 
 Leslie purposely stumbled in his way and brought M'Grimmon down 
 to the ground. This stratagem enabled Balindalloch to gain a-head of 
 his pursuers, and although M'Grimmon sounded the alarm and the 
 pursuit wais continued by Robert Grant and a party of James Grant's 
 followers, Balindalloch succeeded in reaching the village of Urquhart 
 in safety, accompanied by Leonard Leslie. 
 
 Sometime after his escape, Balindalloch applied for and obtained a 
 warrant for the apprehension of Thomas Grant, and others, for harbour- 
 ing James Grant. Thomas Grant, and some of his accomplices, were 
 accordingly seized and sent to Edinburgh, where they were tried and 
 convicted. Grant weis hanged, and the others were banished from Scot- 
 land for life. 
 
 After Balindalloch's escape, James Grant kept remarkably quiet, as 
 many persons lay in wait for him ; but hearing that Thomas Grant, bro- 
 ther of Patrick Grant of Culquhoche, and a friend of Balindalloch, had 
 received a sum of money from the^earl of Moray, as an encouragement 
 to seek out and slay James Grant, the latter resolved to murder Thomas 
 Grant and thus relieve himself of one enemy at least. He therefore 
 went to Thomas' house, but not finding him at home, he killed sixteen cif 
 his cattle ; and afterwards learning that Thomas Grant was sleeping at 
 the house of a friend hard by, he entered that house and found Thomas 
 (. 2 tt 
 
304 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 Grant, and a bastard brother of his, both in bed. Having forced them out 
 of bed, he took them outside of the house and put them immediateiy 
 to death. A few days after the commission of this crime, Grant and 
 four of his associates went to the lands of Strathbogie, and entered the 
 house of the common executioner craving some food, without being aware 
 of the profession of the host whose hospitality they solicited. The execu- 
 tioner, disliking the appearance of Grant and his companions, went to 
 James (iordon, the bailie of Strathbogie, and informed him that there 
 were some suspicious looking persons in his house. Judging that these 
 could be none other but Grant and his comrades, Gordon immediately 
 collected some well armed horsemen and foot, and surrounded the house 
 in which Grant was ; but he successfully resisted all their attempts to 
 enter the house, and killed a servant of the marquis of Huntly, named 
 Adam Rhind, and another of the name of Anderson. After keeping 
 them at bay for a considerable time, Grant and his brother, Robert, ef- 
 fected their escape from the house, but a bastard son of James Grant, 
 John Forbes, an intimate associate, and another person, were taken pri- 
 soners, and carried to Edinburgh, where they were executed, along with 
 a notorious thief, named Gille-Roy-Mac-Gregor. This occurrence took 
 place in the year sixteen hundred and thirty-six. The laird of Grant 
 had, during the previous year, been ordained by the council to appre- 
 hend James Grant, or to make him leave the kingdom ; and they had 
 obliged him to find caution and surety, in terms of the general bond 
 appointed by law to be taken from all the heads of clans, and from all 
 governors of provinces in the kingdom, but chiefly in the west and 
 north of Scotland ; but the laird could neither perform the one nor the 
 other.* 
 
 Amongst the freebooters who about this period infested Lochaber, was 
 a party of the Clan-Lauchlan, wlio carried on a system of depreda- 
 tion and plunder which extended even to tlie lowlands. In the year 
 sixteen hundred and thirty-three, Alexander Gordon of Dunkyntie, 
 nephew of the marquis of Huntly, and his eldest son, while hunting 
 with a small party, at the head of Strathdoun, fell in with some of these 
 outlaws driving away some cattle which they had stolen. They endea- 
 voured to rescue the prey, but Dunkyntie and his son were both killed 
 in the attempt. Some of the clan were, however, afterwards appre- 
 hended, and suffered the last penalty of the law for this aggression. 
 The clan continued their spoliations notwithstanding, and during 
 the following year they descended into the lowlands as far as the 
 lands of the laird of Eggell, at the head of the Mearns, whence, after 
 killing some of his servants, they carried off some cattle, which they 
 drove away to the Braes of Mar. On perceiving their approach, the 
 Farquharsons of Braemar collected together and attacked them ; but 
 
 *Continuaticn of the History of tlie Eails of Sutlierland, collected together by Gil- 
 bert Gordon of Sallagh, annexed to Sir R. Gordon's work, p. 4C0. Spalding, p. lit 
 42. 
 
DISPUTE BETWEEN SUTHERLAND AND LORN. 305 
 
 after a short skirmish, in which some lives were lost on both sides, the 
 Farquharsons, owing to the comparative inferioritj' of their numbers, 
 were forced to desist, and to allow the Clan-Lauchlan to carry off their 
 booty. As soon as the lords of the council received notice of these law- 
 less proceedings, they summoned Alain Mac-Dhonuill-Dubh, chief of the 
 Clan-Cameron in Lochaber, to appear at Edinburgh, to answer for not 
 preventing them. Allan obeyed the summons, and both he and his eld- 
 est son were imprisoned until the Clan-Lauchlan should be brought to 
 justice : but they were afterwards released on giving surety to preserve 
 the peace in Lochaber.* 
 
 By the judicious management of the affairs of the house of Suther- 
 land by Sir Robert Gordon, his nephew, the earl, on entering upon the 
 management of his own affairs, found the hostility of the enemy of his 
 family either neutralized, or rendered no longer dangerous ; but, in the 
 year sixteen hundred and thirty-three, be found himself involved in a 
 quarrel with Lord Lorn, eldest son of the earl of Argyle, who had man- 
 aged the affairs of his family during his father's banishment from Scot- 
 land. This dispute arose out of the following circumstances: — 
 
 In consequence of a quarrel between Lord Berridale, who now acted as 
 sole administrator of his father's estates, and William Mac-Iver, chief- 
 tain of the Siol-Mhic-Imheair, in Caithness, the former removed the 
 latter from the lands and possessions he held of him in Caithness. 
 Mac-Iver thereupon retired into Argyle, and assuming the surname 
 of Campbell, as being originally an Argyle man, sought the favour 
 and protection of Lord Lorn. His claim to be considered a Campbell 
 weighed powerfully with his lordship, who wrote several letters to 
 Lord Berridale in his favour, as well as to Lord Gordon, the earl of 
 Sutherland, and Sir Robert Gordon, to intercede for Mac-Iver with 
 Lord Berridale. They, accordingly, applied to Lord Berridale, but 
 without success, as his lordship was as inflexible as Mac Iver was un 
 reasonable in his demands. Seeing no hopes of an accommodation, 
 Mac-Iver collected a party of rebels and outlaws, to the number of 
 about twenty, and made an incursion into Caithness, where, during 
 the space of four or five years, he did great injury in Caithness, carry- 
 ing off considerable spoils, which he conveyed through the heights of 
 Strathnaver and Sutherland. 
 
 To put an end to Mac-Iver's depredations. Lord Berridale at 
 first brought a legal prosecution against him, and having got him de- 
 nounced rebel, sent out different parties of his countrymen to en- 
 snare him; but he escaped for a long time, and always retired in safety 
 with his booty, either into the isles, or into Argyle. Lord Lorn pub- 
 licly disowned Mac-Iver's proceedings ; but the inhabitants of 
 Sutherland encouraged him by giving him a free passage through 
 their country, as they were rather pleased to see the Siol-Mhic-Imheair 
 
 • Gordon of Sallafili's Continualion, p. 461 ; Spalding, p. 22. 
 
306 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 and their chief, who were the chief instruments of the earl of Caithness' 
 outrages against themselves, at such deadly variance with Lord Berri. 
 dale. In his incursions, Mac-Iver was powerfully assisted by an 
 islander, of the name of Gille-Calum-Mac-Shomhairle, who had married 
 his daughter, and who was well acquainted with all the passes leading 
 into Caithness. 
 
 At last Mac-Ivor and his son were both apprehended by Lord 
 Berridale, and hanged, and the race of the Siol-Mhic-Iraheair was almost 
 extinguished; but Gille-Calum-Mac-Shomhairle having associated with 
 himself several of the Isles and Argyle men, and some outlaws of the 
 Clann-Mhic-Iain-Dhuinn, who were dependants of Lord Lorn, continued 
 liis incursions into Caithness. Having, on one occasion, when retreat- 
 ing from Caithness, taken some cattle out of Sutherland, the earl of 
 Sutherland sent a party of men in pursuit of them, who apprehended 
 some of them, and upon being brought to the earl, they were executed. 
 Gille-Calum, however, returned next summer with a more powerful 
 company, which he divided into two parties. One of these, at the head 
 of which was Gille-Calum himself, went to the higher parts of Uoss and 
 Sutherland, there to remain till joined by their companions. The other 
 party went through the lowlands of Ross, under the pretence of going to 
 the Lammas fair, then held at Tain, and thence proceeded to Sutherland 
 to meet the rest of their associates, under the pretence of visiting cer- 
 tain kinsmen they pretended to have in StrathuUy and Strathnaver. 
 This last mentioned body consisted of sixteen or twenty persons, most 
 of whom were of the Clann-Mhic-Iain-Dhuinn. They were under the 
 command of one Ewen Aird; and as they passed the town of Tain, on 
 their way to Sutherland, they stole some horses, which they sold in 
 Sutherland, without being in the least suspected of the theft. 
 
 The owners of the stolen horses soon came into Sutherland in quest 
 of them, and claimed them from the persons to whom they had been 
 sold. The earl of Sutherland, on proof being given of the property, 
 restored the horses to the true owners, and sent some men in quest of 
 Ewen Aird, who was still in StrathuUy. Ewen was apprehended and 
 brought to Dunrobin, and upon being questioned about the horses, he 
 affirmed that they were his property, and .had not been stolen. The 
 earl of Sutherland, notwithstanding, ordained him to repay to his coun- 
 trymen the monies which Ewen and his companions had received from 
 them for the horses, the only punishment he said he would inflict on 
 them, because they were strangers. Ewen assented to the earl's request, 
 and he remained as an hostage at Dunrobin, until his companions should 
 send money to relieve him; but as soon as his associates heard of his 
 detention, they, instead of sending money for his release, fled to Gille- 
 Calum-Mac-Shomhalrle and his party, leaving their captain a prisoner at 
 Dunrobin. In their retreat, they destroyed some houses in the high parts 
 of Sutherland, and, on entering Ross, they laid waste some lands be- 
 longing to Hutcheon Ross of Auchincloigh. These outrages oeca- 
 
PnOCEEDlNGS OF LORD LORN. 307 
 
 sioned an. immediate assemblage of the inhabitants of that part of the 
 country, who pursued these marauders, and tooli them prisoners. The 
 remainder escaped either into the isles, or into Lorn. The ten prison- 
 ers were brought to Auchincloigh, where Sir Robert Gordon was at the 
 lime deciding a dispute about the marches between Auchincloigh and 
 Neamore. After some consultation about what was to be done with the 
 prisoners, it was resolved that they should be sent to the earl of Suther- 
 land, who then happened to be in pursuit of them. On the prisoners 
 being sent to him, the earl assembled the principal gentlemen of Ross 
 and Sutherland at Dornoch, where Ewen Aird and his accomplices were 
 tried before a jury, convicted and executed at Dornoch, with the ex- 
 ception of two young boys, who were dismissed. 
 
 The privy council not only approved of what the earl of Sutherland 
 had done, but they also sent a commission to him and the earl of Sea- 
 forth, and to Hutcheon Ross, and some other gentlemen in Ross and 
 Sutherland, against the Clann-Mhic-Iain-Dhuinn, in case they should 
 again make any fresh incursion into Ross and Sutherland. 
 
 Lord Lorn being at this time justiciary of the isles, had obtained 
 an act of the privy council in his favour, by which it was decreed that 
 any malefactor, being an islander, upon being apprehended in any part 
 of the kingdom, should be sent to Lord Lorn, or to his deputies, to be 
 judged ; and that to this effect he should have deputies in every part ol 
 the kingdom. As soon as his lordship heard of the trial and execution 
 of the men at Dornoch, who were of the Clann-Mhic-Iain-Dhuinn, and 
 his dependents and followers, he took the matter highly amiss, and re- 
 paired to Edinburgh, where he made a complaint to the lords of the 
 council against the earl of Sutherland, for having, as he maintained, ap- 
 prehended the king's free subjects without a commission, and for causing 
 them to be executed, although they had not been apprehended within 
 his own jurisdiction. After hearing this complaint. Lord Lorn obtained 
 letters to charge the earl of Sutherland and Hutcheon Ross to answer 
 to the complaint at Edinburgh before the lords of the privy council, and 
 he, moreover, obtained a suspension of the earl's commission against the 
 Clann-Mhic-Iain-Dhuinn, on becoming bound, in the meantime, as 
 surety for their obedience to the laws. 
 
 Sir Robert Gordon happening to arrive at Edinburgh from England, 
 shortly after Lord Lorn's visit to Edinburgh, in the year sixteen hun- 
 dred and thirty-four, learned the object of his mission, and the success 
 which had attended it. He, therefore, being an eye-witness of every 
 thing which had taken place at Dornoch respecting the trial, condemna- 
 tion, and execution of Lord Lorn's dependents, informed the lords of 
 the council of all the proceedings, which proceeding on his part had the 
 effect of preventing Lord Lorn from going on with his prosecution 
 against the earl of Sutherland. He, however, proceeded to summon 
 Hutcheon Ross ; but the earl not being disposed to abandon Ross, 
 he, at the suggestion of Sir Robert Gordon, Lord Reay, and all the 
 
308 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 penllenieu who were present at the trial at Dornoch, signed and sent 
 a letter to the lords of the council, giving a detail of the whole circum- 
 stances of the case, and along with this letter he sent a copy of the pro- 
 ceedings attested by the sheriff clerk of Sutherland, to be laid before 
 the council on the day appointed for Ross's appearance. After the mat- 
 ter had been fully debated in council, the conduct of the earl of Suther- 
 land and Hutcheon Ross was approved of, and the commission to the 
 earl of Sutherland again renewed, and Lord Lorn was taken bound, that, 
 in time coming, the counties of Sutherland and Ross should be kept 
 harmless from the Clann-Mhic-Iain-Dhuinn. The council, moreover, 
 decided, that, in respect the earl of Sutherland had the rights of regali- 
 ty and sheriffship within himself, and as he was appointed to administtr 
 justice within his own bounds ; that he was not obliged to send crimi- 
 nals, though islanders, to Lord Lorn or to his deputies. This decision 
 had the effect of relieving Sutherland and Ross from farther incursions 
 on the part of Lord Lorn's followers.* 
 
 The disaster at Frendraught had made an impression upon the mind of 
 the marquis of Huntly, which nothing could efface, and he could never 
 be persuaded but that the fire had originated with the proprietor of the 
 mansion himself. He made many unsuccessful attempts to discover the 
 incendiaries, and on the arrival of King Charles at Edinburgh, in the 
 year sixteen hundred and thirty -three, the marquis made preparations 
 for paying a personal visit to the king, for the purpose of imploring him 
 to order an investigation into all the circumstances attending the fire, 
 so as to lead to a discovery of the criminals ; but falling sick on his 
 journey, and unable to proceed to Edinburgh, he sent forward his march- 
 ioness, who was accompanied by Lady Aboyne and other females of 
 rank, all clothed in deep mourning, to lay a statement of the case be- 
 fore his majesty, and to solicit the royal interference. The king re- 
 ceived the marchioness and her attendants most graciously ; comforted 
 them as far as words could, and promised to see justice done. 
 
 After the king's departure from Scotland, the marchioness and Lady 
 Aboyne, both of whom still remained in Edinburgh, determined to see 
 his majesty's promise implemented, prevailed upon the privy council to 
 bring John Meldrura of Reidhill, who had been long in confinement, on 
 a charge of being concerned in the fire, before them ; but although 
 strictly examined three successive days, he utterly denied all knowledge 
 of the matter. He was, notwithstanding, brought to trial, and it hav- 
 ing been proved by the evidence of Sir George Ogilvy, laird of Banff, 
 and George Baird, bailie of Banff, who were endeavouring to bring 
 about a reconciliation between him and Frendraught, that, on the even- 
 ing before the fire took place, he had remarked that unless such a recon- 
 ciliation took place immediately, it would never happen, as Frendraught 
 vould be burnt before the next morning, he was condemned to be 
 
 " Gordon of Sallagh's Cont. p. 464, et seq. 
 
DEPREDATIONS OF THE GORDONS. 309 
 
 hanged and quartered at the cross of Edinburgh. At the place of 
 execution he persisted in his innocence, although he fully admitted 
 the conversation between him, Sir George Ogilvie, and George Baird. 
 A domestic servant of Frendraught named Tosh, who was suspected of 
 being a party concerned in the fire, was afterwards put to the torture, 
 for the purpose of extorting a confession of guilt from him ; but con- 
 fessed nothing. The marchioness, thereafter, insisted on bringing him 
 to trial before a jury ; but Tosh's counsel resisted this, as being contrary 
 to the law, which did not admit of a person who had been tortured with- 
 out confessing any guilt, of being brought to trial. The objection be- 
 ing sustained. Tosh was instantly liberated from prison. 
 
 The condemnation and execution of Meldrum, in place of abating, 
 appear to have increased the odium of Frendraught's enemies. The 
 highlanders of his neighbourhood considering his property to be fair 
 game, made frequent incursions upon his lands, and carried off cattle 
 and goods, and the Gordons were equally annoying. In the year six- 
 teen hundred and thirty-three, Adam Gordon in Strathdoun and his 
 two sons headed a party from the Caberoch, and wasted Frendraught's 
 lands, and carried off a considerable quantity of goods ; but Fren- 
 draught having pursued them, he recovered the property, and hav- 
 ing taken three of the party prisoners, hanged them at Frendraught. 
 The marquis of Huntly, to show that he was not in any way implicated 
 in this proceeding, apprehended Adam Gordon, and imprisoned him at 
 Auchendun ; but, being watched very negligently, he escaped. About 
 the end of the following year, he again, at the head of a party of out- 
 laws, made another incursion upon Frendraught's lands ; but he was 
 again frustrated in another attempt to carry off a number of cattle be- 
 longing to Frendraught's tenants, who, at the head of a party of his 
 tenants and servants, overtook them in Glenfeddigh, rescued and 
 brought back the cattle which they were driving away. 
 
 On another occasion, about six hundred highlanders, belonging to the 
 Clan-Gregor, Clan-Cameron, and other tribes, appeared near Fren- 
 draught, and openly declared that they had come to join Adam Gor- 
 don of Park, John Gordon of Invermarkie, and the other friends of the 
 late Gordon of Rothiemay, for the purpose of revenging his death. 
 When Frendraught heard of the irruption of this body, he immediately 
 collected about two hundred foot, and one hundred and forty horse- 
 men, and went in quest of these intruders ; but being scattered through 
 the country, they could make no resistance, and every man provided 
 for his own safety by flight. 
 
 To put an end to these annoyances, Frendraught got these marau- 
 ders declared outlaws, and the lords of the privy council wrote to the 
 marquis of Huntly, desiring him to repress the disorders of those of 
 his surname, and failing his doing so, that they would consider him the 
 autlior of them. The marquis returned an answer to this communica- 
 tion, stating, that as the aggressors were neither his tenants nor ser 
 
310 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 vants, he could in no shape be answerable for them, — that he had neither 
 countenanced nor incited them, and that he had no warrant to pursue 
 or prosecute them. 
 
 The refusal of the marquis to obey the orders of the privy council, 
 emboldened the denounced party to renew their acts of spoliation and 
 robbery. Tliey no longer confined their depredations to Frendrauglit 
 and his tenants, but extended them to the property of the ministers who 
 lived upon Frendraught's lands. In this course of life, they were joined 
 by some of the young men of the principal families of the Gordons in 
 Strathbogie, to the number of forty horsemen, and sixty foot, and to 
 encourage them in their designs against Frendrauglit, the lady of Rothie- 
 may gave them the castle of Rothiemay, which they fortified, and from 
 which they made daily sallies upon Frendraught's possessions ; burned 
 his corn, laid waste his lands, and killed some of his people. Fren- 
 draught opposed them for some time ; but being satisfied that such pro- 
 ceedings taking place almost under the very eyes of the marquis of 
 Huntly, must necessarily be done with his concurrence, he went to 
 Edinburgh, and entered a complaint against the marquis to the privy 
 council. During Frendraught's absence, his tenants were expelled by 
 these Gordons from their possessions, without opposition. 
 
 Wlien the king heard of these lawless proceedings, and of the refusal 
 of the marquis to interfere, he wrote to the lords of the privy council to 
 adopt measures for suppressing them ; preparatory to which, they cited 
 the marquis, in the beginning of the following year, to appear before 
 them, to answer for these oppressions. He accordingly went to Edin- 
 burgh in the month of February, sixteen hundred and thirty-five, where 
 he was commanded to remain till the matter should be investigated. The 
 heads of the families, whose sons had joined the outlaws, also appeared, 
 and, after examination, Letterfourie, Park, Tilliangus, Terrisoule, In- 
 vermarkie, Tulloch, Ardlogy, and several other persons of the surname 
 of Gordon, were committed to prison, until their sons, who had engaged 
 in the combination against Frendraught, should be presented before the 
 council. The prisoners, who denied being accessary thereto, then petition- 
 ed to be set at liberty, a request which was complied with, on condition that 
 they should either produce the rebels, as the pillagers were called, or 
 make them leave the kingdom. The marquis, although nothing could 
 be proved against him, was obliged to find caution for all persons of 
 the surname of Gordon within his bounds, that they should keep the 
 peace, and that he should be answerable, in all time coming, for any 
 damage which should befal the laird of Frendraught, or his lands, by 
 whatever violent means ; and also that he should present the rebels at 
 Edinburgh, that justice might be satisfied, or make them leave the 
 kingdom. 
 
 The marquis of Huntly, thereupon, returned to the north, and tjie 
 rebels hearing of the obligation he had come under, immediately dis- 
 persed themselves. The greater part of them fled into Flanders, and 
 
IMPRISONMENT OP THE MARQUIS OF HUNTLY. 31) 
 
 about twelve of them were apprehended by the marquis, and sent by 
 him to Edinburgh. John Gordon, who lived at Woodhead of Ro- 
 thiemay, and another, were executed. Of the remaining two, James 
 Gordon, son of George Gordon in Achterles, and William Ross, son 
 of John Ross of Ballivet, the 'ormer was acquitted by the jury, and 
 the latter was imprisoned in the jail of Edinburgh for future trial, hav- 
 ing been a chief ringleader of the party. In apprehending these twelve 
 persons, James Gordon, son of Adam Gordon of Strathdoun, was killed, 
 and to show the privy council how diligent the marquis had been in ful- 
 filling his obligation, his head was sent to Edinburgh along with the 
 prisoners. 
 
 The activity with which the marquis pursued the oppressors of Fren- 
 draught, brought him afterwards into some trouble. Adam Gordon, 
 one of the principal ringleaders of the confederacy, and second son of 
 Sir Adam Gordon, of the Park, seeing no place of retreat left for him, 
 nor any means of escape from the zeal of his pursuers, resolved to 
 throw himself on the king's mercy. For this purpose, he made a pri- 
 vate communication to the archbishop of St Andrews, then chancellor 
 of Scotland, in which he offered to submit himself to the king's plea- 
 sure, and promising, that if his majesty would grant him a pardon, he 
 would reveal the author of the rebellion. The archbishop, eager, it 
 would appear, to fulfil the ends of justice, readily entered into Gordon's 
 views, and sent an especial messenger to London to the king, who, at 
 once, granted Adam a pardon, which he forthwith transmitted to Scot- 
 land. On receiving the pardon, Gordon accused the marquis of Huntly 
 as the author of the conspiracy against Frendraught, and with having 
 instigated him and his associates to commit all the depredations which 
 had taken place. The king, thereupon, sent a commission to Scotland, 
 appointing a select number of the lords of the privy council to examine 
 into the affair. 
 
 As Adam Gordon had charged James Gordon of Letterfourie, with 
 having employed him and his associates, in name of the marquis, against 
 the laird of Frendraught, Letterfourie was cited to appear at Edin- 
 burgh for trial. On being confronted with Adam Gordon, he denied 
 every thing laid to his charge, but, notwithstanding of this denial, he 
 was conimitted a close prisoner to the jail of Edinburgh. The marquis 
 himself, who had also appeared at Edinbnrgh on the appointed day, 
 viz., fifteenth of January sixteen hundred and thirty-six, was likewise 
 confronted with Adam Gordon before the committee of the privy coun- 
 cil ; but although he denied Adam's accusation, and " cleared himself 
 with grea't dexteritie, beyond admiration," as Gordon of Sallagh ob- 
 serves, he was, " upon presumption," committed a close prisoner to the 
 castle of Edinburgh. 
 
 When his majesty was made acquainted with these circumstances by 
 the commissioners, and that there was no proof against the marquis to 
 establish the charge against him, both the marquis and Gordon of Let- 
 
 I. 2 R 
 
312 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 terfourie were released by his command, on giving security for indem- 
 nifying the laird of Frendraught in time coming for any damage he might 
 sustain from the Gordons and their accomplices. Having so far suc- 
 ceeded in annoying the marquis, Adam Gordon, after collecting a body 
 of men, by leave of the privy council, went along with them to Ger- 
 many, where he became a captain in the regiment of Colonel George 
 Leslie. To terminate the unhappy differences between the marquis and 
 Frendraught, the king enjoined Sir Robert Gordon, who was related to 
 both, the marquis being his cousin-german, and chief of that family, 
 and Frendraught the husband of his niece, to endeavour to bring 
 about a reconciliation between them. Sir Robert, accordingly, on his 
 return to Scotland, prevailed upon the parties to enter into a submission, 
 by which they agreed to refer all questions and differences between 
 them to the arbitrament of friends ; but before the submission was 
 brought to a final conclusion, the marquis expired at Dundee upon the 
 thirteenth day of June, sixteen hundred and thirty-six, at the age of 
 seventy-four, while returning to the north from Edinburgh. He was in- 
 terred in the family vault at Elgin, on the thirtieth day of August fol- 
 lowing, " having," says Spalding, " above his chist a rich mortcloath of 
 black velvet, wherein was wrought two whyte crosses. He had torch- 
 lights in great number carried be freinds and gentlemen ; the marques' 
 son, called Adam, was at his head, the earle of Murray on the right 
 spaik, the earle of Seafortb on the left spaik, the earl of Sutherland on 
 the third spaik, and Sir Robert Gordon on the fourth spaik. Besyds 
 thir nobles, many barrens and gentlemen was there, haveing above three 
 hundred lighted torches at the lifting. He is carried to the east port, 
 doun the wynd to the south kirk stile of the colledge kirk, in at the 
 south kirk door, and buried in his own isle with much murning and la- 
 mentation. The like forme of burriall, with torch light, was not sein 
 heir thir many dayes befor."* 
 
 The marquis was a remarkable man for the age in which he lived, 
 and there are no characters in that eventful period of Scottish history, 
 so weU entitled to veneration and esteem. A lover of justice, he never 
 attempted to aggrandize his vast possessions at the expense of his less 
 powerful neighbours ; a kind and humane superior and landlord, he exer- 
 cised a lenient sway over his numerous vassals and tenants, who repaid his 
 kindness by sincere attachment to his person and family. Endowed with 
 great strength of mind, invincible courage, and consummate prudence, he 
 surmounted the numerous difficulties with which he was surrounded, and 
 lived to see the many factions, which had conspired against him, discom- 
 fited and dissolved. While his constant and undeviating attachment to tiie 
 religion of his forefathers, raised up many enemies against him among 
 the professors of the reformed doctrines, by whose cabals he was at one 
 time obliged to leave the kingdom, his great power and influence were 
 
 •Spalding, p. 43. 
 
DEATH AND CHARACTER OP THE MAUQUIS OP HUNTLY. 313 
 
 assailed by another formidable class of opponents among the turbulent 
 nobility, who were grieved to see a man who had not imitated their 
 venality and rapacity, not only retain his predominance in the north, 
 but also receive especial marks of his sovereign's regard. But skilful 
 and intriguing as they were in all the dark and sinister ways of an 
 age distinguished for its base and wicked practices, their machinations 
 were frustrated by the discernment and honesty of George Gordon, the 
 first marquis of Huntly. 
 
CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Attempt of Charles I. to Introduce Episcopacy into Scotland — Opposition of the Core- 
 naiilers — Preparations tut war— Marquis of Huntly raises the royal standard in the 
 north — The Earl of Sutherland joins the Earl of Seaforth and other Covenanters in 
 the north — Raid of Turriff — The Earl of Montrose and General Leslie enter Aberdeen 
 — Meeting between Montrose and the Marquis of Huntly — Arrest of the Marquis — 
 Imprisoned in the castle of Edinburgh — Meetings of Covenanters at Monymusk and 
 Turriff — The Trott of Turray — Rising of the Gordons— Landing of Viscount Aboyne 
 at Aberdeen — Raid of Stonehaven — Battle at tlie Bridge of Dee — Flight of Aboyne 
 — Pacification of Berwick — New preparations for war — Imprisonment of Montrose — 
 Liberated and goes to England — Meeting of Convention of Estates — Montrose takes 
 Dumfries — Retires to Carlisle — Rising in the nortli under the Marquis of Huntly — 
 Montrose enters Scotland — Arrives at Tulliebelton House — Landing of Irish forces in 
 the West Highlands — Meeting of Montrose and Alexander Macdonald in Athole^ 
 Junction of the Athole men — Montrose advances into Stratherne — Joined by Lord 
 Kilpont — Battle of Tippermuir. 
 
 Hitherto the history of the Highlands has been confined chiefly to 
 the feuds and conflicts of the clans, the details of which, though inter- 
 esting to their descendants, cannot be supposed to afford the same gra- 
 tification to readers at large, who require more inciting events to engage 
 their attention than the disputes of rival families and petty chieftains. 
 We now enter upon a more important era, when, for the first time, the 
 Highlanders may be said to have appeared on the theatre of our na- 
 tional history, and to have given a foretaste of that military prowess, for 
 which they, afterwards, became so highly distinguished. 
 
 In entering upon the details of the military achievements of the High- 
 landers, during the period of the civil wars, and the campaigns of Mon- 
 trose, it seems to be quite unnecessary and foreign to our purpose, to 
 trouble the reader with a history of the rash, unconstitutional, and ill-fated 
 attempt of Charles I., to introduce English episcopacy into Scotland ; nor, 
 for the same reason, is it requisite to detail minutely the proceedings 
 of the authors of the covenant. Suflnce it to say, that in consequence 
 of the inflexible determination of Charles to force the forms of the Eng- 
 lish church service upon the people of Scotland, the great majority of the 
 nation declared their determination " by the great name of the Lord their 
 
MEETING OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF 1638. 315 
 
 God," to defend their religion against what they considered to be errors 
 and corruptions. Notwithstanding, however, of the most positive demon- 
 strations on the part of the people to resist, Charles, acting by the ad- 
 vice of a privy council of Scotsmen established in England, exclusively 
 devoted to the affairs of Scotland, resolved to suppress the covenant by 
 open force, and in order to gain time for the necessary preparations, he 
 sent the marquis of Hamilton, as his commissioner, to Scotland, who 
 was instructed to promise " that the practice of the liturgy and the can- 
 ons should never be pressed in any other than a fair and legal way, and 
 that the high commission should be so rectified as never to impugn the 
 laws, or to be a just grievance to loyal subjects," and that the king 
 would pardon those who had lately taken an illegal covenant, on their 
 immediately renouncing it, and giving up the bond to the commis- 
 sioners. 
 
 When the covenanters heard of Hamilton's approach, they appointed 
 a national fast to be held, to beg the blessing of God upon the kirk, and 
 on the tenth of June, sixteen hundred and thirty-eight, the marquis was 
 received at Leith, and conducted to the capital by about sixty thousand 
 covenanters, and five hundred ministers. The spirit and temper of such 
 a vast assemblage overawed the marquis, and he,- therefore, concealed 
 his instructions. After making two successive journeys to London to 
 communicate the alarming state of afiairs, and to receive fresh instructions, 
 he, on his second return, issued a proclamation, discharging " the ser- 
 vice book, the book of canons, and the high commission court, dispens- 
 ing with the five articles of Perth, dispensing the entrants into the 
 ministry from taking the oath of supremacy and of canonical obedience, 
 commanding all persons to lay aside the new covenant, and take that 
 which had been published by the king's father in fifteen hundred and 
 eighty-nine, and summoning a free assembly of the kirk to meet, in the 
 month of November, and a parliament in the month of May, the fol- 
 loM'ing year." * Matters had, however, proceeded too far for submis- 
 sion to the conditions of the proclamation, and the covenanting leaders 
 answered it by a formal protest in which they gave sixteen reasons, 
 showing, that to comply with the demands of the king would be to be- 
 tray the cause of God, and to act against the dictates of conscience, f 
 In consequence of the opposition made to the proclamation, it was 
 generally expected that the king would have recalled the order for the 
 meeting of the assembly at Glasgow ; but no prohibition having been 
 issued, that assembly, which consisted, besides the clergy, of one lay- 
 elder, and four lay-assessors, from every presbytery, met at the time 
 appointed ; viz., in the month of November, sixteen hundred and thirty- 
 eight. After spending a week in violent debates, the commissioner, in 
 terms of his instructions, declared the assembly dissolved ; but encour- 
 
 . Dr Lingard, vi. p. 354, 4to ed.-Baillie, 69, 70.-Balfour, iK a>4-288.~Rush 
 worlh ii. 752, 754, 787.— Burnet's Hamiltons, 82, 83.-Natson, 1. 32, 37. 
 t Rushworth, 772— 780. 
 
■■^16 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 aged by the accession of the earl of Argyle, who placed himself at the 
 head of the covenanters, the members declined to disperse at the mere 
 mandate of the sovereign, and passed a resolution, that, in spiritual mat- 
 ters, the kirk was independent of the civil power, and that the dissolu- 
 tion by the commissioner was illegal and void. After spending three 
 weeks in revising the ecclesiastical regulations introduced into Scotland 
 since the accession of James to the crown of England, the assembly 
 condemned the liturgy, ordinal, book of canons, and court of high com- 
 mission, and assuming all the powers of legislation, abolished epis- 
 copacy, and excommunicated the bishops themselves, and the ministers 
 who supported them. Charles declared their proceedings null by pro- 
 clamation ; but the people received them with great joy, and testified 
 their approbation by a national thanksgiving.* 
 
 Both parties had for some time been preparing for war, and they now 
 hastened on their plans. In consequence of an order from the supreme 
 committee of the covenanters in Edinburgh, every man capable of bear- 
 ing arms was called out and trained. Experienced Scottish officers who 
 had spent the greater part of their lives in military service in Sweden 
 and Germany, returned to Scotland to place themselves at the head of 
 their countrymen, and the Scottish merchants in Holland supplied them 
 with arms and ammunition. The king advanced as far as York with an 
 army, the Scottish bishops making him believe that the news of his 
 approach would induce the covenanters to submit themselves to his 
 pleasure ; but he was disappointed in this vain idea, for instead of sub- 
 mitting themselves, they were the first to commence hostilities. On 
 Friday the ninth of March, sixteen hundred and thirty-nine. General Les- 
 lie, the covenanting general, at the head of one thousand men, surprised 
 the castle of Edinburgh, and on the following day the earl of Traquair 
 surrendered Dalkeith house, and on the Sunday during the observance 
 of a solemn fast, the covenanters obtained possession of the castle of 
 Dumbarton. The king, on arriving at Durham, dispatched the 
 marquis of Hamilton with a fleet of forty ships, having on board six 
 thousand troops, to the Frith of Forth ; but as both sides of the Frith 
 were well fortified at different points, and covered with troops, he was 
 unable to effect a landing. 
 
 In the meantime the marquis of Huntly raised the royal standard in 
 the north, and as the earl of Sutherland, accompanied by Loi'd Reay and 
 John, Master of Berridale and others, had been very busy in Inverness 
 and Elgin, persuading the inhabitants to subscribe the covenant, the mar- 
 quis wrote him confidentially, blaming him for his past conduct, and ad- 
 vising him to declare for the king ; but the earl informed him in reply, 
 that it was against the bishops and their innovations, and not against the 
 king, that he had so acted. The earl then, in his turn, advised the 
 
 • Rushworth, ii. 872, 875— 881.— Balfour, 303— 315.— Hardwicke Papers, il. IS^,— 
 Baillie, 1,35— 139. 
 
RAID OF TURRIFP. 3)7 
 
 marquis to join the covenanters, by doing which he said he would nol 
 only confer honour on himself, but much good on his native country : 
 that in any private question in which Huntly was personally interested 
 he would assist, but that in the present affair he would not aid him. The 
 earl thereupon joined the earl of Seaforth, the Master of Berridale, the 
 Lord Lovat, the Lord Reay, the laird of Balnagown, the Rosses, the 
 Monroes, the laird of Grant, Mackintosh, the laird of Innes, the sheriff 
 of Moray, the baron of Kilravok, the laird of Altire, the tutor of 
 Duffus and the other covenanters on the north of the river Spey. 
 
 The marquis of Huntly assembled his forces first at Turriff, and after- 
 wards at Kintore, whence he marched upon Aberdeen, which he took 
 possession of in name of the king. The marquis being informed shortly 
 after his arrival in Aberdeen, that a meeting of covenanters, who re- 
 sided within his district, was to be held at Turriff on the fourteenth day 
 of February, he resolved to disperse them. He therefore wrote let- 
 ters to his chief dependents, requiring them to meet him at Turriff 
 the same day, and bring with them their usual arms. One of these 
 letters fell into the hands of the earl of Montrose, who determined at 
 all hazards to protect the meeting of his friends, the covenanters. In 
 pursuance of this resolution, he collected, with great alacrity, some of 
 his best friends in Angus, and with his own and their dependents, to the 
 number of about eight hundred men, he crossed the range of hills called 
 the Grangebean, and took possession of Turriff on the morning of the 
 fourteenth of February. When Huntly 's party arrived during the course 
 of the day, they were surprised at seeing the little churchyard of the 
 village filled with armed men; and they were still more surprised to ob- 
 serve them levelling their hagbuts at them across the walls of the church- 
 yard. Not knowing how to act in the absence of the marquis, they 
 retired to a place called the Broad Ford of Towie, about two miles 
 south from the village, when they were soon joined by Huntly and his suite. 
 After some consultation, the marquis, after parading his men in order of 
 Dattle along the north-west side of the village, in sight of Montrose, 
 dispersed his party, which amounted to two thousand men, without of- 
 fering to attack Montrose, on the pretence that his commission of lieu- 
 tenancy only authorised him to act on the defensive. This act of pusil- 
 lanimity weakened the confidence of his friends.* 
 
 Montrose had, about this time, received a commission from the Tables, 
 as the boards of representatives, chosen respectively by the nobility, 
 county gentry, clergy, and inhabitants of the burghs, were called, to 
 raise a body of troops for the service of the covenanters, and he now 
 proceeded to embody them with extraordinary promptitude. Within 
 one month, he collected a force of about three thousand horse and foot, 
 from the counties of Fife, Forfar, and Perth, and put them into a com- 
 plete state of military discipline. Being joined by the forces under 
 
 • Spalding, vol. i. p. 94. 
 
318 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 General Leslie, he marched upon Aberdeen, which he entered, without 
 opposition, on the thirtieth of March, the marquis of Huntly having 
 abandoned the town on his approach. Some idea of the well-appointed 
 state of this army may be formed from the curious description of Spal- 
 ding, who says, that " upon the morne, being Saturday, they came in 
 order of battell, weill armed, both on horse and foot, ilk horseman having 
 five shot at the least, with ane carabine in his hand, two pistols by his 
 sydes, and other two at his saddell toir ; the pikemen in their ranks, 
 with pike and sword ; the musketiers in their ranks, with musket, 
 musket-staft'e, bandelier, sword, powder, ball, and match ; ilk company, 
 both on horse and foot, had their captains, lieutenants, ensignes, Ser- 
 jeants, and other officers and commanders, all for the most part in buff 
 coats, and in goodly order. They had five colours or ensignes ; whereot 
 the earl of Montrose had one, haveing this motto, ' For Religion, 
 THE Covenant, and the Countrie ; ' the earle of Marischall had 
 one, the earle of Kinghorne had one, and the town of Dundie had two. 
 They had trumpeters to ilk company of horsemen, and drummers to ilk 
 company of footmen ; they had their meat, drink, and other provision, 
 bag and baggage, carryed with them, all done be advyse of his excellence 
 Felt Marschall Leslie, whose councell Generall Montrose followed in 
 this busieness. Now, in seemly order, and good array, this army came 
 forward, and entered the burgh of Aberdein, about ten hours in the 
 morning, at the Over Kirkgate Port, syne came doun throw the 
 Broadgate, throw the Castlegate, out at the Justice Port to the Queen's 
 Links directly. Here it is to be notted, that few or none of this haill 
 army wanted ane blew ribbin hung about his craig, doun under his left 
 arme, which they called the Covenanters' Ribbin. But the Lord Gordon, 
 and some other of the marquess' bairnes and familie, had ane ribbin, 
 M'hen he was dwelling in the toun, of ane reid flesh cuUor, which they 
 wore in their hatts, and called it The Royall Ribbin, as a signe of their 
 love and loyalltie to the king. In despyte and derision thereof this blew 
 ribbin was worne, and called the Covenanters Ribbin, be the hail) 
 souldiers of the army, and would not hear of the royall ribbin ; such was 
 tlieir pryde and malice." * 
 
 At Aberdeen, Montrose was joined the same day by Lord Fraser, the 
 master of Forbes, the laird of Dalgettie, the tutor of Pitsligo, the Earl 
 Marshall's men in Buchan, with several other gentlemen and their 
 tenants, dependants and servants, to the number of two thousand, an 
 addition which augmented Montrose's army to nine thousand men. 
 Leaving the earl of Kintore, with fifteen hundred men, to keep possession 
 of Aberdeen, Montrose marched the same day towards Kintore, where 
 he encamped that night. Halting all Sunday, he proceeded, on the 
 Monday, to Inverury, where he again pitched his camp. The marquis 
 of Huntly grew alarmed at this sudden and unexpected movement, and 
 
 ■ Troubles, vol. i. p. 107, 108. 
 
AKHEST Of THE MARQUIS OF UUNTI.Y 319 
 
 thought It now full time to treat with such a formidable foe, for his 
 personal safety. He, therefore, despatched Robert Gordon of Straloch 
 and Doctor Gordon, an Aberdeen physician, to Montrose's camp, to 
 request an interview. The marquis proposed to meet him on a 
 moor near Blackhall, about two miles from the camp, with eleven 
 attendants each, with no arms but a single sword at their side. After 
 consulting with Field Marshall Leslie, and the other officers, Mon- 
 trose agreed to meet the marquis, on Thursday the fourth of April, 
 at the place mentioned. The parties accordingly met. Among the 
 eleven who attended the marquis were his son James, Lord Aboyne, 
 and the Lord Oliphant. The Lords Elcho and Cowper were of the 
 party who attended Montrose. After the usual salutation, they both 
 alighted, and entered into conversation, but, coming to no understanding, 
 they adjourned the conference till the following morning, when the mar- 
 quis signed a writing substantially the same as the covenant, and obliged 
 himself to make his friends, tenants, and servants to subscribe the cove- 
 nant.* The marquis, after this arrangement, went to Strathbogie, and 
 Montrose returned with his army to Aberdeen, the following day. 
 
 The marquis had not been many days at Strathbogie, when he received 
 a notice from Montrose to repair to Aberdeen with his two sons, the 
 Lord Gordon and Viscount Aboyne. The reason for such a step does 
 not sufficiently appear ; but it seems highly probable that Montrose had 
 been actuated by a distrust of the sincerity of the marquis' promises, and 
 tliac as he was meditating a journey to the south, he might consider it a 
 wise and prudent course to secure the person of the marquis, and thus 
 prevent a rising in the north. 
 
 Some writers have attributed, and not without reason, the arrest of 
 the mai-quis to the intrigues of the Erasers and the Forbeses, who bore a 
 mortal antipathy to the house of Huntly, and wlio were desirous to see 
 the " Cock of the North," as the powerful head of that house was popularly 
 called, humbled. But, be these conjectures as they may, on the morning 
 after the marquis' arrival at Aberdeen, viz. on the eleventh of April, a 
 council of the principal officers of Montrose's army was held, at which 
 it was determined to arrest the marquis and Lord Gordon, his eldest son, 
 and carry them to Edinburgh. It was not, however, judged adviseable to 
 act upon this resolution immediately, and to do away with any appear- 
 ance of treachery, Montrose and his friends invited the marquis and his 
 two sons to supper the following evening. During the entertainment, 
 the most friendly civilities were passed on both sides, and, after the 
 party had become somewhat merry, Montrose and his friends hinted to 
 the marquis the expediency, in the present posture of aftairs, of resigning 
 his commission of lieutenancy, and returning the same to the king. 
 They also proposed that he should write a letter to the king along with 
 the resignation of his commission, in favour of the covenanters, as good 
 
 • CiullMie's Memoirs, p. 40. Lord. 1702. Spalding, vol. i. p. U3. 
 
 2 s 
 
320 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 and loyal subjects ; and that he should despatcli the laird of Clunj', the 
 following morning, with the letter and resignation. The marquis, seeing 
 that his commission was altogether unavailable, immediately wrote out, 
 in presence of the meeting, a resignation of his commission, and a letter 
 of recommendation as proposed, and, in their presence, delivered the 
 same to the laird of Cluny, who was to set off the following morning 
 with them to the king. It would appear that Montrose was not sincere 
 in making this demand upon the marquis, and that his object was, by 
 calculating on a refusal, to make that the ground for arresting him ; fur 
 the marquis had scarcely returned to his lodgings to pass the night, when 
 an armed guard was placed round the house, to prevent him from re- 
 turning home, as he intended to do, the following morning. 
 
 When the marquis rose, next morning, he was surprised at receiving 
 a message from tlie covenanting general, by two noblemen, desiring his 
 attendance at the house of the Earl Marshall ; and he was still farther 
 surprised, when, on going out, along with his two sons, to the appointed 
 place of meeting, he found his lodging beset with sentinels. The mar- 
 quis was received by Montrose with the usual morning salutation, after 
 which, he proceeded to demand from him a contribution for liquidating 
 a loan of 200,000 merks, which the covenanters had borrowed from Sir 
 William Dick, a rich merchant of Edinburgh. To this unexpected 
 demand the marquis replied, that he was not obliged to pay any 
 part thereof, not having been concerned in the borrowing, and of 
 course, declined to comply. Montrose then requested him to take 
 steps to apprehend James Grant, and John Dugar, and their accom- 
 plices, who had given considerable annoyance to the covenanters in tlie 
 Highlands. Huntly objected, that, having now no commission, he 
 could not act, and that, although he had, James Grant had already 
 obtained a remission from the king, and as for John Dugar, he would 
 concur, if required, with the other neighbouring proprietors in an 
 attempt to apprehend him. The earl, finally, as the covenant, he 
 said, admitted of no standing hatred or feud, required the marquis 
 to reconcile himself to Crichton, the laird of Frendraught, and take 
 him by the hand, but this the marquis positively refused to do. 
 What Montrose's design was, in making these proposals, is not easy 
 to conjecture. That he anticipated a refusal to all of them seems 
 very problematical ; and yet it can scarcely be supposed that the mar- 
 quis' compliance with any one of these demands, would have saved him 
 from the snare which had been laid for him. Finding the marquis quite 
 resolute in his determination to resist these demands, the earl suddenly 
 changed his tone, and thus addressed the marquis, apparently in the most 
 friendly terms, " My lord, seeing we are all noyr friends, will you go 
 south to Edinburgh with us ? " Huntly answered that he would not— 
 that he was not prepared for such a journey, and that he was just going 
 to set oiF for Strathbogie. " Your lordship (rejoined Montrose) will do 
 well to go with us.'' The marquis now perceiving Montrose's design, 
 
MKETINGSOF Till? COVENANTERS AT MONYMUSK AND TURRIFF. 321 
 
 accosted him thus, « My lord, I came here to this to^vn upon assurance 
 that I should come and go at my own pleasure, without molestation or 
 mquietude ; and now I see why my lodging was guarded, and that ye 
 mean to take me to Edinburgh, whether I will or not. This conduct, 
 on your part, seems to me to be neither fair nor honourable." He added, 
 " My lord, give me back the bond which I gave you at Inverury, and' 
 you shall have an answer." Montrose thereupon delivered the bond to 
 the marquis. Huntly then inquired at the earl, "Whether he would 
 take him to the south as a captive, or willingly of his own mind ? " 
 . "Make your choice," said Montrose. " Then," observed the marquis, 
 " I will not go as a captive, but as a volunteer." The marquis there- 
 upon immediately returned to his lodging, and despatched a messenger 
 after the laird of Cluny, to stop him on his journey.* 
 
 It was the intention of Montrose to take both the marquis and his 
 sons to Edinburgh, but Viscount Aboyne, at the desire of some of his 
 friends, was released, and allowed to return to Strathbogie. On arriv- 
 ing at Edinburgh, the marquis and his son. Lord Gordon, were com- 
 mitted close prisoners to the castle of Edinburgh, and the Tables " ap- 
 pointed five guardians to attend upon him and his son night and day, 
 upon his own expenses, that none should come in nor out but by their 
 sight." t 
 
 Some time after the departure of Montrose's army to the south, the 
 covenanters of the north appointed a committee meeting to be held at 
 Turriff, upon Wednesday, the twenty-fourth of April, consisting of the 
 Earls Marshal and Seaforth, the Lord Eraser, the Master of Forbes, 
 and some of their kindred and friends. All persons within the diocese, 
 who had not subscribed the covenant, were required to attend this 
 meeting for the purpose of signing it, and failing compliance, their pro- 
 perty was to be given up to indiscriminate plunder. As neither Lord 
 Aboyne, the laird of Banff, nor any of their friends and kinsmen, had 
 subscribed the covenant, nor meant to do so, they resolved to protect 
 themselves from the threatened attack. A preliminary meeting of the 
 heads of the northern covenanters was held on the twenty-second day 
 of April, at Monymusk, where they learned of the rising of Lord 
 Aboyne and his friends. This intelligence induced them to postpone the 
 meeting at Turriff till the twenty-sixth of April, by which day they ex- 
 pected to be joined by several gentlemen from Caithness, Sutherland, 
 Ross, Moray, and other quarters. At another meeting, held by the same 
 parties at Kintore, on the twenty-fourth of April, tliey postponed the 
 proposed meeting at Turriff, sine die, and adjourned to Aberdeen ; but 
 as no notice had been sent of the postponement to the different cove- 
 nanting districts in the north, about 1500 itvan assembled at the 
 place of meeting on the twenty-sixth of April, and were quite asto- 
 nislied to find that the chiefs were absent. Upon an explanation tak- 
 ing place, the meeting was adjourned till the twentieth of May. 
 • SpaWing, vol. i. p. 121. I Ibid. p. 127. 
 
322 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 Lord Aboyiie had not been idle during this interval, having collected 
 about 2000 horse and foot from the Highlands and Loviflands, with 
 which force he had narrowly watched the movements of the covenan- 
 ters. Hearing, however, of the adjournment of the Turriff meeting, his 
 lordship, at the entreaty of his friends, broke up his army, and went by 
 sea to England to meet the king, to inform him of the precarious state 
 of his affairs in the north. Many of his followers, such as the lairds of 
 Gight, Haddo, Udney, Newton, Pitmedden, Foveran, Tippertie, Hart- 
 hil!, and others, who had subscribed the covenant, regretted his depar- 
 ture; but as they had gone too far to recede, they resolved to continue 
 their forces in the field, and held a meeting on the seventh of May at 
 Auchterless, to concert a plan of operations. 
 
 A body of the covenanters, to the number of about 2000, having assem- 
 bled at Turriff as early as the thirteenth of May, the Gordons resolved 
 instantly to attack them, before they should be joined by other forces, 
 which were expected to arrive before the twentieth. Taking along with 
 them four brass field-pieces from Strathbogie, the Gordons, to the 
 number of about eight hundred horse and foot, commenced their 
 march on the thirteenth of May, at ten o'clock at night, and reach- 
 ed Turriff next morning by day-break, by a road unknown to the 
 sentinels of the covenanting army. As soon as they approached the 
 town, the commanders of the Gordons ordered the trumpets to be sounded 
 and the drums to be beat, the noise of which was the first indication the 
 covenanters had of their arrival. Being thus surprised, the latter had 
 no time to make any preparations for defending themselves. They made, 
 indeed, a short resistance, but they were soon dispersed by the fire 
 from the field-pieces, leaving behind them the lairds of Echt and Skene, 
 and a few others, who were taken prisoners. The loss on either side, 
 in killed and wounded, was very trifling. This skirmish is called by 
 the writers of the period, " the Trott of Turray," * and is distinguished 
 as the place where blood was first shed in the civil wars.f 
 
 The successfiil issue of this trifling affair had a powerful effect on the 
 minds of the victors, who forthwith marched on Aberdeen, which they 
 entered on the fifteenth of Maj'. They expelled the covenanters from the 
 town, and were there joined by a body of men from the Braes of Mar un- 
 der the command of Donald Farquharson of TuUiegarmouth, and the laird 
 of Abergeldie, and by another party headed by James Grant, so long an 
 outlaw, to the number of about 500 men. These men quartered them- 
 selves very freely upon the inhabitants, particularly on those who had de- 
 clared for the covenant, and they plundered many gentlemen's houses in 
 the neighbourhood. The house of Durris, belonging to John Forbes of 
 Lesslie, a great covenanter, received a visit from them. " There was 
 (says Spalding) little plenishing left unconvoyed away befor their 
 comeing. They gott good bear and ale, broke up girnells, and buke 
 
 • Turray U the old name of TuiTiff, f Gor<loi» uf SaMaglj. 
 
MOVEMKNTS OF THE GORDONS. S'J'^ 
 
 bannocks at good fyres, and drank merrily upon the laird's best drink: 
 syne carried away with them alse meikle victual as they could beir, 
 which they could not gett eaten and destroyed ; and syne removed from 
 that to Echt, Skene, Monymusk, and other houses pertaining to the 
 name of Forbes, all great covenanters."* 
 
 Two days after their arrival at Aberdeen, tha Gordons sent John 
 Leith of Harthill, and William Lumsden, advocate in Aberdeen, to 
 Dunnotter, for the purposd of ascertaining the sentiments of the Earl 
 Marshal, in relation to their proceedings, and whether they might reckon 
 on his friendship. The earl, however, intimated that he could say 
 nothing in relation to the affair, and that he would require eight 
 days to advise with his friends. This answer was considered quite 
 unsatisfactory, and the chiefs of the army were at a loss how to act. 
 While deliberating on the subject, Robert Gordon of Straloch, and 
 James Burnet of Craigmylle, a brother of the laird of Leys, who were 
 both peaceably inclined, apprehensive of the dangers which might ensue, 
 if the Gordons kept the field any longer, earnestly begged of them to 
 dissolve the army. They proposed to enter into a negotiation with the 
 Earl Marshal, but Sir George Ogilvy of Banff would not listen to such 
 a proceeding, and, addressing Straloch, he said, " Go, if you will go ; 
 but pr'ythee, let it be as quarter-master, to inform the earl that we arc 
 coming." Straloch, liowever, went not in the character of a quarter- 
 master, but as a mediator in behalf of his chief; and having, in con- 
 junction with Burnet, had an interview with the Earl Marshal, he 
 returned with this answer, that the earl had no intention to take up 
 arms, without an order from the Tables ; that, if the Gordons would 
 disperse, he would give them early notice to re-assemble, if necessary, 
 for their own defence, but that if they should attack him, he would cer- 
 tainly defend himself. 
 
 This answer of the Earl Marshal had the desired effect; but al- 
 though the Gordons agreed to disband their army, the Highlanders, who 
 had come down to the lowlands in quest of plunder, could not be induced 
 to recross the mountains till they should collect a sufficient quantity of 
 spoil. The army was accordingly disbanded on the twenty-first of May, 
 and the barons went to Aberdeen, there to spend a few days. The depre- 
 dations of the Highlanders upon the properties of the covenanters were 
 thereafter carried on to such an extent, that they complained to the Earl 
 Marshal, who immediately assembled a body of men out of Angus and the 
 Mearns, with which he entered Aberdeen on the twenty-third of May. 
 The barons thereupon made a precipitate retreat. Two days thereafter, 
 the earl was joined by Montrose, at the head of 4000 men, an addi- 
 tion which, with other accessions, made the whole force assembled at 
 Aberdeen, exceed 6000. 
 
 Meanwhile a large body of northern covenanters, under the command 
 
 • bf-Miiig, vol. i. p. 136. 
 
324 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 of the earl of Seaforth, was approaching from the countries beyond the 
 Spay : but the Gordons having crossed the Spey, for the purpose of 
 opposing their advance, an agreement was entered into, between both 
 parties, that, on the Gordons retiring across the Spey, Seaforth and his 
 men should also retire liomewards. 
 
 After spending five days in Aberdeen, Montrose marched his 
 army to Udney, from thence to Kellie, the seat of the laird of Haddo, 
 and afterwards to Gight, the residence of Sir Robert Gordon, to which 
 he laid siege. But intelligence of the arrival of Viscount Aboyne, 
 in the bay of Aberdeen, deranged his plans. Being quite uncertain of 
 Aboyne's strength, and fearing that his retreat might be cut off, Mon- 
 trose quickly raised the siege, and returned to Aberdeen. Although 
 Lord Aboyne still remained on board his vessel, and could easily have 
 been prevented from landing, Montrose most unaccountably abandoned 
 the town, and retired into the Mearns. 
 
 Viscount Aboyne had been most graciously received by the king, 
 and had ingratiated himself so much with the monarch, as to obtain the 
 commission of lieutenancy which his father held. The king appears to 
 have entertained good hopes, from his endeavours to support the royal 
 cause in the north of Scotland, and before taking leave, he gave the 
 viscount a letter addressed to the marquis of Hamilton, requesting him 
 to afford his lordship all the assistance in his power. From whatever 
 cause, all the aid afforded by the marquis was limited to a few officers 
 and four field-pieces : " The king," says Gordon of Sallagh, " coming to 
 Berwick, and business growing to a height, the armies of England and 
 Scotland lying near one another, his majesty sent the viscount of 
 Aboyne, and Colonel Gun (who was then returned out of Germany) to 
 the marquis of Hamilton, to receive some forces from himj and with 
 these forces to go to Aberdeen, to possess and recover that town. The 
 marquis of Hamilton, lying at anchor in Forth, gave them no supply of 
 men, but sent them five ships to Aberdeen, and the marquis himself 
 retired with his fleet and men to the Holy Island, hard by Berwick, to 
 reinforce the king's army there against the Scots at Dunslaw." * On 
 his voyage to Aberdeen, Aboyne's ships fell in with two vessels, one of 
 which contained the lairds of Banff, Foveran, Newton, Crummie, and 
 others, who had fled on the approach of Montrose to Gight ; and the other 
 had on board some citizens of Aberdeen, and several ministers, among 
 whom were Thomas Thoirs, minister of Udney ; John Paterson, minister 
 of Foveran ; David Leitch, minister of Ellon ; John Gregory, minister 
 of Drumoack ; Francis lliomson, minister of Pitterculter ; John Kemp, 
 preacher ; and others, who had refused to sign the covenant, all of whom 
 the viscount persuaded to return home along with him. 
 
 On the sixth of June, Lord Aboyne, accompanied by the earls 0/ 
 Glencairn and TuUibardine, the lairds of Drum, Banff, Fedderet, 
 
 * Continuation, p. 'lOS. 
 
LANDING OF LORD ABOYNE RAID OF STONEHAVEN. 325 
 
 Foveran, and Newton, and their followers, with Colonel Gun and several 
 English officers, landed in Aberdeen, without opposition. Immediately 
 on coming on shore, he issued a proclamation which was read at the 
 cross of Aberdeen, prohibiting all his majesty's loyal subjects from 
 paying any rents, duties, or other debts to the covenanters, and re- 
 quiring them to pay one-half of such sums to the king, and to retain 
 the other for themselves. Those persons who had been forced to sub- 
 scribe the covenant against their will, were, on repentaTice, to be for- 
 given, and every person was required to take an oath of allegiance to 
 his majesty. 
 
 This bold step inspired the royalists with confidence, and in a short 
 space of time a considerable force rallied round the royal standard 
 Lewis Gordon, third son of the marquis of Huntly, a youth of extra- 
 ordinary courage, on hearing of his brother's arrival, collected his father's 
 friends and tenants, to the number of about one thousand horse and foot, 
 and with these he entered Aberdeen, on the seventh of June. These 
 were succeeded by a hundred horse sent in by the laird of Drum, and 
 by considerable forces led by James Grant and Donald Farquharson. 
 Many of the covenanters also joined the viscount, so that his force 
 ultimately amounted to several thousand men. 
 
 On the tenth of June, the Viscount left Aberdeen, and advanced 
 upon Kintore with an army of about two thousand horse and foot, 
 to which he received daily accessions. The inhabitants of the latter 
 place were compelled by him to subscribe the oath of allegiance, and 
 notwithstanding their compliance, " the troops," says Spalding, " plun- 
 dered meat and drink, and made good fires ; and, where they wanted 
 peats, broke down beds and boards in honest men's houses to be fires, 
 and fed their horses with corn and straw that day and night."* Next 
 morning the army moved upon Hall Forrest, a seat of the earl Marshall, 
 which surrendered on their approach. Although the house was filled 
 with property of different kinds, which had been placed there by the 
 people of the neighbourhood for the sake of security, no part thereof 
 was touched, and the troops contented themselves with carrying off all 
 the arms and provisions they could find. From Hall Forrest, they 
 t.roceeded to the house of Muchells, belonging to Lord Fraser; but 
 Aboyne, hearing of a rising in the south, gave up a resolution he had 
 Ibrmed of besieging it, and returned to Aberdeen. 
 
 As delay would be dangerous to his cause in the present conjuncture, 
 he crossed the Dee, on the fourteenth of June, with the intention 
 of occupying Stonehaven, and of issuing afresh the king's proclamation 
 at the market cross of that burgh. He proceeded as far as MuchoUis, 
 the seat of Sir Thomas Barnet of Leyes^ where he encamped that night. 
 On hearing of his approach, the earl Marshal posted himself very 
 commodiously with twelve hundred men, and some pieces of ordnance 
 
 • Troubles, vol. i. p. 151. 
 
3'26 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 which he had drawn from Dunotter castle, on tlie direct road which 
 Aboyne had to pass, and waited his approach. 
 
 Although Aboyne was quite aware of the position of the earl Mar- 
 shal, instead of endeavouring to outflank him by making a detour to the 
 riglit, he crossed the Meagre hill next morning, directly in the face of 
 his opponent, who lay with his forces at the bottom of the hill. As 
 Aboyne descended the hill, the earl Marshal opened a heavy fire upon 
 him, which threw his men into complete disorder. The Highlanders, 
 unaccustomed to the fire of cannon, were the first to retreat, and in a 
 short time the whole army gave way. Aboyne, thereupon, returned to 
 Aberdeen with some horsemen, leaving the rest of the army to follow 
 him; but the Higlilanders took a homeward course, carrying along 
 with them a large quantity of booty which they gathered on their retreat. 
 The disastrous issue of " the Raid of Stonehaven," as this affair has been 
 called, has been attributed to treachery on the part of Colonel Gun, 
 to whom, on account of his great experience, Aboyne had intrusted the 
 command of the army ; but although he certainly committed a fatal 
 blunder in sending the cannon belonging to the army by sea, by which 
 step Aboyne's army was deprived of the use of them, there does not ap- 
 pear sufficient evidence for supporting such a charge. 
 
 On his arrival at Aberdeen, Aboyne held a council of war, at which 
 it was determined to send some persons into the Mearns to collect the 
 scattered remains of his army, for, with the exception of nine-score horse- 
 men and a few foot soldiers, the whole of the fine army which he had 
 led from Aberdeen had disappeared ; but although the army again 
 mustered at Leggetsden to the number of four thousand, they were 
 prevented from recrossing the Dee and joining his lordship by the 
 Marshal and Montrose, who advanced towards the bridge of Dee with 
 all their forces. Aboyne, hearing of their approach, resolved to dispute 
 with them the passage of the Dee, and as a precautionary measure, 
 he blocked up the entrance to the bridge of Dee from the south by 
 a thick wall of turf, besides which he placed a hundred musketeers 
 upon the bridge under the command of Lieutenant Colonel John- 
 stone, to annoy the assailants from the small turrets on its sides. 
 The viscount was warmly seconded in his views by the citizens or 
 Aberdeen, whose dread of another hostile visit from the covenanters 
 induced them to afford him every assistance in their power, and it 
 is recorded that the women and children even occupied themselves in 
 carrying provisions to the army during the contest. 
 
 The army/Df Montrose consisted of about 2,000 foot, and 300 horse, 
 and a large train of artillery. The forces which Lord Aboyne had sud- 
 denly collected on the spur of the occasion, were not numerous, but 
 he was superiol" in cavalry. His ordnance consisted only of four pieces 
 of brass cannon. Montrose arrived at the bridge of Dee on the eigh- 
 teenth of June, and without a moment's delay, commenced a furious can- 
 nonade upon the works, which had been thrown up at the south end, and 
 
BATTLE AT THE BRIDGE OF DEE. 327 
 
 which he kept up during the whole day without producing any material 
 effect. Lieutenant Colonel Johnstone defended the bridge with deter- 
 mined bravery, and his musketeers kept up a galling and well directed 
 fire upon their assailants. Both parties reposed during the short twi- 
 light, and as soon as morning dawned, Montrose renewed his attack 
 upon the bridge, with an ardour which seemed to have received a fresh 
 impulse from the unavailing efforts of the preceding day ; but all his at- 
 tempts were vain. Seeing no hopes of carrying the bridge in the teeth 
 of the force opposed to him, he had recourse to a stratagem, by which 
 he succeeded in withdrawing a part of Aboyne's forces from the defence 
 of the bridge. That force had indeed been considerably impaired before 
 the renewal of the attack, in consequence of a party of fifty musketeers 
 having gone to Aberdeen to escort thither the body of a citizen named 
 John Forbes, who had been killed the preceding day ; to which circum. 
 stance Spalding attributes the loss of the bridge ; but whethpr the ab- 
 sence of this party had such an effect upon the fortune of the day is by 
 no means clear. The covenanting general, after battering unsuccessfully 
 the defences of the bridge, ordered a party of horsemen to proceed up 
 the river to some distance, and to make a demonstration as if they in- 
 tended to cross the river. Aboyne was completely deceived bj' this 
 manoeuvre, and sent the whole of his horsemen from the bridge to dis- 
 pute the passage of the river with those of Montrose, leaving Lieuten- 
 ant Colonel Johnstone and his fifty musketeers alone to protect the bridge. 
 Montrose having thus drawn his opponent into the snare set for him, 
 immediately sent back the greater part of his horse under the command 
 of Captain Middleton, with instructions to renew the attack upon the 
 bridge with redoubled energy. This officer lost no time in obeying 
 these orders, and Lieutenant Colonel Johnstone having been wounded 
 in the outset by a stone torn from the bridge by a shot, was forced to 
 abandon its defence, and he and his party retired precipitately to 
 Aberdeen. 
 
 When Aboyne saw the colours of the covenanters flying on the bridge 
 of Dee, he fled with great haste towards Strathbogie after releasing the 
 lairds of Purie Ogilvy, and Purie Fodderinghame, whom he had taken 
 prisoners, and carried with him from Aberdeen. The loss on either 
 side, during the conflict on the bridge, was trifling. The only person of 
 note who fell on Aboyne's side, was Seaton of Pitmedden, a brave ca- 
 valier, who was killed by a cannon shot while riding along the river side 
 with Lord Aboyne. On that of the covenanters was slain another valiant 
 gentleman, a brother of Ramsay of Balmain. About fourteen persons 
 of inferior note were killed on each side, including some burgesses of 
 Aberdeen, and several were wounded. 
 
 Montrose reaching the north bank of the Dee, proceeded immediately 
 to Aberdeen, which he entered without opposition. So exasperated 
 were Montrose's followers at the repeated instances of devotedness shown 
 by the inhabitants to the royal cause, that they proposed to raze the 
 
 I. 2 T 
 
328 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 lown and set it on fire ; but they were hindered from carrying their de- 
 sign into execution by the firmness of Montrose. The covenanters, how- 
 ever, treated the inhabitants very harshly, and imprisoned many who were 
 suspected of having been concerned in opposing their passage across 
 the Dee ; but an end was put to these proceedings in consequence of 
 intelligence being brought on the following day ; viz., on the twentieth 
 of June, of the treaty of pacification which had been entered into be- 
 tween the king and his subjects at Berwick, upon the eighteenth of that 
 month. On receipt of this news, Montrose sent a despatch to the earl 
 of Seaforth, who was stationed with his army on the Spey, intimating 
 the pacification, and desiring him to disband his army, with which order 
 he instantly complied. 
 
 The articles of pacification were preceded by a declaration on the 
 part of the king, in which he stated, that although he could not conde- 
 scend to ratify and approve the acts of the " pretended general assem- 
 bly at Glasgow for many grave and weighty considerations," yet, not- 
 withstanding of the many disorders which had of late been committed, 
 he not only confirmed and made good whatsoever his commissioner had 
 granted and promised, but he also declared that all matters ecclesiasti- 
 cal should be determined by the assemblies of the kirk, and matters 
 civil by the parliament and other inferior judicatories, established by 
 law. To settle, therefore, " the general distractions" of the kingdom, 
 his majesty ordered that a free general assembly should be held at Edin- 
 burgh on the sixth of August next following, at which he declared his 
 intention, " God willing, to be personally present," and he, moreover, or- 
 dered a parliament to meet at Edinburgh on the twentieth of August, 
 for ratifying the proceedings of the general assembly, and settling such 
 other matters as might conduce to the peace and good of the kingdom 
 of Scotland. By the articles of pacification, it was, inter alia, provided 
 tliat the forces in Scotland should be disbanded and dissolved within 
 forty-eight hours after the publication of the declaration, and that all 
 the royal castles, forts, and warlike stores of every description, should 
 be delivered up to his majesty after the said publication, as soon as he 
 should send to receive them. Under the seventh and last article of the 
 treaty, the marquis of Huntly and his son. Lord Gordon, and some 
 others who had been detained prisoners in the castle of Edinburgh by 
 the covenanters, were set at liberty. 
 
 It has been generally supposed that neither of the parties were sin- 
 cere in their intentions to observe the conditions of the treaty. Certain 
 it is, that the ink with which it was written was scarcely dry before its 
 violation was contemplated. On the one hand, the king, before remov- 
 ing his army from the neighbourhood of Berwick, required the heads of 
 the covenanters to attend him at Berwick, obviously with the object ot 
 gaming them over to his side ; but, with the exception of three common- 
 ers and three lords, Montrose, Loudon, and Lothian, they refused to 
 obey. It was at this conference that Charles, who was exceedingly in- 
 
PROCEEDINGS IN PARLIAMENT. 32 
 
 smuating and persuasive, made a convert of Montrose, who, from that 
 time, determined to desert his associates in arms, and to place himself 
 under the royal standard. The immediate strengthening of the forts of 
 Berwick and Carlisle, and the provisioning the castle of Edinburgh, 
 were probably the suggestions of Montrose, who would, of course, be 
 intrusted with the secret of his majesty's designs. The covenanters on 
 the other hand, although making a show of disbanding their army at 
 Dunse, in reality kept a considerable force on foot, which they quar- 
 tered in different parts of the country, to be in readiness for the field 
 on a short notice. The suspicious conduct of the king certainly justified 
 this precaution. 
 
 The general assembly met oa the day fixed upon, but instead of at- 
 tending in person as he proposed, Charles appointed the earl of Tra- 
 quair to act as his commissioner. After abolishing the articles of Perth, 
 the book of canons, the liturgy, the high commission and episcopacy, 
 and ratifying and approving of the late covenant, the assembly was dis- 
 solved on the thirtieth of August, and another general assembly was 
 appointed to be held at Aberdeen on the twenty-eighth day of July of 
 the following year, sixteen hundred and forty. The parliament met 
 next day ; viz., on the last day of August, but they were prevented, for 
 a time, from proceeding to business, in consequence of a difficulty which 
 arose, owing to the absence of the bishops, who formed the third estate, 
 and who had been forced to leave Scotland in consequence of the turbu- 
 lence of the times. The covenanters themselves did not, however, think 
 the presence of the bishops by any means necessary ; but they were afraid 
 that the king might afterwards seize upon their absence as a good ground 
 for questioning the legality of the acts of this parliament. To get rid 
 of this dilemma, the clumsy device of electing fourteen persons to sup- 
 ply the places of the bishops, was proposed ; but no sooner was this 
 agreed to than another question arose, — Whether the king, by virtue 
 of his royal prerogative, or the two estates, should nominate these 
 pseudo-representatives. A vote being taken, it was decided by a plu- 
 rality of votes, that the other two estates should elect the fourteen per- 
 sons to represent the third estate.* Why they did not steer a middle 
 course, by dividing the nomination with the king, appears strange; but 
 the violence of faction knows no medium. His majesty's commissioner 
 protested against the vote and against farther proceedings till the king's 
 mind should be known, and the commissioner immediately sent off a 
 letter apprising him of the occurrence. Without waiting for the king's 
 answer, the two estates passed an act substituting the lesser barons for 
 the third estate, and they were proceeding with a variety of bills for 
 securing the liberty of the subject and restraining the royal prerogative, 
 when they were unexpectedly and suddenly prorogued by an order from 
 the king till the second day of June in the following year. 
 
 • Spalding, p. M9- 
 
330 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 If Charles had not already made up his mind for war witli his Scottish 
 subjects, the conduct of the parliament which he had just prorogated 
 determined him again to have recourse to arms in vindication of his 
 prerogative. He endeavoured, at first, to enlist the sympathies of the 
 bulk of the English nation in his cause, but without effect; and his 
 repeated appeals to his English people, setting forth the rectitude of his 
 intentions and the justice of his cause, being answered by men who 
 questioned the one and denied the other, rather injured than served him. 
 The people of England were not then in a mood to embark in a crusade 
 against the civil and religious liberties of the north; and they had too 
 much experience of the arbitrary spirit of the king to imagine that their 
 own liberties would be better secured by extinguishing the flame which 
 burned in the breasts of the sturdy and enthusiastic covenanters. 
 
 But notwithstanding the many discouraging circumstances which 
 surrounded him, Charles displayed a firmness of resolution to coerce the 
 rebellious Scots by every means within his reach. The spring and part 
 of the summer of sixteen hundred and forty were spent by both parties 
 in military preparations. Field Marshal Leslie, an old and experienced 
 officer who had been in foreign service, was appointed generalissimo of 
 the Scots army by the war committee. When mustered by the general 
 at Choicelee, it amounted to about twenty-two thousand foot and two 
 thousand five hundred horse. A council of war was held at Dunse at 
 which it was determined to invade England. Montrose, to whose com- 
 mand a division of the army, consisting of two thousand foot and five 
 hundred horse, was intrusted, was absent when this meeting was held ; 
 but, although his sentiments had, by this time, undergone a complete 
 change, seeing on his return no chance of preventing the resolution of 
 the council, he dissembled his feelings and openly approved of the plan. 
 There seems to be no doubt that in following this course he intended, on 
 the first favourable opportunity, to declare for the king, and carry off 
 such part of the army as should be inclined to follow him, which he 
 reckoned at a third of the whole.* 
 
 On the twentieth of August, General Leslie crossed the Tweed with 
 his army, the van of which was led by Montrose on foot. This task, 
 though performed with readiness and with every appearance of good 
 will, was not voluntarily undertaken, but had been devolved upon Mon- 
 trose by lot ; none of the principal officers daring to take the lead of 
 their own accord in such a dangerous enterprise. There can be no 
 doubt that Montrose was insincere in his professions, and that those who 
 suspected him were right in thinking " that in his heart he was turned 
 Royalist,"-|- a supposition which his correspondence with the king and 
 his subsequent conduct fully justify. 
 
 Although the proper time had not arrived for throwing off the 
 mask, Montrose immediately on his return to Scotland, after tlie 
 
 * Wishart's IMemoirs, Ediii. 1819, p. 24. f Guthrie's Memoirs, p. 70. 
 
MEETING BETWEEN CHARLES I. AND MONTROSE. 331 
 
 close of this campaign, began to concert measures for counteract- 
 ing the designs of the covenanters ; but his plans were em- 
 barrassed by some of his associates disclosing to the covenanters 
 the existence of an association which Montrose had formed at Cum- 
 bernauld for supporting the royal authority. A great outcry was 
 raised against Montrose in consequence, but his influence was so great 
 that the heads of the covenanters were afraid to show any severity 
 towards him. On subsequently discovering, however, that the king had 
 written him letters which were intercepted and forcibly taken from the 
 messenger, a servant of the earl of Traquair, they apprehended him, 
 along with Lord Napier of Merchiston, and Sir George Stirling of Keii, 
 his relatives and intimate friends, and imprisoned them in the castle of 
 Edinburgh. On the meeting of the parliament at Edinburgh in July, 
 sixteen hundred and forty-one, which was attended by the king in per- 
 son, Montrose demanded to be tried before them, but his application was 
 rejected by the covenanters, who obtained an order from the parliament 
 prohibiting him from going into the king's presence. After the king 
 had returned to England, Montrose and his fellow-prisoners were 
 liberated, and he, thereupon, went to his own castle where he remained 
 for some time, ruminating on the course he should pursue for the relief 
 of the king.* 
 
 Although Charles complied with the demands of his Scottish sub- 
 jects, and heaped many favours and distinctions upon the heads of the 
 leading covenanters, they were by no means satisfied, and they entered 
 fully into the hostile views of their brethren in the south, with whom thej- 
 made common cause. Having resolved to send an army into England to 
 join the parliamentary forces, who had come to an open rupture with the 
 sovereign, they attempted to gain over Montrose to their side by offer- 
 ing him the post of lieutenant-general of their army, and promising to 
 accede to any demands he might make ; but he rejected all their offers ; 
 and, as an important crisis was at hand, he hastened to England in the 
 early part of the year sixteen hundred and forty-three, in company with 
 the Lord Ogilvy, to lay the state of affairs before the king, and to offer 
 him his advice and service in such an emergency. Charles, however, 
 either from a want of confidence in the judgment of Montrose, who, to 
 the rashness and impetuosity of youth, added, as he was led to believe, a 
 desire of gratifying his personal feelings and vanity, or overcome by the 
 calculating but fatal policy of the marquis of Hamilton, who deprecated 
 a fresh war between the king and his Scottish subjects ; declined to fol- 
 low the advice of Montrose, who had offered to raise an army imme- 
 diately in Scotland to support him. 
 
 A convention of estates called by the covenanters, without any 
 authority from the king, met at Edinburgh on the twenty-second of 
 June, sixteen hundred and forty-three, and he soon perceived from the 
 
332 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 character and proceedings of this assembly, the great ma,jority of which 
 was covenanters, the mistake he had committed in rejecting the advice 
 of Montrose, and he now resolved, thenceforth, to be guided in his plans 
 for subduing Scotland to his authority by the opinion of that nobleman. 
 Accordingly, at a meeting held at Oxford, between the king and Mon. 
 trose, in the month of December sixteen hundred and forty-three, when 
 the Scots army was about entering England, it was agreed that the earl 
 of Antrim, an Irish nobleman of great power and influence, who then 
 lived at Oxford, should be sent to Ireland to raise auxiliaries with 
 whom he should make a descent in the west parts of Scotland in the 
 month of April following ; — that the marquis of Newcastle, who com- 
 manded the royal forces in the north of England, should furnish Montrose 
 with a party of horse, with which he should enter the south of Scotland, 
 — that an application should be made to the king of Denmark for some 
 troops of German horse ; — and that a quantity of arms should be trans- 
 ported into Scotland from abroad.* 
 
 Instructions having been given to the earl of Antrim, to raise the Irish 
 levy, and Sir James Cochran having been dispatched to the continent 
 as ambassador for the king, to procure foreign aid, Montrose left Oxford 
 on his way to Scotland, taking York and Durham in his route. Near 
 the latter city, he had an interview with the marquis of Newcastle for 
 the purpose of obtaining a sufficient party of horse to escort him into 
 Scotland, but all he could procure, was about one hundred horse, 
 badly appointed, with two small brass field pieces.f The marquis sent 
 orders to the king's officers and to the captains of the militia in Cum- 
 berland and Westmoreland, to aiTord Montrose such assistance as they 
 could, and he was, in consequence, joined on his way to Carlisle by eight 
 hundred foot and three troops of horse, of Cumberland and Northumber- 
 land militia. With this small force, and about two hundred horse, 
 consisting of noblemen and gentlemen who had served as officers in 
 Germany, France, or England, Montrose entered Scotland on the thir- - 
 teenth of April, sixteen hundred and forty-four. , He had not, however, 
 proceeded far, when a revolt broke out among the English soldiers, who 
 immediately returned to England. In spite of this discouragement, 
 Montrose proceeded on with his small party of horse towards Dumfries, 
 which surrendered to him without opposition. After waiting there a 
 few days in expectation of hearing some tidings respecting the earl of 
 Antrim's movements, without receiving any, he retired to Carlisle, to 
 avoid being surprised by the covenanters, large bodies of whom were 
 hovering about in all directions. 
 
 To aid the views of Montrose, the king had appointed the marquis of 
 Huntly, on whose fidelity he could rely, his lieutenant general in the 
 north of Scotland, who, on hearing of the capture of Dumfries by Mon- 
 
 » Wishart, 
 + Tlie 'duchess of Newcastle says, in the memoirs of her husband, that the number was 
 
RISING UNDER THE MARQUIS OF HUNTLY. 333 
 
 trose, immediately collected a considerable body of horse and foot, con- 
 sisting of Highlanders and lowlEinders, at Kincardine-O'Neil, with the in- 
 tention of crossing the Cairn-a-Mount ; but being disappointed in not 
 being joined by some forces from Perthshire, Angus, and the Mearns, 
 which he expected, he altered his steps, and proceeded towards Aberdeen, 
 which he took. From thence he dispatched parties of his troops through 
 the shires of Aberdeen and Banff, who brought in quantities of horses and 
 arms for the use of his army. Another party, consisting of one hundred 
 and twenty horse and three hundred foot, commanded by the young laird 
 of Drum and his brother, young Gicht, Colonel Nathaniel Gordon and 
 Colonel Donald Farquharson and others, proceeded, contrary to the 
 opinion of the marquis, to the town of Montrose, which they took, killed 
 one of the bailies, made the provost prisoner, and threw some cannon 
 into the sea as they could not carry them away. But, on hearing that 
 the earl of Kinghorn was advancing upon them with the forces of 
 Angus, they made a speedy retreat, leaving thirty of their foot behind 
 them prisoners. To protect themselves against the army of the marquis 
 of Huntly, the inhabitants of Moray on the north of the Spey, raised a 
 regiment of foot and three companies of horse, which were quartered in 
 the town of Elgin. 
 
 When the convention heard of the marquis of Huntly's movements, 
 they appointed the marquis of Argyle to raise an army to quell this in- 
 surrection. He, accordingly, assembled at Perth, a force of five thou- 
 sand foot and eight hundred horse out of Fife, Angus, Mearns, Argyle 
 and the shire of Perth, with which he advanced on Aberdeen. Huntly, 
 hearing of his approach, fled from Aberdeen and retired to the town of 
 Banfi", where, on the day of his arrival, he disbanded his army. The 
 marquis himself thereafter retired to Strathnaver, and took up his resi- 
 dence with the master of Reay. Argyle, after taking possession of 
 Aberdeen, proceeded northward and took the castles of Gicht and 
 Kellie, made the lairds of Gicht and Haddo prisoners and sent them 
 to Edinburgh, the latter of whom, along with one Captain Logan, was 
 afterwards beheaded.* 
 
 We now return to Montrose, who, after an ineffectual attempt to 
 obtain an accession of force from the army of Prince Rupert, Count 
 Palatine of the Rhine, determined on again entering Scotland with his 
 little band. But being desirous to learn the exact situation of affairs 
 there, before putting this resolution into effects he sent Lord Ogilvy and 
 Sir William RoUock into Scotland, in disguise, for that purpose. They 
 returned in about fourteen days, and brought a spiritless and °>rfancho y 
 account of the state of matters in the north, where they found the whole 
 parses, towns, and forts, in possession of the covenanters and where no 
 man dared to speak in favour of the -king. This intelligence was re. 
 ceived with dismay by Montrose's foUowei-s, who now began to think of the 
 
 ♦ Gordon of Sallagh, p. 519. 
 
334 HISTOUY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 best means of securing their own safety. In this unpleasant conjuncture 
 of affairs, Montrose called them together to consult them on the line of 
 conduct they should pursue. Some advised him to return to Oxford and 
 inform his majesty of the hopeless state of his affairs in Scotland, while 
 others gave an opinion that he should resign his commission, and go 
 abroad till a more favourable opportunity should occur of serving the 
 king; but the chivalrous and undaunted spirit of Montrose, disdained 
 to follow either of these courses, and he resolved upon the desperate ex- 
 pedient of venturing into the very heart of Scotland, with only one or 
 two companions, in the hope of being able to rally round his person a 
 force sufficient to support the declining interests of his sovereign. 
 
 Having communicated this intention privately to Lord Ogilvy, he put 
 under his charge the few gentlemen who had remained faithful to him, that 
 he might conduct them to the king ; and having accompanied them to a 
 distance, he withdrew from them clandestinely, leaving his servants, horses, 
 and baggage behind him, and returned to Carlisle. Having prepared 
 himself for his journey, he selected Sir William Rollock, a gentleman o( 
 tried honour, and one Sibbald, to accompany him. Disguised as a groom, 
 and riding upon a lean, worn-out horse, and leading another in his hand, 
 Montrose passed for Sibbald's servant, in which condition and capacity 
 he proceeded to the borders. The party had not proceeded far when an 
 occurrence took place, which considerably disconcerted them. Meeting 
 with a Scottish soldier, who had served under the marquis of Newcastle 
 in England, he, after passing Rollock and Sibbald, went up to the mar- 
 quis, and accosted him by his name. Montrose told him that he was 
 quite mistaken ; but the soldier being positive, and judging that the 
 marquis was concerned in some important affair, replied, with a coun- 
 tenance which betokened a kind heart, " Do not I know my lord marquis 
 of Montrose well enough? But go your way, and God be with you."* 
 When Montrose saw that he could not preserve an incognito from the 
 penetrating eye of the soldier, he gave him some money and dismissed 
 him. 
 
 This occurrence excited alarm in the mind of Montrose, and made 
 him accelerate his journey. Within four days he arrived at the house 
 of Tullibelton, among the hills near the Tay, which belonged to Patrick 
 Graham of Inchbrakie, his cousin, and a royalist. No situation was 
 better fitted for concocting his plans, and for communicating with those 
 clans and the gentry of the adjoining lowlands who stood well affected 
 to the king. It formed, in fact, a centre, or point d'appui to the royal- 
 ists of the Highlands and the adjoining lowlands, from which a pretty 
 regular communication could be kept up, without any of those dangers 
 which would have arisen in the lowlands. 
 
 For some days Montrose did not venture to appear among the people 
 in the neighbourhood, nor did he consider himself safe even in TuUibel- 
 
 ' Wishait, p. 61. 
 
LANDING OF THE IRISH IN THE WEST 335 
 
 ton house, but passed the night in an obscure cottage, and in the day 
 time wandered alone among the neighbouring mountains, ruminating 
 over the strange peculiarity of his situation, and waiting the return of 
 his fellow-travellers, whom he had dispatched to collect intelligence on 
 the state of the kingdom. These messengers came back to him after 
 some days' absence, bringing with them the most cheerless accounts 
 of the situation of the country, and of the persecutions which the royal- 
 ists suffered at the hands of the covenanters. Among other distressing 
 pieces of intelligence they communicated to Montrose the premature 
 and unsuccessful attempt of the marquis of Huntly in favour of the royal 
 cause, and of his retreat to Strathnaver to avoid the fury of his enemies. 
 These accounts greatly affected Montrose, who was grieved to find that 
 the Gordons, who were stern royalists, should be exposed, by the aban- 
 donment of their chief, to the revenge of their enemies ; but he consoled 
 himself with the reflection, that as soon as he should be enabled to unfurl 
 the royal standard the tide of fortune would turn. 
 
 While cogitating on the course he should pursue in this conjuncture, 
 a report reached him from some shepherds on the hills, that a body of 
 Irish troops had landed in the West, and was advancing through 
 the Highlands. Montrose at once concluded that these were the 
 auxiliaries whom the earl of Antrim had undertaken to send him four 
 months before, and such they proved to be. This force, which amounted 
 to fifteen hundred men, was under the command of Alexander Macdon- 
 ald, son of a gentleman of lona, named Coll Mac -Gillespie Macdonald, 
 who had been greatly persecuted by the Earl of Argyle. Macdonald 
 had arrived early in July, sixteen hundred and forty-four, among the 
 Hebrides, and had landed and taken the castles of Meigray and Kinloch 
 Alan. He had then disembarked his forces in Knoydart, where he 
 expected to be joined by the marquis of Huntly and the earl of Seaforth. 
 As he advanced into the interior he dispatched the fiery cross for the 
 purpose of summoning the clans to his standard ; but, although the cross 
 was carried through a large extent of country, even to Aberdeen,* he 
 was only joined at first by the Clan-Donald, under the captain of Clan- 
 Ronald, and the laird of Glengary. The marquis of Argyle collected an 
 army to oppose the progress of Macdonald ; and to cut off his retreat to 
 Ireland, he sent some ships of war to Loch Eishord, where Macdonald's 
 fleet lay, which captured or destroyed them. This loss, while it frus- 
 trated an intention Macdonald entertained of returning to Ireland, in 
 consequence of the disappointment he had met with in not being joined 
 by the clans, stimulated him to farther exertions in continuing his 
 march, in the hope of meeting Montrose. 
 
 As Macdonald was perfectly ignorant of Montrose's movements, and 
 thought it likely that he might be still at Carlisle, waiting till he should 
 hear of Macdonald's arrival, he sent letters to him by the hands of a confi- 
 
 * Spalding. 
 
 I. 2 V 
 
336 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 dfintial friend, who resided in the neighbourhood of Inchbrakie's house 
 This gentleman, who knew nothing of Montrose's return to Scotland, 
 having luckily communicated to Mr Graham tlie secret of being entrusted 
 with letters to his kinsman, Montrose, Graham oiFered to see them 
 safely delivered to Montrose, though he should ride to Carlisle himself. 
 The gentleman in question then delivered the letters to Graham, and 
 Montrose having received them, wrote an answer as if from Carlisle, in 
 which he requested Macdonald to keep up his spirits, that he would soon 
 be joined by a seasonable reinforcement and a general at their head, 
 and he ordered him with all expedition to march down into Athole. In 
 fixing on Athole as the place of his rendezvous, Montrose is said to have 
 been actuated by an implicit reliance on the fidelity and loyalty of the 
 Athole-men, and by a high opinion of their courage. They lay, besides, 
 under many obligations to himself, and he calculated that he had only 
 to appear among them to command their services in the cause of their 
 sovereign. 
 
 When Macdonald received these instructions, he marched towards 
 Athole ; but in passing through Badenoch he was threatened with an 
 attack by the earls of Sutherland and Seaforth, at the head of some of 
 their people, and by the Frazers, Grants, Rosses, and Munroes, and other 
 inhabitants of Moray, who had assembled at the top of Strathspey ; but 
 Macdonald very cautiously avoided them, and hastened into Athole. 
 On arriving in Athole Macdonald was coldly received by the people of 
 that as well as the surrounding country, who doubted whether he had 
 any authority from the king ; and besides they hesitated to place them- 
 selves under the command of a person of neither noble nor ancient 
 lineage, and whom they considered an upstart. This indecision miglit 
 have proved fatal to Macdonald, who was closely pressed in his rear by 
 the army of Argyle, had not these untoward deliberations been instantly 
 put an end to by the arrival of Montrose at Blair, where Macdonald had 
 fixed bis head-quarters, Montrose had travelled seventy miles on foot, 
 in a highland dress, accompanied by Patrick Graham, his cousin, as his 
 guide.* His appearance was hailed by his countrymen with every de- 
 monstration of joy, and they immediately made him a spontaneous offer 
 of their services. 
 
 Accordingly, on the following day, the Athole-men to the number of 
 about eight hundred, consisting chiefly of the Stewarts and Robertsons, put 
 themselves under arras and flocked to the standard of Montrose. Thus, 
 m little more than twenty-four hours, Montrose saw himself at the head 
 of a force upwards of two thousand men, animated by an enthusiastic 
 attachment to his person and to the cause which he had espoused. The 
 extraordinary contrast between his present commanding position, and 
 the situation in which he was placed a few days before, as a forlorn 
 wanderer among the mountains, produced a powerful effect upon the 
 
 * Wishurl, p. 69. 
 
MARCH OF MONTROSE THROUGH STRATHERNE. 337 
 
 daring and chivalrous spirit of Montrose, who looked forward to the 
 success of his enterprize, with the eagerness of a man who considered 
 the destinies of his sovereign as altogether depending upon his indivi- 
 dual exertions. Impressed with the necessity of acting with prompitude, 
 he did not hesitate long as to the course he should pursue. He might 
 have immediately gone in quest of Argyle, who had followed the army 
 of Macdonald, with slow and cautious steps, and by one of those sud- 
 den movements which no man knew better how to execute with advan- 
 tage, surprised and defeated his adversary; but such a plan did not 
 accord with the designs of Montrose, who resolved to open the cam- 
 paign at once in the lowlands, and thus give confidence to the friends 
 and supporters of the king. 
 
 In pursuance of this determination, he put his small army in motion 
 the same day towards Stratherne, in passing through which, he expected 
 to be joined by some of the inhabitants of that and the adjoiring 
 country. At the same time he sent forward a messenger with a friendly 
 notice to the Menzieses, of his intention to pass through their country, 
 but instead of taking this in good part, they maltreated the messenger 
 and harassed the rear of his army. This unprovoked attack so exas- 
 perated Montrose, that he ordered his men, when passing by Weem castle, 
 which belonged to the Clan-Menzies, to plunder and lay waste their lands 
 and to burn their houses, an order which was literally obeyed. He 
 expected that this example of summary vengeance would serve as an 
 useful lesson to deter others who might be disposed to imitate the con- 
 duct of the Menzieses from following a similar course. Notwithstand- 
 ing the time spent in making these reprisals, Montrose passed the Tay 
 with a part of his forces the same evening, and the remainder followed 
 very early next morning. He had at the especial request of the Athole- 
 men themselves, placed them under the command of his kinsman, Pa- 
 trick Graham of Inchbrakie, and he now sent him forward with a select 
 party to reconnoitre. Inchbrakie soon returned with information that 
 he had observed a party of armed men stationed upon the hill of Bu- 
 chanty. On inquiry, Montrose ascertained that this body was com- 
 manded by Lord Kilpont, eldest son of the Earl of Menteith, and by 
 Sir John Drummond, son of the Earl of Perth, both of whom were his 
 relations. The fo^ce in question, which consisted of about five hundred 
 men, was on its way to Perth to join the other covenanting troops who 
 were stationed there. Montrose immediately marched up to this body, 
 with the intention, if he could not prevail on them to join him, of attack- 
 ing them, but before he had approached sufficiently near, Lord Kilpont, 
 who had ascertained that Montrose commanded, sent some of his princi- 
 pal officers to him to ascertain what his object was in thus advancing. 
 Montrose having explained his views and stated that he acted by the 
 king's authority, and having entreated them to return to their allegiance, 
 they and the whole of their party immediately joined him. This new 
 accession augmented Montrose's army to about three thousand men. 
 
338 HISTORY OF TIIK HIGHLANDS. 
 
 Montrose now learned from his new allies, that the covenanters had 
 assembled their forces in great numbers at Perth, and that they lay there 
 waiting for his approach. The covenanting army, in fact, was more 
 than double that of Montrose, amounting to about six thousand foot 
 and seven hundred horse, to which were attached four pieces of artil- 
 lery. Montrose, on the other hand, had not a single horseman, and but 
 three horses, two of which were for his own use, and the other for that 
 of Sir William Rollock, and besides he had no artillery. Yet with such 
 a decided disparity, Montrose resolved to march directly to Perth and 
 attack the enemy. He ap;)ears to have been influenced in this reso- 
 lution by the consideration of the near proximity of Argyle with his 
 array, cind the danger in which he would be placed by being hemmed 
 in by two hostile armies, and he could only expect to avoid such an 
 embarrassment by risking an immediate engagement. 
 
 As the day was too far advanced to proceed to Perth, Montrose or- 
 dered his men to bivouack during the night about three miles from Bu- 
 chanty, and began his march by dawn of day. As soon as Lord Elcho, 
 tlie commander of the covenanting army, heard of Montrose's approach, 
 he left Perth and drew up his army on Tippermuir, a pretty extensive 
 plain between four and five miles west from the town. Reserving to 
 himself the command of the right wing, he committed the charge of 
 the left to Sir James Scot, an able and skilful officer, who had 
 served with great honour in the Venetian army ; and to the earl of Tul- 
 bardine, he entrusted the command of the centre. The horse were 
 divided and placed on each wing with the view of surrounding the army 
 of Montrose, should he venture to attack them in their position. As 
 soon as Montrose perceived the enemy thus drawn up in battle array, 
 he made the necessary dispositions for attacking them. To counteract 
 as much as possible the danger arising to such a small body of men, 
 unprotected by cavalry, from the extended line of the covenanters, 
 Montrose endeavoured to make his line as extensive as possible with 
 safety, by limiting his files to three men deep. As the Irish had neither 
 swords nor pikes to oppose the cavalry, they were stationed in the cen- 
 tre of the line, and the Highlanders, who were provided with swords 
 and Lochaber axes, were placed on the wings, as better fitted to resist 
 the attacks of the cavalry. Some of the Highlanders were, however, 
 quite destitute of arms of every description, and it is related on the au- 
 tliority of an eye witness, that Montrose seeing their helpless condition, 
 thus quaintly addressed them : — "It is true you have no arms; your 
 tnemies, however, have plenty. My advice, therefore, is, that as there 
 liappens to be a great abundance of stones upon this moor, every man 
 should provide himself, in the first place, with as stout a stone as he 
 can well manage, rush op to the first covenanter he meets, beat out his 
 brains, take his sword, and then, I believe, he will be at no loss how to 
 proceed."* This advice, as will be seen, was really acted upon. As 
 • Geiillemau's Mag. xvi. p. 153. 
 
BATTLE OF TlPPERMUin. 339 
 
 Montrose was almost destitute of powder, he ordered the Irish forces to 
 husband their fire till they should come close to the enemy, and after a si- 
 multaneous discharge from the three ranks, (the front rank kneeling,) to 
 assail the enemy thereafter as they best could. To oppose the left wing 
 of the covenanters, commanded by Sir James Scot, Montrose took 
 upon himself the command of his own right, placing Lord Kilpont at 
 the head of the left, and Macdonald, his major-general, over the 
 centre. 
 
 During the progress of these arrangements, Montrose, anxious to spare 
 the effusion of blood, dispatched an accomplished young nobleman, 
 named Drummond, eldest son of Lord Madarty, " with a message to 
 the chiefs of the covenanters' army, importing that he, as well as his 
 royal master, by whose commission he acted, had the utmost abhor- 
 rence to shed the blood of his countrymen, and that it was their first 
 and most earnest wish to obtain a victory without bloodshed ; and this 
 might be compassed by both armies at the same time, if, without trying 
 the doubtful chance of a battle, they would lay down their arms and re- 
 turn to their duty and obedience to the sovereign. He assured them 
 that, for his own part, he aimed at neither the places nor honours, 
 estates nor lives, of any of his fellow subjects, for whom, on the con- 
 trary, he entertained the greatest affection ; all that he desired of them, 
 and he obtested it most earnestly in the name of God, was to consult 
 their own safety, and hearken to his advice ; nor any longer obstinately 
 refuse to trust to the clemency, faith and protection, of so good a king, 
 who, as he had hitherto fully complied with the demands of his Scots 
 subjects as to matters both civil and religious, though to the very great 
 detriment of his prerogative, so he was still ready like a most indulgent 
 parent, though provoked by repeated injuries, to embrace them with 
 open arms, when convinced of their error, and become submissive. But 
 if they should still continue obstinate in their rebellion, he called God 
 io witness, that he was forced by their own stubbornness into the present 
 encounter, for the consequences of which they alone were to be answer- 
 able." * Instead, however, of returning any answer to this message, 
 they seized the messenger, and sent him to Perth under an escort, with 
 an intimation, that, on obtaining a victory over his master, they would 
 execute him. Indeed, the probability of a defeat seems never, for a 
 moment, to have entered into the imaginations of the covenanters, and 
 (hey had been assured by Frederick Carmichael, a minister who had 
 preached to them the same day, being Sunday the first of September, 
 " tiiat if ever God spoke truth out of his mouth, he promised them, 
 in the name of God, a certain victory that day." f 
 
 All hopes, therefore, of an accommodation being put an end to, both 
 armies, after advancing towards each other, remained motionless for a 
 short time as if unwilling to begin the attack ; but this state of matters 
 
 • Wishart p. 79- + Ibid- P- 77. 
 
340 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 was speedily put an end to by the advance of a select skirmishing party 
 under the command of Lord Drummond, sent out from the main body 
 of the covenanting army, for the double purpose of distracting the 
 attention of Montrose, and inducing his troops to leave their ranks, and 
 thus create confusion among them ; but Montrose kept his men in check, 
 and contented himself vifith sending out a few of his men to oppose them. 
 Lord Drummond and his party were routed at the first onset, and fl d 
 back upon the main body in great disorder. This trivial affair decided 
 the fate of the day for the covenanters, many of whom were undisci- 
 plined, seeing the unexpected defeat of Lord Drummond's party, became 
 quite dispirited, and began to show symptoms which indicated a dispo- 
 sition for immediate flight. The confusion into which the main body 
 had been thrown by the retreat of the advanced party, and the indeci- 
 sion which seemed now to prevail in the covenanters' army in conse- 
 quence of that reverse, were observed by the watchful eye of Montrose, 
 who saw that the favourable moment for striking a decisive blow had ar- 
 rived. He, therefore, gave orders to his men to advance, who, imme- 
 diately setting up a loud shout, rushed forward at a quick pace towards 
 the enemy. They were met by a random discharge from some cannon 
 which the covenanters had placed in front of their army, but which did 
 little or no execution. When sufficiently near, Montrose's musketeers 
 halted, and, as ordered, poured a volley into the main rank of the 
 covenanters, which immediately gave way. The cavalry of the c ve- 
 nauters, thereupon, issued from their stations and attacked the royalists, 
 who, in their turn, defended themselves with singular intrepidity. 
 While tlie armed Highlanders made ample use of their Lochaber axes 
 and swords, the Irish steadily opposed the attacks of the horse with 
 the butt ends of their muskets; but the most effective annoyance which 
 the cavalry met with, appears to have proceeded from the unarmed 
 Highlanders, who having supplied themselves with a quantity of stones, 
 as suggested by Montrose, discharged them with well directed aim at 
 the horses and their riders. The result was, that after a short struggle, 
 the cavalry were obliged to make a precipitate retreat. While this con- 
 test was going on, another part of Montrose's army was engaged with 
 the right wing of the covenanting army, under Sir James Scott, but 
 although this body made a longer and more determined resistance, and 
 galled the party opposed to them by an incessant fire of musketry, they 
 were at last overpowered by the Athole-men, who rushed upon them 
 with their broad swords, and cut down and wounded a considerable 
 number. The route of the covenanters now became general. The horse- 
 men saved themselves by the fleetness of their horses; but during the 
 pursuit, which was kept up to a distance of six or seven miles, many 
 hundreds of foot were killed, and a considerable number made prisoners,* 
 
 * There is a great discrepancy between contemporary writers as to the number kill- 
 ed. Wishart states it at 2000; Spalding at 1300, and 800 prisoners; though he saj3 
 that some reckoned the number at 1500 killed. Gordon of Sallagh mentions only 
 
 aoo. 
 
CAPTURE OF PEUTII. 341 
 
 some of whom afterwards served in Montrose's army. The loss on the 
 side of Montrose appears to have been very trifling, but we cannot sup- 
 pose, with some writers, that none of his men were killed. By this vic- 
 tory, and the subsequent capture of Perth, which he entered the same 
 day, Montrose was enabled to equip his army with all those warlike 
 necessaries of which it had been so remarkably destitute in the morning, 
 and of which the covenanters left him an abundant supply. 
 
CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 March of Montjose across the Tay to Cnllace — Assassination of Lord Kilpont — Marches 
 through Angus and the Mearns — Joined by the Earl of Airly and others — Battle of 
 Aberdeen — Supineness of the Gordons — March of Argyle to Strathbogie — Retreat of 
 Montrose through Badenoch — Second March of Montrose to the North — Battle of 
 Fyvie — Retreat of Montrose to Strathbogie — Desertions in his Ranks — Retires into 
 Badenoch and Athole — Montrose enters Breadalbane and Argyle, wliich he wastes — 
 Marches to Lochness — Argyle enters Liochaber — Battle of Inverlochy. 
 
 Montrose now entertained confident expectations that many of the 
 Royalists of the surrounding country,, who had hitherto liept aloof, would 
 join him; but after remaining three days at Perth, to give them an op- 
 portunity of rallying about his standard, he had the mortification to 
 find, that, with the exception of the Lords Dupplin and Spynie, and a 
 few gentlemen from the Carse of Gowrie, who came to him, his antici- 
 pations were not to be realized. The spirits of the Royalists had been 
 too much subdued by the severities of the covenanters for them all at 
 once to risk their lives and fortunes on the issne of what they had long 
 considered a hopeless cause; and although Mojitrose had succeeded in 
 dispersing one army with a greatly inferior force, vet it was well known 
 that that army was composed of a raw and undisciplined militia, and 
 that the covenanters had still large bodies of well trained troops in the 
 field. 
 
 Thus disappointed in his hopes, and understanding that the earl of 
 Argyle was fast approaching with a large army, Montrose crossed the 
 Tay on the fourth of September, directing his course towards Cupar 
 Angus, and encamped at night in the open fields near CoUace. His 
 object in proceeding northward was to endeavour to raise some of the 
 loyal clans, and thus to put himself in a sufficiently strong condition to 
 meet Argyle. Montrose had given orders to the army to march early 
 next morning, but by break of day, and before the drums had beat, he 
 was alarmed by an uproar in the whole camp. Perceiving his men run- 
 ning to their arms in a state of fury and rage, Montiose, apprehensive 
 that the Highlanders and Irish had quarrelled, immediately rushed in 
 
ASSASSINATION OF LORD KILPONT. 343 
 
 among tlie thickest of the crowd to pacify them, but to his great grief 
 and dismay, he ascertained that the confusion had arisen from the as- 
 sassination of his valued friend Lord Kilpont, who now lay before him 
 weltering in his blood. He had fallen a victim to the blind fury of one 
 of his own vassals, James Stuart of Ardvoirlich, with whom he had slept 
 the same night, and who had long enjoyed his confidence and friend- 
 ship. Lord Kilpont's father, the earl of Airth, had frequently warned 
 liim against continuing his intimacy with this man, whom he always sus- 
 pected, but he disregarded his father's injunctions, and put himself entirely 
 under the guidance of this perfidious person. It is asserted that it was 
 by his advice that Lord Kilpont joined Montrose, and that wishing to 
 ingratiate himself with the covenanters he formed a design to assassinate 
 Montrose or his major-general, Macdonald ; but as he thought that he 
 could not carry his plan into execution without the assistance of his too 
 confiding friend. Lord Kilpont, he endeavoured to entice him to concur 
 in his wicked project. He, therefore, on the night in question slept with 
 his lordship, and having prevailed upon him to rise and take a walk in the 
 fields before daylight, on the pretence of refreshing themselves, he there 
 disclosed his horrid purpose, and entreated his lordship to concur 
 therein. Lord Kilpont rejected the base proposal with horror and a 
 virtuous indignation, which so alarmed Stuart, that, afraid lest his lord- 
 ship might discover the matter, he suddenly drew his dirk and wounded 
 his lordship mortally in several places. Stuart, thereupon, fled, and 
 killed in passing, a sentinel who stood in his way. A pursuit followed, 
 but, owing to the darkness of the morning which prevented his pursuers 
 from seeing beyond the length of their pikes, he made his escape,* 
 and thereafter joined the Earl of Argyle, who gave him a commission 
 in bis army in reward for what in those times, and by one class of per- 
 sons, was considered if not a meritorious, at least far from a con- 
 demnatory action. 
 
 Having taken farewell of the body of his amiable friend, which he 
 embraced with transports of grief, and consigned it to the care of the de- 
 ceased's friends for interment, Montrose marched down upon Dundee, 
 which he summoned ; but the inhabitants, confident in their own strength, 
 refused to surrender. Not wishing, however, to waste his time upon the 
 hazardous issue of a siege with a hostile army in his rear, Montrose pro- 
 ceeded through Angus and the Mearns, and in the course of his route 
 was joined by the Earl of Airly, his two sons. Sir Thomas and Sir David 
 Ogilvy, and a considerable number of their friends and vassals, and 
 some gentlemen from the Mearns and Aberdeenshire. This was a sea- 
 sonable addition to Montrose's force, which had been greatly weakened 
 by the absence of some of the Highlanders who had gone home to de- 
 posit the spoils they had collected after the battle of Tippermuir 
 
 • \Vishart,.p. 84.— Guthry, p. 129. 
 2 X 
 
344 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 agreeably to their usual custom, and by the departure of Lord Kilpont'3 
 retainers, who had gone to Monteith with his corpse. 
 
 After the battle of Tippermuir, Lord Elcho had retired, with his 
 regiment and some fugitives, to Aberdeen, where Lord Burleigh and 
 other commissioners from the convention of estates were. As soon as 
 ihey heard of the approach of Montrose, Burleigh, who acted as chief 
 commissioner, immediately assembled the Forbes's, the Frazers, and the 
 other friends of the covenanting interest, and he did every thing in 
 his power, to gain over to his side, as many persons as he could from 
 those districts where Montrose expected assistance. In this way, Bur- 
 leigh increased his force to two thousand five hundred foot and five 
 hundred horse, but some of these, consisting of Gordons, and others who 
 were obliged to take up arms, could not to be relied upon. 
 
 When Montroseheard of these preparations, he resolved, notwithstand- 
 ing the disparity of force, his own army now amounting only to fifteen 
 hundred foot and forty-four horse, to hasten his march and attack them 
 before Argyle should come up. On arriving near the bridge of Dee, 
 he found it strongly fortified and guarded by a considerable force. He did 
 not attempt to force a passage, but, directing his course to the west, 
 along the river, crossed it at a ford at the Mills of Drum, and encamped 
 at Crathas that night. This took place on Wednesday the eleventh day 
 of September. The covenanters, the same day, drew up their army at 
 the Two Mile Cross, a short distance from Aberdeen, where they re- 
 mained till Thursday night, when they retired into the town. On the 
 same night, Montrose marched down Dee side and took possession of the 
 ground which the covenanters had just left.* 
 
 On the following morning, viz. Friday the thirteenth of September, about 
 eleven o'clock, the covenanters marched out of Aberdeen to meet Montrose 
 who, on their approach, dispatched a drummer to beat a parley, and sent a 
 commissioner along with him bearing a letter from Montrose to the 
 provosts and bailies of Aberdeen, commanding and charging them to sur- 
 render " the town to him, lieutenant to his majesty, and in the king's name, 
 svhereby he might receive peaceable entrance to use his majesty's pro- 
 clamations and such others as he thought fitting, promising assurance 
 that no more harm nor prejudice should be done to the town, but to 
 take their entertainment for that night; otherwise, if they would dis- 
 obey, that then he desired them to remove old aged men, women and 
 children out of the way, and to stand to their own peril."f Imme- 
 diately on receipt of this letter, the provost called a meeting of the 
 council which was attended by Lord Burleigh, and, after a short consul- 
 tation, an answer was sent along with the commissioner declining to sur- 
 render the town. On their return the drummer was killed by the covenan- 
 ters, at a place called Justice Mills, which violation of the law of nations so 
 exasperated Montrose, that he gave orders to his men not to spare any 
 
 • Spalding, vol. ii. p. 263. f Ibid. voL ii. p. 'iSi. 
 
BATTLE OF ABERDEEN. 345 
 
 of the enemy who might fall into their hands. His anger at this oc- 
 currence is strongly depicted by Spalding, who says, that " he grew mad, 
 and became fiirious and impatient." 
 
 As soon as Montrose received notice of the refusal of the magistrates 
 to surrender the town, he made the necessary dispositions for attacking 
 the enemy. From his paucity of cavalry, he was obliged to extend his 
 line, as he had done at Tippermuir, to prevent the enemy from sur- 
 rounding or outilanking him with their horse, and on each of his wings 
 he posted his small body of horsemen along with select parties of 
 musketeers and archers. To James Hay, and Sir Nathaniel Gordon, 
 he gave the command of the right wing, and he committed the charge 
 of the left to Sir William RoUock, all men of tried bravery and expe 
 rience. 
 
 The covenanters began the battle by a cannonade from their field 
 pieces, and, from their commanding position, gave considerable annoy- 
 ance to the royal forces, who were very deficient in artillery. After the 
 firing had been kept up for some time. Lord Lewis Gordon, third son 
 of the Marquis of Huntly, a young man of a very ardent disposition, 
 and of a violent and changeable temper, who commanded the left wing 
 of the covenanters, having obtained possession of some level ground 
 where his horse could act, made a demonstration to attack Montrose's 
 right wing ; which, being observed by Montrose, he immediately order- 
 ed Sir William RoUock, with his party of horse, from the left wing to 
 the assistance of the right. These united wings, which consisted of 
 only forty-four horse, not only repulsed the attack of a body of three 
 hundred, but threw them into complete disorder and forced them to re- 
 treat upon the main body, leaving many dead and wounded on the field. 
 Montrose restrained these brave cavaliers from pursuing the body they 
 had routed, anticipating that their services might be soon required at 
 the other wing, and he was not mistaken, for no sooner did the cove- 
 nanting general perceive the retreat of Lord Lewis Gordon than he or- 
 dered an attack to be made upon the left wing of Montrose's army ; but 
 Montrose, with a celerity almost unexampled, moved his whole cavalry 
 from the right to the left wing, who, falling upon the flank of their assail- 
 ants sword in hand, forced them to fly, with great slaughter. In this 
 affair, Montrose's horse took Forbes of Craigievar and Forbes of Boynd- 
 lie, prisoners. 
 
 The unsuccessful attacks on the wings of Montrose's army, had, 
 in no shape, affected the future fortune of the day, as both armies 
 kept their ground, and were equally animated with hopes of ultimate 
 success. Vexed, but by no means intimidated by their second defeat, 
 the gentlemen who composed Burleigh's horse, consulted together as to 
 the best mode of renewing the attack, and, being of opinion that the suc- 
 cess of Montrose's cavalry was owing chiefly to the expert musketeers, 
 •vith whom they were interlined, they resolved to imitate the same 
 
346 H (STORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 plan, by mixing among tliem a select body of foot, and renewing the 
 charge a third time, with redoubled energy. But this scheme, which might 
 have proved fatal to Montrose, if tried, was frustrated by a resolution he 
 came to, of making an instant and simultaneous attack upon the enemy. 
 Perceiving their horse still in great confusion, and a considerable way 
 apart from their main body, he determined upon attacking them with 
 his foot before they should get time to rally ; and, galloping up to his 
 men, who had been greatly galled by the enemies' cannon, he told them 
 that there v/as no good to be expected by the two armies keeping at 
 such a distance — that in this way there was no means of distinguishing 
 the strong from the weak, nor the coward from the brave man, but that 
 if they would once make a home charge upon these timorous and effem- 
 inate striplings, as he called Burleigh's horse, they would never stand their 
 attack. " Come on, then," said he, " ray brave fellow-soldiers, fall down up- 
 on them with your swords and muskets, drive them before you, and make 
 them suffer the punishment due to their perfidy and rebellion." * These 
 words were no sooner uttered, than, on the word of command being given, 
 Montrose's men rushed forward at a quick pace and fell upon the enemy, 
 sword in hand. The covenanters were paralyzed by the suddenness and 
 impetuosity of the attack, and, turning their backs, they fled in the utmost 
 trepidation and confusion, towards Aberdeen. The slaughter was tremen- 
 dous, as the victors spared no man. The road leading from the field 
 of battle to Aberdeen was strewed with the dead and the dying ; the 
 streets of Aberdeen were covered with the bodies, and stained with the 
 blood of its inhabitants." " There was," says Spalding, " little slaughter 
 in the fight, but horrible was the slaughter in the flight, fleeing back to 
 the town, which was our townsmen's destruction ; whereas, if they had 
 fled, and not came near the town, they might have been in better se- 
 curity ; but, being commanded by Patrick Leslie, the provost, to take 
 the town, they were undone ; yet, himself and the prime covenanters 
 being on horseback, wan safely themselves away. The lieutenant fol- 
 lows the ehace into Aberdeen, his men hewing and cutting down all 
 manner of men they could overtake, within the town, upon the streets, 
 or in their houses, and round about the town, as our men were fleeing, 
 with broad swords, but (without) mercy or remeid. Their cruel Irish, 
 seeing a man well clad, would first tyr (strip) him, and save his clothes 
 unspoiled, syne kill the man." f In fine, according to this writer, who 
 was an eye-witness, the town of Aberdeen, which, but a few years be- 
 fore, had suffered for its loyality, was now, by the same general who had 
 then oppressed it, delivered up by him to be indiscriminately plundered by 
 liis Irish forces, for having espoused the same cause which he himself 
 had supported. For four days did these men indulge in the most dread- 
 ful excesses, " and nothing," continues Spalding, was " heard but pitiful 
 howling, crying, weeping, mourning, through all the streets.'' Yet Guth- 
 
 - Wishiirt, p. 89. t Spalding, vol. ii. p. 264. 
 
SUPINENESS OF THE GORDONS. 347 
 
 rie says that Montrose " shewed great mercy, both pardoning the people 
 and protecting their goods."* ' 
 
 It is singular, that although the battle continued for four hours with- 
 out any determinate result, Montrose lost very few men, a circumstance 
 the more extraordinary as the cannon of the covenanters were placed 
 upon advantageous ground, whilst those of Montrose were rendered 
 quite ineffective by being situated in a position from which they could 
 not be brought to bear upon the enemy. An anecdote, characteristic of 
 the bravery of the Irish, and of their coolness in enduring the privations 
 of war, has been preserved. During the cannonade on the side of the 
 covenanters, an Irishman had his leg shot away by a cannon ball, but 
 which kept still attached to the stump by means of a small bit of skin, 
 or flesh. His comrades-in-arms bemg affected with his disaster,, this 
 brave man, without betraying any symptoms of pain, thus cheerfully 
 addressed them: — ^" This, my companions, is the fate of war, and what 
 none of us ought to grudge : go on, and behave as becomes you ; and, 
 as for me, I am certain my lord, the marquis, will make me a troooer 
 as I am now disabled for the foot service." Then, taking a knife from 
 his pocket, he deliberately opened it, and cut asunder the skin which 
 retained the leg, without betraying the least emotion, and delivered it 
 to one of his companions for interment. As soon as this courageous man 
 was able to mount a horse, his wish to become a trooper was complied 
 with, in which capacity he afterwards distinguished himself f 
 
 Hoping that the news of the victory he had obtained would create a 
 strong feeling in his favour among the Gordons, some of whom had ac- 
 tually fought against him, under the command of Lord Lewis Gordon, 
 Montrose sent a part of his army towards Kintore and Inverury, the fol- 
 lowing day, to encourage the people of the surrounding country to declare 
 for him ; but he was sadly disappointed in his expectations. The fact 
 is, that ever since the appointment of Montrose as lieutenant-general of 
 the kingdom, — an appointment which trenched upon the authority of the 
 Marquis of Huntly as lieutenant of the north, the latter had become 
 quite lukewarm in the cause of his sovereign ; and, although he was 
 aware of the intentions of his son. Lord Lewis, to join the covenanters, 
 he quietly allowed him to do so without remonstrance. But, besides 
 being thus, in some measure, superseded by Montrose, the marquis 
 was actuated by personal hostility to him, on account of the treatment 
 he had formerly received from him ; and he resolved to gratify his 
 spleen by remaining a passive observer of a struggle which involved the 
 very existence of the monarchy itself. These were certainly the reasons 
 which influenced the Marquis of Huntly to withhold his support from 
 Montrose, although Gordon of Sallagh says he cannot determine what 
 they were ; because, as he oddly observes, " great men's reasons are 
 best known to themselves.":j; But, whatever may have been Huntly 's 
 
 * Memoirs, p. 131. t Wishart, o. 91. i Continuation, p 527. 
 
348 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 reasons, his apathy and indiiference had a deadening influence upon his 
 numerous retainers, who had no idea of taking the field but at the 
 command of their chief. 
 
 As Montrose saw no possibility of opposing the powerful and well 
 appointed army of Argyle, which was advancing upon him with slow 
 and cautious steps, disappointed as he had been of the aid which he had 
 calculated upon, he resolved to march into the Highlands, and there 
 collect such of the clans as were favourably disposed to the royal cause. 
 Leaving, therefore, Aberdeen on the sixteenth of September, with the 
 remainder of his forces, he joined the camp at Kintore, whence he dis- 
 patched Sir William Rollock to Oxford to inform the king of the events 
 of the campaign, and of his present situation, and to solicit him to send 
 supplies. 
 
 We must now advert to the progress of Argyle's army, the slow move- 
 ments of which form an unfavourable contrast when compared with the 
 rapid marches of Montrose's army ; but it seems scarcely fair at this 
 period to ciscribe the tardy progress which Argyle made towards the north 
 to cowardice on his part. He might, no doubt, have dreaded a colli- 
 sion with his distinguished adversary, but we are forced, in candour, to 
 attribute his apparent inactivity rather to the delays consequent upon 
 the transportation of heavy artillery and a large quantity of baggage, 
 than to any disposition of avoiding a hostile meeting. 
 
 On the fourth of September, four days after the battle of Tippermuir, 
 Argyle, who had been pursuing the Irish forces under Macdonald, had 
 arrived with his Highlanders at Stirling, where, on the following day, he 
 was joined by the earl of Lothian and his regiment, which had shortly 
 before been brought over from Ireland. After raising some men in 
 Stirlingshire, he marched to Perth upon the tenth, where he was joined 
 by some Fife men, and Lord Bargenny's and Sir Frederick Hamilton's 
 regiments of horse, which had been recalled from Newcastle for that 
 purpose. With this increased force, which now consisted of about 
 3000 foot and two regular cavalry regiments, besides ten troops of 
 horse, Argyle left Perth on the fourteenth of September for the north, 
 and, in his route, was joined by the Earl Marshall, the lords Gordon, 
 Fraser, and Crichton, and other covenanters. He arrived at Aberdeen 
 upon the nineteenth of September, where he issued a proclamation, de- 
 claring the marquis of Montrose and his followers traitors to religion and 
 to their king and country, and offering a reward of 20,000 pounds Scots, 
 to any person who should bring in Montrose dead or alive.* Spalding 
 laments with great pathos and feeling the severe hardships to which 
 the citizens of Aberdeen had been subjected by these frequent vi- 
 sitations of hostile armies, and alluding to the present occupancy 
 of the town by Argyle, he observes, that " this multitude of peo- 
 ple lived upon free quarters, a new grief to both towns, whereof there 
 was quartered on poor old Aberdeen Argyle's own three regiments. The 
 • Spalding, vol. ii. p. 270. 
 
ARGYLE MARCHES TO STRATHBOGIS. 349 
 
 soldiers had their baggage carried, and craved nothing but house-room 
 and fire. But ilk captain, with twelve gentlemen, had free quarters (so 
 long as the town had meat and drink), for two ordinaries, but the third 
 ordinary they furnished themselves out of their own baggage and provi- 
 sions, having store of meal, nolt, and sheep, carried with them. But, 
 the first night, they drank out all the stale ale in Aberdeen, and lived 
 upon wort thereafter."* 
 
 Argyle was now within half a day's march of Montrose, but strange 
 to tell, he made no preparations to follow him, and spent two or three 
 days in Aberdeen doing absolutely nothing. This extraordinary inacti- 
 vity did not escape the observation of Spalding, who sneeringly remarks 
 upon it in the following strain. " It is said the marquis of Argyle had 
 followed thir Irishes who fled out of his country about ten weeks time, 
 but could never win (reach) within two and a half days' journey to- 
 wards them. But now his foot army lying in Aberdeen, was within 
 half a day's journey towards them lying about Inverury, and in the 
 Garioch ; and so Argyle himself, with his troopers lying now at Drum, 
 was within like distance to them : but little following was there now, ilk 
 (each) party hanying and destroying the country wherever they came in 
 their bestial nolt, sheep, kine, victuals and other goods, and finding their 
 horses, troopers, and baggage horses, with corns, about both Aberdeens, 
 felt the smart. Marvellous to see Argyle with his horse troopers and 
 foot army so near his enemy, and to lye still without pursuing of them 
 so long time I f" 
 
 After spending three days in inglorious supineness, Argyle put his 
 army in motion in the direction of Kintore. Montrose, on hearing of 
 his approach, concealed his cannon in a bog, and leaving behind him 
 some of his heavy baggage, made towards the Spey with the intention 
 of crossing it. On arriving at the river, he encamped near the old cas- 
 tle of Rothiemurcus ; but finding that the boats used in passing the 
 river had been removed to the north side of the river, and that a large 
 armed force from the country on the north of the Spey had assembled 
 on the opposite bank to oppose his passage, Montrose marched his 
 army into the forest of Abernethy. Argyle only proceeded at first as 
 far as Strathbogie, but instead of pursuing Montrose, he allowed his 
 troops to waste their time in plundering the properties and laying waste 
 the lands of the Gordons in Strathbogie, and the Enzie, under the very 
 eyes of Lord Gordon and Lord Lewis Gordon, neither of whom appear 
 to have endeavoured to avert such a calamity. Spalding says that it 
 was " a wonderful unnaturalitie in the Lord Gordon to suffer his father's 
 lands and friends in his own sight to be thus wreckt and destroyed in his 
 father's absence;" but Lord Gordon likely had it not in his power to stay 
 these proceedings, which, if not done at the instigation, may have re- 
 ceived the approbation of his violent and headstrong younger brother, 
 
 . Spalding, vol. ii. p. 271. t Ibid. p. 271. 
 
350 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 who had joined the covenanters' standard. On the twenty-seventh of * 
 September, Argyle mustered his forces at the Bog of Gicht, which were 
 found to amount to about four thousand men, but although the army of 
 Montrose did not amount to much more than a third of that number, 
 and was within twenty miles distance, he did not venture to attack him. 
 After remaining a few days in Abernethy forest, Montrose passed 
 through the forest of Rothiemurcus, and following the course of the 
 Spey, marched through Badenoch. 
 
 When Argyle heard of the departure of Montrose from the forest of 
 Abernethy, he made a feint of following him. He, accordingly, set his 
 army in motion along Spey-side, and, crossing the river himself with 
 some horse, he marched up some distance along the north bank, and 
 re-crossed, when he ordered his troops to halt. He then proceeded to 
 Forres to attend a committee meeting of covenanters to concert a plan 
 of operations in the north, at which the earl of Sutherland, Lord 
 Lovat, the sheriff of Moray, the lairds of Balnagown, Innes and Plus- 
 carden, and many others were present. Fi-om Forres Argyle went to 
 Inverness, and after giving some instructions to Sir Mungo Campbell 
 if Lawers, and the laird of Buchanan, the commanders of the regiments 
 stationed there, he returned to his army, which he marched through 
 Badenoch in pursuit of Montrose. It was the intention of the latter 
 to have proceeded instantly into Athole, but he Wcis prevented from 
 moving for a few days by a severe illness. When the covenanters 
 heard of this intelligence they could not restrain their joy, and as people 
 will readily believe any occurrence they long for, reports of his death 
 were speedily circulated and believed with avidity. Even the ministers 
 could not restrain the satisfaction they felt on the occasion, and they as- 
 serted with confidence that the Lord of Hosts himself had slain Mon- 
 trose.* The speedy recovery of Montrose, and his sudden appearance 
 in Athole,f however, soon put an end to thpse rejoicings. From Athole 
 he sent Macdonald with a party of five hundred men to the Western 
 Highlands to invite the laird of Maclean, the captain of Clanranald, 
 and others to join him. Marching down to Dunkeld, Montrose pro- 
 ceeded rapidly through Angus towards Brechin and Montrose.:]: 
 
 The delay occasioned in Montrose's movements by the indisposition 
 with which he was seized, was fully compensated for by the tardy mo- 
 tions of Argyle, who, on entering Badenoch, found that his vigilant 
 antagonist was several days' march a-head of him. This intelligence, 
 however, did not induce him in the least to accelerate his march. Hear- 
 ing, when passing through Badenoch, that Montrose had been joined by 
 some of the inhabitants of that country, Argyle, according to Spalding, 
 " left nothing of that country undestroyed, no not one four footed 
 beast ;" and Athole shared a similar fate. 
 
 At the time Montrose entered Angus, a committee of the estates, 
 
 Wishail, p. 94. f October i, 1614. t Guthry, p. 231. 
 
SECOND MARCH OF MONTROSE TO THE NORTH. 351 
 
 consisting of the Earl Marshall and other barons, was sitting in Aber- 
 deen, who, on hearing of his approach, issued, on the tenth of October, 
 a printed order, to which the Earl Marshall's name was attached, or- 
 daining all persons of whatever age, sex, or condition, having horses 
 of tjie value of forty pounds Scots or upwards, to send them to the 
 bridge of Dee, which was appointed as the place of rendezvous, on the 
 fourteenth of October, by ten o'clock, a. m., with riders fully equip- 
 ped and armed; with certification, in case ot laiiuie, lliat each landed 
 proprietor should be fined in the sum of one thousand pounds ; every 
 gentleman not a landed proprietor, in five hundred pounds Scots, and 
 each husbandman in one hundred merks, besides confiscation of their 
 horses. Copies of this proclamation were sent to the moderators of 
 the adjoining Presbyteries, who were directed to instruct the ministers 
 of the parishes to notify the same to every man within their parishes, 
 and to read it from their pulpits upon Sunday. With the exception 
 of the Lord Gordon, who brought three troops of horse, and Captain 
 Alexander Keith, brother of the Earl Marshall, who appeared with 
 one troop at the appointed place, no attention was paid to the order of 
 the committee by the people, who had not yet recovered from their 
 fears, and their recent sufferings were still too fresh in their minds to 
 induce them again to expose themselves to the vengeance of Montrose 
 and his Irish troops. " Many men and women," says Spalding, " with 
 their young children, carried on women's backs, fled the town of Aber- 
 deen, (there having fallen, the same Sunday, a storm of snow,) howl- 
 ing, lamenting, and crying, not knowing where to go for safety of their 
 lives, which was pitiful to behold ; but their fear was more nor needed, 
 for they all returned back to their houses shortly, for that Montrose 
 came not to Aberdeen." * Disappointed and chagrined at the disobe- 
 dience of the country people, Ramsay, who had been appointed by the 
 committee major-general of these expected horse, destroyed the grain 
 crops of the farmers. 
 
 After refreshing his army a few days in Angus, Montrose prepared 
 to cross the Grampians, and to march to Strathbogie to make another 
 attempt to raise the Gordons ; but, before setting out on his march, he 
 released Forbes of Craigievar and Forbes of Boyndlie, on their parole, 
 upon condition that Craigievar should procure the liberation of the young 
 laird of Drum and his brother, from the jail of Edinburgh, failing which, 
 Craigievar and Boyndlie were both to deliver themselves up to him as pri- 
 soners, before the first of November. This act of generosity, on the part 
 of Montrose, was greatly admired, more particularly as Craigievar was 
 one of the heads of the covenanters, and had great influence among 
 them. In pursuance of his design, Montrose marched through the 
 Mearns, and upon Thursday the seventeenth of October, crossed the 
 Dee at the Mills of Drum, with his whole army. In his progress north, 
 
 • Troubles, vol. ii. p. 277. 
 •2 Y 
 
352 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 contrary to his former forbearing policy, he laid waste the lands of some 
 of the leading covenanters, burnt their houses, and plundered their effects 
 He arrived at Strathbogie on the nineteenth of October, where he remained 
 till the twenty-seventh, without being able to induce any considerable 
 number of the Gordons to join him. It was not from want of inclination 
 that they refused to do so, but they were unwilling to incur the dis- 
 pleasure of their chief, who they knew was personally opposed to Mon- 
 trose, and who felt indignant at seeing a man who had formerly espous- 
 ed the cause of the covenanters preferred before him. In order to 
 avoid the personal solicitations of Montrose, and the pain of refusing 
 his request, many of the leading men of the clan concealed, or 
 absented themselves. Had Montrose been accompanied by any of the 
 marquis of Huntly's sons, they might have had influence enough to have 
 induced some of the Gordons to declare for him, but the situation of 
 the marquis' three sons was at this time very peculiar. The eldest son, 
 Lord Gordon, a young man " of singular worth and accomplishments," 
 was with Argyle, his uncle by the mother's side ; the earl of Aboyne, 
 the second son, was shut up in the castle of Carlisle, then in a state of 
 siege ; and Lord Lewis Gordon, the third son, had, as we have seen, 
 joined the covenanters, and fought in their ranks. 
 
 In this situation of matters, Montrose left Strathbogie on the day 
 last mentioned, and took up a position in the forest of Fy vie, where he 
 despatched some of his troops who took possession of the castles of Fy- 
 vie and ToUie Barclay, in which he found a good supply of provisions, 
 which was of great service to his army. During his stay at Strathbogie, 
 Montrose kept a strict outlook for the enemy, and scarcely passed a 
 night without scouring the neighbouring country to the distance of sev- 
 eral miles, with parties of light foot, who attacked straggling parties of 
 the covenanters, and brought in prisoners from time to time, without 
 sustaining any loss. These petty enterprises, while they alarmed their 
 enemies, gave an extraordinary degree of confidence to Montrose's men, 
 who were ready to undertake any service, however difficult or danger- 
 ous, if he only commanded them to perform it. 
 
 When Montrose crossed the Dee, Argyle was several days' march 
 behind him. The latter, however, reached Aberdeen on the twenty 
 fourth of October, and proceeded the following morning towards Kin- 
 tore, which he reached the same night. On the following morning, he 
 marched forward to Inverury, where he halted at night. Here he was 
 joined by the earl of Lothian's regiment, which increased his force to 
 about two thousand five hundred foot, and twelve hundred horse. In 
 his progress through the shires of Angus, Kincardine, Aberdeen, and 
 Banff, he received no accession of strength from the dread which the 
 name and actions of Montrose had infused into the minds of the inhabi- 
 tants of these counties. 
 
 The sudden movements of Argyle from Aberdeen to Kintore, and 
 from Kintore to Inverury, form a remarkable contrast with the slowness 
 
BATTLE OF FYVIE. 353 
 
 of his former motions. He had followed Montrose thrOugli a long and 
 circuitous route, the greater part of which still bore recent traces of his 
 foot-steps, and instead of showing any disposition to overtake his flying 
 foe, seemed rather inclined to keep that respectful distance from him, 
 so congenial to the mind of one, who, " willing to wound," is " yet 
 still afraid to strike." But although this questionable policy of Ar- 
 gyle was by no means calculated to raise his military fame, it had the 
 eflfect of throwing Montrose in the present case off his guard, and had 
 well nigh proved fatal to him. The rapid march of Argyle on Kin- 
 tore and Inverury, in fact was effected without Montrose's knowledge, 
 for the spies he had employed concealed the matter from him, and while 
 he imagined that Argyle was still on the other side of the Grampians, 
 he suddenly appeared within a very few miles of Montrose's camp upon 
 the twenty-eighth day of October. — 
 
 The unexpected arrival of Argyle's army did not disconcert Mon- 
 trose. His foot, which amounted to fifteen hundred men, were little 
 more than the half of those under Argyle, while he had only about fifty 
 horse to oppose to twelve hundred. Yet, with this immense disparity, 
 he resolved to await the attack of the enemy, judging it inexpedient from 
 the want of cavalry, to become the assailant by descending into the plain 
 where Argyle's army was encamped. He might have thrown a large body 
 of his troops into the castle of Fyvie and stood a siege, but as such a 
 mode of defence did not suit his views, and was considered by him incon- 
 sistent with his own military reputation, and the splendour of his victories, 
 he disdained to adopt such a course. His plan was this : On a rugged 
 eminence behind the castle of Fyvie, on the uneven sides of which several 
 ditches had been cut and dikes built to serve as farm fences, Montrose drew 
 up his little but intrepid host ; but before he had marked out the positions 
 to be occupied by his divisions, he had the misfortune to witness the 
 desertion of a small body of the Gordons, who had joined him at Strath- 
 bogie. They, however, did not join Argyle, but contented themselves 
 with withdrawing altogether from the scene of ensuing action. It is 
 probable, that they came to the determination of retiring, not firom 
 cowardice but from disinclination to appear in the field against Lord 
 Lewis Gordon, who held a high command in Argyle's army. 
 
 The secession of the Gordons, though in realitj' a circumstance of 
 trifling importance in itself, (for had they remained, they would have 
 fought unwillingly, and consequently might not have had sufficient reso- 
 lution to maintain the position which would have been assigned them,) 
 had a disheartening influence upon the spirits of Montrose's men, and ac- 
 cordingly they found themselves unable to resist the first shock of Argyle's 
 numerous forces, who, charging them with great impetuosity, drove 
 them up the eminence, of a considerable part of which Argyle's army 
 got possession. In this critical conjuncture, when terror and despair 
 seemed about to obtain the mastery over hearts to which fear had hith- 
 erto been a stranger, Montrose displayed a coolness and presence of 
 
354 HISTORY OP THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 mind equal to the clangers which surrounded him. Animating them 
 by his presence, and by the example which he showed, in risking his 
 person in the hottest of the fight, he roused their courage by putting them 
 further in mind of the victories they had achieved, and how greatly su- 
 perior they were in bravery to the enemy opposed to them. After this 
 emphatic appeal to their feelings, Montrose turned to Colonel O'Kean, 
 a young Irish gentleman, highly respected by Montrose for his brav- 
 ery, and desired him, with an air of the most perfect sangfroid, to go 
 down with such men as were readiest, and to drive these fellows, (mean- 
 ing Argyle's men,) out of the ditches, that they might be no more 
 troubled with them. O'Kean quiclcly obeyed the mandate, and though 
 the party in the ditches was greatly superior to the body he led, and was, 
 moreover, supported by some horse, he drove them away, and captured 
 several bags of powder which they left behind them in their hurry to 
 escape. This was a valuable acquisition, as Montrose's men had spent 
 already almost the whole of their ammunition. A curious observation 
 made by one of O'Kean 's men upon getting hold of the bags of powder 
 has been related. Finding that the enemy had left no ball, he exclaim- 
 ed, " What I have they left no ball ? but we must take them afterwards 
 from these niggardly rascals." 
 
 While O'Kean was executing this brilliant affair, Montrose observed 
 five troops of horse, under the earl of Lothian, preparing to attack his 
 fifty horse who were posted a little way up the eminence, with a small 
 wood in their rear. He, therefore, without a moment's delay, ordered 
 a party of musketeers to their aid, who, having interlined themselves 
 with the fifty horse, kept up such a galling fire upon Lothian's troopers, 
 that before they had advanced half way across a field which lay between 
 them and Montrose's horse, they were obliged to wheel about and gal- 
 lop off". 
 
 Montrose's men became so elated with their success that they could 
 scarcely be restrained from leaving their ground and making a general 
 attack upon the whole of Argyle's army ; but although Montrose did 
 not approve oi' this design, he disguised his opinion and seemed rather 
 to concur in the views of his men, telling them, however, to be so far 
 mindful of their duty as to wait till he should see the fit moment for order- 
 ing the attack. Argyle remained till the evening without attempting any 
 thing farther, and then retired to a distance of about three miles across 
 the Spey ; his men passed the night under arms. The only person of 
 note killed in these skirmishes, was Captain Keith, brother of the Earl 
 Marshall. 
 
 Next day Argyle resolved to attack Montrose with the view of driv- 
 ing him from his position. He was induced to come to this determina- 
 tion from a report which had reached him that Montrose's army was 
 almost destitute of ammunition, a report, by the by, too well founded ; 
 but, on arriving at the bottom of the hill, he changed his resolution, not 
 judging it safe, from the experience of the preceding day, to hazard an 
 
SECESSION FROM MONTROSE S CAMP. S55 
 
 attack. Montrose, on the other hand, agreeably to his original plan, kept 
 his ground, as he did not deem it adviseable to expose his men to the 
 enemy's cavalry by descending from the eminence. With the exception 
 of some trifling skirmishes between the advanced posts, the main body 
 of both armies remained quiescent during the whole day. To supply 
 his want of shot, Montrose melted down all the pewter dishes he could 
 collect, including a certain utensil, in reference to which, one of his 
 men, after discharging his musket, jocularly said, " I have certainly broke 
 
 one traitor's face with a ch p — ."* 
 
 Argyle again retired in the evening to the ground he had occupied 
 the preceding night, whence he returned the following day, part of 
 which was spent in the same manner as the former ; but long before 
 the day had expired, he led off his army, " upon fair day light,'' says 
 Spalding, " to a considerable distance, leaving Montrose to effect his es- 
 cape unmolested." A more remarkable instance of utter imbecility, or 
 rather pusillanimity, than that exhibited in the conduct of Argyle on 
 the present occasion, it is scarcely possible to conceive ; and it seems 
 surprising that, after thus incurring " disgrace among his friends, and 
 contempt from his enemies," he should have still been allowed to retain 
 a command for which he was evidently altogether unfitted. 
 
 Montrose, thus left to follow any course he pleased, marched off after 
 night-fall towards Strathbogie, plundering Turriff and Rothiemay house 
 in his route. He selected Strathbogie as the place of his retreat, on ac- 
 count of the ruggedness of the country and of the numerous dikes with 
 which it was intersected, which would prevent the operations of Argyle's 
 cavalry, and where he intended to remain till joined by Macdonald, 
 whom he daily expected from the Highlands with a reinforcement. 
 When Argyle heard of Montrose's departure on the following morning, 
 being the last day of October, he, forthwith, proceeded after him with his 
 army, thinking to bring him to action in the open country, and en- 
 camped at TuUochbeg on the second of November, where he drew out 
 his army in battle array. He endeavoured to bring Montrose to a gene- 
 ral engagement, and in order to draw him from a favourable position 
 be was preparing to occupy, Argyle sent out a skirmishing party of his 
 Highlanders ; but they were soon repulsed, and Montrose took possession 
 of the ground he had selected. 
 
 Baffled in all his attempts to overcome Montrose by force of arms, 
 Argyle, whose talents were more fitted for the intrigues of the cabinet 
 than the tactics of the field, had now recourse to negotiation, with the 
 view of effecting the ruin of his antagonist. For this purpose he pro- 
 posed a cessation of arms, and that he and Montrose should hold a confer- 
 ence previous to which arrangements should be entered into for their mu- 
 tual security. Montrose knew Argyle too well to place any reliance upon 
 his word, and as he had no doubt that Argyle would take advantage, 
 
 • Wishart, p. 100. 
 
856 HISTORY OF THE HIOHLANDS. 
 
 during the proposed cessation, to tamper with his men, and endeavour to 
 withdraw them from their allegiance, he called a council of war, and pro- 
 posed to retire without delay to the Highlands. The council at once 
 approved of this suggestion, whereupon Montrose resolved to march next 
 night as far as Badenoch ; and that his army might be able to accomplish 
 such a long journey within the time fixed, he immediately sent off all 
 his heavy baggage under a guard, and ordered his men to keep 
 themselves prepared as if to fight a battle the next day.* Scarcely, 
 however, had the carriages and heavy baggage been despatched, when 
 an event took place which greatly disconcerted Montrose. This wa.s 
 nothing less than the desertion of his friend Colonel Sibbald and some 
 of his officers, who went over to the enemy. They were accompanied 
 by Sir William Forbes of Craigievar, who, having been unable to fulfil 
 the condition on which he was to obtain his ultimate liberation, had 
 returned two or three days before to Montrose's camp. This distressing 
 occurrence induced Montrose to postpone his march for a time, as he 
 was quite certain that the deserters would communicate his plans to 
 Argyle. Ordering, therefore, back the baggage he had sent off, he re- 
 sumed his former position in which he remained four days, as if he there 
 intended to take up his winter quarters. 
 
 In the meantime Montrose had the mortification to witness the de- 
 fection of almost the whole of his officers, who were very numerous, for, 
 with the exception of the Irish and Highlanders, they outnumbered the 
 privates from the Lowlands. The bad example which had been set by 
 Sibbald, the intimate friend of Montrose, and the insidious promises of 
 preferment held out to them by Argyle, induced some, whose loyalty was 
 questionable, to adopt this course ; but the idea of the privations to 
 which they would be exposed in traversing, during winter, among frost 
 and snow, the dreary and dangerous regions of the Highlands, shook the 
 constancy of others, who, in different circumstances, would have willingly 
 exposed their lives for their sovereign. Bad health, inability to undergo 
 ■ the fatigue of long and constant marches — these and other excuses were 
 made to Montrose as the reasons for craving a discharge from a service 
 which had now become more hazardous than ever. Montrose made no 
 remonstrance, but with looks of high disdain which betrayed the inward 
 workings of a proud and unsubdued mind, indignant at being thus aban- 
 doned at such a dangerous crisis, readily complied with the request of 
 every man who asked permission to retire. The earl of Airly, now sixty 
 years of age and in precarious health, and his two sons, Sir Thomas, and 
 Sir David, out of all the Lowlanders, alone remained faithful to Mon- 
 trose, and could, on no account, be prevailed upon to abandon him. 
 Among others who left Montrose on this occasion, was Sir Nathaniel 
 Gordon, who, it is said, went over to Argyle's camp in consequence of a 
 concerted plan between hira and Montrose, for the purpose of detaching 
 
 • Wishart, p. 102. 
 
HETREAT OF MONTROSE TO THE HIGHLANDS. 3S7 
 
 Lord Lewis Gordon from the cause of the covenanters, a conjecture 
 which seems to have originated in the subsequent conduct of Sir Na- 
 thaniel and Lord Lewis, who joined Montrose the following year. 
 
 Montrose, now abandoned by all his Lowland friends, prepared for 
 his march, preparatory to which, he sent oft' his baggage as formerly ; 
 and after lighting some fires for the purpose of deceiving the enemy, 
 took his departure on the evening of the sixth of November, and arrived 
 about break of day at Balveny. After remaining a few days there to 
 refresh his men, he proceeded through Badenoch, and descended by ra 
 pid marches into Athole, where he was joined by Macdonald and John 
 Muidartach, the captain of the Clanranald, the latter of whom brought 
 five hundred of his men along with them. He was also reinforced by 
 some small parties from the neighbouring Highlands, whom Macdonald 
 had induced to follow him. 
 
 In the meantime Argyle, after giving orders to his Highlanders to 
 return home, went himself to Edinburgh where he " got but small thanks 
 for his service against Montrose."* Although the Committee of Estates, 
 out of deference, approved of his conduct, which some of his flatterers 
 considered deserving of praise because he "had shed no blood ;"f yet 
 all impartial persons had formed a very different estimate of his charac- 
 ter, during a campaign which had been as inglorious to himself as hu- 
 miliating to the cause which he had endeavoured to support. Confident 
 of success, the heads of the covenanters looked upon the first efl!brts of 
 Montrose in the light of a desperate and forlorn attempt, rashly and in- 
 considerately undertaken, and which they expected would be speedily 
 put down ; but the results of the battles of Tippermuir, Aberdeen, and 
 Fyvie, gave a new direction to their thoughts, and the royalists, hitherto 
 contemned, began now to be dreaded and respected. In allusion to the 
 present " posture of affairs," it is observed by Guthry, that " many who 
 had formerly been violent, began to talk moderately of business, and 
 what was most taken notice of, was the lukewarmness of many amongst 
 the ministry, who now in their preaching had began to abate much of 
 their former zeal.":); The early success of Montrose had indeed caused 
 some misgivings in the minds of the covenanters ; but as they all hoped 
 that Argyle would change the tide of war, they showed no disposition 
 to relax in their severities towards those who were suspected of favouring 
 the cause of the king. The signal failure, however, of Argyle's expedi- 
 tion, and his return to the capital, quite changed, as we have seen, the 
 aspect of afiairs, and many of those who had been most sanguine in 
 their calculations regarding the result of the struggle, began now to 
 waver and to doubt. 
 
 While Argyle was passing his time in Edinburgh, Montrose was 
 meditating a terrible blow at Argyle himself to revenge the cruelties 
 tie had exercised upon the royalists, and to give confidence to the 
 clans in Argyle's neighbourhood, who had been hitherto prevented 
 
 • Spalding, vol. II. p. 287. t Guthry, p. 134. t Memoirs, pp. 134.-5. 
 
3o8 HISTORY OF THE HIOHLASDS. 
 
 from joining' Montrose's standard from a, dread of Argyle, who having 
 always a body of five or six thousand Highlanders at command, had 
 kept them in such complete subjection that they dared not, without the 
 risk of absolute ruin, espouse the cause of their sovereign. It is said 
 that- Montrose intended at~ first to have transferred the seat of war at 
 once to the Lowlands, where he expected to be better able to support 
 his troops during winter, but that he was induced to give up this plan 
 by Macdonald and the captain of Clanranald, who, having a strong 
 dislike at Argyle, advised him to invade the territory of their common 
 enemy. Nothing could be more gi'atifying to Montrose's followers than 
 his resolution to carry the war into Argyle's country, as they would 
 thus have an ample opportunity of retaliating upon him and his retainers 
 the injuries which, for a course of years, they had inflicted upon the sup- 
 porters of royalty in the adjoining countries, many of whom had been 
 ruined by Argyle. The idea of curbing the power of a haughty and 
 ' domineering chief whose very word was a law to the inhabitants of an 
 extensive district, ready to obey his cruel mandates at all times, and the 
 spirit of revenge, the predominating characteristic of the clans, smoothed 
 the difficulties which presented themselves in invading a country made 
 almost inaccessible by nature, and rendered still more unapproachable 
 by the severities of winter. The determination of Montrose having 
 thus met with a willing response in the breasts of his men, he lost no 
 time in putting them in motion. Dividing his army into two parts, he 
 himself marched with the main body, consisting of the Irish and the 
 Athole-men, to Loch Tay, whence he proceeded through Breadalbane. 
 The other body, composed of the Clan-Donald and other Highlanders, 
 he despatched by a different route, with instructions to meet, him at an 
 assigned spot on the borders of Argyle. The country through which 
 both divisions passed, being chiefly in possession of Argyle's kinsmen or 
 dependants, was laid waste by them, and particularly the lands of 
 Campbell of Glenorchy. 
 
 When Argyle heard of the ravages committed by Montrose's army 
 on the lands of his kinsmen, he hastened home from Edinburgh to his 
 castle at Inverary, and gave orders for the assembling of his clan, either 
 to repel any attack that might be made on his own country, or to pro- 
 tect his friends from future aggression. It is by no means certain that 
 he anticipated an invasion from Montrose, particularly at such a season 
 of the year, and he seemed to imagine himself so secure from attack, 
 owing to the intricacy of the passes leading into Argyle, that although a 
 mere handful of men could have effectually opposed an army much 
 larger than that of Montrose; he took no precautions to guard them 
 So important indeed did he himself consider these passes to be, that he 
 had frequently declared that he would rather forfeit a hundred thousand 
 crowns, than that an enemy should know the passes by which an armed 
 force could penetrate into Argyle.* 
 
 * Wishart, p. 107. 
 
B'^^ ^pi 
 
RAVAGES OF MONTROSE IN ARGYLE AND LORN. 
 
 359 
 
 While tlius reposing in fancied security in his impregnable strong- 
 bold, and issuing his mandates for levying his forces, some shepherds 
 arrived in great terror from the hills, and brought him the alarming 
 intelligence, that the enemy whom he had imagined were about a hun- 
 dred miles distant, were within two miles of his own dwelling. Terrified 
 at the unexpected appearance of Montrose, whose vengeance he justly 
 dreaded, he had barely self-possession left to concert measures for his 
 own personal safety by taking refuge on board a fishing boat in Loch 
 Fyne, in which he sought his way to the Lowlands, leaving his people 
 and country exposed to the merciless will of an enemy thirsting for re- 
 venge. The inhabitants of Argyle being thus basely abandoned by 
 their chief, made no attempt to oppose Montrose, who, the more efiec- 
 tually to carry his plan for pillaging and ravaging the country into 
 execution, divided his army into three parties, each under the respective 
 orders of the captain of Clanranald, Macdonald, and himself. For up- 
 wards of six weeks, viz. from the thirteenth of December, sixteen hun- 
 dred and forty four, till nearly the end of January following, these dif- 
 ferent bodies traversed the whole country without molestation, burning, 
 wasting, and destroying every thing which came within their reach ; 
 villages and cottages, fiirniture, grain, and efl^ects of every description 
 were made a prey to the devouring element of fire. The cattle which 
 they did not succeed in driving ofi' were either mutilated or slaughtered, 
 and the whole of Argyle as well as the district of Lorn soon became a 
 dreary waste. Nor were the people themselves spared, for although it 
 is mentioned by one writer, that Montrose " shed no blood in regard that 
 all the people (following their Lord's laudable example) delivered them- 
 selves by flight also,"* it is evident from several contemporary authors 
 that the slaughter must have been immense.f One of these :{: says, that 
 Montrose spared none that were able to bear arms, and that he put to 
 death all the men who were going to the rendezvous appointed by 
 Argyle. Probably the eight hundred and ninety-five persons mentioned 
 by the author of the Red Book of Clanranald, as having been killed by 
 the party of Clanranald vrithout opposition, may be those alluded to 
 by Wishart. In fact, before the end of January, the face of a single 
 male nhabitant was not to be seen throughout the whole extent of Ar- 
 gyle and Lorn, the whole population having been either driven out of 
 these districts, or taken refuge in dens and caves known only to them- 
 selves. 
 
 Having thus retaliated upon Argyle and his people in a tenfold de- 
 gree the miseries which he had occasioned in Lochaber and the adjoin- 
 ing countries, Montrose left Argyle and Lorn, passing through Glencoe 
 and Lochaber on his way to Lochness. On his march eastwards he was 
 joined by the laird of Abergeldie, the Farquharsons of the Braes of 
 Mar, and by a party of the Gordons. The object of Montrose, by 
 
 * Guthr)', p. 136. 
 t Spalding, vol. II. p. 294, Wishart, p. 108— Red Book of Clanranald, MS. 
 
 J Wishart 
 
J560 HISTORY OF THIS HIGHLANDS. 
 
 this movemont, was to seize Inverness, which was then only protected 
 . by two regiments, in the expectation that its capture would operate as 
 a stimulus to the northern clans, who had not yet declared themselves. 
 This resolution was by no means altered on reaching the head of Loch- 
 ness, where he learned that the earl of Seaforth was advancmg to meet 
 him with an army of five thousand horse and foot, collected from Mo- 
 ray, Ross, Sutherland, and Caithness, including the veteran garrison of 
 Inverness, and the clan of the Frasers. Although Montrose had only 
 at this time about fifteen hundred men, in consequence of the temporary 
 absence of the Highlanders, who, according to custom, were occupied 
 in securing at home the booty which they had acquired in Argyle, he 
 resolved to encounter Seaforth's army, which, with the exception of the 
 two regular regiments, was composed of raw and undisciplined levies. 
 
 While proceeding, however, through Abertarf, a person arrived in great 
 haste at Kilcummin, the present Fort Augustus, who brought him the sur- 
 prising intelligence that Argyle had entered Lochaber with an army of 
 three thousand men ; that he was burning and laying waste the country, 
 and that his head quarters were at the old castle of Inverlochy. After 
 Argyle had eifected his escape from Inverary, he had gone to Dumbar- 
 ton, where he remained till Montrose's departure from his territory. 
 While there, a body of covenanting troops, who had served in England, 
 arrived under the command of Major-General Baillie, for the purpose 
 of assisting Argyle in expelling Montrose from his bounds ; but on 
 learning that Montrose had left Argyle, and was marching through 
 Glencoe and Lochaber, General Baillie, instead of proceeding into Ar- 
 gyle for the purpose of following Montrose, determined to lead his 
 army in an easterly direction through the Lowlands, with the intention 
 of intercepting Montrose, should he attempt a descent. At the same 
 time it was arranged between Baillie and Argyle, that the latter, who 
 had now recovered from his panic, in consequence of Montrose's de- 
 parture, should return to Argyle and collect his men from their hiding- 
 places and retreats ; but as it was not improbable that Montrose might 
 renew his visit, the Committee of Estates allowed Baillie to place eleven 
 hundred of his men at the disposal of Argyle, who, as soon as he was 
 able to muster his men, was to follow Montrose's rear, yet so as to avoid 
 an engagement, till Baillie, who, on hearing of Argyle's advance into 
 Lochaber, was to march suddenly across the Grampians, should attack 
 Montrose in front. To assist him in levying and organizing his clan, 
 Argyle called over Campbell of Auchinbreck, his kinsman, from Ireland, 
 who had considerable reputation as a military commander. In terms of his 
 instructions, therefore, Argyle had entered Lochaber, and had advanced 
 as far as Inverlochy, when, as we have seen, the news of his arrival 
 was brought to Montrose. 
 
 Montrose was at first almost disinclined to believe, from the well- 
 known character of Argyle, the truth of this intelligence, but being 
 fully assured of its correctness from the apparent sincerity of his in- 
 
6S 
 
 
BATTLE OF INVERLOCHY. 361 
 
 former, he lost not a moment in making up liis mind as to the course he 
 should pursue. He might have instantly marched back upon Argj'le 
 by the route he had just followed ; but as Argyle would thus get due 
 notice of his approach, and prepare himself for the danger which threat- 
 ened him, Montrose resolved upon a different plan. The design lie 
 conceived could only have originated in the mind of such a daring and 
 enterprising commander as Montrose, before whose towering genius 
 difficulties, hitherto deemed insurmountable, at once disappeared. The 
 idea of carrying an army over dangerous and precipitous mountains, 
 whose wild and frowning aspect seemed to forbid the approach of hu- 
 man footsteps, and in the middle of winter too, when the formidable 
 perils of the journey were greatly increased by the snow which had 
 obliterated the faint tracks of the wild deer and adventurous hunter, and 
 filled up many a dangerous chasm, however chimerical it might have 
 seemed to other men, appeared quite practicable to Montrose, whose 
 sanguine anticipations of the advantages to be derived from such an 
 extraordinary exploit, more than counterbalanced in his mind the risks 
 to be encountered. 
 
 The distance between the place where Montrose received the news of 
 Argyle's arrival, and Inverlochy, is about thirty miles ; but this dis- 
 tance was considerably increased by the devious track which Montrose 
 followed. Marching along the small river Tarf in a southerly direc- 
 tion, he crossed the hills of Lairie Thierard, passed through Glenroy, 
 and after traversing the range of mountains between the Glen and Ben 
 Nevis, he arrived in Glennevis before Argyle had the least notice of his 
 approach. Before setting out on his march, Montrose had taken the 
 wise precaution of placing guards upon the common road leading to 
 Inverlochy, to prevent intelligence of his movements being carried to 
 Argyle, and he had killed such of Argyle's scouts as he had fallen in 
 with ui the course of his march. This fatiguing and unexampled jour- 
 ney had been performed in little more than a night and a day, and when, 
 in the course of the evening Montrose's men arrived in Glennevis, they 
 found themselves so weary and exhausted that they could not venture 
 to attack the enemy. They therefore lay under arms all night, and re- 
 ft'eshed themselves, as they best could, till next morning. As the night 
 was uncommonly clear and enlightened by the moon, the advanced posts 
 of both armies kept up a small fire of musketry during the night, which 
 led to no result. 
 
 In the meantime Argyle, after committing his army to the charge of 
 his cousin Campbell of Auchinbreck, had the dastardliness to abandon 
 his men, by going, during the night, on board a boat in the loch, ac- 
 companied by Sir .lohn Wauchope of Niddry, Sir James Rollock of 
 Duncrub, Archibald Sydserf, one of the bailies of Edinburgh, and 
 Mungo Law, a minister of the same city. Argyle excused h™selt for 
 this pusillanimous act, by alleging his incapacity to enter the field of 
 battle, in consequence of some contusions he had received by a fall. 
 
362 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 two or three weeks before ; but, his enemies averred, that cowardice 
 was the real motive which induced him to take refuge in his galley, 
 from which he witnessed the defeat and destruction of his army. 
 
 It would appear, that It was not until the morning of the battle, that 
 Argyle's men were aware that it was the army of Montrose that was 
 present, as they considered it quite impossible, that he should have been 
 able to bring his forces across the mountains, and they imagined, that 
 the body before them consisted of some of the inhabitants of the coun- 
 try, who had collected to defend their properties, But they were un- 
 deceived, when, in the dawn of the morning, the warlike sound of Mon- 
 trose's trumpets, resounding through the glen where they lay, and re- 
 verberating from the adjoining hills, broke upon their ears. This served 
 as the signal to both armies to prepare for battle. Montrose drew out 
 his army in an extended line. The right wing consisted of a regiment of 
 Irish, under the command of Macdonald, his major-general ; the centre 
 was composed of the Athole-men, the Stuarts of Appin, and the Mac- 
 donalds of Glencoe, and other Highlanders, severally under the command 
 of Clanranald, M'Lean, and Glengary ; and the left wing consisted of 
 some Irish, at the head of whom was the brave Colonel O'Kean. A 
 body of Irish was placed behind the main body as a reserve, under the 
 command of Colonel James M'Donald, alias O'Neill. The general of 
 Argyle's army formed it in a similar manner. The Lowland forces 
 were equally divided, and formed the wings, between which the High- 
 landers were placed. Upon a rising ground, behind this line, fjleneral 
 Campbell drew up a reserve of Highlanders, and placed a field piece. 
 Within the house of Inverlochy, which was only about a pistol shot 
 from the place where the army was formed, he planted a body of forty 
 or fifty men to protect the place, and to annoy Montrose's men with 
 discharges of musquetry.* The account given by Gordon of Sallagh, 
 that Argyle had transported the half of his army over the water at In- 
 verlochy, under the command of Auchinbreck, and that Montrose de- 
 feated this division, while Argyle was prevented from relieving it with 
 the other division, from the intervention of "an arm of the sea, that was 
 interjected betwixt them and him,"f is certainly erroneous, for the cir- 
 cumstance is not mentioned by any other writer of the period, and it is 
 well known, that Argyle abandoned his army, and witnessed its destruc- 
 tion from his galley, — circumstances, which Gordon altogether over- 
 looks. 
 
 It was at sunrise, on Sunday, the second day of February, ir 
 the j'ear sixteen hundred and forty-five, that Montrose, after having 
 formed his army in battle array, gave orders to his men to advance 
 upon the enemy. The left wing of Montrose's army, under the com- 
 mand of O'Kean, was the first to commence the attack, by charging 
 
 • Spalding, vol. II. p. 295. t Continuation, p. 522. 
 
BATTLE OF INVERLOCHY. 363 
 
 the enemy's right. This was immediately followed by a furious assault 
 upon the centre and left wing of Argyle's army, by Montrose's right 
 wing and centre. Argyle's right wing not being able to resist the at- 
 tack of Montrose's left, turned about and fled, which circumstance had 
 such a discouraging eifect on the remainder of A,rgyle's troops, that after 
 discharging their muskets, the whole of them, including the reserve, took 
 to their heels. The route now became general. An attempt was made by 
 a body of about two hundred of the fugitives, to throw themselves into 
 the castle of Inverlochy, but a party of Montrose's horse prevented them. 
 Some of the flying enemy directed their course along the side of Loch- 
 Eil, but all these were either killed or drowned in the pursuit. The 
 greater part, however, fled towards the hills in the direction of Argyle, 
 and were pursued by Montrose's men, to the distance of about eight 
 miles. As no resistance was made by the defeated party in their flight, 
 the carnage was very great, being reckoned at fifteen hundred men, or 
 about the half of Argyle's army. Many more would have been cut off 
 had it not been for the humanity of Montrose, who did every thing in 
 his power to save the unresisting enemy from the fury of his men, who 
 were not disposed to give quarter to the unfortunate Campbells. Hav- 
 ing taken the castle, Montrose not only treated the officers, who were 
 from the Lowlands, with kindness, but gave them their liberty on parole. 
 Among the principal persons who fell on Argyle's side, were the 
 commander, Campbell of Auchinbreck, Campbell of Lochnell, the eldest 
 son of Lochnell, and his brother, Colin ; M'Dougall of Rara and his eldest 
 son ; Major Menzies, brother to the laird, (or Prior as he was called) of 
 Achattens Parbreck ; and the provost of the church of Kilmun. The 
 chief prisoners were the lairds of Parbreck, Silvercraig, Innerea, La- 
 ment, St. M'Donald in Kintyre, the young laird of Glensaddel, the 
 goodman of Pynmoir, the son of the captain of Dunstaffnage, Lieu- 
 tenant-Colonels Roche and Cockburn, Captains Stewart, Murray, 
 Hume, and Stirling, Robert Cleland, alias Clydson, and MacDougall, 
 a preacher. The loss on tlie side of Montrose was extremely tri- 
 fling. The number of wounded is indeed not stated, but he had only 
 three privates killed. He sustained, however, a severe loss in Sir 
 Thomas Ogilvie, son of the earl of Airly, who died a few days after 
 the battle, of a wound he received in the thigh. Montrose regretted 
 the death of this stedfast friend and worthy man, with feelings of real 
 sorrow, and caused his body to be interred in Athole with due solem- 
 nity.* Montrose immediately after the battle sent a messenger to the 
 king with a letter, giving an account of it, at the conclusion of which 
 he exultingly says to Charles, " give me leave, after I have reduced this 
 country, and conquered from Dan to Beersheba, to say to your Majesty, 
 as David's general to his master, come thou thysplf, lest this country 
 
 ' SpsJding, vol. ii. p. 29-6.— Wisliai-t, p. Ill, et seq.— GuUiry, p. 140. 
 
364 
 
 nisTonv OF the highlands. 
 
 lie nailed by my name.'' When the king received this letter, the royal 
 and parliamentary commissioners were sitting at Uxbridge negotiating 
 the terms of a peace; but Charles was induced by this imprudent letter 
 to break oil' the negotiation, a circumstance which led to his ruin. 
 
 * V^xx 
 
 ^f>j^^rr4i^^ 
 
 ISVERLOCHY CASTLE. 
 
CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 Aliirm of the Estates— ]Wontrose returns through Badenoch— Marches to Inverness and 
 Elsin— Wastes the lands of the Cnvetiaiiters in Moray— Enters Elgin- Joined by 
 Lord Gordon— Crosses the Spey— Plunders Cullen— Death of Lord Graham— Mon- 
 trose wastes the lands in the Boyne— Enlers and plunders Banff— Arrives at Turrirl 
 —Deputation from Aberdeen— Death of Colonel Donald fajquharsoii- Montrose 
 imposes a tax of £10,000 on Aberdeen— Enters Stonehaven, which he burns— Ar- 
 rives at Fettercairn— Defeat of Hurry's horse— Enters Brediin— Marches to Dunkeld 
 — Storms Dundee— Memorable retreat of Blontrose from Dundee— Movements o( 
 General Baillie^Battle of Auldearn— Montrose enters Elgin— Battle of Alfoid. 
 
 When the disastrous news of the battle of Inverlochy reached Edinburgh, 
 the estates were thrown into a state of great alarm. They had, no doubt, 
 begun to fear, before that event, and, of course, to respect the prowess of 
 Montrose, but they never could have been made to believe that, within 
 the space of a few days, a well appointed army, composed in part of veter- 
 an troops, would have been utterly defeated by a force so vastly inferior in 
 point of numbers, and beset with difficulties and dangers to which the army 
 of Argyle was not exposed. Nor were the fears of the estates much 
 allayed by the appearance of Argyle, who arrived at Edinburgh to give 
 them an account of the aflFair, " having his left arm tied up in a scarf, 
 as if he had been at bones-breaking."* It is true that Lord Balmerinoch 
 made a speech before the assembly of the estates, in which he affirmed, 
 that the great loss reported to be sustained at Inverlochy, " was but the 
 invention of the malignants, who spake as they wished," and that " upon 
 his honour, not more than thirty of Argyle's men had been killed ;"f but> 
 as the disaster was well known, this device only misled the weak and 
 ignorant. Had Montrose at this juncture descended into the Lowlands, 
 it is not improbable that his presence might have given a favourable 
 turn to the state of matters in the south, where the king's affairs were 
 in the most precarious situation ; and it is also likely, that many persons 
 who, from timidity or want of opportunity to join him, had hitherto not 
 declared themselves, would have rallied round his standard ; but such a 
 design does not seem to have accorded with his views of prolonging the 
 
 • Guthry, p. 141. t ilj'd. 
 
36G HISTORY OF THE HIGHI.ANOS. 
 
 contest in the Highlands, which were more suitable than the Lowlands 
 to his plan of operations, and to the nature of his forces. 
 
 Accordingly, after allowing his men to refresh themselves a few days 
 at Inverlochy, Montrose returned across the mountains of Lochaber in- 
 to Badenoch, " with displayed banner." Marching down the south side 
 of the Spey, he crossed that river at Balchastel, and entered Moray 
 without opposition. He proceeded by rapid strides, towards the town 
 of Inverness, which he intended to take possession of; but, on arriving 
 in the neighbourhood, he found it garrisoned by the laird of Lawers' and 
 Buchanan's regiments. As he did not wish to consume his time in a 
 siege, he immediately altered his course and marched in the direction of 
 Elgin, issuing, as he went along, a proclamation, in the king's name, 
 calling upon all males, from 16 to 60 years of age, to join him im- 
 mediately, armed as they best could, on foot or on horse, and that under 
 pain of fire and sword, as rebels to the king. In consequence of this 
 threat, Montrose was joined by some of the Moray-men, including the 
 laird of Grant, and two hundred of his followers ; and, to show an ex- 
 ample of severity, he plundered the houses and laid waste the estates of 
 Grangehill, Brodie, Culbin, and Innes, belonging respectively to Ninian 
 
 Dunbar, the laird of Brodie, Kinnaird, and the laird of Innes. 
 
 The houses of Pitchash, Foyness, and Ballindalloch, and the lands of 
 Ballindalloch, all belonging to the laird of Ballindalloch, shared a similar 
 fate. He also plundered the lands of Duffus, Burgie, and Lethin, and the 
 village of Garmouth or Garmach ; but he did not burn any of the houses 
 and their contents, as he had done in the other cases. Besides plundering 
 and destroying the properties, Montrose's army carried off a large quan- 
 tity of cattle and effects, and destroyed the boats and nets which they 
 fell in with on the Spey.* 
 
 Whilst Montrose was thus laying waste part of Moray, a committee 
 of the estates, consisting of the earl of Seaforth, the laird of Innes, Sir 
 Robert Gordon, the laird of Pluscarden, and others, was sitting at 
 Elgin, who, on hearing of his proceedings, sent notice through the town 
 by beat of drum, on the seventeenth of February, prohibiting the holding 
 of the fair, which was kept there annually on Fasten's eve, and to which 
 many merchants and others in the north resorted, lest the propeity brought 
 there for sale might fall a prey to Montrose's army. They, at the same 
 time, sent Sir Robert Gordon, Mackenzie of Pluscarden, and Innes of 
 Luthers, to treat with Montrose, in name of the gentry of Moray, most of 
 whom were then assembled in Elgin ; but he refused to enter into any 
 negotiation, and gave this answer, that he would accept of the sei vices 
 of such as would join him and obey him as the king's lieutenant.-]- Be- 
 fore this answer had been communicated to the gentry at Elgin, they 
 had all fled from the town in consequence of hearing that Montrose was 
 advancing upon them with rapidity. The laird of Innes, along with 
 
 • Spalding, vol. ii. p. 298. f Gordon's Continuation, p. 522. 
 
F.N.TRY OF MONTROSE INTO ELGIN. 3C7 
 
 some of his friends, retired to the castle of Spynie, possessed by hia 
 eldest son, which was well fortified and provided with every neces- 
 sary for undergoing a siege. The laird of DuflFus went into Suther- 
 land. As soon as the inhabitants of the town saw the committee pre- 
 paring to leave it, most of them also resolved to depart, which they did, 
 carrying along with them their principal effects. Some went to Inver- 
 ness, and others into Ross, but the greater part went to the castle of 
 Spynie, where they sought and obtained refiige. 
 
 Apprehensive that Montrose might follow up the dreadful example 
 he had shown, by burning the town, a proposal was made to, and 
 accepted, by him, to pay him four thousand merks to save the town 
 from destruction ; but, on entering it, which he did on the nineteenth of 
 February, his men, and particularly the laird of Grant's party, were so 
 disappointed in their hopes of plunder, in consequence of the inhabitants 
 having carried away the best of their effects, that they broke and de- 
 stroyed every article of furniture which was left. 
 
 Montrose was joined, on his arrival at Elgin, by Lord Gordon, the 
 eldest son of the marquis of Huntly, with some of his friends and vas- 
 sals. This young nobleman had been long kept in a state of du- 
 rance by Argyle, his uncle, contrary to his own wishes, and now, when 
 an opportunity had, for the first time, occurred, he showed the bent of 
 his inclination, by declaring for the king. It is curious that two con- 
 temporaneous, writers,* who seem to have had access to the best sources 
 of information, were quite at a loss to account for Lord Gordon's mo- 
 tives in taking this step. The one says, " At this time, the Lord Gor- 
 don, with most part of his friends, came in to Montrose, upon what 
 grounds I know not ; whether the state had disobliged him in some 
 particulars betwixt him and his neighbours, the Crightons and the For- 
 besses, or had not performed to him such things as they had promised, 
 or such much as he did expect and deserve ; or whether that most of 
 his friends, by warrant of his father, had resolved to follow his younger 
 brother. Lord Lewis, I cannot determine." f The other observes, " The 
 Lord Gordon being in the Bog, leaped quickly on horse, having Nathan- 
 iel Gordon, with some few others, in his company, and that same night 
 came to Elgin, saluted Montrose, who made him heartily welcome, and 
 soups joyfully together. Many marvelled at the Lord Gordon's going 
 in after such manner, being upon the country's service, and colonel to a 
 foot regiment and to a horse regiment. Some alleged that the estates 
 oversaw him in divers points touching his honour, which he could not 
 digest Others said that he was likely to lose his father, for following 
 the country cause, if he should continue, and the country happen to be 
 borne down. Others, again, said that it was a plot betwixt Montrose 
 and Nathaniel Gordon, when he was with him, and when he came from 
 him, with Craigievar, as ye have before ; and, albeit, for his coming 
 
 • Gordjn of Sallagh, and Spalding. t Gordon, p. 523. 
 
 I. 3 A 
 
368 HISTORY Of THE HIGHLANDS. i 
 
 away, he was esteemed traitorous and disloyal to Montrose, yet lie 
 proved the politician, and his faithful servant in this business. This 
 was the opinion of some. Howsoever it was, in he went ; but how, or 
 upon what reason, I cannot tell." * 
 
 On taking possession of Elgin, Montrose gave orders to bring all the 
 ferry-boats on the Spey to the north side of the river, and he stationed 
 sentinels at all the fords up and down, to watch any movements 
 which might be made by the enemies' forces in the south. 
 
 Montrose, thereupon, held a council of war, at which it was determin- 
 ed to cross the Spey, and march into the shires of Banff and Aberdeen, 
 and, by the aid of Lord Gordon, to raise the friends and retainers of 
 the marquis of Huntly, and from thence to proceed into the Mearns, 
 where another accession of forces was expected. Accordingly, Mon- 
 trose left Elgin on the fourth of March, with the main body of his army, 
 towards the Bog of Gicht, accompanied by the earl of Seaforth, Sir 
 Robert Gordon, the lairds of Grant, Pluscarden, Findrassie, and sever- 
 al other gentlemen who " had come in to him " at Elgin. To punish 
 the earl of Finlater, who had refused to join him, Montrose sent the 
 Farquharsons of Braemar before him across the Spey, who plundered, 
 without mercy, the town of CuUen, belonging to the earl. 
 
 After crossing the Spey, Montrose, either apprehensive that depreda- 
 tions would be committed upon the properties of his Moray friends, who 
 accompanied him, by the two regiments which garrisoned Inverness and 
 tlie covenanters of that district, or having received notice to that effect, 
 he allowed the earl of Seaforth, the laird of Grant, and the other Moray 
 gentlemen, to return home to defend their estates ; but before allowing 
 them to depart, he made them take a solemn oath of allegiance to the 
 king, and promise that they should never, henceforth, take up arms 
 against his majesty or liis loyal subjects. At same time, he made them 
 come under an engagement to join him with all their forces, as soon as 
 they could do so. The earl of Seaforth obtained an infamous no- 
 toriety, by again joining the ranks of the covenanters. In a letter 
 which he wrote to the committee of estates, at Aberdeen, he stated that 
 he had yielded to Montrose through fear only, and he avowed that he 
 would abide by " the good cause to his death." f 
 
 As anticipated by Montrose, detachments from the garrison of Inver- 
 ness had been sent into the country to take vengeance upon those gentle- 
 men who had joined him ; and accordingly they plundered the house of 
 Elehies, belonging to the laird of Grant, carrying off his lady's wearing 
 apparel, trinkets, and jewels, of which, says Spalding, " she had store." 
 They laid waste the lands of Cukstoun, the goodman of which had fol- 
 lowed Lord Gordon when he joined Montrose ; and they entered Elgin, 
 where they took the laird of Pluscarden and his brother, Loslyn, pri- 
 soners, and carried them to Inverness ; but they were released at the 
 
 • Spalding, vol. ii. p. 298. f Ibid. ii. 301. 
 
DEATH OF LORD GRAHAM. 369 
 
 intreaty of their brother, the earl of Seaforth, who, notwithstanding, was 
 suspected of having connived at their arrest. 
 
 On Montrose's arrival at Strathbogie, or Gordon castle, Lord Graham, 
 his eldest son, a youtli of sixteen, and of the most promising ex- 
 pectations, became unwell, and died after a few days' illness. The loss 
 of a son, who had followed him in his campaigns, and shared with him 
 the dangers of the field, was a subject of deep regret to Montrose. 
 While Montrose was occupied at the death-bed of his son, Lord Gordon 
 was busily employed among the Gordons, out of whom he speedily 
 raised a force about five hundred foot, and one hundred and sixty horse. 
 
 With this accession to his forces, Montrose left Strathbogie and 
 marched towards Banfi", on his route to the south. In passing by the 
 house of CuUen, in Boyne, the seat of the earl of Finlater, who had 
 fled to Edinburgh, and left the charge of the house to the countess, a 
 party of Montrose's men entered the house, which they plundered of 
 all its valuable contents. They then proceeded to set the house on fire, 
 but the countess having entreated Montrose to order his men to desist, 
 and promised that if her husband did not come to Montrose and give 
 him satisfaction within fifteen days, she would pay him twenty thousand 
 merks, of which sum she instantly paid down five thousand ; Montrose com- 
 plied with her request, and also spared the lands, although the earl was 
 " a great covenanter." Montrose's men next laid waste the lands in the 
 Boyne, burnt the houses, and plundered the minister of the place of all his 
 goods and efiects, including his books. The laird of Boyne shut him- 
 self up in his stronghold, the Crag, where he was out of danger ; but he 
 had the misfortune to see his lands laid waste and destroyed. Montrose 
 then went to Banfi", which he gave up to indiscriminate plunder. His 
 troops did not leave a vestige of moveable property in the town, and 
 they even stript, to the skin, every man they met with in the streets. 
 They also burned two or three houses of little value, but not a drop of 
 blood was spilt, a circumstance which speaks highly in favour of the 
 humanity of Montrose, 
 
 From Banff, Montrose proceeded to Turriff", where a deputation 
 from the town council of Aberdeen waited upon him, consisting of 
 Thomas Gray, George Morison, George CuUen, and John Alexander, 
 advocate, "four discreet, well-set burgesses," says Spalding. These 
 commissioners humbly represented to Montrose, the many miseries 
 which the town of Aberdeen had suffered from its frequent occupation 
 by hostile armies since the first outbreaking of the unfortunate troubles 
 which molested the kingdom, — miseries well known to himself, and 
 which were such as no other burgh had been doomed to suffer : they 
 further represented, that such was the terror of the inhabitants at the 
 idea of another visit from his Irish troops that all the men and women, 
 on hearing of his approach, had made preparations for abandoning the 
 town, and that they would certainly leave it if they did not get an as- 
 surance from the marquis of safety and protection. The deoutation 
 
370 HISTORY OF THE IKGHLANDS. 
 
 tlierefore begged Montrose to give them this assurance, and that, upon 
 receiving it, they vi'ould return to Aberdeen and prevail upon the in- 
 habitants to remain in town. Montrose heard the commissioners pa- 
 tiently, expressed his regret at the calamities which had befallen 
 their town, and bade them not be afraid, as he would take care that 
 none of his foot, or Irish, soldiers, should come within eight miles 
 of Aberdeen ; and that if he himself should enter the town, he would 
 support himself at his own expense. Returning many thanks for the 
 favourable answer they had received, the commissioners returned to 
 Aberdeen, where they arrived on the tenth of March, and related 
 the successful issue of their journey, to the great joy of all the inhab- 
 itants.* 
 
 Whilst- Montrose lay at Turriff, Sir Nathaniel Gordon, with some 
 troopers, went to Aberdeen, which he entered on Sunday the ninth of 
 March, on which day there had been " no sermon in either of the Aber- 
 deens," as the ministers had fled the town. The keys of the churches, 
 gates, and jail, were delivered to him by the magistrates. The following 
 morning, Sir Nathaniel was joined by a hundred Irish dragoons. After 
 releasing some prisoners, he went to Torry, and took, after a slight re- 
 sistance, eighteen hundretl muskets, pikes, and other arms, which had 
 been left in charge of a troop of horse. Besides receiving orders to 
 watch the town. Sir Nathaniel was instructed to send out scouts as far 
 as Cowie to watch the enemy, who were daily expected from the south. 
 When reconnoitering, a skirmish took place at the bridge of Dee, in 
 which Captain Keith's troop was routed. Finding the country quite 
 clear, and no appearance of the Covenanting forces, Gordon returned back 
 to the army, which had advanced to Frendraught. No attempt was made 
 upon the house of Frendraught, which was kept by the young viscount in 
 absence of his father, who was then at Muchallis with his godson, Lord 
 Freiser ; but Montrose destroyed sixty ploughs of land belonging to 
 Frendraught within the parishes of Forgue, Inverkeithnie, and Drum- 
 blade, and the house of the minister of Forgue, with all the other houses 
 and buildings, and their contents. Nothing, in fact, was spared. The 
 whole cattle, horses, sheep, and other domestic animals, were carried 
 off, and the whole of Frendraught's lands were left a dreary and unin- 
 habitable waste. 
 
 From Pennyburn, Montrose dispatched, on the tenth of March, a 
 letter to the authorities of Aberdeen, commanding them to intimate, by 
 tuck of drum, an order, that all men, of whatever description, between 
 the age of sixteen and sixty, should meet him equipped in their best 
 arms, and such of them as had horses, mounted on the best of them, on 
 the fifteenth of March, at his camp at Inverury, under the pain of fire 
 and sword. In consequence of this mandate, he was joined by a con- 
 siderable number of horse and foot. On the twelfth of March. Mon- 
 
 • Spalding, ii. 302. 
 
DEATH OS DONALD FAUQUII AlliON. 371 | 
 
 nose arrived at Kintore, and took up liis own quarters in the house 
 of John Cheyne, the minister of the place, whence he issued an order 
 commanding each parish within the presbytery of Aberdeen, (with the 
 exception of the town of Aberdeen,) to send to him two commission- 
 ers who were required to bring along with them a complete roll of the 
 whole heritors, feuars and liferenters of each parish. His object, in re- 
 quiring such a list, was to ascertain the number of men capable of serving, 
 and also the names of those who should refuse to join him. Commis- 
 sioners were accordingly sent from the parishes, and the consequence 
 was, that Montrose was joined daily by many men, who would not 
 otherwise have assisted him, but who were now alarmed for the safety 
 of their properties. While at Kintore, an occurrence took place which 
 vexed Montrose exceedingly. 
 
 To reconnoitre and watch the motions of the enemy, Montrose 
 had, on the twelfth of March, sent Sir Nathaniel Gordon along with 
 Donald Farquharson, Captain Mortimer, and other well mounted cava- 
 liers, to the number of about eighty, to Aberdeen. This party per- 
 ceiving no enemy in the neighbourhood of Aberdeen, utterly neglected 
 to place any sentinels at the gates of the town, and spent their time at 
 their lodgings in entertainments and amusements. This careless conduct 
 did not pass unobserved by some of the covenanters in the town, who, 
 it is said, sent notice thereof to Major-General Hurry, the second in 
 command under General Baillie, who was then lying at the North 
 Water Bridge with Lord Balcarras' and other foot regiments. On re- 
 ceiving this intelligence, Hurry put himself at the head of one hundred 
 and sixty horse and foot, taken from the regular regiments, and some 
 troopers and musketeers, and rode off to Aberdeen in great hasto, 
 where he arrived on ttie fifteenth of March at eight o'clock in the even- 
 ing. Having posted sentinels at the gates to prevent any of Montrose's 
 party from escaping, he entered the town at an hour when they were 
 all dispersed through the town, carelessly enjoying themselves in their 
 lodgings, quite unapprehensive of such a visit. The noise in the streets, 
 occasioned by the tramping of the horses, was the first indication they 
 had of the presence of the enemy, but it was then too late for them to 
 defend themselves. Donald Farquharson was killed in the street op- 
 posite the guard-house, " a brave gentleman,'' says Spalding, " and 
 one of the noblest captains amongst all the Highlanders of Scotland, 
 and the king's man for life and death." The enemy stript him of a 
 rich dress he had put on the same day, and left his body lying naked 
 in the street. A few other gentlemen were also killed, and some taken 
 prisoners, but the greater part escaped. The prisoners were sent 
 to Edinburgh, and put in irons within the tolbooth there. Hurry 
 left the town next day, and, on his return to Baillie's camp, he en- 
 tered the town of Montrose, and carried off Lord Graham, Montrose's 
 second son, a boy of fourteen years of age, then at school, who, along 
 with his teacher, was sent to Edinburgh, and committed to the castle. 
 
372 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 The gentlemen who had escaped frotm Aberdeen, " returned," says 
 Spalding, " back to Monti ose, part on horse and part on foot, ashamed 
 of this accident." Montrose was greatly offended at them for their 
 carelessness, but the same writer adds, that " the gentlemen were sorry, 
 and could not mend it." The magistrates of Aberdeen, alarmed lest 
 Montrose should inflict summary vengeance upon the town, as being 
 implicated in the attack upon the cavaliers, sent two commissioners to 
 Kintore to assure him that they were in no way concerned in that af- 
 fair. Although he heard them with great patience, he gave them no 
 satisfaction as to his intentions, and they returned to Aberdeen with- 
 out being able to obtain any promise from him to spare the town. 
 The magistrates, however, acted wisely in sending the deputation to 
 Montrose, for had they taken no notice of the affair, he might have in- 
 ferred either that the inhabitants were privy to it, or were by no means 
 displeased at the result. Montrose might have availed himself of this 
 opportunity, to have inflicted a heavy chastisement upon the town, but 
 he was contented to make the merchants furnish him with cloth, and 
 gold and silver-lace, to the amount of £10,000 Scots for the use of 
 his army, which he took the magistrates bound to pay, by a tax upon 
 the inhabitants. " Thus," says Spalding, " cross upon cross upon 
 Aberdeen." 
 
 When Sir Nathaniel Gordon and the remainder of his party returned 
 to Kintore, Montrose dispatched, on the same day, viz., sixteenth March, 
 a body of one thousand horse and foot, the latter consisting of Irish, to 
 Aberdeen, under the command of Macdonald his major-general, where 
 they arrived at four o'clock in the afternoon. Many of the inhabitants, 
 alarmed at the approach of this party, and still having the fear of the 
 Irish before their eyes, were preparing to leave the town ; but Macdon- 
 ald relieved their apprehensions by assuring them that the Irish, who 
 amounted to seven hundred, should not enter the town, and he accord- 
 ingly stationed them at the Bridge of Dee and the Two Mile Cross, he 
 and his troopers alone entering the town. And to secure the town from 
 annoyance, he stationed strong parties at the gates to prevent any strag- 
 gling parties of the Irish from entering. With the exception of the 
 houses of one or two " remarkable covenanters," which were plundered, 
 Macdonald showed the utmost respect for private property, a circum- 
 stance which obtained for him the est-eem of the inhabitants, who had 
 seldom experienced such kind treatment before. 
 
 Having discharged the last duties to the brave Farquharson and his 
 companions, on Sunday the seventeenth of March, Macdonald left 
 Aberdeen the following day to join Montrose at Durris ; but he had not 
 proceeded far when complaints were brought to him that some of his 
 Irish troops, who had lagged behind, had entered the town, and were 
 plundering it. " They were," says Spalding, " abusing and fearing 
 the town's people, taking their cloaks, plaids, and purses from them on 
 the high streets." Macdonald, therefore, returned immediately to the 
 
STONEHAVEN BURNED BY MONTROSE. 873 
 
 town, and drove, says the same writer, " all these rascals with sore 
 skins out of the town before him." * 
 
 Before leaving Kintore, the earl of Airly was attacked by a fever, in 
 consequence of which, Montrose sent him to Lethintie, the residence 
 of the earl's son-in-law, under a guard of three hundred men ; but he 
 was afterwards removed to Strathbogie for greater security. On arriv- 
 ing at Durris, in Kincardineshire, where he was joined by Macdonald, 
 Montrose burnt the house to the ground, and all the offices and grain, 
 and swept away the whole cattle, horses, and sheep. He also wasted 
 such of the lands of Fintry as belonged to Forbes of Craigievar, to pun- 
 ish him for the breach of his parole, and he set fire to the house, and 
 burnt the grain belonging to Abercrombie, the minister of Fintry, who 
 was " a main covenanter." These proceedings took place on the seven- 
 teenth of March. On the nineteenth, Montrose entered Stonehaven, 
 and took up his residence in the house of James Clerk, the provost of 
 the town. Here learning that the covenanters in the north were troub- 
 ling Lord Gordon's lands, he dispatched five hundred of Gordon's foot 
 to defend Strathbogie and his other possessions ; but he still retained 
 Lord Gordon himself with his troopers. 
 
 On the day after his arrival at Stonehaven, Montrose wrote a letter 
 to the Earl Marshall, who, along with sixteen ministers, and some other 
 persons of distinction, had shut himself up in his castle of Dunottar. 
 The bearer of the letter was not, however, suffered to enter within the 
 gate, and was allowed to depart without an answer. It is said that the 
 Marshall's lady and the ministers, particularly the celebrated Andrew 
 Cant, were his advisers on this occasion. This disdainful silence, 
 on the part of the Earl Marshall, highly incensed Montrose ; but 
 probably suspecting that he was tutored by the persons who sur- 
 rounded him, he desired Lord Gordon to write a letter to George 
 Keith, the earl's brother, who, in consequence, had an interview 
 with Montrose at Stonehaven. Montrose then told him that all that 
 he wanted fi^'om his brother was, that he should serve the king, 
 his master, against his rebellious subjects, a service to which he was 
 bound in duty and honour from the high situation he held ; and that if 
 he failed to comply, he would do so at his own peril. But the earl de- 
 clined to comply with Montrose's request, as he said " he would not be 
 against the country." f 
 
 In consequence of the refusal of the Earl Marshall to declare for the 
 king, Montrose resolved to inflict summary vengeance upon him, by 
 burning and laying waste his lands and those of his retainers iff the 
 neighbourhood. Acting upon this determination, he, on the twenty-first 
 of March, set fire to the houses adjoining the castle of Dunottar, and burnt 
 the grain which was stacked in the barn-yards. Even the house of the 
 minister did not escape. He next set fire to the town of Stonehaven, 
 
 ■ Vol. ii. p. 306. + ^^- V- 307. 
 
ri74 IIISTOUY or THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 sparing only the house of the provost, in which he resided ; plundered 
 a ship which lay in the harboui', and then set her on fire, along with 
 all the fishing boats. The lands and houses of Cowie shared the same 
 hard fate. Whilst the work of destruction was going on, it is said that 
 the inhabitants appeared before the castle of Dunottar, and, setting up 
 cries of pity, implored the earl to save them from ruin, but they receiv- 
 ed no answer to their supplications, and the earl witnessed from his 
 stronghold the total destruction of the properties of his tenants and de- 
 pendents without making any effort to stop it. After he had effected 
 the destruction of the barony of Dunottar, Montrose set fire to the 
 liinds of Fetteresso, one fourth part of which was burnt up, together 
 with the whole corn in the yards. A beautiful deer park was also 
 burnt and its alarmed inmates were all taken and killed, as well as all 
 the cattle in the barony. Montrose next proceeded to Drumlaithie 
 and Urie, belonging to John Forbes of Leslie, a leading covenanter, 
 where he committed similar depredations. 
 
 Montrose advanced to Fettercairn, the following day, where he 
 quartered his foot soldiers, but he sent out quarter-masters through the 
 country and about the town of Montrose to provide quarters for some 
 troopers ; but, as these troopers were proceeding on their journey, they 
 were alarmed by the sudden appearance of some of Major-General 
 Hurry's troops, who had concealed themselves within the plantation of 
 Halkerton. This party suddenly issuing from the wood, set up a 
 loud shout, on hearing which the troopers immediatelj' turned to the 
 right about and went back to the camp. This party turned out to be a 
 body of six hundred horse, under the command of Hurry himself, who 
 liad lefl the head quarters of General Baillie, at Brechin, for the pur- 
 jjose of reconnoitering Montrose's movements. In order to deceive 
 Hurry, who kept advancing with his six hundred horse, Montrose 
 placed his horse, which amounted only to two hundred, and which he 
 took care to line with some expert musqueteers, in a prominent situa- 
 tion, and concealed his foot in an adjoining valley. This ruse had 
 the desired effect, for Hurry imagining that there were no other 
 forces at hand, immediately attacked the small body of horse opposed 
 to him ; but he was soon undeceived by the sudden appearance of the 
 foot, and forced to retreat with precipitation. Though his men were 
 greatly alarmed. Hurry, who was a brave officer, having placed himself 
 in the rear, managed his retreat across the North Esk with very little 
 loss. 
 
 After this affair, Montrose allowed his men to refresh themselves for 
 a few days, and, on the twenty-fifth of March, he put his army in mo- 
 tion in the direction of Brechin. On hearing of his approach, the in- 
 habitants of the town concealed their effects in the castle and in the 
 steeples of the churches, and fled. Montrose's troops, although they 
 found out the secreted goods, were so enraged at the conduct of the in- 
 habitants that they plundered the town, and burnt about sixty houses. 
 
W' 
 
 
 
 
 
STORMING AND CAPTURE OF DUNDEE. 375 
 
 From Brechin, Montrose proceeded through Angus, with the intention 
 either of fighting Baillie, or of marching onwards to the south. His whole 
 force, at this time, did not exceed three thousand men, and, on reaching 
 Kirriemuir, his cavalry was greatly diminished by his having been obliged 
 to send away about one hundred and sixty horsemen to Strathbogie, 
 under Lord Gordon and his brother, Lewis, to defend their father's pos- 
 sessions against the covenanters. Montrose proceeded, with his army, 
 along the foot of the Grampians, in the direction of Dunkeld, where 
 he intended to cross the Tay in the sight of General Baillie, who com- 
 manded an army greatly superior in numbers ; but, although Montrose 
 frequently offered him battle, Baillie, contrary, it is said, to the advice 
 of Hurry, as often declined it. On arriving at the water of Isla, the 
 two armies, separated by that stream, remained motionless for several 
 days, as if undetermined how to act. At length Montrose sent a trum- 
 peter to Baillie offering him battle ; and, as the water could not be 
 safely passed by his army, if opposed, Montrose proposed to allow Baillie 
 to pass it unmolested, on condition that he would give him his word of 
 honour that he would fight without delay ; but Bailie returned this an- 
 swer, that he would attend to his own business himself, and that he 
 would fight when he himself thought proper. The conduct of Baillie 
 throughout, seems altogether extraordinary, but it is alleged that he 
 could do nothing himself, being subject to the directions of a council of 
 war, composed of the earls of Crawford and Cassillis, the Lords Balmer- 
 inoch, Kirkcudbright, and others.* 
 
 As Montrose could not attempt to cross the water of Isla without 
 cavalry, in opposition to a force so greatly superior, he led his army off 
 in the direction of the Grampians, and marched upon Dunkeld, which 
 he took possession of. Baillie being fully aware of his intention to cross 
 the Tay, immediately withdrew to Perth for the purpose of opposing 
 Montrose's passage ; but, if Montrose really entertained such an inten- 
 tion after he had sent away the Gordon troopers, he abandoned it after 
 reaching Dunkeld, and resolved to retrace his steps northwards. Being 
 anxious, however, to signalize himself by some important achievement 
 before he returned to the north, and to give confidence to the royalists, 
 he determined to surprise Dundee, a town which had rendered 
 itself particularly obnoxious to him for the resistance made by the 
 inhabitants after the battle of Tippermuir. Having sent off the 
 weaker part of his troops, and those who were lightly armed, with 
 his heavy baggage, along the bottom of the hills, with instructions to 
 meet him at Brechin, Montrose himself, at the head of about one 
 hundred and fifty horse, and six hundred expert musketeers,f left 
 Dunkeld on third April, about midnight, and marched with such 
 extraordinary expedition that he arrived at Dundee Law at 10 o'clock 
 in the morning, where he encamped. Montrose then sent a trumpeter 
 
 • Spalding, vol. ii. p. 309. 
 • t Tliis is Wishart's account, but Spalding says there were 200 horse and 800 foot. 
 I. 3 b 
 
376 HISTORY OP THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 into the town with a summons, requiring a surrender, and promising 
 that, in the event of compliance, he would protect the lives and proper- 
 ties of the inhabitants, but threatening, in case of refusal, to set fire to the 
 town and to put the inhabitants to the sword. Instead of returning an 
 answer to this demand, the town's people put the messenger into prison. 
 This insult was keenly felt by Montrose, who immediately gave orders 
 to his troops to storm the town in three different places at once, and to 
 fulfil the threat which he had held out in case of resistance. The inhabi- 
 tants, in the mean time, made such preparations for defence as the short- 
 ness of the time allowed, but, although they fought bravely, they could 
 not resist the impetuosity of Montrose's troops, who, impelled by a spi- 
 rit of revenge, and a thirst for plunder, which Dundee, then one of the 
 largest and most opulent towns in Scotland, offered them considerable 
 temptations of gratifying, forced the inhabitants from the stations they oc- 
 cupied, and turned the cannon, which they had planted in the streets, 
 against themselves. The contest, however, continued in different quarters 
 of the town for several hours, during which the town was set on fire in 
 different places. The whole of that quarter of the town called the Bonnet 
 Hill fell a prey to the flames, and the entire town would have certainly 
 shared the same fate had not Montrose's men chiefly occupied themselves 
 in plundering the houses and filling themselves with the contents of the 
 wine cellars. The sack of the town continued till the evening, and the 
 inhabitants were subjected to every excess which an infuriated and vic- 
 torious soldiery, maddened by intoxication, could inflict. 
 
 This melancholy state of things was, however, fortunately put an end 
 to by intelligence having been brought to Montrose, who had viewed the 
 storming of the town from the neighbouring height of Dundee Law, 
 that General Baillie was marching in great haste down the Carse of 
 Gowrie, towards Dundee, with three thousand foot and eight hundred 
 horse. On receivings this news from his scouts, Montrose gave imme- 
 diate orders to his troops to evacuate Dundee, but so intent were they 
 upon their booty, that it was with the utmost difficulty they could be 
 prevailed upon to leave the town, and, before the last of them could be 
 induced to retire, some of the enemy's troops were within gun shot 0( 
 them. The sudden appearance of Baillie's army was quite unlocked 
 for, as Montrose had been made to believe, from the reports of his 
 scouts, that it had crossed the Tay, and was proceeding to the Forth, 
 when, in fact, only a very small part, which had been mistaken oy the 
 scouts for the entire army of Baillie, had passed. 
 
 In this critical conjuncture, Montrose held a council of war, to con- 
 sult how to act under the perilous circumstances in which he was 
 now placed. The council was divided between two opinions. Some 
 of them advised Montrose to consult his own personal safety, by riding 
 off to the north with his horse, leaving the foot to their fate, as they 
 considered it utterly impossible for him to carry them off in their present 
 state, fatigued, and worn out as they were by a march of twenty-four ' 
 
MEMORABLE RETREAT OF MONTROSE. 377 
 
 miles during the preceding night, and rendered almost incapable of re- 
 eisting the enemy, from the debauch they had indulged in during the 
 day. Besides, they would require to march twenty or even thirty 
 miles, before they could reckon themselves secure from the attacks of 
 their pursuers, a journey which was deemed impossible of performance, 
 without being previously allowed some hours repose. The members of 
 the council, who took this view of matters, urged upon Montrose the 
 absolute necessity of following it, judging it much better to allow these 
 men to shift for themselves, than to risk his own person and the safety 
 of those who could secure an escape, in a hopeless attempt to carry off 
 men who were almost disabled from walking. That in this way, and in 
 no other, could he expect to retrieve matters, as he could, by his pre- 
 sence among his friends in the north, raise new forces ; but that, if he 
 himself was cut off, the king's affairs would be utterly ruined. The 
 other part of the council gave quite an opposite opinion, by declaring 
 that, as the cause for which they had fought so gloriously was now 
 irretrievably lost, they should remain in their position, and await the 
 issue of an attack, judging it more honourable to die fighting in defence 
 of their king, than to seek safety in an ignominious flight, which would 
 be rendered still more disgraceful by abandoning their unfortunate fel- 
 low-warriors to the mercy of a revengeful foe. 
 
 Montrose, however, stated his disapprobation of both these plans. 
 He considered the first as unbecoming the generosity of men who had 
 fought so oflen side by side ; and the second he thought extremely rash 
 and imprudent. He, therefore, resolved to steer a middle course, and, 
 refusing to abandon his brave companions in arms in the hour of danger, 
 gave orders for an immediate retreat, in the direction of Arbroath. 
 This route was, however, a mere manoeuvre to deceive the enemy, as 
 Montrose intended, after nightfall, to march towards the Grampians. In 
 order to make his retreat more secure, Montrose dispatched first four 
 hundred of his foot, and gave them orders to march as quickly as pos- 
 sible, without breaking their ranks. These were followed by two hun- 
 dred of his most expert musketeers, and Montrose himself closed the 
 rear with his horse, in open rank, so as to admit the musketeers to 
 mterline them, in case of an attack. It was about six o'clock in the 
 evening, when Montrose began his retreat, at which hour the last ol 
 Baillie's foot had reached Dundee. 
 
 Scarcely had Montrose begun to move, when intelligence was re- 
 received by Baillie, from some prisoners he had taken, of Montrose's 
 intentions, which was now confirmed by ocular proof. A proposal, it 
 is said, was then made by Hurry, to follow -Montrose with the whole 
 army, and attack him, but Baillie rejected it, and the better, as he 
 thought, to secure Montrose, and prevent his escape, he divided his 
 army into two parts, one of which he sent off in the direction of the 
 Grampians, to prevent Montrose from entering the Highlands, and to 
 interpose between him and his intended place of retreat; and the other 
 
378 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 followed directly in the rear of Montrose. He thus expected to be able 
 to cut off Montrose entirely, and to encourage his men to the pursuit, he 
 offered a reward of twenty thousand crowns to any one who should bring 
 him Montrose's head. Baillie's cavalry soon came up with Montrose's 
 rear, but they were so well received by the musketeers, who brought 
 down some of them, that they became very cautious in their approaches. 
 The darkness of the night soon put an end to the pursuit, and Montrose 
 continued his march unmolested during the night, to Arbroath, in the 
 neighbourhood of which he arrived about midnight. His troops had 
 now marched upwards of forty miles, seventeen of which they had per- 
 formed in a few hours, in the face of a large army, and had passed 
 two nights and a day without sleep ; but as their safety might be en- 
 dangered by allowing them to repose till daylight, Montrose entreated 
 them to proceed on their march. Though almost exhausted with in- 
 cessant fatigue, and overpowered with drowsiness, they readily obeyed 
 the orders of their general, and, after a short halt, proceeded on their 
 route in a northwesterly direction. They arrived at the South Esk 
 early in the morning, which they crossed, at sunrise, near Carriston 
 Castle. 
 
 Montrose now sent notice to the party which he had dispatched from 
 Dunkeld to Brechin, with his baggage, to join him, but they had, on 
 hearing of his retreat, already taken refuge among the neighbouring hills. 
 Baillie, who had passed the night at Forfar, now considered that he had 
 Montrose completely in his power ; for little did he imagine that Mon- 
 trose had passed close by him during the night, and eluded his grasp ; 
 but, to his utter amazement, not a trace of Montrose was to be seen 
 next morning. Chagrined at this unexpected disappointment, Baillie, 
 without waiting for his foot, galloped off at full speed to overtake Mon- 
 trose, and, with such celerity did he travel, that he was close upon 
 Montrose before the latter received notice of his approach. The whole 
 of Montrose's men, with the exception of a few sentinels, were now 
 stretched upon the ground, in a state of profound repose, and, so firmly 
 did sleep hold their exhausted frames in its grasp, that it was with the 
 utmost difficulty that they could be aroused from their slumbers, or 
 made sensible of their danger. The sentinels, it is said, had even to 
 prick some of them with their swords, before they could be awakened,* 
 and, when they at length succeeded in rousing the sleepers, they effected 
 a retreat, after some skirmishing, to the foot of the Grampians, about 
 three miles distant from their camp, and retired, thereafter, through 
 Glenesk into the interior without further molestation. 
 
 This memorable retreat is certainly one of the most extraordinary 
 events which occurred during the whole of Montrose's campaigns. Had 
 his men been quite fresh when they left Dundee Law, their escape, 
 under such an expert commander as Montrose, would have been in no 
 
 * Montrose Redivivus, p. 65. 
 
RETURN OF MONTROSK TO THE SOUTH. 379 
 
 way singular; but to see a handful of men who had not enjoyed a 
 moment's repose for two days, who had performed a tedious march of 
 twenty miles during the night, and taken one of the most consider- 
 able towns in the kingdom, after a short struggle, and had, there- 
 after, given themselves up to intoxication, retire in good order before 
 a large and well appointed army at their very heels, and perform 
 another march of about sixty miles, without resting, is truly wonderful. 
 It is not therefore surprising, that some of the most experienced officers 
 in Britain, and in France and Germany, considered this retreat of 
 Montrose as the most splendid of all his achievements.* 
 
 Being now secure from all danger in the fastnesses of the Grampians, 
 Montrose allowed his men to refresh themselves for some days. Whilst 
 enjoying this necessary relaxation from the fatigues of the field, intelli- 
 gence was brought to Montrose that a division of the covenanting army, 
 under Hurry, was in full march on Aberdeen, with an intention of pro- 
 ceeding into Moray. Judging that an attack upon the possessions of 
 the Gordons would be one of Hurry's objects, Montrose dispatched 
 Lord Gordon with his horse to the north, for the purpose of assisting 
 his fHends in case of attack. 
 
 It was not in the nature of Montrose to remain inactive for any 
 length of time, and an occurrence, of which he had received notice, 
 had lately taken place, which determined him to return a second time 
 to Dunkeld. This was the escape of Viscount Aboyne, and some 
 other noblemen and gentlemen, from Carlisle, and who, he was in- 
 formed, were on their way north to join him. Apprehensive that 
 they might be interrupted by Baillie's troops, he resolved to make a 
 diversion in their favour, and, by drawing off the attention of Baillie, 
 enable them the more effectually to elude obsenration. Leaving, 
 therefore, Macdonald, with about two hundred men, to beat up the 
 enemy in the neighbourhood of Cupar Angus, Montrose proceeded, 
 with the remainder of his forces, consisting only of five hundred foot 
 and fifty horse, to Dunkeld, whence he marched to Crieff, which is 
 about seventeen miles west from Perth. It was not until he bad arrived 
 at the latter town, that Baillie, who, after his pursuit of Montrose, had 
 returned to Perth with his army, heard of this movement. As Baillie 
 was sufficiently aware of the weakness of Montrose's force, and as he 
 was sure that, with such a great disparity, Montrose would not risk a 
 general engagement, he endeavoured to surprise him, in the hope, either 
 of cutting him off entirely, or crippling him so effectually, as to prevent 
 him from again taking the field. He therefore left Perth during the 
 night of the seventh of April, with his whole army, consisting of two 
 thousand foot and five hundred horse, with the intention of falling upon 
 Montrose by break of day, before he should be aware of his presence ; 
 but Montrose's experience had taught him the necessity of being always 
 
 • Wishart, p. 1-27. 
 
BATTLE OF AULDEAKN. 381 
 
 other Highlanders who had obtained, or rather taken, leave of absence 
 after the battle of Inverlochy, and also by Macdonald and his party. 
 On arriving in the neighbourhood of Auchindoun, he was met by Lord 
 Gordon at the head of a thousand foot and two hundred horse. He 
 crossed the Dee on the first of May at the mill of Cruthie, and sent 
 Lord Aboyne, the same day, down Dee-side with eighty horse to Aber- 
 deen in quest of powder, of which his army stood in great want. His 
 lordship had the good fortune to find no less than twenty barrels of 
 powder in the ships which lay in the harbour, which he immediately 
 carried ofi" with him to the army, which he joined the same night at 
 Skene, where Montrose had pitched his camp. * 
 
 Thus reinforced and well provided with ammunition, Montrose con- 
 tinued his march towards the Spey, and before Hurry was even aware 
 that he had crossed the Grampians, he found Montrose within six miles 
 of his camp. The sudden appearance of Montrose with such a supe- 
 rior force — ^for Hurry had only at this time about a thousand foot 
 and two hundred horse — ^greatly alarmed him, and raising his camp, he 
 crossed the Spey in great haste, with the intention of marching to In- 
 verness, where he would be joined by the troops of the garrison, and 
 receive large reinforcements from the neighbouring countries. Mon- 
 trose immediately pursued him, and followed close upon his heels suc- 
 cessively through Elgin and Forres, and for fourteen miles beyond the 
 latter, when, favoured by the darkness of the night. Hurry effected his 
 escape, with little loss, and arrived at Inverness. 
 
 ' The panic into which Hurry had been thrown soon gave way to a 
 very diflFerent feeling, as he found the earls of Seaforth and Sutherland 
 with their retainers, and the Clan-Fraser, and others from Moray and 
 Caithness, all assembled at Inverness, as he had directed. This acces- 
 sion of force increased his army to three thousand five hundred foot, 
 and four hundred horse. He, therefore, resolved to act on the offensive 
 by giving battle to Montrose immediately. 
 
 Montrose had taken up a position at the village of Auldearn, between 
 three and four miles from Nairn, on the morning after the pursuit. In 
 the course of the day. Hurry advanced with all his forces, including the 
 garrison of Inverness, towards Nairn, and, on approaching Auldearn, 
 formed his army in order of battle.. Montrose's forc^, which had been 
 greatly weakened by the return of the Athole-men and other Highland- 
 ers, to defend their country from the depredations of Baillie's army, now 
 consisted of only fifteen hundred foot, and two hundred and fifty horse. 
 It was not, therefore, without great reluctance, that he resolved to risk 
 a battle with an enemy more than double in point of numbers, and com- 
 posed in great part of veteran troops ; but, pressed as he was by Hurry, 
 and in danger of being attacked in his rear by BaiUie, who was advan- 
 
 • Spalding, vol. ii. p. 316. 
 
382 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 cing by forced marches to the north, he had no alternative but to haz- 
 ard a general engagement. He, therefore, instantly looked about him 
 for an advantageous position. 
 
 The village of Auldearn stands upon a height, behind which, or on 
 the east, is a valley, which is overlooked by a ridge of little eminences, 
 running in a northerly direction, and which almost conceals the valley 
 from view. In this hollow Montrose arranged his forces in order of 
 battle. Having formed them into two divisions, he posted the right 
 wing on the north of the village, at a place where there was a consider- 
 able number of dikes and ditches. This body, which consisted of four 
 hundred men, chiefly Irish, was placed under the command of Mac- 
 donald. On taking their stations, Montrose gave them strict injunc- 
 tions not to leave their position on any account, as they were effectually 
 protected by the walls around them, not only from the attacks of ca- 
 valry but of foot, and could, without much danger to themselves, keep 
 up a galling and destructive fire upon their assailants. In order to at- 
 tract the best troops of the enemy to this difficult spot where they could 
 not act, and to make them believe that Montrose commanded this wing, 
 he gave the royal standard to Macdonald, intending, when they should 
 get entangled among the bushes and dikes, with which the ground to the 
 right was covered, to attack them himself with his left wing. And to 
 enable him to do so the more effectually, he placed the whole of his 
 horse and the remainder of the foot on the left wing to the south of the 
 village. The former he committed to the charge of Lord Gordon, re- 
 serving the command of the latter to himself. After placing a few 
 chosen foot with some cannon in front of the village, under cover of 
 some dikes, Montrose firmly awaited the attack of the enemy. 
 
 The arrangements of Hurry were these. He divided his foot and his 
 horse into two divisions each. On the right wing of the main body 
 of the foot, which was commanded by Campbell of Lawers, Hurry 
 placed the regular cavalry which he had brought from the south, and on 
 the left the horse of Moray and the north under the charge of Captain 
 Drummond. The other division of foot was placed behind as a reserve 
 and commanded by Hurry himself. 
 
 When Hurry observed the singular position which Montrose had 
 taken up, he was utterly at a loss to guess his designs, and though it 
 appeared to him, skilful as he was in the art of war, a most extraordi- 
 nary and novel sight, yet, from the well known character of Mon- 
 trose, he was satisfied that Montrose's arrangements were the result of 
 a deep laid scheme. But what especially excited the surprise of Hurry, 
 was the appearance of the large yellow banner or royal standard in the 
 midst of a small body of foot stationed among hedges and dikes and 
 stones, almost isolated from the horse and the main body of the foot. 
 To attack this party at the head of which he naturally supposed 
 Montrose was, was his first object. This was precisely what Mon- 
 trose had wished by committing the royal standard to the charge of 
 
BATTLE OF AULDEARN. 383 
 
 Macdouald, and the snare proved successful. With the design of over- 
 whehning at once the right wing, Hurry dispatched towards it the best 
 of his horse and all his veteran troops, who made a furious attack upon 
 Macdonald's party, who defended themselves bravely behind the dikes 
 and bushes. The contest continued for sometime on the right with 
 varied success, and Hurry, who had plenty of men to spare, relieved 
 those who were engaged by fresh troops. Montrose, who kept a steady 
 eye upon the motions of the enemy, and watched a favourable oppor- 
 tunity for making a grand attack upon them with the left wing, was just 
 preparing to carry his design into execution, when a confidential person 
 suddenly rode up to him and whispered in his ear that the right wing 
 had been put to flight. 
 
 This intelligence was not, however, quite correct. It seems that Mac- 
 donald who, says Wishart, " was a brave enough man, but rather a 
 better soldier than a general, extremely violent, and daring even to 
 rashness," had been so provoked with the taunts and insults of the 
 enemy, that in spite of the express orders he had received from Mon- 
 trose on no account to leave his position, he had unwisely advanced 
 beyond it to attack the enemy, and though he had been several times 
 repulsed he returned to the charge. But he was at last borne down by 
 the great numerical superiority of the enemy's horse and foot, consisting 
 of veteran troops, and forced to retire in great disorder into an adjoin- 
 ing inclosure. Nothing, however, could exceed the admirable manner in 
 which he managed this retreat and the courage he displayed while lead- 
 ing off his men. Defending his body with a large target, he resisted, 
 single handed, the assaults of the enemj', and was the last man to leave 
 the field. So closely indeed was he pressed by Hurry's spearmen, that 
 some of them actually came so near him as to fix their spears in his 
 target, which he cut off by threes or fours at a time with his broadsword.* 
 
 It was during this retreat that Montrose received the intelligence of 
 the flight of the right wing ; but he preserved his usual presence of 
 mind, and to encourage his men who might get alarmed at hearing such 
 news, he thus addressed Lord Gordon, loud enough to be heard by his 
 troops, "what are we doing, my lord? Our friend Macdonald has 
 routed the enemy on the right and is carrying all before him. Shall we 
 look on, and let him carry off the whole honour of the day ?" A crisis 
 had arrived, and not a moment was to be lost. Scarcely, therefore, were 
 the words out of Montrose's mouth, when he ordered his men to charge 
 the enemy. When his men were advancing to the charge, Captain or 
 Major Drummond, who commanded Hurry's horse, made an awkward 
 movement by wheeling about his men, and his horse coming in contact 
 with the foot, broke their ranks and occasioned considerable confusion. 
 Lord Gordon seeing this, immediately, rushed in upon Drummond's 
 horse with his party and put them to flight. Montrose followed hard 
 
 • Wishart, p. 136. 
 
 I. 3 c 
 
384 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 with the foot, and attacked the main body of Hurry's army, which he 
 routed after a powerful resistance. The veterans in Hurry's army who 
 liad served in Ireland, fought manfully, and chose rather to be cut down 
 standing in their ranks than retreat ; but the new levies from Moray, 
 Ross, Sutherland, and Caithness, fled in great consternation. They were 
 pursued for several miles, and might have been all killed or captured if 
 Lord Aboyne had not, by an unnecessary display of ensigns and stand- 
 ards, which he had taken from the enemy, attracted the notice of the 
 pursuers, who halted for sometime under the impression that a fresh 
 party of the enemy was coming up to attack them. In this way, Hurry 
 and some of his troops who were the last to leave the field of battle, as 
 well as the other fugitives, escaped from the impending danger, and arrived 
 at Inverness the following morning. As the loss of this battle was mainly 
 owing to Captain Drummond, he was tried by a court-martial at In- 
 verness and condemned to be shot, a sentence which was carried into 
 immediate execution. He was accused of having betrayed the army, 
 and it is said that he admitted that after the battle had commenced 
 he had spoken with the enemy.* 
 
 The number of killed on both sides has been variously stated. That 
 on the side of the covenanters has been reckoned by one writer at one 
 thousandjf by another;]: at two thousand, and by a third at three thou- 
 sand men. II Montrose on the other hand, is said by the first of these 
 authors to have lost about two hundred men, while the second says, 
 that he had only "some twenty-four gentlemen hurt, and some few Irish 
 killed," and Wishart informs us that Montrose only missed one private 
 man on the left, and that the right wing commanded by Macdonald, 
 "lost only fourteen private men." This trifling loss, on the part of 
 Montrose, will appear almost incredible, and makes us incline to think 
 that it must have been greatly underrated, for it is impossible to conceive 
 that the right wing could have maintained the arduous struggle it did 
 without a large sacrifice of life. The clans who had joined Hurry suf- 
 fered considerably, particularly the Frazers, who, besides unmarried 
 men, are said to have left dead on the field no less than eighty-seven 
 married men. Among the principal covenanting officers, who were 
 slain, were Colonel Campbell of Lawers, and Sirs John and Gideon 
 Murray, and Colonel James Campbell, with several other officers of 
 inferior note. The laird cf Lawer's brother, Archibald Campbell, and a 
 few other officers were taken prisoners. Captain Macdonald and 
 William Macpherson of Invereschie, were the only persons of any 
 note killed on Montrose's side. Montrose took several prisoners, whom, 
 with the wounded, he treated with great kindness. Such of the former 
 as expressed their sorrow for having joined the ranks of the covenanters 
 he released — others who were disposed to join him he received into his 
 army, but such as remained obstinate he imprisoned. Besides taking 
 
 • Gordon's CcutiiiuritiMn, p. 525. f Gordon of Sallagh. \ Spalding. || Wishart. 
 
BATTLE OF AULUEARN. 3ft5 
 
 sixteen standards fi-om the enemy, Montrose got possession of the 
 whole of their baggage, provisions, and ammunition, and a consider- 
 able quantity of money and valuable effects. The battle of Auldearn 
 was fought on the fourth of May according to som.e writers, and on the 
 ninth according to others, in the year sixteen hundred and forty-five. 
 
 The immense disproportion between the numbers of the slain, on the 
 side of the covenanters, and that of the prisoners, taken by Montrose, 
 evidently shows that very little quarter had been given, the cause of which 
 is said to have been the murder of James Gordon, younger of Rhiny, who 
 was killed by a party from the garrison of Spynie, and by some of the in- 
 habitants of Elgin at Struders, near Forres, where he had been lefl in 
 consequence of a severe wound he had received in a skirmish during 
 Hurry's first retreat to Inverness.* But Montrose carried his revenge 
 still farther, for, after burning the lands and houses of Campbell of 
 Calder, and plundering all his effects, as well as those of the earl of 
 Moray, who was then in England, he proceeded to Elgin, where, on 
 the twelfth of May, he burnt the houses of Walter Smith, John Mill, 
 John Douglas of Morristoun, and Alexander Douglas, some of whom, 
 with some of their sons, were concerned in James Gordon's murder. 
 The houses of Robert Gibson, George Donaldson, and George Suther- 
 land, and other inhabitants of Elgin, from their proximity to those put 
 on fire, were seized upon by the flames, and consumed. The houses of 
 Hay, the provost, and Gawin Douglas were also selected for destruction, 
 but their safety was secured by the payment of a sum of money. The 
 property, called the Friars of Elgin, was plundered, but, " being church 
 building," says Spalding, was preserved from fire. The house belong- 
 ing to the laird of Pluscarden, in Elgin, was also plundered. From 
 Elgin, Montrose sent out a party to the town of G armouth, belonging 
 to the laird of Innes, which they burnt, and another party burnt the 
 Bishop's Mill and Milltoun, life-rented by the wife of Major Suther- 
 land, who had been also concerned in James Gordon's death.f 
 
 While these proceedings were going on, Montrose sent his whole 
 baggage, booty, and warlike stores, across the Spey, which he himself 
 crossed upon the fourteenth of May, after which he proceeded to the Bog 
 of Gicht, where he did not remain long, but went to Birkenbog, the 
 seat of " a great covenanter," where he took up his head quarters. He 
 quartered his men in the neighbourhood, and, during a short stay at 
 Birkenbog, he sent out different parties of his troops to scour the coun- 
 try, who burnt the town of Cullen, and such of the lands belonging to 
 Lord Frendraught as had formerly escaped their ravages. A party of 
 men, under the command of Leith of Harthill, also burnt the town and 
 lands of Thombeg, belonging to the laird of Monymusk, and occupied 
 by William Forbes, his tenant, because Forbes had robbed Leith's ser- 
 vant of his baggage horse, and some money.J 
 
 * Gordon's Continuation, p. 525. + Spalding, vol. ii. p. 320. 
 
 t Ibid., vol. ii. p. .321. 
 
386 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 When General Baillie first heard of the defeat of his colleague, Hurry, 
 at Auldearn, he was lying at Cromar with his army. He had, in the 
 beginning of May, after Montrose's departure to the north, entered 
 Athole, which he had wasted with fire and sword, and had made an 
 attempt upon the strong castle of Blair, into which many of the prison- 
 ers taken at the battle of Inverlochy were confined ; but, not succeed- 
 ing in his enterprize, he had, after collecting an immense booty, march- 
 ed through Athole, and, passing by Kirriemuir and Fettercairn, had en- 
 camped on the Birse on the tenth of May. His force at this time 
 amounted to about two thousand foot and one hundred and twenty 
 troopers. On the following day, he had marched to Cromar, where he 
 encamped between the Kirks of Coull and Tarlan till he should 
 be joined by Lord Balcarras' horse regiment. While lying at Cromar, 
 he laid waste the estates of the royalists in the neighbourhood, and 
 burnt the house of Terpersie, belonging to a gentleman of the name of 
 Gordon.* In a short time, he was joined not only by Balcarras' regi- 
 ment but by two foot regiments. The ministers endeavoured to induce 
 the country people also to join Baillie, by " thundering out of pulpits ; " 
 but " they lay still," says Spalding, " and would not follow him." 
 
 As soon as Baillie heard of the defeat of Hurry, he raised his camp 
 at Cromar, upon the ninteenth of May, and hurried north. He arrived 
 at the wood of Cochlarachie, within two miles of Strathbogie, before 
 Montrose was aware of his approach. Here he was joined by Hurry, 
 who, with some horse from Inverness, had passed themselves ofi" as be- 
 longing to Lord Gordon's party, and had thus been permitted to go 
 through Montrose's lines without opposition. 
 
 It was on the nineteenth of May, when lying at Birkenbog, that Mon- 
 trose received the intelligence of Baillie's arrival in the neighbourhood of 
 Strathbogie. Although Montrose's men had not yet wholly recovered 
 from the fatigues of their late extraordinary march and subsequent la- 
 bours ; and although their numbers had been reduced since the battle of 
 Auldearn by the departure of some of the Highlanders with the booty 
 they had acquired, they felt no disinclination to engage the enemy, but, or 
 the contrary, were desirous of coming to immediate action. But Mon- 
 trose himself thought differently; for although he had the utmost confi- 
 dence in the often tried courage of his troops, he judged more expedient to 
 avoid an engagement at present, and to retire, in the meantime, into his 
 fastnesses to recruit his exhausted strength, than risk another battle with a 
 fresh force, greatly superior to his own. In order to deceive the enemy as 
 to his intentions, he advanced, the same day, upon Srathbogie, and, within 
 view of their camp, began to make entrenchments, and raise fortifications, 
 as if preparing to defend himself. But as soon as the darkness of the night 
 prevented Baillie from discovering his motions, Montrose marched rapidly 
 up the south side of the Spey with his foot, leaving his horse behind him, 
 
 • SuMlding, ii. p. 318. 
 
MONTROSE RETURNS TO THE SOUTH. 387 
 
 to whom he gave instructions to follow him as soon as daylight Degan to 
 appear, which instructions were punctually obeyed. 
 
 Baillie bad passed the night in the confident expectation of a battle 
 next day ; but he was surprised to learn the following morning that not a 
 vestige of Montrose's army was to be seen. Montrose had taken the 
 route to Balveny, which having been ascertained by Baillie, he imme- 
 diately prepared to follow him. He, accordingly, crossed the Spey, and, 
 after a rapid march, almost overtook the retiring foe in Glenlivet ; but 
 Montrose, having outdistanced his pursuers by several miles before night 
 came on, he got the start of them so completely, that they were quite at 
 a loss next morning to ascertain the route he had taken, and could only 
 guess at it by observing the traces of his footsteps on the grass and the 
 heather over which he had passed. Following, therefore, the course 
 thus pointed out, Baillie came again in sight of Montrose ; but he found 
 that he had taken up a position, which, whilst it almost defied approach 
 from its rocky and woody situation, commanded the entrance into 
 Badenoch, from which country Montrose could, without molestation, 
 draw supplies of both men and provisions. To attack Montrose in 
 his stronghold was out of the question ; but, in the hope of withdrawing 
 him from it, Baillie encamped his army hard by. Montrose lay quite 
 secure in his well-chosen position, from which he sent out parties who, 
 skirmishing by day, and beating up the quarters of the enemy during the 
 night, so harassed and frightened them, that they were obliged to retreat 
 to Inverness, after a stay of a few days, a measure which was rendered 
 still more necessary from the want of provisions and of provender for the 
 horses. Leaving Inverness, Baillie crossed the Spey, and proceeded to 
 Aberdeenshire, and arrived on the third of June at Newton, in the 
 Garioch, " where he encamped, destroying the country, and cutting the 
 green growing crops to the very clod."* So bold had the Gordons and 
 other royalists lately become, in consequence of Montrose's success, that, in 
 passing through Strathbogie on this occasion, Baillie was considerably 
 annoyed by small parties who hung upon and harassed his rear ; but he 
 did not retaliate as he might have done. 
 
 Having got quit of the presence of Baillie's army, Montrose resolved 
 to make a descent into Angus, and attack the earl of Crawford, who lay 
 at the castle of Newtyle with an army of reserve to support Baillie, and 
 to prevent Montrose from crossing the Forth, and carrying the war into 
 the south. This nobleman, who stood next to Argyle, as head of the 
 covenanters, had often complained to the estates against Argyle, whose 
 rival he was, for his inactivity and pusillanimity ; and having insinuated 
 that he would have acted a very difi-erent part had the command of such 
 an army, as Argyle had, been intrusted to him, he had the address to 
 obtain the command of the army now under him, which had been newly 
 raised ; but the earl was without military experience, and quite unfit to 
 cope for a moment with Montrose. 
 
 » Spalding, ii. 314. 
 
388 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 Proceeding through Badenoch, Montrose crossed the Grampians, and 
 arrived by rapid marches on the banks of the river Airly, within seven 
 miles of Crawford's camp, before the latter was aware of his approach. He 
 would have assuredly annihilated Crawford's army, which he was prepar- 
 ing to attack, but an unexpected occurrence put an end to his design. 
 This was the desertion of the Gordons and their friends, who almost all 
 returned to their country. Intelligence, it would appear, had been re- 
 ceived by them that Baillie was laying waste their lands, to protect 
 which, they appear to have adopted the resolution of returning home to 
 defend their possessions ; but Lord Gordon was very indignant at their 
 conduct, and it is said that he would have punished with death such ol 
 his own retainers as left the army, had not Montrose prevented him.* 
 
 The desertion of this part of his forces forced Montrose to abandon 
 the idea of attacking Crawford ; but the disappointment, instead of limit- 
 ing his operations, only served to incite him to follow out more extended 
 views. He now formed the resolution to attack Baillie himself, but be- 
 fore he could venture on such a bold step, he saw that there was an ab- 
 solute necessity of making some additions to his force. With this view 
 he sent Sir Nathaniel Gordon, an influential cavalier, into the north be- 
 fore him, to raise the Gordons and the other royalists ; and, on his 
 march north through Glenshee and the Braes of Mar, Montrose dis- 
 patched Macdonald into the remoter highlands with a party to bring 
 him, as speedily as possible, all the forces he could. Judging that the 
 influence and authority of Lord Gordon might greatly assist Sir Natha- 
 niel, he sent him after him, and Montrose himself encamped in the 
 country of Cromar, waiting for the expected reinforcements. 
 
 In the meantime, Baillie lay in camp on Dee-side in the lower 
 Mar, where he was joined by Crawford, but he showed no dispo- 
 sition to attack Montrose, who, from the inferiority, in point of number, 
 of his forces, retired to the old castle of Kargarf. Crawford did not, how- 
 ever, remain long with Baillie ; but, exchanging a thousand of his raw 
 recruits for a similar number of Baillie's veterans, he returned with these, 
 and the remainder of his army, through the Mearns into Angus, as it 
 he intended some mighty exploit ; he, thereafter, entered Athole, and in 
 imitation of Argyle, plundered and burnt the country. 
 
 Raising his camp, Baillie marched towards Strathbogie to lay siege 
 to the marquis of Huntly's castle, the Bog of Gicht, now Gordon cas- 
 tle; but although Montrose had not yet received any reinforcements, he re- 
 resolved to follow Baillie and prevent him from proceeding in his intended 
 attack upon the castle. But Montrose had marched scarcely three 
 miles when he was observed by Baillie's scouts. Being desirous to 
 know his strength and the position he occupied, Montrose sent out some 
 men acquainted with the country to examine the enemy's force at a dis- 
 tance. These speedily returned with information that Baillie's foot 
 
 « Wishart, p. 142. 
 
 I 
 
^ 
 
 BATTLE OF ALFORD. 389 
 
 were drawn up on a rising ground above Keith, about two miles ofl', 
 and that their horse were in possession of a very narrow pass, about 
 half way between the two armies. Montrose thereupon sent oif a body 
 of horse, along with some light musketeers to support them. Some 
 slight skirmishing took place, after which, Baillie's horse retired through 
 the pass, but as it was well guarded by musketeers, Montrose's horse 
 did not venture to follow them. He, therefore, ordered forward his foot to 
 drive them from their position, but, night coming on, they were prevented 
 from proceeding. Next morning Montrose, not considering it advisable 
 to attack Baillie in the strong position he occupied, sent a trumpeter 
 to him offering to engage him on open ground, but Baillie answered the 
 hostile message by saying, that he would not receive ordeis for fighting 
 from his enemj'.* 
 
 In this situation of matters, Montrose had recourse to stratagy to 
 draw Baillie from his stronghold. By retiring across the river Don 
 near the castle of Druminnor, belonging to Lord Forbes, the covenant- 
 ing general was led to believe that Montrose intended to march to the 
 south, and he was, therefore, advised by a committee of the estates 
 which always accompanied him, and in whose hands he appears to have 
 been a mere passive instrument, to pursue Montrose. Leaving therefore 
 the ground from which Montrose could not dislodge him by force, he 
 followed Montrose, and was thus led into the very snare which had been 
 laid for him by his expert adversary. As soon as Montrose's scouts 
 brought intelligence that Baillie was advancing, he set off by break of 
 day to the village of Alford on the river Don, where he intended to 
 await the enemy. When Baillie was informed of this movement, he 
 imagined that Montrose was in full retreat before him, a supposition 
 which encouraged him so to hasten his march, that he came up with 
 Montrose at noon at the distance of a few miles from Alford. Montrose, 
 thereupon, drew up his army in order of battle on an advantageous rising 
 ground and waited for the enemy; but instead of attacking him, 
 Baillie made a detour to the left with the intention of getting into Mon- 
 trose's rear and cutting off his retreat. Montrose then continued his 
 march to Altbrd, where he passed the night. 
 
 On the following morning being the second day of July, sixteen hun- 
 dred and forty-five, the two armies were only the distance of about 
 four miles from each other. Montrose drew up his troops on a little hill 
 behind the village of Alford. In his rear was a marsh full of ditches 
 and pits, which would protect him from the inroads of Baillie s cavalry 
 should they attempt to assail his rear, and in his front stood a steep hill, 
 which prevented the enemy from observing his motions. He gave the 
 command of the right wing to Lord Gordon and Sir Nathaniel; the 
 left he committed to Viscount Aboyne and Sir William RoUock ; and 
 the main body was put under the charge of Angus Macvichalaster, chief 
 
 • Wishiirt, p. 145 
 
390 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 of the MacdoneH's of Glengarry, Drummond younger of Balloch, and 
 Quarter-master George Graham, a skilful officer. To Napier his nephew, 
 Montrose intrusted a body of reserve, which was concealed behind the hill. 
 
 After thus choosing his ground and making his dispositions, Mon- 
 trose himself, at the head of a troop of horse, rode oflP to watch the move- 
 ments of the enemy, and while examining the fords of the Don, intelli- 
 gence was brought to him that the whole of the enemy's forces were in 
 rapid motion up the river to possess themselves of a ford about a mile 
 above Alford, at which they meant to cross with the view of cutting off 
 his retreat, as they still supposed that he was flying before them. Leav- 
 ing therefore some of the horse to notice the motions of the enemy, 
 Montrose returned to his army to give the necessary orders for battle. 
 
 Scarcely, however, had Montrose completed his arrangements, when 
 the troop of horse he had left near the ford returned in full gallop with 
 intelligence that the enemy had crossed the Don, and was moving in the 
 direction of Alford. This was a fatal step on the part of Baillie, who, it 
 is said, was forced into battle by the rashness of Lord Balcarras, who 
 unnecessarily placed himself and his regiment in a position of such 
 danger that they could not be rescued without exposing the whole of 
 the covenanting army.* 
 
 When Baillie arrived in the valley adjoining the hill on which Mon- 
 trose had taken up his position, both armies remained motionless for 
 some time, viewing each other, as if unwilling to begin the combat. 
 Owing to the commanding position which Montrose occupied, the cove- 
 nanters could not expect to gain any thing by attacking him even with 
 superior forces ; but now, for the first time, the number of the respec- 
 tive armies was about equal, and Montrose had this advantage over his 
 adversary, that while Baillie's army consisted in part of the raw and un- 
 disciplined levies which the earl of Crawford had exchanged for some of 
 his veteran troops, the greater part of Montrose's men had been long 
 accustomed to service. These circumstances determined Baillie not to 
 attempt the ascent of the hill, but to remain in the valley, where, in 
 the event of a descent by Montrose, his superiority in cavalry would 
 give him the advantage. 
 
 This state of inaction was, however, soon put an end to by Lord 
 Gordon, who observing a party of Baillie's troops driving away before 
 them a large quantity of cattle which they had collected in Strathbogie 
 and the Enzie, and being desirous of recovering the property of his 
 countrymen, selected a body of horse, with which he attempted a rescue. 
 The assailed party was protected by some dikes and inclosures, from be- 
 hind which they fired a volley upon the Gordons, of whom the horse led 
 by Lord Gordon was composed, which did considerable execution 
 amongst them. Such a cool and determined reception, attended with a 
 result so disastrous and unexpected, might have been attended by dan- 
 
 • Wisliiirt, p. M7. 
 
BATTLE OF ALFORD. 391 
 
 gerous consequences, had not Montrose, on oljserving the party of 
 Lord Gordon giving indications as if undetermined liovv to act, re- 
 solved immediately to commence a general attack upon the enemy 
 with his whole army. But as Baillie's foot had entrenched themselves 
 amongst the dikes and fences which covered the ground at the bottom 
 of the hill, and could not be attacked in that position with success, 
 Montrose immediately ordered the horse, who were engaged with the 
 enemy, to retreat to their former position, in the expectation that Baillie's 
 troops would leave their ground and follow them. And in this hope 
 he was not disappointed, for the covenanters thinking that this move- 
 ment of the horse was merely the prelude to a retreat, advanced from 
 their secure position and followed the supposed fugitives with their whole 
 horse and foot in regular order. 
 
 Both armies now came to close quarters, and fought face to face and 
 man to man with great obstinacy for some time, without either party 
 receding from the ground they occupied. At length Sir Nathaniel 
 Gordon, growing impatient at such a protracted resistance, resolved 
 to cut his way through the enemy's left wing, consisting of Lord Bal- 
 carras' regiment of horse ; and calling- to the light musketeers who lined 
 his horse, he ordered them to throw aside their muskets, which were 
 now unnecessary, and to attack the enemy's horse with their drawn 
 swords. This order was immediately obeyed, and in a short time they 
 cut a passage through the ranks of the enemy, whom they hewed down 
 with great slaughter. When the horse which composed Baillie's right 
 wing, and which had been kept in check by Lord Aboyne, perceived that 
 their left had given way, they also retreated.* An attempt was made 
 by the covenanting general to rally his left wing by bringing up the 
 right, after it had retired, to its support, but they were so alarmed at 
 the spectacle or melee which they had just witnessed on the left, where 
 their comrades had been cut down by the broad swords of Montrose's 
 musketeers, that they could not be induced to take the place of their 
 retiring friends. 
 
 Thus abandoned by the horse, Baillie's foot were attacked on all sides 
 by Montrose's forces. They fought with uncommon bravery, and al- 
 though they were cut down in great numbers, the survivors exhibited 
 a perseverance and determination to resist to the last extremity. An 
 accident now occurred, which, whilst it threw a melancholy gloom over 
 the fortunes of the day, and the spirits of Montrose's men, served to 
 hasten the work of carnage and death. This was the fall of Lord Gor- 
 don, who having incautiously rushed in amongst the thickest of the 
 enemy, was unfortunately shot dead when in the act of pulling Baillie, 
 the covenanting general, from his horse, having, it is said, in a moment 
 of exultation, promised to his men, to drag Baillie out of the ranks and 
 present him before them. The Gordons, on perceiving their young 
 
 • Wishart, p. 149. 
 T 3 u 
 
392 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 chief fall, set no bounds to their fury, and falling upon the enemy with 
 renewed vigour, hewed them down without mercy ; yet these brave 
 men still showed no disposition to flee, and it was not until the appear- 
 ance of the reserve under the Master of Napier, which had hitherto been 
 kept out of the view of the enemy at the back of the hill, that their 
 courage began to fail them. But when this body began to descend the hill, 
 accompanied by what appeared to them a fresh reinforcement of cavalry, 
 but which consisted merely of the camp or livery boys, who had mounted 
 the sumpter-horses to make a display for the purpose of alarming the 
 enemy, the entire remaining body of the covenanting foot fled with 
 precipitation. A hot pursuit took place, and so great was the slaughter 
 that very few of them escaped. The covenanting -general and his prin- 
 cipal officers were saved by the fleetness of their horses, and the mar- 
 quis of Argyle, who had accompanied Baillie as a member of the com- 
 mittee, and who was closely pursued by Glengarry and some of his 
 Highlanders, made a narrow escape by repeatedly changing horses. 
 
 Thus ended one of the best contested battles which Montrose had 
 yet fought, yet strange as the fact may appear, his loss was, as usual, 
 extremely trifling. Besides Lord Gordon, were killed, Mowat of Bal- 
 wholly, Ogilvy of Milton, and one Dickson, an Irish captain, and a few 
 privates. A considerable number, however, of Montrose's men were 
 wounded, particularly the Gordons, who, for a long time, sustained the 
 attacks of Balcarras' horse, amongst whom were Sir Nathaniel, and 
 Gordon, younger of Gioht.* The loss on the side of the covenanters 
 was immense ; by far the greater part of their foot, and a considerable 
 number of their cavalry having been slain. Some prisoners were taken 
 from them, but their number was small, owing to their obstinacy in re- 
 fusing quarter. These were sent to Strathbogie under an escort. 
 
 The victory, brilliant as it was, was, however, clouded by the death of 
 Lord Gordon, " a very hopeful young gentleman, able of mind and 
 body, about the age of twenty-eight years." f Wishart gives an af. 
 fecting description of the feelings of Montrose's army when this amiable 
 young nobleman was killed. " There was,'' he says, " a general la- 
 mentation for the loss of the Lord Gordon, whose death seemed to 
 eclipse all the glory of the victory. As the report spread among the 
 soldiers, every one appeared to be struck dumb with the melancholy 
 news, and a universal silence prevailed for some time through the ar- 
 my. However, their grief soon burst through all restraint, venting it- 
 self in the voice of lamentation and sorrow. When the first transports 
 were, over, the soldiers exclaimed against heaven and earth for bereav- 
 ing the king, the kingdom, and themselves, of such an excellent young 
 nobleman ; and, unmindful of the victory or of the plunder, they 
 thronged about the body of their dead captain, some weeping over his 
 wounds and kissing his lifeless limbs ; while others praised his comely 
 
 » Gordon's Continuation, p. 526. t 'bid- 
 
BATTLE OF ALFOIUI. 393 
 
 appearance even in death, and extolled his noble mind, which was en- 
 riched with every valuable qualification that could adorn his high birth 
 or ample fortune : they even cursed the victory bought at so dear a rate. 
 Nothing could have supported the army under this immense sorrow but 
 the presence of Montrose, whose safety gave them joy, and not a little 
 revived their drooping spirits. In the meantime he could not command 
 his grief, but mourned bitterly over the melancholy fate of his only and 
 dearest friend, grievously complaining, that one who was the honour of 
 his nation, the ornament of the Scots nobility, and the boldest assertor 
 of the royal authority in the north, had fallen in the flower of his 
 youth," * 
 
 • Memoire, p. ISii. 
 
CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 Ilutreiit of General Baillie and the Committee of Estates to Stirling — March of fllon* 
 trose to Aberdeen — Inlerment of Lord Gordoii — IJiu'han laid under assessment by 
 Montrose — The Parliament meets at Perth, and orders a levy — Advance of Montroso 
 to the south — Joined by the Athole Highlanders, the Macdonalds, Macleans, and other 
 Clans — Crosses the Tay, and encamps at Amulree — Removes to the wood of Methven 
 — Retreats to Little Dunkeld, where he is joined by the Earls of Aboyiie and Airly — 
 Advances lo Logie Almond — Baillie retires to Kilgraston — March of Montrose to- 
 wards Stirling — Castle Campbell burnt by the Macleans — Mansions of Menstrie and 
 Airthrie burnt by Argyle — Progress of the hostile armies — Battle of Kilsyth — Entry 
 of Montrose into Glasgow — Encamps on Bothwell Moor — Submission of the Nobility 
 and the western shires — Communications with the King — Montrose appointed Lieu- 
 tenant Governor of Scotland — Battle of Philiphaugh. 
 
 The successive victories of Montrose, in Scotland, were more than 
 counterbalanced by those of the parliamentary forces in England. Un- 
 der different circumstances, the success at Alford might have been at- 
 tended vrith consequences the most important to the royal cause ; but 
 the defeat of the king, on the fourteenth of June, at Naseby, had raised 
 the hopes of the covenanters, and prepared their minds to receive the 
 tidings of Baillie's defeat with coolness and moderation. 
 
 Upon the day on which the battle of Alford was fought, the parlia- 
 ment had adjourned to Stirling from Edinburgh, on account of a de- 
 structive pestilence which had reached the capital from Newcastle, by 
 May of Kelso. Thither General Baillie, Lord Balcarras, and the committee 
 of estates, which had accompanied the covenanting army, repaired, to lay 
 a statement of the late disaster before the parliament, and to receive 
 instructions as to their fiiture conduct. They arrived just as the parliament 
 was about sitting, and, with the exception of Baillie, were well received. 
 Balcarras, who had particularly distinguished himself in the battle at 
 the head of his horse, received a vote of thanks, and a similar acknow- 
 ledgment was, after some hesitation, awarded to Baillie, notwithstand- 
 ing some attempts made to prejudice the parliament against him. But 
 the fact was, they could not dispense in the present emergency with an 
 officer of the military talents of Baillie, who, instead of shrinking from 
 responsibility for the loss of the battle of Alford, offered to stand trial 
 before a court martial, and to justify his conduct on that occasion. To 
 have withheld therefore, the usual token of approbation from him, while 
 bestowing it upon an inferior officer, would have been to affix a stigma 
 upon him which he was not disposed to brook consistently with the re- 
 tention of tlie command of the army ; and as the parliament resolved to 
 
REMOVAL OF THE PARHAMENT TO PERTH. 393 
 
 renew his commission, by appointing him to the command of the army 
 then concentrating at Perth, they afterwards professed their unqualified 
 satisfaction with him. 
 
 After the battle of Alford, the army of Montrose was considerably 
 diminished, in consequence of the Highlanders, according to custom, 
 taking leave of absence, and returning home with the spoil they had 
 taken from the enemy. This singular, though ordinary practice, contri- 
 buted more to paralyze the exertions of Montrose, and to prevent him 
 from following up his successes, than any event which occurred in the 
 whole course of his campaigns, and it may appear strange that Montrose 
 did not attempt to put an end to it ; but the tenure by which he held 
 the services of these hardy mountaineers being that they should be al- 
 lowed their wonted privileges, any attempt to deviate firom their esta- 
 blished customs would have been an immediate signal for desertion. 
 
 As it would have been imprudent in Montrose, with forces thus im- 
 paired, to have followed the fugitives, who would receive fresh succours 
 from the south, he, after allowing his men some time to refresh them- 
 selves, marched to Aberdeen, where he celebrated the funeral obsequies 
 of his valued friend, Lord Gordon, with becoming dignity. 
 
 The district of Buchan, in Aberdeenshire, which, from its outlying 
 situation, had hitherto escaped assessment for the supply of the hostile 
 armies, was at this time subjected to the surveillance of Montrose, who 
 dispatched a party from Aberdeen into that country to collect all the 
 horses they could find for the use of his army, and also to obtain re- 
 cruits. About the same time, the marquis of Huntly, who had been living 
 in Strathnaver for some time, having heard of the death of his eldest 
 son, Lord Gordon, meditated a return to his own country, intending to 
 throw the influence of his name and authority into the royal scale. But 
 as he might be exposed to danger in passing through countries which 
 were hostile to the royal cause, it was arranged between Montrose and 
 the Viscount Aboyne, who had just been created an earl, that the lat- 
 ter should proceed to Strathnaver, with a force of two thousand men to 
 escort his father south. This expedition was, however, abandoned, in 
 consequence of intelligence having been brought to Montrose that the 
 covenanters were assembling in great strength at Perth. 
 
 The Parliament which, as we have seen., had left Edinburgh, and 
 gone to Stirling on account of the pestilence, had been obliged, in con- 
 sequence of its appearance in Stirling, to adjourn to Perth, where it 
 was to meet on the twenty-fourth of July ; but before leaving Stirling, 
 they ordered a levy of 10,000 foot to be raised in the shires to the 
 south of the Tay, each of which shires was to furnish a proportionate 
 number of men ; and to insure due obedience to this mandate, all 
 noblemen, gentlemen, and heritors, were required to attend at Perth on 
 or before that day well mounted, and to bring with them such forces as 
 Ihey could raise, under a heavy penalty. * 
 
 • Guthrie's Memoirs, p. 150. 
 
396 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 On leaving Aberdeen, Montrose took up his quarters at Crabston, 
 situated a few miles from Aberdeen, between the rivers Don and Dee, 
 where he remained for some time in the expectation of being joined by 
 reinforcements from the Highlands under Major-General Maedonald, 
 who had been absent about two months from the army in quest of re- 
 cruits ; but as these expected succours did not arrive within the time 
 expected, Montrose, impatient of delay, crossed the Dee, and marching 
 over the Grampians, descended into the Mearns, and pitched his camp at 
 Fordoun in Kincardineshire, celebrated for being the burial place of 
 St Palladius, and the birth place of Joannes a Fordun, author of the 
 Scoti-Chronicon. From thence he dispatched a message to the earl of 
 Aboyne, who was at the time in Aberdeen, to join him with such forces 
 as he had been able to raise. This order the earl immediately obeyed, 
 but on his arrival at the camp with a very small party, Montrose im- 
 mediately sent him back to the north with instructions to levy additional 
 troops. 
 
 Proceeding on his march through Angus and Blair Gowrie to Dun- 
 keld, Montrose had the good fortune to be successively joined by his 
 cousin, Patrick Graham of Inchbrakie, at the head of the brave Athole 
 Highlanders, and by Maedonald his major-general, who brought with 
 him the chief of the Macleans, and about seven hundred of that clan, 
 all animated by a strong feeling of animosity against Argyle and his 
 partizans. He was also joined by John Muidartach, the celebrated 
 captain of the Clanranald, at the head of five hundred of his men ; by 
 the Macgregors and Macnabs, headed by their respective chieftains ; by 
 the Clandonald, under the command of the uncles of Glengarry and 
 other officers. Glengarry himself, " who," says Bishop Wishart, " de- 
 serves a singular commendation for his bravery and steady loyalty to 
 the king, and his peculiar attachment to Montrose," * having never 
 left Montrose since he joined him at the time of his expedition into 
 Argyle. Besides all these, the Stewarts of Appin, some of the Far- 
 quharsons of Braemar, and small parties of inferior clans from Bade- 
 noch, rallied round the standard of Montrose. 
 
 Having obtained these timeous reinforcements, Montrose now formed 
 the design of marching upon Perth, and breaking up the parliament 
 which had there assembled, and thereafter of proceeding to the south, 
 and dissipating the levies which were raising beyond the Tay. But 
 the want of cavalry, an arm in which he was constantly deficient, 
 formed a bar to this plan, and Montrose was, therefore, obliged to defer 
 his project till he should be joined by the earls of Aboyne and Airly, 
 whom he expected soon with a considerable body of horse. In the 
 meantime, Montrose crossed the Tay at Dunkeld, and encamped at 
 Amulree. The covenanting army, with the exception of the garrison 
 of Perth, was then lying on the south side of the Erne, and a body of 
 
 •■ Memoirs, p. 155. 
 
RETREAT OF MONTHOSE TO DUNKELD. 397 
 
 four hundred horse was posted near the town, for the protection of the 
 estates or parliament. 
 
 This movement, on the part of Montrose, created some alarm in the 
 minds of the covenanters, which was greatly increased by a report from 
 their horse, stationed in the neighbourhood of the town, who, seeing 
 some of his scouts approach it, had fancied that he was going to storm it- 
 While this panic was at its height, Montrose, who had no intention of 
 attacking the town, raised his camp, and took up a position in the wood 
 of Methven, about five miles from Perth. During this movement, the 
 town was thrown into a state of the greatest consternation, from an ap- 
 prehension that Montrose was about to attack it, and the nobility and 
 the other members of the parliament were earnestly solicited to secure 
 their safety by a speedy flight, but the estates remained firm, and could 
 not be persuaded to abandon their posts. In order, if possible, still farther 
 to increase the panic in the town, Montrose advanced almost to the very 
 gates of Perth with his horse the following day, which, although not 
 exceeding a hundred, were made to appear formidable by the addition 
 of the baggage-horses, on which some musketeers were mounted. This 
 act of bold defiance magnified the fears of those who were in the town, 
 and made them imagine that Montrose was well provided in cavalry. 
 The covenanting troops, therefore, were afraid to venture beyond the 
 gates ; and Montrose having thus easily accomplished his object, was 
 encouraged, still farther, to cross the Erne at Dupplin, when he openly 
 reconnoitred the enemy's army on the south of that river, and surveyed 
 the Strath with great deliberation and coolness without interruption. 
 
 Both armies remained in their positions for several days witliout at- 
 tempting any thing, each waiting for reinforcements. During all this 
 time, the enemy had been deceived respecting the strength of Montrose's 
 horse, but having learned his weakness in that respect, and the decep- 
 tion which he had practised so successfully upon them, and being joined 
 by three regiments from Fife, they resolved to offer him battle. Mon- 
 trose, however, from his great inferiority of numbers, particularly in 
 horse, was not in a condition to accept the challenge, and wisely de- 
 clined it. Accordingly, when he saw the enemy advancing towards 
 him, he prepared to retreat among the neighbouring mountains ; but to 
 deceive the enemy, and to enable him to carry oflT his baggage, he drew 
 out his army as if he intended to fight, placing his horse in front, and 
 securing the passes into the mountains with guards. While making these 
 dispositions, he sent off his baggage towards the hills under an escort ; 
 and when he thought the baggage out of danger, he gave orders to his 
 army to march off in close rank ; and to cover its retreat and protect 
 it from the cavalry of the enemy, he placed his horse, lined as usual 
 with his best musketeers, in the rear. 
 
 As soon as Baillie, the covenanting general, perceived that Montrose 
 was in full retreat, he dispatched General Hurry with the cavalry in 
 pursuit of him ; but from a most unaccountable delay on Hurry's part 
 
39S HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 m crossing the Powe — so slow, indeed, had his movements been, that 
 Baillie's foot overtook him at the fords of the Almond — that Montrose 
 had almost reached the passes of the mountains before he was over- 
 taken. * Chagrined at his easy escape, and determined to perform 
 some striking exploit before Montrose should retire into his fastnesses, 
 a body of three hundred of the best mounted covenanting cavalry set off 
 at full gallop after him, and attacked him with great fury, using at the 
 same time the most insulting and abusive language. To put an end to 
 this annoyance, Montrose selected twenty expert Highlanders, who from 
 habit were good marksmen, and requested them to bring down some of 
 the assailants. Accordingly, these marksmen advanced in a crouching 
 attitude, concealing their guns, and having approached within musket- 
 shot, they took deliberate aim, and soon brought down the more ad- 
 vanced of the party. This unexpected disaster made the assailants more 
 cautious in their advances, and caused them to resolve upon an immediate 
 retreat ; but the marksmen were so elated with their success, that they 
 actually pursued them down into the plain, " and resolutely attacked 
 the whole party, who putting spurs to their horses, fled with the utmost 
 precipitation, like so many deer before the hunters."+ In this retreat 
 Montrose did not lose a single man. 
 
 After giving over this fruitless pursuit, the enemy- returned to Mon- 
 trose's camp at Methven, where, according to Wishart, they committed 
 a most barbarous act in revenge of their late affront, by butchering some 
 of the wives of the Highlanders and Irish who had been left behind. 
 Montrose took up his quarters at Little Dunkeld, both because he was 
 there perfectly secure from the attacks of the enemy's cavalry, and be 
 cause it was a convenient station to wait for the reinforcements of horse 
 which he daily expected from the north under the earls of Airly and 
 Aboyne, Although both armies lay close together for several days, 
 nothing was attempted on either side. The covenanting general now 
 became quite disgusted with the service in consequence of the jealousies 
 and suspicions which it was too evident the committee entertained of him, 
 and an event occurred which increased his displeasure. This was the 
 sudden return of the Fife men to their country, who preferred their do- 
 mestic comforts to the vicissitudes of war, but who unfortunately were, 
 as we shall soon see, to be sacrificed at its shrine. 
 
 At length, the earl of Aboyne, accompanied by Sir Nathaniel Gor- 
 don, arrived at Little Dunkeld, but with a force much inferior in num- 
 bers to that expected. They only brought two hundred horse and a 
 hundred and twenty musketeers, which last were mounted upon carriage 
 horses. The smallness of their number was compensated, howevei', in a 
 great measure by their steadiness and bravery. The earl of Airly, and his 
 son. Sir David Ogilvy, joined Montrose at the same time, along with a 
 troop of eighty horse, consisting chiefly of gentlemen of the name of 
 
 • ISiiillie'.s Narrative, ii. 269. f VVishart's Memoirs, p. 159. 
 
RETREAT OF GENERAL BAILLIE. 399 
 
 Ogilvy, among whom was Alexander Ogilvy, son of Sir John Ogilvy of 
 Innerquharity, a young man who had already distinguished himself in 
 the field. 
 
 Never at any former period of his eventful career, did the probabilities 
 of ultimate success on the side of Montrose appear to greater advantage 
 than now. His army, ardent and devoted to the royal cause, now 
 amounted to nearly five thousand foot and about five hundred 
 horse ; the greater part of which consisted of brave and experienced 
 warriors whom he had often led to victory. A considerable portion of 
 his army was composed of some of the most valiant of the Highland 
 clans led by their respective chiefs, among whom, the renowned captain 
 of Clanranald, in himself a host, stood conspicuous. These last were 
 animated by a feeling of the most unbounded attachment to what they 
 considered the cause of their chiefs, and by a deadly spirit of revenge 
 for the cruelties which the covenanters under Argyle had exercised in 
 the highlands. The Macleans and the Athole highlanders in particular, 
 longed for an opportunity of retaliating upon the covenanting partizans 
 of Argyle, the injuries which they had repeatedly received at his hands, 
 and thereby wiping out the stain, which, as they conceived, had been 
 cast upon them. But fortunate as Montrose now was in having such 
 an army at his disposal, the chances in his favour were greatly enhanced 
 by this lucky circumstance, that whereas, in his former campaigns, he 
 had to watch the movements of different armies and to fight them in 
 detail, he was now enabled, from having annihilated or dispersed the 
 whole armies formerly opposed to him, to concentrate his strength and to 
 direct all his energies to one point. The only bar which now presented 
 itself to the entire subjugation of Scotland to the authority of the king, 
 was the army of Baillie, and the defeat or destruction of this body 
 now became the immediate object of Montrose. His resolution to 
 attack the enemy was hastened by the receipt of information, that the Fife 
 regiments had left Bailie's camp and returned home, and that the general 
 himself was so dissatisfied with the conduct of the covenanting com- 
 mittee, who thwarted all his plans and usurped his authority, that he 
 was about to resign the command of the army. 
 
 Montrose, therefore, without loss of time, raised his camp and de- 
 scending into the lowlands, arrived at Logie Almond, where he halted 
 his foot. From thence he went out with his cavalry to reconnoitre the 
 enemy, and came in full view of them before sunset. They made no 
 attempt to molest him, and testified their dread of this unexpected visit 
 by retiring within their lines. Early next morning, Montrose again 
 rode out to make his observations, but was surprised to learn that the 
 enemy had abandoned their camp at Methven during the night and had 
 retired across the Erne, and taken up a position at Kilgraston near the 
 bridge of Erne. Montrose immediately put his army in motion towards 
 the Erne, which he crossed by the bridge of Nether Gask, about eight 
 miles above Kilgraston. He then proceeded forward as far as the Kirk of 
 I 3 E 
 
400 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 Drone, by which movement he for the first time succeeded in throwing 
 open to the operations of his army the whole of the country south of the 
 Tay, from which the enemy had hitherto carefully excluded him. The 
 enemy, alarmed at Montrose's approach, made every preparation for 
 defending themselves by strengthening the position in which they had 
 entrenched themselves, and which, from the narrowness of the passes 
 and the nature of the ground, was well adapted for sustaining an attack. 
 
 Montrose was most anxious to bring the enemy to an engagement 
 before they should be joined by a large levy then raising in Fife ; but 
 as they were too advantageously posted to be attacked with much cer- 
 tainty of success, and as he could not by any means induce them to leave 
 their ground, he, after spending two or three days in fruitless attempts 
 to entice them from their position, marched to Kinross for the double 
 purpose of putting an end to the Fife levies and of withdrawing the 
 enemy from their position, so as to afford him an opportunity of attack- 
 ing them under more favourable circumstances. This movement had 
 the effect of drawing Baillie from his strong-hold, who cautiously fol- 
 lowed Montrose at a respectful distance. In the course of his march, 
 Baillie was again joined by the three Fife regiments. On arriving at 
 Kinross in the evening, Montrose learned from an advanced party he 
 had sent out to collect information through the country, under the com- 
 mand of Colonel Nathaniel Gordon, and Sir William Rollock, that the 
 people of Fife were in arms, a piece of intelligence which made him re- 
 solve immediately to retrace his steps, judging it imprudent to risk a 
 battle in such a hostile district. Although the men of Fife were stern 
 covenanters, and were ready to fight for tiie covenant on their own soil, 
 yet living for the most part in towns, and following out the sober pur- 
 suits of a quiet and domestic life, they had no relish for war, and dis 
 liked the service of the camp. Hence the speedy return of the Fife 
 regiments from the camp at Methven, to their own country, and hence 
 another reason which induced Montrose to leave their unfriendly soil, 
 viz. that they would probably again abandon Baillie, should he attempt 
 to follow Montrose in his progress west. 
 
 Accordingly, after remaining a night at Kinross, Montrose, the fol- 
 lowing morning, marched towards Alloa, in the neighbourhood of which 
 he arrived in the evening, and passed the night in the wood of TuUy- 
 body. The Irish plundered the town of Alloa, and the adjoining lord- 
 ship, which belonged to the earl of Mar ; but notwithstanding of this 
 unprovoked outrage, the earl and Lord Erskine gave Montrose, the 
 earl of Airly, and the principal officers of the army, an elegant enter- 
 tainment in the castle of Alloa. Montrose, however, did not delay the 
 march of his army while partaking of the hospitality of the earl of Mar, 
 but dispatched Macdonald immediately west to Stirling with the foot, 
 retaining only the horse to serve him as a body guard. In this route 
 the Macleans laid waste the parishes of Muckhart and Dollar, of 
 which the marquis of Argyle was the superior, and burnt Castle Camp- 
 
PROGRESS OF THE HOSTILE ARMIES. 401 
 
 bell, the principal residence of the Argyle family in the lowlands, in 
 requital of similar acts done by the marquis and his followers in the 
 country of the Macleans.* 
 
 As the pestilence was still raging in the towTi of Stirling, Montrose 
 avoided it altogether, lest his army might catch the infection. He halt- 
 ed within three miles of the town, where his army passed the night, and 
 being apprised next morning, by one of Baillie's scouts who had been 
 taken prisoner, that Baillie was close at hand with the whole of his 
 army, Montrose marched quickly up to the fords of Frew, about eight 
 miles above Stirling bridge, and there crossed the Forth. Pursuing his 
 march the following morning in the direction of Glasgow, he made a 
 short halt about six miles from Stirling, to ascertain the enemy's move- 
 ments, and being- informed that Baillie had not yet crossed the Forth, 
 he marched to Kilsyth, where he encamped. During the day, Baillie 
 passed the Forth by Stirling bridge, and marching forwards, came with- 
 in view of Montrose's army, and encamped that evening within three 
 miles of Kilsyth.f 
 
 The covenanting army had, in its progress westward, followed exact- 
 ly the track of Montrose through the vale of the Devon. The marquis 
 of Argyle availing himself of this circumstance, caused the house 
 of Menstrie, the seat of the earl of Stirling, the king's secretary, and 
 that of Airthrie, belonging to Sir John Graham of Braco, to be burnt. 
 This was done by way of retaliation for the destruction of Castle 
 Campbell and the properties of his vassals, by the Macleans. He, 
 moreover, sent an insolent message to the earl of Mar, notifying to him, 
 that, on the return of the army from the pursuit of Montrose, he, the 
 earl, might calculate on having his castle also burnt, for the hospitality 
 he had shown Montrose.J 
 
 The conjecture of Montrose, that the Fife regiments would not cross 
 the Forth, was not altogether without foundation. In fact, when they 
 arrived near Stirling, they positively refused to advance further, and ex- 
 cused themselves, by alleging that they were raised on the express condi- 
 tion that they should not be called upon to serve out of their own shire, 
 and that, having already advanced beyond its limits, they would on no 
 account cross the Forth. But their obstinacy was overcome by the all- 
 powerful influence of the ministers, who, in addition to the usual scrip- 
 tural appeals, " told them jolly tales that Lanark, Glencairn, and Eglin- 
 ton, were lifting an army to join them, and therefore entreated that they 
 would, for only one day more, go out," until that army approached, 
 when they should be discharged.§ 
 
 While the Fife regiments were thus persuaded to expose themselves 
 to the unforeseen destruction which unfortunately awaited them, an in 
 cident occurred on the opposite bank of the Forth, which betokened ill 
 for the future prospects of the covenauting army. This will be best 
 
 • Guthry's Memoirs, p. 151. t Wishart, p, 156. 
 
 J Guthry, p. 1*" § IWd. 
 
402 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANIJS 
 
 explained by stating the matter in General Baillie's own words. " A 
 little above the park (the king's park at Stirling), I halted until the 
 Fife regiments were brought up, hearing that the rebels were marching 
 towards Kilsyth. After the upcoming of these regiments, the marquis 
 of Argyle, earl of Crawford, and liOrd Burleigh, and, if I mistake not, 
 the earl of Tulliebardin, the Lords Elcho and Balcarras, with some 
 others, came up. My lord marquis asked me what next was to be 
 done. I answered, the direction should come from his lordship and 
 those of the committee. My lord demanded what reason was for this ? 
 I answered, I found myself so slighted in every thing belonging to a 
 commander-in-chief, that, for the short time I was to stay with them, I 
 would absolutely submit to their direction and follow it. The marquis 
 desired me to explain myself, which I did in these particulars, sufficient- 
 ly known to my lord marquis and the other lords and gentlemen then 
 present. I told his lordship, (1.) Prisoners of all sorts were exchanged 
 without my knowledge ; the traffickers therein received passes from 
 others, and sometimes passing within two miles of me, did neither 
 acquaint me with their business, nor, at their return, where, or in what 
 posture, they had left the enemy : (2.) While I was present, others 
 did sometimes undertake the command of the army : (3.) Without 
 either my order or knowledge, fire was raised, and that destroyed, which 
 might have been a recompense to some good deserver, for which I 
 would not be answerable to the public. All which things considered, I 
 should in any thing freely give my own opinion, but follow the judg- 
 ment of the committee, and the rather because that was the last day of 
 my undertaking." * It is here necessary to state, by way of explana- 
 tion, that Baillie had, in consequence of the previous conduct of the 
 committee, resigned his commission, and had only been induced at the 
 earnest solicitation of the parliament, to continue his services for a de- 
 finite period, which, it appears, was just on the point of expiring. 
 
 The differences between Baillie and the committee being patched up, 
 the covenanting army proceeded on the fourteenth of August in the 
 direction of Denny, and having crossed the Carron at Hollandbush, en- 
 camped, as we have stated, about three miles from Kilsyth. 
 
 Before the arrival of Baillie, Montrose had received information, 
 which made him resolve to hazard a battle immediately. The intelli- 
 gence he had obtained was to this effect, that the earls of Cassillis, 
 Eglinton, and Glencairn, and other heads of the covenanters, were 
 actively engaged in levying forces in the west of Scotland, and that the 
 earl of Lanark had already raised a body of a thousand foot and five 
 iiundred horse in Clydesdale, among the vassals and dependents of the 
 Hamilton family, and that this force was within twelve miles of Kilsyth. 
 
 Having taken his resolution, Montrose made the necessary arrange- 
 ments for receiving the enemy, by placing his men in the best position 
 
 • General Baillie's Narrative, Baillie's Letters, vol. ii, pp. 270, 271. 
 
BATTLE OF KILSYTH. 403 
 
 which the nature of tlie ground aiForded. In front of his position were 
 several cottages and gardens of whicli lie took possession. Baillie, seeing 
 the advantageous position chosen by Montrose, would have willingly 
 delaj'ed battle till either' the expected reinforcements from the west 
 should arrive, or till Montrose should be induced to become the as- 
 sailant ; but his plans were over-ruled by Argyle and the other members 
 of the committee, who insisted that he should immediately attack Mon- 
 trose. Accordingly, early in the morning, he put his array in motion 
 from HoUandbush, and advanced near Auchinclogh, about two miles to the 
 east of Kilsyth, where he halted. As the ground between him and 
 Montrose was full of quagmires, which effectually prevented Montrose 
 from attacking him in front, he proposed to take up a defensive position 
 without advancing farther, and await an attack. But here, again, the 
 committee interposed, and when he was in the very act of arranging the 
 stations of his armj', they advised him to take a position on a hill on his 
 right, which they considered more suitable. It was in vain that Baillie 
 remonstrated against what he, and as the event showed, justly considered 
 an imprudent advice — the committee were inexorable in their resolution, 
 and Baillie had no alternative but to obey. Injustice, however, to 
 Lord Balcarras, it must be mentioned that lie disapproved of the views 
 of the committee. 
 
 When Montrose saw the covenanting army approach from Holland- 
 bush, he was exceedingly delighted, as, from the excellent state of his 
 army, the courageous bearing of his men, and the advantage of his 
 position, he calculated upon obtaining a decisive victory, which 
 might enable him to advance into England and retrieve the affairs 
 of his sovereign in that kingdom. But while Montrose was thus 
 joyfully anticipating a victory, which, he flattered himself, would be 
 crowned with results the most favourable to the royal cause, an incident 
 occurred which might have proved fatal to his hopes, had he not, with 
 that wonderful self-possession and consummate prudence for which he 
 was so distinguished, turned that very incident to his own advantage. 
 Among the covenanting cavalry was a regiment of cuirassiers, the ap- 
 pearance of whose armour, glittering in the sun, struck such terror into 
 Montrose's horse, that they hesitated about engaging with such formid- 
 able antagonists, and, while riding along the line, to encourage his men 
 and give the necessary directions, Montrose heard his horse muttering 
 among themselves and complaining that they were now for the first 
 time to fight with men clad in iron, whose bodies would be quite 
 impenetrable to their swords. The crisis was important, and not a 
 moment was to be lost in removing the dangerous impression from 
 their minds. To have led such a body of men into battle, labouring 
 under the influence of fear, would have been to rush upon open de- 
 struction ; and to have avoided battle, under such circumstances, sup- 
 posing that a battle could have been avoided, would have been tant- 
 amount to a defeat. There have been but few commanders who wouhl 
 
404 HISTORY OP THE HIGHLANDS 
 
 oot have been disconcerted oi embarrassed by an event so sudden and 
 unexpected, and fewer still who could have, almost in an instant of 
 time, by the mere dint of genius alone, revived the drooping spirits of 
 their men ; but Montrose is one of those very rare instances in which, 
 by a singular combination of genius and presence of mind, under instant 
 difficulties, those very difficulties themselves are made subservient to 
 their own removal. When the terror of a foe has once taken hold of 
 the mind, it can only be sufficiently eradicated by supplanting it with a 
 feeling of contempt for the object of its dread, and no man was better 
 fitted by nature than Montrose for inspiring such a feeling into the minds 
 of his troops. Accordingly, scarcely had the murmurings of his horse 
 broken upon his ears, when he rode up to the head of his cavalry, and 
 (pointing to the cuirassiers) thus addressed his men: — "Gentlemen, 
 these are the same men you beat at Alford, that ran away from you at 
 Auldearn, Tippermuir, &c. ; they are such cowardly rascals that their 
 officers could not bring them to look you in the face till they had clad 
 them in armour ; to shew our contempt of them we'll fight them in our 
 shirts."-|- No sooner had these words been uttered, when, to add to 
 the impression they could not fail to produce, Montrose threw off his 
 coat and waistcoat with great vigour, and, drawing his sword with the 
 mien of a hero, stood before his men, at once an object of their wonder 
 and a model for their imitation. The effect was instantaneous. The 
 example thus set by Montrose was immediately followed by the whole 
 army, every man stripping himself to his shirt, and the cavalry, par- 
 taking in the general enthusiasm, assured themselves of victory. As the 
 day was uncommonly hot and oppressive, the troops found great reliel 
 by disburdening themselves of their clothes, and the infantry were, in 
 consequence, enabled to display greater agility in combat. The ex- 
 traordinary appearance of Montrose's men after they had parted with 
 their clothes, excited the astonishment of the covenanters, and as they 
 could only attribute such a singular preparation for battle to a fixed 
 determination on the part of the royalists to conquer or to die, fearful 
 doubts arose in their minds as to the probable result of the contest in 
 which they were just about to engage. 
 
 In moving to take up the new position which had been assigned to 
 Baillie's army by the committee, the utmost disorder prevailed among 
 the covenanting army, which the general was unable to correct. In- 
 deed, so unruly had the troops become, that some regiments, instead of 
 taking the stations assigned to them by the commander, took up, at the 
 suggestion of Argyle, quite different ground, while others, in utter dis- 
 regard of Baillie's instructions, actually selected positions for themselves. 
 Thus, at the moment the battle was about to begin, Baillie found all his 
 plans completely over-ruled, and as he now saw how utterly impossible 
 it then was for him to carry any of his contemplated arrangements into 
 
 t Carte, iv. 538. 
 
BATTLE OF KILSYTH. 405 
 
 eft'ect, he was necessitated to engage Montrose under the most unfavour- 
 able circumstances. 
 
 The covenanting general, however, might have so accommodated 
 himself in the unexpected dilemma in which he had been placed as to 
 have prevented the disastrous result which followed, had not his horse 
 regiments, from an impression that Montrose had begun a retreat, rashly 
 commenced the action before all the infantry had come up, by attempting 
 to carry the cottages and gardens in which the advanced guard of Mon- 
 trose was placed. Although they made a violent charge, they were as 
 warmly received by Montrose's musketeers, who, being protected by 
 the dykes and inclosures, kept up such a galling fire upon their assail- 
 ants as to oblige them to retreat with precipitation and some loss. 
 
 A body of about a thousand Highlanders, who were posted next to 
 Montrose's advanced guard, became so suddenly elated with this suc- 
 cess that, without waiting for orders from Montrose, they immediately 
 ran up that part of the hill where the main body of the covenanting 
 army was posted. Montrose was highly displeased with the Highlanders 
 for this rash act, which seemed to threaten them with instant destruc- 
 tion ; but there was no time for remonstrance, and as he saw an absolute 
 necessity for supporting this intrepid body, he stifled his displeasure, 
 and began to consider how he could most effectually afford that sup- 
 port. Owing to the tardy advance of the enemy's rear, it was some 
 little time before the covenanting army attacked this resolute body. At 
 length, three troops of horse and a body of about two thousand foot, 
 were seen advancing against them, and in a short time both parties 
 closed upon each other. The Highlanders, as usual, displayed great 
 intrepidity, and firmly maintained their ground ; but as it was evident 
 to Montrose that they could not long withstand the overwhelming force 
 opposed to them, and as their defeat might have the most injurious 
 effect upon the rest of his army, Montrose resolved immediately to send 
 a force to their relief; but, when giving orders for that purpose, he was 
 exceedingly mortified to find that there existed a general unwillingness 
 among his men to engage in a piece of service which they considered ex- 
 tremely hazardous. Many even positively refused, when ordered, to under- 
 take such a duty; but notwithstanding of this embarrassment, Montrose 
 did not lose his accustomed presence of mind. After several ineffectual 
 attempts to induce different parties of his army to volunteer in defence 
 of the brave men who were struggling for their existence within view of 
 their companions in arms, Montrose, as a dernier resort, appealed to 
 his tried friend, the earl of Airly, in behalf of the rash men who had 
 thus exposed themselves to imminent danger. He represented to hnn 
 the perilous situation in which they had, by their imprudence, placed 
 themselves,— that, if not immediately supported, they would assuredly 
 be destroyed by the enemy's horse, and that as the eyes of the whole 
 army were in this conjuncture directed towards him, the earl, as the 
 fittest officer, indeed the only one who, from tried experience, jomed to 
 
406 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 great discretion, could extricate the Highlanders from the perils which 
 beset them, he begged of him, in the name of God 1 to perform the 
 duty expected of him. This appeal to the chivalrous feelings of the 
 venerable earl met with a ready and willing response from him, and 
 after stating his readiness to undertake the duty assigned him, he imme- 
 diately put himself at the head of a troop of his own horse, commanded 
 by Colonel John Ogilvy of Baldavie, who had distinguished himself in 
 the Swedish service, and rode off with great speed towards the enemy. 
 He instantly ordered his squadron to charge the enemy's horse, who 
 stood the attack with firmness at first, but they could not long withstand 
 the impetuous bravery of the Ogilvies, and were forced to retire. The 
 earl of Airly did not allow them an opportunity of rallying, but kept 
 pressing so closely upon them that they got entangled among the 
 covenanting foot, which they put into disorder. 
 
 As soon as Baillie perceived that his horse were falling back, he 
 endeavoured to bring up his reserve to support them ; but this body, 
 which consisted chiefly of the Fife militia, became so alarmed at the 
 retreat of the horse, that they immediately abandoned their ranks and 
 fled. On the other hand, the rest of Montrose's men, encouraged by 
 the success of the Ogilvie's, could no longer restrain themselves, and 
 rushing forward upon the enemy with a loud shout, completed the 
 disorder. The wild appearance of the royalists, who were almost in a 
 state of complete nudity — for, with the exception of the cavalry, who 
 had thrown off merely tlieir upper garments, the whole of Montrose's 
 troops had cast away every article of their apparel but their shii-ts — added 
 to the dreadful yells which they set up, created such a panic among the 
 astonished covenanters, that, in an instant, and as if by a simultaneous 
 impulse, every man threw away his arms, and endeavoured to secure his 
 personal safety by flight. In the general rout which ensued, the 
 covenanting horse, in their anxiety to escape, galloped through the flying 
 foot, and trampled many of their companions in arms almost to death. 
 
 In the pursuit which followed, Montrose's men cut down the defence- 
 less covenanters without mercy, and so great was the carnage, that, out 
 of a body of upwards of six thousand foot, probably not more than a 
 hundred escaped with their lives. The royalists were so intent upon 
 hewing down the unfortunate foot, that a considerable part of the cavalry 
 effected their escape. Some of them, however, in the hurry of their 
 flight, having ran unawares into a large morass, called Dolater bog, now 
 forming a part of the bed of the Forth and Clyde canal, there perished, 
 and, many years afterwards, the bodies of men and horses were dug up 
 from the bog, without any marks of decomposition ; and there is a tra- 
 dition still current, that one man was found upon horseback, fully attired 
 in his military costume, in the very posture in which he had sunk.* 
 Very few prisoners were taken, and with the exception of Sir William 
 
 • Nimmo's General Ilislory of Stirlingshire, p. 39B. 
 
BATTLE OP KILSYTH. 407 
 
 Murray of Blebo, James Arnot, brother to Lord Burleigh, and 
 Colonels Dyce and Wallace, and a few other gentlemen, who received 
 quarter, and, after being well treated by Montrose, were afterwards 
 released upon parole, all the officers of the covenanting army escaped. 
 Some of them fled to Stirling, and took temporary refuge in the castle ; 
 others galloped down to the south shore of the Frith of Forth. Among 
 the latter, Argyle was the most conspicuous, who, according to Bishop 
 Guthry, " never looked over his shoulder until, after twenty miles riding, 
 he reached the South Queensferry, where he possessed himself of a boat 
 again.*" Wishart sarcastically observes, that this was the third time that 
 Argyle had " saved himself by means of a boat ; and, even then, he did 
 not reckon himself secure till they had weighed anchor and carried the 
 vessel out to sea."-j- 
 
 The whole of the baggage, arms, and stores, belonging to the 
 covenanting army were captured by the royalists. The loss on the side 
 of Montrose was, as usual, extremely trifling, amounting only to six or 
 eight men, three of whom were of the Ogilvies, who fell in the charge 
 which decided the fortune of the day. 
 
 The news of this disastrous and melancholy victory, speedily spread 
 throughout the kingdom and filled it with mourning The plague, which 
 had devastated some of the most populous of the covenanting districts, 
 was still carrying on its depopulating career, and the spirits of the peo- 
 ple, already broken and subdued under that afflicting scourge of provi- 
 dence, were reduced to a state almost bordering on despair when they 
 received the afflicting intelligence of the utter annihilation of an army 
 on which their only hopes were placed. No alternative, therefore, now 
 remained for them but unconditional submission to the conqueror, by 
 throwing themselves entirely upon the clemency of Montrose, and ac- 
 cordingly, deputies were sent to him from different parts of the kingdom, 
 to assure him of the return of the people to their allegiance to the king, 
 to profi'er their obedience to Montrose as his lieutenant, and to offer him 
 assistance in support of the royal cause. The nobility and other per- 
 sons of note who had hitherto kept aloof, or whose loyalty had been 
 questionable, also crowded to the royal standard to congratulate Mon- 
 trose upon the favourable aspect of affairs and to offer their services. 
 
 While at Kilsyth, two commissioners, Sir Robert Douglas and Mr 
 Archibald Fleming, commissary, arrived at Montrose's camp on the 
 part of the inhabitants of Glasgow, to obtain favour and forgiveness, 
 by congratulating him upon his success, and inviting him to visit their 
 city. Montrose received these commissioners and the other numerous 
 deputations and individuals who afterwards waited on him, not merely 
 with courtesy but with kindness, and promised to bury all past occur- 
 rences in perfect oblivion, but on the condition that they should return 
 to their allegiance and conduct themselves in future as loyal subjects. 
 
 . Memoirs, p. 154. t Memoirs, p. 171. 
 
 3f 
 
408 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 " The whole country now," says Wishart, " resounded Montrose's praise. 
 His unparalleled magnanimity and bravery, his happiness in devising 
 his plan of operations, and his quickness in executing them, his unshaken 
 resolution and intrepidity, even in the greatest dangers, and his patience 
 in bearing the severest hardships and fatigues : his faithfulness and 
 strict observance of his promises to such as submitted, and his clemency 
 towards his prisoners ; in short, that heroic virtue which displayed itself 
 in all his actions, was extolled to the skies, and filled the mouths of all 
 ranks of men, and several poems and panegyrics were wrote upon this 
 occasion."* It is believed, however, that there was little sincerity in 
 these professions. 
 
 This submission of the people was accelerated by the dispersion of 
 the covenanting nobility, an event which put a temporary end to the 
 government which they had established. Argyle, Crawford, Lanark, and 
 others, sought protection in Berwick, and Glencairn, and Cassillis took 
 refuge in Ireland. 
 
 Montrose might have now marched directly upon, and seized the capi- 
 tal, where many of his friends were confined as prisoners ; but he con- 
 sidered it of more importance to march to the west and disperse some 
 levies which were there raising. Accordingly, after refreshing his troops 
 two days at Kilsyth, he dispatched a strong body under the command of 
 Macdonald, his major-general, into Ayrshire to suppress a rising under 
 the Earls of Cassillis and Glencairn; and with the remainder of his army 
 he proceeded towards Glasgow, which he entered amidst the general 
 acclamations of the citizens. Here Montrose immediately commenced 
 an inquiry into the conduct of the leading covenanters of the city, some 
 of whom he put to death as a terror to others, a circumstance which de- 
 tracts from the usual clemency of Montrose, but perhaps he considered 
 it necessary to show an example of rigour among a population on whose 
 fidelity he probably placed little reliance. Montrose remained only a 
 day in Glasgow, and encamped the following day on Bothwell moor, 
 about twelve miles from the city. His object in doing so, was to put an 
 end to some excesses on the part of his Irish and Highland troops, in 
 which they were beginning to indulge, and which from the precarious 
 tenure of their services, and his inability to pay them, he could not ven- 
 ture to control by the severities of martial law.f And as he was ap- 
 prehensive that some of his men might lurk behind, or visit the city for 
 the purpose of plunder, he allowed the inhabitants to form a guard 
 among themselves to protect it. The citizens, in gratitude for the fa- 
 vour and clemency thus shown them, presented Montrose with the sum 
 of ten thousand merks. 
 
 In the meantime, major-general Macdonald arrived in Ayrshire, 
 where he was received with open arms. The levies which had been 
 raised in the west quietly dispersed ; and the Earls of Cassillis and Glen- 
 
 • Memoirs, p. ITl. 
 '^ Burnet's Memoirs of the Dukes of Hamiltor, p. 276. 
 
SUBMISSION OF EDINBURGH. 409 
 
 cairn fled to Ireland. The Countess of Loudon, whose husband had acted 
 a conspicuous part against the King, received Macdonald with great 
 kindness at Loudon castle, and not only embraced him in her arms, but 
 entertained him with great splendour and hospitality ; and she even sent 
 a servant to Montrose to offer her respects to him.* 
 
 During Montrose's stay at Bothwell, where he remained till the fourth 
 of September, he was waited upon by many of the nobility in person, to 
 congratulate him upon his recent victory, and to tender their services. 
 Others sent similar communications by their friends. The Marquis of 
 Douglas, the Earls of Linlithgow and Annandale, the Lords Seton, Drum- 
 mond, Fleming, Maderty, Carnegie and Johnston, were among the first 
 who came forward. Deputations also arrived from the shires of Linlith- 
 gow, Lanark, Renfrew, and Ayr, and also from the towns of Greenock, 
 Ayr, and Irvine, to implore forgiveness for past offences, and to give 
 pledges for their future loyalty. Montrose received them all very gra- 
 ciously,and relying upon their assurances, granted them an amnesty. 
 
 Montrose expected that the city of Edinburgh, which had been the 
 focus of rebellion, would have followed the example of Glasgow and the 
 other towns ; but whether from obstinacy or from the dread of a refusal 
 of pardon, the authorities did not send commissioners to Montrose, and 
 it was not until a body of the royalist horse appeared within four miles 
 of the city, that they resolved to proffer their submission, and to throw 
 themselves on the mercy of the conqueror. The following interesting 
 and circumstantial account of Montrose's intentions, with regard to the 
 city, and of the conduct of the inhabitants on this trying occasion, is 
 given by Dr Wishart, who was at the time in question, a prisoner in the 
 jail of Edinburgh. 
 
 " Montrose's first and principal concern, after the victory at Kilsyth, 
 was about his friends in prison. His generous soul was touched with 
 their miserable condition ; they had continued long under the hardships 
 of a nasty and squalid imprisonment in the tolbooth of Edinburgh, and 
 had been condemned to death for no other alleged crime, but their loyalty 
 to their sovereign, and were daily expecting the execution of this sen. 
 tence. He, therefore, dispatched his nephew, Archibald Master of Na- 
 pier, and Nathaniel Gordon, with a select body of horse, to Edinburgh, 
 in order to summon the city to surrender, to secure its obedience and 
 fidelity, and to set the prisoners at liberty ; but if they refused to sub- 
 mit, then their orders were to attack them with fire and sword. When 
 they came within four miles of the town, they stopped, not intending to 
 approach nearer, unless they were obliged by the obstinacy of the citi- 
 zens : this they did, both to preserve the city and its inhabitants from 
 the fury and rapacious insolence of their soldiers, who, considering it as 
 the chief spring and fomenter of this accursed rebellion, might, in the 
 transports of their rage and fury, be hurried to commit the greatest cruel- 
 
 • tiuthrj's Memoirs, p. 155. 
 
410 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 ties, and perhaps set the city on flames, and consume it to ashes ; a thing 
 Montrose liad principally cautioned them to guard against : as also to 
 preserve their own men from the infection of the plague, which then 
 raged in that place and neighbourhood, and daily cut oflF great numbers. 
 
 " When the news of their approach reached the town, an universal con- 
 sternation seized all ranks ; they despaired of obtaining terms, and ap- 
 peared as frantic as if the city had been already in a blaze, and an en- 
 raged enemy murdering and destroying within its gates. Many, con- 
 scious of their guilt, accused themselves as sacrilegious, perjured and un- 
 grateful traitors, and unworthy of that clemency and forgiveness for 
 which they so ardently prayed. 
 
 " They privately made application to the prisoners, and, in the most 
 humble manner, entreated them, out of compassion to the place, which 
 was already ruined by the pestilence, and to the miserable remains of 
 the inhabitants, that they would intercede for them with Montrose, and 
 by their good offices avert that rage, which they now acknowledged 
 they had justly provoked. All their hopes, they said, were centered in 
 their undertaking this generous office, as the only mean to preserve a 
 sinking city from utter destruction. They acknowledged themselves 
 guilty of all the crimes laid to their charge, but solemnly protested, that 
 should they at this time experience his clemency and goodness, they 
 should atone for their former rebellion by the most exemplary loyalty, 
 and implicit duty and obedience. The prisoners, whom, not long before, 
 even the meanest of the mob had treated in the most contemptible and 
 despiteful manner, and had devoted to the gibbet, unmindful of the 
 cruel treatment they had received, farther than that the sensible remem- 
 brance of it prompted them to return thanks to God for thus bringing 
 about their preservation and deliverance at a time when they so little 
 expected it, encouraged their enemies, and told them, that neither the 
 king himself, nor Montrose, his lieutenant, had any pleasure in the ruin 
 and destruction of his subjects, but earnestly wished and laboured for 
 their safety and prosperity, could they be only brought to see it them- 
 selves. They advised them forthwith to send commissioners to Mon- 
 trose, to implore his pardon, as nothing could more effectually contri- 
 bute to mollify the heart of a conqueror than a speedy submission ; 
 promising to intercede with Montrose in their behalf; and they did not 
 doubt but his great and generous soul would allow itself to be overcome 
 with the humble entreaties and supplications of a distressed city. 
 
 " The citizens of Edinburgh, thus enoouraged with hopes of success, 
 immediately convened the town council, in order to make choice of 
 proper commissioners to send to Montrose. Among the prisoners there 
 were two especially eminent for their high birth, and thoroughly ac- 
 quainted with Montrose. The first of these was Ludovick earl of 
 Crawfurd, chief of the ancient and noble family of the Lindesays, a per- 
 son famous for his military achievements abroad, in the Swedish, Aus- 
 trian and Spanish services. The earl of Lindesay, his cousin, from an 
 
SUBMISSION OF EDINBURGH. 411 
 
 ambition to attain to the title and honours of Crawfurd, thirsted for his 
 blood, and had such address and influence with the covenanters as to 
 get him condemned. The only crime they laid to his charge, was, that 
 he had served the king his master with the greatest fidelity and bravery, 
 in his capacity as a soldier, and they feared would still do so, were he 
 left alive. The other was James Lord Ogilvy, son to the earl of Airly, 
 who was very highly esteemed by Montrose, and was, besides, odious 
 to the rebels, both for his own and his father's courage and power. 
 And, as he was a declared enemy to Argyle, both on account of the 
 ancient animosities that subsisted betwixt the families, and some recent 
 injuries they had received from Argyle, he was, therefore, accused of 
 the same crime with Crawfurd, and condemned to the same punishment. 
 The council of Edinburgh made choice of these two noblemen from 
 among the prisoners, and set them at liberty, earnestly imploring them 
 to use their interest with the lord governor in their behalf, and assist 
 their deputies in obtaining their request, thereby to preserve a city, 
 already sore afflicted with the avenging hand of heaven ; at the same- 
 time wishing destruction to themselves and their posterity, if ever they 
 should prove unmindful of the favour, or ungrateful to their bene- 
 factors. 
 
 " These two noblemen cheerfully undertook this office, to the great 
 satisfaction of the whole city, and, having joined the delegates, went out 
 to meet the master of Napier. In his way towards Edinburgh, Napier 
 had released his father and spouse. Sir George Stirling of Keir, his 
 brother-in-law, and his sisters, from the prison of Linlithgow, to which 
 they had been sent by the covenanters from the castle of Edinburgh ; 
 and, now being attended with this agreeable company and by the city 
 delegates, Mr Napier returned directly to his uncle. 
 
 " Montrose was transported with joy at the sight of his dearest firiends 
 Crawfurd and Ogilvy, whom he met with the tenderest embraces of 
 friendship, having been so long deprived of their company and assist- 
 ance. He congratulated them on their safety and deliverance, and gave 
 them all the respect and accommodation possible, as a consolation, in 
 some degree, for their long confinement. On the other hand, they ex- 
 pressed the utmost gratitude to him, and extolled him as their avenger 
 and deliverer; both parties thus seeming to vie with one another in 
 mutual expressions of their affection and esteem. 
 
 " The city delegates were then admitted to audience ; they made a 
 free surrender to him of the town, and humbly deprecated his ven- 
 geance and implored his pardon and forgiveness, promising, in name of 
 the whole inhabitants, an inviolable fidelity and obedience for the future, 
 and committing themselves and all their concerns to his patronage and 
 I protection, which they humbly entreated he would grant them. They 
 
 " promised also, immediately to release all the prisoners in their custody, 
 
 and desired him to assure himself that any thing else he should desire 
 of them should be instantly complied with. The town, they said, had 
 
412 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 been almost depopulated by a dreadful plague, so that no supplies ot 
 men could be expected from it ; but they were ready to contribute all 
 tliey could to defray the expense of what troops he might raise in other 
 places. Above all, they most earnestly implored him to intercede for 
 them with their most gracious and merciful king, to obtain his pity and 
 pardon, and that he would not condemn the whole city for the crime of 
 rebellion, in which they had been involved by the craft and example 
 of a few seditious men, armed with power and authority. Montrose 
 gave them reason to hope fbr the royal forgiveness ; and the only condi- 
 tions he required of them, were, sacredly to observe their loyalty and 
 allegiance to his majesty for the future ; to renounce all correspondence 
 with the rebels, whether within or without the kingdom : the castle of 
 Edinburgh, which he well knew was then in their power, he required 
 they should surrender to the king's officers ; and that, as soon as the 
 delegates returned to the city, all the prisoners should be immediately set 
 at liberty, and sent to his camp." 
 
 Although the commissioners agreed to these conditions, and promised 
 to perform them, the only one they ever fuliilled was that which stipu- 
 lated the release of the prisoners, who were immediately on the return 
 of the commissioners sent to Montrose's camp, — in the non-fulfilment 
 of which conditions they were guilty of a piece of deceit, which, says 
 Wishart, " was agreeable to their usual perfidy and ingratitude." In- 
 deed, it was scarcely to be expected from the character of the times, 
 that the citizens of Edinburgh, who had all along been warm partizans 
 of the covenanting interest, would show a readiness to comply with stipu- 
 lations which had been extorted from their commissioners, under the 
 circumstances we have mentioned. 
 
 While at Bothwell Montrose received different communications from 
 the king, who was then at Oxford. The most important of these were 
 two commissions under the great seal, one appointing Montrose Captain- 
 general, and Lieutenant-governor of Scotland, and conferring on him 
 full powers to raise forces, punish state offenders, and make knights, &c. 
 and the other authorising nmi to summon a parliament to meet at 
 Glasgow, to settle the affairs of the kingdom. The bearer of these im- 
 portant documents was Sir Robert Spottiswood, formerly president of 
 the court of session, and who now acted as secretary of state for Scot- 
 land. As a person so well known as Sir Robert, could not travel by 
 any of the ordinary roads without risk of apprehension, he took a cir- 
 cuitous route from Oxford, passing through Wales, and from thence cross- 
 ing over to the Isle of Man, he took shipping and landed in the West 
 Highlands. From Lochaber he proceeded down into Athole, whence he 
 was conducted by a party of Athole-men to Montrose, at Bothwell Moor. 
 
 The instructions brought by Sir Robert Spottiswood, regarding the 
 holding of a parliament and the matters connected therewith, were in 
 the meantime superseded by orders from the king of a later date, brought 
 by a more direct route. By these he was directed to march immedi- 
 
DESERTION OF THE HIGHLANDERS. 413 
 
 ately to the borders, where he would, it was said, be joined by the earls 
 of Roxburghe, Traquair and Home, and the other royalist nobility of 
 the Southern shires at the head of their numerous vassals and tenants, 
 as well as by a body of horse which his majesty would send from Eng- 
 land, and that with these united forces, he should watch the motions of 
 General David Leslie, who was advancing to the north with a body of six 
 thousand cavalry. In fact, Leslie, who had acquired great celebrity by 
 his conduct in the battle of Long Marston Moor, had reached Berwick 
 in the beginning of September, having been called thither on his road to 
 Hereford by the covenanting nobility, who had taken refuge there after 
 the battle of Kilsyth. 
 
 Pursuant to raising his camp for the Tweed, Montrose reviewed his 
 army on the third of September, on which occasion Sir Robert Spottis- 
 wood delivered to him the commission, appointing him his majesty's 
 lieutenant-governor for Scotland, and general of all his majesty's forces, 
 "in a respectful manner under the royal standard."* Montrose, on 
 receiving this and the other commission, delivered them to Archi- 
 bald Primrose, who had acted as clerk to the committee of estates, and 
 had lately joined Montrose, to be proclaimed to the army. After these 
 commissions had been read, Montrose addressed his army in a short 
 and feeling speech, in the course of which he took occasion to praise 
 their bravery and loyalty, and expressed great affection for them. In 
 conclusion, addressing Macdonald, his major-general, he bestowed upon 
 him the tribute of his praise, and by virtue of the power with which he 
 had been invested, conferred the honour of knighthood upon Macdonald, 
 in presence of the whole army. Little did Montrose imagine, that the man 
 whose services he was now so justly rewarding had resolved immediately 
 to abandon him, and, under the pretence of avenging some injuries 
 which his friends had sustained at the hands of Argyle four years be- 
 fore, to quit for ever the service of his royal master. 
 
 Montrose's ranks had, before the review alluded to, been thinned by 
 private desertions among the Highlanders, who carried off with them 
 all the booty they had been able to collect ; but as soon as Montrose 
 announced his intention, in terms of the instructions he had received 
 from the king, to march south, the Highlanders in a body demanded 
 liberty to return home, for a short time, to repair their houses which had 
 been reduced to ruins by the enemy, and to provide a stock of provi- 
 sions for their wives and families during the ensuing winter. To induce 
 Montrose to comply the more readily with their request, they promised 
 to return to his camp within forty days, and to bring some of their 
 friends along with them. As Montrose saw that the Highlanders had 
 formed a determined resolution to depart, and that consequently any at- 
 tempt to retain them would be unavailing, he dissembled the displeasure 
 he felt, and after thanking them in the king's name for their services, 
 
 Wishart. 
 
414 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 and entreating them to return to him as soon as possible, he granted 
 them leave of absence with apparent good will. But when Sir Alaster 
 Macdonald also announced his intention to return to the Highlands, 
 Montrose could not conceal his chagrin, and strongly remonstrated 
 against such a step. " Montrose, (says Guthry,) dealt most seriously 
 with him to have staid until they had been absolute conquerors, promis- 
 ing then to go thither himself, and be concurring with him in punishing 
 them, (Argyle and his party) as they deserved ; and withal told him, 
 that his separating at this time must be the occasion of ruin to them 
 both. But all was to no purpose ; he would needs be gone, and for a 
 reason enlarged himself in reckoning up the Marquis of Argyle's cruel- 
 ties against his friends who, as he said, did four years ago draw 
 his father and brother to Inverary upon trust, and then made them pri- 
 soners ; and since, (his friends having retired to the Isles of Jura and 
 Rachlin, for shelter) sent Ardkinlass and the captain of Skipness, to the 
 said isles to murder them, which, (said he) they did without mercy, 
 sparing neither women nor children. With such discourses he justified 
 his departure, and would not be hindered." Macdonald, accordingly, 
 after returning thanks to Montrose in a formal oration for the favours 
 he had received, and pledging himself for the early return of the High- 
 landers, departed for the Highlands on the day of the review, accompanied 
 by upwards of three thousand Highlanders, the elite of Montrose's army, 
 and by one hundred and twenty of the best of the Irish troops, whom 
 he had selected as a body guard. 
 
 The desertion of such a large body of men, consisting of the flower of 
 his army, was a subject of the deepest concern to Montrose, whose sole 
 reliance for support against the powerful force of Leslie, now depended 
 upon the precarious succours he might obtain on his march to the south. 
 Under such circumstances a commander more prudent than Montrose 
 would have hesitated about the course to be pursued in such an un- 
 locked for emergency, and would probably have either remained for 
 sometime in his position, till the levies raising in the south should assem- 
 ble, or retreated across the Forth, and there awaited for reinforcements 
 from the north ; but the ardent and chivalrous feelings of Montrose so 
 blinded him, as to make him altogether disregard prudential consider- 
 ations, and the splendour of his victories had dazzled his imagination 
 80 much, as to induce him to believe that he had only to engage the 
 enemy to defeat them. 
 
 Accordingly, on the day following the departure of the Highlanders, 
 viz. the fourth of September, Montrose began his march to the south ; 
 but he had not proceeded far, when he had the mortification to find 
 himself also abandoned by the earl of Aboyne, who not only carried off 
 the whole of his own men, but induced the other horsemen of the north, 
 who were not of his party, to accompany him. Of the Gordons, Sir 
 Nathaniel Gordon appears to have been the only individual of that name 
 who remained behind. The cause of such a hasty proceeding on the 
 
MARCH OF MONTROSE TO THE TWEED. 4 ] t, 
 
 ^^Vl^^V^l\''^ '^''°^°'' ^°^' °°' sufficiently appear; but it seems 
 probable, that his lordship had taken some offence at Montrose who 
 acc()rding to a partizan of the Gordon family, arrogated to himself all 
 the honour of the victories which the earl had greatly contributed to 
 obtain.* 
 
 The army of Montrose was now reduced to a mere liandful of men 
 consisting only of about two hundred gentlemen who had joined him at 
 Bothwell, and seven hundred foot, chiefly Irish.f Yet he resolved to 
 proceed on his march and reached Cranstoun-Kirk in Mid-Lothian, on 
 Saturday the sixth of September, where he received intelligence that 
 General David Leslie had arrived at Berwick with a great body of cavalry. 
 He encamped at Cranstoun-Kirk with the intention of remaining there over 
 the Sunday, and hearing Dr Wishart preach ; but having, the following 
 morning, been put in possession of a correspondence between Leslie and 
 the heads of the covenanters, at Berwick, which developed their plans, 
 without waiting for sermon, he quickly raised his camp and advanced into 
 Strath-gala. A more imprudent step than this cannot be well conceived, 
 as Montrose threw his little band into the jaws of Leslie who was laying 
 ready to pounce upon him. In his march along Gala-water, he was 
 joined by the marquis of Douglas and Lord Ogilvy at the head of a 
 small party, the remains of a larger body which had been diminished 
 by desertion : Montrose was waited upon at Galashiels by the earl oi 
 Traquair, who professed the most fervent attachment to the king, and 
 promised to obtain information for him respecting Leslie's movements, 
 and in proof of his sincerity, sent his son Lord Linton with a troop of well 
 mounted horse who joined him the following day. 
 
 From Galashiels Montrose marched to Kelso, where he expected to 
 be joined by the Earls of Home and Roxburghe, and their vassals ; but 
 on his arrival there, lie was surprised to find that these two noblemen 
 had taken no measures to raise the levies they had promised. He, there- 
 fore, resolved to pay them a visit, to compel them to fulfil their en 
 gagements ; but anticipating such a step, they had allowed themselves to 
 be made voluntary prisoners by a party of Leslie's horse and carried to 
 Berwick. Roxburghe, whom Wishart calls " a cunning old fox," was 
 the contriver of this artful scheme, which, while it secured him and his 
 colleague Home the favour of the covenanters, was intended to induce 
 the king to believe that they were suffering for their loyalty. 
 
 This act of perfidy opened the eyes of Montrose to the danger of his 
 situation, and made him instantly resolve to retrace his steps, so as to 
 prevent his retreat to the north being cut off by David Leslie, who had 
 by this time crossed the Tweed. He, therefore, marched from Kelso west- 
 ward to Jedburgh, and from thence to Selkirk where he arrived on the 
 twelfth of September, and encamped that night in a wood, called Hare- 
 headwood, in the neighbourhood of the town at the head of a long and 
 
 • Gordon's Continuation, p. 528. + Guthry's Memoirs, p. 159. 
 
 I- 3 G 
 
416 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 level piece of ground called Philiphaugh, on the north bank of the Et- 
 trick. Montrose himself, with his horse, took up his quarters in the 
 town. 
 
 The position thus selected by Montrose was well calculated to pre- 
 vent his being taken by surprise, as Leslie, from the direction he had ne- 
 cessarily to advance, could only approach it by coming up the open vale 
 of Philiphaugh ; but unfortunately, Montrose did not, on this occasion, 
 take those extraordinary precautions which he had been accustomed to 
 do. It had always been his practice hitherto, to superintend in person 
 the setting of the night watches, and to give instructions himself to the 
 sentinels, and to the scouts he sent out, to watch the motions of the 
 enemy ; but having important letters to write to the king, which he was de- 
 sirous of sending off before the break of day by a trusty messenger, he 
 entrusted these details to his cavalry officers, whom he exhorted to great 
 vigilance, and to take care that the scouts kept a sharp outlook for the 
 enemy. Montrose had the utmost confidence in the wisdom and integ- 
 rity of his officers, whose long experience in military affiiirs, he had 
 many times witnessed ; and as there seemed to be no immediate danger, 
 he thought that, for one night at least, he could safely leave the direction 
 of affairs to such men. 
 
 While occupied during the night preparing his despatches for the king, 
 Montrose received several loose reports, from time to time, respecting the 
 alleged movements of the enemy, of which he sent due notice to his offi- 
 cers, but he was as often assured, both by the reports of his officers and 
 of the scouts, that not a vestige of an enemy was to be seen. Thus the 
 night passed without any apparent foundation for the supposition that 
 the enemy was at hand, and to make assurance doubly sure, some of the 
 fleetest of the cavalry were sent out at break of day to reconnoitre. On 
 their return, they stated that they had examined with care, all the roads 
 and passes for ten miles round, and solemnly averred, that there was not 
 the least appearance of an enemy within the range they had just scoured. 
 Yet singular as the fact may appear, Leslie was lying at that very time 
 at Melrose, with four thousand horse, within six miles of Montrose's 
 camp. 
 
 It appears that on the day of Montrose's march from Jedburgh, gene- 
 ral Leslie, who had a few days before crossed the Tweed at Berwick, 
 held a council of war on Gladsmuir in East Lothian, at which it was de- 
 termined that he should proceed towards Stirling to cut off Montrose's 
 retreat to the Highlands, whither it was supposed that he meant instantly 
 to retire, for the purpose of obtaining reinforcements. But the council 
 had scarcely risen, when letters were brought to Leslie, communicating 
 to him the low and impaired state of Montrose's forces, and his design 
 of marching into Dumfries-shire to procure an accession of strength. 
 On receiving this intelligence, Leslie abandoned his plan of marching 
 northward, and ordering his army to turn to the left, he mimediately 
 ma veiled to the south, and entering the vale of Gala, proceeded to Mel- 
 
BATTLE OF PHILIPHAUGH. 417 
 
 rose, where he took up his quarters for the night, intending to attack 
 Montrose's little band next morning, in the hope of annihilating it alto- 
 gether. Who the traitor was who made the communication in question 
 to the covenanting general, is a point which has never been ascertained. 
 Both Wishart and Guthry suspect that the earl of Traquair was the 
 guilty person, and they rest their conjecture upon the circumstance of 
 his having withdrawn during the night, (without acquainting Montrose,) 
 the troop of horse under his son. Lord Linton, but this is not sufficient, of 
 Itself, to infer such a criminal act. 
 
 But the most extraordinary and unaccountable circumstance which 
 preceded the battle of Philiphaugh, was this, that although Leslie was 
 within six miles of Montrose's camp, neither the scouts nor the cavalry, 
 who are stated to have scoured the country four miles beyond the place 
 where Leslie lay, could discover, as they reported, any traces of liim. Did 
 the scouts deceive Montrose, or did they not proceed in the direction of 
 Leslie's camp, or did they confine their perambulations within a more 
 limited range ? These are questions which it is impossible to answer 
 with any degree of certainty. But what is to be said of the cavalry who 
 having made their observations at day-break, and confessedly several 
 miles beyond the enemy's camp, returned as luckless as the midnight 
 scouts ? The only plausible answer that can be given to this question is , 
 either that they had not visited the neighbo^lrhood of Melrose, or th at 
 a thick mist, which prevailed on the morning of the thirteenth of Sep- 
 tember, had obscured the enemy from their view. However, be this as 
 it may, certain it is that owing to the thickness of the fog, Leslie was 
 enabled to advance, unobserved, till he came within half a mile of Mon- 
 trose's head quarters. On the alarm occasioned by this sudden and un- 
 expected appearance of the enemy, Montrose instantly sprung upon the 
 first horse that he met, and galloped off" to his camp. On his arrival, he 
 fortunately found that all his men, though the hour was very early, had 
 risen, but considerable disorder prevailed in the camp in consequence of 
 preparations they were making for an immediate march into Dumfries- 
 shire in terms of instructions they had received the previous evening. 
 The cavalry, however, were quite dismounted, some of the officers were 
 absent, and their horses were scattered through the adjoining fields tak- 
 ing their morning repast. Short as the time was for putting his small 
 band in a defensive position, Montrose acted with his accustomed pre- 
 sence of mind, and before the enemy commenced his attack, Montrose 
 had succeeded in drawing up his men in order of battle, in the position 
 which they had occupied the preceding night. Nothing but self-preser- 
 vation, on which the cause of the king, his master, was chiefly depend- 
 ant, could have justified Montrose in attempting to resist the powerful 
 force now about to assail him. With about a thousand foot and five hun- 
 dred horse, the greater part of which was composed of raw and undis- 
 ciplined levies hastily brought into the field, and lukewarm in the 
 cause, he had to resist the attack of a body of about six thousand ve- 
 
4iy HISTORY OP THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 teran troops, chiefly English cavalry, who had distinguished themselves 
 at the battle of Marstou-moor, who, though they could make no addition 
 to their laurels by defeating such a handful of men, may be supposed to 
 have been especially desirous of annihilating the remains of an army 
 which had been so long formidable and victorious. 
 
 The covenanting general began the battle by charging Montrose's 
 right wing, consisting of horse, with the great body of his cavalry ; but 
 BO firmly was the charge received by the brave cavaliers with Montrose 
 at their head, that the assailants were forced to retire with loss. A sec- 
 ond charge met a similar fate. Thus foiled in their attempts on the 
 right, they next attacked Montrose's left wing, consisting of foot, which, 
 after a gallant resistance, retired a little up the face of the hill, where it 
 was posted, to avoid the attacks of the cavalry. While this struggle was 
 going on on the left, a body of two thousand of the covenanting foot 
 which had made a circuitous rout, appeared in the rear of the right wing, 
 which they attacked. The right wing not being able to resist this forcci 
 and apprehensive that a new attack would be made upon them by the 
 enemy's cavalry, and that they would thus be surrounded and perhaps 
 cut to pieces, fled from the field. The foot who had taken up a po- 
 sition on the side of the hill, being thus abandoned to their fate, sur- 
 rendered themselves as prisoners of war after a slight resistance ; but 
 horrible to tell, they were afterwards shot by orders of the covenanting 
 general, at the instigation, it is said, of some presbyterian ministers, who 
 declared that no faith should be kept with such persons. 
 
 Montrose was still on the field with about thirty brave cavaliers, and 
 witnessed the rout of one part of his army and the surrender of another, 
 with the most poignant feelings of regret. He might have instantly re- 
 treated with safety, but he could not brook the idea of running away, 
 and, therefore, resolved not to abandon the post of honour, but to fight to 
 the last extremity, and to sell his life as dearly as possible. It was not 
 long before he and his noble band were nearly surrounded by the enemy, 
 who kept pressing so hard upon him, and in such numbers, as almost to 
 preclude the possibility of escape. Yet they did not venture to attack 
 Montrose and his brave associates in a body, but in detached parties, 
 every one of which was successively repulsed with loss. As the enemy 
 grew tired of attacking him, and seemed to be more intent upon plun- 
 dering his baggage than capturing his person, Montrose saw that th« 
 danger was not so great as he supposed, and, therefore, he began to reflect 
 upon the folly of sacrificing his life so long as a ray of hope remained 
 He had lost a battle no doubt ; but in this there was no dishonour when 
 the disparity of his force with that of the enemy was considered. Besides 
 he had lost few of his men, and the Hig?ilanders, on whom he chiefly re- 
 lied, were still entire, and were ready to take the field as soon as he ap- 
 peared again among them. And as to the eflPect which such a defeat 
 might be supposed to have upon the adherents of the king, who v,ere still 
 numerous and powerful, it could be easily removed as soon as they saw him 
 
FLIGHT OF MONTROSE. 419 
 
 again at the head of a fresh force. That he could only expect to retrieve 
 the present state of affairs by escaping from the present danger and rais- 
 ing new troops ; but that if he rashly sacrificed his life the king's affairs 
 might be irretrievably ruined. These reflections being seconded by the 
 marquis of Douglas and a few trusty friends, who implored him not to 
 throw away a life so valuable to the king and to the country, Montrose 
 resolved to consult his safety by an immediate flight. Putting himself, 
 therefore, at the head of his troop, he cut his way through the enemj', 
 without the loss of a single man. They were pursued by a party of 
 horse, some of whom they killed, and actually carried off one Bruce, a 
 captain of horse, and two standard-bearers, with their ensigns, as prison- 
 ers. Montrose went in the direction of Peebles, which he entered 
 about sun-set, and here he was joined by different straggling parties of 
 his men who had escaped. 
 
 Montrose lost in this engagement very few of his horse, but a consider- 
 able part of his foot was destroyed. He carried off, as we have seen, two 
 of the enemy's standards, and fortunately preserved his own, two in num- 
 ber, from the enemy. That belonging to his infantry was saved by an Ir- 
 ish soldier of great bravery, who, on seeing the battle lost, and the enemy 
 in possession of the field, tore it from the pole and wrapping it round his 
 body, which was without any other covering, nobly cut his way through 
 the enemy sword in hand. He overtook Montrose at Peebles, and de- 
 livered the standard into his hands the same night. Montrose rewarded 
 his bravery by appointing him one of his life-gu'ard, and by committing 
 the standard to his future charge. 
 
 It was to the honourable William Hay, brother to the earl of Kiunouh 
 a youth of a martial and enterprising spirit, that Montrose was in- 
 debted for the preservation of his second ensign belonging to the horse. 
 Mr Hay had been appointed to the honourable post of standard-bearer, af- 
 ter the battle of Alford, instead of Mr Douglas, son of the earl of Morton, 
 who had been seriously wounded in that engagement. This noble youth 
 fled to the south carrying the royal ensign along with him, and, after 
 concealing himself for some time about the English borders, he in com- 
 pany with Robert Touris of Inverleith, who had served as a captain in 
 the French service, went in disguise to the north, where he joined Mon- 
 trose, and delivered the royal standard into his hands. 
 
 Montrose passed the night at Peebles, where he was joined by most 
 of his horse and part of his infantry; but some of his officers who had 
 mistaken their way, or fled in a different direction, were seized by the 
 country people, and delivered over to Leslie. Among these were the 
 earl of Hartfell, the lords Drummond and Ogilvie, Sir Robert Spottis- 
 wood, Sir Alexander Leslie of Auchintoul, Sir William Rollock, Sir 
 Philip Nisbet, the honourable William Murray, brother to tlie earl of 
 TuUiebardine, Alexander Ogilvie of Inverquharity, colonel Nathaniel 
 Gordon and Mr Andrew Guthry son of the bishop of Moray.* Mon- 
 
 • Guthry's Memoirs, p. 161. 
 
420 HISTOKY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 trose did not tarry long in Peebles, from which he departed early the 
 following morning, and crossing the Clyde at a ford shown him by Sir 
 John Dalziel, where he was, to his great joy, joined by the earls of Craw- 
 furd and Airly, and other noblemen who had effected their escape by a 
 different route, he proceeded rapidly to the north, and entered Athole, 
 after despatching the marquis of Douglas and the earl of Airly into 
 Angus, and Lord Erskine into Mar, to raise forces. Montrose then sent 
 letters to Sir Alexander Macdonald and the earl of Aboyne, requesting 
 them to join him without delay, and to bring with them all the forces 
 they could muster, to enable him to enter on a new campaign. 
 
 As soon as the members of the committee of estates, who had taken 
 refuge in Berwick, heard of Montrose's defeat at Philiphaugh, they 
 joined Leslie's army, which they accompanied to Edinburgh, and there 
 concocted those measures of revenge against the unhappy royalists who 
 had fallen into their hands, which they afterwards carried into execution. 
 The first who suffered were Colonel O'Kean, to whose distinguished 
 bravery at the battle of Fyvie, we have already alluded, and Major 
 Laughlane, another brave officer. Both these were hanged, without trial, 
 upon the Castle-hill of Edinburgh. Perhaps tlie circumstance of being 
 Irishmen, appeared a sufficient reason in the eyes of their murder- 
 ers for despatching them so summarily, but they were, nevertheless, the 
 subjects of the king, and as fully entitled to all the privileges of war 
 as the other prisoners. This hatred of the Irish by the covenanters 
 was not confined to the cases of these individuals. Having in their 
 march westward to Glasgow fallen in, near Linlithgow, with a body 
 of helpless Irish women and children, who, in consequence of the loss 
 of their husbands and fathers at the battle of Philiphaugh, were now 
 seeking their way home to their own country, they were all seized by 
 orders of the heads of the covenanters, and thrown headlong by the 
 brutal soldiers over the bridge of Avon into the river below. Some of 
 these unfortunate beings, who had sufficient strength left to reach the 
 banks of the river, were not allowed to save themselves from drowning, 
 but after being beaten on the head and stunned by blows from the butt 
 ends of muskets and by clubs, were pushed back into the stream, where 
 they all perished.* 
 
 The covenanting army continued its march to Glasgow, where a 
 convention of the estates was held to determine upon farther measures. 
 To testify their gratitude to Leslie, they granted him a present of fifl^ 
 thousand merks and a gold chain, and they also voted the sum of twent}'- 
 five thousand merks to Middleton, the second in command, for his ser- 
 vices, t 
 
 • Sir George Mackenzie's Vind. vol. ii. 348. — Gordon's Hialory of the family at 
 Gordon vol. ii. 490, 491 . 
 
 f Guthry, p. 169. 
 
CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 Montrose retires into Atftule— Marches north to meet Lord Aboyne— Ineffectual attempts 
 of Montrose to induce Huntly to join him — Joined by Lord Aboyne, who soon de- 
 serts him — Execution of Sirs William RoUock, and Philip Nisbet, and Ogilvie, 
 younger of Inverquharity — March of Montrose into the Lennox — Returns to Athole — 
 Death and chaiacter of Lord Napier — Return of Montrose to the north — Marches on 
 Inverness — Defeat of the Campbells at Callander by the Athole men — Meeting of the 
 Covenanting Parliament at St Andrews — Condemnation and execution of Colonel Na- 
 thaniel Gordon, Sir Robert Spottiswood, Captain Guthry, and Mr Murray — Escape 
 of Lord Ogilvie — Inetfectual attempts of Montrose to reduce Inverness — Town of 
 Fraserburgh burnt by the Earl of Crawford — March of Geneial Middleton to Aber- 
 deen — And to Inverness — Retreat of Montrose from Inverness — Capture of Aberdeen 
 by Hunlly— Abandoned by him — Return of Middleton — The King escapes to the 
 Scots army — Montrose ordered by the King to disl)and his army — Corresponds with 
 the King — Meeting between Montrose and Middleton — Montrose disbands his army 
 at Rattray — EmbarliS for the continent, and arrives at Bergen in Noiway. 
 
 Montrose appeared among his Athole friends at a time tlie most unfavour- 
 able for obtaining their aid. Many of them were engaged in the occupa- 
 tion of the harvest, securing, for the support of themselves and their fami- 
 lies, the scanty and precarious crops which were then upon the ground, and 
 which, if neglected to be cut down in due time, might be destroyed 
 by unfavourable weather. It was, besides, little more than a month 
 since they had left him at Bothwell muir for the purpose partly of 
 repairing the depredations which had been committed by Argyle's men 
 upon their houses, and the interval which had since elapsed had not 
 been sufficient for accomplishing their object. Yet, notwithstanding of 
 these drawbacks, Montrose succeeded in inducing about four hundred 
 of the men of Athole to join him immediately, and to follow him to the 
 north in quest of additional reinforcements ; and he obtained a promise 
 that, on his return, the whole of the Athole Highlanders would join him 
 
 in a body. 
 
 While in Athole, Montrose received promises both from Lord Aboyne 
 and Sir Alexander Macdonald, that they would speedily join him with 
 considerable reinforcements ; but, growing impatient at Aboyne's delay, 
 he resolved to proceed north himself to ascertain in person the cause of 
 it, and to urge that nobleman to fulfil his promise. Crossing, therefore, 
 the Grampians, he marched with great ha^te through Aberdeenshire, 
 and had an interview with Lord Aboyne, whom he expected to rouse 
 from his apathy. Montrose, however, soon perceived, that whatever 
 Aboyne's own intentions were, he was thwarted by his father, the mar- 
 
422 HISTORY Of THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 quis of Huntly, who, on hearing of Montrose's success at Kilsyth, had 
 left his retreat in Strathnaver, where he had passed a year and a half 
 in absolute supineness, and returned to his own country. The marquis 
 envied and hated Montrose, and although a royalist in his heart, he did 
 not care to expose the crown and monarchy to danger to gratify liis 
 spleen and vanity, as he could not endure to see a man whom he looked 
 upon as his inferior in rank, monopolize the whole power and authority 
 in Scotland. 
 
 " He was," says Bishop Wishart, " a man equally unfortunate and 
 inconsiderate ; and, however much he would seem, or was really attach- 
 ed to the king, yet he often betrayed that interest through a pride and 
 unaccountable envy he had conceived against Montrose, whose glory 
 and renown he endeavoured rather to extenuate than make the object of 
 his emulation. He durst not venture to depreciate Montrose's actions 
 before his own people, who had been eye-witnesses of them, and were 
 well acquainted with his abilities, lest it might be construed into a sign 
 of disaffection to the king himself. However, he gave out that he would 
 take the charge of commanding them himself during the remainder of 
 the war ; and in that view he headed all his own vassals, and advised 
 his neighbours, not without threats if they acted otherwise, to enlist 
 under no other authority than his own. They remonstrated how they 
 could be answerable to disobey Montrose's command, who was appoint- 
 ed by the king his deputy-governor and captain-general of all the 
 forces within the kingdom. Huntly replied, that he himself should in 
 no way be wanting in his duty to the king ; but, in the meantime, it 
 tended no less to their honour than his own that it should appeal 
 to the king and the whole kingdom how much they contributed to the 
 maintenance of the war ; and this, he said, could never be done, unless 
 they composed a separate army by themselves. He spoke in very 
 magnificent terms of his own power, and endeavoured as much as pos- 
 sible to extenuate that of Montrose. He extolled immoderately the 
 glory and achievements of his ancestors, the Gordons ; a race, worthy 
 indeed of all due commendation, whose power had for many ages been 
 formidable, and an overmatch for their neighbours ; and was so even at 
 this day. It was therefore, he said, extremely unjust to ascribe unto 
 another, meaning Montrose, the glory and renown acquired by their 
 courage, and at the expense of their blood. But, for the future, he 
 would take care, that neither the king should be disappointed of the 
 help of the Gordons, nor should they be robbed of the praise due to 
 their merit." 
 
 By this insidious reasoning, Huntly succeeded in blinding the greater 
 part of his clan as to his real intentions ; but there were some honour- 
 able men among them who saw through the disguise of the marquis, 
 and who justly appreciated the talents of Montrose. They perceived the 
 great danger to which the king's affairs would be exposed by such 
 selfish conduct, and they did every thing in their power to induce liira 
 
ATTEMPTS OF MONTllOSE TO RAISE THE GORDONS. 423 
 
 to alter his resolution. It was, however, in vain that they represented to 
 liim the danger and impropriety of dividing the friends of the king at such 
 a crisis when union and harmony were so essentially necessary for 
 accomplishing the objects they had in view, and when, by allowing 
 petty jealousies to interfere and distract their councils, they might ruin 
 the royal cause in Scotland. Huntly lent a deaf ear to all their en- 
 treaties, and instead of adopting the advice of his friends to support 
 Montrose, by ordering his vassals to join him, he opposed him almost 
 in every thing he proposed by underhand means, although affecting a 
 seeming compliance with his wishes. Seeing all their efforts fruitless, 
 those friends who had advised Huntly to join Montrose, declared that 
 they would range themselves under Montrose's banner as the king's 
 lieutenant regardless of consequences, and they kept their word. 
 
 The author of the history of the family of Gordon, endeavours to de- 
 fend Huntly from the charges of Wishart, and having given one side 
 of the question, it is but justice also to state what that author has to 
 say in defence of his chief. " Here that author (Wishart) gives 
 Huntly a very bad character. Envy is an action or rather passion oS 
 the mind. He pretends to have known the very secret thoughts of his 
 mind ; he speaks very doubtfully of his loyalty, and that his mind began 
 to be alienated from the king. He would need to have been well ac- 
 quainted with him, when he knew the secrets of his mind, none of them 
 appearing by any overt act. Huntly was immoveable and constant in 
 his loyalty even to and in his death, as the same author acknowledges 
 in another place, which I will have occasion to notice hereafter. Then 
 he makes Huntly to have had very senseless speeches to his friends, full 
 of boasting of the gloi-y and great actions of his ancestors, his own 
 great power ; and that it was unjust that the honour gotten at the expense 
 of their blood should be put to another man's score ; and a great deal 
 more of such idle stuff, needless to be repeated. Now, this author was 
 not an ear-witness to those speeches, nor does he name any person who 
 told him of them ; and, therefore, in all justice, they must be esteemed 
 as his own, and for these reasons, in no construction can be put upon 
 Huntly ; and so I do not think myself obliged to take any further no- 
 tice of them. Only, I must be allowed to think it not a little strange, 
 that such a pious and loyal author should give so bad a character of 
 Huntly here, who in another place hereafter is pleased to give him so 
 
 great a one."* 
 
 Among other reasons which induced Montrose to take the speedy 
 step he did of marching north himself, was a report which had reached 
 him that the king was to send from England a large body of horse to 
 support him, and he was most anxious to collect such forces a^ ne could 
 to enable him to be in a condition to advance to the south, and unite 
 with this body. In fact, the king had given orders to Lord D>gby and 
 
 • Vol. ii. 495. 
 3 H 
 
424 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 Sir Marmaduke Langdale to proceed to Scotland with a body of fif- 
 teen hundred horse ; but they were, unfortunately, completely defeated, 
 even before Montrose's departure to the north, by Colonel Copley at 
 Sherburn, with the loss of all their baggage. Digby and Langdale, ac- 
 companied bj' the earls of Carnwath and Nithsdale, fled to Sklpton, 
 and afterwards to Dumfries, whence they took shipping to the Isle of 
 Man.* 
 
 Notwithstanding the evasions of the marquis of Huntly, Montrose 
 succeeded in inducing the earl of Aboyne to join him at Drumminor, 
 the seat of Lord Forbes, with a force of fifteen hundred foot and three 
 hundred horse, all of whom appeared to be actuated by the best spirit. 
 To remove every unfavourable impression from the mind of Montrose, 
 Aboyne assured him with great frankness, that he and his men were 
 ready to follow him wherever he should be pleased to lead them, that they 
 would obey his orders ; and that his brother. Lord Lewis, would also 
 speedily join him, as he soon did, with an additional force. 
 
 On receiving this reinforcement, Montrose turned his face to the 
 south, and marched towards Mar, where he was to be joined by forces 
 which Lord Erskinc had raised there ; bu* bi had not proceeded far, 
 when Lord Lewis Gordon, under some pretence or other, returned home 
 witli a considerable party of horse, promising to return to the army the 
 following day. The desertion of Lord Lewis had a most pernicious 
 influence upon the remainder of Aboyne's men, who, before tlie army 
 had reached Alford, were greatly diminished by desertion. As the re- 
 mainder showed great unwillingness to march forward, and as the de- 
 sertions continued, Aboyne requested leave of absence, alleging as his 
 reason, that his father had expressly commanded him to return to 
 defend his possessions against a party of tlie enemy who were in lower 
 Mar, and who were threatening an attack. The demand of Aboyne 
 excited the astonishment of Montrose, who remonstrated with him, 
 and gave many reasons to induce him to remain. He showed that 
 Aboyne's apprehensions of danger were groundless, as, with the excep- 
 tion of a few troops of the enemy's horse quartered in Aberdeen, there 
 were no other forces in the north which could disturb his father's pos- 
 sessions, and that these horse were too weak to attempt any thing — 
 that by marching south the seat of war would be transferred from the 
 north country, and that, in this way, the marquis of Huntly would be 
 relieved altogether of the presence of the enemy — that it would be 
 impossible to join the royalist forces, which were on their way from 
 England, without crossing the Forth, and that it was only by adopting 
 the latter step that they could ever expect to rescue their brave friends 
 from the fangs of the covenanters, and save their lives. 
 
 Aboyne did not attempt to answer these reasons, which were urged 
 with Montrose's peculiar energy, but he requested him to send some 
 
 • Eiichard's Hist, of England, vol. i. 538. 
 
EXFXUTION OF SIR WM. IIOLLOCK AND OTHERS. 425 
 
 pei-sons who liad influence with his faLier to acquaint him with them 
 Donald, Lord Rae, at whose house Huntly had lived durino- his exile in 
 Strathnaver, and Alexander Irvine, younger of Drum, Huntly 's son- 
 in-law, both of whom had been indebted to Montrose for their liberty, 
 (vere accordingly sent by him to the marquis of Huntly, as the 
 most likely persons he could select to induce Huntly to allow Aboyne 
 to remain with the army. But all their arguments and entreaties were 
 to no purpose. Lord Rae was so heartily ashamed at the failure of his 
 mission, that he declined to return to Montrose ; and Irvine who 
 brought some evasive letters from Huntly, frankly declared to Montrose, 
 that he could obtain no satisfactory explanation from his father-in-law 
 of his real intentions, farther, than that he remained fixed in his resolu- 
 tion that Aboyne should return home immediately. After declaring 
 that he parted from Montrose with reluctance, and promising to join him 
 within a fortnight with a force even larger than that which he had 
 lately brought, Aboyne left the army and returned to his father. 
 
 Montrose then continued his march through Braemar and Glenshee 
 into Athole, where he obtained an accession of force. He next proceed- 
 ed to Strathearn, where he was met by two messengers, who arrived by 
 different routes, with orders from the king, desiring Montrose to join 
 Lord George Digby, near the English border, as soon as possible. 
 These messengers were Captain Thomas Ogilvy, younger of Pourie, 
 and Captain Robert Nisbet. On receiving these commands, Montrose 
 immediately sent these messengers north to the marquis of Huntly, to 
 acquaint him with the king's wishes, in the expectation that the use of 
 his majesty's name would at once induce him to send Aboyne south 
 with reinforcements. 
 
 While Montrose lay in Strathearn waiting for reinforcements, intelli- 
 gence was brought to him that the covenanters were about to imbrue 
 their hands in the blood of his friends who had been taken prisoners 
 after the battle of Philiphaugh. Tlie committee of estates, which had 
 accompanied the covenanting army to Glasgow, had now determined 
 upon this bold and illegal step, for which hitherto, with the recent ex- 
 ceptions of O'Kean and Laughlane, no example had been set by either 
 of the belligerent parties in Scotland since the commencement of the 
 war. They had wisely abstained from staining the scaffolds with blood, 
 but from different motives. Montrose, acting agreeably to the under- 
 stood wishes of the king, which were congenial with his own disposition, 
 not to hurry matters to extremities with his Scottish subjects, refrained 
 from inflicting capital punishment, and, as we have seen, often released 
 his prisoners on parole. The heads of the covenanters had been de- 
 terred by fear alone from carrying their bloody purposes into execution ; 
 but considering that they had now nothing to fear, they soon appeared 
 in their true colours. That the measures of Charles were unconstitu- 
 tional and oppressive, cannot be denied, and that he endeavoured to 
 
426 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 circumvent the parties opposed to him by duplicity and cunning, is a point 
 equally certain ; but there can be no question that, being king de facto, 
 as well as dejure, he had a right, so long as he held the reins of go- 
 ■ vcrnment, to exercise all the power of the executive in the protection of 
 his person and throne. With the covenanters, however, the case was 
 widely different. They, indeed, struggled for the existence of their re- 
 ligious liberties, but they had no right to assume judicial powers, by 
 consigning to the block those who, from a principle of duty, had taker, 
 up arras in defence of their sovereign. But a period of civil war is 
 not the time for attending to such distinctions. 
 
 Besides the committee of the estates, a committee of the kirk held 
 sittings in Glasgow at the same time, which sittings were afterwards 
 transferred to Perth, where, after deposing some ministers who were 
 considered disaffected to the covenant, because they had not " mourned" 
 for Montrose's victory at Kilsyth, they " concerned" themselves, as 
 Guthry observes, about " the disposition of men's heads." Accordingly, 
 thinking the committee of estates remiss in condemning and executing 
 the prisoners, they appointed Mr William Bennet, who acted as Mode- 
 rator in the absence of Mr Robert Douglas, and two others of their 
 number, to wait upon the committee of estates, and remonstrate with 
 them for their supineness. Guthry relates, that the deputation re- 
 ported on their return, in his own hearing, that some of the lords of 
 the committee slighted the desire of the committee of the kirk, and that 
 they were likely to have obtained nothing had not the earl of TuUie- 
 bardine made a seasonable speech to this effect, "that because he had a 
 brother among those men, it might be that their lordships so valued his 
 concurrence with them in the good cause, that for respect of him they 
 were the more loth to resolve upon the question. But that, as for him- 
 self, since that young man had joined with that wicked crew, he did not 
 esteem him his brother, and therefore declared that he would take it for no 
 favour if upon that account any indulgence was granted him."*-t- This 
 fratricidal speech made those members of the committee, who had disliked 
 the shedding of blood, hang down their heads, according to Bennet's re- 
 port, and the committee, thereupon, resolved that ten of the prisoners 
 should be executed, viz. the earl of Hartfell, the Lord Ogilvie, Sir 
 Robert Spottiswood, the Honourable William Murray, brother to the 
 Earl of TuUiebardine, Alexander Ogilvie of Inverquharity, Sir William 
 Rollock, Sir Philip Nisbet, Colonel Nathaniel Gordon. Adjutant Stewart, 
 and Captain Andrew Guthry. 
 
 » Memoirs, 104. 
 f This report fortunately appears to be belied by the following entries in Balfour's 
 Annals, 17th and J9th January, 16<(6. " The earl of TuUiebardine humbly petitions the 
 House that they would be pleased to pardon his brother, William Murray's life, in re- 
 spect he averred on his honour, that he was not compos mentis, as also witliin age," 
 " The earl of TuUiebardine again this day gave in a humble petition to the House for 
 prolonging the execution of that sentence pronounced against his brother." Vol. iii. 
 362. 363. 
 
MONTROSE MARCHES INTO THE LENNOX. 427 
 
 Apprehensive, howeyer, that Montrose might still ho in a condition to 
 avenge the blood of his friends, the committee did not venture to carry 
 their sentence into immediate execution upon any of them; but hearing 
 of the division between Montrose and Huntly, and the desertion of the- 
 Gordons, they thought they might now safely venture to immolate a few 
 victims at the shrine of the covenant. Accordingly three of the prisoners 
 were ordered for execution, viz. Sir William Eollock, Sir Philip Nisbet, 
 chief of that name, and Alexander Ogilvie, younger of Inverquharity, a 
 youth not quite eighteen years of age, who had already given proofs of 
 genius. This excellent young man was sacrificed to gratify the malignant 
 animosity of Argyle at the Ogilvies. Sir William was executed at the mar- 
 ket cross of Glasgow, upon the twenty-eighth day of October, and Sir 
 Philip and Ogilvie suffered at the same place on the following day. 
 Wishart relates a circumstance connected with Sir William Eollox's 
 condemnation, which exhibits a singular instance of the ferocity and 
 fanaticism of the times. He says, that the chief crime laid to Sir Wil- 
 liam's charge was, that he had not perpetrated a deed of the most 
 villanous and atrocious nature; for having been sent by Montrose, 
 after the battle of Aberdeen, with some dispatches to the king, he 
 was apprehended by the enemy, and would undoubtedly have been 
 immediately executed, but for Argyle, who used all his endeavours to 
 engage him to assassinate Montrose, and who at length, by threatening 
 him with immediate death, and promising him, in case of compliance, 
 very high rewards, prevailed on him to undertake that barbarous office, 
 for which, however, he secretly entertained the utmost abhorrence; and 
 having thereby obtained his life and liberty, he returned straight to 
 Montrose and disclosed the whole matter to him, entreating him at the 
 same time, to look more carefully to his own safety; as it could not be 
 supposed that he, Sir William, was the only person who had been prac- 
 tised upon in this shameful manner, or that others would equally detest 
 the deed, but that some persons would undoubtedly be found who, 
 allured with the bait, would use their utmost industry and pains to 
 obtain the promised reward. * Another instance of fanaticism is related 
 by Guthry, of David Dickson the " bloody preacher," who, on wit- 
 nessing the execution of Nisbet and Ogilvie, was heard to utter this 
 barbarous expression—" The work goes bonnyly on," an expression 
 which, afterwards, became proverbial. 
 
 About the time this tragedy was performing, Montrose crossed the 
 Forth and entered the Lennox with a force of three hundred horse and 
 twelve hundred foot, and took up his quarters on the lands of Sir John 
 Buchanan, an ardent covenanter, whence he sent out his cavalry every 
 day, who hovered about Glasgow, and plundered the neighbourmg 
 country without opposition, although the covenanters had a force of about 
 three thousand cavalry in Glasgow and the neighbourhood. When 
 
 * Wishart, p. 223. 
 
428 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 Montrose heard of the execution of his friends his heart was filled with 
 the most poignant grief, and he longed for a suitable opportunity to 
 avenge their deaths, but he was too weak to venture upon an immediate 
 attack. He sent repeated messages from his present head-quarters to 
 Sir Alexander Macdonald to join him ; but after hovering several weeks 
 about Glasgow, like a hawk ready to pounce upon its quarry, he had the 
 mortification to find, that Macdonald had no intention of ever again re- 
 turning to him, and that his expectations of being joined by the earl of 
 Aboyne were to be equally disappointed. 
 
 Under these untoward circumstances, therefore, and as the winter, 
 which turned out unusually severe, was far advanced, Montrose resolved 
 to retire into the north where he could remain undisturbed. With 
 this view he begEUi his march from the Lennox on the nineteenth of 
 November, and crossing the hills of Monteith, which were covered with 
 snow to a considerable depth, he entered Strathearn, and crossing the 
 Tay, marched into Athole. Here Montrose received the melancholy 
 news of the death of his brother-in-law Archibald Lord Napier of Mer- 
 chiston, whom he had left behind him in Athole on account of indis- 
 position, a man, says Bishop Wishart, " not less noble in his personal 
 accomplishments than in his birth and descent ; a man of the greatest 
 uprightness and integritj', and of a most happy genius, being, as to his 
 skill in the sciences, equal to his father and grandfather, who were 
 famous all the world over for their knowledge in philosophy and mathe- 
 matics, and in the doctrine of civil prudence far beyond them." Mon- 
 trose had been accustomed from his earliest years to look up to this 
 gifted nobleman with feelings of reverential and filial awe, nor were 
 these feelings impaired as he advanced in life. He was interred in the 
 Kirk of Blair with becoming solemnity by Montrose. 
 
 When Montrose arrived in Athole, he there found Captain Ogilvie 
 and Captain Nisbet, who had just returned from the north to give an 
 account of their embassy to the Marquis of Huntly. They reported 
 that they found him quite inflexible in his determination not to send 
 assistance to Montrose, that he had spoken disdainfully to them, and 
 even questioned the authenticity of the message which they brought 
 from the king. It was truly grievous for Montrose to see the cause for 
 which he had fought so long, and for which he had encountered so many 
 personal risks, thus endangered by the wilful and fatal obstinacy of an 
 individual who had abandoned his country and his friends in the most 
 trying circumstances, and cowardly skulked in Strathnaver, without 
 showing any inclination to support the tottering diadem of his sovereign. 
 But Montrose did not yet despair of bringing the marquis to a due sense 
 of his duty, and as he considered that it was more expedient, in the present 
 conjuncture, to endeavour to soothe the wounded pride of the marquis 
 than to use the language of menace, he sent Sir John Dalziel to Huntly 
 with a message of peace and reconciliation ; intending, if necessary, as 
 soon as circumstances permitted, to follow him, and enforce by his per- 
 
,1^ 
 
 m 
 
 IK 
 
 }V^^Ms ' 
 
DEFEAT OF THE CAMPBELLS AT CALLANDER. 429 
 
 sonal presence, at a friendly conference, which Sir John was requested to 
 ask from the marquis, the absolute necessity of such a reconciliation. 
 
 As Dalziel was quite unsuccessful in his mission, and could not pre- 
 vail upon Huntly to agree to a conference with Montrose, the latter 
 hastened to put into effect his intention of paying a personal visit to 
 Huntly, " that nothing might be unattempted to bring him to a right waj 
 of thinking," and " by heaping favours and benefits upon him, force him 
 even against his will, to a reconciliation, and to co-operate with him in 
 promoting the king's affairs."* Montrose accordingly left Athole with his 
 army in the month of December, and marcjiing into Angus, crossed the 
 Grampians, then covered with frost and snow, and arrived by rapid 
 marches in Strathbogy before Huntly was aware of his movements. To 
 avoid Montrose Huntly immediately shut himself up in his castle of Bog 
 of Gicht, on the Spey, but Montrose having left his head-quarters with a 
 troop of horse, unexpectedly surprised him very early in the morning 
 before he had time to secret himself. Instead of reproaching Huntly with 
 his past conduct, Montrose spoke to him in the most afiable manner, and 
 apparently succeeded in removing his dissatisfaction so far, that a plan 
 for conducting the future operations of the army was agreed upon be- 
 tween them. The reduction of the garrison of Inverness, which, thougli 
 strong and well fortified, was but scantily stored with provisions, and an 
 attempt to induce the earl of Seaforth to join them, were the leading 
 parts of this plan. Accordingly, while Montrose was to march through 
 Strathspey, on his way to Inverness, it was agreed that Huntly should 
 also advance upon it by a different road along the sea coast of Murray- 
 shire, and thereby hem in the garrison on both sides. 
 
 In prosecution of this design, Montrose proceeded through Strath- 
 fpcv, and sat down before Inverness, waiting for the arrival of Huntly. 
 When marching through Strathspey, Montrose received intelligence that 
 Athole was threatened with a visit from the Campbells— a circumstance 
 which induced him to despatch Graham of Inchbrakie and John Drum- 
 mond, younger of Balloch, to that country, for the purpose of embody- 
 ing the Athole Highlanders, who had remained at home, in defence of their 
 country. The inhabitants of Argyle, on hearing of Sir Alexander Mac- 
 donald's arrival in their country, after the battle of Kilsyth, had fled to 
 avoid his vengeance, and concealed themselves in caverns or in the 
 clefts of the rocks ; but being compelled by the calls of hunger to aban- 
 don their retreats, they had been collected together by Campbell o 
 Ardkinlass to the number of about twelve hundred, and had attacked 
 the Macgregors and Macnabs for favouring Montrose. Being joined 
 by the Stuarts of Balquidder, the Menzieses, and other partisans of 
 Argyle, to the number of about three hundred, they meditated an m- 
 vasion of Athole, and had advanced as far as Strathample, with the m- 
 tention of carrying their design into execution, when intelligence was 
 
 • Wishart, p. 227- 
 
4i30 HISTORY OB' THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 brought to Inehbrakie of their approach. Inchbrakie and Ballocii had 
 by this time collected a body of seven hundred able-bodied men, and, 
 with this force, they immediately proceeded to meet the Campbells. 
 These had laid siege to Castle Ample ; but, on being apprised of the 
 advance of the Athole-men, they retired to Monteith, whither they were 
 hotly pursued by the Athole-men, who overtook them at Callander, near 
 the village of Monteith. After crossing the river Teith, they halted and 
 prepared for battle, having previously stationed a large party of mus- 
 keteers to guard the ford of the river. 
 
 Having ascertained the strength and position of the Campbells, Inch- 
 brakie ordered a hundred of his men to advance to the ford, as if with 
 the intention of crossing it, in order to draw the attention of the Camp- 
 bells to this single point, while, with the remainder of his men, he hasten- 
 ed to cross the river by another ford, higher up, and nearer the village. 
 This movement was immediately perceived by the Argyle-men, who, 
 alarmed at such a bold step, and probably thinking that the Athole-men 
 were more numerous than they really were, abandoned their position, 
 and fled with precipitation towards Stirling. As soon as the Athole 
 party, stationed at the lower ford, saw the opposite bank deserted, they 
 immediately crossed the river and attacked the rear of the retiring 
 Campbells. They were soon joined in the pursuit by the party which 
 had crossed the higher ford ; but, as the Athole-men had performed a 
 tedious march of ten miles that morning, they were unable to continue 
 the pursuit far. About eighty of the Campbells were killed in the pur- 
 suit. They loitered about Stirling for some time in a very pitiful state, 
 till visited by their chief, on his way to Ireland, who, not knowing how to 
 dispose of them, led them into Renfrewshire, under the impression that as 
 the inhabitants of that district were friendly to the covenant, they would 
 be well received ; but the people of Renfrewshire, instead of showing 
 sympathy for these unfortunate wanderers, threatened to take arms and 
 cut them down, unless they departed immediately. The marquis, there- 
 upon, sent them into the Lennox, and quartered them upon the lands of 
 Lord Napier and other " malignants," as the ro3'alists were called.* 
 
 The support of General Leslie's army being heavily felt by the 
 people, complaints were made to the committee of estates for retaining 
 such a large body of men in Scotland, without any necessity, and whose 
 habits and mode of living were so different from those of the inhabitants 
 of North Britain. The committee sent Leslie back to England, retain- 
 ing only a small brigade under General Middleton, to watch the 
 motions of Montrose. 
 
 The covenanters, emboldened by recent events, had summoned a 
 parliament, without any authority from the king, to meet at St Andrews, 
 and which accordingly assembled on the twenty-sixth of November, six- 
 teen hundred and forty-five ; and, that the ministers might not be behind 
 
 • Guthry, p. 172. 
 
MEETING OF THE COVENANTING PARLIAMENT. 431 
 
 iheii- lay-brethren in zeal for the blood of the " nialignants," the gen- 
 eral assembly of the church also met at the same time and place. It is 
 truly melancholy to find men, under the pretence of religion, demanding 
 the lives of their countrymen as a sacrifice which they considered would 
 be well-pleasing to God ; yet, whilst every well disposed mind must 
 condemn the fanaticism of tlie covenanters, it must be remembered that 
 the unconstitutional attempts of the king to force protestant episcopacy 
 upon them — a system which they detested, — the severe losses which 
 they had sustained from the arms of Montrose, and the dread of being 
 subjected to the yoke of prelacy, and punished for their resistance, had 
 aroused them to a state of phrenzy, over which reason and religion could 
 have little control. 
 
 As a preparative for the bloody scenes about to be enacted. Sir 
 Archibald Johnston of Warriston, on the day the parliament met, ad- 
 dressed the house in a long harangue, in which he entreated them to 
 "unity amongst themselves, to lay all private respects and interests aside, 
 and to do justice on delinquents and malignants ; showing that their 
 dallying formerly had provoked God's two great servants against them 
 — the sword and plague of pestilence — which had ploughed up the land 
 with deep furrows : he showed that the massacre of Kilsyth was ?iever 
 to be forgotten, and that God, who was the just Judge of the world, would 
 not but judge righteously, and keep in remembrance that sea of innocent 
 blood which lay before his throne, crying for vengeance on these blood- 
 thirsty rebels, the butchers of so many innocent souls. He showed, like- 
 wise, that the times required a more narrow and sharp looking into 
 than formerly, in respect that the house of parliament was become at 
 this present like to Noah's ark, which had in it both foul and clean 
 creatures, and therefore he besought the estates there now convened by 
 God's especial permission and appointment, before that they went about 
 the constitution of that high court of parliament, that they would make 
 a serious search and inquiry after such as were ears and eyes to the 
 enemies of the commonwealth, and did sit there as if there was nothing 
 to say to them ; and, therefore, he humbly desired that the house might 
 be adjourned till to-morrow at two o'clock in the afternoon, and that the 
 several estates might consider what corrupted members were amongst 
 them, who had complied with the public enemy of the state, either by 
 themselves or by their agents or friends."* 
 
 On the fourth of December, a petition was presented to the parlia- 
 ment from the prisoners confined in the castle of St Andrews, praying 
 to be tried either by their peers, the justice-general, or before the whole 
 parliament, and not by a committee, as proposed ; and they very pro- 
 perly objected to Sir Archibald Johnston, who had prejudged their 
 case, from sitting as a judge ; but the house, " in one voice," most 
 iniquitously rejected the petition, reserving, however, to tlie prisoners 
 
 • Balfour, vol. iii. p. 311, .312. 
 I. 3 I 
 
432 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 Btill to object to Sir Archibald before the committee, " if they hail not 
 any personal exception against his person."* 
 
 As the ministers considered the parliament tardy in their proceedings 
 against the royalists, the commissioners of the general assembly present- 
 ed, on fifth December, a remonstrance, praying them " for justice upon 
 delinquents and nialignants who had shed the blood of their brethren," 
 and, on same day, four petitions and remonstrances to the same effect 
 were presented to the parliament, from the provincial assemblies and 
 from the shires of Fife, Dumfries, Merse, Teviotdale, and Galloway, by a 
 body of about two hundred persons. The parliament, says Balfour, by 
 their president, returned this answer — that they had taken their " mo- 
 dest petitions and seasonable remonstrances very kindly, and renderefl 
 them hearty thanks, and wished them to be confident that, with all 
 alacrity and diligence, they would go about and proceed in answering 
 the expectations of all their reasonable desires, as they might them- 
 selves perceive in their procedure hitherto ; and, withal, he entreated 
 tiiem, in the name of the house, that they would be earnest with God 
 to implore and beg his blessing to assist and encourage them to the per- 
 formance of what they demanded."f 
 
 Notwithstanding the entreaties of the ministers to proceed with the 
 condemnation of the prisoners, the parliament postponed proceedings 
 till the seventeenth of January ; but, as a peace offering, they 
 ordered, in the mean time, some Irish prisoners, composed partly 
 of those who had been taken at Philiphaugh, and who had escaped as- 
 sassination, and partly of stragglers who had been picked up after that 
 battle, and who were confined in all the different prisons of the kingdom, 
 especially in those of Selkirk, Jedburgh, Glasgow, Dumbarton, and 
 Perth, to be executed without trial, " conform to the treaty betwixt 
 both kingdoms."J A more illegal act it is scarcely possible to conceive, 
 but in these times even the forms of justice were set aside. 
 
 The committee of estates, when sitting in Glasgow, had condemned 
 the earl of Hartfell and Lord Ogilvie to death, along with Sir William 
 lloUock, Sir Philip Nisbet, and Alexander Ogilvie ; but, for some reason 
 or other, their execution was deferred. So that, with the exception of 
 Adjutant Stuart, who escaped while under the charge of General Mid- 
 dleton, there remained only four persons of any note for condemnation, 
 viz. Colonel Nathaniel Gordon, Sir Robert Spottiswood, the honourable 
 Wm. Murray, and Captain Guthry. It appears from the parliamentary 
 register of Sir James Balfour, that these four prisoners pleaded exemp- 
 tion from trial, or rather from condemnation, on the ground of " quar- 
 ters ;" but after three hours' debate, on the tenth of January, the parlia- 
 ment overruled this defence ; and the committee having, of course, found 
 them all " guilty of high treason against the states of the kingdom," 
 
 • Balfour, vol. iii.p.,323. t Ibid. p. ,S25. i Ibid. p. 341. 
 
ESCAPE OF LORD OGILVIE. 433 
 
 they fixed the sixteenth of that month for talcing into consideration the 
 punishment to be inflicted upon the prisoners. 
 
 The first case taken up on the appointed day, was that of Colonel 
 Nathaniel Gordon, who, after a debate of three hours' duration, was 
 sentenced to be beheaded at the cross of St Andrews, on Tuesday, the 
 twentieth of January, at twelve o'clock, noon, and his lands and goods 
 were declared forfeited to the public. The lord chancellor declined voting. 
 Similar sentences were pronounced upon the honourable William Mur- 
 ray and Captain Guthry, by a plurality of votes, a few of the menrbers 
 having voted that they should be imprisoned during life. Mr Murray's 
 brother, the earl of TuUiebardine, absented himself. These three fell 
 under an act passed the preceding year, declaring that all persons who, 
 after having subscribed the covenant, should withdraw from it, should 
 be held as guilty of high treason. But the case of Sir Robert Spottis- 
 wood, who had not subscribed the covenant, not falling within the scope 
 of this ex-post-facto law, the " committee" had stated in a special report 
 the grounds on which they found Sir Robert guilty of high treason, 
 namely, 1st, that he had advised, docketed, signed, carried, and delivered 
 to Montrose the commission appointing him " lieutenant-governor and 
 captain-general" of all his majesty's forces in Scotland ; and 2dly, that 
 he had been taken in arms against the country at Philiphaugh. After 
 a lengthened debate, the parliament decided that both these charges 
 were capital offences, and accordingly Sir Robert was condemned by a 
 large majority to lose his head.* The four prisoners were, on the fol- 
 lowing day, brought up for judgment, and received sentence " on their 
 knees severally ."f 
 
 It was the intention of the parliament to have ordered the earl of Hart- 
 fell and Lord Ogilvie to be executed along with the other prisoners ; but 
 on the evening of the nineteenth of January Lord Ogilvie effected his es- 
 cape in the following way. Pretending sickness he applied for, and ob- 
 tained, though with considerable difficulty, liberty to his mother, lady, and 
 sister, to visit and attend him in prison. On entering his chamber the 
 sentinels retired out of respect to the ladies; and, as soon as the door was 
 shut, his lordship jumped out of bed, and attired himself in his sister's 
 clothes, who, on undressing, took the place of her brother in bed, and 
 put on his night-cap. After spending some time together to prevent sus- 
 picion, the two other ladies and his lordship, after o;pening the door ajar 
 so as to be seen by the guards, pretended to take a most affectionate and 
 painful leave of the unfortunate bed-ridden prisoner, and drawmg the 
 door after them, passed the sentinels without interruption. This hap- 
 pened about eight o'clock in the evening; and as horses had been pre- 
 pared for his lordship and two companions who were waiting to escort 
 him, he immediately mounted, and was out of all danger before next 
 morning, when the cheat was discovered. The escape of Lord Ogilvie 
 
 • Balfour, iii. 359-61. ^ "''''• 
 
434 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 highly incensed Argyle, who hated the Ogilvies, and who, it is said, 
 longed for the death of his lordship. He could not conceal tiie chagrin 
 he felt on the occasion, and even had the audacity to propose that the 
 three ladies should be immediately punished ; but the Hamiltons and 
 Lord Lindsay, who, on account of their relationship to Lord Ogilvie, 
 were suspected of being privy to his escape, protected them from his 
 vengeance. The escape of Lord Ogilvie was a fortunate occurrence for 
 the earl of Hartfell, for whose life it is alleged the Hamiltons thirsted in 
 theif turn ; and to disappoint whom Argyle insisted that the earl's life 
 should be spared, a concession which he obtained.* 
 
 Of the four prisoners Colonel Nathaniel Gordon, " a man, (says Wish- 
 art,) of excellent endowments both of body and mind," was the first that 
 suffered. He had been long under the ban of the church for adultery ; 
 but on signing a paper, declaratory of his repentance, he was absolved 
 from the sentence of excommunication. He died expressing great sor- 
 row for the vices and follies of his youth ; but vindicated himself for the 
 part he had taken in the troubles of his country, professed the most 
 unshaken loyalty to his king ; and declared that if there were any thing 
 in the instrument he had signed which might be construed as dishonour- 
 able to the king, or repugnant to his authority, he completely disowned it. 
 
 Colonel Gordon was followed to the scaffold by Sir Robert Spottis- 
 wood, a man of the most spotless integrity, and one of the most profound 
 scholars of the age. He was the eldest son of Archbishop Spottiswood, 
 and had, by his rare endowments and great merit, been noticed with 
 distinction by king James and his successor Charles. James conferred 
 on him the order of knighthood, and made him a privy councillor, and 
 Charles promoted him to the high situation of lord president of the court 
 of session ; and, upon the desertion of the earl of Lanark to the covenan- 
 ters, the king appointed him principal secretary of state for Scotland 
 instead of that nobleman. This appointment drew down upon him the 
 hatred of the leading covenanters, but still there were some among them 
 who continued to respect him on account of his worth and shining ta- 
 lents, and when the vote was taken in parliament whether he should 
 suffer, the earls of Eglintoun, Cassillis, Dunfermline, and Carnwath, 
 voted that his life should be spared ; and the lord chancellor and the earl 
 of Lanark, by leave of the house, declined voting. " Though many 
 liked not his party, they liked his person, which made him many friends 
 even among the covenanters, insomuch, that after his sentence was read, 
 some of the nobility spoke in his behalf, and entreated the house to con- 
 sider the quality and parts of that excellent gentleman and most just 
 judge, whom they had condemned, and begged earnestly his life might 
 be spared. But an eminent knowledge and esteem, which, in other 
 cases, might be a motive to save a criminal, was here only the cause of 
 taking an innocent man's life — so dangerous is it, in a corrupt age, to 
 
 • Wishart, p. 238; Guthr)', p. 168. 
 
EXECUTION OF SIR ROBERT SPOTTISWOOD. 48.5 
 
 be eminently constant and virtuous. The gentlemen who spoke were 
 told that the authority of the established government was not secure 
 while Sir Robert's life was spared. Whereupon the noblemen who pre- 
 sided at the meeting of the estates at Glasgow, and in the parliament at 
 St Andrews, openly declared, when they signed the respective sen- 
 tences, that they did sign as preses, and in obedience to the command 
 of the estates, but not as to their particular judgment."* 
 
 After he had mounted the scaffold, still reeking with the blood of 
 Colonel Gordon, Sir Robert surveyed the terrific scene around him with 
 singular composure, which, added to his appearance, which was naturally 
 grave and dignified, filled the breasts of the spectators with a feeling of 
 compassion. Sir Robert had intended to have addressed the people, and 
 had prepared a written speech for the occasion ;f but on turning round to 
 
 • Life prefixed to Sir Robert's work, titled " Practicks," folio, prliiled in 1706. 
 
 f This speech is too long for insertion, but the most interesting parts of it are here 
 given. 
 
 "You will expect to hear from me somewhat of the cause for which I am brought 
 hither at this time to suffer in tliis kind; which 1 am bound to do, for clearing the inte- 
 grity of mine own proceedings, vindicating his majesty's just and pious intentions, and 
 withal to undeceive you that are muzzled in ignorance, and made to believe that you are 
 tied in conscience, to set forward this unnatural rebellion, masked under the cover and 
 pretext of propagating religion, and maintaining of public liberty. 
 
 "You have perceived by the fact which hath gone before, viz., tearing of my arms, 
 &c., that I stand here adjudged to die by this pretended parliament, as a traitor to the 
 states, and enemy to my native country. This is a treason unheard of before in this 
 kingdom; against the states, a thing of a new creation, which, I believe, there be some 
 would have erected in opposition to the just and lawful authority of the king, under which 
 we and our predecessors have been so many hundreds of years governed. 
 
 " To come to the particulars of my treasonable demeanour, as they term it, the main 
 one is, that I did bring down a commission of lieutenancy from his Majesty to the lord 
 marquis of Montrose, with a proclamation for indicting a parliament by the king's au- 
 thority, wherein the lord marquis was the commissioner. Not to excuse myself upon the 
 necessity laid upon me to obey his majesty's command in a business of that nature, in 
 regard of the charge I had about him ; I caimot so far betray mine own conscience, as to 
 keep up from you my judgment of the thing itself; seeing it may both tend to the justi- 
 fying of the king's part, and your better information, for lack whereof I know many are 
 entangled in this rebellion unwittingly ; and who knoweth but God, in his merciful pro- 
 vidence, hath brought us hither, to be the instruments of freeing you from the manifold 
 delusions that are made use of to insnare you. 
 
 " I say, then, it was just and necessary to his majesty to grant such commissions, and, 
 by consequence, an act of duty in me to perform what he was pleased to command me. 
 
 " It is known well enough what contentment his majesty gave to the kingdom at his 
 last being here, both in the affairs of church and policy; notwithstanding whereof the 
 world seeth what meeting he hath got from us. When this rebellion first burst out in 
 England, all that he desired of us was only to stand neutral, and not to meddle between 
 him and his subjects there. Of which moderate desire of his little reckoning was made. 
 But on the contrary, at the request of these rebels, by the power of their faction amongst 
 us, an army was raised and sent into England, to assist them against their own native 
 
 " His majesty being reduced to this extremity, what expedient could he find so fair and 
 easy, as to make use of the help of such of his loyal subjects as he knew had such unpa- 
 ralleled disloyalty in horror and detestation ? Amongst whom, that matchless mirror of 
 aU true worth and nobility, the lord marquis of Montrose, having offered himself, it 
 pleased his majesty to give him a subaltern commission first; which he having executed 
 with such unheard-of success, that his memory shall be had in honour for It. in aU ages, 
 
436 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 address the spectators, he was prevented from proceeding by the provost 
 of St Andrews, formerly a servant of Sir Robert's father, who liad been 
 instigated to impose silence upon him by Robert- Blair, one of those 
 ministers who, to the scandal of religion, had dishonoured their profession 
 by calling out for the blood of their countrymen. Blair's motive in oc- 
 casioning this interruption is said to have arisen from a dread he enter- 
 tained that Sir Robert would expose the designs of the covenanters, 
 and impress the bystanders with an unfavourable opinion of their pro- 
 ceedings. Sir Robert bore the interruption with the most unruffled 
 composure, and, as he saw no chance of succeeding, he threw the 
 manuscript of his speech amongst the crowd, and applied himself to 
 his private devotions. But here again he was annoyed by the officious 
 impertinence of Blair, who rudely asked him whether he (Blair) and the 
 people should pray for the salvation of his soul ? To this question Sir 
 Robert answered, that he indeed desired the prayers of the people ; but 
 knowing the blood-thirsty character of the man he was addressing, who 
 had come to tease him in his last moments, he told him that he " would 
 have no concern with his prayers, which he believed were impious, and 
 an abomination unto God ; adding, that of all the plagues with which the 
 offended majesty of God had scourged the nation, this was certainly by 
 far the greatest, greater than even the sword, fire, or pestilence ; that for 
 the sins of the people God had sent a lying spirit into the mouths of the 
 prophets."* This answer raised the fury of Blair, who assailed Sir 
 Robert with the most acrimonious imputations, and reviled the memory 
 of his father by the most infamous charges ; but Sir Robert was too 
 deeply absorbed in meditation to regard such obloquy. Having finished 
 his devotions, this great and good man, after uttering these words, 
 " Merciful Jesus ! gather my soul unto thy saints and martyrs who have 
 run before me in this race," laid his neck upon the fatal block, and in 
 an instant his head was severed from his body. 
 
 After Sir Robert Spottiswood's execution, Captain Guthry, son of the 
 
 his majesty, for the better fui'thering of his own service, and to countenance and encou- 
 rage him the more in it, gave an absolute one, and, independent, thereafter; which is that 
 I delivered into his hands by his majesty's command. Here withal, his majesty, pity- 
 ing the miseries of this poor kingdom, occasioned by the rebellious stubbonmess of a few 
 factious spirits, thought fit to give a power to the said lord marquis to call a parliament 
 in his own name, to try if by that means a remedy might be found against the present 
 evils. 
 
 ** And in all this, I see not what can be justly upon his majesty, or upon me his ser- 
 vant, who have done nothing against any authorised law of the kingdom, but have served 
 him faithfully, unto whom by trust and natural allegiance I owe so much." 
 
 The day before his execution Sir Robert wrote a letter to the marquis of Mon- 
 trose offering the "last tribute of his service,'* and expressing a hope that "the king's 
 cause" would be advanced by his death. He encouraged the marquis to go on and crown 
 tlie work he had " so gloriously" begun, and recommended to him to pursue the course 
 he had hitherto followed, " by fair and gentle carriage, to gain the people's affection to 
 their piince, rather than imitate the barbarous inhumanity" of his adversaries. Sir Ro- 
 bert concluded by recommending his orphans and his " brother's house" to his care. 
 
 • Wishart, p. gig. 
 
EXECUTION OF CAPTAiN GUTHRY AND MR MURRAY. 437 
 
 ex- bishop of Moray, was next led to the scaffold. The fierce and un- 
 feeling Blair, who had already officiously witnessed, with the most mor- 
 bid complacency, the successive executions of Colonel Gordon and Sir 
 Robert, not satisfied with reviling the latter gentleman in his last and awful 
 moments, and lacerating his feelings by heaping every sort of obloquy 
 upon the memory of his father, vented the dregs of his impotent rage 
 upon the unfortunate victim now before him ; but Guthry bore all this 
 man's reproaches with becoming dignity, and declared that he considered 
 it an honour to die in defence of the just cause of his sovereign. He 
 met his death with the fortitude of a hero and the firmness of a Christian 
 
 In consequence of an application to the parliament by the earl of 
 TuUiebardine, the execution of his brother, William Murray, was delayed 
 till the twenty-third day of January. The ease of this unfortunate young 
 man excited a strong feeling of regret among the covenanters themselves, 
 and some writers have not scrupled to blame the earl as the cause of his 
 death, that he might succeed to his patrimony. Some countenance is 
 afforded to this conjecture from the circumstance that the earl not only 
 made no exertions to save his brother from condemnation, but that he 
 even absented himself from parliament the day that his brother's case 
 came to be discussed, when, by his presence or his vote, he might have 
 saved his brother's life. Nor is this supposition, it is contended, in any 
 shape weakened by the attempt he afterwards made to get off his bro- 
 ther ; for he must have known that the parliament had gone too far to 
 retract, and could not, without laying itself open to the charge of the 
 grossest partiality, reprieve Mr Murray, and allow their sentence to be 
 carried into execution against the other prisoners. If true, liowever, 
 that the earl delivered the speech imputed to him by Bennet, there can 
 be no doubt of his being a participator in the death of his brother, but, 
 it would be hard to condemn him on such questionable authority. To 
 whatever cause it was owing, Mr Murray was not, during his last mo- 
 ments, subjected to the annoyances of Blair, nor was he prevented from 
 delivering the following speech to the persons assembled to witness his 
 execution. He spoke in a loud tone of voice as follows : " I hope, my 
 countrymen, you will reckon that the house of TuUiebardine, and the 
 whole family of Murray, have this day acquired a new and no small 
 addition of honour ; that a young man, descended of that ancient race, 
 has, though innocent, and in the flower of his age, with the greatest 
 readiness and cheerfulness, delivered up his life for his king, the father 
 of his country, and the most munificent patron and benefactor of that 
 family fi-om which he is sprung. Let not my honoured mother, my 
 dearest sisters, my kindred or my friends, lament the shortness of my 
 life, seeing that it is abundantly recompensed by the honour of my 
 death. Pray for my soul, and God be with you."* 
 
 Many prisoners, but of less note, still remained to be disposed of; but 
 
 • Guthry, p. 245. 
 
438 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 the parlianient, either averse to shed more blood, or from other consi- 
 derations, took no steps against them. The committee of the kirk, how- 
 ever, being actuated by other motives, pressed the parliament to dispose 
 of some more of the " malignants ;" but the bloody zeal of these clerical 
 enthusiasts was checked by the better sense of the parliament ; and in 
 order to get rid of their importunities for blood, a suggestion was made 
 to them by the leading men in parliament to lay before them an " over- 
 ture,'' proposing some more lenient mode of punishment. The "godly" 
 brotherhood soon met, but a considerable diiference of opinion prevail- 
 ing as to the nature of the punishment to be submitted to parliament in 
 the proposed overture, the moderator asked David Dickson what he 
 thought best to be done with the prisoners, who answered "in his homely 
 way of speaking, 'shame them and herry (plunder) them.'" This pro- 
 posal being adopted was made the subject of an overture, which was 
 accordingly presented to parliament ; and to meet the views of the min- 
 isters, a remit was made to a large committee, which was appointed to 
 meet at Linlithgow, the twenty-fifth of February, to fix the amount of 
 the fines to be imposed upon the different delinquents. 
 
 While the proceedings before detailed were going on at St Andrews, 
 Montrose was ineffectually endeavouring to reduce the garrison of In- 
 verness, the acquisition of which would have been of some importance 
 to him. Had the marquis of Huntly kept his promise, and joined Mon- 
 trose, its capture might have been effected ; but that nobleman never 
 made his appearance, and as Inverness was thus left open on the side 
 which it was intended he should block up, the enemy were enabled to 
 supply themselves with provisions and warlike stores, of which they 
 stood in great need. Huntly, however, afterwards crossed the Spey, 
 and entered Moray with a considerable force; but instead of joining 
 Montrose, who repeatedly sent for him, he wasted his time in fruitless 
 enterprises, besieging and taking a few castles of no importance. 
 
 As Huntly, who envied the military glory of Montrose, probably did 
 not think that the capture of a few obscure castles was sufficient to 
 establish his pretensions as Montrose's rival, he resolved to seize Aber- 
 deen, and had advanced on his way as far as Kintore, where he was met 
 by Ludovick Lindsay, earl of Crawford, who had retired from the 
 Mearns, where he had been stationed with Montrose's horse, on hearing 
 of the approach of the parliamentary army under the command of Gen- 
 eral Middleton towards Aberdeen. This intelligence was quite sufficient 
 to induce the marquis to desist from his enterprise. Lindsay then 
 marched into Buchan, and burnt the town of Fraserburgh. He, there- 
 after, went to Banff, but was compelled to retire hastily into Moray with 
 some loss in February sixteen hundred and forty-six, by a division of 
 Middleton's army under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Montgo- 
 mery and Major David Barclay.* 
 
 « Gordon's Continuation, p. 531. , 
 
MARCH OF MIDDLETON TO INVERNESS. 439 
 
 About this time intelligence was brouglit to Montrose that General 
 Middleton had arrived at Aberdeen with a force of six hundred horse 
 and eight hundred foot. He now renewed his entreaties to Huntly to 
 join him immediately, that they might either reduce Inverness or march 
 jointly upon Aberdeen and attack Middleton ; but the jealousy or vanity 
 of Huntly would not permit him to accede to Montrose's request. This 
 refusal exasperated Montrose to such a degree that he resolved to have 
 recourse to force to compel compliance, as he could no longer endure to 
 see the authority of the sovereign, whose deputy he was, thus trampled 
 upon and despised. As he had already brought over the Earl of Sea- 
 forth to his side, who had induced the heads of some of the principal 
 clans to form a confederation for obtaining a national peace, he was fully 
 in a condition to have reduced Huntly to obedience ; but the sudden 
 advance of Middleton prevented Montrose from making the attempt. 
 
 Wishart relates rather an incredible story respecting an alleged piece 
 of treachery on the part of Lord Lewis Gordon on this occasion. He 
 states that, as Montrose had no reliance on Huntly, and as he " began 
 now to think it high time to look more carefully to his own safety, lest 
 Huntly 's malice might at last carry him the length even to betray him," 
 he sent three troops of horse to the fords of the Spey to watch the 
 motions of the enemy, with orders, if they approached, to send him 
 immediate intimation of their movements. This body, it is said, occu- 
 pied the most convenient stations, and watched with very great diligence 
 for some time, till Lord Lewis, who then kept the castle of Rothes, 
 having contrived his scheme of villany, assured the officers who com- 
 manded the horse, that the enemy was very far distant, and had no 
 intention to pass the river ; he, therefore, advised them to cease watching, 
 and having invited them to the castle where they were sumptuously en- 
 tertained by him, plied with wine and spirits, and detained till such time 
 as Lord Middleton had crossed the Spey with a large army of horse 
 and foot, and penetrated far into Moray, he dismissed his guests witli 
 these jeering remarks — " Go, return to your general Montrose, who 
 will now have better work than he had at Selkirk." Such a statement 
 carries its own condemnation upon the face of it, for even supposing that 
 Montrose's officers had acted the stupid part imputed to them, they 
 would certainly not have forgotten their duty so far as to order their 
 men to abandon their posts. 
 
 It was in the month of May, sixteen hundred and forty-six, that 
 General Middleton left Aberdeen at the head of his army, on his way to 
 Inverness. He left behind him in Aberdeen a regiment of horse, and 
 another of foot, for the protection of the town, under the command of 
 Lieutenant-Colonel Montgomery. Middleton made a rapid march, and 
 arrived in the neighbourhood of Inverness on the ninth of May, 
 driving before him the few troops of horse which Montrose had sta- 
 tioned on the Spey to watch his motions. On being warned of Middle- 
 ton's approach, Montrose drew his, troops together, and took up a 
 , 3 K 
 
440 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 position at some distance from tlie town ; but having ascertained thai 
 Middleton was strong in cavalry, he hastily crossed the river Ness. 
 Middleton, thereupon, despatched two regiments of cavalry after him, 
 who attacked his rear, cut off some of his men, and captured two pieces 
 of cannon and part of his baggage. Montrose continued his retreat by 
 Beauly into Rosshire, whither he was pursued bj' Middleton, who, 
 however, suffered some loss in the pursuit. As Montrose's forces were 
 far inferior, in point of numbers, to those of Middleton, he avoided 
 coming to an engagement, and as Seaforth's men, who had joined Mon- 
 trose at Inverness, under their chief, began to desert him in great 
 numbers, and as he could not depend on the population by which h,.' 
 was surrounded, Montrose turned to the right, and passing by Lochness, 
 marched through Strathglass and Stratherrick to the banks of the Spey. 
 Middleton did not follow Montrose, but went and laid siege to the castle 
 of the earl of Seaforth in the chanonry of Ross, which he took after a 
 siege of four days. He behaved towards the countess of Seaforth, who 
 was within the castle, with great politeness, and restored it to her after 
 taking away the ammunition which it contained.* 
 
 The absence of Middleton from Aberdeen afforded Huntly an opportu- 
 nity of accomplishing the design which he formerlj^ entertained, till scared 
 by the approach of Middleton from the south, of taking Aberdeen, and 
 accordingly he ordered his men to march from Deeside to Inverury, 
 where he appointed a general rendezvous to be held on the tenth o( 
 May. Colonel Montgomery being aware of his motions, beat up his quar- 
 ters the same night at Kintore with a party of horse, and killed some of his 
 men. But Montgomery was repulsed by Lord Lewis Gordf)n, with some 
 loss, and forced to retire back to Aberdeen. The marquis appeared at the 
 gates of Aberdeen at 12 o'clock on the following day, with a force of fifteen 
 hundred Highland foot and six hundred horse, and stormed it in three 
 different places. The garrison defended themselves with courage, and 
 twice repulsed the assailants, in which contest a part of the town was 
 set on fire ; but a fresh reinforcement having entered the town, under 
 Lord Aboyne, the attack was renewed, and iMontgomery and his horse 
 were forced to retire down to the edge of the river Dee, which they 
 crossed by swimming. The covenanting foot, after taking refuge in 
 the tolbooth and in the houses of the Earl Marischal and Menzies of Pit- 
 foddles, craved quarter and surrendered at discretion. Although the city 
 of Aberdeen had done nothing to incur Huntly 's displeasure, he allow- 
 ed his Highlanders to pillage it. About twenty officers were taken pri- 
 soners, among whom were Colonels Hurry, Barclay, and David Leighton , 
 besides Sir William Forbes of Craigievar, and other country gentlemen, 
 particularly of the name of Forbes ; but they were also released next day 
 on their parole of honour not to serve against the king in future. There 
 were killed on the side of the covenanters, Colonel William Forbes, 
 
 * Gordon's continuation, p. S23. 
 
MONTROSE RECEIVES A LETTER FRCM THE KING. 441 
 
 Captain Lockhart, son of Sir James Lockhart of Lee, and three other 
 captains of foot, besides a considerable number of privates ; but Huntly 
 lost only about twenty men in whole.* 
 
 As Huntly 's force was considerably reduced by the return of the 
 Highlanders, who had accompanied hira, to their own houses, with the 
 booty which they had collected in Aberdeen, and, as he was apprehen- 
 sive of the immediate return of Middleton from the north, Huntly re- 
 mained but a short time in Aberdeen. Marching up the north bank of 
 the Dee, he encamped in Cromar ; but the sudden appearance of Mid- 
 dleton, who, on hearing of Huntly 's advance on Aberdeen, had retraced 
 his steps and re-crossed the Spey, made him retire into Mar, where he 
 was followed by Middleton, who, in some slight skirmishes, cut off some 
 of his men ; but Middleton discontinued the pursuit and returned to 
 Aberdeen, which he found had suffered severely from Huntly 's visit. 
 
 After an ineffectual attempt by Montrose to obtain an interview with 
 Huntly at the bog of Gicht, whither he had gone after Middleton's re- 
 turn to Aberdeen, Montrose resolved to make a tour through the High- 
 lands, in the hope that he would be able, by his personal presence, and 
 by promising suitable rewards, to induce the clans to rise in defence ot 
 their sovereign ; but with the determination, in case of refusal, to en- 
 force obedience to his commands. This resolution was not taken by 
 Montrose, without the concurrence of some of his best friends, who pro- 
 mised to aid him by every means in their power, in carrying it into ef- 
 fect. In pursuance of his design, Montrose was just about setting out 
 on his proposed journey, when, on the last day of May, a messenger 
 arrived with a letter t from the king, requesting him to disband his 
 forces, and to retire, himself, to France, where he would receive " further 
 directions." After the disastrous battle of Naseby, which was fought 
 on the fourteenth day of June, sixteen hundred and forty-four, between 
 the English rovalists and the parliamentary forces, the campaign m 
 England, on the part of the king, " presented little more than the last and 
 feeble struggles of an expiring party." t The king had been enabled, 
 in consequence of the recall of the horse, which had reached Notting- 
 ham, on their way to Hereford, under General David Leslie, after he 
 battle of Kilsyth, to drive the parliamentary infantry back from the 
 sie<^e of Hereford ; but the surrender of Bristol to the forces of the par- 
 liament, on the tenth of September, and the defeat of the royalists at 
 
 , Gordon's Continuation, p. 533. 
 
 „.y coming to this army; ^^''''\^''''' ^'''^^l^llte, only give yo. positive corn- 
 resolutions upon my whole business. This ^'f ''f^'""' "^ ^/^,,/ yL must dis- 
 
 most assured, constant, real, and faithful friend, CHARLES R. 
 
 Newcastle, May 19, W'^. , , . „„ ,,„ 
 
 t Lingard, vol. vi. p. 530 4t.o. 
 
442 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 Chester, on ttie twenty-third of the same month, completed the ruin oi 
 the king's affairs. Having shut himself up in Oxford, for the last time, 
 in November following, Charles, after the discovery of the secret 
 treaty with the catholics of Ireland, which had been entered into by the 
 earl of Glamorgan, endeavoured to negotiate with the English parlia- 
 ment in the expectation that if he could gain either of the parties (the 
 presbyterians and independents) over to his side, by fair promises, he 
 would be enabled to destroy both.* That negotiation, however, not 
 succeeding, a separate negotiation was set on foot, through the medium 
 of Montrevil, the French envoy, with the Scots army before Newarlj, 
 the leaders of which offered an asylum to the king on certain conditions. 
 At length Charles, undetermined as to the course he should pursue, on 
 hearing of the approach of the parliamentary army, under Fairfax, left 
 Oxford at midnight, on the twenty-seventh of April, sixteen hundred and 
 forty-six, in the disguise of a servant, accompanied by Mr Ashburnham 
 and Dr Hudson, a clergyman, and, after traversing the neighbouring 
 country, arrived at Southwell on the fifth of May, where he was intro- 
 duced by Montrevil to the earl of Leven, the commander of the Scots 
 army, and the officers of his staff. The arrival of the king seemed to 
 surprise the officers very much, although it is generally supposed that 
 they had been made previously aware of his intentions by Hudson, who 
 had preceded him, and they treated him with becoming respect, the 
 commander tendering his bare sword upon his knee ;f but when Charles, 
 who had retained Leven's sword, indicated his intention to take the com- 
 mand of the army, by giving orders to the guard, that crafty veteran 
 unhesitatingly thus addressed him: — "I am the older soldier. Sir-, 
 your majesty had better leave that office to me." :j; The king was, in 
 in fact, now a prisoner. As soon as the intelligence reached the capital, 
 that the king had retired to the Scots camp, the two parliamentary fac- 
 tions united in accusing the Scots of perfidy, and sent a body of five 
 thousand horse to watch their motions ; but the Scots being desirous to 
 avoid hostilities, raised their camp before Newark, and hastily retired to 
 Newcastle, carrying the king along with them. 
 
 On arriving at Newcastle, the king was waited upon by the earls of 
 Lanark and Callander, and Lord Balmerino, who paid their respects to 
 him. As Callander was understood to be favourably inclined to the 
 king, Lanark and Balmerino were desirous to get rid of him, and accord- 
 ingly they prevailed upon his majesty to send Callander back to Edin- 
 burgh with a letter, which they had induced his majesty to write to 
 the committee of estates, expressive of his desire to comply with the 
 wishes of the Scots parliament, and containing instructions to them to 
 order Montrose, Huntly, and Sir Alexander Macdonald to disband their 
 
 • Ibid. 543— " I am not without hope that I shall be able to draw either the presby- 
 terians or independents with me, for extirpating the one or other, that I shall be easilv 
 king again.*' Carte's Ormond, iii. 4G2. 
 
 t Kirkton. J Rushworth, vi. 
 
COMMUNICATION FROM MONTROSE TO THE KING. 443 
 
 forces. And it was also at the desire of these two noblemen that the 
 king wrote the letter to Montrose referred to. 
 
 After Montrose had read this letter he was filled with deep amaze- 
 ment and concern. All those visionary schemes for accomplishing the 
 great object of his ambition, which a few minutes before had floated in 
 his vivid imagination, were now dispelled. He was now placed in one 
 of the most painful and difficult situations it is possible to conceive. He 
 had no doubt that the letter had been extorted from the king, yet he 
 considered that it would neither be prudent nor safe for him to risk the 
 responsibility of disobeying the king's orders. Besides, were he to at- 
 tempt to act contrary to these instructions, he might thereby compromise 
 the safety of the king, as his enemies would find it no difficult affair to 
 convince the army that Montrose was acting according to private in- 
 structions from the king himself. On the other hand, by instantly dis- 
 banding his army, Montrose considered that he would leave the royal- 
 ists, and all those friends who had shared his dangers, to the mercy 
 of their enemies. In this dilemma, he determined to convene a 
 general meeting of all the principal royalists to consult as to how he should 
 act a resolution which showed his good sense, and kind and just feel- 
 ing towards those who had been induced by his means to risk their 
 lives and fortunes in the cause of the king. Notwithstanding the many 
 slights which had been put upon him by the marquis of Huntly, Mon- 
 trose, anxious to preserve a good understanding with him, sent Sir John 
 Hurry and Sir John Innes, two gentlemen the most unexceptionable he 
 could select, to Huntly, to invite him to attend the proposed meeting, 
 and that there might not appear any idea of dictation on the part of 
 Montrose, the time and place of meeting was left to Huntly's own choice- 
 But this haughty nobleman answered that he himself had received 
 orders similar to those sent to Montrose, which he was resolved to obey 
 immediately, and, therefore, he declined to attend any meeting on the 
 
 subject. , , • , 
 
 In this situation of matters, Montrose considered that his best and 
 wisest course would be to keep his army together till he should receive 
 another communication from the king, in answer to a letter which he 
 sent by a messenger of his own, in which he begged his majesty to acquaint 
 him of the real situation of matters, whether he considered his person 
 safe in the hands of the covenanters, and if he could be of any farther 
 service to him. Montrose begged also to be informed by the king, if 
 he persevered in his resolution to disband an army which had fought so 
 bravely in his defence, and that at a time when his enemies, lu both 
 kinedoms, were still under arms ; and if so, he .wished to be instructed 
 
 bv his majesty as to the course he should pursue, for the protection and 
 security of the lives and fortunes of those brave men, who had encoiui. 
 tered so many dangers, and had spent their blood in his defence, as he 
 could not endure the idea of leaving such loyal subjects to the mercy of 
 
444 HISTORY OF the highlands. 
 
 their enemies.* The king returned an answer f to this letter, by the 
 former messenger, Ker, in which he assured him that he no less esteem- 
 ed his willingness to lay down arms at his command, " for a gallant and 
 real expression " of his zeal and affection to his service than any of his 
 former actions ; but he hoped that Montrose had not such a mean opin- 
 ion of him, that for any particular or worldly respects he would suffer 
 him (Montrose) to be ruined, — ^that his only reason for sending Mon- 
 trose out of the country was that he might return with greater glory, 
 and, in the meantime, to have ss honourable an employment as he (the 
 king) could confer upon him, — that Ker would tell him the care he had 
 of all Montrose's friends, and his own, to whom, although he could not 
 promise such conditions as he would have wished, yet they would be 
 such, all things considered, as were most fit for them to accept. " Where- 
 fore," continues his majesty, " I renew my former directions, of laying 
 down arms, unto you, desiring you to let Huntly, Crawford, Airly, Sea- 
 forth, and Ogilvy, know, that want of time hath made me now omit to 
 reiterate my former commands unto you, intending that this shall serve 
 for all ; assuring them, and all the rest of my friends, that, whensoever 
 God shall enable me, they shall reap the fruits of their loyalty and affec- 
 tion to my service." 
 
 These ' conditions,' which consisted of several articles, and in the 
 drawing up of which the king probably had no concern, were far from 
 satisfactory to Montrose, who refused to accede to them. He even re- 
 fused to treat with the covenanters, and he sent back the messenger to 
 the king to notify to him, that as he had acted under his majesty's com- 
 mission, he would admit of no conditions for laying down his arms, or 
 disbanding his army, which did not come directly from the king himself, 
 but that if his majesty imposed conditions upon him, he would accept of 
 them with the most implicit submission. The king, who had no alter- 
 native but to adopt these conditions as his own, put his name to them and 
 sent back the messenger with them, with fresh instructions to Montrose to 
 disband his army forthwith under the pain of high treason. Besides Ker, 
 the king despatched another trusty messenger to Montrose with a pri- 
 vate letter:]: urging him to accept of the conditions offered, as in the event 
 of his refusal to break up his army, his majesty might be placed " in 
 a very sad condition," such as he would rather leave Montrose to guess 
 at than seek himself to express. From this expression, it would appear 
 that Charles already began to entertain some apprehensions about his 
 Oersonal safety. These commands of the king were too peremptory to 
 be any longer withstood, and as Montrose had been informed that se- 
 eral of the leading royalists, particularly the marquis of Huntly, Lord 
 Aboyne, and the earl of Seaforth, were negotiating with the estates in 
 .heir own behalf, and that Huntly and Aboyne had even offered to com- 
 
 * Wishait, p. 202. f June 15, 1G45. 
 
 { July 16, 1646. 
 
MONTROSE DISBANDS HIS ARMY 445 
 
 pel Montrose to lay down his arms in compliance with the orders of the 
 king, he immediately resolved to disband his army. 
 
 As Middleton had been intrusted by the committee of estates with 
 ample powers to negotiate with the royalists, and to see the conditions 
 offered to Montrose implemented by him in case of acceptance, a cessa- 
 tion of arms was agreed upon between Montrose and Middleton ; and 
 in order to discuss the conditions, a conference was held between them 
 on the twenty-second day of July, on a meadow, near the river Hay, in 
 Angus, where they " conferred for the space of two hours, there being 
 none near them but one man for each of them to hold his horse."* The 
 conditions agreed upon were these, that with the exception of Montrose 
 himself, the earl of Crawford, Sir Alexander Macdonald, and Sir John 
 Hurry, all those who had taken up arms against the covenanters would 
 be pardoned on making their submission, and that Montrose, Crawford, 
 Hurry, and Graham of Gorthy, should transport themselves beyond 
 seas, before the last day of August, in a ship to be provided by the 
 estates. This arrangement was ratified by the commitee of estates, but 
 the committee of the kirk exclaimed against it. and petitioned the com- 
 mittee of estates not to sanction it. 
 
 Preparatory to disbanding his army, Montrose appointed it to ren- 
 dezvous at Rattray, in the neighbourhood of Cupar-Angus, at which 
 place, on the thirtieth day of July, he discharged his men, after address- 
 ing a feeling and animated oration to them, in which, " after giving 
 them due praise for their faithful services and good behaviour, he told 
 them his orders, and bid them farewell, an event no less sorrowful to 
 the whole army than to himself; and, notwithstanding he used his ut- 
 most endeavours to raise their drooping spirits, and encourage them 
 with the flattering prospect of a speedy and desirable peace, and assured 
 them that he contributed to the king's safety and interest by his present 
 ready submission, no less than he had formerly done by his military at- 
 tempts ; yet they concluded, that a period was that day put to the king's 
 authority, which would expire with the dissolution of their army, for dis- 
 banding of which, they were all convinced the orders had been extorted 
 from the king, or granted by him on purpose to evite a greater and 
 more immediate evil. And, upon whatever favourable conditions their 
 )wn safety might be provided for, yet they lamented tlieir own fate, and 
 would much rather have undergone the greatest fatigue and hardships 
 than be obliged to remain inactive and idle spectators of the miseries and 
 calamities befalling their dearest sovereign. Neither were their gener- 
 ous souls a little concerned for the unworthy and disgraceful opinion 
 which foreign nations and after ages could not fail to conceive of the 
 Scots, as universally dipt in rebellion, and guilty of defection from the 
 best of kings. Their sorrow was likewise considerably augmented by 
 the thoughts of being separated from their brave and successful general, 
 
 • Guthry, p. 179. 
 
446 HISTORY OF THE HIGHLANDS. 
 
 who was now obliged to enter into a kind of banishment, to the irrepa- 
 rable loss of the king, the country, themselves, and all good men, at a 
 time when they never had greater occasion for his service : And falling 
 down upon their knees, with tears in their eyes, they obtested him, that 
 seeing the king's safety and interest required his immediate departure 
 from the kingdom, he would take them along with him to whatever 
 corner of the world he would retire, professing their readiness to live, to 
 fight, nay, if it so pleased God, even to die under his command. 
 And not a few of them had privately determined, though at the evident 
 risk of their lives and fortunes, to follow him without his knowledge, and 
 even against his inclination, and to offer him their service in a foreign 
 land, which they could not any longer afford him in their own dis- 
 tressed native country."* 
 
 Such is the account of the affecting farewell between Montrose and 
 the few remaining brave and adventurous men who had shared with him 
 in all the dangers and vicissitudes of the battle-field, as related by a 
 warm partizan of fallen royalty ; yet there is no reason for supposing 
 that he has given an exaggerated view of the feelings of the warlike 
 and devoted band at parting, under existing circumstances, with their 
 beloved commander who had so often led them to victory, and whose 
 banishment from his native country they regarded as the death-blow to 
 their hopes. 
 
 Upon the dissolution of Montrose's army, the Scots officers and sol- 
 diers retired to their respective homes, and the Irish troops marched 
 westward into Argyle, whence they embarked for their own country, 
 being accompanied thither by the earl of Crawford, who from thence 
 went to Spain. Montrose, along with the few friends who were to fol- 
 low him abroad, took up his abode at his seat of Old Montrose, there 
 to wait the arrival of the vessel destined to convey them to the continent. 
 The day fixed for Montrose's departure was the first of September, and 
 he waited with impatience for the arrival of the expected vessel ; but as 
 the month of August was fast expiring without such vessel making its 
 appearance, or any apparent preparation for the voyage, Montrose's 
 friends applied to the committee of the estates for a prorogation of the 
 day stipulated for his departure, but they could obtain no satisfactory 
 answer. 
 
 At length, on the last day of August, a vessel for the reception of the 
 marquis entered the harbour of Montrose, in which he proposed imme- 
 diately to embark, but he was told by the shipmaster, " a violent and 
 rigid covenanter," that he meant to careen his vessel' before going to 
 sea, an operation which would occupy a few days. In the course of 
 conversation, the shipmaster bluntly stated to his intended passengers, 
 that he had received express instructions to land them at certain ports. 
 The behaviour of the captain, joined to the information he had com- 
 
 • Wishart, P, 264-5. 
 
EMBARKATION OF MONTROSE FOR NORWAY. 447 
 
 municated, and the fact that several English ships of war had been seen 
 for several days off the coast, as if watching his embarkation and de- 
 parture, of which fact he had received private information from some 
 friends, created a strong suspicion in Montrose's mind that a plan had 
 been laid for capturing him, and induced him to consult his own safety 
 and that of his friends, by seeking another way of leaving the kingdom. 
 He accordingly sent some trusty persons to the other harbours in the 
 north to search for and engage any foreign vessel they might fall in with 
 to be ready, on a day to be fixed, to carry out to Norway such passen- 
 gers as might present themselves ; but such a plan was considered so hope- 
 less by Montrose's friends, who still remained with him, that they ad- 
 vised him, as the bast course which could be pursued under such dan- 
 gerous circumstances, to retire to the Highlands, to collect his forces 
 again, and trust to the chances of war ; but he was opposed to such a 
 proposal, principally on the ground that such a step on his part would 
 be imputed to the king, whose life might thereby be endangered. The 
 anxiety of Montrose and his followers was speedily relieved by the ar- 
 rival of intelligence, that a small vessel belonging to Bergen, in Norway, 
 had been found in the neiglibouring harbour of Stonehaven ; and that 
 the master had engaged, on being promised a handsome freight, to be in 
 readiness, against an appointed day, to sail with such passengers as 
 should appear. 
 
 Accordingly, after sending off Sir John Hurry, John Drummond of 
 Balloeh, Graham of Gorthy, Dr Wishart, and a few other friends by 
 land to Stonehaven, on the thii-d day of September sixteen hundred 
 and forty-six, he himself left the harbour of Montrose in a small boat, 
 disgu ised as the servant of James Wood, a clergyman, who accom- 
 panied him ; and the same evening went safely on board the vessel, 
 into which his friends had embarked, and setting sail with a fair wind, 
 arrived in a few days at Bergen, in Norway, where he received a friendly 
 welcome from Thomas Gray, a Scotsman, the governor of the castle of 
 Bergen. • 
 
 • Wishart. 
 
 EXD OF vol. L 
 
1