CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY GIFT OF Professor Heirry Guerlac ^Aitr ptnudisi ^IwWll Cornell University Library G 246.C7K62 Captain James Cook, R. N., F.R.S., "the 3 1924 006 541 977 The original of tliis book is in tlie Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924006541977 CAPTAIN JAMES COOK bcvb^tacrt (oocrk^- CAPTAIN JAMES COOK R.N., RR.S. "THE CIRCUMNAVIGATOR" BY ARTHUR KITSON WITH MAP AND ILLUSTRATIONS NEW YORK E. P. BUTTON & COMPANY 1907 Printed in Great Britain. TO MY WIFE LINDA DOUGLAS KITSON PREFACE We used to be taught at school that Captain Cook was born in Yorkshire, rose from cabin-boy in a Whitby collier to the rank of Post Captain in His Majesty's Navy, discovered Australia, sailed three times round the world, and was killed at Owhyhee. Nothing was ever said about the enormous benefit he had conferred on those who go down to the sea in ships, by his successful fight with that dread enemy of the sailor — the scurvy ; and not a word of his voyages in the Arctic and Antarctic regions. With some slight feeling of shame that I was so ignorant about my fellow-countyman, I one day took up Dr Kippis's "Life of Cook" (first published in 1788), and was prompted by curiosity to verify one of his references, which I found to be absolutely incorrect. This excited my interest, and a desire for further information. I consulted every authority I could meet with, and was greatly struck by the fact that the majority of the writers on the subject seem to have been content to rely on Kippis for the foundation of their work. It appears to me that Kippis had not been sufficiently viii PREFACE careful with his notes, or else had misunderstood much that had been told him, and thus been led into many errors, — more particularly with regard to Cook's earlier life. For instance, it is inconceivable that Sir Hugh Palliser, with his position in the Service, his close professional connection with Cook, lasting for some years, and their personal friendship, could have made the statements attributed to him by the learned Doctor, about Cook's early naval career. For the voyages, I have found it desirable to avoid the "History" of the First, written by Dr Hawkesworth as it is often unreliable and sometimes ridiculous. For the Second and Third, I have made but little use of Dr Douglas's version, for, though he does not approach the absurdities of Hawkesworth, he has ' ' improved " Cook's manuscript to such an extent in many places that passages are quite irreconcilable with the original. In one case, he quotes the last words written by Cook at some length, but most unfortunately the quotation sprang entirely from his own imagination, and nothing of the kind was written by Cook. For the facts about Cook's early life, that is, up to the time when he joined the Navy, I have relied on the works of Dr George Young, a former Vicar of Whitby, who knew many people intimately acquainted with Cook in his youth, and who was thoroughly conversant with his early surroundings. Where possible, I have endeavoured to verify his statements, and have not found him at fault till he at length seems to fall under the influence of Kippis. PREFACE ix For the portion of Cook's life extending from his entry into the Royal Navy to his appointment to the command of the Endeavour, I have taken as my guide- in-chief the Admiralty Papers in the Public Records Office, which are so complete, that it is not only possible to find the position of his ships day after day, but also the name of every officer and man with whom he served from the hour on which his foot first touched the deck of H.M.S. Eagle to the time of his unfortunate death in the Sandwich Islands. These papers seem to have been most curiously overlooked by Cook's biographers, or have only been referred to for the purpose of clearing up some special point. For the First Voyage, I have consulted the "Log" of the Endeavour in the version so admirably edited by the late Admiral Sir J. W. L. Wharton; the "Journal of Sir Joseph Banks," edited by Sir Joseph Hooker; the "Journal of Sydney Parkinson " ; Papers belonging to the Royal Society ; and other memoranda made by men who took an actual share in the expedition. For the Second and Third Voyages, I have taken Cook's own manuscripts prepared by him for publica- tion and the continuation by Captain King, comparing them carefully with logs and diaries kept by others who took part in the voyages, some of which have not hitherto been published. In the course of my enquiries I have naturally had to write many letters to Government officials and private gentlemen, and I desire to acknowledge most gratefully the kindness and courtesy with which I have X PREFACE been met. I feel it is somewhat invidious to single out any names from those who have displayed interest in the work of a stranger, but it would not be right to omit mention of the sympathy and encouragement I received from the late Admiral Wharton and the late Sir W. Besant, whose own contribution on the subject however cannot be regarded as accurate, and the disinterested assistance of the late Mr G. W. Waddington of Whitby, who lent me books, not procurable at the British Museum, and even when suffering from illness sent me copious notes he had collected whilst making researches concerning Whitby and its environs. I must also thank Professor G. Carey Foster, F.R.S., who enabled me to consult the Records of the Royal Society ; Lord Fitzmaurice, who obtained for me docu- ments from the Shelburne MSS. ; the Right Hon. Joseph Chamberlain, who permitted me to see some volumes of Colonial Records which were not available to the public at that time ; the Rev. Canon Bennett, who was related to Mrs Cook and knew her personally, for some most interesting letters ; Messrs T. Stephenson and R. T. Gaskin, both of Whitby, for valuable notes ; and the officials of the British Museum and Public Records Office for their courtesy and attention. I also desire to record that the late Professor E. E. Morris of Melbourne University kindly gave me some valuable information concerning a log kept by Cook when on board the Eagle, which was in his possession. Those who have had any business relations with PREFACE xi " Mr Murray" will know what I mean when I say that Mr John Murray has personally assisted me in the revision of the proofs, and Mr Hallam Murray has superintended the illustrations ; those who have not, will hardly be able to understand how much I feel indebted. My only regret in parting with what has been a most interesting subject to me, is that the pleasure and duty of placing my work before the public has not fallen into abler and more practised hands than my own. ARTHUR KITSON. London, 1907. CONTENTS CHAP. I. EARLY YEARS II. 1755-1757— H.M.S. EAGLE III. 1757-1759— H.M.S. PEMBROKE . IV. 1759-1762 — H.M.S. NORTHUMBERLAND V. 1 763- 1 767— NEWFOUNDLAND . VI. 1768 — PREPARATIONS FOR FIRST VOYAGE VII. 1 768- 1 769 — PLYMOUTH TO OTAHEITE VIII. 1769— SOCIETY ISLANDS . IX. 1769-1770— NEW ZEALAND X. 1770 — AUSTRALIA .... XL 1770-1771— NEW GUINEA TO ENGLAND XII. 1 77 1— PREPARATIONS FOR VOYAGE II XIII. 1 772- 1 774— SECOND VOYAGE . XIV. 1 7 74- 1 775— SECOND -VOYAGE— CONTINUED XV. 1775-1776— ENGLAND XVI. 1 776- 1 777 — THIRD VOYAGE XVII. 1777- 1 779— THIRD VOYAGE — CONTINUED XVIII. 1 779- 1 780 — THIRD VOYAGE— CONCLUDED XIX. APPRECIATIONS— MRS COOK APPENDIX INDEX I 16 29 SI 63 82 98 114 131 167 218 241 297 323 351 414 467 490 Sii 519 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Captain Cook. From the portrait by N. Dance, in the Painted Hall, Greenwich Hospital . . . Frontispiece Letter from Lieutenant James Cook (formerly Master of H.M.S. Mercury), to the Duke of Newcastle. Now in the British Museum . To face p. 27 Description of Halifax Harbour. By permis- sion of the Royal United Service Institute . . „ 54 Certified Copy of Certificate of Marriage of Captain Cook. Taken from the Register of St Margaret's, Barking, Essex. From the Whitby Collection „ 60 Sailing Directions, Halifax Harbour. By per- mission of the Royal United Service Institute . „ 60 A Barque. Reproducedfrom E. W. Cooke's "Shipping and Craft," typical of the 'Endeavour ... „ 88 Sir Joseph Banks „ 100 Fort Venus. From a drawing in Indian Ink, by James Cook. Now in the British Museum . „ 117 Model of the Resolution. Made at Messrs Fishburn's yard, and now in the Museum, Whitby „ 226 The Fleet of Otaheite. From an engraving after Hodges, in the United Service Museum. By permission of the Council „ 281 Landing at Mallicolo. From the original by W. Hodges. By permission of the owner, H. Arthurton, Esq „ 290 xvi LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Landing at Erromango. From an engraving after Hodges, in the United Service Museum. By permission of the Council To face fi. 291 Landing at Tanna. From the original by W. Hodges. In the possession of Henry Arthurton, Esq ,,293 Captain Cook. From a portrait in the Museum, Whitby. Artist unknown. By permission of the Council, Whitby Literary and Philosophical Society „ 343 Chronometer used on the Resolution, and AFTERWARDS ON THE BOUNTY. Now in the Museum of the United Service Institute . . „ 349 Cook's Hanger or Sword. Alow in the United Service Museum. By permission of the Council . „ 349 Captain Cook's Ship, The Resolution From a drawing in the possession of the Royal Geo- graphical Society. Reproduced from a photo by Rischgitz » 354 Death of Captain Cook. From an engraving at the United Service Museum. By permission of the Council „ 474 Medal struck to Commemorate the Departure OF the Second Expedition under Cook . „ 499 Gold Medal in Honour of Captain Cook, struck by order of the Royal Society . „ 499 THE LIFE OF CAPTAIN COOK, R.N. CHAPTER I EARLY YEARS Captain James Cook, R.N., the Circumnavigator, was by birth a Yorkshireman, a native of the district of Cleveland, but of his ancestry there is now very little satisfactory information to be obtained. Nichols, in his "Topographer and Genealogist," suggests that "James Cooke, the celebrated mariner, was probably of common origin with the Stockton Cookes, and might also be one of Edward Cooke's progeny, though it has been alleged his family came from Scotland." Nichols's chief reason for making this suggestion seems to have been the possession by a branch of this Stockton family, of a crayon portrait of some relation which was supposed to resemble the great discoverer in features and expression. He does not attempt to explain the fact that James Cook and all his family invariably spelt their name without the final e, which the Stockton Cookes as invariably use. The opinion of those of Cook's contemporaries, who had been in actual contact with him or his family, was that his father was either a Northumbrian or a Scotsman, and it would appear most probable that the last is correct. Dr George Young, a former vicar of Whitby, A 2 EARLY YEARS [chap. who published a "Life of Cook" in 1836, went to that place about 1805, and claims to have obtained much information "through intercourse with his relatives, friends, and acquaintances, including one or two surviving school companions." He is undoubtedly the most reliable authority on Cook's early years, if not the only one, and he appears thoroughly satisfied that Cook was of Scotch extraction. Dr George Johnston, usually a most careful writer, states in his book, "The Natural History of the Eastern Borders," that in the year 1692, at the time when the father of James Thompson, the author of "The Seasons," was the minister of Ednam in Roxburghshire, a man named John Cook was one of the elders of the kirk. This John Cook married, on the 19th of January 1693, a woman of the name of Jean Duncan, by whom he had a son, James, baptized on 4th March 1694, and this child, Johnston positively asserts, was after- wards the father of the future Captain James Cook. These entries of the marriage and baptism have been verified by the Rev. John Burleigh, minister of Ednam in the year 1898, and it may be pointed out that the date of the baptism of the child James Cook agrees with the probable date of the birth of Captain Cook's father, for he died on ist April 1778, in his eighty-fifth year. In the course of time young James left Ednam to "better himself," but owing to the whole of the church records being missing for some years after 1698, Mr Burleigh is unable to trace the time of his departure ; he, however, thinks that it is almost certain that young Cook would take away with him a "testificate of church-membership," and, in that case, it is possible, though perhaps not very probable, that such testificate may still exist. The alum trade in North Yorkshire had about this time attracted a number of Scotch people to the district, as may be seen from the names in the registers of the I.] BIRTHPLACE 3 different parishes, and it seems far from unlikely that the idea of meeting some of his own countrymen would induce young Cook to settle down in that neigh- bourhood. Be this as it may, the first positive information to be found is that at Morton, in the parish of Ormsby, where James Cook and his wife Grace (her maiden name has so far escaped identification though she is known to have been a native of Cleveland) resided for some time, and here their eldest child, John, was born, and was baptized on loth January 1727. Dr Young says that when Mrs Cook of Ednam was saying good- bye to her son, she said: "God send you Grace," and that the son looked upon this speech as prophetic of his marriage. Shortly after the birth of their eldest child, the Cooks left Morton for Marton, a village a few miles away, and the similarity of the two names has caused some slight confusion. At Marton, the father worked for a Mr Mewburn, living in a small two-roomed cottage built of mud, of the kind called in the district a "clay biggin." This cottage was destroyed about 1786, when Major Rudd erected a mansion near the spot, and afterwards, when this mansion was unfortunately burnt to the ground, the site of the cottage was planted with trees, and was popularly known by the name of ' ' Cook's Garth " ; a willow tree was pointed out to Dr Young as occupying the exact spot where the cottage had been. He says : "The site of the cottage is in the ground behind the hall, and Timothy Lax, an old shoemaker, who died lately, aged eighty, and whose wife's mother, Ann Mainforth, who lived to the age of ninety-six, was present at the Captain's birth, conducted the author to the place where the cottage stood. No vestige of the walls is left." 4 EARLY YEARS [chap. Sir Walter Besant says that a pump exists near by, which has the reputation of having been made by Cook's father for the purpose of supplying his house with water. Mr Bolckow, the present owner of Marton Hall, writes in a private letter, that "the cottage was found destroyed when my uncle bought Marton in 1854, but we came across the founda- tions of it when the grounds were laid out. An old labourer, who died at the age of ninety-three, pointed them out, and my uncle erected a granite vase on the spot. The pump does not exist now, and was altogether apocryphal, having no doubt been put there after Cook's time." In this humble cottage James Cook, the Circum- navigator, was born on 27th October 1728, and, accord- ing to the register of Marton church, was baptized on 3rd November, being entered as "James, ye son of a day labourer." This child proved to be the second of a family of seven whose names were John, James, Mary (i), Jane, Mary (2), William, and Margaret. Besant gives the name of an eighth, Christina, but this seems doubtful. The Cooks remained in Marton some years, during which time they removed into another cottage, and young James received some instruction from a Mistress Mary Walker, who is said to have taught him his letters and a little reading. Mrs Walker is described by Dr Young and Dr Kippis as the village school- mistress, but Ord, whom Besant follows, waxes very indignant over this assertion. He says : ' ' She was the daughter of the wealthiest farmer in the neighbourhood, and wife of William Walker, a respectable yeoman of the first class, residing at Marton Grange." He then goes on to say: "Cook, then a mere lad, tended the stock, took the horses to water, and ran errands for the family, and in return for such I.] EDUCATION 5 services, the good old lady, finding him an intelligent, active youth, was pleased to teach him his alphabet and reading." Ord claims to be the great, great, great-grandson of Mrs Walker on his mother's side, but, taking into consideration the amount of work to be done by a child of less than eight years of age, it is to be hoped that his anxiety to defend his ancestress from what he appears to think an insult, has led him to overstate his case. If he has not, James Cook commenced at a very early age to pay dearly for his education. However this may be, the old lady rests in peace in Marton churchyard, where her tombstone records the ripe old age of eighty-nine years. In 1736 Cook's father was appointed to the position of hind or bailiff by Mr Skottowe, and removed with his family to Airy Holme Farm, near Ayton. Sir W. Besant explains this position as that of a man, who, residing on the farm, was paid a regular wage for carrying on the necessary work, and handed over to the landlord all the proceeds. Young James, who was then eight years old, was sent to a school on the High Green kept by a Mr Pullen, where he was instructed in the arts of writing and arithmetic as far as the first few rules — "reading having apparently been acquired before." For arithmetic, he is said to have exhibited considerable aptitude, and it is believed that Mr Skottowe was induced by the good reports he heard of his progress to pay for his schooling. Dr Young says that his schoolfellows gave him the character of being fond of his own way, and that when any project was on foot for bird's-nesting or other boyish amusement, and discussion arose as to the method to be pursued, he would propound his own plans, and insist on their superiority over the sugges- tions of others ; and should his views not meet with 6 EARLY YEARS [chap. approbation, he would pertinaciously adhere to them even at the risk of being deserted by his companions. Chandon and Delandine, in the " Dictionnaire Historique," say that Cook first commenced work in a coal mine, and was soon afterwards pressed into Sir Hugh Palliser's ship ; whilst Hennequin, who places Marton in Durham, says that "Sir Thomas Skottowe," after paying for his schooling at Ayton, caused him to be "bound apprentice at the age of thirteen, to a mercer at Staith, near Newcastle, a town celebrated for its coal mines." Most of the English writers on Cook say that young James was sent to Staithes at the age of thirteen, and bound apprentice to a Mr Saunderson, a grocer and haberdasher ; but Mrs Dodds, Mr Saunderson's daughter, told Dr Young that, after leaving school, he remained on the farm, rendering to his father what assistance his strength would permit, till the year 1745, when he was seventeen years of age, and that he then went to Staithes to her father, to whom he was not bound apprentice, but with whom he was placed on trial, "on the footing of a verbal agreement without indentures." He would thus be free to leave or be discharged at any time. Staithes is a picturesque little village built in a narrow cleft in the cliffs about ten miles from Whitby, whose inhabitants were chiefly occupied in the North Sea fishery, and doubtless also interested in the smuggling at that time so rife all along the southern and eastern coasts of England. Here Cook remained as Saunderson's assistant for about eighteen months, and it may be easily pictured how the growing lad listened with all his ears to the tales of the old sailors, telling of brave deeds and strange experiences in storm and shine on that element which was for so many years to be his home ; and at last, perhaps impelled by some instinctive feeling that here lay the path at I] THE STAITHES SHOP 7 his feet to lead him on to future distinction, he vowed to himself that he could not bind down his life to the petty round of a country storekeeper. The shop and house where he was engaged was situated near the sea, about three hundred yards from the present slipway ; in fact, it was so close to the water that, in 1812, it was threatened by the waves, and was pulled down by Mr John Smailey, who had succeeded Mr Saunderson in the business, and the materials were, as far as possible, used for erecting the building in Church Street, which is still in existence, and is pointed out as "Cook's Shop." The original counter was there until 1835, when it was removed to Middlesborough by Mr R. Hutton, a descendant of Mr Smailey. The late Mr G. W. Waddington of Grosmont, near Whitby, an enthusiastic admirer of Captain Cook, visited Staithes on 2nd September 1887, and found that the site of the original shop was entirely covered by deep water. He was informed by an old man who, as a boy, had assisted to remove the stock from the shop, that, not only were the stones of the house used again in the building in Church Street, but also most of the woodwork and the present door with its iron knocker is the same one at which probably Cook himself had knocked many a time. Besant suggests, in his " Life of Cook," that perhaps the Saundersons were in some way related to or con- nected with the Cook family, giving as his reason for the suggestion the fact that there were people of that name living at the time in Ayton. This suggestion may be rejected, for had there been any grounds for making a claim of the kind it is almost certain that Mrs Dodds would not have omitted it when she was giving her recollections to Dr Young, and, had she done so, the latter would have recorded it. Besant then goes on to paint Saunderson's character in colours 8 EARLY YEARS [chap. of anything but an agreeable hue, as one who was a little too fond of his stick for his apprentices and his grog for himself, and he suggests that all his boys ran away from him but one, and he died of putrid fever contracted by sleeping under the counter. He then proceeds to relate in a most circumstantial manner, how Cook's desire for the sea developed, and how having stolen a shilling from the till, he packed up his luggage in a single pocket handkerchief, ran away to Whitby, found a ship on the point of sailing, jumped on board, offered his services as cabin boy, was at once accepted, showed himself so smart and attentive to his numerous duties that he completely won the heart of the sour-visaged mate, and through his good offices was eventually bound apprentice to the owners of his ship, and thereby laid the foundation-stone of his fortunes. This is a very breezy and life-like description of what might have been, and has, under the sanction of the author's brilliant reputation, been accepted as truth by many readers, but unfortunately is built on a very slight foundation. It is to be regretted that, amongst others. Sir Clements Markham has accepted this story of the stolen shilling. That there was a difficulty about a shilling seems undoubted, and the two following independent versions of the story will probably put it in its proper light, for Dr Young says, "Saunderson and his family, of whom a son and a daughter, Mr John Saunderson and Mrs Dodds, survived till this history was begun, continued to have a friendly regard for our hero ; " and it seems highly improbable that much friendly regard would be felt for a dishonest runaway, that Mr Saunderson would or could have taken a runaway to Whitby to introduce- him to the notice of Mr John Walker, or that he would have been received by that gentleman with such favour as it is evident he was. Mr Wilson of Trinity House, Hull, made personal I.] THE SOUTH SEA SHILLING 9 enquiries on the spot about this story, and obtained from old residents the local version as follows : " Cook seeing a new shilling in the till, took it out, replacing it by one of his own. The master missing the bright shilling searched Cook's box and found it there, sent for a constable and for Cook's father, and charged the boy with theft. The boy declared his innocence and explained ; the master expressed his regret, and although Cook's father and the master both pressed him to stay, his reply was : ' No, father, I can't. Once a thief always a thief. I must go.' And he then went to Whitby, and was there apprenticed to the sea," Dr Young relates the affair thus, having obtained his information from people who were in Staithes at the time, and who knew Cook personally. Cook had noticed a South Sea shilling in the till, and probably being struck by its unusual design (it was only coined in the year 1723) changed it for one of his own. Saunderson had also noticed it, and when he missed it he made enquiries about it, perhaps in rather unmeasured terms, but when the matter was explained to him he was perfectly satisfied. Afterwards, seeing that the boy was bent upon a sea life, he obtained the father's permission and took him to Whitby himself and introduced him to Mr John Walker, a member of a coal shipping firm of repute, to whom he was bound apprentice, and with whom he never lost touch till the end of his life. This apprenticeship to Mr John Walker, and not to the firm as is usually stated, was the first step over the threshold of a new career, a step which was to lead him on to a position in the world's long roll of distinguished mariners, second to none. It was not for a period of seven or nine years, as is almost always said, but, on the authority of Mr Walker's sons, John and Henry, for three years, and the difficulty so many have experienced in understanding how Cook lo EARLY YEARS [chap. could have been apprenticed to both Saunderson and Walker is completely set at rest by Mrs Dodds's statement. Whitby was at that time a very important centre in the coasting trade, and possessed several ship- building yards of good reputation, and it was in a Whitby-built ship, the Freelove, that Cook made his first voyage. It has been suggested that the proper name of the ship was the Truelove, but there can be no doubt that the Freelove, as given by Dr Young, is correct, for Mr G. W. Waddington has discovered, amongst the accounts of the Whitby Poor House for that year, the charges for the supply of oakum to Messrs Walker's ships, and amongst the names is that of the Freelove. This ship, a vessel of about 450 tons, some 80 tons larger burthen than the celebrated H.M.S. Endeavour, was employed in the coal trade up and down the East coast, and no doubt Cook picked up there many a wrinkle of seamanship and many a lesson of the value of promptitude in the time of danger which were of service to him when he came to the days of independent command ; for the North Sea has, from time immemorial, been reckoned a grand school from which to obtain recruits for the Royal Service. In the intervals between his trips Cook stayed, as was usual in those days, at his employer's house ; his time ashore being longer during the winter months as the ships were then generally laid up. The house in Grape Street, at present occupied by Mr Braithwaite, is pointed out as the one where he lived when with Mr Walker ; but this appears to be incorrect, for Mr Waddington ascertained from the rate books that Mr Walker's mother was living there at that time, and Mr Walker himself lived in Haggargate from 1734 to 1751, removing thence to the north side of Bakehouse Yard in 1751, and to Grape Street in 1752, after his mother's death. That '■] SELF IMPROVEMENT ii is to say, he did not reside in Grape Street till three years after Cook's apprenticeship was at an end, when of course he, following the usual custom, would have to provide himself with lodgings. Dr Young at one time desired to purchase the house in Haggargate from Mr Henry Walker, who had succeeded to it on his father's death, as it was conveniently situated with regard to the Chapel, but his offer was received with the remark: "God forbid that I should sell the inheritance of my fathers." During these periods of leisure between his voyages. Cook endeavoured to improve his store of knowledge, and it is believed he received some instruction in elementary navigation. He made great friends with Mr Walker's housekeeper, Mary Prowd, from whom he obtained the concession of a table and a light in a quiet corner away from the others, where he might read and write in peace. That he worked hard to advance himself is evident from the fact that Mr Walker pushed him on at every opportunity, and gave him as varied an experience of things nautical as lay in his power, and he was so well satisfied with Cook's capabilities that, had he not left the service of the firm for the Royal Navy, he would have been given the command of one of their best ships. This fact, which is undoubted, would seem to prove that even then he had obtained more than a mere smattering of nautical knowledge. After several voyages in the Freelove (which is stated by the Yorkshire Gazette to have been "lost together with one hundred and fifty passengers and the winter's supply of gingerbread for Whitby, off either the French or Dutch coast" one stormy Christmas, the year not being given) Cook was sent to assist in rigging and fitting for sea a vessel called the Three Brothers, of some 600 tons, which was still in existence near the close of the last century. After she was completed, 12 EARLY YEARS [chap. Cook made two or three trips in her with coals, and then she was employed for some months as a transport conveying troops that had been engaged in Flanders, from Middleburg to Dublin and Liverpool. She was paid off by the Government at Deptford in the spring of 1749, and then traded to Norway, during which time Cook completed his time of service as apprentice, that is, in July 1749. Cook related to Forster, the naturalist, on the second voyage to the South Pacific, that on one of his trips to Norway the rigging of the ship was completely covered with birds that had been blown off the land in a heavy gale. Amongst them were several hawks who made the best of their opportunities with the smaller birds. When his time as apprentice had expired he went before the mast for about three years. In 1750 he was on board the Maria of Whitby, owned by a Mr John Wilkinson, and commanded by Mr Gaskin, a relative of the Walkers, and on her was again engaged in the Baltic trade. The following year he was in a Stockton ship, and in 1752 he was appointed mate of Messrs Walker's new vessel, the Friendship, on board of which he continued for three years, and of which he would have had the command had he remained longer in the mercantile service. This was rapid promotion for a youth with nothing to back him up but his own exertions, and tends to prove that he had taken full advantage of the opportunities that fell in his way, that he must even then have displayed a power of acquiring knowledge of his profession beyond the average, and that he had gained something more than a smattering of seamanship. At about the time that James Cook received the appointment as mate, his father appears to have given up his position as bailiff to Mr Skottowe at Airy Holm Farm, and turned his attention to the building trade. A house in Ayton is still pointed out as his work. !•] FATHER AS SCHOLAR 13 but it has apparently been rebuilt, as Dr Young speaks of it as a stone house, and it is now partly brick, but the doorway of stone still remains bearing above it the initials "J. G. C," for James and Grace Cook, and the date 1755. The old man has almost always been represented as being completely uneducated, but this does not seem to be correct. Colman in his " Random Recollections " writes : "In the adjacent village to Kirkleatham," Redcar, "there was at this time an individual residing in a neat, comfortable cottage, who excited much interest in the visitors to the Hall. His looks were venerable from his great age, and his deportment was above that which is usually found amongst the lowly inhabitants of a hamlet. How he acquired this air of superiority over his neighbours it is difficult to say, for his origin must have been humble. His eightieth summer had nearly passed away, and only two or three years previously he had learned to read, that he might gratify a parent's pride and love by perusing his son's first voyage round the world. He was the father of Captain Cook ! This anecdote was told us on the spot, and I vouch no further for its authenticity, but if it is true, there are few touches of human nature more simply affecting." From the little that can now be ascertained about this old man, Colman's evident doubts seem to be fully justified, and the superiority of deportment may be put down as the stampi of an amount of education greater than that of his more immediate surroundings. If, as appears to be probable, he was the son of an elder of the Scottish Church it is extremely unlikely that he would be entirely uneducated, and the position he held as hind to Mr Skottowe would point to his being somewhat superior to his fellow-labourers, and would seem to necessitate some slight knowledge, at all events, of keeping farming accounts. But there is direct evidence that the pretty story of learning to 14 EARLY YEARS [chap. read at an advanced age is untrue, for Mr George Markham Tweddell, of Stokesley, writes in the Leeds Mercury of 27th October 1883 : " I may mention that Captain Cook's father was not the illiterate man he has been represented ; and I have, lying on my study table as I write, a deed bearing his signature, dated 1755 ; and the father's signature bears a resemblance to that of his distinguished son." As writing is invariably learned after the art of reading, it follows that he could not have waited till he was nearly eighty before he acquired the latter accomplishment. In 1755 he was sixty-one. In addition he claimed to have carved with his own hand the inscription on the family tombstone in Great Ayton churchyard, which runs as follows : "In Memory of Grace, wife of James Cook, who died February i8th, 1765, aged 63 years." On the other side of the stone is : — "To y« Memory of Mary and Mary, Jane and William, daughters and son of James and Grace Cook. Mary di"* June 30th 1737, in y« fifth year of her age. Mary did June 17th 1741, aged 10 months and 6 days ; Jane 6\^ May y® 12th 1742 in y« 5th year of her age; William 6\^ Jay y^ 29th 174I, aged 2 y^. 12 mo^- 16 da=- and 7 ho"-, and also John their son, dyed Sep'- 20, 1750, aged 23 years." It is possible that he might have had the letters traced for him on the stone by someone else and then have carved them out, but that seems hardly probable. He spent the last years of his life under the roof of his daughter Margaret, who was married to a fisherman of Redcar named James Fleck, and passed away on 1st April 1778, aged eighty-four years. He was buried in Marske churchyard, but there is nothing to mark his exact resting-place, and its position has long been I.] RELATIVES (?) 15 forgotten. In the register of deaths he is again described as a day labourer. On the west side of the church at Marske there is a stone erected to the memory of Margaret, wife of James Fleck, who died in 1798 aged twenty-six, and may possibly have been the daughter-in-law of Margaret Fleck, Captain Cook's sister. In " Notes and Queries" it is recorded that, in 1870, an old agricultural labour, named Tree, was living in East Sussex, who claimed to be, on his mother's side, the grandson of Captain Cook's brother. He declared that his mother, who had married twice, first a man named Ashdown, and afterwards one named Tree, but had been dead many years, bade him always remember that he was the grandnephew of "Captain Cook who sailed round the world." If this be true, but it seems doubtful, Mrs Tree must have been the daughter of John Cook who died in 1750 aged twenty-three, as the only other brother died in infancy. CHAPTER II 1755-1757 — H.M.S. EAGLE Notwithstanding the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle in 1748, there were constant troubles occurring between the French and English, in which the American colonies of both nations took a conspicuous part, and which ultimately led to open war. The first shot was fired on loth June 1755, although war was not formally declared till May 1756. At this time, that is in June 1755, the Friendship was in the Thames, and it is said that her mate, James Cook, recognising that he would probably have some trouble in avoiding the "hot press" which had been ordered, decided, after having been in hiding for some little time, to solve the difficulty by volunteering into His Majesty's Service. There does not appear to be any reason to think that this is really the fact, and Mr Samwell, who was surgeon on Cook's third voyage of discovery, paid a visit to Whitby, on his return, and records that the Walkers had offered to make Cook master of one of their ships before he left Whitby for London on his last trip in their service — but the offer was declined. Cook had seen his chance and was determined to take it. He knew that experienced seamen were difficult to obtain, that men of a certain amount of nautical knowledge and of good character could soon raise themselves above the rank of ordinary seamen ; he had doubtless seen cases of men who had entered as A.B. finding their way to the quarter-deck; and he was certain that he had only to ask the 16 CHAP. II.] ENTRY INTO NAVY 17 Walkers for letters of recommendation for them to be at his service. It must be remembered that the act of leaving employment which, to many men of his position, would have seemed most satisfactory, was not the act of hot-headed youth, no step taken in the spirit of adventure, but the act of a man of twenty-seven years of age and some eight or nine years' experience of the rough, as well as smooth, side of maritime life. The letters written by Cook to the Walkers, of which there appear to have been several, one or two relating to a later period having been seen by Dr Young, fell into the hands of a niece, who, unfortunately, did not recognise their value, and destroyed them shortly before her death, which occurred some years ago. However, it is known that about this time Cook wrote to them and evidently received a favourable reply, for he shortly afterwards wrote again thanking them for the letter, gratefully acknowledging the service it had been to him ; and it is possible to form an idea of what the correspondence was from the Public Records, which will be quoted in due course. Having made up his mind how to proceed. Cook went tb a rendezvous at Wapping and volunteered into H.M.S. Eagle, a fourth-rate 6o-gun ship, with a complement of 400 men and 56 marines, commanded by Captain Joseph Hamer, and at that time moored in Portsmouth Harbour. On the Muster Roll, preserved in the Records Office, and duly signed by Joseph Hamer, the captain, Robert Hayes, the purser, Thomas Bisset, the master, and James Mayer, the. boatswain, the following entry occurs : "161. from London Rendez- vous, James Cook, rating, A.B., date of entry, June 17th, 1755, first appearance, June 25th, 1755." On 24th July, that is, thirty-seven days after the date of his entry into the Navy, he is rated as master's mate, a position which he held till the 30th June 1757, the date on which he quitted H.M.S. Eagle. B i8 I7S5-I7S7— H.M.S. EAGLE [chap. His appointment was of course facilitated by the great difficulty experienced in obtaining men for service in the Navy, as may be gathered from some of Captain Hamer's letters : " The Rendezvous, which I appointed, by their Lord- ships directions in town, having procured me very few men and those only landsmen, and His Majesty's Ship under my command being very near ready to sail to Spithead, and the twenty pounds advance to my Lieutenant almost expended, I beg their Lordships orders for breaking up the Rendezvous, that the Lieutenant and Petty Officers may repair to their duty on board." In another letter he complains of the quality of the men he has received, and states that he is one hundred and forty short of his complement. On 9th September he writes : " I do not believe there is a worse man'd ship in the Navy. Yesterday I received from the Bristol twenty- five supernumerarys belonging to different ships, but not one seaman among them ; but, on the contrary, all very indifferent Landsmen." These complaints are fully borne out by Captain Palliser, who, in a letter to the Secretary to the Admiralty, dated 7th November 1755, says that some of the crew had been turned over from ship to ship so often that he is quite unable to make out which was their original one, "they being such that none chose to own them. Of forty-four said to belong to the Ramilies, she wanted only six the other day, but her boatswain could find out only three amongst them that he thought worth having." In the face of these deficiencies in both quantity and quality of men, and in view of the strong letter of recommendation from Messrs Walker which, there is H] THE FIRST CRUIZE 19 no doubt, Cook applied for and received, there need be no surprise that Cook was, it may be said, from the very beginning of his service, promoted above the rank of A.B., for he most certainly was Master's mate when he first sailed from an English port on board a man-of-war, as the ship's records most distinctly show. It is usual to look upon James Cook as an explorer and surveyor only, during his life in the Royal Navy, and any further service is entirely overlooked ; but on enquiry it is plainly to be seen that he played a very active part in some of the most stirring events of the next few years, and, though the records of his personal deeds are not to be obtained, the proceedings of the ships on which he served must be full of interest, for, from his character, it is certain he would do his full share of the work to be done, and many of the officers under whose command he afterwards was, have had their names handed down by history as assistants in the grand task of constructing the present British Empire. With some of these men he was, in the course of his career, brought into immediate personal contact, and it is evident that in all cases he obtained their respect and in some their close personal friendship. On 1st July Captain Hamer was ordered to fit and provision for a voyage to the Leeward Islands, but having received 62 men and 53 marines, he was ordered to sail at once with what crew he had on board, and to cruise between Scilly and Cape Clear. Accordingly he left on the 4th August with James Cook, a master's mate of eleven days standing on board. On the 6th Hamer received orders to place himself under the command of Admiral Hawke, and to continue his cruise, but having been caught in a gale off the Old Head of Kinsale, in which the ship received some damage, including the reported spring- ing of the main mast, he judged it advisable to return 20 I7SS-I7S7— H.M.S. EAGLE [chap. to Plymouth for survey and repairs. On arrival the mast, which was composed of four pieces, was found to be quite sound, and the Lords of the Admiralty, who were greatly annoyed at his leaving his cruising- ground, ordered him off to sea again "without the loss of a moment of time." Unfortunately, fully expecting that his mast would have to be taken out. Captain Hamer had determined to seize what he thought was a favourable opportunity to clean and scrape the bottom of his ship, as she was very foul, not having been touched for some months ; and had ordered her to be lightened for the purpose. This second delay so exasperated the Lords that they ordered Captain Palliser, who had just returned from America in the Sea Horse, to take over the command and prepare for sea without further loss of time. This he did on ist October, and on the 7th the Eagle left Plymouth for Ushant under sealed orders from Rear- Admiral West. On the i8th October they sighted and chased a French ship, but, unfortunately, their main-topmast went by the board, doing considerable damage to the rigging, and the chase got away. Repairs were rapidly executed, and the Eagle fell in with H.M.S. Monmouth the same night, and next morning again picked up the French- man, which was soon captured by the Monmouth. The Eagle then continued her cruise, and after making three or four small captures returned to Plymouth on 22nd November, and remained in harbour till 13th March 1756. During this stay in harbour Cook had a short spell of sickness, but it can hardly have been very serious, for by the ship's muster rolls he was dis- charged into hospital on 7th February, and was again returned as back to his duties as Master's mate on the 17th. The Eagle appears to have been kept fairly well employed; she was, together with H.M.S. Antelope, II.] ON DETACHMENT DUTY 21 watching a French Sqviac}ron in Cherbourg Harbour, and early in April was with Admiral Holbourne's fleet. The Eaglets log states, under date 15th April, when "off the Isle of Bass, brought to and sent on board the cutter a petty officer and five men with arms, provisions, etc." The cutter was one of two hired vessels which had joined the squadron the previous day under the convoy of H.M.S. Falmouth, and James Cook was the petty officer, for the muster rolls return him as present on 14th April and absent on the 21st and 28th, and over the last two dates is written "Lent 15." On 7th May he is returned as present, and over that date is written "3 ret.<■ ^■-J' ^^ ^^''/■^■-'^/i^'y .-r^^'- X^^ X^-^^--^'^J^^^ ^^X.- ,v ^'•Z ' ' yy yy'-"'-'" ^^■'^^ —-- :::^ --'.-/ ' '•'.^ - ' X .-.- / LETTER FROM LIEUTENANT JAMES COOK, (Formerly Master of H. M.S. J/fv-t-//rr) '-'^ t^l^e Duke of Newcastle. j"\'b;:i.' /';; //^l' Britisli Miiscinn. [To face/-. 27. •1- ' ^^/r't^ >^ ,-^ P H h- ^ ? T\ K\ 9 ' .^ > !?> n.] "MERCURY" COOK 27 Admiral Burnaby to carry despatches to the Governor of Yucatan. This duty he successfully carried out, and in 1796 published a pamphlet describing his adventures during that journey. On his return to England from the West Indies he wrote to the Duke of Newcastle asking for the command of a sloop ; the letter is in the British Museum, having been included in a collection as one written by his celebrated namesake. In 1773 he was lieutenant on H.M.S. Speedwell, and on 2nd August he applied for a month's leave of absence on urgent private affairs, as he had come into some property in the island of Jersey. Leave was granted. He never rose above the rank of lieutenant, and his name disappears from the Navy List after July 1800. X C/3 H W W E C/5 o w H U H X •pred 4> *h 1- March 31st 1760, to Alex. Chor- ley. VO H 1 •saSByw ITO^ Q VO CO 10 CO M H •saSByw IPJ M CO M M H VO H CO 'VEjidsoH CO vO VO •jsaqo O CO t-J CO H •xis m -sora om pDB sonBApv ■som omx •U0SE3J %v^>^ JO JaqiiqM 3 ■5.S a; Si ■H -"o -a -a -a ^1^ ■Xj!tEn5 A.B. to 24th July then Master's Mate to '53 s ■3U1BU S,UBJ^ U •& s 1 B 8 u 1 u cd 1 — . •JOU JO }S3J J jaqiaqAi puB aauaq^ C > tH IH VO ■aoDBjEsddv 1— > CM 3 ;2 It. H j5 t HI •JTOA pu-B Xjjag H 1 •>* 1^. ■S" H •jaqoitiN H M M VO M ■ft H CHAPTER III 1 757-1 759 — H.M.S. PEMBROKE On 30th July 1757 Cook joined H.M.S. Solebay, which was stationed at Leith at the time, but his stay was very short, for after a cruise of a few days she returned to Leith, and on 17th September James Cook was superseded by John Nichols as Master; his time on board being so limited that his signature is not appended to any of the rolls. On 28th April 1757, Mr Bisset, the Master of H.M.S. Eagle, was appointed Master of H.M.S. Pembroke, a new ship, and superintended her fitting for sea ; and on 26th October, he was transferred to the Stirling Castle, and it seems reasonable to assume that he would inform Cook, of whose qualifications he was naturally well aware, of the opportunity, and say a word in support of him as his successor. At any rate, the muster rolls of the Pembroke show that, in less than six weeks from the date of his leaving the Solebay, Cook was established on board the Pembroke as Master, under a warrant bearing date i8th October 1757, and entered upon his duties on 27th October, the twenty- ninth anniversary of his birth ; and from that date, to his discharge to H.M.S. Northumberland, he signed the usual documents. At the time of his joining, the Pembroke was fitting and victualling for a cruise, at Portsmouth, and sailed for the Channel and Bay of 29 30 I7S7-I7S9— H.M.S. PEMBROKE [chap. Biscay, under the command of Captain Simcoe, on 8th November, returning to Plymouth on 9th February 1758. The English Cabinet had determined to renew their attempts on the French colonies in North America with greater vigour, and to that end had instructed Admiral Holbourne, and Lord Loudoun, the commander of the land forces in America, to attempt the capture of Louisburg in 1757, but, after inspecting the place, they decided that, owing to its great strength and the lateness of the season, it was inadvisable to make any attack. This place from its position commanded the entrance to the St Lawrence River, and was looked upon by the French as second only to Quebec in importance for keeping the colony of New France safe from the clutches of the English, and as a centre from which the conquest of Nova Scotia, and ultimately the whole of the British possessions in America, was to be attempted. It was situated on a promontory at the north-east of the Island of Cape Breton, and had been occupied for some twenty years by the French, who had spent during that time about a million and a quarter on its fortification, and was looked upon by its owners as being almost impregnable. Except in very severe winters, its waters were free from ice, and from its sheltered harbour privateers constantly issued to prey on and almost destroy the coasting trade of the English colonies ; even on occasion venturing to attack the larger craft engaged in trade with Great Britain. In the year 1745, the English colonists had suffered so much from the depredations of these hornets of the sea, that they determined to attack the place, and having obtained the assistance of a fleet under Admiral Warren, they despatched a force commanded by Mr Pepperell, a New England colonel of militia, captured it, and partially destroyed the fortifications. At the treaty of Aix-le-Chapelle in 1748, it was again restored ni.] LOUISBURG FLEET 31 to France, and again became a thorn in the side of British Attierica. Early in the year 1758, Admiral Boscawen, known to his men as " Wry-necked-Dick," from a peculiar carriage of the head (said to have been caused by constantly, when a boy, imitating an old servant of his father), and more affectionately as "Old Dreadought," was despatched with a fleet and a small army under Major - General Amherst, to recapture Louisburg. He sailed from Plymouth with 8 sail of the line, one of which was the Pembroke, 3 frigates, 2 fire ships, and 2 transports ; General Amherst followed in the Dublin, which had been ordered to replace the Invincible ; the latter having gone ashore on the Dean Sands, and become a total wreck. The orders were to rendezvous at Halifax, where they were to pick up other men -o'- war and transports. Sailing vid Madeira and the Bermudas, they arrived at Halifax on 8th May, and on 28th May, having completed his arrangements, Boscawen left for Louis- burg with 17 sail of the Royal Navy and 127 transports, as stated in his Journal. Off Cape Sambro' he was joined by H.M.S. Hawk and 8 more transports, and half an hour later by the Dublin. As the crew of the latter vessel were suffering severely from sickness. General Amherst boarded the flagship, and the Dublin went to Halifax to recuperate. Two more vessels came up a few hours later, bringing up the total of Boscawen's fleet to 155. He had left behind in Halifax, owing to the great amount of sickness on board, the Amelia, the Burford, the Prince of Orange, and the Pembroke (the last had lost 29 men on the voyage across the Atlantic), with orders to rejoin as soon as possible. The Pembroke was sufficiently healthy to leave on 7th June with a convoy of 3 transports, 2 schooners, and a cattle sloop, and arrived at Louis- burg on the 1 2th, too late to take part in the landing 32 I757-I7S9— H.M.S. PEMBROKE [chap. which had, in the face of great difficulties, caused by the opposition offered by the enemy, the rocky nature of the shore and roughness of the sea, taken place on the 8th. The losses on that occasion were 3 officers and 49 men killed, and 5 officers and 59 men wounded, belonging to the army, and 11 men killed and 4 officers and 29 men wounded belonging to the Navy, and 19 men wounded of the transport service. General James Wolfe, who commanded a brigade during the siege, says: "Our landing was next to miraculous." So bad was the weather that neither stores nor artillery could be landed for several days, the first gun being got ashore on the i6th, so Cook was in good time to take his share of the difficulties of disembarking supplies, a task so full of danger that the fleet lost no less than one hundred boats in this duty alone. As well as affording a base to the attack- ing force the fleet provided a body of 444 seamen to act as gunners, and 139 men, who had either been brought up as miners, or who volunteered, were employed as engineers, constructing trenches, batteries, and such necessary siege works ; but none of these were from the Pembroke. Owing to the excessively swampy nature of a portion of the ground to be covered by the attack, great difficulty was encountered in constructing the approaches, and it was not till 20th June that the first gun opened fire, under the superintendence of Wolfe, on whose shoulders the major part of the direction of the siege seems to have fallen. In addition to powerful batteries on the islands at the entrance of the harbour, the French had sunk 4 ships as a further protection, and on the citadel and its outworks had mounted 419 guns and 17 mortars. They had also in the harbour, at the time of the arrival of the British fleet, 9 men-of-war, one of which, however, escaped the very day of the landing. She was after- wards followed by two more, one of which escaped, and "!•] A NIGHT ATTACK 33 though chased for some distance made good its way to L'Orient with the first news of the siege ; the other named L'Echo was captured by Sir Charles Hardy and taken into the English Navy. A fifth ship was added to those sunk for the protection of the entrance to the harbour, and one was blown up by an English shell, setting fire to and destroying two others that lay along- side her. Of the fate of the other two the log of the Pembroke kept by Cook tells : "In the night 50 boats man'd and arm'd row'd into the harbour under the command of the Captains La Foure" (Laforey) of the Hunter, "and Balfour," of the Etna, ' ' in order to cut away the 2 men-of-warr and tow them into the N. E. Harbour one whi^^ they did viz.: the Ben Fison" (Bienfaisani) "of 64 guns, the Prudon" {Prudent) "74 guns being aground was set on fire. At 11 a.m. the firing ceased on both sides." The boats concerned in this attack, which the Admiral in his despatch describes as "a very brilliant affair, well carried out," were a barge and pinnace or cutter from each of the men-of-war, excepting the Northumberland, which had too many sick on board, commanded by a lieutenant, mate, or midshipman, and Dr James Grahame, in his " History of the United States of North America," says: "The renowned Captain Cook, then serving as a petty officer, on board of a British ship -of- war, co-operated in this exploit, and wrote an account of it to a friend in England. That he had distinguished himself may be inferred from his promotion to the rank of lieutenant in the Royal Navy, which took place immediately after." The statement that he was in the affair may be true, but there is no evidence on the point, and as he was at the time not a petty officer but a warrant ofiicer, and as his promotion did not take place for several C 34 I757-I7S9— H.M.S. PEMBROKE [chap. years, Dr Grahame's statement does not appear very reliable. The letter he refers to may have been the one which is known to have been written to Mr John Walker from Louisburg, but which was so unfortunately destroyed. The loss to the British on this occasion was very small, being only 7 killed and 9 wounded. The Bienfaisant having been surveyed and reported in good condition, was received into the Royal Navy, the command being given to Captain Balfour; and UEcho was given to Captain Laforey. In consequence of this success and the threat of an immediate assault on the town and citadel, the French commander surrendered on the following day. The Admiral in his journal says he wrote to ' ' Mon^"'- de Drucour, the Governor of Louisburg, directing him to surrender at discretion, acquainting him that he would this night be attacked by sea and land. I went on shore and communicated this letter to Major-General Amherst, who approved of it, and was sealing the said letter when a letter was brought to us from Mon^"^- le Che"- de Drucour offering to capitulate, and this day articles of capitulation were agreed to." This success was so highly esteemed in England that Admiral Boscawen and General Amherst both received the formal thanks of the Houses of Parliament. Brigadier-General Wolfe, writing to Lord George Sackville shortly after the siege was concluded, the letter being undated, says : "The Admiral and the General have carried on public service with great harmony, industry and union. Mr Boscawen has given all and even more than we cou'd ask of him. He has furnish'd arms and ammunition, pioneers, sappers, miners, gunners, carpenters, boats, and, I must confess, is no bad fantassin" (infantry man), "himself, and an excellent back hand at a in.] BRITISH SHORTCOMINGS 35 siege. Sir Charles Hardy, too, in particular, and all the officers of the Navy in general, have given us their utmost assistance, and with the greatest cheer- fulness imaginable. I have often been in pain for Sir Charles's squadron at an anchor off the harbour's mouth. They rid out some very hard gales of wind rather than leave an opening for the French to escape, but notwithstanding the utmost diligence on his side, a frigate found means to get out and is gone to 'Europe, 'charge de fanfaronades.' I had the satisfaction of putting 2 or 3 hautvizier shells into her stern and to shatter him a little with some of your Lordship's 24 pound shot, before he retreated, and I much question whether he will hold out the voyage." The Pembroke formed one of this squadron under Sir Charles Hardy. In an earlier letter to the same person, Wolfe complains of the want of preparedness, so usually the failing of the British nation. He says : "No nation in the world but this sends soldiers to war without discipline or instruction." Again : " as here are no spare arms, nor no rifled barrell guns, the firelocks of these regiments will be so injured in the course of the siege that I doubt if they will be in any condition of service after it is over. Some of them are already very bad. Some of the regiments of this army have 3 or 400 men eat up with scurvy. There is not an ounce of fresh beef or mutton contracted for, even for the sick and wounded, which besides its inhumanity is both impolitic and absurd. I think our stock of provisions for the siege full little, and none of the medicines for the hospital are arrived. No horse or oxen for the artillery, etc. Our cloathes, our arms, our accoutrements, nay, even our shoes and stockings are all improper for this country. Ld- Howe is so well convinced of it that he has taken away all the men's breeches." The breeches with the long heavy cloth gaiters buttoned up as high as the middle of the thigh with 36 I7S7-I759— H.M.S. PEMBROKE [chap. a strap beneath the knee would undoubtedly be found to impede very seriously the marching in a rough country totally unprovided with roads, however smart they may have appeared on parade. After the capitulation of Louisburg, Admiral Sir Charles Hardy was sent with the Pembroke and nine other ships, with a small body of troops under Wolfe, to harry the French in the Gulf of St Lawrence preparatory to an attack that it was now intended should be made on Quebec in the following year. Several settlements and magazines were destroyed, four guns and a pair of colours taken in the district of Gaspe Bay, and then the vessels returned, vid Louisburg, to Halifax for the winter. At the opening of the season Admiral Durrell, who had been sent out post-haste from England to hurry on the preparations, arrived in Halifax, and was shortly afterwards followed by Sir Charles Saunders, the senior officer in North American waters, to whom had been confided the task of conveying Wolfe and his army through the difficult navigation of the River St Lawrence, to within striking distance of the City of Quebec, and when there of supporting him in his attack on that city. Saunders, who as First Lieutenant of the Centurion had sailed round the world in 1740 with Anson, is described by Walpole in the " Memoirs of George H." as follows : "The Admiral was a pattern of the most sturdy bravery, united with the most unaffected modesty. No man said less, or deserved more. Simplicity in his manners, generosity, and good nature adorned his genuine love of his country." Saunders left Spithead on the 17th February, intending to call in at Louisburg on his way to Halifax, but he was prevented doing so by the ice, for this had proved to be an unusually severe winter. Admiral III.] FRENCH STORE FLEET ESCAPES 37 Durrell, writing to the Secretary to the Admiralty, says : — "This winter of 1759 has proved the severest that has been known since the settling of the place. For these two months past I have not heard from Louisburg. Many vessels have attempted to go there, but have met with ice eighteen and twenty leagues from the land ; so were obliged to return, after having had some of their people froze to death, and others frost-bitten to that degree as to lose legs and arms." On his arrival at Halifax, 30th April, Saunders at once despatched Durrell with a squadron to the St Lawrence to prevent, if possible, the entrance of the French spring fleet of store ships, and to render the strengthening of the already difficult passage, by fortifications on the " He aux Coudres," impossible. He left Halifax on 5th May, but met with so much trouble from the ice that he arrived too late, and to his great annoyance found that the French fleet of 18 sail, convoyed by two frigates, had managed to get in. One or two small store ships, however, were captured, which afterwards proved of great service to the British. On 15th May, the Pembroke, which formed one of Durrell's squadron, met with a loss in the death of Captain Simcoe, who was buried at sea on the 17th. Her command was temporarily given to Lieutenant Collins of the Admiral's ship, and then to Captain Wheelock, who remained in her till after Cook left. The British squadron arrived off the "He aux Coudres " on the 25th, and on the 28th the Pembroke landed the troops she had on board, ' ' as did y« rest of y« men of warr," and they took possession of the island which had been abandoned by its inhabitants. Here they awaited the arrival of Admiral Saunders and General Wolfe, and employed themselves in obtaining a knowledge of the difficulties of the river. On Cook's 38 I7S7-I759— H.M.S. PEMBROKE [chap. log is the note : "9th June, y« boats of y^ fleet engaged sounding y^ channel of y« Traverse." And on the nth: "Ret^- satisfied with being aquanted with y Channel." The Traverse here mentioned is that channel running from a high black - looking cape, known as Cape Torment, across into the south channel, and passing between the eastern end of the "He d'Orleans" and "He Madame." To this day the Traverse is looked upon as one of the most difficult pieces of navigation in the river. The soundings taken at this time were apparently for the purpose of checking the charts already in the hands of the English, and to some extent re-establish- ing the marks that had been removed by the French. This in a strong current like that in the River St Lawrence would be by no means an easy task. It seems certain that the British were supplied with charts, for Smollett relates that "good charts" were captured from the French ; and in the London Magazine for September 1759, a chart of the St Lawrence was published, drawn by T. Kitchen, having the Traverse shown on a larger scale ; the courses taken by the French ships entering and leaving the river are carefully marked, and a considerable number of soundings are given. Boscawen, also, captured a French man-of-war in i755» ^nd found on board charts and full sailing directions for the St Lawrence, portions of which were translated, and without doubt would be issued to the fleet. In a note to the orders issued by Saunders, on 15th May, to the Masters of Transports, attention is specially called to " a plan or chart showing the route which His Excellency intends to make from Louisburg Harbour to the Island of Bic." This island is about 80 leagues up the river and about 35 below Quebec. It is no detraction from the fair fame of General Wolfe to note, when reading the accounts of the capture of Quebec, how the historians have neglected to give in.] WOLFE'S DIFFICULTIES 39 credit to Admiral Saunders and his men for the assist- ance afforded under extremely difficult circumstances, and for the generous support invariably given to the land forces whenever opportunity arose. It is considered by some that Wolfe did not display any very marked military genius in his attacks on the city, but it must not be forgotten that he was hampered by his instructions which led him to expect co-operation from General Amherst, which never came, as that officer had his hands full elsewhere, and the only news of whom, received before the fall of the city, was a request for transports to take prisoners captured at Niagara from New York to England. Wolfe was hampered by the inadequate number and inferior quality of his troops, who were miserably found in supplies, arms, and money. He says himself, after speaking of the large number of sick he had been obliged to leave behind, "there are four new companies of Rangers so bad that I expect no service from them. Three regiments have lost their camp equipage." He requested General Whitmore, the Governor of Louisburg, to give him some seasoned troops from his garrison in exchange for some of the newly raised men, but Whitmore refused on the plea that he could not do it without express orders from General Amherst, orders which he knew were impossible for Wolfe to get in time to be of service ; and he also, on the same plea, managed to detain troops which Wolfe had been informed in England would be at his disposal. There seems to have been little love lost between these two, for Wolfe, writing to Lord George Sackville after the siege of Louisburg, says: "Whitmore is a poor, old, sleepy man. Blakeney lost St Phillips by ignorance and dotage. Take more care of Louisburg if you mean to keep it." With regard to his want of money, he writes to the same: "This is one of the first sieges perhaps that ever was undertaken, without it." 40 I757-I7S9— H.M.S. PEMBROKE [chap. So pressed was the Army at one time, that a subscription was raised by the officers of both services to meet immediate necessities ; the Army subscribed about ;^2,ooo, and the Navy, ;^4,ooo. He was also hampered by the petty jealousies of some of his sub- ordinates, men who, owing their positions to him, should have given him their unquestioning support. "Junius" charges Townshend with having cast diffi- culties in the way of many of Wolfe's proposals, and states that he entered a formal protest against the attempt on the Heights of Abraham — but this is denied by Townshend's supporters. Walpole, however, says that General Townshend "and his friends for him, even attempted to ravish the honour of the conquest from Wolfe. Townshend's first letter said nothing in praise of him. In one to the Speaker of the House of Commons, he went so far as indirectly to assume the glory of the last effort." In addition to these troubles, Wolfe suffered from continual bad health, which was, naturally, aggravated by the anxieties and worries that met him at every turn. Admiral Saunders left Halifax for Louisburg, to gather up the remainder of the forces, and had to remain there till ist June, as some of the troops had not arrived when he reached the place. He then made sail for the St Lawrence, joining Durrell on the 24th. The next day, leaving the largest ships with Durrell to cover the entrance to the river, he hoisted his flag on the Stirling Castle, a ship he had singled out before leaving England for special service in the river, on account of her small draught of water and general handiness, and on board of her as Master was Cook's friend and former superior, Mr Bisset. The boats of the fleet were ordered out to act as sailing marks, and the ascent of the "Traverse" was commenced. Captain Knox, of the 45th Regiment, who was present y/ith his company at the time, says that Durrell had in.] PASSAGE OF THE "TRAVERSE" 41 decoyed some of the river pilots on board by hoisting the French flag when he first entered the St Lawrence, and these were pressed into the English service and placed on board some of the leading ships to help them through the dangerous track. One was on board the transport with Knox, but its Master, Killick, declined his services as he would not trust his ship to the mercy of an enemy, and, sending his Mate to the helm, took charge himself. When remonstrated with and told that no French ship ever presumed to pass there without a pilot, he said : "Aye ! Aye ! my dear ; but damme I'll convince you that an Englishmen shall go where a Frenchman dare not show his nose." He carried his ship through in safety, chatting with the officers on board and chaffing the occupants of the mark boats, telling them to " make a splutter or they would get no credit for it in England." Old Killick, who described the river as no worse than the Thames, deserves to be remembered. After passing successfully through the Traverse during the 25th and 26th, the fleet anchored off the village of St Laurent some distance up the He d'Orleans ; and the debarkation of the troops was at once com- menced and completed on the following day. On the afternoon of the 28th a very heavy squall struck the fleet, causing several of the transports to part their cables and go ashore, and the long boat of the Pembroke was ordered out to assist in getting them afloat again, which was done with the exception of two, afterwards burnt by the enemy. Thinking to profit by the disorder which must necessarily have been caused by the storm, the French made a very determined attempt to destroy the fleet by means of seven fireships that were to have been carried down by the current into their midst. The boats of the Pembroke and other men-of-war were again out, employed in the hazardous task of towing these undesired visitors into such places as would permit 42 I7S7-I7S9— H.M.S. PEMBROKE [chap. them to burn themselves out without danger to the British shipping. Captain Knox describes the scene as a display of "the grandest fireworks that can possibly be conceived," but, he says, they did no damage, not even causing a scare amongst the young troops who were quite unprepared for such things. It seems, however, that the guns and shells which exploded when the fireships were first ignited, did cause the retirement of a picket on the western point of the He d'Orleans, and the officer in command, who appears to have thought he was about to be attacked in force, was to have been tried by court-martial, but being advised to throw himself on Wolfe's mercy he was pardoned for his error. Knox says that the ships burned till five o'clock in the morning. To guard against a repetition of attacks of this nature a system of guard boats was established, moored across the south channel from Point Levis, and necessarily entailed a great amount of extra work on the sailors. July gth, loth, nth, and 12th were occupied by the Pembroke in assisting in the landing of troops, stores, and artillery at Montmorency, where Wolfe was forming a camp from which to attack the French left ; his object being to force on a general engagement with General Montcalm, whose army covered the land approaches to the city. On the last mentioned date the bombardment commenced on the city, from a part of the fleet and batteries erected on Point Levis, named after the French General, Monsieur de Levis, and now known as Point Levi ; and on Beauport, where Montcalm had concentrated, from the remainder of the fleet in the basin of Quebec and from Montmorency. The bombardment continued with little intermission till 13th September. On i8th July "two men-of-war," the Sutherland and Squirrel, "two armed sloops and two transports, with some troops on board, passed by the town without any III.] ATTACK FROM MONTMORENCY 43 loss, and got into the upper river." (Wolfe to Pitt 3rd September.) They were accompanied by the Diana, which ran aground and was attacked by the enemy's boats, but was brought off by the Pembroke and Richmond. She was so seriously damaged that she had to be sent to Boston for repairs. On the .29th July the French made a second attempt with a fire-raft on the fleet. It was discovered and fired on by the guard, and was ignited and abandoned by those in charge, and though it burnt fiercely it was taken in tow by the English boats and guided ashore to burn out harmlessly. On 31st July an unsuccessful attempt was made on the French position by the English camped at Montmorency, assisted by others conveyed to the attack by the boats of the fleet. They were supported by the Pembroke, Trent, and Richmond, which were "anchored clear over to the north shore before Beauport, a brisk firing on both sides" (log of the Pembroke). The boats unfortunately were thrown into confusion by running into an unsuspected reef of rocks, on which many of them struck ; and it is said that the ground from the ford near the mouth of the Montmorency river proved so steep and slippery that it did not afford sufiicient foothold for the soldiers, thus adding to the confusion ; and it was very soon judged advisable to withdraw. The losses, which were greater than on the Heights of Abraham, are given by Knox as, "killed, wounded, and missing 443 English and near 200 French men and officers." Two "armed cats," which had also been engaged, got aground, and were burnt to prevent them falling into the hands of the enemy. Wolfe, in a strongly worded general order, lays the blame of the repulse on the unfortunate disorder into which the boats were thrown, and on the precipitate action of the Grenadiers, who rushed to the attack 44 I7S7-I7S9— H.M.S. PEMBROKE [chap. without waiting for their supports to form up. Saunders dismisses the affair very shortly: "The General not thinking it proper to persevere in the attack, part of them re-embarked, and the rest with General Wolfe crossed the falls to our camp." In the Pembroke's log Cook says the repulse was solely due to the heavy fire from the entrenchments "which soon oblig'd our Troops to retreat back to the Boats and Montmorency." Montcalm expected that the attack would have been made nearer to the city, as the portion of his position near Montmorency was far stronger, both from his preparations and naturally. It is claimed by some writers that Cook surveyed the shore before the action, but there is no official record of his having done so, and it seems unlikely that, had any survey been made, the reef would have been overlooked. It is also asserted that Cook actually piloted the boats to the attack ; this is again unsupported, and he would most probably be fully employed on his own ship, which was covering the boats. At this time Wolfe's health was very bad, and affairs appear to have moved very slowly. The season during which it was possible for the fleet to remain in the river was rapidly drawing to a close, and though he still hoped to hear that Amherst was making a demonstra- tion in his favour, he felt that he must either retire to winter quarters in Halifax, leaving a force of 3,000 men in a fortified camp on the He aux Coudres or try to force an engagement with Montcalm. He determined on the latter course, and prepared to move his forces above Quebec in order to cut off the city from its magazines and ships, which, on the advent of the English, had retired up the river. Admiral Holmes had for some time been stationed above Quebec with a small squadron and some light draught transports, and had made a few short expeditions upwards. He now in company with Wolfe carefully inspected the north shore, for "I] ESCAPE FROM INDIANS 45 the purpose of fixing on some spot where a landing might be possible. Whilst these preparations were going on Cook was not left idle. On 13th August he was out renewing the buoy ropes of the moorings of the guard boats off Point Levis, as the old ones were " broke away. This night a very brisk cannonading against the town." On September he and Bisset, of the Stirling Castle, were out laying several buoys, between Montmorency and the mouth of the Charles river, intended to occupy the attention of the enemy whilst the boats of the fleet were engaged in moving the troops and artillery from Montmorency to Point Levis ; a duty which occupied several days. It was probably about this time that Cook had a narrow escape from being captured by the Indians. A small flotilla of canoes dropped quietly down stream on to the party, which only escaped by making a dash for the He d'Orleans, where the hospital guard turned out to their assistance and drove off their assailants with loss. So narrow was the escape that, it is stated by Kippis, as Cook jumped ashore from the bows of his boat an Indian boarded her at the stern. Mr Bisset on another occasion was not so fortunate, for whilst sounding in the north channel on 7th July he was taken prisoner, but he either managed to escape or was exchanged a short time afterwards, for his name is only absent from the muster sheet of the Stirling Castle for a few days. Whilst the French in their encampment on the Charles were being amused by apparent preparations for some new move against them, the English army had been quietly collected at Point Levis, and gradually marched up the river to a convenient spot, where they were embarked on Holmes's squadron, which had been increased to five men-of-war and a considerable number of small vessels and flat-bottomed boats, without having attracted particular attention from the besieged. Some 46 I757-I7S9— H.M.S. PEMBROKE [chap. of the men were on board as early as the 6th September, and the last detachment on the night of the 12th, when Cook was again out with buoys off the mouth of the Charles, where he was interfered with by the French, who were only driven off by a heavy fire from the Richmond, on board of which ship was Wolfe. All preparations were now completed, and Admiral Holmes sailed up the river as if to beat up the French communications, but when night fell he returned, and a landing was successfully accomplished. Admiral Saunders says in his despatch : "The night of their landing, Admiral Holmes with the ships and troops was about three leagues above the intended landing place. General Wolfe with about half his troops set off in the boats, and dropped down with the tide and were by that means less liable to be dis- covered by the centinals posted all along the coast. The ships followed them about three-quarters of an hour afterwards, and got to the landing place just at the time that had been concerted to cover their landing, and considering the darkness of the night, and the rapidity of the current, this was a very critical operation, and very properly and successfully conducted." In the meantime, the ships in the basin, some fifteen in number, under Saunders himself, whose flag was still on the Stirling Castle, distracted the attention of the town and citadel by a heavy cannonade. Lieutenant Norman of H.M.S. Pembroke has the following entry in his log relating to this night : "Sept. 13th, 1759. Mod. and cloudy. At 6 P.M. our signal for an officer, unmoored and hove into \ a cable on the B^'- B'^- at 12 the Rowing boats made a feint below Beauport. At 4 a.m. Gen'- Wolfe landed just below Cape Diamond wi'i^- the whole army. At 8 the sign'- of Boats man'd and arm'd to go to Point Levi, weighed and drop't hier up. About 10 the enemy march'd up and attack'd Gen'- Wolfe, the action lasted not 10 minutes before the Enemy gave way and run in the Greatest Confusion and left us a compleat III.] SURRENDER OF QUEBEC 47 Victuary. Our Army encamped on the plain a back of the Town and made the necessary disposition for carry- ing on y^ siege. Admiral Holmes hoisted his flag on board the Lowestaff, just off the Landing place. In this action fell Gen'- Wolfe, of the enemy Gen^- Montcalm and his two seconds." Cook in his log does not mention the death of Wolfe, but says "the troops continued the pursuit to the very gates of the city, afterward they begun to form the necessary dispositions for carrying on the siege." Cook has been said by several writers to have piloted the troops to the landing-place, and has even been set within hearing of the recitation of " Gray's Elegy " by Wolfe, but as he was out with the ship's boats at the time Holmes started up the river, and was probably on board his own ship with his hands full during the bombardment, these traditions must be put down to imagination. The City of Quebec surrendered on the day following the defeat of the French on the Heights of Abraham, and was occupied by a force from the fleet under the command of Captain Hugh Palliser, who was appointed temporarily by Sir Charles Saunders. On 23rd September Cook's connection with H.M.S. Pembroke came to an end. Lieutenant King in a letter to Dr Douglas says he does not know the exact date of Cook's appointment to the Northumberland, but that he was certainly Master of that ship in 1758. Here King is in error, for Lieutenant James Norman, of the Pembroke, has the following entry in his log under date 23rd September 1759 : " Mr Cook, Master, super- seded and sent on board the Northumberland, p"^- order of Admiral Saunders." This appointment has been put down to Lord Colville, who may have specially applied for him, but of that there is no record ; he certainly did not make the appointment. It may be of interest to know that, had the troops 48 1757-I7S9— H.M.S PEMBROKE [chap. only been supplied with money, they would have had no difficulty in finding supplies, for Captain Knox gives the following list of prices : Beef gd. to is. per lb. ; mutton, IS. to is. 3d.; ham, gd. to is. ; salt butter, 8d. to is. 3d. ; cheese, lod. ; potatoes, 5d. to lod. per bushel. A reasonable loaf of good soft bread, 6d. ; Hyson tea, 30s. per lb. ; plain green tea, very bad, 15s. ; roll tobacco, is. lod. per lb. ; hard soap, lod. to IS. ; London porter, is. per quart ; Bristol beer, i8s. per dozen ; bad malt drink from Halifax, gd. per quart. At times. Captain Knox says, the cattle supply ran short and was reserved for the use of the sick and wounded ; the soldiers then fell back upon horseflesh, and he remarks that a nice loin of young colt is not to be despised. M. de Bougainville, whose name was afterwards to be associated with that of Cook as an explorer in the South Pacific, was also engaged at Quebec. He went out to Canada in 1756 as a captain of Dragoons and was appointed aide-de-camp to Montcalm. At the time of the battle on the Heights, he was in command of a detachment at Cape Rouge on the west side of the city, but the action was over before he had time to come up. He was afterwards second in command of the French army in that part of Canada, but on the surrender of the colony returned to France, and dis- tinguished himself on the Rhine in 1761. Two years afterwards, seeing no prospect of further active service on land, he entered the Navy at the age of thirty-four, and in 1766 was placed in command of the expedition to the South Seas. Eliot Warburton, in "The Conquest of Canada," states that in i7og the French received information that an Englishman, Colonel Vetch, who had resided several years in Quebec, had sounded all the difficult passages in the St Lawrence, and had instigated Queen Anne to sanction an attack on that city. The force was to con- III.] PREVIOUS ATTEMPTS ON QUEBEC 49 sist of twenty ships with 6,000 British troops, supported by 2,000 colonists, who were to attack by way of the great lakes. However, the British force was diverted to Portugal, and the colonials were compelled to retreat owing to sickness and distrust of their Indian allies. He also says that in 1710 a fleet of ten men-of-war and thirty-five transports attempted an attack, but eight vessels being lost in a heavy squall in the " Traverse," the affair proved unsuccessful. Another attempt was made in 171 1 under General Hill, but was driven back after the loss of many soldiers and sailors in the effort to ascend the river. hq ^ O c^ i? ^ i*^ «. C!4 M rn H (/) ^ < E § tlH n O o u H C/3 W w W S X < m > (A < ^ Ph O O H O Pt^ >-t fe H J H U U P< H X •pred moq* ox 1 <~ 1 1^ •pred asqyw 26th March 1760 iith Deer. 176 1 ■raSBAv »B3N CO ^ Cs M IH •saSByii iinj 02 M •rejidsoH H M 10 •jsaqo ^0 CO w M M sS^i '130 q»9z o» 'OTd •3P jad soiradaajiix l-i ■nosraj ]BqM joj JO jaqjiqAV 1^- •aSjBqasiQ jo amix til •a JO -aa 'a Q •X^IlCTlf) •aui-EU s.trei^ U 0) 1 •joa JO -jsajd jaiipijAV puB aauaq^ Pr. Wt. i8th Oct. ■aouBJBaddv la ■res\ 'Xjiag %i •jaqiiinj^ % CHAPTER IV 1759-1762 — H.M.S. NORTHUMBERLAND When Admiral Saunders left the St Lawrence for England, after the fall of Quebec, with the greater part of his fleet, he appointed Lord Colville, the captain of H.M.S. Northumberland, Commander-in- Chief of the North American Station ; he was instructed to hoist the Broad Pennant, to winter at Halifax with his squadron of 7 sail, and to return to the St Lawrence at the earliest opportunity in order to render every support to any further movements that might be made in Canada. Captain Adams was appointed second captain, and remained in her till his removal to the Diana in September 1 760, when he was succeeded by Captain Bateman. Pay seems to have been a very irregular thing in those days, for, in one of Colville's letters to the Admiralty in which he makes a claim for monies which he believed were due to him, he draws attention to the fact that he had already served "for three years on a foreign station without having received any remuneration." On the way down the river from Quebec, Admiral Saunders's fleet appears to have found the passage very difficult ; the dangers of the Channel being aggravated by the strength of the current and bad weather. The Captain, the Vesuvius, and the Royal William were aground for some time, but were ultimately got off again without much damage, and the Terrible, which 51 52 1759-1762— H.M.S. NORTHUMBERLAND [chap. was drifting and in great danger, was only brought up by means of an anchor constructed for the occasion by lashing one of the quarter-deck guns to two small anchors. When her large anchors were hauled up, they were found to be broken, and so great was the loss of these articles that Lord Colville found himself obliged to press the Admiralty for a fresh supply to be sent out immediately, as he found it impossible to replace those lost in the Traverse, at Boston, or any other depot in America. Colville's squadron arrived in Halifax on 27th October, .Cook's thirty-first birthday, and as soon as the winter was over, and the ships had been cleaned and fitted for sea as well as the limited appliances of the place would permit, it left for the St Lawrence, on 22nd April 1760, but as Lord Colville says in his despatches : ' ' The ships were so much retarded by frozen fogs, seas of compacted ice, and contrary winds," that they did not arrive off the He de Bic before i6th May. Here they were met by a sloop with the news that Quebec was in urgent need of help. General Murray, hearing of the approach of General de Levis, with a French force, had left the shelter of the forts, and notwithstanding that he was greatly outnumbered, had offered battle in the open. He had at first chosen a strong position, but hearing from his spies that the French were engaged in cleaning their arms, having been caught in a storm the previous night, and were totally unprepared for an attack, he advanced upon them, and owing to the suddenness of his attack and his superiority in artillery, at first gained a considerable advantage. In the end, however, the weight of numbers told, and the English were forced to retire within the fortifications with sadly reduced forces, and Quebec was again besieged. In consequence of this information, Colville pushed on as rapidly as possible and anchored in the Basin on the morning of the i8th only to find IV.] BONUS FOR SURVEY OF ST LAWRENCE 53 that the siege had been raised the day before owing to the arrival of H.M.S. Vanguard and Diamond. During the next four months the squadron passed an uneventful time in the river and Gulf of St Lawrence, the flagship being moored in the Basin. On 12th September they received news of the surrender of Montreal and the rest of the Canadian provinces to General Amherst, and on loth October they returned to winter quarters at Halifax. On 19th January 1761, Lord Colville records in his Journal that he had "directed the storekeeper to pay the Master of the Northumberland, fifty pounds in consideration of his indefatigable industry in making himself master of the pilotage of the River St Lawrence." This is the first official recognition that has been, as yet, found of the fact that Cook had gone beyond the ordinary duty that was incumbent on every master in His Majesty's Service, viz. : "To observe all coasts, shoals, and rocks, taking careful notes of the same." There is no record in any of the official documents that Cook was especially engaged in surveying the river, but it is very evident from this entry that he must have done the work during the four months that his ship had been moored in the Basin of Quebec. That is to say, his promotion to the Northumberland was previous to, and not the consequence of his survey of the river, and was therefore owing to his general fitness for the position, and not on account of this special work having been done, as has always been asserted. Admiral Saunders had issued special orders the previous year, that the general instructions from the Admiralty to the officers of the Navy as to the taking of observations, soundings, and bearings, were to be carefully carried out, and the information thus gained was from time to time, as opportunity offered, to be forwarded to him, ' ' so that all existing charts may be corrected and improved." This information, in the 54 1759-1762— H.M.S. NORTHUMBERLAND [chap. ordinary course of events, would be handed to the Master of the flagship, Mr Bisset, for comparison and compilation, and he, knowing Cook's fitness for the work, may have asked for his assistance and thus introduced him to the notice of Saunders, who seeing his aptitude, then selected him for the completion of the task. In the absence of any records, however, this can only be a matter of supposition. Admiral Saunders, on his arrival in England from Quebec, wrote to Mr Cleveland, the Secretary to the Admiralty, under date 22nd April 1760, stating that he had ready for publication, a "Draught of the River St Lawrence with its harbours, bays, and islands," and asked for their Lordships' directions thereon. With their Lordships' approval it was published, and may be found at the end of " The North American Pilot, London, 1775," together with other maps, some of which are Cook's work. At the commencement of the book is a letter from Cook to the compiler of the volume, congratulating him on the collection, and referring to the fact that some of the charts contain his work — but he does not lay claim to any special ones. On Saunders' chart of the St Lawrence there is a long note which concludes as follows : "The distances between Isle Coudre and Isle of Orleans, the Pillar Rocks and Shoals in the south channel were accurately determined by triangles. The other parts of this chart were taken from the best French Draughts of this River." It is doubtful if this triangulation could have been carried out by Cook during his passage up and then down the river, the only time he had in 1759, but if it was, it argues much greater knowledge of nautical surveying than he was supposed to have acquired at that time. During the winters that the Northumberland stayed in Halifax Harbour, Cook employed his spare time in im- proving his knowledge of all subjects that would be of service to him in his profession. He read Euclid ■ . ■' _ ■ ^-.....^---^H^l-.,- — ; -r- — _'' ^ » " ' . ■ .■v. - ! - Ji>(///a//^»: . ■ ■ ■,"■■'. ■ ^■•. ■■ -'-■.■ //^//•f/i /?/."^^^/;f ,»y// Zi'/it'^iivt /JQ^^ i^//^^7ii/ f'l' .T-f^ry .j,\>.y ^^'r*f^//'/^*--i^ U^ -y^^-, ^;/^v^ /jryi, ..,.:;/:.. 4:^y:,r^..^r..,^.^^.K^.y^.^, .r.y yy/.,^^ v/,7.vr/'/. ^iy,,i <',r 1 \,, /a /'/,,„,„.,, ',-7 J,,) .'.^/■.,l'//ri>f h>, ■/■■■'•ri % • i//r.- <{.t,/f,-ii A'l r.,A A- ,>.-/./»/,' c'.j/7^ ^'iiAry* ./-Jy ■'•<;'" '^' ' ■' ^ <' "//■'rtT If,t^/r7,i '!• i'^ni flX> /i' /4^A^f>*^.' c/i>i'f /s /At 'r^/^f ■'■ .1 ':^'i"'^"/% "A^^Gfrrr//, />^,v ^V /^/.//i/ /^/^ tr^/A'^'r> /'/A' //# '/-.//w/ /A^ ,At/""' /.^- ' .'/r,^,-//*' .^" /^-/ /■■ /-//^/ ^ //^) />,.y.' A /S. r/iS/i/A,',. 1 j.C^i.>,tHj yU.A I 'f.,,,/^, .>//'.- /.///;■; .;/X^ . ////.,...,") ^vc^;.//--/-;',^ r.V,v' ;/A'.,A^.^^ ^7:^,„^i-^..i^/i'/" Z'-^'^//' .///,v; V"//-^ ^^.v..' .,^,.'/ a.,/', //,.■>.'/„ .y.'S:V'' /fA4.^» /f.t/^t^ //. \\' tu-f /.■"»' AAf, t Af/f//^,fT i^y Al'/it^rt hyC^A;/:. ■/'/ -Af ''/(// //■.■ ^Af\f a/ /.r^.- /f/i. ■^ //?*■. f-///^!^. /.-//// ov/a/>/.!' /..■<- /A. ^ fy/,^,.„\-^ : \;l':' »/::\,, ,..//.-.- ■^'J«f^/t/;'i'-- "A- 1.' /..-','> /Ax. S'// y. i^fA a/' 6:'r?-^',/.- u/' ,f ,'/ ,/./.. • 4'"'/ * ' ■^■'<-'// -^ •''■<' -^v/C,' '//^ ■ ^A,-y// ^ AAf//,.nr /A A' I'A'ri A^ >?/'^ Y^t//J htaiita^e atu> { jam.- ^^o^tr^, 7V^ Oi^A'i.e^- CERTIFIED COPY OF CERTIFICATE OF MARRIAGE OF CAPTAIN COOK Takcn/mil tin Register of St Jfayfa.?-cfs, Barking, Essex. Fro'u the Whitby Coiieetion. [To face p. 60. { ^IttvMZ-J/k. /fj/i^fr^' /ft7f,f, n/.-rr/l c/l'y-'i^r .' rn^ji iy '.'„ //.>,/■ ■ v.;) ',/ Wc i ^iJ'/^.-.;^ ^/ift \Zi.-7: yfici' /,t,'/ ,„jr/; ll'f<^' I'f.y.' y.;, .-.e.:, ,-' ',i.:\ ,,„j,., .■■.■//r'rrtia^. i/y"^^ ^•Tifj,j //re ffli^Afif y/.-fi^'t. ''tVf ///v (//,/^':,//7-rt^'y- .'/a./ ti-i/i_\tf t^,^ ^onyer*^ I'f/'fi.y .f/Zuv. ' (y -' , . .- i . / //' . ■.::„ ,,.y,i .,;. //u.-^^^M .y /<, \ I y/-}f„y,/.y '^■^,^,„i^^;{,/C/^ . \ •yyy-y y'//i, "^,v(,v r/i ^ yy.,^,/,'',^ ^.V/.'/ ..,i/,v,^- , //■''^y. SAILING DIRECTIONS, HALIFAX HARBOUR. By pc7itnss'iou o/t/ic Royal United ServLc Insiituie. [ To face /. 6o. y/yy.f '{r y.-,-> /j/,'/,y Ly„,^,ii\,„),>Cm «'^-- lUU>ir(\J ■ .. ,■ '''■'.-' f'f'/t< .t'(f /ry t('tf/ft//,r/, -A /„ /;•/'> . sjifi^wijsjftlsr—' -■ ~~«->'!r' This signature is unusual ; ordinarily lie wrote Jams, notjas- IV.] MRS COOK 6i the existence of her husband. Her family were in a fairly well-to-do position, her grandfather, Mr Charles Smith, was a currier in Bermondsey ; her cousin, also Charles Smith, was a watch- and clock-maker of repute in Bunhill Row. Her mother, Mary Smith, was married twice, her first husband being John Batts of Wapping, and the second, John Blackburn of Shadwell. It appears that Miss Batts, from the marriage register, was residing at Barking, perhaps with relations, and it may be that she first met Cook when on a visit to her mother, who was living in Shadwell at that time, and Cook is described as of that parish. The engagement must have been a very short one, for from the time of his joining the Navy in 1755, when the future Mrs Cook was a girl of fourteen years of age, to his return from Newfoundland in 1762, his time on shore had been very short, and with the exception, perhaps, of a few days between leaving the Eagle and joining the Solebay, and again between leaving the latter ship and joining the Pembroke, none of his time was spent in London or its neighbourhood. It has been stated that Cook was godfather to his future wife, and that at her baptism vowed that when she grew up he would marry her. The origin of this fable it is impossible to trace, but it is hardly necessary to say it is absolutely ridiculous. Miss Batts was born in Wapping in 1741, and under usual conditions would be baptized within a few days of her birth, and at this time her future husband was either attending Mr PuUen's school at Ayton, or more probably, assisting his father on Airy Holme Farm in Cleveland, a district he never left till 1746, five years after Miss Batts' birth. After the marriage, Mr and Mrs James Cook lived for a time in Shadwell, and then removed to Mile End Old Town, where Cook purchased a house, which was their home till after his death. This house was left to his wife by his will, dated 14th June 1776, and proved 62 1759-1762— H.M.S. NORTHUMBERLAND [chap. iv. in London, 24th January 1780. The following is the extract referring to it : " I give to my dear and loving wife, Elizabeth Cook, all my Freehold Messuage Tenements and Premises, with the appurtenances wherein I now dwell, situate and being in Mile End Old Town, in the County of Middlesex, for the term of her natural life, and after her decease, I give the same to all my children." Sir W. Besant gives the present number of the house as 88 Mile End Road. Cook's Alms-houses in Mile End, sometimes connected with Captain Cook, had nothing whatever to do with him, but were founded by a Captain James Cook and Dame Alice Rowe, who, in 1673 left a sum of money with which four houses, containing eight rooms, were built for the use of poor seamen and widows. Dame Alice Rowe was buried in Stepney churchyard in 1703. CHAPTER V 1 763-1 767 — NEWFOUNDLAND The commission as Governor of Newfoundland was again renewed to Captain Thomas Graves, afterwards created Lord Graves for his distinguished conduct on "the glorious first of June," when, as second in command to Lord Howe, he led the van against the French off Ushant. His province was greatly enlarged for, in addition to Newfoundland, it now included Labrador from Hudson's Straits to the St John River, the Island of Anticosti, other small islands off the Labrador coast, and the Madeline Islands in the Gulf of St Lawrence. He had early recognised the necessity of having a thorough survey of his territory completed (it had been commenced as far back as 17 14, by Captain Taverner, but only carried on in a desultory fashion), and therefore made an application to the Board of Trade, which resulted in the following " Representa- tion " from the Board to His Majesty, dated 29th March 1763, to be found in the Shelborne MSS. "Mr Graves having represented to us that the imperfect Returns hitherto made by the Governors of Newfoundland have been chiefly owing to their want of a Secretary, Surveyor, or other Person, capable of collecting Information, keeping regular accounts and making Draughts of Coasts and Harbours, for which services there has never been any allowances, and that such assistance is now become still more necessary to the Governor of Newfoundland, by the enlargement of his Government, and his instructions to report as 63 64 1 763-1 767— NEWFOUNDLAND [chap. accurately as he can the conditions, fisherys, and other material particulars of a country at present little known. We beg leave to humbly submit to your Majesty, whether it may not be expedient that such an allowance should be made." Graves had evidently seen, the previous year, that such assistence was necessary, and very probably from having had Cook's work at Harbour Grace and Carbonera before him, recognising his fitness for the position, had made up his mind to secure his services. He would be supported by the knowledge that the Admiralty already had of Cook's work, and by the favourable reports of Lord Colville and others. In any case the above representation must have at once been acted on, for in the Records Office there is this hurried note from Captain Graves to Mr Stephens, Secretary to the Admiralty, dated "Tuesday, noon (probably 5th April), 1763." "Captain Graves' compliments wait upon Mr Stephens and beg to know what final answer he shall give to Mr Cook, late Master of the Northumber- land, who is very willing to go out to survey the Harbours and Coasts of Labradore and the Draughtsman he was to get from the Tower, as they both wait to know their Lordships' resolution and the footing they are to be upon. I beg to know also whether a schoolmaster be allowed a fourth rate, as I am informed of a good draughtsman who is willing to go upon that footing, he is with Captain Dennis in the Bellona." Again, on the 6th April, he wrote to Mr Stephens : "Sir, — I have this moment seen Mr Cook and acquainted him he was to get himself ready to depart, the moment the Board was pleased to order him, and that he was to have 10 shil^- a day while employed on this service. He has been to enquire for a draughtsman at the Tower, but as this is a Holiday, he found hardly anyone there. There are some who draw there at v.] ARRANGEMENTS FOR DRAUGHTSMEN 65 IS. 6d. a day, and others who have two shillings a day. One of which last establishment he wants to have and is assured the Board will continue any such person who chuses to go, on their establishment upon applica- tion from your office made for them. " It is from this -[°5^^} they always send Draughtsmen with Engineers or Commanding officers who go abroad. The additional pay they require from your office Mr Cook will acquaint you to-morrow as soon as he can see them and propose their going. "If he does not find their conditions to come within their own office establishment, I have desired him to advertise for a Draughtsman and acquaint you by letter with the terms he can bring them to and wait your commands, as to the hiring any such and as to the time of his setting out for the ship. "There should be a Theodolite and drawing instru- ments, which will cost about ;^i2 or jC^Sf and is a thing the ordnance always allow their people. The officers of the yard should be ordered to supply me with two or three azimuth compasses and a number of pendants of any colour to put as signals on different points for taking the angles as the survey goes on. I shall set out this afternoon for the ship and hope to be there by to-morrow. — I am, Sir, etc., etc., "Thomas Graves." The hurried departure of Captain Graves to his ship was owing to the spirit of discontent, in some cases amounting to open mutiny, at that time very rife in His Majesty's Service, and developing in a very threatening manner on board the Antelope during her captain's absence in London. On his arrival, however, he soon placed things on a better footing, and by promises of judicious reforms, which he saw were properly carried out, and by quietly replacing some few of the most dangerous of the malcontents with reliable men, he was very shortly able to report himself ready for sea with a complete and fairly contented crew. On the 15th, Graves wrote to Mr Stephens, asking if there was ' ' any change of resolution taken about Mr Cook, E 66 1763-1767— NEWFOUNDLAND Ichap. the Master, and an assistant for him, and whether they are to go out with me?" On the i8th he again writes, saying that he had been informed whilst in London that he was to receive orders to purchase two small vessels of about 60 tons each, when he arrived in Newfoundland, one of which "to send with Mr Cook upon the surveys of the coast and harbours," but he was afraid that the orders had been forgotten. He concludes by saying: "The sending out a Draughts- man to survey the Harbours seems to point out the necessity of their having a small vessel fit to use on that business." He also adds a postscript asking for leads, lines, compasses, drawing - tables, etc., to be supplied to Cook from the stores. With regard to the surveying instruments, etc., required. Cook had already made application in proper form, and had been instructed to purchase some of them, and to transmit the bills to their Lordships, whilst the remainder were to be supplied to him from the Govern- ment Stores. On 19th April received his orders as follows : " Sir, — My Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, having directed Captain Graves, of His Majesty's Ship, the Antelope, at Portsmouth, to receive you on board and carry you to Newfoundland in order to your taking a Survey of Part of the Coast and Harbours of that Island. I am commanded by their Lordships to acquaint you therewith : that you must repair immediately on board the said ship, she being under sailing orders, that you are to follow such orders as you shall receive from Cap'- Grave relative to the said service and that you will be allowed Ten shillings a day during the time you are employed therein. — I am, etc. etc., Philip Stephens." " Mr James Cook, Town. " Mr William Test, Tower, to be paid 6s. per day." On 8th May Captain Graves wrote acknowledging the receipt of the orders he had asked for on the 18th v.] SURVEYING ARRANGEMENTS 67 ultimo, and at the same time announced that Mr Cook had joined the ship, but that the assistant, Mr Test, had not been heard of; he therefore suggested that he should endeavour to obtain some other person who was qualified to fill the position. In reply, Mr Stephens wrote that a difficulty had arisen with the Board of Ordnance about Mr Test's pay ; they were not inclined to continue it to him as they would be obliged to put some one else in his place during his absence, and since hearing this from the Board, the Admiralty had had no communication from Mr Test. Captain Graves was therefore authorised to fill the vacancy and to make a suitable allowance : he then secured the services of Mr Edward Smart, who sailed from Plymouth in H.M.S. Spy, and joined Cook in Newfoundland. In his letter of 8th May, Captain Graves says : " The first employment I shall give Mr Cook, will be to survey St Pierre's and Miquelon, before my getting there to surrender those islands ; to this end it would have been very convenient that one of the sloops had been ready to sail with me, who might have been detached to perform this Service, whilst I made some stay upon the coast to afford them the proper time before the surrender of those Islands to the French." These two islands, which are in close proximity to the southern coast of Newfoundland, had been ceded to France by the treaty of Utrecht, and the cession was confirmed by the treaty of Paris ; the possession of the islands carried with it certain rights of fishing and curing on the coasts of Newfoundland, and these rights and the possession of the islands have remained in the hands of the French till the present day a constant cause of irritation to the fishermen of both nations ; but at length, the question of the fishing rights has been satisfactorily arranged. The Earl of Bute is said to have included the clause concerning these islands and rights in the treaty, and public rumour declared 68 1 763-1 767— NEWFOUNDLAND [chap. that he had received the sum of ;^300,ooo for permitting it to stand as part of the treaty. It was specially stipulated that the islands were not to be fortified, and that the number of the garrison was to be strictly limited to a small number of troops for police duty only, but even at the very commencement of the peace, it was one continual struggle to evade the terms of the treaty by the one side, and to enforce them by the other, without at the same time coming to an actual rupture. According to his expressed intention, Captain Graves, on his arrival at St John's, despatched Captain Charles Douglas with the Tweed, to superintend the removal of the British settlers from the two islands, and Cook accompanied him with orders to press on the survey as rapidly as possible, in order that it might be completed before the arrival of the French. Unfortunately, M. d'Anjac, who was charged with the duty of receiving the islands on behalf of the French king, arrived off the islands on the same day as the Tweed. Captain Douglas refused to permit the French to land until the islands had been formally handed over by his superior officer, and by a little judicious pro- crastination in communicating with Captain Graves, and by persistent energy on the part of Cook in conducting the survey, sufficient time was gained to complete it. Graves writing to the Admiralty on 20th October 1763, says : "Meanwhile the survey went on with all possible application on the part of Mr Cook. At length, Mons. d'Anjac's patience being quite exhausted, I received a letter from him on the 30th of June, of which I enclose a copy together with my answer returned the same day. This conveyance brought me a letter from Captain Douglas, expressing his uneasiness on the part of Mons. d'Anjac and pressing to receive his final instruc- tions, and at the same time gave me the satisfaction to learn St Peters' was completely surveyed, Miquelon begun upon and advanced so as to expect it would be v.] COOK'S POSITION 69 finished before the French could be put in possession : so that any interruption from them was no longer to be apprehended." An extract, said to be from a Journal of Cook's in the Shelburne MSS., gives a short description of these islands, and conveys the impression that Cook looked upon them as absolutely worthless as either naval or military stations, but still Captain Graves's successor, Palliser, was kept constantly on the alert to defeat the efforts of the French to strengthen their position. After the official handing over of the islands. Cook was engaged surveying several different places which the Admiralty had specially marked out, and was borne on the book of either the Antelope or Tweed, as might be convenient. He is to be found on the latter ship entered for victuals only as " Mr James Cook, Engineer, and Retinue." As the dates often overlap each other it is rather difficult to place him, but he was in the neighbourhood of St John's for some two months, and on 5th November, was discharged from the Antelope into the Tweed, with Mr Smart, for the passage to England, where he remained till the spring of the following year. On 4th January, the Lords of the Admiralty ordered that he and Mr Smart were to be paid their allowances of IDS. and 6s. per day respectively, up to the 31st of the preceding month. Ten shillings per day was the same allowance as was made to the Commander of a Squadron, so Cook's position, looked at from a financial point of view, must have been considered one of importance. It was apparently superior to that of a Master surveying under the directions of the Governor, for in a report that Captain Palliser, when Governor of Newfoundland, gives of an interview between the French Ambassador and himself in London in 1767, on the subject of the fisheries, he states that he produced Cook's chart, and decided the question of the rights of France to the use of Belle Isle for fishing purposes 70 1 763-1 767— NEWFOUNDLAND [chap. against the Ambassador by its means, and speaks of Cook, officially, as "the King's Surveyor." In 1764 Captain Palliser was appointed to succeed Captain Graves as Governor of Newfoundland and at once set aside the schooner Grenville, which Graves had used as a despatch boat, for the use of the survey party solely. She had been manned by the ships on the station, but on Palliser's advice the Admiralty wrote as follows to the Navy Board : " i^th April 1764. ' ' Gentlemen, — Captain Palliser, who is to have the command of His Majesty's ships and vessels, which are to be employed this year upon the coasts of Newfound- land having represented to us that the present method of manning the Grenville schooner from the commanding officer's ship without a proper person to take the charge and command of her, is attended with many inconveniences, and he having therefore proposed that she may have a complement of men established upon her, sufficient to navigate her to England when the season for surveying the coast of Newfoundland is over, in order that she may be properly refitted and sent out early in the spring, instead of being laid up at St John's, and waiting for stores from England, whereby a great deal of time is lost. We do hereby desire and direct you to cause the said schooner to be established with a complement of ten men, consisting of a Master, a Master's Mate, one servant to the Master, and seven seamen ; the Master and Master's Mate to be allowed the pay of a sixth rate, and the former to be charged with the provisions and stores, which shall from time to time be supplied to the schooner and to pass regular accounts for the same. — We are, your affectionate friends, Egmont. Howe. G. Hay. Digby. Carysfort. <■' The Navy Board." On 2nd May Mr Stephens wrote to Captain Palliser informing him that Cook had been appointed Master of v.] COOK AND PALLISER 71 the Grenvilk in order to carry out such surveys as Palliser might think necessary, and as soon as the season was over, he was to be ordered with his ship to Portsmouth, and to transmit his "Charts and Draughts" to the Admiralty. On receipt of this letter, Palliser wrote at once to Cook, and his communication is known to be in private hands, together with some autograph copies of letters written by Cook having reference to the Grenvilk, a receipt for her husband's pay signed by Mrs Cook, and some other papers of interest relating to his voyages ; but the owners have refused permission for them to be inspected although willing to sell. It would appear that it was at this period the friend- ship between Palliser and Cook really commenced, for, previously, there can have been no opportunity for the former to have known anything of Cook's personality. As Captain of a man-of-war he would see nothing of a Master's Mate and know nothing of him except that he did his duty or not, as the case might be, and when at length his attention was specially called to him by outside influence, he was quickly withdrawn from his sphere of knowledge. When they again came in contact Cook had already made a mark for himself. It is very evident that if Palliser had been Cook's friend, as Kippis represents (as he says on the authority of Palliser himself), he would have known more of Cook's early days in the Navy, and would not have made statements to Kippis, which are so easily proved to be incorrect, and in which, unfortunately, the latter has been followed by others. Cook received his formal instructions on 23rd April, and was at the same time told that as he had expressed a doubt about being able to get suitable men in Ports- mouth, he would be provided with conduct money and the free carriage of chests and bedding for those he could raise in London, and that they would be trans- ferred to Portsmouth in the Trent. Mr William Parker 72 1763-1767— NEWFOUNDLAND [chap. was appointed Master's Mate of the Grenville, and the company left Portsmouth on 7th May in H.M.S. Lark, arriving in St John's on 14th June. They took posses- sion of their ship the same day, and the first entry in the Grenville' s log is as follows : "June 14th, 1764, St John's Newfoundland. The first and middle parts moderate and hazy W^ the Later foggy. At I P.M. His Majesty's Ship the Lark anchored here from England, on board of which came the Master and the Company of this Schooner. Went on board and took possession of Her, Read over to the crew the Master's Warrant, Articles of War, and Abstract of the late Act of Parliament." After getting the guns and stores on board, and fitting the Grenville for her new duties, they left St John's on 4th July to start the survey of the northern portion of the island. A base line was laid out at Noddy's Harbour, and the latitude of Cape Norman was found to be 51° 39' N. ; soundings were taken every mile. On 3rd August Cook left the ship in the cutter to continue his work, but had to return on the 6th, having met with a serious accident. It seems he had a large powder horn in his hand, when, by some means not stated, the powder ignited, and the horn "was blown up and burst in his hand, which shattered it in a terrible manner, and one of the people which was hard by suffered greatly by the same accident." The Grenville sailed at once for Noddy's Harbour, where there was a French ship which had a doctor on board, and arriving there at eleven o'clock the same day, secured medical advice. Those who have suffered from a shattered wound can imagine the pain that Cook must have endured during the time that elapsed before he could receive attention, and that attention when received was probably of a very rough nature, according to more modern ideas ; for the art of surgery as practised at that time, especially on board ship, was of a very v.] COOK'S ACCIDENT 73 heroic nature : a glass of spirits the only anodyne, and boiling pitch the most reliable styptic in amputations. In reference to this accident, the Lords of the Admiralty wrote to Lord Halifax quoting from a letter they had received from Captain Palliser, dated 14th November 1764: " Mr Cook, the surveyor, has returned. The accident to him was not so bad as it was represented. Nor had it interrupted his survey so much as he (Captain Palliser) expected. He continued on the coast as long as the season would permit, and has executed his survey in a manner which, he has no doubt, will be satisfactory to their Lordships. I have ordered him to proceed to Woolwich to refit his vessel for the next season and to lay before the Board, Draughts of his surveys with all his remarks and observations that may be useful to Trade and Navigation in those parts." Palliser did not see Cook till some time after the accident, when the worst was over, and it is quite in keeping with the latter's character to minimise his sufferings, and to insist on the work being kept going as far as possible. Samwell relates that after Cook's murder at Owyhee they were enabled to identify his hand by the scar which he describes as "dividing the thumb from the finger the whole length of the metacarpal bones." Whilst Cook was laid up with his hand, and Mr Parker was engaged with the survey, some of the men were employed brewing, and either the brew was stronger than usual or the officers' eye being off them they indulged too freely, for, on 20th August, it is noted that three men were confined to the deck for drunkenness and mutinous conduct, and the next day the ringleader was punished by being made to run the "Gantelope." On ist September Cook left the ship in the Bay of St Genevieve, taking six days' provisions with him, and 74 1 763-1 767— NEWFOUNDLAND [chap. ran roughly the course of several small rivers, noting the principal landmarks. On their way to St John's, off Point Ferrol, their small boat was dashed to pieces on a ledge of rock, and its occupants were only saved with great difficulty by the cutter, which by great good fortune happened to be near. Whilst crossing the Banks of Newfoundland, when on the way to England, in November, a series of soundings were made, and the nature of the bottom carefully noted. On the arrival of the Grenville at Woolwich, Cook pointed out to their Lordships that the completion of his charts would necessitate his being a great deal away from his ship, and he would thus be unable to supervise everything that was done on board, so he suggested that she should be sent up to Deptford yard. This was at once agreed to, and Cook was able to devote his whole time to his charts. His own work on the coast had to be supplemented by the observa- tions made on board the six men-of-war stationed in Newfoundland waters, and their commanding officers had received special instructions to take ample soundings and careful observations, and to make charts which were to be sent to Captain Palliser, who was informed that he would be held responsible if these orders were not carried out in their entirety. It is very certain that orders so emphatically enforced on his notice would not be allowed to remain a dead letter. Whilst at Deptford, the rig of the Grenville was altered from schooner to brig, as Cook thought that she would thus be improved in her sailing qualities ; she received a thorough overhaul, and was established with "6 swivel guns, 12 Musquets, and powder and shot." Her armament for the previous year having been supplied from the flagship, of course had to be returned. Her crew was also augmented to twenty, including a midshipman and a carpenter's mate, paid as on board a sixth rate. On 25th March 1765, she again left for v.] GRENVILLE ON A ROCK 75 Newfoundland, arriving at St Lawrence Harbour on 2nd June to recommence her work. On 14th July, whilst "moored in a bay by Great Garnish, we picked up two men who had been lost in the woods for near a month. They came from Barin, intending to go to St Lawrence Harbour, and were almost perishing for want of subsistence." Going into Long Harbour on 23rd July the Grenville ran on to a rock and remained so fast that she had to be unloaded before she could be moved, but by dint of hard work she was floated off the next day, when she was found to have sustained considerable damage to her forefoot. From the log of the Grenville it appears that the survey was not carried out continuously, and this is accounted for by the Governor being called upon to settle disputes with the French fishermen, who were apt to place the broadest construction on the limitations of their rights of fishing as laid down by the treaties. During this year. Captain Debbieg and Captain Lieutenant Basset, engineers, were engaged in survey- ing the most important points and harbours with a view to fortification, and Palliser was instructed to give them every assistance in his power, and it is quite possible Cook was sent on one or two occasions to help, as they were in close proximity several times ; but there is no positive record of his having done so. Amongst the Shelborne MSS. there is a beautifully executed chart of York or Chateaux Bay and Pitt's Harbour, with a plan of a proposed fort ; it was made in 1766 and is unsigned, but the handwriting is that of Captain Debbieg. This bay is on the Labrador Coast. Returning to St John's for her stores, the Grenville sailed for England on 5th November in company with Palliser's squadron, and anchored at Spithead on the 30th, and thence went to Deptford for the winter. In February, Cook obtained permission from the Admiralty to publish the charts of Newfoundland that he had 76 1 763-1 767— NEWFOUNDLAND [chap. completed, and Captain Palliser, who made the applica- tion, said he was of opinion they would "be of great encouragement to new adventurers on the fisheries upon those coasts." Leaving Deptford on 20th April 1766, the Grenville arrived at Bon Bon Bay on ist June, and the survey of the south-west and south coasts was at once proceeded with. The Burgeo Islands, near Cape Ray, were reached on 24th July, and on 5th August Cook carefully observed an eclipse of the sun. He, on his return to England at the end of the year, handed the results of his observations to Dr Bevis, a prominent Fellow of the Royal Society, who communicated them to that body on 30th April 1767. The following is the extract from "The Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society " : " Read 30th April 1767. An Observation of an Eclipse of the Sun at the Island of Newfoundland, 5th August 1766 by Mr James Cook, with the Longitude of the place of Observation deduced from it. Com- municated by J. Bevis, M.D., F.R.S. "Mr Cook, a good mathematician, and very expert in his business, having been appointed by the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to survey the sea coast of Newfoundland, Labrador, etc., took with him a very good apparatus of instruments, and among them a brass telescopic quadrant made by Mr John Bird. "Being, 5th August 1766, at one of the Burgeo Islands near Cape Ray, Latitude 47° 36' 19", the South- west extremity of Newfoundland, and having carefully rectified his quadrant, he waited for the eclipse of the sun : just a minute after the beginning of which he observed the zenith distance of the sun's upper limb, 31° 57' 00" ; and allowing for refraction and his semi- diameter, the true zenith distance of the sun's centre 32° 13' 30", from whence he concluded the eclipse to have begun at o'' 46' 48" apparent time, and by a like process to have ended at ■^ 45' 26" apparent time. "N.B. — There were three several observers, with v.] ECLIPSE OF THE SUN 77 good telescopes, who all agreed as to the moment of beginning and ending. " Mr Cook having communicated his observation to me, I shewed it to Mr George Witchell, who told me he had a very exact observation of the same eclipse, taken at Oxford by the Rev. Mr Hornsby ; and he would compute, from the comparison, the difference of longitude of the places of observation, making due allowance for the effect of parallax, and the earth's prolate spheroidal figure ; and he has since given me the following results : 5^ 23' 59" beginn at Oxford. 7'^ 7' 5" end at Oxford. o^ 46' 48" beginn at Borgeo s^ 29' 14" end at Borgeo Island. Island. 4h 37' II" 3^ 27' 51" - 51' 59" effect of paral- + 17' 35" effect of paral- lax, etc. lax, etc. 3 45' 22" diff. of meridians 3 45' 26" diff. of meri- dians. Sigd- J. Bevis." There is no reference to the eclipse in the log of the Grenville, but it appears that Cook was particularly favoured by the weather in obtaining his observations, as the five days previous to the 5th are described as "foggy," and the four or five days succeeding are "raining with squalls." This observation was a most fortunate one for Cook, as it brought him to the favourable notice of a body of eminent men, the Royal Society, outside his own profession, which was, a little later, able to advance his interests, and afterwards to admit him into its own ranks as an ornament of which it is still proud. On the 4th November he left St John's for his winter quarters at Deptford, and the log ends on 24th November with " Dungeness light N.E, by E. 2 miles." Mr Parker, his assistant, was promoted to a lieutenancy 78 1763-1767— NEWFOUNDLAND [chap, on their return, and in accordance with a recommenda- tion from Captain Palliser, Mr Michael Lane, school- master of the Guernsey, who had joined the Navy from the Bluecoat School, and who had previously been mentioned by Captain Graves for the position, took his place. On 5th April 1767, the Grenville had completed her refit, warped out of dock, and was lying at anchor waiting for the tide to turn in order to drop down to Woolwich, when the Three Sisters, a Sunderland collier, Thomas Boyd, Master, "fell athwart her hawse and carried away her bowsprit, cap, and jibboom," which had to be replaced. The story is, that this accident happened to the Endeavour, and that Mr Cook, who was naturally very indignant, sent for the offending Master of the collier, in order to give him a good rating for his carelessness in running foul of one of His Majesty's ships ; but when he got him on board, he found that he was an old schoolfellow of the Ayton days, and instead of giving him a good blowing-up, took him down into his cabin, and, treating him to the best he had on board, spent "a good time" talking over the old days when they were boys together. The latter part of the story may be true, but the name of the ship has been mistaken. On 8th April 1767, her repairs being completed, the Grenville sailed for Newfoundland, sighting Cape Race on 9th May, and Cook at once got to work on the survey of the west coast, and in September, being off the mouth of the Humber, he landed and made a rapid survey of that river, discovering several lakes, and getting a good general idea of that part of the country. He was away from his ship for five days. On 14th October he returned to St John's Harbour for the last time, having practically completed the survey of the general run of the coast, and added very considerably to the knowledge of some of the v.] GRENVILLE ASHORE 79 interior parts of the island. In 1762, Kitchen published a map compiled from the latest available information, and on it is the note : "The inland parts of this island are entirely unknown." Cook is said to have discovered valuable coal seams, but there is no note of anything of the kind amongst his records of the island. He sailed for England on 23rd October and on nth November anchored in very heavy weather, off the Nore ; it was found t^iat the anchors would not hold, and at length one parted and she ' ' trailed into shallow water," striking very hard. After a while she again struck very heavily, and " lay down on her larboard bilge." As there seemed no prospect of the gale moderating, everything was made as snug as time would permit, and, putting his crew into the boats, Cook made for Sheerness. The weather at length moderated, so obtaining assistance he returned to his ship, and found that fortunately she had sustained but little damage. Next day she was successfully floated, and they got her up to Deptford yards on the following Sunday, 15th November, without further accident, and Cook was able to set to work to prepare his charts for publication. Captain Palliser wrote to Mr Stephens on the subject on 3rd February 1768: "Sir, — Mr Cook, appointed by the Right Honourable my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, to survey the sea coast of Newfoundland and Labrador, under my direction, having finished his Chart of the South-east Coast of Newfoundland, adjacent to the islands of St Pierre, and including the said islands, and upon a large scale of one inch to a mile, you will herewith receive the said chart, which be pleased to lay before the Right Honourable the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty. "He having also, the last year, delivered in to the Board his survey of the Northern part of Newfoundland upon the same scale, and having now prepared a chart of that part, together with a chart of the opposite part 8o 1763-1767— NEWFOUNDLAND [chap. of the coast of Labrador, including the Islands and Straits of Belle Isle ; likewise, another of the above- mentioned survey of a part of the South Coast of New- foundland both upon a proper scale to be useful to the Trade and Navigation of His Majesty's subjects ; therefore, as a publication of the same, I am of opinion, will be a great encouragement to new adventurers in the fisheries upon these coasts, be pleased to move their Lordships to permit Mr Cook to publish the same. — I remain, etc., etc., "Hugh Palliser." Some of these charts had been published in 1766, and the remainder in response to this letter were now authorfsed, together with sailing directions for the south, and for the east coasts of the island. Writing of these charts. Admiral Sir W. J. L. Wharton, the late hydrographer to the Admiralty, says : "The Charts he made during these years in the schooner Grenville were admirable. The best proof of their excellence is that they are not yet wholly superseded by the more detailed surveys of modern times. Like all first surveys of a practically unknown shore, and especially when that shore abounds in rocks and shoals, and is much indented with bays and creeks, they are imperfect in the sense of having many omissions ; but when the amount of the ground covered, and the impediments of fogs and bad weather on that coast is considered, and that Cook had at the most only one assistant, their accuracy is truly astonishing." On the publication of his charts. Cook's connection with the island of Newfoundland was concluded, and on i2th April 1768 Mr Lane was "appointed to act as Master of the brig Grenville, and surveyor of the coasts of Newfoundland and Labrador in the absence of Mr Cook, who is to be employed elsewhere." Mr Lane was to be paid an allowance of five shillings per diem over and above his pay as Master of the brig, which was the same as that of a Master of a sixth rate. v.] LAST NEWFOUNDLAND PAY 8i Cook and Lane had both been paid their allowances up to 31st December 1767, and on i6th June the Navy Board were ordered to pay Cook his allowance up to the date of Lane's appointment, that is, till 12th April. From the wording of Mr Lane's appointment, it is evident that the surveyorship of Newfoundland was to be left open for Cook on his return from his first voyage if it was then thought to be desirable for him to resume that duty. CHAPTER VI 1768 — PREPARATIONS FOR FIRST VOYAGE In writing of the first voyage of Cook to the South Seas, authors were, till a few years ago, content to draw their information from the so-called history written by Dr Hawkesworth. This gentleman, introduced to Lord Sandwich by Dr Charles Burney for the express purpose, had facilities placed within his reach, which no writer since his time could have had. He had given into his charge all the papers belonging to the Admiralty which related to the voyage, he had access to the Journal of Sir Joseph Banks, the Notes of Dr Solander and others who accompanied the expedition, and, more than all, he had the opportunity of personal communication with the leaders of the party. Notwith- standing these advantages, he, from his fondness for what he was pleased to consider ' ' literary style, " interpolated so much of his own speculations, con- clusions, and dissertations as to render his voluminous work not only extremely unreliable, but often extremely ridiculous. It has been recorded by travellers in the South Seas that the accounts of things and places described as seen by Cook, are remarkably correct ; but that the inferences drawn are often very wrong. They do not seem to have imagined the truth of the matter. The accurate state- ments of facts are Cook's, whilst the deductions and ornamentations were not only Hawkesworth's, but were also strongly resented by Cook. Boswell, in his "Life Si CHAP. VI.] ROYAL SOCIETY'S COMMITTEE 83 of Dr Johnson " (having dined at Sir John Pringle's on 2nd April 1776), says : " I gave him," Johnson, "an account of a conversa- tion which had passed between me and Cap*- Cook, the day before, at Sir John Pringle's, and he was much pleased with the conscientious accuracy of that cele- brated circumnavigator, who set me right as to many of the exaggerated accounts given by Dr Hawkesworth of his voyages." Cook's opinion on the subject may also be judged from his determination in future to prepare his journals for publication himself. Within the last few years, however, the Journal of Captain Cook has been published under the able super- vision of the late Admiral Sir W. J. L. Wharton, and the Journal of Sir Joseph Banks, which for a long time was missing, has been recovered and published by Sir Joseph Hooker ; and these two books may be safely preferred to all others that have been written on the subject. It had been calculated that in June 1769, a Transit of Venus would occur, observations of which would be of great importance to astronomical science, and several of the European nations were intending to establish points of observation, notably Russia, which had deter- mined on no less than eight. The English Royal Society decided that as this country had hitherto taken a lead in astronomy she ought not now to fall behind. A committee was therefore appointed on 12th November 1767, to consider and report on the places where it would be advisable to take observations, the methods to be pursued, and the persons best fitted to carry out the work. This committee consisted of the Astronomer Royal (Mr Nevil Maskelyne), Dr Bevis (who first introduced Cook to the notice of the Society), Dr Murdoch, Messrs Cavendish, Fergusson, Raper, Short, and Captain John Campbell, R.N. This committee 84 1768— PREPARATIONS FOR FIRST VOYAGE [chap. advised that two observers should be sent to Hudson's Bay, two to the South Pacific, and two to the North Cape — provided that Sweden did not send to the latter place. That the British Government should be asked to supply a ship to convey the observers to the Islands of Mendoza, Rotterdam, Amsterdam, or any other lying between them in the South Seas that should be decided on as the most desirable point of observation. Messrs Mason, Dixon, Bradley, Dunn, Green, Dymond, Dalrymple, and Wales were mentioned as observers, and Captain Campbell was suggested as suitable for the command of the ship. Mr Maskelyne especially recommended Mr Dalrymple as "a proper person to send to the South Seas, having a particular turn for discoveries, and being an able navigator and well skilled in observation." The Council of the Society accepted the recommendations of this committee, and the gentle- men whose names had been mentioned were written to, requesting them, if they were willing to accept, to appear before the Council, that their destinations and fees might be arranged. Dr Maskelyne estimated that the southern voyage would take about two years, and suggested that a sum of ten shillings and sixpence per day would be a reasonable allowance for expenses, and a gratuity, the amount of which was to be con- sidered later, was to be given to each observer. The following memorial to the King was also prepared and duly forwarded to His Majesty : " To THE King's Most Excellent Majesty. "The Memorial of the President, Council and Fellows of the Royal Society of London for Improving Natural Knowledge humbly sheweth — " That the passage of the Planet Venus over the Disc of the Sun, which will happen on the y^ of June in the year 1769, is a phenomenon that must, if the same be VI.] MEMORIAL TO THE KING 85 accurately observed in proper places, contribute greatly to the improvement of Astronomy, on which Navigation so much depends. "That several of the Great Powers in Europe, particularly the French, Spaniards, Danes and Swedes are making the proper dispositions for the Observation thereof : and the Empress of Russia has given directions for having the same observed in many different places of her extensive Dominions. ' ' That the like appearance after the y^ of June 1 769 will not happen for more than 100 years. "That as far as appears from the History of Astronomy, Mr Jeremiah Horrox (an Englishman), seems to have been the j&rst person since the creation of the World, who calculated the passage of the Planet over the Sun's Disc, and observed the same at the village of Hool, 15 miles northward from Liverpool, on the 24th of November, O.S., in the year 1639. " That the British Nation have been justly celebrated in the learned world, for their knowledge of Astronomy, in which they are inferior to no Nation upon Earth, Ancient or Modern ; and it would cast dishonour upon them should they neglect to have correct observations made of this important phenomenon. "That by neglecting to take the necessary precautions in due time, the passage of the Planet in the year 1761 was not observed in some places from whence the greatest advantages might have redounded to the improvement of Astronomy. "The Memorialists are humbly of opinion that Spitzbergen or the North Cape, in the higher northern latitudes ; Fort Churchill in Hudson's Bay ; and any place not exceeding 30 degrees of Southern Latitude, and between the 140"! and 180* degrees of Longitude West from Your Majesty's Royal Observatory in Green- wich Park, would be proper stations for observing the ensuing Transit, to each of which places two observers ought to be sent. "That a correct set of Observations made in a Southern Latitude would be of greater importance than many of those made in the Northern. But it would be necessary that the Observers who are to pass the Line, should take their departure from England early in this Spring ; because it might be some time 86 1768— PREPARATIONS FOR FIRST VOYAGE [chap. before they could fix upon a proper place for making the Observation within the limits required. "That the expense of having the Observations properly made in the places above specified, including a reasonable gratification to the persons employed, and furnishing them with such instruments as are still want- ing, would amount to about 4,000 pounds, exclusive of the expense of the ships which must convey and return the Observers that are to be sent to the Southward of the Equinoctial Line and to the North Cape. "That the Royal Society are in no condition to defray this expense, their annual income being scarcely sufficient to carry on the necessary business of the Society. "The Memorialists, attentive to the true end for which they were founded by Your Majesty's Royal Pre- decessor, The Improvement of Natural Knowledge, conceived it to be their duty to lay their sentiments before Your Majesty with all humility, and submit the same to Your Majesty's Royal Consideration." In answer to this Memorial, the President of the Royal Society was able, on the 24th March, to inform the Council that the king had been graciously pleased to order the sum of ;£'4,ooo "clear of fees," to be placed in his hands to defray the expenses of the expeditions of observation. After the return of the expeditions, and the payment of all accounts due, there was a con- siderable balance left over, which the king placed at the disposal of the Society ; and a portion of it was expended on the bust of His Majesty, by NoUekins, now in their possession. Mr Dalrymple, on the receipt of the Secretary's letter informing him that his name had been recommended as one of the observers, replied that he would wait on the Council at the time appointed, and that wherever he might be, he would not let the opportunity slip of taking an observation of such an important event as the Transit of Venus ; but there was only one part of the world where he would engage to make the observations VI.] DALRYMPLE 87 for the Society, and that was in the Southern Seas ; and he would not make the voyage at all ' ' on any other footing than that of having the management of the ship intended for the service." At the meeting when the President announced the king's gift to the Council, he also stated that he had recommended Mr Dalrymple to the Admiralty for the command of the vessel, the use of which had been granted for the expedition to the South Seas, but he had been informed by their Lordships that such an appointment would be " entirely repugnant to the regulations of the Navy." Mr Dalrymple, who attended on the Council, persisted in his demand, and it was therefore resolved "to consider of a proper person at a future Council." It is said that Sir E. Hawke, Jiaving in view the disastrous results of appoint- ing Halley to the command of a King's ship in 1698, when a mutiny occurred, positively refused to sign any such commission, saying that he would rather cut off his right hand than permit any one but a King's Officer to command one of the ships of His Majesty's Navy. Dalrymple had originally gone out to India as a clerk in the Honourable East India Company's service, but was not very successful in that role owing to his bad handwriting. He then spent some years trading amongst the islands of the Malay Archipelago, and was in Canton in 1764. He returned to England and published a couple of pamphlets on the East Indies, and 1767 a book on the discoveries in the South Pacific Ocean, which brought him to the notice of the Royal Society. He afterwards turned his attention to hydro- graphy ; was for a time hydrographer to the East India Company, and was then appointed the first hydro- grapher to the Admiralty, from which office he was dismissed for exceeding his powers — and soon afterwards died. He appears to have been a really clever man, but of an extremely overbearing disposition, and with a very strong appreciation of his own talents. In writing 88 1768— PREPARATIONS FOR FIRST VOYAGE [chap. to Dr Hawkesworth he says : "I never write on any subject I do not thoroughly understand." He appears never to have forgiven Cook for having been successful in obtaining the command of the expedition to observe the Transit of Venus, and also for upsetting his pet theory of a large continent in the Southern Ocean. On 5th March the Navy Board was instructed by the Admiralty to propose a proper vessel in which to convey the observers to the South Seas, and in consequence, the Board first suggested the Tryal Sloop and then the Rose, but both these vessels were found to be unsuitable ; and they were then ordered to purchase a ship for the purpose. On 29th March they wrote to Mr Stephens : "Sir, — In pursuance of the commands of the Right Honourable the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, signified to us by your letter of the 21st inst., we desire you will acquaint their Lordships that we have purchased a cat-built Bark, in Burthen 368 Tuns and of the age of three years and nine months, for conveying such persons as shall be thought proper, to the Southward for making observations of the passage of the planet Venus over the Disk of the Sun, and pray to be favoured with their Lordships' directions for fitting her for the service accordingly, in which we presume it may be necessary to sheath and fill her bottom, and prepare her for carry- ing six or eight light carriage guns of Four pounds and eight swivels as was proposed for the Tryal, and in other respects as the nature of the voyage may require. "And that we may also receive their commands by what name she shall be Registered on the list of the Navy. — We are, Sir, your very humble servants, "G. COKBURNE. ThOS- SlADE. "J. Williams. E. Mason." A "cat-built" ship is described in the Encyclopedias as one that has round bluff bows, a wide deep waist, and tapering towards the stern. The name was derived from the Norwegian "kati," a ship. This cat-built bark, the now immortal Endeavour, f5 I VI.] THE ENDEAVOUR BARK 89 was built by Messrs Fishburn of Whitby, and was purchased from her owner, Mr William Milner of that port. Dr Young says that her original name was the Earl of Pembroke, but Sir Evan Macgregor, Akrriting to Mr W. G. Waddington under date 2nd February 1888, says that she was purchased "under the name of the Endeavour, and was entered as a barque." The Public Records, however, prove that Dr Young was correct, for in "The Warrant Entry Book from Board of Trade," Survey Office, there are the following entries : "Deptford, March 23rd 1768. Two cats called the Valentine and the Earl of Pembroke to be surveyed and report which is the properest to be purchased." "Deptford, March 28th 1768. Ship Earl of Pembroke to be received." ' ' Deptford, April 7th 1 768. Ship purchased to be sheathed, filled and fitted for a voyage to the southward. To be called The Endeavour Bark." From the Survey Office " List of H.M. Royal Navy, etc.," 1771-1776, it has been ascertained that her price was ;^2,8oo, and the cost of sheathing and fitting her for her voyage was ;^2,294. The reason she was called officially either the Bark Endeavour or the Endeavour Bark was that there was another Endeavour in the Navy, stationed at the Nore at that time. Kippis says that when the purchase of a ship was resolved on, Palliser was entrusted with her selection, and that he called on Cook for assistance in the matter, and although there is no official authority for the state- ment it may well be true. It had not been publicly announced, but it appears to have been generally accepted, that Cook had been selected for the command of the expedition, and the fact that a Whitby-built ship was chosen seems further corroboration. Mr Dalrymple enters a claim, in letters written to Dr Hawkesworth, to having "chosen" the Endeavour for the voyage, but as the Valentine and Earl of go 1768— PREPARATIONS FOR FIRST VOYAGE [chap. Pembroke were not ordered to be surveyed till 23rd March, when it was known that the Admiralty had refused to allow him the command of the expedition, there does not appear to be much weight in his claim. Admiral Wharton assumes that, as Cook expresses himself averse from having exploring ships sheathed with copper, owing to the difficulty of making satis- factory repairs in case of accident when away from proper facilities, and from the constant mention of "heeling and boot-topping" in the Journal of the Endeavour, it is most probable that she was sheathed in wood. This assumption is fully justified, for there is no mention of any copper in the Surveyor's books at the Records Office, nor at the time of her being repaired at the Endeavour River, nor in Batavia, when it is impossible that any account of her damaged bottom could be given without the mention of copper, had such sheathing been used. The Naval Chronicle^ 1799, says that the Alarm frigate was the first ship of the Royal Navy to be copper sheathed, and this was in 1758 ; and it is also said that at the time of this expedi- tion. Captain Wallis's ship, the Dolphin, in which he sailed round the world, was the only coppered ship in the service ; and that she remained the only one for some years. On 5th May a meeting of the Council of the Royal Society was held, and "Captain John Campbell mentioned that Captain James Cook" (thus in the Minutes of the Society) "who now attended will be appointed by the Admiralty to the command of the vessel destined for the observation in the Southern Latitudes, and that he was a proper person to be one of the observers in the observation of the Transit of Venus, Mr Cook was called in, and accepted the employment in consideration of such gratuity as the Society shall think proper, and an allowance of £120 a year for victualling himself and the other observer in every particular. VI.] INSTRUMENTS FROM ROYAL SOCIETY 91 "Mr Green, attending, was also called in, and accepted the engagement of observer, and agreed to the allowance aforesaid, with a further gratuity to himself of 200 guineas for the voyage, and if the voyage should exceed two years, then at the rate of 100 guineas per ann. ' ' Resolved that the instruments for the use of the observers in the Southern Latitudes be the following : "2 Reflecting telescopes of two feet focus, with a Dolland's micrometer to one of them and moveable wires for the other, now at Mr Shorts. ' ' 2 Wooden Stands for the telescopes with polar axes suited to the Equator ; provided by Mr Short and now at his house. ' ' An astronomical quadrant of one foot radius, made by Mr Bird and now at his house. "An astronomical Clock and Alarm Clock, now at the Royal Observatory. " A Brass Hadley's sextant, bespoke by Mr Maskelyne of Mr Ramsden. " A Barometer, bespoke of Mr Ramsden. " A Journeyman Clock, bespoke of Mr Skelton. "2 Thermometers, of Mr Bird. " I Stand for Bird's quadrant, now at the house of the Society. " A dipping needle, bespoke of Mr Ramsden." The workmen were ordered by the Society to show and explain the instruments to Messrs Cook and Green, and Mr Robertson was instructed to provide them with Senex's or Halley's maps of the zodiac. A portable observatory was constructed of a wooden framework covered with canvas under the superintendence of the Astronomer Royal and Cook, at a cost of ;^i6, i6s. Mr Weld, in his "History of the Royal Society," says it was designed by Smeaton, the builder of the Eddystone Lighthouse. Mr Maskelyne, knowing the necessity of a good watch when taking observations for ascertaining the longitude, lent the Society one of his own, made by Graham, which was to be entrusted to Mr Green, and was signed for with the other instruments. At the 92 1768— PREPARATIONS FOR FIRST VOYAGE [chap. meeting at which this offer of Mr Mciskelyne's was made, Cook agreed to accept a gratuity of one hundred guineas from the Society for taking the observations, and was paid ;^i20, the allowance for the sustenance of Mr Green and himself, and was authorised to draw on the Society during the voyage, for a further amount, not exceeding ;^i20. The following entry appears in the "Commissions and Warrants Book" under the date 25th May 1768. " Mr James Cook (2nd) ist Lieutenant Endeavour Bark. E. H., C. T., C. S." The initials signify Edward Hawke, Charles Town- shend, and Charles Saunders. The (2nd) evidently refers to the fact that there was already one James Cook, a Lieutenant in the Navy, viz., the former Master of the Mercury, and Third Lieutenant of the Gosport. On the same date as the entry of his appointment the Lords of the Admiralty wrote to Cook : "Whereas we have appointed you First Lieutenant of His Majesty's Bark, the Endeavour, now at Deptford, and intend that you shall command her during her present intended voyage ; and, whereas, we have ordered the said Bark to be fitted out and stored at that place for Foreign Service, manned with seventy men (agreeable to the scheme on the Back hereof) and victualled to Twelve months of all species of Provisions (for the said number of men at whole allowance) except Beer, of which she is to have only a proportion for one month and to be supplied with Brandy in lieu of the remainder : you are hereby required and directed to use the utmost despatch in getting her ready for the sea accordingly, and then falling down to Galleons Reach, take in her guns and gunners' stores at that place and proceed to the Nore for further orders. "Given etc., etc., 25th May 1768 "ED Hawke. C. Townshend. P- T. Brett. "To Lieut. James Cook." VI.] APPLICATION FOR BANKS 93 In the " Scheme " he is put down as First Lieutenant to command at five shillings per day ; it is to be presumed that this was his command allowance, and does not compare favourably with that of the present day. In consequence of these orders Cook proceeded to Deptford, and hoisted his pendant on board H.M.S. Endeavour on 27th May, and proceeded to push on the preparations for sea. A considerable quantity of coal was taken on board for use in the stores for drying the ship, as it took up so much less room than wood. At this time Captain Wallis had returned from his voyage round the world in the Dolphin, and reported very strongly in favour of the island of Georgeland, called afterwards by Cook Otaheite, as the most con- venient place at which the observations might be taken. The Royal Society accordingly wrote to the Admiralty requesting that the Endeavour should be ordered to go there. They also notified that ' ' Mr Charles Green and Capt. Cook, who is commander of the vessel," had been appointed observers. At the same time they said : "Besides whom Joseph Banks, Esq., Fellow of this Society, a Gentlemen of large fortune, who is well versed in Natural History, being desirous of undertaking the same voyage, the council very earnestly request their Lordships that in regard to Mr Banks's great personal merit and for the advancement of useful knowledge, he also, together with his suite, being seven persons more (that is eight persons in all) together with their baggage, be received on board of the ship under the command of Capt. Cook." They also requested that the expedition might be landed a month or six weeks before the 3rd June in order that the instruments might be got into proper working order, and for fear that some accident might prevent the arrival of the ship at Georgeland, a table of limits was enclosed within which the observations 94 1768— PREPARATIONS FOR FIRST VOYAGE [chap. might be taken. Full instructions to the two observers were also sent that had been drawn up by Mr Nevil Maskelyne, and a list of the fixed stars to be observed. The order to receive Mr Green and Mr Banks and party on board the Endeavour was given on 22nd July. They were to be entered "for victuals only," and were to be supplied with the same as the ships' company during their continuance on board. The members of Mr Banks's party were : Dr Solander, naturalist ; H. Sporin, assistant naturalist ; A. Buchan, S. Parkinson, and Jno. Reynolds, artists ; James Roberts and Peter Briscoe, white servants ; Thos. Richmond and J. Dorlton, coloured servants. It was owing to the personal friendship existing between Banks and Lord Sandwich that he was permitted to accompany Cook. He had taken up the study of botany as a boy at school, and at an early age had been elected a Fellow of the Royal Society. He had made a voyage to Newfoundland in the summer of 1766, in H.M.S. Niger, Captain Sir Thos. Adams, and it has been stated, met Cook for the first time when out there, but there is nothing to show that this is the case ; the two ships, Niger and Grenville were never together. He seems to have immediately formed a just estimate of Cook's worth ; indeed, Sir John Barrow says he took a liking to him at the first interview ; and a firm friendship quickly sprung up between them which lasted to the end ; and many instances are to be found of his interest in, and support to Cook after their return home. This friendship speaks volumes for the character of Cook, for though Banks was a most kindly natured man at heart, he had, at times, a very over-bearing manner. Sir Joseph Hooker, in his introduction to Banks's Journal, quotes from an interesting letter written by Mr John Ellis, F.R.S., to Linnaeus, the great botanist, from which the following is extracted : VI.] LETTER FROM ELLIS TO LINNiEUS 95 "I must now inform you that Joseph Banks, Esq., a gentleman of ;^6,ooo per annum estate, has prevailed on your pupil, Dr Solander, to accompany him in the ship that carries the English astronomers to the new discovered country in the South Sea, where they are to collect all the natural curiosities of the place, and after the astronomers have finished their observations on the Transit of Venus, they are to proceed under the direction of Mr Banks, by order of the Lords of the Admiralty, on further discoveries. No people ever went to sea better fitted out for the purpose of Natural History, nor more elegantly. They have got a fine library of Natural History : they have all sorts of machines for catching and preserving insects ; all kinds of nets, trawls, drags, and hooks for coral fishing ; they have even a curious contrivance of a telescope, by which, put into the water, you can see the bottom at a great depth, where it is clear. They have many cases of bottles with ground stoppers, of several sizes, to preserve animals in spirits. They have the several sorts of salts to surround the seeds ; and wax, both bees-wax and that of the myrica ; besides, there are many people whose sole business it is to attend them for this very purpose. They have two painters and draughtsmen, several volunteers who have a tolerable notion of Natural History ; in short, Solander assured me this expedition would cost Mr Banks ;^ 10,000. About three days ago I took my leave of Solander, when he assured me he would write to you and to all his family, and acquaint them with the particulars of this expedition. I must observe to you that his places are secured to him, and he has promises from persons in power, of much better preferment on his return. Everybody here parted from him with reluctance, for no man was ever more beloved and in so great esteem with the public, from his affable and polite behaviour." The Endeavour left Deptford on 21st July, called at Galleons Reach, where she remained till the 30th taking in her guns and gunners' stores. Her arma- ment was originally established at six carriage guns, four pounders, increased to ten at Plymouth, and eight swivels to which, at Cook's request, four more were 96 1768— PREPARATIONS FOR FIRST VOYAGE [chap. added for use in the ship's boats. She then dropped down the river, and anchored in the Downs on 3rd August. The complement of the ship had been increased to eighty-five men, including twelve marines who were to join at Plymouth ; and a Third Lieutenant had been appointed on 20th July. Cook joined his ship on the 7th, discharged his pilot and sailed the next day, He had a very tedious passage down the Channel, and did not arrive in Plymouth till the 14th, when he immediately sent word to Messrs Banks and Solander, who had remained behind in London, that his ship was ready for sea, and he was only waiting for a fair wind to sail at once. They immediately started for Plymouth, their baggage being already safely on board, and joined Cook on 20th August. Having received his marines, extra guns, twelve barrels of powder, and other stores, Cook mustered his crew, paid them two months' advance, and explained to them that they were not to expect any additional pay for the intended voyage. He says " they were well satisfied and expressed great cheerfulness and readiness to prosecute the voyage." The orders under which he sailed were secret, and, unfortunately, are not to be found. Admiral Wharton says that the letter covering them is in existence, but the orders themselves which should be on the next page are not there. Cook, however, writes : " I was, therefore, ordered to proceed directly to Otaheite ; and, after the astronomical observations should be completed, to prosecute the design of making discoveries in the South Pacific Ocean by proceeding to the South as far as the latitude of 40° : then, if I found no land, to proceed to the west between 40° and 35° till I fell in with New Zealand, which I was to explore, and thence return to England by such route as I should think proper." This is evidently a version of his orders given with VI.] SAILING ORDERS 97 the light of knowledge gained by having carried them out, and it would be most interesting to be able to compare them with the original ones. His last letter to the Admiralty, before leaving England, was written on the day of his arrival at Plymouth, informing them of that fact, and announcing his intention of proceeding to sea with all possible despatch. G CHAPTER VII 1 768-1 769 — PLYMOUTH TO OTAHEITE After waiting for some days for a fair wind, Cook eventually sailed at 2 p.m. on 26th August, having on board, as he says in his Journal, "94 persons including officers, seamen. Gentlemen and their servants, near 18 months' provisions, 10 carriage guns, 12 swivels, with good store of ammunition and stores of all kinds." On ist September they had heavy gales lasting for about twenty-four hours, and a small boat belonging to the boatswain was washed away and " between three and four dozen of our poultry, which was worst of all," were drowned. The ship was found to be very leaky in her upper works, and the sails in the store got very wet. Banks notes they caught two birds in the rigging that had evidently been blown off the coast of Spain, which they were passing at the time. On 13th September they anchored in Funchal Roads, and during the night "the Bend of the Hawser of the stream anchor slip'd owing to the carelessness of the person who made it fast." The anchor was hauled up into a boat in the morning and carried further out, but, unfortunately, in heaving it into the water, the master's mate, named Weir, got entangled in the buoy rope, was carried overboard and drowned before any assistance could be rendered. Whilst shifting her berth to a more convenient spot, the Endeavour^ owing to some misunderstanding, was fired on by one of the forts, but satisfactory explana- 98 CHAP. VII.] FUNCHAL, MADEIRA 99 tions and apologies were made, and Cook treated it as a matter of such small importance that he does not mention it in his Journal. This incident is probably the origin of the story told by Forster in his Journal of Cook's second voyage. He says that "Captain Cook in the Endeavour battered the Loo Fort at Madeira in conjunction with an English Frigate, thus resenting an affront which had been offered to the British flag." On the arrival of the Endeavour at Funchal the only British man-of-war there was H.M.S. Rose, which sailed the following day with a convoy, and neither her captain's Journal nor the ship's log makes any reference whatever to any dispute with the Portuguese. No other English man-of-war came into the port whilst the Endeavour was there, and neither Banks nor Parkinson refers to the matter in any way, and Cook afterwards, at Rio, expressly informed the Viceroy that he had been well received by the Portuguese at Madeira. A fresh supply of water, beef, vegetables, and wine was taken on board ; the wine, fruit, and water being good and cheap, but the beef and some poultry purchased for the cabin were dear, and only to be obtained by special leave from the Governor. Two of the men, a marine and a sailor, received twelve lashes each for refusing to eat their allowance of fresh meat. This appears to be harsh treatment, but it must be remembered that the lash was at that time almost the only recognised method of punishment in the Navy for offences however trivial, and also that Cook knew, from his own experience, how important it was to prevent the scurvy from once getting a foothold on board, and was determined to fight this, almost his most dangerous foe, by every means in his power. He was fortunate in getting a large supply of good onions here, and twenty pounds of this useful vegetable were served out per man, followed a few days after- wards by a further supply of lo lbs. 100 1 768-1 769— PLYMOUTH TO OTAHEITE [chap. Mr Banks, who with his staff, spent the five days they were at Funchal with Mr Cheap, the English Consul, describes the place as very pretty when viewed from the sea. He explored as much of the island as he could, but complains that his time was so much broken up that he does not think he was ever more than three miles from, the town. The Governor visited them on one day which he says was thus wasted, but relates, with evident glee, how he took his revenge. There was an electric machine on board, and His Excellency was most curious on the subject, so it was sent for and explained to him, and Mr Banks says, ' ' they gave him as many shocks as he cared for ; perhaps more." A visit was paid to a large convent where the nuns, who had heard that they were distinguished scientists, plied them with all sorts of questions, and Banks says that for the half-hour the visit lasted their tongues were going "all the time at an uncommonly nimble rate." A monastery was also visited, but the monks were unprepared to show them hospitality ; however, they invited the party most cordially to return the next day, and, though it was a fast day, they promised them that they should have roast turkey for dinner. Unfortunately, the invitation could not be accepted. The people he describes as very primitive, idle, and uninformed, and all their instruments of the rudest make, and he thought that the appliances used in the manufacture of wine must have been similar to those used by Noah, "although it is not impossible that he might have used better, if he remembered the methods he had seen before the flood." One of the Governors left it on record that so averse were the people from change that he esteemed it most fortunate that the island was not Eden before the fall, as in that case the inhabitants could never have been induced to put on clothes. Banks obtained many valuable notes and specimens SIR JOSEPH BANKS. \_Tofacef. loo. vu.] CROSSING THE LINE loi from a Dr Heberden, who had been resident on the island for some years. On 19th September, at midnight, they weighed anchor, sighting Teneriffe on the 23rd, and the next day saw their first flying fish, which found its way into Mr Green's cabin. On the 28th they caught a young shark, and had some steaks for dinner, which Banks and Solander reported on as being very good ; but the crew religiously refused to try them. Cape de Verde Islands were seen on the 30th, and about a fortnight afterwards, having had a long succession of calms, the line was crossed in 29°24' W. longitude, and the following day that event was celebrated in the usual rough manner. A list of all on board was drawn up, even including the dogs and cats, and was brought into the cabin to Lieutenant Hicks, who had crossed before. All hands were mustered on deck, and those who had to pay homage to Father Neptune were separated from the rest. Any one who wished could purchase immunity for four days' allowance of wine ; but the others had to undergo the ordeal of ducking. Banks compounded for himself and party, and it must be supposed that the commander of the ship followed his example, as it is not reported that he was ducked. That process was carried out as follows : A rope was rove through a block on the end of the main-yard and had three pieces of wood fastened on it, one to form a seat to which the victim was securely lashed, the second for him to hold on to, and the third over his head to prevent his being injured by the rope being hauled too far through the block. When securely lashed, the boatswain whistled, and the sufferer was hauled up till stopped by the upper piece of wood, then a second whistle, and down he came with a run into the sea, only to be quickly hauled up for a second and then a third dip. Cook says the ' ' ceremony was performed to 102 1 768-1 769— PLYMOUTH TO OTAHEITE [chap. about twenty or thirty to the no small diversion of the rest." Whilst near the Equator great inconvenience was experienced from the damp heat, everything was mouldy or rusty, and several of the crew were on the sick-list with a sort of bilious complaint ; but fortunately it did not get a sufficient hold to become a serious matter. They struck soundings on 6th November, and heaving the lead three times within three or four hours they found a difference of less than a foot between each cast. On the 8th land was sighted, which proved to be the Coast of Brazil, near Cape Frio, latitude 21" 16' S. They came 'across a boat near this place, manned by eleven blacks who were engaged in fishing, salting, and stacking the fish in their boat as they caught them. Banks purchased some of their catch, and was going to pay for them in Spanish coin, but was greatly surprised to find they preferred English money. Their method of obtaining a drink from the water cask caused some amusement as it required two men to one drink. A hollow cane was inserted into the cask by one man who covered the orifice at the top end of the cane with his hand, and then transferred the contents of the cane from the cask to the mouth of his thirsty mate. On 13th November they arrived off Rio de Janeiro, where they were very ungraciously received by the Viceroy, and Cook's report on the subject, together with copies of the "Memorials" that passed between the two, are to be found in the Public Records office. The report, a lengthy document, is worth reading, as it shows, in a marked degree, great patience and dignified conduct in a difficult and undoubtedly very galling position. The facts shortly told are as follows: As soon as the Endeavour arrived off the port, Lieu- tenant Hicks was sent in one of the boats to announce the arrival of the ship, to ask for the services of a pilot VII.] TROUBLES AT RIO 103 to take her up to the proper anchorage, and to inform the Viceroy that she was calling in to obtain such necessary refreshment as would enable her to continue her voyage. A favourable breeze springing up, Cook decided not to wait for Mr Hicks's return, but to sail up the river where he encountered no difBculties — and he anchored off the town. The boat then returned to the ship without Mr Hicks, who had been detained on shore by the orders of the Viceroy, and it was quickly followed by a second one with several officers "who asked many and very particular questions, all of which was answered to their satisfaction." These officers told Cook that it was the invariable custom to detain any one who came ashore from a ship before the Viceroy's boat had visited her. A guard boat next made its appearance with orders to allow no one to land except Cook, and no one to go on board without a special permit. Mr Hicks, who had at last been allowed to return to his ship, reported that as soon as he had delivered his message, he was asked if he would conform to the customs of the place, and he at once replied that any customs that had previously been observed by English men- of-war would be conformed to. He was told that Cook must wait on the Viceroy the next day, and when he attempted to go to his boat he was prevented, and told he would have to remain ashore till his captain landed. However, he was allowed to return the next day. Cook then had an interview with the Viceroy and arranged for the purchase of food, which must be bought through a native, and a commission of five per cent, paid on everything. He was permitted to water the ship, but had to submit to a sentry over his men and a guard in each boat engaged. When these matters had been arranged Cook remonstrated about his lieutenant having been detained, only to be 104 1768-1769— PLYMOUTH TO OTAHEITE [chap. met with the same explanation that he had received before, and he decided to "waive this matter in the best manner I could, being very desirous of avoiding all manner of disputes of this nature, which I knew could not fail of creating a delay which would retard the voyage, the success of which I had of all things most at heart. " He then informed the Viceroy that he had some scientific gentlemen on board and requested that they might be allowed to land after being so long at sea, and also be permitted to make collec- tions of such things as related to natural history; but to his great surprise this request was promptly refused. On returning to his ship he found that an officer had been told off to accompany him wherever he went, and was informed that he was there to render him any assistance he might require, but as Cook could not speak Portuguese and the officer could speak no English, the former thought he would not be of much service, and concluded that he was simply intended as a guard. He informed his attendant that an English gentleman, named Foster, who was in the Portuguese army, had offered his services and they would suffice, and that at any rate his guard should not be permitted on board his ship in that capacity ; to which it was replied that he might be left in the guard-boat, but that he must accompany him so far. In the end this officer and Mr Foster dined on board as Cook's guests, and after dinner Mr Banks and some of the others prepared to accompany Cook on shore to call on the Viceroy, but were informed that no one except the Commander of the Endeavour would be permitted to land. Cook was unable to see the Viceroy so he sent word to him that he was greatly obliged for the honour done him in attaching an officer to him during his stay, but he hoped His Excellency would not insist on it, as it was an VII.] TROUBLES AT RIO 105 honour that would not be paid in England to an officer of his rank, and that it had not been conferred on the Commanders of the Dolphin and Tamar when they were at Rio. The Viceroy replied that Portuguese officers would not expect the same compliment in England, and he did not know what had been done in the case of the Dolphin and Tamar, as that was before his time ; he was only acting according to orders, and no one but the Commander would be allowed on shore. After further discussion. Cook considered the possibility of leaving the port at once, but came to the conclusion, in the interests of the expedition, to put up with these indignities, obtain what he required, and then report the matter fully to the Admiralty. A "Memorial," signed by Cook and Banks, was sent by Mr Hicks to the Viceroy, and Hicks was instructed to admit no guard into his boat. The Viceroy, however, would receive no communication from an unguarded boat. Mr Hicks was conveyed back to the Endeavour by force, and his boat was seized and his boats' crew put in prison. Their release was immediately demanded by Cook, who received a reply that an answer would be sent the next day. That night the long boat with four pipes of rum in her — she had been engaged in bringing stores to the ship — broke away in a squall, and the only boat Cook had to send after her was the yawl, which picked her up but had to leave her at a grapnel as she was too small to tow her back. A letter was sent the next morning for assistance to get her back to the ship, and asking for the return of the pinnace and her crew. After some delay the requests were granted and an answer was also sent to the Memorial. The Viceroy expressed a doubt as to the Endeavour being a King's ship, accused the crew of smuggling, and appeared to have been utterly unable to understand the object of the voyage. Cook says his only idea of io6 1768-1769— PLYMOUTH TO OTAHEITE [chap. the Transit of Venus was "the North Star passing through the South Pole. His own words." Finding it was not possible to go on shore unguarded, Cook remained on board, but by sending his boats in command of petty officers, he, submitting to a guard, was able to get in his supplies, and was soon ready to " put to sea, without loss of time, in as good a condition for prosecuting the voyage as the day we left England." What made the maintenance of a guard especially galling, was that a Spanish man-of-war came in during his stay and no guard was put on her — and her officers were permitted to go wherever they liked. M. de Bougainville, when on his voyage, visited Rio, and was at first received in a most friendly manner by this same Viceroy ; but after a time the treatment was altered, and he had to put up with even greater insolence than Cook. The Spanish man-of-war above mentioned willingly undertook to carry home and forward to the Admiralty Cook's report and copies of the memorials and replies ; but it has not been ascertained what further steps were taken. Cook speaks of this correspondence as " a paper war between me and His Excellency, wherein I had no other advantage than the racking his invention to find reasons for treating us in the manner he did, for he never would relax the least from any one point." Parkinson, in the Journal published by his brother, which was suppressed for a time in the interests of Dr Hawkesworth's work, says that, notwithstanding the precautions taken by the Governor, he. Banks, and Solander " frequently, unknown to the centinel, stole out of the cabin window at midnight, letting ourselves down into the boat by a rope ; and driving away with the tide till we were out of hearing, we then rowed to some unfrequented part of the shore, where we landed and made excursions up into the country, though not so far as we could have wished to have done." vii.] SECOND FATAL ACCIDENT 107 Speaking of the supplies received at Rio, Banks says the beef, though very cheap, about ajd. per pound, was very lean and dry ; the bread tasted as if made of sawdust, and quite justified the Portuguese name, Farinha de Pao (wooden meal) ; and the fruits, with the exception of the oranges, were very indifferent, in particular, the banana, a fruit he had not tasted before, was not at all to his liking. The water also was so bad that the crew preferred what they had brought with them, although it was very stale. When they had received their stores on board, the anchor was weighed in order to take up a more favourable position for making a start, but, unfor- tunately, shortly after the ship got under weigh, a man named Flowers fell from the main-shrouds into the sea and was drowned before assistance could be rendered. This was the second death since leaving England. The next day, 3rd December, the wind was contrary, and as they were all anxious to turn their backs on the place where they had been so ungraciously received, the boats were ordered to tow the ship out of the bay, but they were at once brought to by a shot fired from the fort of Santa Cruz. A remonstrance was immediately sent ashore, and, in response, it was pleaded that the necessary permit for leaving the port had been signed, but had been delayed in its way to the fort, and till the officer in command received the paper no vessel was allowed to leave. Another attempt was afterwards made to get away, but the anchor was found to have fouled a rock, and at last, on the 7th, they were able to make a start, discharging the pilot, and bidding farewell to the guard-boat. During the time that Cook had been prisoner on board his own ship he had not been idle, but had employed himself making observations and drawing a sketch map of the harbour. He was able to pick up a good deal of information from various sources. ro8 1 768-1769— PLYMOUTH TO OTAHEITE [chap. particularly from the pilot, and Banks and Solander, by joining a broom-cutting party on one of the islands, were able to make some additions to their botanical collection. Before leaving, they learnt that the Portuguese officer, Mr Foster, who had been of considerable service to them, had been placed under arrest by the Viceroy in consequence. On 9th December they met with some bad weather and lost their foretop-gallant mast, but the rough handling they got was credited with improving the sailing qualities of the ship as it took some of the stiffness out of her upperworks. A meteor was seen on the 23rd, which was like a small bright cloud emitting flames and travelling rapidly westward ; eventually two sharp explosions were heard and it slowly disappeared. On the same day they also observed an eclipse of the moon. Christmas Day, for which the men had been saving up their allowances of grog, passed in the usual manner, that is to say, in considerable over-indulgence ; Banks speculates in his Journal as to what might have happened if they had had bad weather, and Cook dismisses the occurrence very shortly : ' ' The people were none of the soberest." On the 27th they were crossing the mouth of the River Plate ; the water was noticed to be very dis- coloured, and a good many land insects were caught in it. On 2nd January 1769, they saw shoals of red lobsters like those mentioned by Dampier and Cowley, but they were not met with in such quantities as those navigators reported. On the nth, the shores of Terra del Fuego were sighted, and on working closer in, the country was found to be less desolate in appearance than they had expected from Anson's description. Arriving off the entrance to the Straits of Le Maire, between Staten VII.] STATEN ISLAND log Island and the mainland, they were driven back by the tide and a strong adverse wind. In endeavouring to shelter under Cape Diego they were carried past by the current, but, after considerable difficulty, managed to get through the straits in about three and a half days. Cook has left sailing directions for this passage which are followed to the present day. Banks and Solander managed to get a short time ashore on Staten Island, and returned delighted with an addition of some hundred new plants to their collection. Cook, who had his eye to the welfare of his crew, remarks : ' ' They returned on board, bringing with them several plants and flowers, etc., most of them unknown in Europe, and in that consisted their whole value." The weather clearing up permitted Cook and Green to make a series of observations, "the first ever made so far South in America," which enabled them to fix the position of Cape Diego as 66° W., 54° 39' S. ; Wharton gives it as 65° 8' W., 54° 40' S. On the 15th, they anchored in the Bay of Success, to replenish their stock of wood and water, and here met with some of the inhabitants, with whom, by means of gifts of beads and other small things, they soon established friendly relations, and three of them were persuaded to go on board the ship. Though by no means a small race of men, they were nothing like the giants that had been reported by the earlier navigators to live in this part of the globe. They had in their possession, glass, buttons, rings, canvas, brown cloth, etc., showing conclusively that they had previously had some communication with Europeans. Their clothing consisted chiefly of skins, roughly cured, and a plentiful coating of paint. The only personal property on which they appeared to set much store were their bows and arrows, which were carefully made and always kept in good order. Their staple food appeared to be seal flesh and shell-fish ; their no 1768-1769— PLYMOUTH TO OTAHEITE [chap. houses, merely shelters of boughs covered with grass and leaves built to windward of a small fire. On i6th January Messrs Banks, Solander, Buchan, Green, Monkhouse, two seamen, and Banks's two coloured servants, tried to get up the hills to see something of the surrounding country ; but they found their progress much hampered by the dwarf vegetation. To add to their discomfort, it turned very cold, and a heavy snowstorm came on. Several of the party experienced the desire to sleep that is brought on by cold, and were warned against giving way to it by Dr Solander, who knew its danger, yet he was almost the first one to give in, and was with great difficulty kept awake. Mr Buchan, most unfortunately too, had a fit, and so a large fire was made at the first convenient spot, but a sailor and the two coloured men lagged behind. During the night the seaman was heard shouting and was brought in to the fire, but in the morning the other two were found frozen to death. Cook attributes their death to over-indulgence in spirits, the supply for the party having been in their charge. As they had not intended to remain away from the ship for the night, provisions ran short, and so a vulture was shot and carefully divided amongst them, each one cooking his own portion, which amounted to about three mouthfuls. At length the weather clearing up, they started back for the ship, and after some three hours they struck the beach only to find they had been no great distance away, but had described a circle, and had arrived quite close to the point from which they started. Banks notes that the vegetation was far in excess of what they had been led to expect, and that white was the dominant colour of the flowers. Wild celery and scurvy grass were collected in large quantities, and were plentifully mixed with the food as long as it was possible to preserve it in a wholesome condition. Whilst in the Bay of Success the guns vii.] ROUNDING THE HORN m were placed in the hold, so that if bad weather was experienced in rounding Cape Horn, there would be more room on the deck for working the ship. On 27th January Cape Horn was passed, but, owing to the prevalence of fog and the contrary direction of the wind, which prevented their approaching very closely, they were unable to fix its exact position, but the description they were able to give of its appearance, and twenty-four observations taken in the immediate neighbourhood, settled any doubts they may have had about it, and Cook places it in 55° 53' S., 68° 13' W., and Wharton gives the corrected position as 55° 58' S., 67° 16' W. Three days afterwards they reached their furthest south, according to Cook, 60° 4' S., 74° io' W., and the course was then altered to West by North. The continuous and careful observations of the state of the sea, and the absence of currents during the following month, caused Cook to come to the conclusion, which he was afterwards to prove a true one, that the vast southern continent, so long supposed to be situated somewhere in this part of the globe, and by many esteemed necessary to preserve its balance, was non- existent. Banks, in his Journal, expresses his pleasure at having upset this theory, and observes: "Until we know how the globe is fixed in its position, we need not be anxious about its balance." The weeks following the alteration of their course to the northward were uneventful, and were only marked by the occasional success of the naturalists in obtaining fresh specimens, some of which were experimented on by the cook ; for instance, an albatross having been skinned and soaked in salt water all night, was stewed and served with savoury sauce, and was preferred to fresh pork ; a cuttle fish of large size that had been freshly killed by the birds, and so much damaged that they were unable to classify it, was made into soup of which Banks says: "Only this I know that, 112 1 768-1 769— PLYMOUTH TO OTAHEITE [chap. of it was made one of the best soups I ever ate." The water obtained in Terra del Fuego turned out to be very good, which was a very great boon, as one of their constant troubles and a source of great anxiety to Cook was the bad quality of the water often obtained. Towards the end of March a change was noticed in the kinds of birds flying round the ship, some of them being recognised as species which were never known to be found far from shore, and in consequence a very sharp look-out was kept, each one being anxious to be the first to sight the land. On the night of the 24th the trunk of a tree was reported to have been seen, but when morning came there were no further visible signs. It has since been decided that they were at that time a little to the north of Pitcairn Island, afterwards the home of the mutineers of the Bounty ; but Cook did not think himself at liberty to risk delay by making any deviation from his course "to look for what he was not sure to find," although he thought at the time he was " not far from those islands discovered by Quiros in 1606." On 26th March one of the marines committed suicide by jumping overboard. It seems he had mis- appropriated a piece of sealskin committed to his charge, and his fellow-soldiers, being indignant that such a thing should have been done by one of their cloth, made his life uncomfortable, and threatened that the matter should be formally reported by the sergeant. This was the fifth death since leaving England — none of which were owing to disease. On 4th April, at 10.30 A.M., Mr Banks's servant, Peter Briscoe, sighted land, and the course of the ship was altered to give them a chance of inspecting it, when it was found to be one of those peculiar circular reefs existing in the South Pacific, surrounding a lagoon. As there was no anchorage, they made no attempt vn.] FIRST PACIFIC DISCOVERY 113 to land, but were able to see from the ship that it was inhabited ; some twenty-four persons who were seen through the glasses to be copper-coloured and to have black hair, were following the ship as if prepared to oppose any attempt to land. The island was covered with trees, amongst which the cocoanut palm was clearly distinguished. Cook gave it the name of " Lagoon Island " ; it is one of the Low Archi- pelago, and is at present known as "Vahitahi." They were now in Wallis's track, and sighted islands almost every day, most of which appeared to be inhabited ; but owing to the absence of safe anchorage they were unable to hold communication with the natives. On loth April Osnaburg Island was passed, and the next day King George's Island (Otaheite) was sighted, but owing to failure of the wind they did not get close in till the 12th, when some of the inhabitants came out to the ship in their canoes, bringing with them branches of trees, which they handed up the sides, and by signs desired they should be placed conspicuously in the rigging. This was taken to mean that friendship had been offered and accepted, and then the natives produced a good supply of commodities in the shape of vegetables and fruit, amongst the last, Banks says, there were bread-fruit, bananas, cocoanuts, and apples (a species of hog plum), and they were most acceptable to the ship after so long a time without any fresh vegetable food except the. wild plants gathered in Terra del Fuego. At 7 A.M. on the 13th they anchored in the bay described by Wallis, known by the natives as Matavai, in thirteen fathoms of water, and Cook says of his route from Cape Horn, "I endeavoured to make a direct course, and in part succeeded." H CHAPTER VIII 1769 — SOCIETY ISLANDS Hardly had the anchor reached the bottom, when the Endeavour was surrounded by canoes, whose occupants were anxious to sell the supplies they had brought, consisting of fruits, raw and cooked fish, and a pig ; but as the price asked for the last was a hatchet, an article that was scarce on board, it was not purchased. When all was made safe, a party went ashore, and was well received by the natives, but those who had been to the place previously with Wallis, in the Dolphin, reported that all those who were then said to be chiefs were keeping in the background. The next day, however, two men of evident rank came on board ship, and being invited down into the cabin, went through the following ceremony as described by Banks : " Each singled out his friend ; one took the captain, and the other chose myself. Each took off a part of his clothes, and dressed his friend with what he took off ; in return for this, we presented them with a hatchet and some beads." An invitation was then given by the chiefs to their new friends to visit the shore, and at once accepted. On landing, the party were escorted to a long building, and were introduced to an old man whom they had not seen before, who presented Cook with a cock, and Banks with a hen, and each with a piece of cloth of native manufacture. The present which Banks gave in return, was his large laced silk neckcloth and a linen handkerchief. After this, they 114 CHAP. VIII.] "PRODIGIOUS EXPERT" THIEVES 115 were permitted to stroll about, and received many tokens of amity, in the shape of green boughs from the people, and were then entertained at a banquet ; the principal dishes being fish and bread-fruit. Whilst at dinner, Solander had his pocket picked of an opera-glass, and Dr Monkhouse lost his snuff-box. As soon as the loss was made known, one of their friends, whom they had nicknamed Lycurgus, drove off all the people, striking them and throwing at them anything he could lay his hands on. He offered the victims of the robbery some pieces of cloth as compensation, and when these were refused, extended his offer to everything he possessed. He was made to understand that all that was required was the return of the stolen articles, and after a time, the snufif-box and the case of the glass were returned, and then the glass itself. During the whole stay of the Endeavour at the island, they had the greatest difficulty in preventing the natives from stealing, at which accomplishment, says Cook, they were "prodigious expert." On the whole they were very well satisfied with their first visit ashore, and it was thought to augur well for the carrying out their plans for the observations of the Transit of Venus. In order to lessen the chances of disagreement arising in trading, and to enable him to have some control over the prices. Cook ordered that one person only should conduct the purchase of supplies for the ship, and appointed Mr Banks to the position, as he ha4 shown great aptitude for dealing with the natives. At the same time, he also ordered that every means was to be taken to cultivate the friendship of the islanders, and that they were to be treated "with every imaginable humanity." The next day they again went ashore and selected a site for a camp on the eastern point of the bay, to which the name of Point Venus was given, the longitude being, according to Cook, 149° 31' W., and according to ii6 1769— SOCIETY ISLANDS [chap. Wharton, 149° 29'. Lines were traced for boundaries, and Mr Banks's largest tent was pitched, then, having placed a guard in charge, the remainder of the party went for a walk of inspection through some of the surrounding country. They passed through some woods that Mr Hicks had been prevented from explor- ing the day before, and Mr Banks had the good fortune to bring down three ducks with one shot, and it was hoped that this would impress the natives with a due respect for the white man's weapons. On their road back to the camp they were alarmed by the sound of a musket shot, and hurrying on they found that, during their absence, one of the sentries had been pushed over and his musket stolen. The midshipman who was in command ordered his men to fire, and the thief had been shot, but the musket had not been recovered. All the natives ran away except one, whom Cook calls Awhaa, and whom Mr Molineaux, who had been out in the Dolphin, recognised as being a man of some authority. Through him, an attempt was made to arrange matters, but, though they landed again the next day, the natives were very shy. How- ever, the two chiefs who had first made friends with Cook and Banks, and to whom they had given the names of Lycurgus and Hercules, came again on board the ship, each bringing a present of a pig and bread- fruit, and they concluded that as Hercules's present was the larger, he was the richer and therefore the more important chief. On this day Mr Buchan, the artist, had another epileptic fit, which was unfortunately fatal. It was at first intended to bury him on land, but in order to run no risk of offending against any of the customs or superstitions of the natives, it was decided to take the body some distance out to sea. Cook, in referring to his death, says: "He will be greatly missed in the course of this voyage." vm.] FORT VENUS 117 In the afternoon, the ship was brought up into such a position as to command the site of the proposed camp, and as there was to be an eclipse of one of Jupiter's satellites, Cook and Green went ashore for the night, to try to secure an observation, but the weather was unpropitious, and they were not successful. The next thing was to put the camp in a state of defence. The north and south sides were protected by a bank 4 feet 6 inches high on the inside, having a ditch 10 feet wide and 6 feet deep on the outside. The west side, facing the bay, had a 4 feet bank, crowned by a palisade, with no ditch, and the east side, on the bank of the river, was protected by a double row of water casks. The armament consisted of two carriage guns on the weakest or east side, and six swivel guns, two on each of the other sides. The garrison was forty-five men, including civilians, and Cook considered it was practically impregnable. In the MSS. department at the British Museum, there is a pen and ink sketch and plan of the fort, drawn by Cook himself, which agrees much better with the description than the engraving of Parkinson's drawing published in the " History of the Voyage." The natives appear at first to have been somewhat disturbed by these prepara- tions, some of them even leaving the bay, but as time passed without any dreadful results, they took courage and returned. When the fort was completed the instruments were landed to be put in the required positions and prepared for their work, and the following morning the quadrant, which had not been removed from the case in which it had been packed in London, was found to be missing, although a sentry had been stationed within five yards of it the whole night. On enquiry being made, it was soon elicited that the thief had been seen making off with it, and Banks, his native friend, and one or two Englishmen at once started in pursuit, closely followed ii8 1769— SOCIETY ISLANDS [chap. by Cook and a party of marines. After a long chase the quadrant was recovered, but some of the smaller portions were found to be missing; after some further delay these were returned in a case belonging to a horse pistol which had been stolen from Banks, and soon afterwards the pistol itself was returned, and they were able to go back to the camp. On their arrival they found that Cook's friend, Dootahah, or Hercules as they had called him, had been detained as a hostage, so he was at once released to the great delight of the islanders, who had evinced great alarm when they saw an armed party go into the woods. Dootahah, to show his gratitude for his release, sent a present of two hogs to Cook, for which he refused to receive anything in return, but, second thoughts afterwards seeming best, he sent a man to ask for an axe and a shirt, and to say that he was going away, and would not be back for ten days. As the supplies of vegetables and fruit offered for sale had been decreasing in quantity, it was thought better to refuse the return present, in hopes that he would apply for it in person, and then some settled arrangement as to a regular market might be made, but as he again sent some one else, word was returned to him that Cook and Banks would bring it to him the following day. For fear that the promise might be forgotten, Dootahah again sent his man, and Cook and Banks started off in the pinnace on the visit. On their arrival they were received by a large crowd, which was kept in order by a man in an immense turban, armed with a long white stick, " which he applied to the people with great judgment and relish." The party were conducted to a large tree and very graciously received by Dootahah, who immediately asked for his axe, which was presented to him together with a shirt and a piece of broadcloth fashioned into a boat cloak. He at once put on the cloak and gave the shirt to the man with the stick. Refreshments were then served, and they were afterwards entertained with dancing and viii.] SURF-RIDING AND FLIES 119 wrestling. Dootahah then accompanied them back to the ship, taking with him supplies for dinner; and when it became known that he was on board, trading was at once resumed. One morning shortly afterwards. Banks received a message from his friend Taburai (Lycurgus), to say that he was very sick, and he wished to see him. He complained of having been poisoned by something given to him by one of the sailors. Banks made a few enquiries, and a small parcel was brought to him, which, being opened, was found to contain tobacco. It seemed that he had noticed some of the sailors chewing, and had asked for a quid, which was given to him, and he had bitten off a piece and swallowed it. Banks prescribed large draughts of cocoanut milk, which soon rendered him convalescent. Flies were a terrible pest, they got into everything, and when the artists were at work they ate off the colours almost as fast as they were laid on. Tar and molasses were tried as a trap for them, but the natives stole the mixture arjd used it as ointment for sores. They were particularly struck by the dexterity of the natives in their favourite pastime of surf-riding ; swimming out with a piece of board they would mount it and come in on the crest of the waves ; and Banks says he does not believe that any European could have lived amongst the breakers in the way they did, and he especially admired the manner in which they timed the waves and dived beneath on their way out from the shore. A blacksmith's forge had been set up at the camp, and the natives were continually bringing old iron to be made into axes, and old axes to be repaired. This was always done for them when it did not interfere with other work, and it was noticed that some of these old axes were not of English manufacture, and it appeared very unlikely that they had been obtained from the Dolphin. At length it was ascertained that since her I20 1769— SOCIETY ISLANDS [chap. visit two ships had anchored off the east coast of the island, and it was concluded from the description the natives gave of the flags that they were Spanish, but on the arrival of the Endeavour at Batavia they were able to identify them as the French ships commanded by M. de Bougainville, whose crews were suffering very severely from scurvy at that time. The supply of fresh meat was running very short, so a visit was paid to Dootahah to see if arrangements could be made for a further quantity. The visitors were received in a most friendly manner by him and a large party of his people. As it was getting rather late for a return to the ship by daylight, they determined to remain all night, and as a consequence nearly every one found that they had lost some of their property. Cook's stockings were stolen from under his head, where he had placed them for greater safety. Perhaps by way of some compensation for their losses they were entertained during the night to a concert. The orchestra consisted of three drummers and four flautists, the latter per- forming on flutes having four holes, into one of which they blew with their nostrils. Cook's criticism of the performance is hardly complimentary, he says : ' ' The music and singing were so much of a piece that I was very glad when it was over." They waited till about noon the next day, in hopes to secure some meat and the return of the things that were stolen, but were disappointed, though Dootahah promised he would bring all to the ship — "a promise we had no reason to expect he would fulfil." The important day was now rapidly approaching on which the event they had travelled so many thousand miles to observe was to take place, and everything was in readiness. In order to diminish as much as possible the risk of disappointment through local atmospheric disturbance, Cook sent a party to Eimeo, or York Island as he names it, and a second one to the south-eastern viii.J TRANSIT OF VENUS iji part of Otaheite, as far to the east of Point Venus as they could conveniently get. The first party con- sisted of Lieutenant Gore, Messrs Banks, Sporing and Monkhouse, and the second of Lieutenant Hicks, Messrs Gierke and Pickersgill, Master's - Mates, and Mr Saunders, Midshipman. Mr Green provided the necessary instruments. At Fort Venus the instruments had been in position since nth May, and everything was in good working order. The astronomical clock was set up in the large tent, being placed in a strong wooden frame, made for that purpose at Greenwich, and was then planted in the ground as firmly as possible and fenced round to guard against accidental disturbance. Twelve feet away the Observatory was placed, comprising the telescopes on their stands, the quadrant fixed securely on the top of a large cask of wet sand firmly set in the ground, and the journeyman clock. The telescopes used by Cook and Green were the two reflecting ones made by Mr J. Short. "The 3rd of June," says Cook, "proved as favour- able to our purposes as we could wish. Not a cloud to be seen the whole day and the air was perfectly clear, so that we had every advantage we could desire in observing the whole passage of the Planet Venus over the Sun's Disk. We very distinctly saw the atmosphere or Dusky Shade round the body of the Planet, which very much disturbed the time of contact, particularly the two internal ones. Dr Solander observed as well as Mr Green and myself and we differ'd from one another in observing the times of contact much more than could be expected. Mr Green's telescope and mine were of the same magnifying power, but that of the Doctor was greater than ours. It was nearly calm the whole day, and the thermometer exposed to the sun about the middle of the day rose to a degree of heat we have not before met with." In the report to the Royal Society, published in the 122 1769— SOCIETY ISLANDS [chap. " Philosophical Transactions," he also refers to the great heat: " Every wished for favourable circumstance attended the whole of the day, without one single impediment excepting the heat, which was intolerable ; the ther- mometer which hung by the clock and was exposed to the sun, as we were, was one time as high as 119°." This report is accompanied by diagrams illustrating the appearance of the different contacts and the effects of the penumbra. Cook thought that Solander saw the penumbra better than either he or Green. It was estimated at about seven-eighths of the diameter of the planet, and was visible to Cook throughout the whole of the Transit. The times of the Transit as taken by Mr Green were as follows : The first external contact . . g^- 25' 42" a.m. ,, ,, internal contact. . Q*"- 44.' 4" a.m. ,, second internal contact . s^^- 14' 8" p.m. ,, ,, external contact . 311. 22' 10" p.m. The two other parties were equally successful, and at times Mr Banks was able to employ himself most usefully in trading with the natives with whom he soon got on friendly terms. After a time he was compelled to decline further business, as they had purchased quite as much as it was possible for them to take away in the boats. He was also very successful in his botanical enquiries, obtaining several plants that he had not seen in Otaheite. Whilst the oiiicers of the expedition were employed in the important duty of taking these observations, some of the crew broke into the store and stole a considerable quantity of the large nails that were used as a medium of trade with the islanders. One man was found with seven in his possession, and after careful enquiry was viii.] DINNER OF DOG'S FLESH 123 sentenced to two dozen lashes, which seems to have been the severest sentence meted out by Cook to any of his men during the voyage. The sentence was duly carried out, and though it was well known that more than one was concerned in the robbery, he refused to implicate any one else, and suffered in silence. The King's Birthday being on the 5th June, Cook entertained several of the chiefs at dinner, and the health of "Kjlnargo," the nearest they could get to King George, was toasted with great gusto ; and by some of them was repeated so often that the result was disaster to themselves. One of the presents received from the chiefs was a dog, which they were informed was good to eat, and after some discussion it was handed over to the tender mercies of a man named Tupia, who had made himself very useful, and who afterwards accompanied them on their voyage. He first of all smothered it with his hands, and having drawn it, wrapped it in leaves and baked it in a native oven. With some little hesitation it was tasted, and met with general approval. Cook says : "Therefore we resolved for the future never to despise dog flesh ; " and in another place he says they put dog's flesh " next only to English lamb." These dogs were bred for eating, and lived entirely on vegetable food, and both Cook and Banks appear to have had considerable doubts if all dogs would have been equally good. On one occasion the camp was visited by a chief named Oamo, the husband of Oborea, a woman who was looked upon by Wallis, at the time of his visit, as queen of the island, but who had, in some way that Cook could not understand, fallen from her high position. She was at this time separated from Oamo, and it seemed to have been no unusual thing for married people to choose another partner ; and though Oborea was living with her second choice, the fact appeared to have nothing to do with her loss of status. 124 1769— SOCIETY ISLANDS [chap. Oamo was accompanied by a youth, his son, who was carried on men's shoulders, and at whose appearance all the natives immediately uncovered their bodies down to the waist. This was a mark of the greatest respect, and the travellers were informed that this youth was the king of the whole island. The main object of their stay at Otaheite having been satisfactorily attained, steps were taken for a further prosecution of their voyage ; the ship was careened, her bottom scraped, examined, and found to be quite free from worm, but the boats had suffered, particularly the long boat, which had to have a new bottom put in. She had been varnished only, whilst the other boats which had been painted with white lead had not suffered so much. The ship's stores were overhauled, and she was fitted for sea. Whilst these preparations were going on. Cook and Banks made a circuit of the island in the pinnace, proceeding by the east side, for the purpose of examining and sketching the coast. Several good anchorages were found between the reefs and the mainland, having from sixteen to twenty-four fathoms of water, and good hold- ing ground. The place where the two ships, that were afterwards found to have been De Bougainville's, had anchored and watered, was pointed out, but no remains by which they could be identified were found. The south-east portion of the island was almost divided from the mainland, the junction being a narrow marshy isthmus about two miles in width, over which the natives were able to drag their canoes with but little difficulty. On the south side of the island one of the large burying places, such as had already excited their curiosity, was seen. It was by far the most extensive one on the island, and is described by Cook as "a long square of stonework built pyramidically ; its base is 267 feet by 87 feet ; at the Top it is 250 feet by 8 feet. It is built in the same manner as we do steps vin.] A MORAI 125 leading up to a sun-dial or fountain erected in the middle of a square, where there is a flite of steps on each side. In this building there are ii of such steps; each step is about 4 feet in height, and the breadth 4 feet 7 inches, but they decreased both in height and breadth from the bottom to the Top. On the middle of the Top stood the image of a Bird carved in wood, near it lay the broken one of a Fish, carved in stone. There was no hollow or cavity in the inside, the whole being filled up with stones. The outside was faced partly with hewn stones, and partly with others, and these were placed in such a manner as to look very agreeable to the eye. Some of the hewn stones were 4 feet 7 inches by 2 feet 4 inches, and 15 inches thick, and had been squared and polished with some sort of an edge tool. On the east side was, enclosed with a stone wall, a piece of ground in form of a square, 360 feet by 354, in this, was growing several cypress trees and plantains. Round about this Morie was several smaller ones, all going to decay, and on the Beach, between them and the sea, lay scattered up and down, a great quantity of human bones. Not far from the Great Morie, was 2 or 3 pretty large altars, where lay the scull bones of some Hogs and Dogs. This monument stands on the south side of Opooreanoo, upon a low point of land about 100 y^^- from the sea. It appeared to have been built many years and was in a state of decay, as most of their Mories are." Cook was unable to obtain any satisfactory informa- tion as to these historical remains, or of the religious belief of the inhabitants of the island ; but he thought that there was ground for assuming that they did believe in some Supreme Power, to whom they made peace offerings of food, etc. , and they appeared to have some vague ideas of a future life. The party returned to Point Venus, to find the refitting of the ship nearly completed, but owing to the ravages of the sea worms, the anchor stocks had to be replaced, and so Mr Banks and Dr Monkhouse utilised the spare time in making an excursion up the river on which the camp was situated. After about 126 1769— SOCIETY ISLANDS [chap. nine miles, they found the sides of the valley, which had become very precipitous as they ascended, had completely closed in upon them, and the river, fall- ing over a cliff at least 100 feet high, completely blocked any further ascent. The natives, by whom they were accompanied, said they had never been any further, and as the climb seemed very difficult, if not impossible, they were obliged to return, having learnt very little of the interior, except that the island was of volcanic origin. Charles Darwin, in 1835, made an attempt to ascend the same river, and, though he succeeded in penetrating some distance further, he describes the country as extremely difficult. He passed several places where two or three determined men could have easily held at bay many times their own number. Some two or three of the sailors were either decoyed away from the ship and detained, or else attempted to desert, so Cook seized the persons of one or two chiefs, with the result that his men were quickly handed over to him. During the stay of the Endeavour, gardens were laid out and sown with such European seeds as melons, oranges, lemons, limes, mustard, cress, etc., etc., and were very fairly successful ; but the seeds that Cook had brought in sealed bottles did not turn out well. On leaving the island. Cook records that, during their stay of three months, they had been on very good terms with the natives, and the few misunderstandings that did occur were caused either by the difficulty of thoroughly explaining matters to each other, or to the inveterate habits of theft on the part of the natives — iron in any shape being simply irresistible. Several of the islanders were most anxious to go away with the ship, and at the urgent request of Banks, Cook consented to take one named Tupia, who has been mentioned before as having made himself very useful, and who was able viii.J AT HUAHEINE 127 to understand them fairly well from having been so much with them. He was supposed to be of priestly rank, and was accompanied by a boy as servant. Between eleven and twelve o'clock on 13th July, the Endeavour made sail from Otaheite for some other islands of the group, and, on the 17th, anchored inside the reef on the north-west of Huaheine. Banks, Solander, Monkhouse, and Tupia accompanied Cook ashore, and a ceremonial, presumed to be a sort of treaty of peace, was gone through, in which presents were exchanged between Tupia and some of the natives, and then the party were allowed to go wherever they liked. Of this ceremony Cook says : " It further appear'd that the things which Tupia gave away, was for the God of this people, as they gave us a hog and some cocoanuts for our God, and thus they have certainly drawn us in to commit sacrilege, for the Hog hath already received sentence of Death and is to be dissected to-morrow." When the introductory ceremony was completed, Cook set about a hurried survey, and Dr Monkhouse organised a market, but at first was not very successful ; however, when the natives understood that the stay of the ship would be very short they managed to produce a fair supply of the usual trade, such as bananas, cocoanuts, yams, etc. The flora and fauna were found to be almost identical with those of Otaheite, excepting that the men were rather lighter in colour, and were certainly not so addicted to thieving. As a memorial of his visit, Cook presented the chief with a plate bearing the follow- ing inscription : " His Britannick Majesty's Ship, Endeavour, Lieutenant Cook, Commander, i6th July, 1769, Huaheine." This plate was accompanied by "some medals, or counters of the English coins, struck in 1761, and other presents"; the recipient promising that he would never part with them. After leaving Huaheine the expedition made for 128 1769— SOCIETY ISLANDS [chap. Ulietea (Raiatea), where they landed on the 21st, and after a ceremony similar to that performed by Tupia at the former island, the English Jack was hoisted and possession taken of the whole group of islands in the name of His Britannic Majesty. Cook describes the anchorage as extending almost the whole length of the island, defended from the sea by a reef of coral rocks, and capable of holding any number of vessels in perfect security. Tupia turned out to be most useful as a pilot ; he showed great knowledge of the localities, and having sent a diver down to ascertain the exact draught of the ship whilst at Huaheine, he was particularly careful that, if he could help it, she never went into less than five fathoms of water. He had evidently had considerable experience in navigating these waters in canoes, boats of whose construction and sailing qualities Cook speaks in the very highest terms. Banks remarks at this time, "we have now seen 17 islands in these seas, and have landed on five of the most important of these ; the language, manners, and customs agreed most exactly." Being detained by an adverse wind near the island Ataha, Cook sent a boat under the command of the Master, who was accompanied by Mr Banks and Dr Solander, to sound the entrance through the reef, ascertain the depth of water and nature of the ground at the anchorage, and to try and enter into communica- tion with the inhabitants. They remained away all night, returning the next evening, and reported that they had found a good harbour with from sixteen to twenty-five fathoms of water and good holding ground. The natives had also proved willing to trade, and they brought back two hogs, a few fowls, and large quantities of plantains and yams. Finding the water was coming in rather badly in the fore sail-room and powder-room, Cook put into the west side of the island to repair, and at the same viii.] A THEATRICAL ENTERTAINMENT 129 time took in more ballast as the ship was too light to carry sail upon a wind. Whilst the crew were employed in putting things to rights, he went to the northwards to survey in the pinnace with Banks and Solander. Calling in at one place, near a village, they were well received and entertained with music and dancing, but Cook's verdict was that ' ' neither their Musick or Dancing were at all calculated to please a European." A sort of farce was also acted, but it was so short they could gather nothing from it, still it "shewed that these people have a notion of Dramatick Perform- ances." Some of the visitors saw another play the next day which they understood was a description of a war between two of the islands, but it was not very intelligible to them. During the whole of the stay in the Society Group they had been very well off for fresh food, and in consequence their sea stores had been but little called upon. Jarvis, in his " History of the Hawaiian or Sandwich Islands," says that with Cook "a silence in regard to the maritime efforts of his predecessors is observable throughout his journals ; " and as a proof that he traded on the knowledge of others, he remarks that when at Otaheite, he made enquiries as to whether there were any islands to the north ; and afterwards evinced no surprise when he discovered them. Cook in his journals constantly shows that he compares his know- ledge with that of others of which he had any records ; and that he made enquiries at Otaheite as to there being any islands to the north is undoubtedly true. It is also true that he enquired if there were any to the east, south, or west, and no doubt he made the same enquiries wherever and whenever it was possible for him to do so, for he would not have considered himself fit for the position he held had he neglected such a very ordinary, common-sense proceeding. It is said 130 1769— SOCIETY ISLANDS [chap. viii. that Tupia was able to enumerate about one hundred and fifty islands that he knew of in the immediate vicinity of Otaheite, and in the British Museum is a nicely executed sketch map, drawn by Cook from Tupia's descriptions. On it are some sentences in the Otaheitan language. CHAPTER IX 1769-177O — NEW ZEALAND Leaving the Society Islands on gth August they found themselves on the 14th off the Island of Ohetiroa (Rurutu), one of the Austral Group, and the pinnace went ashore with Lieutenant Gore, Banks, and Tupia to try and obtain information as to other islands in the neighbourhood. It returned the next day without any of the party having landed, as the conduct of the islanders appeared unfriendly, and Cook had given very strict orders for them to run no risks. They reported that a canoe came out to the pinnace, and the occupants were presented with beads, nails, etc., and then appeared to come to the conclusion that they had a right to help themselves. Some musket shots were fired over them, and by a mischance one was slightly wounded in the head, whereupon they beat a hasty retreat, and any further attempt at com- munication had to be abandoned. From this place a course was taken towards the south so as to strike the rauch-talked-of Southern Continent. They very soon got into colder weather, and the pigs and fowls they had obtained in the islands began to sicken and die. On 26th August they celebrated the anniversary of the day they sailed from England by cutting a Cheshire cheese and tapping a cask of porter, which was in excellent condition. On the 28th they had a most unfortunate death on board ; the boatswain's mate, John Reading, was 131 132 1 7 69-1 7 7°— NEW ZEALAND [chap. given some rum by his chief, and it is supposed that he drank it off at once, for he was shortly afterwards found to be very drunk and was taken down to his berth ; but in the morning he was speechless and past recovery. On the 29th a comet was observed in the north which Tupia was convinced was a sign that betokened ill-luck to his people. On 2nd September Cook determined to turn again towards the north as they were in latitude 40° 22' S. ; the weather was very bad, and "having not the least visible signs of land." He hoped by this means to get better weather and intended to push to the west whenever the wind permitted him to do so. The continuous swell that they encountered, rolling up from the south, convinced him that there was no large body of land in that direction for many leagues. During the run to the south, the food, with the exception of the bread which was full of weavil, was keeping very well, and the water, which as a rule was almost the first thing to develop signs of decay, was said to be as bright and good as when put on board at Otaheite. Towards the end of September frequent signs were noted of the neighbourhood of land, such as floating seaweed, wood, the difference in the birds flying about the ship, etc. Parkinson says that to stimulate an extra bright look-out. Cook promised a gallon of rum to the first one who should sight land. He also notes that on ist October that "though we had been so long out at sea, in a distant part of the world, we had a roasted leg of mutton, and French beans for dinner, and the fare of Old England afforded a grateful repast." They had still seventeen sheep left. On 7th October land was sighted, which proved to be the North Island of New Zealand, never before approached by Europeans from the east. Tasman had discovered the west coast in the year 1642 and IX.] TASMAN'S EXPERIENCE 133 gave it the name of Staten Land, but he never set foot on shore. He was on board the Heemskirk, and called the captain of his consort, the Zeekaan, on board in order to consult with him about attempting a landing. The Commander of the Zeekaan, thinking that some canoes in their immediate neighbourhood were getting rather dangerous, sent a boat with seven hands in it to warn the senior officer. When about half-way between the two ships, the boat was charged by a canoe, and its occupants were attacked by the natives. Three of the men were killed outright and one mortally wounded, whilst the remaining three were thrown into the water and were with difficulty rescued by the boats of the Heemskirk. Tasman named the scene of the occurrence Massacre Bay (now Golden Bay), and making no attempt to land, sailed along the north-west coast, giving to several prominent headlands the names they retain to this day. He landed on the Three Kings Islands, but seeing a considerable number of the inhabitants apparently preparing to offer opposition, he thought it best to retire. Dalrymple had always held that this discovery of Tasman was the west coast of a southern continent, the Terra Australis Incognita, but this theory was now shattered by Cook. Some writers hold that the east coast had been visited by those persevering navigators the Portuguese, sailing from South America, and say that some of the names on the east side being Portuguese is a proof of the fact ; unfortunately, a close search of the best maps does not disclose any Portuguese names. The first one to sight the land was a boy, named Nicholas Young, and Cook in his Journal says : "The S.W. point of Poverty Bay, which I have nam'd ' Young Nick's Head ' after the Boy who first saw this land." There has been some confusion about this name, for in the muster roll of the Endeavour, when 134 1769-1770— NEW ZEALAND [chap. leaving England, it does not appear, and Admiral Wharton omits it from the list he publishes with the Journal. Parkinson, however, says he was "the Doctor's boy," probably servant to Mr Perry, as Mr Monkhouse's servant was named Jones. However, this may be, Nicholas Young was on the ship in some capacity, for, on i8th April 1769, he was entered on the muster roll as A.B. in the place of "Peter Flower, D.D.," i.e. "discharged dead," and made his first appearance the following day. He afterwards attached himself to Mr Banks, and was to have accom- panied him in the Resolution, had not Mr Banks's share in that voyage fallen through ; his name appears on her books amongst Mr Banks's supernumeraries. On nearing the coast a bay was discovered into which the ship sailed, and let go her anchor near the mouth of a small river, not far from the place where the town of Guisborne now stands. Plenty of smoke was seen, showing that the country was inhabited, and in the evening the pinnace and yawl were manned and armed, and a party under Cook himself landed on the east side of the river. Seeing some natives on the other bank and wishing to open communications. Cook ordered the yawl into the river to ferry some of the party across. The natives retreated, and Cook followed them up for about 300 yards to some huts, leaving four boys in the boat. Four of the Maoris seeing them apparently an easy prey, tried to steal on them, but were observed by those in the pinnace. The coxswain called to the boys to drop down the river, but the natives followed them up, and as they looked dangerous the coxswain fired over their heads ; this made them halt for a moment and look round, but seeing nothing they again advanced and a second shot was fired, at which they paid no attention ; one raised his spear as if to throw it at the boys in the yawl, and was at once fired on and killed ; and IX.] MAORIS OPPOSE LANDING 135 the others at once retreated leaving the corpse behind. As it was now getting dark Cook ordered a return to the ship. The next morning, seeing some men near the place where they had landed the day before, Cook again went ashore with an armed party, and with Banks and Solander went forward to the brink of the river in order to try and speak with the natives, Their advance was received with a great flourish of weapons and a sort of war dance. Cook aijd his two companions retired to the boats, and landing the marines drew them up about two hundred yards from the river, and then advanced to it a second time with Mr Green, Monkhouse, and Tupia. The latter spok^ tp the natives ; and, greatly to the delight of the party, it was found he could make himself understood. After a little talk, one man, unarmed, swam across the river, and was followed almost immediately by twenty or thirty more with their weapons. Presents were given to them, but they appeared dissatisfied, and were anxious to receive some arms instead. One §tole Mr Green's hanger, and they all became very insolent and aggres- sive ; and more were noticed to be preparing to cross the river. Considering that the position of his party was getting serious, and that some decisive action must be taken. Cook ordered the man who had taken the hanger, and who apparently was the leader, to be shot, whereon the remainder beat a hasty retreat. The next day the boats rowed round the head of the bay in hopes of finding a landing-place, but the surf was too heavy. Seeing two canoes coming in from the sea, Cook determined to intercept them, make presents to the occupants, and then let them go, and in this manner convince them that he wished to be on friendly terms with them. However, as the canoes did not stop when called on, he ordered a musket to be fired over them, but this turned out to be most 136 1769-1770— NEW ZEALAND [chap. unfortunate, for as soon as the natives heard the shot they seized their weapons and fiercely attacked the nearest boat, the crew being obliged to fire in self- defence, and Cook says two of the natives were killed. Banks gives the number as four, which is also the number given by the Maoris themselves. One was wounded, and three jumped overboard with the intention of swimming ashore, but were picked up by the boats and taken on board ship. They were at first very depressed, but soon recovered their spirits on finding themselves well treated ; and after eating and drinking enormously, they entertained the crew with songs and dances. Cook relates this incident with evident regret, and candidly confesses that he was not justified in trying to seize the canoes, but having once committed himself, he felt obliged, for the safety of his own people, to go on to the bitter end. Banks says the day is "the most disagreeable my life has yet seen ; black be the mark for it, and heaven send that such may never return to embitter future reflection." The next morning a party was sent on shore to cut wood, and was shortly afterwards followed by Cook, Banks, Solander, Tupia, and the three captives. On landing they tried to persuade their prisoners to leave them and to join their own friends, but had great difficulty in getting them to do so, as they professed to be afraid of being eaten. At length they went off a short distance and hid in some bushes, and Cook, seeing several parties marching towards him in a threatening manner, retired to his woodcutters on the opposite side of the river. As soon as they had crossed, the natives gathered on the other bank to the number of from 150 to 200 fully armed men. Tupia was put forward to parley, and some presents were shown, and at length one man came over, and having received a present from each one of the party, rejoined his friends on the other side. Cook then thought it better to IX.] NATIVE ACCOUNT OF LANDING 137 return to the ship with the three youths, who seemed to be afraid of their countrymen. As it was intended to sail on the following morning, these men were again landed, still professing great fear, but they were soon afterwards seen walking away in apparently friendly converse with the others who had come down to meet them. Mr Polack, who resided for some years in that part of New Zealand, gives an account in his "New Zealand," of the landing of Cook in Poverty Bay, which he gathered from the children of the natives who took part in the opposition. He says, that on first seeing the ship, they thought it was a very large bird, and they were particularly struck by the size and beauty of its wings, the sails. When they saw an unfledged young one — a boat — leave its side, filled with human figures of different colours, they thought it was a household of deities. The tribe then living in the neighbourhood were only recent arrivals, having driven out the former occupants, their leader being Te Ratu — the first man who was killed by the English. The other natives were most anxious to avenge him, but were greatly alarmed by the power their unwelcome visitors had of killing at a long distance by means of a thunderbolt. Some of them even declared that they felt ill if they were looked at fixedly by one of the white men. The deliberations on the subject of the revenge to be taken were only put a stop to by the ship leaving the bay. Mr Polack's principal informant was the son of a man who had been wounded in the shoulder by a musket ball, but who survived his wound till within a year or two of 1836, the time when the information was obtained. Before the ship left, a sort of peace was patched up by means of presents, and the dead bodies, which had remained exposed to view, apparently as a protest, were removed. Cook describes the country as a narrow slip of low 138 1769-1770— NEW ZEALAND [chap. sand, backed by well-wooded hills, rising in the interior to high mountains, on which patches of snow could be seen. That it was fairly populated was evident from the smoke rising through the trees, more especially in the valleys leading down to the bay, to which he gave the name of Poverty Bay, as they were unable to get anything they required except a small quantity of wood. It was now determined to follow down the coast to the southward as far as 40° or 41° S., and then, if nothing of a more encouraging nature turned up, to return along the coast again to the north. Being becalmed on the 17th, several canoes came round the ship, and some of the occupants were with but little difficulty persuaded to come on board. Some little bartering was done, but, as they had not come off prepared to trade, only clothing, arms, and paddles could be obtained. After some two or three hours the canoes went away, leaving by mistake three of their men on board. These did not seem particularly alarmed by the desertion of their friends, but made themselves comfortable, and next morning, two other canoes having approached the ship, they got a passage ashore. As the ship made its way south, a good many natives were seen watching her progress, and several patches of cultivated ground were noticed. After passing the Island of Portland, so called from a fancied resemblance to its English namesake, they were followed by four canoes in a threatening manner, and, as Cook thought he would have to send out his boats to sound, he was anxious to get rid of them. A musket was fired without producing any effect, so a gun was got ready and discharged a little wide of them, upon which the Maoris shook their spears in defiance, but thought it wiser to move off ; and the Endeavour soon afterwards came to anchor in a large bay which was named after Sir E. Hawke. The IX.] COOK OUTWITTED 139 country was very hilly, yet pleasant and fertile in appearance ; but owing to bad weather they had very little opportunity of seeing it. They were visited by canoes, and succeeded in purchasing some fish, which proved not to be in very good condition, but as it was the beginning of business relations with the natives, no great attention was paid to its quality. Whilst this attempt at trading was going on, a large armed war canoe came alongside the ship, and the occupants were presented with some cloth and other gifts that were thought likely to be acceptable. Cook noticed that one of the warriors had on a garment made of some black skin something like a bear, and wished to purchase it. He offered a piece of red cloth in exchange, and the owner of the cloak took it off as if prepared to make a deal, but would not surrender it till he had the red cloth in his hands ; when it was given him the canoe was pushed off from the ship — and Cook lost both his cloak and his cloth. Soon after, some more canoes came up with fish for sale, and, as Tupia's servant, a boy named Tayeto, was handing some things over the side of the ship, he was seized by the New Zealanders, who refused to give him up. Every means for his recovery was resorted to without proceeding to extremities, but was of no avail ; at length, orders were reluctantly given to fire on the canoe in which he was, and several of her crew were hit, two being killed ; the boy, seeing his chance, jumped into the water, swam to the ship, and was picked up by one of her boats. In memory of the attempted abduction, the point of land near which it occurred was named Cape Kidnapper. As there appeared no probability of meeting with a good harbour, and the face of the country became less promising. Cook, on reaching a point he named Cape Turnagain, in 40° 34' S., altered the course to the north to see if anything better could be found in that direction. 140 1769-1770— NEW ZEALAND [chap. When off the Isle of Portland, a canoe with five men in it came alongside, and the occupants were invited on board ; two appeared to be chiefs, and the other three, servants. They were so well treated that they ignored all hints about going ashore, made themselves at home, and stayed all night ; the two chiefs would neither eat nor drink, but the other three tried everything that was offered to them ; they were at length landed near Cape Table. Several more canoes were seen making for the ship, but, as the wind was very favourable, Cook would not delay. After passing a remarkable headland, which received the name of Gable End Foreland, they anchored in a small bay, and, as the natives appeared inclined to be friendly, they landed to obtain water ; but the surf was so heavy that they could not get full casks on board, and so had to be content with only a small supply. A few sweet potatoes were purchased, but it was too early in the season for them. Banks and Solander added very considerably to their collection of birds and plants, and a plentiful supply of wild celery was obtained for the use of the crew. Cook says that as this bay " hath nothing to recommend it, I shall give no description of it." It was noticed that all the canoes seen along this part of the coast were very well made, far in advance of anything they had seen before ; the grotesque carving and ornamental work were most admirably executed. The dresses worn by the natives consisted chiefly of two cloak-shaped garments, one worn round the loins and the other over the shoulders ; they were made of a material like hemp, and amongst those of the highest rank were very fine. Some of the garments resembled those worn by the South American Indians, and were as fine or finer in texture than those purchased by Banks at Rio de Janeiro for thirty-six shillings, which he had thought to be very cheap. Some of the cloaks were ornamented with dog-skins ; these animals were IX.] A NATURAL ARCHWAY 141 used as food, and, with rats, were the only quadrupeds seen. Whilst ashore here collecting, Banks and Solander discovered a large natural arch which the former describes as the most magnificent surprise he had ever met with. It was sketched by Parkinson, and is engraved in his Journal, and in the MSS. Room at the British Museum is a very good pen and ink drawing of it by Cook, which must have taken him some considerable time to complete. Working up the coast they were visited by some natives who informed them that water could be obtained in a bay from which they had previously been driven by a contrary wind. They now succeeded in enter- ing, and found fair anchorage in eleven fathoms, and although the weather was unfavourable they managed to obtain a good supply of water, some wood, and a boatload of scurvy grass and wild celery. They were also moderately successful in trading, for though they only obtained a few curiosities, some fish, and a few sweet potatoes. Cook thinks they were offered all that could be spared. Some of them ascended one of the neighbouring hills in hopes of getting a view of the surrounding country, but the prospect was blocked by higher hills behind. These hills were for the most part barren except for a few ferns, but the valleys between appeared well timbered, and samples of twenty different kinds of trees were obtained, all of which were unknown in Europe. On 31st October they rounded East Cape, and following the coast, which now trended more to the west, they saw a great number of villages and patches of cultivation ; some of the last appearing to have been freshly ploughed. They had noticed several large fires near Hawke's Bay, which they now concluded had been made for the purpose of clearing the ground. The whole aspect of the country was changing for the 142 1769-1770— NEW ZEALAND [chai-. better, and showed every sign of increased fertility ; but the inhabitants did not seem more peaceably inclined. Five canoes came out to meet the ship, the inmates fully armed and appearing bent on mischief, and as Cook was very busy at the time he ordered a musket to be fired over them, in hopes to keep them off, but it only caused them to stop for a hurried consultation, without any sign of retreat, so a round shot was sent " over their heads which at once solved the difficulty, and they hurriedly retired. The place was given the name of Cape Runaway. An island in the north-west was named White Island ; it is an active volcano, but at that time must have been quiescent, as no remark as to its nature is to be found. Cook again notes that they "saw a great deal of cultivated land, laid out in regular enclosures ; a sure sign that the country is both fertile and well inhabited." Following up the coast they met with forty or fifty canoes, firom which lobsters, conger-eels, mussels, and other fish were purchased, and trading seemed to be satisfectorily established, when one of the natives took a fancy to Cook's sheets, which were being towed over- board ; they were in the wash. He refused to give them up, so muskets were discharged over the canoes and they all fled — but Cook did not recover his sheets. Near here the first double canoe was seen, and some information was obtained from its occupants, but they did not appear altogether friendly, for they * ' staid about the ship till it was dark, and then left us ; but not before they had thrown a few stones." From near Whale Island, where a good anchorage was found, they saw a mountain which Cook named Mount Edgecombe, after the sergeant in command of the marines. It is a high round mountain which forms a conspicuous landmark on both sides of the island. The double canoe again came out to them and kept alongside the ship for some time, and a long conversation was held IX.] AN UNSUCCESSFUL ATTEMPT 143 with Tupia ; but at length the old game of stone throwing was recommenced, so a musket was dis- charged wide of them, and they decided to drop astern. During the day they had noticed several small villages perched on difficult eminences and surrounded by palisades, which Tupia had declared to be " Mories or places of worship," but says Cook, "I rather think they are places of retreat or strongholds, where they defend themselves against the attack of an enemy, as some of them seem'd not ill design'd for that purpose." The truth of Cook's surmise has been amply proved in the New Zealand War, when British soldiers, in this very neighbourhood, had good cause to recognise that the Maori Pah was "not ill designed for that purpose." Cook unfortunately missed the Harbour of Tauranga — the only safe port on the east coast between Auckland and Wellington for ships of any size. A Transit of Mercury was to occur on 9th November, which, under favourable conditions, would be visible throughout its whole course in this part of the world, so Cook desired to obtain an observation for the purpose of checking his longitude. He put into a bay which looked promising, and three canoes came out to meet them. A sailor, thinking that they wanted to come on board, threw out a line to them, but the only recognition he received was a couple of spears thrown at him ; however the discharge of a musket caused them to sheer off. A large inlet becoming visible. Cook made for it, accompanied by several more canoes which had appeared, and anchored in seven fathoms. The canoes then left them for the night, the occupants saying that they would return in the morning and make an attack on the ship, so an extra bright look-out was kept ; and very fortunately, for, hoping to find an easy prey, the Maoris returned sooner than they had intimated, but finding they were discovered they had to retire disappointed. Between five and six in the morning 144 1769-1770— NEW ZEALAND [chap. several canoes came out, containing from 130 to 140 men, who after parading about for some three hours, " sometimes trading with us, and at other times Tricking of us," went off after having had a few shots fired over them to expedite their movements. Cook and Mr Molineux, the Master, went off with two boats to take soundings, and to search for a more convenient berth. Some canoes came to meet them, and they were invited to land, but as the natives were all fully armed, Cook contented himself with doing a little trade, and proceeded with his exploration. A very suitable anchorage was found in what is now known as Cook's Bay, and the next day the ship was brought up to it. The natives came out as usual, but their behaviour was much improved ; two of them came on board and were hospitably received, presents being given them and some ready dressed fish purchased from them. They seemed at last to have gained their confidence, for they were able to buy plenty of fish, which Cook describes as a kind of " Mackrell as good as ever was eat." Banks says there were two sorts, one exactly like the English mackerel. They obtained really more than they could consume, but Cook ordered all to be bought that was offered, in order to create a good impression, and large quantities were salted down. Parkinson makes a note of the cray-fish, which he states were very fine and plentiful ; they were caught by the women who dived for them in the surf on the rocks. Wood, good water, and plenty of wild celery were also obtained. On the 9th Cook and Green went ashore with the necessary instruments to observe the Transit of Mercury. The day was most suitable, not a cloud to be seen, which was particularly fortunate, as they had not had a clear day for a long time. Mr Green observed the commencement as Cook was engaged in taking the sun's altitude to ascertain the time. Wharton thinks IX.] THE WRONG SIDE OF THE SUN 145 that it had occurred a little earlier than they expected, and in reality Cook was taken by surprise. Green remarks: "Unfortunately for the seamen, their look- out was on the wrong side of the sun. The end was likewise as grossly mistaken." The times given by Cook are : Commencement ... 7"^ 20' 58" Green's Observations — Egress, internal contact 12^ 8' Sj;) afternoon. ,, external contact 12" 9 55 j Cook's Observations — Egress, internal contact i2h 8' 45"\aftprnonn „ external contact 12^ 9' 43"|atternoon. Whilst these observations were being taken, two large canoes and three small ones went out to the ship — one having as many as forty-seven people on board. They at first seemed inclined to be hostile, but after a talk with some others that were there selling fish, they appeared to change their mind, and began to trade their arms, etc. One having received a piece of cloth from Mr Gore for a cloak he was wearing, refused to complete the bargain, and instead of giving up the cloak put off from the ship, the crew of his canoe shaking their paddles in offensive defiance. Gore took up a musket and fired at the delinquent, and, it was believed, killed him. This was afterwards known to be true. When Cook heard the account of the occurrence, he expressed his strong disapproval of Mr Gore's conduct. Colonel Mundy, in " Our Antipodes," relates that he saw in 1848, an old man named Taniwha, who remembered Captain Cook's visit, and imitated his walk and the peculiar manner he had of waving his right hand to and fro, and would relate with much gusto in what a kindly manner Cook had placed his hand on the children's heads. He stated to Colonel Mundy that after the man was shot by Gore, the Maoris landed and held a consultation over the body, and at length K 146 1769-1770— NEW ZEALAND [chap. decided that as the dead man "commenced the quarrel by the theft of the calico, his death should not be revenged, but that he should be buried in the cloth which he had paid for with his life." Colonel Wynyard also took down this same statement from Taniwha's own lips in 1852, at which time he must have been about ninety-three years old, but Colonel Wynyard says : "His faculties were little impaired, and his great age perceptible more from a stoop and grey hairs than any other infirmity." The next day Cook, accompanied by Banks, went up a river near where they lay for a distance of four or five miles to have a look at the country. On the eastern side it appeared very barren, but on the west it was very much better, though there were no signs of cultivation. There were plenty of wild fowl, such as ducks, curlews, and shags, some fish, and on the rocks plenty of oysters and clams. The oysters, says Banks, were ' ' as good as ever came from Colchester, and of about the same size." A large quantity were taken on board, and Banks continues, "were laid down under the booms, and employed the ship's company very well, who, I sincerely believe, did nothing but eat them from the time they came on board till night, by which time a large part were expended. But this gave us no kind of uneasiness, since we well knew that not the boat only, but the ship might be loaded in one tide almost, as they are dry at half ebb." Cook thinks that the inhabitants lived on fish, and shellfish, with fern roots for bread, as very large heaps of shells were found, but no signs of any cultivation. Cook, Banks, Solander, and some of the officers of the ship went to inspect a fortified village they had noticed on an eminence near, and were met by the inhabitants and godd-naturedly conducted over the place, and shown all they expressed any wish to see. I*.] A MAORI PAH 147 It was built on a high ptomontory, whbse sides were in some places quite inaccessible, in others very difficult, except on the side where it faced the narrow ridge of the hill. Here it was defended by a double ditch and bank, with two rows of pickets, the inner row being on the bank, and leaving standing room on the top for the defenders. The inner ditch was 24 feet from the bottom to the top of the bank. A stage about 30 feet high, 40 feet long, and 6 feet broad was erected inside the fence^ and a second one, a few paces from it, was placed at right angles ; froni these the garrison were able to throw their Bpears and stones on to the heads of their enemies. The whole village was palisaded round with a strong picket fence running close to the edge of the hill. The entire surface of the hill-top was cut up into small squares, each levelled and surrounded by its own fence, and communicating by narrow lanes with little gateways, so that if the outer defences were forced, each square could be defended in its turn. Cook says : " I looked upon it to be a very strong and well choose Post, and where a small number of resolute men might defend themselves a long time against a vast superior force, armed in the manner as these people are." With quick eye Cook noticed the great failing of these native fortresses, that is, the want of ahy provision for a water supply or storage. The strength of these Pahs has since been amply proved against British arms, and the bravery with which they have been defended against superior numbers cannot be overlooked. Previous to inspecting this fort, which had evidently been selected for description as typical of the rest, one had been seen on the summit of the pierced rock discovered by Banks and Solander, of which both Cook and Parkinson made sketches. It may be noted that Parkinson's sketch is endorsed by another hand 148 1 769-1770— NEW ZEALAND [chap. as being in Queen Charlotte's Sound, but that is an error, as that place had not been discovered at the time the sketch was made. In these Maori villages it was remarked that sanitary arrangements were provided such as did not, says Beckmann in his "History of Inventions," exist in the palace of the King of Spain at that time. After obtaining a large supply of wild celery and another boat-load of oysters the Endeavour left Mercury Bay, so called from the observation taken of that planet, and not after the name of the ship on which he did not serve, for the north ; but before sailing, the name of the ship with the date and other particulars were cut on a tree near the place where they had watered, and formal possession was taken of the country in the name of King George. Large quantities of iron sand had been noticed here, evidently brought down by every little stream that ran into the bay ; but the use of this was quite unknown to the natives, who preferred anything to iron tools or spikes which had been such valuable media of exchange elsewhere. Running along the land as closely as the wind would permit, they hauled round Cape Colville, named after the Captain of the Northumberland, and steered to the south-west into "the Entrance of a Straight, Bay or River," and there anchored for the night, and at day- light, the wind being favourable, they weighed and stood on, keeping along the east side. Soon after making sail three large canoes came off, and several of the occupants came on board at the first invitation ; they appeared to have heard of the ship and of the way their countrymen had been treated. Each had a present given him and after about an hour's stay went off well satisfied with their reception. After running about 5 leagues on the same course, the water shoaled to about 6 fathoms, so they anchored, IX,] THE THAMES 149 and two boats were sent out to sound, one to one side of the ship and the other to the other — the channel being here about 11 miles wide. When the boats returned with their reports, Cook decided not to risk the ship any further, as no greater increase of depth had been found than 3 feet. At daylight the next day he set out with the pinnace and long boat, accom- panied by Banks, Solander and Tupia, and found the inlet ended in a river about 9 miles from where the ship was anchored. This river was named the Thames, from a fancied resemblance to its English namesake. They saw some villages amongst the mud- banks near the mouth, and, landing at one, were well received by the inhabitants, but did not make any long stay, as they wished to take advantage of the flood tide which was setting in "as strong as it does in the River Thames below bridge." They pushed on till about noon, when, finding very little alteration in the appearance of the country, and being now some 14 miles from the mouth, they landed to inspect some large trees, such as they had seen several times previously, but had had no opportunity of examining closely. One was carefully measured and found to be 19 feet 6 inches girth at 6 feet from the ground, and by means of Cook's quadrant, the lowest branch was ascertained to be 89 feet from the ground. It was perfectly straight and tapered very little, and there were some seen that were even larger. This tree is known as the Black Pine, to the Maoris as Matai, and to the botanist as Podocarpus. Going down the river again, their friends of the morning came out to meet them, and "trafBck'd with us in the most friendly manner imaginable, until they had disposed of the few trifles they had." As the boats got out of the river they met the flood tide and a strong breeze, had to anchor, and did not reach the ship till next morning, when, the breeze increasing 15° 1 769-1 77°— NEW ZEALAND [chap. to a gale, they were compelled to strike the top gallant yards. When the gale had blown itself out,- the wind was not in the right quarter, so they dropped down with the tide, anchoring when it turned. Cook went ashore with the pinnace on the west side of the bay, but found "neither inhabitants nor anything else worthy of note," and believed that the whole district was but sparsely inhabited. Whilst he was away from the ship a good many natives went off to her and traded, behaving themselves very well indeed, with the excep- tion of one man, who was caught making off with the half-hour glass, and Mr Hicks, who was on deck at the time, ordered him to he brought to the gangway and given a dozen with the cat. When his friends knew what this was done for, they expressed their approval, and an old man gave the culprit another beating when he got into his canoe. These natives had adorned themselves by smearing their bodies, from head to foot with red ochre and oil — a thing not seen before. The weather, which had now become very unsettled, with strong gales and heavy squalls off the land, prevented them from approaching near enough to ascertain if the land they could see to the west consisted of islands, or was still the mainland. They anchored off a remarkable point, having several peaked rocks ranged in order on its top, and some of the men started fishing ; they secured in a remarkably short time from ninety to a hundred bream, and to celebrate their success Cook named the spot Bream Head. On 26th November some villages and cultivated spots were seen, and towards evening several canoes came off, " some of the natives ventur'd on board ; to two, who appear'd to be chiefs, I gave presents. After these were gone out of the ship, the others became so Troublesome that in order to get rid of them, we were IX.] SIR PIERCY BRETT'S ISLAND AND CAPE 151 ^t the expense of two or three Mugquet Balls, and one 4-pound shott, but as no harm was intended them, none they received, unless they happened to overheat themselves in pulling on shore." The next day the canoes came out again, and the people were tolerably well behaved, but not inclined to traffic. As many as one hundred and seventy were alongside at one time, and a good many on hoard the ship. Sir Pigrcy Brett gives his name to Cape Brett, for Cook says : " Near one mile from this is a small high Island or Rock with a hole pierced through it like the Arch of a Bridge, and this was one reason why I gave the Cape the above name, because Piercy seem'd very proper for that of the Island." He was one of the Lords of the Admiralty who signed Cook's appointment to the Endeavour. On the west side of Cape Brett a large and deep bay was seen, containing several small islands, but it did not receive any name. The town of Russell is now established near, and is said to possess one of the finest harbours in the world, into which vessels of any draught can enter in all weathers at any state of the tide. Speaking of the natives of this district, Cook says that the garments of the chiefs were of a better quality than any thpy had yet seen, and few of them were tattooed on the face like the ones further south. They ' ' would not enter into friendly traffick with us, but would cheat whenever they had an opportunity." The wind was very contrary, and after plying tp windward for some time and being constantly carried back every board they made, Cook ran into the Bay of Islands again. As soon ^s they were anchored the canoes surrounded them, and a few of the occupants were admitted on board. To one of the chiefs a present of broadcloth was given, and they behaved 152 1769-1770— NEW ZEALAND [chap. tolerably well for a time. At length some of them took a fancy to the anchor buoy and endeavoured to take it away, so several musket shots were fired, but with no effect, as they were not intended to hit them. A charge of small shot was then fired at one man, and they retired for a short distance to disperse in haste when a big gun was fired over them. A few were called back by Tupia, and showed a marked improvement in their behaviour. After moving the ship out into deeper water. Cook, Banks, and Solander, with the pinnace and yawl, went over to an island, and as soon as they landed the Maoris left the ship and followed them, and they were quickly surrounded by some two or three hundred natives who began to behave in a most unfriendly manner. They first attempted to seize the boats, but being disappointed, tried to break in on the party, so Cook fired a charge of small shot into one of the leaders, and Banks and two of the men also fired, causing them to retire a little. A chief was leading them on again, when Dr Solander gave him a charge of shot which sent him off, and the main body hesitated. Those on the ship, seeing what was going on, fired a 4-pounder over them, and there was a general stampede. This sharp lesson — fortunately none of the natives were dangerously wounded — was taken to heart, and during the remainder of the stay there was no further unpleasantness. It is quite evident that Cook's treatment of the natives was as far as possible regulated by a thorough spirit of justice, and at this place for a second time he deals out punishment to some of his crew found com- mitting offences against the Maoris. Three men were sentenced to a dozen lashes each, for leaving their duty, and stealing potatoes from one of the plantations. Cook and the naturalists were able to land two or three times and inspect the country. They found it very similar to what had been met with before, and IX.] TUPIA CRITICISES THE NATIVES 153 it appeared that the number of the inhabitants was considerable, and that they were on good terms with each other, though not all under the same chief, and were inclined to be civil to their visitors, who were permitted to go over a Pah, which Cook describes as a "neat compact place and its situation well chosen. There were two or three more near unto this, but these we did not go to." A good deal of the ground was cultivated, mostly planted with sweet potatoes. A few trees of the paper-mulberry were seen, which the natives appeared to value. They made a sort of cloth with the bark like the Otaheitans, but the quantity manufactured was so small that it was only used for ornament. Tupia was instructed to obtain any informa- tion which might throw a light on the probable history of these people, and was told that some of their ancestors once went off in large canoes and discovered a country to the north-west. The passage took them a month, and only a small number returned ; these said they had been to a place where the people eat hogs, using the same word as that used to designate the animal in Otaheite. Tupia asked them if they had any hogs, and they replied no. He then asked if their ancestors brought any back with them, and again received a negative reply ; whereon he told them that their story must be a great lie, for their ancestors could never have been such fools as to come back without some. If there is any truth in this legend, the land discovered may have been New Caledonia, as it appears to be the only large island in the direction mentioned within reach of a canoe. On one of their days ashore, Messrs Banks and Solander saw one of the men who had been wounded when trying to steal the ship's buoy. A ball had gone through his arm and grazed his chest ; he did not seem to have any pain, and though the wound was exposed to the air, it looked perfectly healthy. They 154 1769-1770— NEW ZEALAND [chap. tried to explain to him that he had had a narrow escape, of whiph he seemed qqite sensible, and he was greatly pleased to receive a present of a mugket ball like the one by which he was wounded. Whilst working out of the bay, the wind, which was very light, dropped altogether, and the current set them towards one of the islands, but by the assistance of the boats they were just able to clear it. A journal, said to have been compiled by Mr Banks fro^n the papers of Sydney Parkinson, says that the natives were crowding on the shore, "flourishing their weapons, exulting at our danger, and expecting us for their prey." Banks says nothing abqut this in his own Journal, nor is any mention of such a picturesque incident to be found elsewhere. About an hour after, seventeen fathoms was obtaiped with the lead, but almost immediately the ship struck on a rock ; however, she at once got clear without s^flfering any ' ' perceptible damage." Soundings were again taken, giving five fathoms, very soon increasing to twenty. The rock was nanjed the Whale Rock. Owing to the wind being either adverse or very light, the progress was slow, and they were unable to keep close in ; but on loth December they managed to get a little nearer than usual, and discovered two bays separated by a low neck of land, which was named Knuckle Point ; the first bay being called Doubtless Bay and the second Sandy Bay. Of this last Cook says : " There seems to bP nothing that can induce shipping to put into it, for no country upon earth can look more barren than the land about this bay doth. It is in general low, and the soil appears to be nothing but white sand thrown up in irregular hills." From the look of the land Cook concluded that it was here very narrow and open to the sea on the western side ; a conclusion he was soon able to verify. IX.] DE SURVILLE AT NEW ZEALAND 155 There were some inhabitants seen notwithstanding the desolate appearance of the place, and a few canoes unsuccessfully put off for the ship. Mr Forster says that when the Endmvoy,r was passing Doubtless Bay, M. de Surville was anchored under the land, in the Saint Jean Bapfiste, and saw the Endeavour, though himself unseen. In the account of de Surville's voyage, published by the Acadimie Frangaise, it is stated that New Zealand was not sighted till 1 2th December 1769, and, owing to bad weather, no anchorage was obtained till the 17th, in a bay the French named Lauriston Bay. No mention whatever is made of the Endeavour having been sighted, and the editor, M. L'Abbe Rochon, thinks that it is most probable that neither of the navigators knew anything of the movements of the other. De Survillp mentions having lost his anchors in a place he calls Double Bay, during a storm which took place " about 22nd Decejnbpr," and may possibly be the one which Cook encountered on 28th December when off the north end of the island. On the 13th they met with a heavy gale, which blew them out of sight of land for the first time since they had been on the coast ; the main topsail was split and had to be replaced, and the next day both fore and mizzen topsails were lost, but they managed to reach shelter under a small isjand off Knuckle Point, At noon on the 15th the latitude was found to be 34° 6' S., land was visible to the south-west, and as a large swell was encountered coming from the west. Cook concluded this was the northernmost point of the island, accord- ingly naming it North Cape. After some days beating about against westerly winds and a strong current he ran up to the nor^h for some distance, returning to the south on 23rd December, and the following day sighted land in the south-east, which proved to be the islands seen by T^sman, and named the Three JCings. Pere Banks killed several 156 1769-1770— NEW ZEALAND [chap. solan geese, which were made into a pie for Christmas Day, and he says were "eaten with great approbation ; and in the evening all hands were as drunk as our forefathers used to be upon like occasions." On the 27th Cook calculated that they were about thirty leagues west of North Cape, and in about the same latitude as the Bay of Islands ; but land was not in sight, proving the correctness of his surmise as to the narrowness of that part of New Zealand. The wind now rose to such a degree that they had to bring to, under the mainsail, but it moderated a little the next day, and they ran in towards the land. Again it freshened up, and at length blew a perfect hurricane, accompanied by heavy rain and a "prodidgeous high sea." On the 30th, the sea being still very high, causing the ship to go greatly to leeward, they sighted what Cook took to be Cape Maria Van Dieman, named by Tasman, about six leagues off ; and the land was seen to extend to the east and south. At noon, on the last day of the year, their position is given as "34° 42' S., Cape Maria Van Dieman N.E. by N. about 5 leagues." Of the weather encountered here Cook says : "I cannot help thinking but what it will appear a little strange that, at this season of the year, we should be three weeks in getting fifty leagues, for so long is it since we pass'd Cape Brett ; but it will hardly be credited that in the midst of summer and in the latitude of 35° S. such a gale of wind as we have had could have hapned, which for its strength and continuance was such as I hardly was ever in before. Fortunately at this time we were a good distance from land, otherwise it would have proved fatal to us." On 2nd January 1770 Cook was able to fix the position of Cape Maria Van Dieman, giving it as 34° 30' S., 187° 18' W. of Greenwich. Admiral Wharton remarks that this is extraordinarily correct, seeing that the ship was never close to the Cape, and the observa- rx.] VEGETABLE SHEEP 157 tions were all taken in very bad weather. The latitude is exact, and the longitude only three miles out. On the 4th Cook thought he saw an inlet or entrance to a bay, and ran in to make sure, but came to the conclusion that it was some very low land "bounded on each side by higher lands which caused the deception." In this he was mistaken, for what he saw was the entrance to Kaipara Harbour, one of the few good ones to be found on the west coast. He describes the land here as having a most desolate and inhospitable appearance, nothing to be seen but long sandhills with hardly any green thing upon them. He considered it most dangerous, and says : " If we was once clear of it, I am determined not to come so near again if I can avoid it, unless we have a very favourable wind indeed." Soon after passing Albatross Point, on the nth, a very high mountain was seen, "much resembling the Peak of Teneriffe," its summit covered with snow, and to it was given the name Mount Egmont.. Wharton gives its height as 8,300 feet and describes it as a magnificent conical mountain surrounded on three sides by the sea. Banks says that on the sides of the hills near they could see with their glasses "many white lumps in companies which bore much resemblance to flocks of sheep." These appearances were due to a peculiar plant which Hooker calls ^^ Rosulia mam- millaris or an allied species," which is known in New Zealand as "vegetable sheep." Fires were also noticed on the shore, being the first sign of inhabitants seen on the west coast. On the 14th, believing himself to be in the mouth of a large bay, the bottom of which could not be seen. Cook ran in under the southern shore, and finding it broken up into promising looking bays he determined to run into one and careen the ship, as she was by this time very foul ; and he also wanted wood and 158 i769-t7?o— NEW ZEALAND [chap. fresh water. On the i6th the ship was towed into a convenient place, now known as Ship Cove, in Queen Charlotte's Sound, and was at once visited by canoes, whose occupants, fully armed, commenced the acquaint- ance by "heaving a few stones against the ship." After a short conversation with Tupia some of the natives ventured on board, but did not make a long stay, and going back to their canoes paddled off. Cook, accompanied by the "gentlemen," as he usually calls the civilians, went ashore to look for water, and soon found an excellent supply, "and as to wood the land is here an entire forest." Whilst he was away the crew got out the nets, and caught about 300 lb. of fish of different kinds. Some of the natives came off with fish which they professed to wish to trade, but it was not good, and though Cook, in hopes of opening the way to friendly relations with them> ordered it to be bought, he soon found they were more inclined to quarrel than trade ; and as matters began to look threatening he determined to get rid of them, especially as the ship was in an awkward position, in case of serious disturbance, as she was already hove down for cleaning. A charge of small shot was fired at one of the greatest offenders and had the desired effect of keeping them at a respectful distance, and taught them in future to behave with more consideration. The members of the expedition had for some time suspected that the natives of New Zealand were addicted to cannibalism, and now they had ocular demonstration of the fact. A party went off in the pinnace, the day after their arrival in Ship Cove, to inspect another place near, and met with some Maoris who had evidently been having a feast, and Cook obtained from one of them the bone of a human forearm from which the flesh had recently been picked, and was given to undetstand that a few days previously a strange canoe had come to their «•] CANNIBALISM 159 country, and the crew had been captured and eatefa. It appeared that they only ate their enemies ; and also that all strangers were cdilsidered as Such. Several times whilst wandering about, the crew found relics of such feasts. Banks was able to t)ur'chase the head of One of the victitils, and found he had been despatched by a blow on the tenlple which had fractured the skull. The natives became more friendly as time went on, ind brought Some very fine mackerel which they sold for nails, pieces of cloth, or paper, "and in this Traffic they never once attempted to defraud us of any one thing, but dealt as fair as people could do." After a time paper deci-eased in value, as they soon found it would not stand the effects of water. Cook used every endeavour to find out if they had any traditions of other ships having visited the island, as he knew he was in the neighbourhood of the place where Tasman first sighted New Zealand ; but he was unable to obtain any information on the subject. Whartoh gives seventy miles as the distance between Massacre Bay and Ship Cove. Very little could be seen of the surrounding country as it was so thickly timbered, but the boats were constantly out engaged in surveying. One day a party started with the intention of going to the end of the inlet, but after rowing for a considerable distance and seeing no indication of their being able to effect their purpose within a reasonable time. Cook determined to land, and whilst Banks and Solander employed them- selves collecting specimens, he and one of the crew went up a hill to see if the end was visible from the top. They found their view in the desired direction was blocked by still higher hills which were too thickly wooded for them to attempt. HoT)vever, the trouble they had taken was well repaid, for far awiy to the eastward they saw that the seas which washed both the east ahd west coasts of the northern island were here united. i6o 1769-1770— NEW ZEALAND [chap. His ship was in a bay in the straits, now known as Cook's Straits ; and he had practically solved one of the problems which he had left England to do. He had proved that the Staten Land of Tasman, at any rate as far as the northern part was concerned, was an island and not a part of a great southern continent. They could also see that some of the land in the inlet, which had been taken for part of the mainland, was separated from it ; and on the way back they were able to verify much of this. Cook judged that the population of this part of the island was only scanty, and estimated the number at between three and four hundred. The natives had few, if any, cultivation patches and appeared to subsist on fern roots and fish. They were evidently poorer than those previously seen, and their canoes are described as "mean and almost without ornament." They had some slight knowledge of the value of iron, and readily took spike nails when trading, some pre- ferring them to anything else. They preferred " Kersey and Broadcloth to the Otaheite cloth, which shew'd them to be a more sensible people than many of their neighbours," says Cook. An old man, who had previously paid them several visits, came on board, and complained that a week previously one of the ship's boats had fired on and wounded two of the Maoris, one of whom was since dead. On enquiry, Cook found that the Master and five petty officers had gone to fish beyond the usual bounds in the direction of one of the villages, and having been approached in what they thought was a threatening manner by two canoes, they fired to prevent them coming too close. A second native flatly contradicted the statement that any one had been killed, and, on enquiry being made at the village in question, no death could be heard of; but Cook very severely condemned the firing as unjustifiable. IX.J THROUGH COOK'S STRAIT i6i Two posts were prepared with inscriptions giving the ship's name and the date, one of which was set up near the watering-place, and the other on a conspicuous position on an island called Motuara, permission having been obtained from the natives who promised that they should always be preserved. Possession was taken of this, the southern island, and the king's health having been drunk in wine, the empty bottle was presented to the old man who had complained about the shooting, and he was greatly delighted with his present. He also was given some silver threepenny pieces dated 1763, and some spike nails branded with the broad arrow. As the ship had by this time been brought into fairly good trim, her bottom clean, her sides freshly caulked and tarred, the ironwork of the tiller overhauled and repaired, more ballast taken on board, the rigging put into thorough good order, and a plentiful supply of wood and water obtained, Cook determined to push through his newly discovered strait ; but unfavourable weather detained them till the 6th February, and even then a failing wind compelled them to anchor again till next day. On getting out into the strait a very strong current was encountered, which nearly drove them on to a small island, and they had to let go the anchor which did not hold them, but a fortunate change in the current carried them clear. The southern point of the North Island was named "Cape Palliser, in honour of my worthy friend Captain Palliser," and the northern point of the South Island was called Cape Campbell, after Captain John Campbell, F.R.S., who had strongly supported Cook's appointment as observer for the Royal Society. After passing through the strait Cook at first steered to the south, but finding that some of the people on board were not satisfied that the North Island was not part of a continent, he decided to set the matter at i62 1769-1770— NEW ZEALAND [chap. rest, and though he was himself convinced, he turned to the north and proceeded along the coast till Cape Turnagain was recognised, when he once more changed his course southwards. Banks says : "At this time there were two parties on board, one who wished that the land in sight might, and the others that it might not, prove to be a continent. I myself have always been most firm in the former wish, though sorry I am to say that my party is so small that there are none heartily of it than myself, and one poor midshipman, the rest begin to sigh for roast beef." Following down the east coast of the South Island, a piece of land which appeared to be separated from the mainland was named Banks Island, but Cook seems to have had some doubts as it is joined to the main- land by dotted lines on his chart, and has since been proved to be joined on by a neck of low land, and is now called Bank's Peninsula. After passing here Mr Gore thought he had seen land to the east, and Cook, though he felt sure that it was improbable there was anything of importance in that direction, made a run out only to find Gore had been mistaken. On their return to the coast, they expected to round the south end almost immediately, as they understood from the natives of Queen Charlotte's Sound that it was only at a distance of four days for their canoes. Very slow progress was made owing to the unfavourable winds, but they managed several times to run close in, and from what they were able to see of the country, came to the conclusion it was very barren, with high ranges in the interior, and but few evidences of inhabitants. At last a fevourable breeze sprang up from the north, and they tried to make the most of it, "and by that means carried away the maintop gallant mast and foretop mast steering sail boom, but these were soon replaced by others." A high bluff IX.] A FORTUNATE ESCAPE 163 was named after Admiral Saunders, and near it were several bays " wherein there appear'd to be anchorage and shelter from S.W., Westerly, and N.W. winds." One of these is now known as Otago Harbour, the port of the City of Dunedin. On 26th February it began to blow from the west- south-west, so they stood away to the southward. The foresail was split to pieces, but shortly after the wind moderated, only to blow again with increased fury about daylight, accompanied by heavy squalls of rain, and their main topsail went. The storm continued for forty-eight hours before it gave signs of breaking, and for half that time they lay to, heading to the south ; at length they were able to bring her round, and resumed their course to the south and west. After having been lost for seven days, land was again sighted in the neighbourhood of Cape Saunders on 4th March, and at night a large fire was seen on shore. They were now in the vicinity of the strait, now Foveaux Strait, which separates Stewart from South Island, but Cook was not yet sure of its existence. On the 6th, being satisfied that he had passed the most southern point of the land, the course was altered to the west, and he nearly ran on to a dangerous cluster of rocks that lie a few miles to the south-east of Stewart Island, and are almost wholly submerged, with deep water all round. To these rocks he gave the name of The Traps, and remarks, "It is apparent that we had a very fortunate escape." Shortly afterwards they were again blown off the land and lost their mizzen and mizzen stay sails ; but on the weather moderating they picked up the land again near the western end of Foveaux Strait. Again they were blown down to the south and picked up the land on the 14th near a bay which Cook wished to enter, but their progress was so slow, and darkness was coming on ; so, giving it the name of Dusky Bay, he proceeded up the coast, contented to i64 1769-1770— NEW ZEALAND [chap. note that, if there was a sufficiency of water, it would probably prove a good harbour sheltered from every wind. Several of these inlets were seen, but Cook would not risk entering them, for if he were successful in getting in, he thought he might have considerable difficulty in getting out again. After passing Cascade Point, named from four streams that fell over its face, the coast trended away to the east, but soon resumed its northerly direction. Here, although the weather was not cold, large quantities of snow were seen on the hills. At Cape Foulwind, as the name suggests, they were again blown off their course, but soon recovered their position. Describing the land, Cook says : "No country upon earth can appear with a more rugged and barren aspect than this does from the sea, for as far inland as the eye can reach nothing is to be seen but the summits of these rocky mountains, which seem to lay so near one another as not to admit any vallies between them." When they had gone a little further, however, the mountains retired from the sea, leaving a strip of land which, from the amount of vegetation visible, was judged to be very fertile. On the 24th they rounded the northern point of the South Island, and on the 27th Cook writes: "As we have now circumnavigated the whole of this country, it is time for me to think of quitting it." He thus signifies that he had carried out to the fullest extent the second portion of his instruc- tions : that is, he had completely determined the situa- tion and nature of the land seen by Tasman in 1642, and had in the most conclusive manner possible — by sailing round it — proved that it was not the western coast of a large continent as insisted on by Dalrymple and others. On the 28th he ran into Admiralty Bay to procure IX.] NEW ZEALAND PRODUCTS 165 wood and water, and to refit as far as he possibly could for the voyage homewards. His sails in particular required a thorough overhaul, for Banks says that they "were ill provided from the first, and were now worn and damaged by the rough work they had gone through, particularly on the New Zealand coast, and they gave no little trouble to get into order again." Whilst the necessary preparations were being carried out the sur- rounding country was inspected ; a few deserted huts were found, which had not been inhabited for some time, but no further trace of any human beings. The two points at the ends of Admiralty Bay were appropriately named after the secretaries Stephens and Jackson. The opinion of the botanical members of the expedition was that European fruits, grain, etc., would grow well, and that an agricultural population would flourish. Timber of excellent quality was plentiful, and Cook thought that though nothing suitable for masts was seen, it was very probable that such might be found in the future. The New Zealand flax was very abundant, and was believed to promise considerable commercial value. Fish was to be found in great quantities — lobsters and oysters being specially remark- able for both quality and quantity. No quadrupeds except dogs and rats were seen, and birds were not very plentiful. The minerals in Cook's opinion did not appear of much value, but he admitted that he was hardly capable of forming one, as it was a subject of which he knew little. Banks noted that the few people they saw on the South Island were apparently of an inferior race to those on the North, the latter were more closely allied to the Otaheitan type, and many of their customs were similar, whilst their language was practically identical, and Tupia had no difficulty in making himself understood. It seems that even at this time the subject of found- ing a colony somewhere in the Southern Hemisphere i66 1769-1770— NEW ZEALAND [chap. ix. had been under discussion, for Cook says that if a settlement were decided on in New Zealand, he would recommend the estuary of the Thames and the Bay of Islands as the most suitable places for the purpose. Speaking of his chart of New Zealand, Cook points out frankly the places where he thinks he may have fallen into error and gives his reasons for so thinking. The opinions of others on the subject are worth record- ing. M. Crozet, second to M. Marion du Fresne in command of the French expedition that was out the next year, speaks most highly of the work. He says : "As soon as I obtained information of the voyage of Cook, I carefully compared the chart I had prepared of that part of the coast of New Zealand along which we had coasted, with that prepared by Captain Cook and his officers. I found it of an exactitude and of a thoroughness of detail which astonished me beyond all power of expression. I doubt whether our own coasts of France have been delineated with more precision. I think therefore that I cannot do better than to lay down our track off New Zealand on the chart prepared by the celebrated English navigator." M. du Fresne was killed at the Bay of Islands in 1772. Admiral Wharton says : " Never has a coast been as well laid down by a first explorer, and it must have required unceasing vigilance and continual observation in fair weather and foul, to arrive at such a satisfactory conclusion, and with such a dull sailor as the Endeavour was, the six and a half months occupied in the work (2,400 miles of coast) must be counted as a short interval in which to do it." CHAPTER X 1 770 — AUSTRALIA When everything was in readiness for his departure, Cook consulted with his officers as to the best route to take on the return voyage to England. His own wish was to sail round Cape Horn in order to make sure that there was no other large body of land in the South Pacific Ocean, but taking into consideration the time of year and the condition of his ship, he recognised that it would be unwise to court disaster. The same reasons held good against making direct to the Cape of Good Hope, a course which would also prevent any further discoveries of importance, as that portion of the Ocean had been frequently traversed. " It was therefore resolved to return by way of the E. Indies by the following route. Upon Leaving this coast to steer to the Westward until we fall in with the E. coast of New Holland, and then to follow the direction of that coast to the Northward or what other direction it might take us, until we arrive at its Northern extremity ; and if it should be found im- practicable then to Endeavour to fall in with the Land or Islands discovered by Quiros." This extract from Cook's Journal, written before he left New Zealand for the Australian coast, shows that he made no claim to being the discoverer of Australia, as is still taught in schools ; and it renders the much discussed question as to whether he and Banks knew of the existence of the " Dauphin Map," 167 i68 1770— AUSTRALIA [chap. one of absolutely no importance. From what can now be ascertained, it seems most probable that Cook never knew of its existence, and Banks not till some years after his return from this voyage. Cook did know that New Holland had been dis- covered, and had in his possession records of some of the pioneers who had touched on various points of its coasts. He knew in which direction it lay from where he then was ; and he knew that the information about the country was scanty and unreliable, so he determined, as far as in him lay, that these uncertainties should be cleared away. His only claim, and a very just one, is that he discovered and traced the course of the eastern coast. Messrs Becke and Jeffery quote the above paragraph from Cook's Journal, and yet they contend that his connection with the discovery of Australia "was accidental." The direction to be taken having been thus 'settled they got under weigh at daylight on 31st March 1770, with a favourable south-easterly gale and a clear sky ; steering a little to the north of west, they passed Cape Farewell the day following, and were able to keep their course. On i6th April they saw several birds, which were recognised as belonging to species only to be found in the immediate vicinity of land, and in consequence the lead was kept going, but no soundings were obtained with either the 100 or 130 fathom lines. On the 17th they were forced off their course by a south - westerly gale, first standing to the north-west, and then south, then north, and again south. The weather soon cleared up and enabled them to get several observations of both the sun and moon. The next day a Port Egmont hen was seen, and was looked upon as an infallible sign of the nearness of land, and Cook remarks : " Indeed we cannot be far from it. By our Longitude we are a degree to the westward of the east side of X.] NEW SOUTH WALES SIGHTED 169 Van Dieman's Land according to Tasman, the first discoverer's Longitude of it,, who could not err much in so short a run as from this land to New Zealand ; and by our Lat. we could not to be above 50 or 55 leagues to the Northward of the place where he took his depar- ture from." At six o'clock in the morning of 19th April 1770, Lieutenant Hicks saw land extending from north-east to west, distant five or six leagues. This was the looked-for east coast of New Holland. As he could see no land to the south where, from Tasman's Journal, he expected to have done. Cook expressed a doubt as to Van Dieman's Land being joined to New Holland, and laid down a doubtful line on his chart. This doubtful line remained on the charts till Bass solved the problem by sailing through the strait which bears his name, and at the entrance to which the Endeavour now was. Cook particularly notes that he did not take Tasman's point of departure from the existent charts, but from a transcript of his Journal made by Dirk Rembrautse. A low hill, the most southerly land in sight, was named by Cook, Point Hicks, in honour of its discoverer, and he gives its position as 38° o' S., 211° 7' W. Three water-spouts were here seen a short distance from the ship, and are remarkable for being the first mentioned in the Journal. In turning towards the north a head- land was passed, which Cook named the Ram's Head, as it reminded him of a point at the entrance to Plymouth Sound. The country is described as rather low, not very hilly, covered with green woods, and the sea-shore of white sand. The following day Cape Howe was passed, named, and the position fixed as 37° 28' S., 210° 3' W., which Admiral Wharton says is almost exactly right. The country now is said to be improving in appearance, it "had a very agreeable and promising aspect, diversified with hills and ridges, plains and valleys, with some few 170 1770— AUSTRALIA [chap. small lawns : but, for the most part, the whole was covered with wood, the hills and ridges rise with a gentle slope : they are not high, neither are there many of them." Smoke proved the land to be inhabited, but no natives were seen till after Cape Dromedary and Bateman's Bay — the latter named after the second Captain of the Northumberland — had been passed, when some were seen on the shore ; but the distance was too great for close observation. Near a curiously shaped hill, which he named the Pigeon House, Cook wished to land, but the wind shifted and a heavy swell commenced rolling in, so he judged it would not be safe to make the attempt. On passing Jervis Bay he would have run in, but the wind was against him, and he came to the conclusion that its appearance was not sufficiently inviting to justify him in wasting time trying to beat in. On the 28th, an unsuccessful attempt was made to land at a place that has been identified as being a little to the north of the Five Islands, near lUawarra, but the surf rendered the task too dangerous. Some natives were seen fishing, but as soon as the boats approached they ran away. At daylight the next morning a bay was discovered, and the Master was sent in the pinnace to sound the entrance, the ship following closely in his wake ; and on Sunday, 29th April 1770, H.M.S. Endeavour anchored for the first time on the coast of New Holland, about two miles within the entrance of what Cook named Sting Ray Bay, but which is now known as Botany Bay. The time when the name was changed is disputed, but it seems probable that the change was made some time after leaving the place, when Messrs Banks and Solander had arranged their collection of plants ; for though under the date 6th May, Cook says: "The great quantity of plants Mr Banks and Dr Solander found in this place occasioned my giving it the name of Botany Bay," yet the logs of the X.] THE FIRST LANDING 171 other officers speak of it under its first name, and Banks gives it no name till, in a general description of the country, apparently written about the time they were leaving Cape York, he refers to it under the name of Sting Ray Bay. On coming to an anchor. Cook, Banks, and Tupia went on shore, and made an unavailing attempt, when close in, to speak with some natives who were near, but they all ran away except two, who seemed inclined to oppose any landing, for they came towards the boats in a threatening manner. Cook ordered a musket to be fired over them, and they retired to where they had left some spears which they picked up — and one of them threw a stone at the boats. Upon this, as they were so far away that no serious harm could be done. Cook fired a charge of small shot at him. This caused him to run off to a small hut near, pick up a wooden shield, and return to take up his position alongside his comrade. A couple of spears were thrown by the blacks and drew a second discharge of small shot from the invaders, upon which the defenders retired slowly ; and as Banks suggested the possibility of the spears being poisoned, they were not followed up. The natives were said to be armed with "wooden swords" as well as long spears, but Banks conjectured that they were "a machine to throw the lance," and in this he was probably correct, as the " womerah " was used for that purpose almost all over the island. It is a stick with a hook at the end, and this hook fitting into a notch at the end of the spear enables the latter to be thrown a great deal further than by hand alone. Sir Walter Besant relates that Isaac Smith, Mrs Cook's cousin, was the first to set his foot on Australian soil, leaping out of the boat in response to an order from the Captain, "Jump out, Isaac." There is no official record of the name of the first to land, of course, but Canon Bennett says that it is the family tradition 172 1 7 70— AUSTRALIA [chap. that the event as related by Sir Walter is correct, and it is by no means improbable that Canon Bennett received the tradition from Admiral Isaac Smith himself. He also describes the position of Smith as "what was then called, the Captain's Midshipman, whose duty it was to wait on the captain and I believe to do Butler's and Valet's work if needed." On examining the huts near the landing-place, which were constructed of sticks covered with pieces of bark, somewhat similar to those seen in Terra del Fuego, some children were found carefully covered up, but they were not disturbed. Some forty or fifty spears were taken away, due payment in the shape of beads, cloth, ribbons, nails, etc. , being left in their place ; but all of it was found untouched the following morning. The canoes are described by Cook as the worst he ever saw, consisting merely of sheets of bark drawn together, and tied with withies at the ends, and kept open in the middle by sticks. Considerable difficulty was experienced in getting a supply of water, that on the north head entailing much labour, and on the south head being obtainable only from a small stream, or by digging in the sand. Whilst the crew were busy with the water and wood. Cook made a survey of the harbour. He describes the country as being lightly timbered, with a sandy soil, bearing a plentiful crop of coarse grass, a quantity of of which was taken on board for the sheep. The sand was interspersed with patches of swampy ground and rocks, but at the head of the bay, though much of the same character, it appeared richer. One or two blacks* camps were seen, but the people ran away at the approach of the strangers. In one or two cases spears were thrown, but fortunately no one was injured, though Dr Monkhouse and one or two others had narrow escapes. Large heaps of shells, oysters, mussels, and cockle, were found near the camps, some X.] NATIVE ACCOUNT OF LANDING 173 of them "being some of the largest oyster shells I ever saw," says Cook. A vague account of the landing, said to have been obtained from the blacks, was published in Sydney, in an anonymous work on Australian discovery, which was never completed. It is there stated that three men landed from the boats on the south point of the bay and walked round for a short distance, the boats follow- ing towards some fresh water that ran down over the rocks ; and that after staying some little time they went over to the north side and the three persons again landed — one of them wore a cocked hat. The blacks appeared with their weapons, but made no attempt to attack, and, on a couple of shots being fired from the boats, they ran away. The boats then went back to the ship, and either the same evening or the next morning were out fishing with nets. This account, as far as it goes, agrees very fairly with those of Cook and Banks. It is almost unnecessary to add that at first the ship was taken for a large bird and then for a big canoe. On returning from the first day's explorations they managed to net about 300 lb. of fish, which proved a very acceptable change of diet for the crew. Cook was informed that whilst those on board were having their dinner, some ten or a dozen natives were seen to come down and remove their canoes ; but none of the presents that had been left were touched. After a time another party of about eighteen came down to within about a hundred yards of the working party, but could not be induced to come any nearer, and all they seemed to want was that their visitors should go away and leave them in peace. Whilst here a seaman, named Forbes (" Forby" in the muster roll) Sutherland, died of consumption, from which he had been suffering throughout the voyage, and was buried on shore on the point named by Cook in his memory. Point Sutherland. The anonymous 174 1770— AUSTRALIA [chap. pamphlet, referred to above, says that Cook does not give the cause of Sutherland's death, though he was usually very careful to do so, and then tells a story to the effect that Sutherland had found a metal plate affixed to a tree, which showed that the Dutch had previously been on the spot, and whilst securing it he had been fatally wounded by the blacks, and then Cook, in order to have the credit of being the first discoverer, carefully suppressed these facts, but that the plate was secured by some one or other, and is preserved in the British Museum. Unfortunately for the truth of this story. Cook very distinctly states that Sutherland died of consumption ; and, secondly, the plate is not in the care of the British Museum, nor can any trace of its existence be found in any of the records of the voyage. Before leaving, an inscription was cut on a tree near the watering-place, giving the ship's name and the date, and the English colours were displayed on shore every day during the stay; but the crew were unsuccessful in their attempts to establish any friendly intercourse with the blacks. Mr Green fixed the latitude of the place as 34° o' S. A brass plate was afterwards attached to the rocks about fifteen feet above high-water mark, near the spot where the first landing was supposed to have taken place, by the "Philosophical Society of Australia" in 1822, with an inscription to the glorification of that Society, and an incidental mention of Cook. On leaving Botany Bay the coast was followed up to the northward, and an entrance was noted which Cook thought might prove a safe anchorage, and to which he gave the name of Port Jackson, after Mr George Jackson, one of the Secretaries to the Admiralty. Within this " entrance" is now the city of Sydney, and it was to this place that Captain Philip removed his headquarters when he discovered the unsuitability of X.] NATIVE "SMOKES" 175 Botany Bay for the purposes of colonisation. Botany Bay had been very strongly recommended by Banks. After passing Port Jackson, Broken Bay was reached and named from the number of small islands in it, but they were too far away to note the entrance of a large river, now the Hawkesbury. The winds, light and northerly, rendered progress very slow for several days, and it was not till loth May that a small round, rocky, island was seen, but not named. This is now known as Nobby's Head at the entrance to Newcastle, on the Hunter River, the great coal district of the South Pacific. Port Stephens was the next place noticed, and Cook judged that it was a well-sheltered harbour with ample depth of water. Smoke was constantly seen, but no other trace of inhabitants. Off Cape Hawke he found that his observations made him twelve miles south of his position by the log, which he rightly attributed to the currents, on this coast of very considerable force, and very variable. Almost the only thing to be seen, beyond the outline of the coast, was the constantly recurring smoke ; one point received the name of Smoky Cape on account of the great number in its vicinity. Cook was, of course, unaware that probably they were, many of them, signals from one party of blacks to another announcing the advent of something strange on the coast. That these "smokes" are used by blacks to convey information is now a well-recognised fact, and the news they do convey by this means is often perfectly astonishing to a white man. As they proceeded further to the north the land appeared to increase in height ; near the shore the country was low and sandy, but further inland "an agreeable variety of Hills, Ridges, and Valleys, and large Plains, all cloathed with wood, which to all appearance is the same as I have before mentioned, as we could discover no visible alteration in the soil." r76 1770— AUSTRALIA [chap. After passing the Solitary Islands, they were able to keep pretty close in shore, and as usual noticed some smokes, and at one point were able to distinguish people on the beach. Soon afterwards Cape Byron was passed, and named after the Captain of the Dolphin when on her first voyage to the South Seas. After escaping a reef off Point Danger they dis- covered a bay on 17th May which Cook named Morton Bay, after the President of the Royal Society, the Earl of Morton. It is now wrongly spelt on the maps as Moreton Bay. Cook says : ' ' From C. Morton the Land trends away W. further than we could see, for there is a small space where we could see no land : some on board were of opinion that there is a River there because the sea looked paler than usual." This apinion is correct, for here the Brisbane River enters the sea, and on it is situated the city of Brisbane, the capital of the Province of Queensland. Some very remarkable hills stand a short distance from the coast on the west of the bay, which Cook aptly named the Glasshouses, from their likeness to the buildings in which glass is manufactured. Still keeping as near the coast as was considered safe, they passed and named Double Island Point and Wide Bay, and the country was described as being more barren than any yet seen on the coast. A black bluff was named Indian Head, as several natives were seen on it ; but with the exception of the "smokes" there were very few evidences of habitation to be seen. A cape having on it two peculiar white patches was named Sandy Cape, and a long dangerous sandbank, shoaling steadily on the outside, and steep-to on the inside, was named Breaksea Spit. Here Cook found himself in a large bay and conjectured, from the kinds of birds to be seen and the direction of their flight, that there was X-] BUSTARD HEAD 177 a river or lagoon to the south-west. The conjecture was correct, for here the Mary River empties itself into Hervey's Bay. On the 23rd of May they anchored in a bay, and landed for the second time on the shores of New Holland. Cook says the country was "visibly worse than at the last place," that is Botany Bay. The timber was much the same, though Banks got one or two new specimens. Black and white ducks and pelicans were seen, and a bustard weighing 17 J lb. was shot; it was "as large as a good turkey, and far the best we had eaten since we left England," says Banks. That bird is immortalised in the names Bustard Bay and Bustard Head, which were conferred in its honour. Oysters of good quality were obtained, but, as a set off, Banks made the acquaintance of the green tree ant and the Australian mosquito, which he did not seem to appreciate so much. The night previous to their landing Orton, clerk and purser, having indulged too freely, had his clothes cut off his back by some one unknown, and was after- wards followed to his berth — and both his ears were slit. Suspicion fell upon Midshipman Magra (or McGrath as it is spelt on some of the rolls), and he was dismissed the quarter-deck and suspended from any duty. Cook describes him as "one of those Gentlemen frequently found on board King's ships, that can very well be spared." As the evidence against him was not quite conclusive. Cook proceeded no further, but watched him closely, as he was fully determined to discover and punish the offender. He seems to have had good reasons to withdraw his suspicions, for, on the 26th, Magra was permitted to return to duty and reinstated as midshipman, "as I did not find him guilty of the crime laid to his charge." Midshipman Saunders, who deserted at Batavia, was the one on whom the blame was ultimately laid. M 178 1770— AUSTRALIA [chap. On 24th May a moderately high, white, and apparently barren point was passed, which, being found by observa- tion to be directly under the tropic, was named Cape Capricorn. Shortly afterwards the mouth of the Fitzroy River was crossed, but Cook only remarks that from general appearances, he believed there was a river in the immediate neighbourhood. On the 26th, as the sound- ings were very irregular, he ran out between the Keppel Islands, on one of which a few natives were seen. Cape Townshend was named. Admiral Wharton says, after Charles Townshend, Chancellor of the Exchequer in 1767, who died in 1770; but it is much more probable that it was after Charles Townshend, who signed Cook's commission of Lieutenant, and who was, at the time the Endeavour left England, one of the Lords of the Admiralty. Rounding the point into Shoalwater Bay they had to haul up sharp to the west, in order to get within the islands which were named the Northumberland Group. The water was found to be very shallow, so they anchored for a time and sounded from the boats, soon afterwards moving further in to the shore, as Cook was anxious to clean the ship's bottom, which was getting very foul, and he also wished to have the advantage of a full moon in these apparently dangerous waters. However, as no fresh water was found, the idea had to be given up. He landed to take some observations, but they proved very unsatisfactory as the compass was found to be unreliable, a fault that was attributed to the iron stone in the neighbouring hills, of which the signs were very evident. In some places the variations were found to amount to as much as 30°. In describing the country, he says: "No sign of fertility is to be seen upon the Land; the soil of the uplands is mostly a hard, reddish clay." He named the northernmost headland Cape Palmerston, after one of the Lords of the Admiralty ; and the large X.] WHITSUNDAY PASSAGE 179 opening which includes Broadsound, Shoalwater Bay, and Thirsty Sound, he called the Bay of Inlets. After passing Cape Hillsborough, named after the President of the Board of Trade, they entered Whit- sunday Passage, and it is described by Cook as "one continued safe harbour, besides a number of small bays and coves on each side, where ships might lay as it were in a Basin." This passage is betweeen the main- land and Whitsunday Island, so called from having been sighted on that day, and the land on both sides is described as being green and pleasant, but although it looked inviting Cook would not waste any time, as the brilliant, clear moonlight enabled him to stand on under easy sail. Rounding Cape Gloucester he entered Edgecombe Bay, now known as Port Denison, said to be the prettiest port in Australia. On entering Cleveland Bay, named after the district of Yorkshire in which Cook was born, the compass was seen to be very much disturbed, and the cause was found to be an island which he called Magnetical, now Magnetic Island. This island is off the present port of Towns- ville. A little further to the north a boat was sent off under the charge of Mr Hicks, who was accompanied by Messrs Banks and Solander, in the hope of procuring some fresh vegetables, as some cocoanuts were supposed to have been seen ; but the trip resulted in disappoint- ment, for the cocoanuts proved to be a kind of cabbage palm, and nothing else was seen worthy of attention. Blacks were heard calling to each other, but none of them were seen till, when near Rockingham Bay, some few were observed through the glasses on the islands, but no communication was possible. They were very dark, and appeared entirely destitute of clothing. In a small bay north of Cape Grafton the ship anchored, and Cook, Banks, and Solander went ashore to look for water, and found two small streams, but they were too i8o 1770— AUSTRALIA [chap. difficult of access to be made use of; and the country is described as being steep, rocky, and unpromising. On loth June, soon after leaving this bay, all except the watch had turned in, and the lead had just been cast, with seventeen fathoms, when the unfortunate ship crashed on to a reef, bringing all hands on deck. Sound- ings were at once taken all round her, and she was found to be on the very edge of a coral reef. As she was making but little water, anchors were carried out, and an attempt was made to haul her off. Finding their efforts unavailing, steps were taken to lighten her; decayed stores, oil jars, hoopstaves, casks, iron and stone ballast, and her six quarter-deck guns were thrown overboard — from forty to fifty tons in all — but with no effect. The tide then began to rise and her leaks to increase very rapidly, two pumps having to be kept constantly at work. Believing that matters would only go froni bad to worse. Cook determined to heave the ship off at all hazards, so every one that could be spared from the pumps was sent to the capstan and windlass ; and at length after a stay of twenty-three hours on the rocks, she was hove off into deep water. But now all hands had to take to the pumps as the water was pouring in rapidly. For a time they appeared to gain slightly ; then there was a sudden increase reported in the well, which caused every one to take a gloomy view of their position. It was, however, discovered that the man who had been taking the soundings had measured the depth above the ceiling, and on being relieved did not tell his successor from what point, then the second man, taking the depth from the outside plank, made it appear that there was a sudden increase of from sixteen to eighteen inches. When this was realised, the correction acted like a charm ; each one redoubled his exertions, and by morning they had gained considerably on the leak, and sail was got on her and she stood in for the land. X.] THE SHIP ASHORE i8i It is said that Midshipman Monkhouse suggested that the leak should be "fothered," and as he had already seen the operation performed on board a merchant ship which was leaking at the rate of forty-eight inches per hour, and had afterwards, without further repair, crossed the Atlantic from Virginia to London, he was given charge. He had a studding sail on which oakum and wool was lightly sewn and smothered with dirt, lowered over the bows and dragged over the place where the worst of the leak was supposed to be, and there firmly secured, with the result that Banks says, in a quarter of an hour after it was in position, they were able to pump the ship clear of water, and Cook says one pump was sufficient to keep her free. During all this trying time every one seems to have behaved well, for Cook says : "In justice to the ship's company, I must say that no men ever behaved better than they have done on this occasion ; animated by the behaviour of every Gentleman on board, every man seem'd to have a just sense of the Danger we were in, and exerted him- self to the very utmost." Banks also adds his testimony : " Every man exerts his utmost for the preservation of the ship. The officers during the whole time never gave an order that did not show them to be perfectly composed and unmoved by the circumstances." The suggestive name of Cape Tribulation was given to a point off which the reef on which they had struck was situated, and some small islands near were called Hope Islands, because, as Cook says, at the time of their greatest danger they hoped, if the worst came, they would at any rate be able to reach them. A boat had been sent off to ascertain if there was any place in the neighbourhood where they could safely beach the ship, and very soon returned with the information that a small i82 1770— AUSTRALIA [chap. river, now the Endeavour River, had been found which appeared to be in every way suitable. Into this she was safely taken, and deep water being found close to the bank, a stage was rigged, and most of the stores and ballast was taken on shore ; a hospital tent was erected for the sick "which amounted at this time to some eight or nine afflicted with different disorders, but none very dangerously ill." Mr Green and Tupia were showing signs of scurvy, but the remainder appeared at that time to have been free from it. When the ship was sufSciently clear she was warped a little further up the river, and at the top of the tide her bows were hauled well into the bank, and when the tide fell they were able to examine the leak. The damage was found to be very serious, for the rock had cut through four of the planks into the timbers, and three other planks were injured. The manner in which the wood was cut away was "hardly credible, scarce a splinter was to be seen, but the whole was cut away as if done with a blunt-edged tool." A piece of rock was found tightly fixed in the hole, and this had served greatly to arrest the influx of water. The sheathing and false keel were very badly damaged, but it was believed that she was not much injured aft as she made but very little water when once the main wound was dry. At what is believed to be the exact spot at which she was beached a monument has been erected by the inhabitants of Cooktown, a seaport town now at the mouth of the river. Every effort was made to get the repairs completed during the prevalence of the high tides, but unsuccess- fully, and it was not till their return that they were able to get the ship afloat again. In the meantime, as there was no danger to be feared from the natives, the men were allowed as much liberty as possible, and owing to their obtaining a supply of fresh fish, a few pigeons, X.] REPAIRING AT THE ENDEAVOUR RIVER 183 and a small quantity of vegetables in the form of some wild yam tops, cabbage palm, and wild plantains, the health of the crew rapidly improved. On 29th June an observation of " the Emersion of Jupiter's First Satelite " was obtained, from which the longitude was calculated as 214° 42' 30" W. Wharton considers this an excellent observation — the true longitude being 214° 45' W. When on 4th July they at last succeeded in getting the good ship afloat again, they found that she had been so well patched that she only took in water at the rate of about one inch per hour, and this was easily kept under by the pumps. She was taken across to the other side of the river, and was laid over on a sandbank to be more thoroughly examined, when the sheathing was found to be greatly damaged. The carpenter in whom Cook had confidence, reported that with the means at his disposal he could not make a satisfactory job of it, but he thought that there would not be any great danger in pushing on till some place where greater facilities were available could be reached. She was therefore again taken alongside the staging, the stores and ballast replaced, and everything got ready for a prosecution of the voyage ; and the Master was sent off in the pinnace to look for a passage to the north-east. He was not successful, but whilst away came across some natives on the mainland very busy cooking "sea ^&&s," but they ran away as soon as they saw the white men. During the whole of the time that the ship had been in the river, the natives had kept away from her, though evidences of their being near were constantly found. One day some two or three were seen fishing, and some of the crew wished to attempt their capture, but Cook ordered that no notice was to be taken of them ; with the result that they gradually came nearer and at length picked up some small presents which had been thrown down for them. After a time they landed, i84 1770— AUSTRALIA [chap. and were persuaded to sit down with Tupia, when a long and animated conversation ensued in which neither party could understand the other. They were at dinner time offered something to eat, but declined it, and went away. The following day three of them returned bring- ing a stranger with them, and the next day five came to the camp, leaving a woman and a boy on the other side of the river. The whole of these were entirely destitute of anything in the way of clothing. Not being satisfied with the report of the Master as to a passage out to the north-east. Cook again sent him — but he again reported badly ; the shoals appeared to be more numerous the further he went. He, however, brought back with him three turtles weighing about 800 lb., which, as may well be imagined, proved a very welcome addition to the food of the crew, for they had now been some mojiths without fresh meat. A second trip out to where these were obtained resulted in their catching three or four more, and getting also a good supply of shell-fish. Gore, Banks, and three men also made a few days' excursion up the river, but with the exception of shooting a kangaroo, they met with nothing of note. The tracks of this animal had been seen several times at Botany Bay, but the honour of obtaining this, the first killed by any European, belongs to Mr Gore. On 1 8th July Cook, Banks, and Solander went up the coast some six or eight miles and climbed a prominent hill, to see if they could form any idea of the general lie of the coast and its surrounding reefs ; and Cook was greatly struck with the difficulties he would have to contend with in making his way out. He says: "In whatever direction we looked, it (the sea) was covered with shoals as far as the eye could see." A few blacks had made some sort of friendly advance to Cook and Banks when out for a walk on the north bank of the river, and had been persuaded to visit the X.] THE BLACKS FIRE THE CAMP 185 camp on the other side. Shortly before the last of the stores were taken on board some ten of them visited the ship, and were offered various gifts, but seemed to set little value on any of them. Some of the turtles which were on deck attracted their attention, and they made signs that they wished for them ; and when they found their signs were not responded to, attempted to carry off two of them ; and when this attempt was frustrated they went ashore to where some of the crew were at work. One of them seized a lighted stick from under the pitch kettle, and, taking a good wide circuit round the place, fired the grass as he went. Fortunately, there were not many things left ashore, and they had just finished loading the powder, so the most serious damage appears to have been the premature roasting of a young pig. The blacks then went on to where some of the crew were engaged in washing, and where a quantity of the ship's linen and the fishing nets were hanging out to dry. Here they again attempted to fire the grass, but receiving a charge of small shot they retreated, only to return soon afterwards with their arms, some of which the English managed to secure. When they seemed to be inclined to be more peaceable, the arms were eventually returned, with the result that, after staying a short time, they went off and again fired the undergrowth about a couple of miles away. Banks seems to have been greatly impressed with the manner in which the grass and undergrowth burnt, for he remarks that he will never pitch tents again in a hot climate, without first taking the precaution to burn the grass for some distance round. He had had an opportunity of seeing a good deal of the surround- ing country, and reports it as dry, sandy, and " in every respect the most barren country we have yet seen." The animals were not numerous, and he enumerates kangaroos, wolves (the native dog or dingo), bats, wild cats (dasyurus), and opossums. i86 1770— AUSTRALIA [chap. Several kinds of ducks, shags, pelicans, crows, and flock-pigeons were seen, but with the exception of the last were difficult to shoot ; of the crows he says : "A crow in England, though in general sufficiently wary, is, I must say, a fool to a New Holland crow." None of the birds or beasts appear to have come amiss to the pot, for he observes that they could eat anything in the way of meat ; all that was required was that it should not be salt. "That alone was sufficient to make it a delicacy." He gives an account of a sailor's description of an animal he saw. "It was as black as the devil and had wings, indeed I took it for the devil, or I might have catched it, for it crawled away very slowly through the grass." After some little trouble Banks discovered this creature to have been a large bat (the flying fox). Of the insect life he found many specimens, and was particularly struck by the white ants and their nests ; he also confesses to having formed a very respect- ful opinion of the various kinds of mosquitoes. On the beach they found bamboos, cocoanuts, and seeds, and large quantities of pumice stone, which were evidently not the produce of the country, but had been driven ashore from the east by the trade winds. Cook's opinion agrees fairly well with that of Banks, but on the whole he thought that the east coast was not so barren and miserable as Dampier had described the the west to be, and he goes on to say : " We are to consider that we see this country in the pure state of nature ; the Industry of Man has had nothing to do with any part of it, and yet we find all such things as nature hath bestow'd upon it in a flourish- ing state. In this Extensive Country, it can never be doubted, but what most sorts of grain. Fruit, roots, etc., of every kind would flourish here were they once brought hither, planted, and cultivated by the hands of Industry ; and here are provender for more cattle, at all ^■'i DIFFICULT NAVIGATION 187 seasons of the year, than ever can be brought into the country." This quotation is a good example of the observations and deductions that are to be found scattered through Cook's Journals, proves the soundness and accuracy of his judgment, and is very different from the would-be classical, semi-scientific rubbish that has been put into his mouth by his editors. After several days' detention by contrary winds, they at length got away from the Endeavour River on 4th August, only to find themselves surrounded by difficulties. Cook or some other of the officers was continually at the masthead on the look-out, and, at last, by keeping very close in to the shore, they managed to creep past Cape Flattery, and at first thought that the worst was over ; but on landing and ascending Point Lookout the prospect was anything but satisfactory. Cook therefore determined to take some observations from the top of one of the high islands which lay to the east, and which he thought outside the main reef. He was again doomed to disappointment, for on their arrival at the island selected, they could see, far away to the east, the sea breaking on the Great Barrier Reef. In hopes to get a better view in the morning, as the weather was hazy, Cook and Banks remained on the island all night, but with no greater success. They found from the large piles of shells and remains of fires that were to be seen, that the blacks visited these islands at certain periods, and considering the wretched canoes they had, little better than those seen at Botany Bay, it was a wonderful journey for them to make. The only living things they saw were a few lizards, and, in consequence, the place received the name of Lizard Island. After careful consideration and consultation with his officers, Cook determined to go outside the reef, for i88 1770— AUSTRALIA [chap. he was anxious to get on to the Dutch East India settlements in order to renew his supplies, as he was beginning to be afraid of running short ; only about three months' provisions at short allowance were now left. He therefore made for an opening he had noticed when on Lizard Island, and got through without much difficulty, and appears to have felt much relieved, for he says : " Having been entangled among Islands and Shoals, more or less ever since the 26th May, in which time we have sailed 360 leagues by the Lead, without ever having a Leadsman out of the chains, when the ship was under sail, a Circumstance that perhaps never hapn'd to any ship before, and yet it was here absolutely necessary." The satisfaction they felt in getting into the open sea once more was largely discounted by finding that the ship made more water than before, and one pump had to be kept continually going to clear her. One of the regrets that Cook felt at this time in leaving the coast was, that he had formed the opinion that New Holland and New Guinea were not joined, and he was afraid that he would not be able to put his opinion to the proof. In the end, however, he did, as they were soon afterwards glad to return within the shelter of the reef. As a matter of fact, Louis Vaez de Torres had sailed through the straits that now bear his name in the year 1606, after leaving De Quiros, but there is reason to believe that Cook did not know of this till after his return to England, and in his Introduction to his Second Voyage he readily yields to Torres the honour that undoubtedly belongs to him. The log of Torres's voyage was lost for many years, and was found at Manilla after the bombardment of that place by Admiral Cornish in 1762, so it is quite possible that its existence was only known to a few, of which number Cook did not X.] A DANGEROUS POSITION 189 form one. Speaking of three charts contained in " De Brye's Voyages," published in 1756, which he says are "tolerably good" with regard to the places in New Guinea where he himself had touched, he says that he had formed the opinion that the Spanish and Dutch had evidently circumnavigated that island, and adds: "I always understood, before I had a sight of these maps that it was unknown whether or no New Holland and New Guinea was one continued land, and so it is said in the very History of Voyages these maps are bound up in. However, we have now put this wholly out of dispute ; but as I believe it was known before, but not publickly, I claim no other merit than the clearing up of a doubtful point." On 14th August, he was, he thought, about opposite to the place where he had expected to find the passage, if any, between the two islands, and at night shortened sail for fear of overshooting it. In the morning he made all sail to the west, and sighted land a little after noon, which proved still to be a continuation of New Holland ; and about an hour afterwards the great reef was again visible. The wind changed to east by north, and they were afraid of being carried on to the reef, so the course was changed to the north, again standing to the south when it fell dark. Soon after- wards it fell quite calm, and the lead gave no bottom with the 140-fathom line. The breakers were heard very distinctly towards morning, and at daybreak the reef was seen not a mile away from them ; the ship was found to be drifting rapidly towards the breakers, there was no wind to help them off, and the depth of water was far too great to permit anchoring, so the yawl and longboat were got out, the pinnace being under repair, and sent ahead to haul her round, whilst the sweeps were used from the gunroom ports. By igo 1770— AUSTRALIA [chap. six o'clock she was heading to the north again, but she was "not above 80 or 100 yards from the breakers. The same sea that washed the side of the ship rose in a breaker prodidgiously high the very next time it did rise, so that between us and destruction was only a dismal %'alley, the breadth of one wave, and even now no ground could be felt with 120 fethoms." The carpenter had by this time fastened a streak temporarily on the pinnace, and she was sent off to assist the towing. Cook had almost given up hope, but he says : " In this truly terrible situation, not one man ceased to do his utmost, and that with as much calmness as if no danger had been near." Admiral Wharton also calls attention to the fact that in the very height of the danger Messrs Green, Gierke, and Forwood, the gunner, were engaged in taking a "Lunar" for the longitude, and Green notes: "These observations were very good, the limbs of sun and the moon very distinct, and a good horizon. We were about 100 yards from the reef, where we expected the ship to strike every minute, it being calm, no soundings, and the swell heaving us right on." Mr Pickersgill, Master's Mate, remarks : "This is the narrowest escape we ever had, and had it not been for the immediate help of Pro\idence, we must inevitably have perished, for the ship must have sunk alongside the rocks, which were as steep as a wall, and there would have been no hopes of saving one single life in so great a surf." Just when things seemed perfectiy hopeless, a small breath of air, "so small that at any other time in a X.] PROVIDENTIAL CHANNEL 191 calm we should not have observed it," came, and every advantage of it was taken, so that with the help of the boats, the distance from the reef was slightly increased, and then it again fell quite calm, and the anxiety was renewed, for they were as yet only about 200 yards away. A small opening was at length observed in the reef, and it was resolved, if possible, to go through it, but when they arrived at the entrance, the ebb tide was found to be "gushing out like a mill stream." They at once took advantage of this current as long as they could keep in it, but it was so narrow that they only succeeded in getting carried about a quarter of a mile away. A second opening was then noticed, and Mr Hicks was sent off with a boat to see if it was practicable, and whilst he was away they managed with a hard struggle to maintain the little advantage they had gained. He returned with a favourable report, and the ship was at once headed for it, and the tide having changed, they were rapidly carried through, and were shortly afterwards safely anchored inside the dreaded reef in nineteen fathoms of water. The channel through which they passed was named Providential Channel, and Cook says : "It is but a few days ago that I rejoiced at having got without the Reef, but that joy was nothing when compared to what I now felt at being safe at an anchor within it." Having thus fortunately arrived in a place of safety, Cook resolved to stay where he was until the pinnace had been put into thorough repair, so sending off the other boats to fish, he went to the masthead to study the difficulties by which he was surrounded. The prospect was not encouraging, but towards the north the shoals and reefs appeared to offer less obstruction than he had previously had to contend with, and he decided to keep in as close as possible to the mainland 193 1770— AUSTRALIA [chap. till the question of the passage between New Holland and New Guinea was finally settled. The boats having returned with a quantity of very large shell-fish, a sort of cockle, some of them requiring two men to move them, and containing as much as twenty pounds of good wholesome meat, they weighed anchor and pro- ceeded slowly through a network of reefs, shoals, and islands, the boats always out ahead sounding, and signalling any unexpected danger. On 21st August he had the satisfaction of passing through the straits between Cape York and New Guinea with his boats out on either side, "for although there appeared nothing in the passage, yet I thought it necessary to take this method, because we had a strong flood which carried us on end very fast, and it did not want much of high water." The track by which De Torres sailed through the straits was considerably to the north of that of the Endeavour, and several islands intervened between the two. After getting clear of the strait, Cook, Banks, Solander and a small party landed on one of the neighbouring islands, and at first expected to be attacked by some natives who seemed inclined to offer opposition to their landing, but when the boats got near the shore they retreated. One of them appeared to be armed with a bow, the first time that this weapon had been seen on the coast, and the remainder had spears. Cook ascended one of the hills, the highest they could see, and from thence saw islands ranging to the north-west, but open sea to the west and south- west. As he had decided to land no more on this part of the coast, and as he could make no fresh discoveries to the west in New Holland, "the honours of which belong to the Dutch Navigators," and as he was confident he was the first European to visit the X.] POSSESSION TAKEN 193 east coast, he once more hoisted the English flag and "took possession of the whole Eastern Coast from the above latitude" — 38° o' S. — "down to this place by the name of ' New Wales. ' We fired three volleys of small arms, which were answer'd by the like number from the ship." Admiral Wharton says that in the King's Copy of Cook's Journal and in the Admiralty Copy the name is given as "New South Wales." After leaving Possession Island, as he named it, he made the best of his way through the channel which now bears his name ; it is but little used at the present day, owing to its many dangers. The southern point of Prince of Wales Island was named Cape Cornwall, and its longitude was given as 218° 59' W., and Wharton says that this is one of the worst longitudes given throughout the whole Journal, as it is 70' too far to the W. ; but he explains that the error was excusable, as they had not been able to take any observations for some days, and the dead reckoning amidst such a number of shoals would be most difficult to keep. Near Booby Island, so named from the large number of those birds seen there, they lost one of their anchors, and had very great difficulty in recovering it ; and shortly afterwards they had a narrow escape from again running on a reef. They let go the anchors and brought up just in time with all sails set, and as there was a very nasty sea on at the time the consequences of striking, with the ship in the condition she was in, would most probably have been fatal. They at length succeeded in clearing the difficulties of the coasts of New Holland, and on 29th August sighted the Island of New Guinea. Cardinal Moran, in his "History of the Catholic Church in Australia," claims that De Quiros and not N 194 1770— AUSTRALIA [chap. x. Cook was the first European to touch on the eastern coast of Australia, and identifies the port of Vera Cruz as being the place which is now known as Port Curtis. This port of Vera Cruz was situated between two rivers which were named the Jordan and the Salvador. These two rivers he identifies with the Boyne, which empties into Port Curtis, and the Burnett, which empties into Wide Bay some lOO miles away ; and at the same time he completely overlooks the description given of the country and its products, which does not in any way suit the surroundings of Port Curtis. Every information available points to De Quiros's discovery being the Island of Santo and not Australia, and it is now universally accepted that that island is where he turned back, owing to a mutiny on board his ship, and the place where De Torres separated from him to continue his voyage through Torres Straits to Manilla. CHAPTER XI 1770-1771 — NEW GUINEA TO ENGLAND The land of New Guinea where first sighted appeared very low, with cocoanut palms in plenty, and the smoke rising in different directions proved it to be inhabited ; but as the water was very shallow, the Endeavour had to remain a considerable distance off in running to the westward. Managing to get a little nearer in on 3rd September, Cook decided to attempt a landing, and then to leave the coast, as he considered he was only wasting valuable time in going over ground that had already been explored by the Dutch. Banks says the crew were rather sickly, they "were pretty far gone with the longing for home, which the physicians have gone so far as to esteem a disease under the name of Nostalgia. Indeed I can find hardly anybody in the ship clear of its effects, but the Captain, Dr Solander, and myself, and we three have ample constant employment for our minds, which, I believe to be the best if not the only remedy for it." The fact that they were on short allowance of food would also have a depressing effect on the crew, and when they learnt that Cook had made up his mind to waste no further time, but to return to civilisation as quickly as possible, there was a marked improvement in the general health. No natives were seen from the ship, but, on the pinnace, in which were Cook, Banks, and Solander, Hearing the shore, a small hut was perceived. The boat 195 196 1770-1771— NEW GUINEA TO ENGLAND [chap. was unable to approach nearer than about 200 yards, and the occupants had to wade. Voices were heard in the woods, which were very thick with creepers and under- growth, and it was thought inadvisable to attempt to enter, so they walked along the shore for a short distance, seeing several footprints. After proceeding a little way they were suddenly attacked by three or four men, who rushed out of the timber and appeared to throw something which Banks says flashed like powder and produced a smoke, but did no further damage ; a musket being discharged they again dis- appeared amongst the trees. As there seemed no possibility of seeing anything of the country, the party retired to the boats, followed at a distance by a large number of the natives. Sail was then made to the west, contrary to the wish of several of the officers who wanted to land a party and cut down some of the cocoanut trees for the sake of the nuts ; but Cook refused to entertain the idea as he felt sure the natives would attempt to defend their own property, and he would not risk the sacrifice of life for a few nuts. On loth September the Island of Timor was sighted, and it was suggested that the ship should put into Concordia, a Dutch settlement, for refreshments, but Cook, being aware that the Dutch had a great dislike to strangers entering any except their chief ports in the East Indies, refused to go where he "might expect to be but indifferently treated." On the i6th Banks notes a peculiar light in the sky, which was most probably the Aurora Australis ; he describes the heavens as being of a dull reddish hue, through which rays of a brighter coloured light played for some hours. The next day they saw on the island of Savu, houses, cattle, and cocoanuts, so Gore was sent ashore to endeavour to purchase some fresh food, as the health of the crew required some change ; and Cook says that since he had refused to call in at XI.] PURCHASING SUPPLIES 197 Concordia their tempers had been indifferent. A good anchorage near a village was pointed out to Gore, and the ship at once proceeded to it. As soon as the Endeavour was in safety Cook went ashore, and was met by a small armed party under the Dutch flag, and was received by the chief man, who afterwards enter- tained them at a dinner consisting chiefly of pork and rice, washed down by palm wine. After some little trouble with the Dutch agent, and a judicious present to an old chief, who appeared to have considerable influence, they obtained a good supply of fowls, bufialo and ' ' syrup " ; this last was palm wine thickened by boiling, and proved to be a valuable antiscorbutic. For the first two buffaloes. Cook had to pay the sum of ten pounds, for the special advantage of the Dutch representative ; but afterwards was able to obtain as many as he wanted for a musket each. Banks says, "The beef was not particularly good, and the mutton was the worst I have ever eaten, the sheep being more like goats." He describes the country with its groves of cocoanuts and fan palms as very lovely, although they had not had rain for seven months. After the monotonous and barren-looking coast of New Holland it must indeed have been a change. On 30th September as they were now nearing Batavia, Cook collected all logs and journals that had been kept on board the ship, and strictly enjoined every one not to divulge where they had been, according to his instructions from the Admiralty. Off Java Head the main topsail was very badly split in a squall, and Cook remarks that all his sails are in such a condition that "they will hardly stand the least puff of wind." No observations had been possible since leaving Savu, and the strong western current had thrown out their dead reckoning, so that they ran past the entrance to the Straits of Sunda ; but on ist October they picked up their position, and in the mouth of the Straits they 198 1770-1771— NEW GUINEA TO ENGLAND [chap. met a Dutch vessel, which gave them the first European news they had received since leaving home, upwards of two years previously. One of the items was that Captain Carteret of the Swallow had reached England with his ship in safety. At the time of their leaving he had not been heard of since he had parted with his consort the Dolphin. The current in the Straits was so strong that they were nine days beating through, and during that time were often compelled to anchor to prevent themselves from being carried back. On the 5th they were met by a Dutch officer in a proa, who brought a form to be filled up, containing nine questions, as to their nationality, whence they came, whither bound, etc., which Cook could not answer without disregarding his instructions. He was then informed that the information was merely for the satisfaction of his friends, so he contented himself with giving the name and nationality of his ship, and his points of departure and return as Europe. On the day of their arrival at Batavia, loth October, they anchored in the roads, and Lieutenant Hicks was sent ashore to announce them formally to the Governor, and to explain that owing to their having only three guns available, it was impossible to salute the Dutch flag in a proper manner ; and the explanation was courteously received. The ship was now thoroughly surveyed, and the carpenter reported that her hull was suffering from the effects of the stranding on the reef off the coast of New Holland, and she was making a large amount of water, "from 12 to 6 inches per hour," and the pumps were in very bad order ; the masts and yards were otherwise in pretty good condition, and, in consequence of this report, Cook applied to the Governor, General van der Parra, for a convenient place to heave down and repair, and for permission to purchase such stores and refresh- ments as he might require. This application was made XI.] STRUCK BY LIGHTNING 199 personally and was courteously received, every assist- ance being at once promised. As money would be required for his expenses, and, as there appeared to be no private person in the place in a position to cash his bills, he referred to the Governor, who immediately ordered the officer in charge of the port and town to provide him with whatever amount he might find necessary. During a heavy thunderstorm on the 12th, a Dutch East Indiaraan that was anchored about two cable lengths away from the Endeavour was struck by lightning and her mainmast split "all to shivers." The Endeavour was also struck, "and in all probability we should have shared the same fate as the Dutchman, had it not been for the electric chain which we had but just before got up ; this carried the Lightning or Electrical matter over the side clear of the ship." The sentry on duty on the quarter-deck was struck down, but apparently not seriously injured. On the 25th October Cook was able to reopen communications with the Admiralty, forwarding to Mr Stephens by the hands of Captain F. Kelgar of the Dutch East Indiaman, Kronenberg, a packet contain- ing a copy of his Journal (the copy sold to Mr John Corner in 1890), charts of the South Seas, New Zealand, and the East Coast of Australia, and the following letter : "Sir, — Please to acquaint my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty that I left Rio de Janeiro, the 8th of December 1768, and on the i6th of Jany- following, arrived in Success Bay in Straits La Maire, where we recruited our wood and water. On the 21st of the same month we quitted Straits La Maire, and arrived at George's Island on the 13th of April. In our passage to this Island I made a far more Westerly Track than any ship had ever before done, yet it was attended with no discovery until we arrived within the Tropic, where we soo 1770-1771— NEW GUINEA TO ENGLAND [chap. discovered several Islands. We met with as friendly a reception by the natives of George Island as I could wish, and I took care to secure ourselves in such a manner as to put it out of the power of the whole island to drive us off. Some days preceding the 3rd of June, I sent Lieutenant Hicks to the Eastern portion of this Island, and Lieutenant Gore to York Island with others of the officers (Mr Green having furnished them with instruments), to observe the Transit of Venus, that we may have the better chance of succeeding should the day prove unfavourable, but in this we were so fortunate, that the observations were everywhere attended with every favourable circumstance. It was the 13th of July before I was ready to quit this Island, after which I spent near a month in exploring some other Islands which lay to the Westward, before we steered to the Southward. On the 14th of August we discover'd a small Island laying in the Lat