D<>no,.» £P'V University Library BS2860.P5 A3 1893 Euangellon kata Petron olin 1924 031 020 187 FRAGILE PAPER Please handle this book with care, as the paper is brittle. Cornell University Library The original of tliis book is in tlie Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924031020187 THE APOCRYPHAL GOSPEL OF ST PETER 'A<'*^no r*TCa>r>J *«^,>»i c5v..^f » . ! ittx*r&< r~!> N^rVcodr>Ql:^\^^OrU^ (S^^^^^,?^ J>,Hvy^>vQ ^^^^,^_,^^;;f' -7 EYArrEAION KATA HETPON THE AKHMIM FRAGMENT OF THE APOCRYPHAL GOSPEL OF ST PETER EDITED WITH AN INTRODUCTION NOTES AND INDICES BY H. B. SWETE, D.D. HON. LITT.D. DUBLIN FELLOW OF GONVILLE AND CAIUS COLLEGE REGIUS PROFESSOR OF DIVINITY, CAMBRIDGE. LONDON: MACMILLAN AND CO. AND NEW YORK. 1893 [AI/ Rights reserved i\ Camfirilje : PRINTED BY C. J. CLAY, M.A. AND SONS, AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS. AT the end of November, 1892, shortly after the appearance •^ ^ of M. Bouriant's editio princeps, I published for the use of students a tentatively corrected text of the newly discovered fragment of the Petrine Gospel. This reprint was issued again in February, 1893, with some corrections obtained from the MS. through the kindness of the late Professor Bensly, whose recent death has brought upon all studies of this kind a loss which it is impossible to estimate. The text which I now offer to the public has been revised throughout by the aid of the heliographic reproduction of the MS. just published by M. Ernest Leroux of Paris. Through the courtesy of M. Leroux I am able to enrich my book with a specimen of this facsimile. The Introduction and the notes which have been added to the text are based on lectures delivered in the Divinity School at Cambridge during the Lent Term of the present year. The results at which I have ventured to arrive were reached in- dependently, but in preparing my materials for the press I have freely availed myself of all the literature upon the subject which has fallen into my hands. It is difficult to discriminate in all cases between details which have suggested themselves directly and those which have been gathered from other sources ; but I have endeavoured to acknowledge, in passing, the most im- portant of the debts of which I am conscious. VI The suggestive lecture of Professor J. Armitage Robinson, which appeared almost immediately after my reprint of M. Bouriant's text, and Professor A. Harnack's edition of the Petrine fragments, assisted me in the earlier part of my in- vestigation ; if I am less indebted to Professor Th. Zahn's Evangeliuvi des Petrus, it is because nearly the whole of the following pages was in type before the publication of Dr Zahn's work. To Mr J. Rendel Harris, Reader in Palaeography at Cambridge, I owe not only many valuable suggestions during the progress of my book, but much kind assistance in the final correction of the proofs. Cambridge, May, 1893. CONTENTS. Introduction page I. Petrine writings . . ... ix II. Relation of the fragment to the Canonical Gospels . xiii III. Use of a harmony . . . xx IV. Chronology of the Passion-history . xxv V. Allusions to the Old Testaipent xxvi VI. References to the fragment in Church-writers . xxviii VII. Comparison with other apocrypha . ■ . xxxvi VIII. Doctrinal tendencies of the fragment . xxxvii IX. Literary character .... . . xliii X. Place of origin and approximate date . . xliv XI. Description of the MS.; its probable age xlv XII. Literature of the Petrine Gospel .xlvii Text and Notes . i Translation 25 Indices . . 29 6 TOON AnANTOON T6XNITHC AOfOC 6 KAeHMENOC Ini TOON )(epOYB'lM KAi cyNexwN TA nANTA, (t)ANepoo9eic ToTc ANGpoonoic, 6'A(jOK€n hmTn TeTpAMop4)ON TO eyAfreAiON, gn'i Ae nNefwATi cyn6)(6m6NON. IX INTRODUCTION. I. Eusebius' enumerates six works attributed to St Peter — two Epistles, a Gospel, an Apocalypse, a book of Acts, and a Preaching. He regards the first Epistle as undoubtedly genuine, the second as not definitely canonical; the rest of the Petrine writings are distinctly outside the Canon, and the Gospel is of heretical origin. His judgement is based on the general opinion of the Church. While the first Epistle was acknowledged on all hands and the second was widely used, no Church writer had appealed to the Petrine Gospel, Acts, Preaching, or Apocalypse. ^ //. E. iii. 3 n^rpou ii.kv q\}v i-maToXi} fj-ia 7} Xeyo/J-iifT] avrou irporipa. dvwfjLo\6- yijrai . . ttjv 5^ (pepofxiuTjv aiirov BevT^pav QVK evStdOrjKOU ^kv Glvai 7rapeL\r]v. rb ye fxiju tuv iiriKeKXrffjLivwu a^rou Upd^eav Kai to Kar avrbv (hvofiafffx^vov ^uayyiXiov , t6 re \fy6- fxevov a{jTov KrjpvyfjLa Kai ttjv KoKovp.ivqv 'AiroKdXvil/Li', oud' SXws iv KadoKiKots ifffiev Trapa8eSo/J.^va' otl /jL7}Te dpx<^<-(^v fx-qre tQ>v Kad^ ijfids TLS eKK\7]cna(yTiKds (Tvyypa(peds rats i^ ai/rdv avv€XpV(^o,To fxaprvpiais. Comp. iii. 25 twv be duTiXeyofx^viav yvw- pifiiov 5' o5c d'/xcjs Tols ttoWols . . ij . , ILirpou b^vripa iincrToXT] — ev rots v66ols KararerdxOo} ■ ■ V dTro/cdXui/'is TliTpov... rbv KardXoyov 7reirOLr)fJ.€$a . . tV elbivai ^Xoi^ep aiJTtis re raiSras [the canonical writings, and the antilegomena\ koX rets 6v(i^a.Ti Tuiv diro(TT6\(i3v irpbs twv aipeTiK&v S. P. irpo(pepo}xivas^ jITOl u)S Hirpov /cat 0w/xa Kai M.ardia, 7} Kai tlvojv irapd toijtovs aX- Xwc eila77^Xta TreptexotJca? . wv oid^v ov8a/j,) Trpoo'eX.Owv tw HeiXaTw rJn^eraTO ^A^cv irpo's Tov IltiXaToi/ Kai^riycrc TO (Tw/xa (Mt., L.; cf. Mk.). to o-tZpia (P.). (c) TO KaTaTrcTacr/xa TOV vaov co-^icr^iy Siepayr; to KaTawiTaapLa tov eh Svo (Mt, Mk.; cf. L.). ,/aoC. . eis Svo (P.). (d) iviLXrjcrev rfj (XivSovi (Mk). elXrjcre. aivSovi (P.). (e) Trevdova-L Kol KXaLova-i.v{'Mk.'). Trcv^oOvres Kal xXaiovTes (P.). {/) (Tvvq-)(67ia-av 01 ap^upil^ kol crwa^^^ei/TCS St ot ypapipaTeU Koi ot ^apia-atoL Trpos IleiXaToi' ^apicraloL Kal irpeo-ySuTtpot irpos (Mt.). aXXrjKovs . . .^X.dov Trpos IletXd- TOl'(P.). (g) P'tj TTore eKOovTfi 01 ixaOrjTal p,ri ttote cX^ovtcs ot pi,a6y)Ta.l avTov Kkiij/wa-LV avTov (Mt.). avTov KXiiputa-iv avTdv (P.). (A) TLi aTTOKvXia-ei rjpHv TOV X.160V Ik tl% h\ airoKvAtVet ■qp.lv Koi tov T^s 6vpa (P.). (i) 7J eOpTTj TWV 'louSaiOJV (J.). TI7S €0/DT^S avT<3v (P.). (c) ovK Etp^c? l^ovcriav Kar tjnov (J.). i^ovcriav avTov irj...TeTe- iirXrfpoKrav Travra, Koi ireXeiio- X€rj ttXij- cav... (P.). pu^jj (J.). {i) iv rais j^epiriv avTov toi/ TUTroi/ airccTTrao-av tovs ■^Xovs diro t KTJiro'; Kal ivrio KrfTrif fxvT]fji.€iov(j .). (?• ) • XX INTR on UCTION. (K) Koa-jxo'; ^^apya-erai (J.). i^'^PV'^"-^ "' 'lovhaloi (P.). {1} i-n-expicriv jj,ovTov's66aXixov^('J.). iTr£)(picrav kina. i}fiov Twv 'lovSaLu>v (J,). (f>oj3ovjxivrj 8idTOus'Iov8atoDs(P.). {n) Tiva IrjTch ; {] ■). TLva (riTiLTe; (P.). (o) wapaKvipa'i /Skiirei (J.). TrapeKvtj/av...TrapaKVij/aTe (P.). (/) eh TMv SmScKa (J.). ol SiuSc/ca (P.). (f) €Tropevdr]) In T. from Mt., L. [k) In T. from Mt., Mk., J. (after /). (/) In T. from Mk. {m) In T. from Mt. {n) In T. {o) In T. from L., J., L., Mk., Mt., Mk., J. (/) In T. (before o). (g) InT. {r) In T. from Mt. (s) In T. from L., J. (after t and u). {t) In T. from Mt., L., Mk., Mt. {u) In T. from Mt. (x) In T. from [Mt., Mk.,J J. Thus it appears that the Diatessaron, as represented in the Arabic, although it does not exhaust the canonical materials, might have furnished the writer of our fragment with all the incidents which he shares with any of the Four Gospels. The order in Peter is not always the same as it seems to have been in Tatian, but differences of order may be disregarded in our enquiry, since they are equally embarrassing if we assume that the writer had recourse to the Gospels as separate books. xxn INTR OD UCtION. We may next proceed to> compare the Diatessaron with our fragment more minutely, with the view of ascertaining whether Tatian would have provided the Petrine writer with the words which he seems to have adopted from the Four Gospels. We will place side by side with the Petrine narrative in certain crucial passages the corresponding portions of the Diatessaron, approximately represented in Greeks I select the accounts of the Mockery, the Three Hours, the Burial, and the Visit of the women to the Tomb. A. The Mockery. Tatian. Peter. KatLfji.aTiovTropvpav avTov Trepie- avTov, Kol 7rXe^avT€S (TTecftavov i^ /8a\Xov...Kat tis avruv iviyKuiv aKavOiov (infra, toV a.Ka.v6ivov trre- i^ Xcyet ^iij/uj. ..0T€ ovv eXaySei/ to o^ofi 6 'Ir/iTom eiTTCv TcTeXetTTai [ccw- summata sunt omnia] (].)... Kai iSov TO KaTa7r€Ta(7^a tov vaov icr^ttrOr} aTT aVID&iV ECUS KUTO) Et9 Sijo, /Cat -q yrj l6fio<; fj-fyas eyc- veTO.-.TOTC i^Xto? IXap,i^e Kat €vpeOyj (j)pa ivaTrj. Burial. Peter. IwCTJcj} (^tXos IletXaTOu Kat tov Kvpiov . . .rq\6i.v irpos tov IlctXaTOV Kat T^TT/O'e TO UiiifJLa TOV KVpiOV TTpO'i Tacj>rjv SeSoJKao't TO) loicrrjcfi to o"(Jj/xa airoJ ti/a aUTO 6a.il/y...Xal3(iv Si tcv Kvpiov ^Xovac Kat et\r}o-e arivSovt Kat eto"7/yayev ets tStoi* Ta(j>ov KaXov- fxevov KrJTTOV 'Iwcnj(f> . . . Kat KuXto"avTes XiOov jxiyav ...Ofjiov jravTei 01 ovtc; Ikci ^OrjKav eTrl T^ 6vpa tov fjivrj p.aTO'S. D. The Visit of the Women to the Tomb. Tatian. Peter. di/zc Se cra/ipdTWV Trj eintfxa- Trj 8e vvkti tj e-7recrK€v -^ a-KOva-rj ets /xt'ai/ cralijiixTuiv (Mt.), KVpiaK-q ...o p $ p ov ... Trj'i KvpLaKrj'i opdpov PaOiiO'S (L.), rjXdtv Mapi'a -q Maptap, t; MaySaXry v^...Xa/3o5o'a MaySaXijvi; Kat 17 aXXij Mapta Kat /ie^' lavrrjs Tcis ^t'Xas ^X^e £?rt to at XotTrat (L-)'; 6itiiprj(Ta.L tov p-n?/xttoi/ ottow ^v Tenets... Kat cXtyov Td(^ov (Mt. ), (jiipovaaL a ■qToip.ao'av ...tls St tiTroKuXtVei ijp.ti' Kai (ipwjaaTa (]j.). Kat eXeyov Trpos tov XiOov tov TcOiVTa lirl Tijs tauTots Tts a-TTOKvXtVet fJ/Atv ToV Xt'^ov 6vpas toC p,v7jp,etou; ... /xcyas ^ Ephraim (p. 257): "postea denuo xxiv. i "and there were with them other luxit." women." Comp. Tisch. ad loc. - The Curetonian Syriac adds to Luke xxiv INTRODUCTION. €K T^s 6vpa.epo- /neyas crcj>6Spa . . . koI iXOovaai \ei p-ev eh p.vrip.ool3rj0€2aai C(^vyov. A.OUS CV AcDKOtS Ka6c^o/!i€vous...oirov CKCtTO TO (7<2pa TOV l'r](Tov . . .\ey€t avTrj 'l7ja'ovi...TLva ^ijTcts; (J.). This comparison does not justify the conclusion that the writer of our fragment was limited to the use of the Diatessaron. In B and C he might have derived his knowledge of the canonical Gospels from this source exclusively ; in A and D, on the other hand, there are traces of the influence of passages of St Mark which are not incorporated in the Arabic Harmony. Thus in A, St Mark alone has ■n-op(f>vpav, iviirTvov, and (in this immediate context) aKavOivov o-Tc<^avov ; yet only the initial words of St Mark's account appear in the existing Harmony. In D, again, the Arabic Tatian omits the clause Kai l^iXOovaai ecjivyov (Mark xvi. 8), which is distinctly reflected by the closing words in the Petrine account. It is of course possible that in both cases the original Dia- tessaron contained the omitted passages, so that it would be unsafe to draw any negative inference from these exceptions. Still they must be allowed due weight as detracting from the completeness of the case in favour of Peter's indebtedness to Tatian. On the whole we may per- haps claim to have established a strong presumption that the Petrine writer employed a harmony which in its general selection of extracts, and in some of its minuter arrangements, very nearly resembled the Harmony of Tatian. This is not equivalent to saying that he used Tatian, because there is some reason to think that there may have been a harmony or harmonies earlier than Tatian ; nor does it preclude the use by Peter of one or more of the Gospels separately, in addition to INTRODUCTION. xxv his use of a harmonised narrative. Nor again are we justified in extending this presumption beyond the limits of the narrative of the Passion, for the evidence derived from the fragment carries us no further. It is conceivable that the harmony to which our writer had access was a harmony of the Passion-history and not of the whole cycle of evangelical teaching. The rest of his narrative might, if recovered, be found to present quite another set of phaenomena. Thus the relation of the Petrine writer to Tatian remains for the present an open question ; but enough has been said to render such a relation probable if further enquiries should lead us to place the Gospel of Peter after the publication of the Diatessaron. The harmonising tendency of Peter seems to be sufficiently established. IV. In his chronology of the Passion-history the Petrine writer follows close in the steps of St John. The Condemnation takes place on the day before the Sabhath (i.e. the weekly Sabbath, since it is followed immediately by the Lord's Day) ; and the Sabbath next after the Crucifixion coincides with the first day of Unleavened Bread. The Crucifixion, therefore, occurred on Friday, Nisan 14, before the Pass- over began. So far all is plain. But there are two minor points which present considerable difficulty. I. After the Crucifixion the disciples are represented as keeping fast vvKTos Koi rijx.ipa'i ecus tov crafi/SaTOV (c. vii.). Since the Paschal Sabbath began three hours after the Death of the Lord, it has been thought that Peter refers to the Sabbath of the following week, and this view is strengthened by the statement at the end of the fragment, that on the last day of the feast the disciples were still mourning. But it is more natural to interpret cms toB o-ayS/JaroD in reference to the Paschal Sabbath, which is certainly intended in the context (c. viii.). Yet if the Paschal Sabbath was the further limit of the fast, when did it begin? Doubtless with the end of the Last Supper, i.e. according to the usual reckoning, on Thursday night. But the Didascalia, which possibly represents the Petrine chronology in this matter, allows a longer interval, for it supposes the Passover to have been actually kept on Tuesday, Nisan 11'. and the arrest to have followed ^ V. 14, 17 rpets rjfjLipa^ wpb toO Katpov iiroiTjaav rb Trd^xa, ivSeKdrr) toO fxtjvds TpiTT) ffa^^drajv. S. P. C xxvi INTR OD UCTION. the same evening. The explanation would be satisfactory if it agreed with the data in c. ii., but it can hardly be maintained in face of Peter's identification of the first day of unleavened bread with the Sabbath. M. Lods thinks that Peter has transferred to the Gospel history the conditions of the Christian Paschal fast, but to make good his position he finds it necessary to translate cws tov crayS/Sarov " until the end of the Sabbath." It is possible that we ought to understand I'VKTos Koi rj/xepai; as referring to the conventional treatment of the Darkness as an actual night, which allows for an interval of two nights and two days between the Last Supper and the beginning of the Sabbath. But the true solution may be yet to seek. 2. What is r/ TeXevraia -qjxipa t(Sv a^v/xoDv? _M. Lods, believing that Peter is still moving amongst Christian ideas, understands him to refer to Sunday, Nisan i6 (Easter Day). But is it conceivable that a writer who had correctly spoken of Nisan 15 as the first day of the feast, would have permitted fiimself to speak of Nisan 16 as the last? It is clearly his intention to follow the Jewish reckoning; and if so, "the last day of unleavened bread " can scarcely be any other than Friday, Nisan 21. Consequently he must be understood to pass over without notice the intervening period between the early morning of Easter Day, and the Friday after Easter, and to connect the return of the Disciples to Galilee with the latter day. The effect is to eliminate all the appearances to the Women and to the Disciples on Easter Day, and the appearance to the Eleven on the Sunday after Easter. When the fragment breaks off we seem to be on the point of reaching the first revelation (accord- ing to Peter) of the Risen Lord to the mourning Apostles'- The last words appear to be moulded upon John xxi. i, and it may be presumed that they introduced a scene more or less nearly corresponding to that which St John proceeds to describe. The Petrine Gospel contains no verbal quotation from the Old Testament. One passage which appears to make a formal reference to Deuteronomy, gives merely the general sense of the passage ; the Petrine version of the Fourth Word from the Cross is as far from the exact words of the Psalm as it is from those of the canonical Gospels. Perhaps the writer has been led by his anti-Judaic spirit to affect in- difference to the Jewish Scriptures ; there is significance in the phrase yeypaiTTaL airois with which his only direct appeal to them is intro- ' The fast had been broken by the Sabbath ; the mourning at least was resumed. INTR OD UCTION. xxvu duced. Nevertheless he has not been able to escape from the influence of the Psalms and the Prophets ; his very opposition to Judaism has familiarised him with the testimonies which Christians of the second century were in the habit of citing in their controversies with the Jews. Several of his allusions are obscure and do not carry conviction at first sight, but can be recognised with little hesitation when they are com- pared with the direct quotations which are to be found in other writers. The following table may assist the student in making the comparison ; he will doubtless be able to add to the list of patristic references, which makes no claim to completeness. Deut. xxi. 23 (Josh. x. 37). Ps. ii. 1, 2. Ps. xxi. (xxii.) I. Ps. xxi. (xxii.) 19. Ps. Ixviii. (Ixix.) 22. Ev. Pet. Ev. Pet. Ev. Pet. Ev. Pet. 1. IV. 1. n. IV. IV. Ev. Pet. V. Ps. Ixxiii. (Ixxiv.) 4, 5. Ev. Pet. iii. Isa. 1. 6. Ev. Pet. iii. Isa. Iviii. 2 (cf Ps. Ixxi. 1, Ev. Pet. iii. 2, &c.). Hosea x. 6. Ev. Pet. i. Amos viii. 9, 10. Ev. Pet. V. v Zech. xi. 13, Aq. (cf. Matt. Ev. Pet. iii. xxvi. 9). Zech. xiv. 6, 7. Ev. Pet. V. Just. dial. 89. Tert. lud. 10. Epiph. haer. 66, 80. Tert. res. cam. 20, Prax. 28. Const. Ap. V. 19. Just. dial. 99. Eus. dem. ev. x. 8. Barn. 6. 7. Just. dial, g-j, apol i. 38. Tert. lud. 10. Marc. iv. 42. Const. Ap. V. 14. Cyril. H. catech. xiii. 26. Barn. 7. 3 — 5. Sibyll. viii. 303. Const. Ap. V. 14. Tert. lud. 10. Marc. iv. 42. Cyril. H. catech. xiii. 29. Const. Ap. V. 15. Barn. 5. 14. Just. apol. i. 35. Just. dial. 103. Cyril. H. catech. xiii. 14. Iren. iv. 33. 12. I&rt.lud. 10. Marc. iv. 42. Eus. de?n. ev. x. 6. Tert. Marc. iv. 40. Cyril. H. catech. xiii. 10. Const. Ap. V. 14. Eus. de7?i. ev. X. 7. Cyril. H. catech. xiii. 24. C2 XXVUl INTR OD UCTION. In the absence of formal quotations it is precarious to speculate upon the writer's use of a version. His references to Pss. xxii. 19, Ixix. 22, Ixxiv. 4, 5, Amos viii. 9, 10, seem to involve the use of a version and, in Ps. Ixxiv. at least, of the lxx. Two or three very unusual words may suggest acquaintance with Symmachus. On the other hand, his rendering of the Fourth Word implies a knowledge of the original, unless he has borrowed it from a secondary source. VI. We proceed to enquire whether there are any signs of a tacit use by early Church-writers of the Petrine narrative of the Passion. Traces of such use have already been sought with some success in various directions. The reader will find below a comparative view of the supposed allusions to Peter which have come to light in writings of the second third and fourth centuries. Gospel of St Peter. Epistle of Barnabas' /cat Tis o.vrS>v cTttcv IIoTto-aTf av- aWa. koI CTTavpiadeh tTrorif €to Tov )(o\rjt/ fjiiTa o^ovs, kol KepacravTcs o^tt Kat )(oXfj. aKovcraTe ircos irfpl ETTOTltrav (c. v.). eVt Se TOWTOis Tracriv ivr]crTevofji.ev... 6 A,aos a7ra5...Kd7rT€Tat to. (TTr/dr] (c. vii. viii.). TOVTOv TreffiavipuiKav ol leptts Tov vaov...TC oiiv Xeyet Iv T<3 TrpotftrjTTj ; Kai (f>ay£T(iiay€Tcrav ot tcpcts povoi TravTcs to evrepov aTrXuTOv /xera o^ov;. irpos rt; ettciSt; i/xk vrrip a/jiapTL(Sv fieWovra tov AaoC fjiov TOV KatvoC TTpoo'KfitpeLv rrjv crdpKa p-ov, jxiWiTi TroTt^Etj/ x°^V^ /aCTtt o^ovs, (jxiyiTe vyu,cts /xdi/ot, tov A.aov vr;o-T€vovTos Kat KoirTOfievov (7- 3—5)- 1 I owe to Mr J. Rendel Harris this gestions with regard to it. The whole reference lo Barnabas, and several sug- chapter in B. will repay examination. INTROD UCTION. XXIX Gospel of St Peter. cvcVtwov . . Ipdiricrav . . . e|«,a(TTt^ov (c. iii.). avTOS Si lauaira (c. iv. ). 9iiJ.ivoLcri, \aX.rj- aVOV fJL€v tov vlou rov Oeov ...KOL UKaOiaav avTOV CTTt Kaae8pav KptVcto;, Xe'yovTcs AtKatms nplve, /3a- o-iXel Tot) 'Icrpaiy'X (c. iii.). Kat Tc^eiKOTcs rd ei/8v/iaTa e/x- TTpoadev avTOv SiefiepicravTO, kol Xa^- ^ov e^aXov CTT avrots (c. iv.). Justin Martyr'. fjLrjvveL [to TrpocfjTjTiKOV 7n/c{)p,a] TTiv yeyevqixivrjv 'HpM8ov To{) /3a- (TtXcoJS lovSattov Kat auroli' 'lov- SaifjiV Kat IltXarov tov v/xerepou Trap' avrots ycvo^ixcVov €7rtTpd;rov . . . KaTO. ToB Xpto-Toi) o-wcXcuo'tv (apol. i. 40). Kat ydp (ais ctTrci' 6 Trpo<^r;rr;s) Siao'upoi'Tcs avrdv CKct^to-ai' tirt fiy)p,a.TO'i K0.\ ctTrov Kptvov »;p.t>' (a/<7/. i. 3S). Aa/3t8.. .etTrei/ ev ctKotrTO) TrpojTo) i//aX/i(3...Atc/x£pta-ai/ro rd ljj,d.TLd fJ.ov eavTOt^ Kat €7rt TOI/ IfJUXTKTpOV fJiOV ifiaXov K\rjpov...ol o'TavpoicravTe'S av- Tov e/xepto-av rd IfiaTia avrov lavTots, Xa;^p-ov /3dXXovT€S Ixao'Tos KuTa T7;v TOV KXrjpov iTTi/ioXyjv, o CKXc^a- o-^at i^i/SovXrjTO (dial. 97). ^ The parallels between Justin ami by Harnack, pp. 37 — 40 ; compare Zahn, Peter have been more fully worked out pp. 66 — 70. XXX INTROD UCTION. Gospel of St Peter. TiiiV Se *Iov8ata>v ovSets €Viif/aTO Tas x^pis K.T.X. (c. i.). KoX TOTC KiXevu HpiaSrji o ySacrt- Xtvs Trapa\r]fji.(j>6rjvai tov Kvpwv (c. i.). rjiiw; avTOV ePa5rTO/Aev...y6-y/Dair- Tat yap. ..TyXtov /X7y Swat livi Trtf^ov- tvfhivio (c. i.). TTapeSoJKCv avTor to) Xa(3 Trpo /xias Twv d^v/ift);', t^s kopiiji avTwv V0fl.i'C,OVrK OTt VIJ^ €o-T(.v...TdTe ^Xios IXa/ai/'e, Kai evpiOj] wpa hdrrj (c. v.). ivfjCTTevoixiv, Kol iKa6et,6fJi€0a . . vvKTO'i Koi rip.ipa.% €0)s tov crajS^arou (c. vii.). Gospel of St Peter. ...Twv 8e 'louSaiMv ouSels ivuj/aTo TO.^ i^cipa? . . . xai /ii) /3ov\rj0evT(iiv vitfraadai (c. i.). avTO? Sc etricoTra cus /Jirj&lv wovov e^wv (c. iv.). CTKOTOS Karcff^c Tracrai/ Tiyv Iod- Satav (c. v.). Kai Tts avTu>v cittci/ IIoTtcraTC avrov -^oXrjv ixerd o^ous ' xai Kepd- 1 The Didascalia has been quoted from Lagarde'sretranslation printed in Bunsen's Anal. Ante-Nicacn. ii. Didascalia' and Apostolical Constitutions. 6 pXv dWoi^uXos Kptxr/s vii/'a/u.ei'os ras ;)^ei/Das eiTrci' 'A^mos ct/J.i...o oe 'lo-pajjX cTTePorjcre To al/ia avToC £(/)' r/'/iSs (v. 19). Ktti 'Hpu)S7;s o ^atriXevis cKcXeuo-ci/ avTOV aTavpwOrjvai (ih. cf. ^. C). IIiXaTOS 6 lyyc/iMV Kat 6 /JaeriXtvs 'H/DcoSijs EKcXevcrav avToi/ (TTavpiiiB-rj- vai (v. 19). ^aTTTeTai. Trpo r/Xiov Svo'eos (.4 . C V. 14). ev auTT) yap €v f/.eaio avTwv ryj^ €opTi7s ia-Tavpuicrdv fi€ (v. 15) cTTCtra cyci'eTO rpets (opas pa% . . .yjixipa (v. 14). ouTio yap ivT](TT€VcraiJ,ei' Kai, ij/xeis TTadoVTOI TOV KVptOV (v. ig). Origen, /wm. in Matt^ [Pilatus] ipse quidem se lauit, illi autem...se mundare noluerunt a sanguine Christi (§ 124). in his omnibus [sc. spinis, calamo, delusione] unigenita ilia uirtus nocita non est, sicut nee passa est aliquid (§ 125). tenebrae tantum mode super omneni terram ludaeam sunt factae ad horam nonam (§ 134). sic \i.e. spongia impleta aceto] impleuit prophetiam in se dicentem 2 See Mr J. O. F. Murray's article Kvangeliuin sa'undum Petnim in the Expositor iox ^an. 1893. INTR OD UCTION. XXXI cravT€S i-KOTinav. Kal eTr\rjpui(7av TrdvTa Kal eTcXciaxrai/ Kara t^s Kfa- A^s aiTuJv Ttt dfjLapTtjfxaTa (c. v.). Kal clirwv dv^Xrjf^Of^ (c. v.). Gospel of St Peter. T(i)V 66 'Iou8ai(i)v k.tA. (c. i.). HpwSTjs o PaaiXf.v'; (c. i.). Kttl Te^etKOTCs Ta ivSv/xara t/j.- irpocrOcv avTov 8t€/i€pi'(ravT0, Kai Xai^- juor eySaXov eV' avTOts (c. iv.). rjyoivtttiv fjirj noTe 6 ^Atos ISv... vofjii^ovTes OTt i/u^ ecTTiv.. .Tore TyAto? eXafi\j/e koi ivpiBrj u>pa ivdrrj (c. v.). Kat Tts auTuv eiTrcv IIoTtcraTe avroc )(o\'^v jxtra o^ov^ ' Kal nepd- cravTcs iTTOTurav (c. v.). ^ Mr Murray points out that Origeii, like the writer of Peter, regards the X"^^ as noxious {Matt. 137), and the criiri- fragium as an act of mercy {^h. 140). '' The allusions in Cyril were first noticed (Academy, Dec. ■24, 1892) by Dr J. H. Bernard, of Trinity College, Dublin ; some further parallels have been pointed out to me by Mr A. E. Brooke. de se Et dederunt in escam i?ieam fel, ct in siti mea poiaiierunt me aceto : ideo et secundum loannem cum accepisset lesus acetum cum felle dixit Consummatum «/ (§ 137)'. stalim ut clamauit ad Patrem receptus est... post tres horas re- ceptus est (§ 140). Cyril of Jerusalem, catech. xiii." 6 [iXv yap niA.aT0s...ii8aTt dire- VLTTTiTO Ttts xcipas" 01 Sc e7ri;Soa)VT«9 lA.eyoi' To aT/xa avTov €<}>' ijp.d'; (§ 2 1 ). 'HpcoST/s 8e ^v t6t€ ^a(Ti\€V's (I 14). ' _^ ot CTpartcoTat Siep.epto'avTO to Tr^pijSoXaiov ct5 Ti.iTv airoKpinfiay dva- ytvuaKe k.t.\.). xxxii INTRODUCTION. PpiOfJia. jlOV )(0\l]V K.T.X TTOLaV 06 XoXrjv iSiDKav ■,...i8u>Kav auT(3, (j>rj(rcv, iOV olvOV 1(oXu)8j)S 0€ KoX KaraTTiKpos iq (Tixvpva (§ 29). dirccnrafrai' tov- Catechesis seem to bristle with allusions Xous tov aravpou fuiprvpas. § 41 toOto to our fragment {§ 38 irepl tov x't-wj^os [so. 6 (T7a.vp6s] /xera tov 'Itjtrov (pai- Xax^i'Tes. § 39 oi...Xax6»'res Trepi veffdat /j.4\\€i TrdXiv t'^ oOpavov: irpotyKV- tQ)v ifiaTiuv (where Cyril forgets the vouvt€$ tov dTroffTa\^vra K6piop...Kal distinction he has so carefully drawn in Tdv diroiTTeftacTa vaTipa. § 26), TO KaTaTT^Tafffw, tov vaov to t6t€ " Barn. 7. 4. INTR on UCTION. xxxiii adopts them without explanation ; in Barnabas we can see them taking shape and can trace them to their source. It seems to follow that Peter is later than Barnabas and possibly borrows from him. If the Epistle of Barnabas was a work of the first century or of the early years of the second, it may not improbably have come into the hands of the party from which the Petrine Gospel emanated. Their strongly anti-Judaic temper would have made it a welcome document. 2. The resemblances between our fragment and the Eighth Book of the Sibylhne Oracles are for the most part superficial. The phrases Swtrovcriv paTriV/iaTa, ScoVei 8' es /xao-Tiyas...i'(i)Tov, point to Isaiah 1. 6; KoAa<^t^o;u.£i'o; crtyi^o-ei is probably a reference to i Pet. ii. ig, 23 ; arif^avov rov aKavOivov may be a reminiscence of St Mark or St John. But TrAeupcis vv^ovaiv KaAd/xu) throws important light on the Petrine KaAa/iu) ivvacTov avTov. It connects the latter with John xix. 34 ^oyxQ avTov TJ/v irXevpdv ivv$ev, while the next words in the Sibyllist, Sid tov vofiov avTwv, seem to shew that he has also in view the treatment of the Azazel described in Barn. 7. 8' (Tert. adv. lud. 14). Here the Petrine form is clearly the later, for it is further from St John. There is also some connexion between the Sibylline vv^ eia/. 106 we read : koI to etireii/ fJHTtavoixa- Kei/at avTOV JUrpov €va Twv aTTOCTTokwv Kot yeypdcjiOoit cv rots (XTro/xi'Ty- lj.ovivp.acr IV avTov yey€vrjp.ivov Koi tovto. ..a-r]pavTLKov rfv tov airrov Ikuvov elvai 81' ov ko.\ to iiriiivvpov laKw/? tu 'IcrparjX cttikAij^cVti iSoOrj. In this passage Justin recognises the existence of certain aTropvr)p.ovev- para IltV/Dov, i.e. of a Petrine Gospel. But the 'Memoirs of Peter' may represent the second of the canonical Gospels ; and in Mark iii. 16 the fact to which Justin refers is duly recorded. It is therefore unnecessary to conclude that Justin refers to an apocryphal Gospel; nor is it easy to believe that if the Docetic Gospel of St Peter had fallen into his hands he could have been deceived with regard to its true character. Dismissing this consideration, we proceed to the alleged use of our frag- ment in the first Apology and the Dialogue. The first instance (p. xxix.) need not detain us ; it has nothing in common with Peter which cannot be explained by the influence of Ps. ii. and Acts iv. But the second and third quotations require careful discussion. In the second Justin relates a ^ /cat ^iXTTT^aare iravres Kai KaraKevrT]- ttjv KecpoKijv avrou, Kai ovTlos eh ^pTjfioit (rare Kai wepWere ri ipiov rb k6kxwov wepl 0\ij6riTa. xxxiv INTRODUCTION. remarkable incident which he shares wiih Peter, and there are moreover points of verbal agreement. But (i) the incident seems to rest on a mismterpretation of John xix. 13 which might have occurred to both writers independently; their way of stating it is certainly independent. (2) The words put into the mouth of the mockers differ, and seem to be based on different passages of the Old Testament ; Justin expressly refers to Isaiah Iviii. 2, Peter seems to have in view similar words in the Psalms and Proverbs. (3) Peter's o-vpw/itv may certainly have suggested Justin's Siao-u/DovT£s, yet the resemblance is in sound rather than in meaning, and it is more likely that Siao-vpoi/Tcs was supplied by the Old Testament ; Ste'o-upov was substituted by Aquila for ifi.vKTrjpit.ov in Prov. i. 30, Lxx., a passage where Wisdom is represented as mocked by fools. If on the whole it is thought that one of the two writers had the other in view, the evidence seems to point to a use of Justin by Peter ; in Justin the words of St John are given exactly, in Peter they are varied; Justin's account of the incident is brief, Peter's is more diffuse, after the manner of a writer who is working upon the lines of an earlier authority. We turn to the third parallel. The points are two : both Justin and Peter use the remarkable phrase Xaxfiov jSaKXetv, and both use it, not exclusively in reference to the x'™'', as St John does, but of the Lfidrca in general. Since the phrase is not known to occur in any other con- nexion, and its use in this connexion is limited, as far as we know, to Justin, Peter and Cyril, it seems certain that its origin is to be sought for either in the earliest of those writers, or in some source which lies behind them all. That it was borrowed by Justin from Peter is impro- bable, for the context in Justin shews no sign of Petrine influence ; on the contrary Justin speaks in it of the piercing of the Lord's Hands and Feet, vifhereas in Peter, notwithstanding Ps. xxii. 16, the nails are drawn forth only from the Hands. On the other hand it is not necessary to suppose that Peter was indebted for the phrase directly to Justin. It is difficult to understand why either writer should have gone out of his way to adopt so singular an expression if it had not been previously known to him through an earlier rendering of Ps. xxii. 18. Now St John with that verse in view uses Aaxw/nev', and Symmachus in the Psalm itself rendered ^IM P'S! by eXdyxavov. Is it overbold to conjecture that in another version which followed the Hebrew more closely, the reading was l/3aA.Aov or e/iaXov Xax/u-w ? Even in the case ^ In his paraphrase of John .\ix. 24 understand the game known as TrXaa-ro- Nonnus twice uses Xaxfi^s, but not in ^o^lvSa ; cf. D. Heinsii e.ren: ad loc. the phrase Xax/J-o" ^aWeiv. He seems to INTRODUCTION. xxxv of Cyril it may be doubted whether a traditional rendering or paraphrase of the Psalm is not present to his mind rather than Peter's use of the passage. For he is completely at issue with Peter's identification of the 8i,a/iepto-/ios and the 'ko.-)(jx6% ; the first, he points out, refers to the t/xarta, the second only to the ^ntav (ra fiXv /xcpi^ovrai ircpt tovtov 8e XayxdvoDcrtv). Yet he clings to the phrase, even though he finds it necessary to explain what it means {kX.t]p6<; Ei yv 6 Xax/J-6';). Is it probable that while rejecting the statement of the Petrine Gospel, he would have retained and explained a difficult phrase connected with it, unless the phrase had possessed some higher claim upon his consider- ation than its place in an apocryphon would supply? On the whole there is reason to suppose that although in this instance the con- nexion between Justin and Peter (and perhaps Cyril also) is a real one, it implies no more than a relation to a common source. In the present state of our knowledge, this explanation can only be conjec- tural : on the other hand it is sufficiently probable to make us pause before we assert that Justin has used the Petrine fragment. Thus there is at present no satisfactory proof that our fragment was used by any writer before the end of the second century. The sparing and unacknowledged use of it by writers of the third and fourth centuries is in harmony with all that we know as to the origin and early circulation of the Petrine Gospel. Such allusions do not compel us to modify our belief as to the relatively narrow area of its influence. The facts are consistent with a very moderate circulation within the limits of Syria and Palestine. Some striking coincidences appear in the Didascalia and in the Apostolical Constitutions, both probably of Syrian and Palestinian origin. The references in Origen occur only in the homilies on St Matthew, which belong to the last stage of his literary career when Caesarea and not Alexandria was the centre of his work. If, as seems nearly certain, the Gospel was known to Cyril, he knew it merely as one of the apocryphal books current in Palestine, against which he warns his catechumens while he is not unwilling to borrow from them any details which seemed impressive or edifying. It is not improbable that patristic students may stumble upon other traces of the Petrine story of the Passion in Church writers connected by birth or other circumstances with Antioch, Caesarea or Jerusalem. Of a direct influence exerted by it upon Egyptian and Western writers there is at present no sufficient evidence'. ^ Nonnus presents some interesting [Athenceiim, May 13) points out others in parallels (J. M. C. , Scottish Guardian, Lactantiiis ; but as proofs of a direct use March 10, 1893), and Mr F. P. Badhani of Peter they are not convincing. XXX VI INTR on UCTION. VII. It is natural to attempt a comparison of the Petrine fragment with other survivals of apocryphal Gospel-literature. Our materials are as yet far too imperfect to ' yield large results : yet there are a few points which can be clearly seen. (i) The Gospel of Peter belongs to a class of writings which claimed to preserve the personal narrative of one of the Apostles. Such compositions seem to have been characteristic of the Gnostic sects of the second century ; the Gospel or Tradition of Matthias e.g. was current among the Basilidians, the Gospel of Philip is attributed by Epiphanius to a sect of Ophite Gnostics. The Docetae of Western Syria followed the fashion of the age in putting forth a Gospel of this type, which received the name of the Apostolic founder of the Church of Antioch. (2) The Petrine Gospel, to judge by the Akhmim fragment, was a free harmony of the canonical Gospels, rather than an attempt to rewrite the history. Not a single agraphon is found in the fragment. This circumstance may indeed be due to the writer's purpose of repre- senting the Lord as silent during the Passion. But the manner in which he has handled his facts suggests another explanation. He is unwilling to go far beyond the lines of the canonical narrative. He is prepared to shift, transpose, reset his materials, but not to invent important sayings for which there is no authority in the canonical tradition. This cautious conservatism differentiates the Gospel of Peter from the Gospel according to the Egyptians and the Gospel of the Hebrews, which, so far as we know them, were largely independent of the Canon. (3) It is scarcely to be doubted that our Gospel was written with the purpose of promoting Docetic, perhaps also Encratite views. There were many methods open to the writer. He might have con- tented himself, as Basilides and Valentinus appear to have done, with supplementing the canonical Gospels by expositions which grafted upon them the interpretations of his sect. Or he might have interpolated the canonical history, or, like Marcion, have selected one of the Gospels and submitted it to revision. He has not followed either of these precedents. His method is to exhibit a manipulated harmony. In form, however, his work is not a harmony, but a personal statement, and this literary fiction leaves him free to take certain liberties with the documents before him. He allows himself another in- INTRODUCTION. xxxvii dulgence which no mere harmonist could have ventured to take. He omits large portions of the narrative which were unfavour- able to his views. He adds here and there a suggestive remark ; he gives to familiar words a new turn which favours a non-catholic interpretation. He introduces apocalyptic passages which extend the simpler narrative of the Gospels in the direction of Gnostic speculation. Yet the whole is done with so much skill that the heretical tendency of the fragment has been stoutly denied. If we understand his position aright, the writer of Peter belonged to a minority whose policy was conciliation, and his purpose was not so much to supply a Gospel for the use of a sect, as to propagate a Docetic Christology within the Church from which he had not yet parted company. Thus the Gospel of Peter seems to have held an unique position among the Gospels of the second century. To this circumstance we may venture to attribute its limited circulation. Serapion checked its acceptance within the Church. Among Separatists it was not sufficiently aggressive to secure general support. If a harmony of the canonical Gospels were desired, it could be found in the work of Tatian : if a new Gospel, strongly flavoured with distinctive tenets, many such were at hand. The Petrine Gospel shared the fate which commonly attends a compromise ; it failed to satisfy either party, and fell into neglect. Thus our Gospel stands to some extent alone among the apocryphal Gospels of the second century. But it has marked affinities with other groups of apocryphal writings. Its Gnostic and apocalyptic tone is in full sympathy with the literature which bears the name of Leucius Charinus, and it is difficult to avoid the inference that we have before us a product of the school of writers from which the Circuits of the Apostles proceeded during the second half of the second century. It was obviously in the hands of the author of the Didascalia, and has influenced the Apostolical Constitutions. Lastly, there are traces of its use in the various forms of the Acts of Pilate, but especially in the form which seems to be the latest of all, the Anaphora Pilati. A connexion has been supposed to exist between the Petrine Gospel and the Ascension of Isaiah, but the coincidence is one of ideas only and does not extend to the literary form. VIII. The Gospel of Peter, Serapion tells us, not only emanated from the Docetic party (toJi' Karap^ajxivuiv avTov ovs ^oktjto.^ KaXovfJiev), but its general tendency was Docetic (to! yap Trkeiova povr]iJ.aTa iKeivuiv icrrl xxxviii INTR OD UCTION. Trji SiSao-KaXias). This tendency did not, however, largely interfere with its representation of the facts, but was chieflv shewn in unorthodox additions [ra fxkv TrK^toya tov opOov \6yov. . .Tivd 8e 7r/300'Stea'TaA./A€i/a). In the fragment which survives, accretions of this character are few, but their purpose is sufficiently clear. We may schedule them in the fragment, as Serapion did throughout the Gospel : (i) The Lord's freedom from pain at the moment of Cruci- fixion. (2) His desertion by His ' Power' at the moment of Death. (3) The representation of His Death as an avaXiji/zts. (4) The supernatural height of the Angels and especially of the Risen Christ (5) The personification of the Cross. To this list we ought perhaps to add the sealing of the stone with seven seals. If our view of the order of the events is correct, the omission of all the Easter-week appearances must be attributed to the same tendency. Two or three general remarks may be added, {a) Our fragment is intensely anti-Judaic in tone ; a chief purpose is clearly to throw the full responsibility of the Crucifixion upon the Jews and to intensify their guilt, (i) It betrays no sign of an Ebionitic view of the Person of Christ ; on the other hand, it gives prominence to His supernatural and Divine character. By those who speak of Him He is invariably called d vios toS Beov -. by the writer himself He is designated kv- pLo's, even when the reference is to the Dead Christ. Of the Three who issue from the tomb, the Christ alone towers above the heaven. (c) The teaching of the fragment with regard to the Lord's Death and Resurrection, while open to suspicion, is not absolutely inconsistent with Catholic language. Origen, as the notes will shew, has apparently used or adopted dvc\-ijix(j>6r] in reference to the Death of the Lord : and the Petrine writer distinctly asserts a Resurrection {avicnrj). We may now enter upon the question, To what form of Docetism does our fragment incline } I. One of the earliest forms of second century Docetism is criti- cised in the letters of Serapion's great predecessor in the see of Antioch, St Ignatius. Bishop Lightfoot ' has characterised the Docetism which is condemned by the Ignatian letters as (i) " thorough going," (2) "Judaic." (i) It denied the reality of the Passion ; it was scandalised by the Cross. ^ 6". Ignatius., i. 373. INTRODUCTION. xxxix Ignatius meets it by asserting that the Lord was truly born, was truly arraigned before Pontius Pilate, was truly crucified and truly died'. (2) Lightfoot maintains that the Judaism which Ignatius attacks was only another side of the Docetic heresy. His argument is not perhaps absolutely convincing, but it establishes a probability that the Ignatian Docetae were disposed to Judaize. Certainly there is no trace in the references of Ignatius to these heretics of any antagonism to Judaism on their part, whilst on the other hand it is obvious that there were important points of contact between them and the Judaizers. In the early part of the second century this cruder form of Docetism seems to have been widely prevalent in the Churches of Asia Minor. It is condemned more or less directly in the Ignatian letters to Tralles, Smyrna, Ephesus, Magnesia, and Philadelphia ; the only genuine writings of Ignatius which are free from all allusion to it are the letter to the Romans, and the personal letter to Polycarp. Yet it is clearly not the Soktjo-is with which the Petrine writer is in sympathy. For (i) he does not suggest that the Trial and the Cruci- fixion were putative ; on the contrary he emphasises both events, only reserving for the Lord an immunity from physical pain. And (2) he is not merely free from any suspicion of Judaizing ; he is, as we have seen, aggressively anti-Judaic. ii. At first sight we may be tempted to connect our writer with the school of Cerinthus or of Carpocrates. According to Irenaeus, who is followed by Hippolytus, Cerinthus taught that, though Jesus suffered, died and rose again, the Christ was impassible and left Him before the Passion'^. Carpocrates, it seems, spoke of a Power which was sent down by the Unbegotten God upon the soul of Jesus, and eventually ascended to its source'. Ideas of the same general character are to be found in our fragment, but they appear there in a more guarded, a more complex, and probably a later form. Moreover, the Judaizing tendency of Cerinthus and the humanitarianism of both Cerinthus and Carpocrates exclude the supposition of any direct in- fluence having been exercised by them upon 'Peter.' The early 'Ophite' system described by Irenaeus approaches nearer to Peter's view. According to that system Jesus was born of a Virgin by Divine operation ; subsequently the Christ descended on Him, withdrawing before the Crucifixion ; after the Crucifixion a Power was sent down upon the Crucified which restored Him to life in a psychic and spiritual 1 Magii. 9. Eph. 8. Trail. 9. .^3. 2 Iren. i. 26. 2, iii. 11. i. Hipp. vii. ' Iren. i. 25. i. Hipp. vii. 32. xl INTR on UCTION. Body, the Body of the Flesh being however left behind'. But the Petrine doctrine differs from this in a material point, for it regards the higher nature of the Lord as remaining with Him on the Cross up to the moment of His Death ; nor is there any trace in ' Peter ' of the other features of the intricate gnosis with which the Ophite Christology was closely bound up. 3. The two great schools of Basilides and Valentinus claimed for their founders spiritual descent from the Apostles Peter and Paul re- spectively I Both leaders appear to have accepted in substance the Gospels now regarded as canonical, admitting the facts of the Gospel history, while putting an heretical construction upon them. Of the Basilidians Hippolytus expressly states : ycyoi/e iravra. d/ioi'ws Ka-r avrous . . ojs iv ToTs fZayytXiovi yeypaTrTai^. But Basilides gave an entirely new complexion to both the Crucifixion and the Resurrection. The pur- pose of the Passion was the Siaipeo-i? of the composite factors of the Lord's Person, which restored each element to its proper sphere. The a-ui/xaTiKoi' fxipo's suffered and returned to a/u,op<^i'a, the psychic was restored to the Hebdomad, and so forth. With these ideas the Petrine fragment has nothing in common. The sphere of Basihdes' influence seems to have been nearly limited to Egypt. Valentinus was the centre of a larger movement. We find him first in Egypt, then in Cyprus, and finally, between a.d. 138 and 160, at Rome. His followers were divided into two schools. Eastern and Western, the 'Anatolic' and the 'Italic' The Valentinians, ac- cording to Hippolytus'', recognised two Christs, the aeon who, together with the Holy Spirit, emanated from NoiJs and 'AXrjOaa, and another who was the common product of the whole Pleroma. To the .Son of Mary they attributed a psychic, or, as the Eastern Valentinians pre- ferred to say, a pneumatic Body. The fragments of Valentinian teaching excerpted by Clement and representing chiefly the Eastern school, are nearer in tone and general tendency to the Petrine frag- ment than any Gnostic utterances we have as yet encountered. The following may be taken as specimens : 6 Kvpio'i Slo, iroKXrjv TaTr€ivodr] dW 7iTai Si- the Petrine Gospel, i.e. the assumed name ddffKaXov, uJS avxoOaiv aOroi, Tbv Xlerpou of the author? iptLtivia- ibo-oi/Tois &i Kal OvaKevTivov Geo- ^ Hipp. vii. 27. SdSi 6.KT)KohaL tpipovfft,v, yvihpi^os 5' oh-os * Hipp. vi. 35. INTRODUCTION. xli ro ivTavQa. 6 ?/ laivtTai Xeymv, SfjAovoTt TOV e/XTra^oBs' Kat TTpod^w v/xas, Xeyu, Trj TpLTQ TiSv ■qjxe.pdjv eis tt^v VaXiXaCav auTOS yap trpodyn Trdfra Kal tt^v d^jtavcH's crw^ofji^vrjv \jjv)(r]v avatTTtjaeLV rjvtaaiTO Kal aTTOKaTaa-nja'itv ov vvv irpoayet. diridavev Si dirocTTavTOs tov KaTapdvTos hv auTui hrl T& 'lopSavjj Trvcu/xaros. ..avacTetXas ttjv cttcA.- Boviav aKTiva tiJs Swa/xecos o '^un-qp direiXTjcrc /xiv tov 6acaT0V to 8c OvrjTov (T(2fi.a divofiaXuiv TrdOr) dvecTTTjcnv. to, ij/v^^lko. /nev ovv oiitms avta-TttTai Kai avao-u)^eTat...Ka6iyTai yuev oSv 6 ij/vxi-KO's UpLCTTO'S iv Scfta tov! Sriixiovpyov (§§ 61, 62). The last of these extracts appears to represent Western rather than E'astern Valentinianism ; a member of the AnatoHc school would have spoken of the Risen Christ as 'pneumatic' and not 'psychic' But the point is not important for our present purpose. We see how a Valen- tinian writer could make the facts of the Gospel history the vehicle of Gnostic teaching; and we understand why the Docetic author of the Petrine Gospel was content to accept the canonical narrative as the basis of his own. But besides this, we recognise in these Valentinian comments points of contact with our fragment where the latter reveals its true character. We observe in both the same distinction between the Impassible Christ and the Passible ; in both the Power from above leaves the Lord at His death ; in both there is a Resurrection effectuated by an external agency and apparently not extending to the natural Body. Both again are characterised by the prominence which is given to the Cross and to the Preaching to the Dead, although neither of these particulars is worked out in the same way by the two writers. On the whole, while the evidence does not justify us in regarding the Petrine writer as a Valentinian, there is reason to suppose that he has felt the influence of the Valentinian School. 4. Both Clement of Alexandria and Hippolytus speak of a party who bore the name of Docetae, and who are distinguished from the S. P. d xlii INTR OD UCTION. Valentinians and other Gnostic sects. According to Clement', the founder of this party was Julius Cassianus, originally a member of one of the Valentinian schools. Cassian shared Tatian's Encratism, and his interest in Docetism appears to have been largely due to his Encratite views. Hippolytus' attributes to the later Docetae, presumably the sect which Cassian originated or one nearly allied to it, an elaborate system of gnosis, which combines features apparently derived from several earlier systems, as those of Basilides, Valentinus, and the Naas- senes. When we come to the Christology of these Docetae, it proves to be a curious syncretism presenting points of contact with orthodoxy on the one hand, and with many forms of Gnostic speculation on the other. The higher Nature of Christ is the Only Begotten Son, Who is equal in all respects (generation excepted) to the Ingenerate. The Only Begotten contracts Himself and descends through the Aeons, till at length He enters the world and is born of Mary. The Docetic writer proceeds : lyevvrjOr) to ef avTyj^ ojs yiypa.iTTa.i- ycvvqdev Se ei/eSvcraTO avro avm6(.v IXOuiV^ Kat iravTo. eTTOLTjcrev ourtos o)s iv rots cvayycXtots yeypaTrrat. iXovaaro eis tov 'lopSavTjv ikovcraTO 8e tu'ttov Kat (r Teiaa diriKSvcrajj.€vrj to ao>iJ,a...fji.rj ivpeOyj yvjxvi], dW ivSvar/Tai to iv t(S xSaTL 0T€ £/3a7rTt^eTO dvTl t^s crapKos ckciVijs eKTeTVTrm/Aevov aSfJia. Unfortunately the Hippolytean account breaks off at this point. Its importance for our enquiry lies in the witness which it bears to the existence of a party in the second half of the second century (for the syncretistic spirit it displayed cannot have been earlier) who called themselves Docetae but accepted the Gospel narrative, and whose Soktjo-is was apparently limited to a belief in a pneumatic Body, the impress or counterpart of the Body born of the Virgin, which was acquired by the Lord at the Baptism, and remained as the clothing of His soul after the Crucifixion. There is no evidence that this particular theory was ^ Clem. Alex. iii. 13 Toiotirois ivix^ipei riiuv /J,ridi ra roirav Sbyixara aiuwqv... Kdl 6 TTJs doKr}(7etos e^dpxojv 'loiJAtos Kcur- /cat to(>s ry doKe'tv dff^ctXetav \6y(i}t' k€- ffiavbi. KTTJffBai i\^y^ofj.ev, o'iye iavroiis Ao/c?;7ct5 ^ Hipp. viii. 10 sqq. Hippolytus plays dTreKdXeaav, doyf^ari^ovTes raOra (cf. all round the name, but seems not to per- id. 11 rd doKeiv elvai TLva.^...Td 56^avTa). ceive its true significance: viii. 8 iirel oi His statement that the name proceeded TroXXoi T? TOV Kvplov cm^ovKlq, jxi) XP'^- from the party itself is of a piece with the /levoi TTjK SoKbv iv t<} dtjidaXixf ^xoktes explanation of its meaning. bp^v eirayyiWovrai. TVfpXJiTTovTes., doKet INTR OD UCTION. xliii present to the mind of the Petrine writer, but it is not inconsistent with his story; nor does there appear to be any improbability in the sup- position that the Encratite sect founded in Egypt by Julius Cassianus, the Docetae of Hippolytus, and the Docetae of Serapion were closely allied to each other if not identically the same. IX. The style of the Petrine fragment has points of contact with the canonical Gospels, especially with St Luke and St John; yet on the whole it differs materially. Here and there the writer uses a phrase of Aramaic origin such as /ii'a rwv a^u'/iwv, ava. Silo 8vo. More frequently he manifests a tendency to substitute classical for Hellenistic forms. Thus he writes KaOap^-iui for a^cuo's ci/ai a-n-o, and employs the optative after ottw^. In his choice of words he appears to be guided by such writers as Plutarch, Polybius, Dionysius of Hali- carnassus ; we have oi/^tts for 6(j)0a\fjt.oi, dytaviav for (j)ol3ei6rjvai, comp. Matt, xxvii. 27 ot a-rpa- TiMTat . . irapaXa^ovTes tov 'Irjaovp ; infra, c. iii.). The object is to minimise the sin of the Procurator by laying the chief guilt at the door of Herod, the representative of the Jews (l, 2). Peter remembers that the Lord was ex r^y e^ovatas 'Hpojfiou (Luke xxiii. 7). He remembers also Ps. ii. 2 01 /SatriXeir T^f y^s Kai 01 ap- XovTcs crvv^x^^o'ai' K.r.X., together with the comment in Acts iv. 27 crwrixQri- aav yap en aKT]$€ias...''HpcodrjS re Kat Uovnot UciXSros. The Didascalia fol- lows Peter (v. 19 "H. iSao-tXfis cKe- Xeutrey avTov (TTavpadTJvat) ', in the Constitutions the sentence is recast to save the appearance of a conflict with the canonical Gospels : n. o ijyf/iwi/ I 2 EYArrEAION KATA HETPON KeXevei 'Hpwdt]^ 6 f3a(n\em 7rapa\t]iJ.(f)dfjvai top Kupiov, e'lTTwu avTo7.r]v. Kai 6 fleiXaTO^ Tre/myj^a^ ttjOO? 'HpiaSrjv riTr](Tev avTOv to (TWfxa, Kal 6 'HpcoSr]? 'e(pr) 'AB€X K.T.X.] Meanwhile Joseph, who had antici- pated the sentence, was standing near the spot (cf. John xviii. 16 d 8e nerpoff LfTTriKci Trpos tjj 6vpa f^a : xix. 25 iaTtjufiirav fit napa ra crravpa k.t.X.), ready to prefer his request. • 'Aw6 'ApiiiaBalas (Mt., Mk., L., J.) is wanting in Peter, and its place is filled by 6 0iXoff n. Kal Toil Kvpiov. For Joseph's connexion with Christ see Matt. xxvii. 57 enaBrjTfiiBri ra 'irjcrov, John xix. 38 av fiadrjTtjs tov 'lrji\oi. In his reply Herod identifies himself with the Jews : ' although no one had asked for Him, we (iJ/xeis) should bury Him (for the construction cf. John xix. II ovK flx^f €^ova-iav...fl ixf) ^v SfSd/ifj'oi') ; our law forbids us to let the sun go down on the unburied corpse of a murdered man ; and on this occasion we should be the more careful, since (eVei Kai) the Sabbath is coming on.' For sirttpcSa-Kfiv in this sense comp. Luke xxiii. 54 rj/xf'pa ^viTapa(rKevfjs Kal (ra^^arov eTrecfxaiTKev } and Pet. ix. r^ wktI fj iirtt^oifTKfv q KvpiaKij. Peter seems to refer to John xix. 31 01 licv ovv 'louSaiot, iird 7rapa(rK€vf} t]v, iva jirj fxelvrj eirl tov o-Tavpov Ta o-afiaTa (v Ta (ra^^aTa... T^p(oTr](Tav TOV HeiKcLTOv iva KaTcayaaiv avrmv to o-KeXrj kcli apBtiiuiv. It is re- markable that the Peshitto works into this verse the Petrine phrase EYArrEAION KATA OETPON avTov edaTTTOfxev, eirel Kai (rafi^arov e7n(pw(rK€i' •yeypuTTTai yap iv tm vofxw ^\iov jJir] Zvvai ewi 7re(poveu- fxevu). III. Kai TrapeSwKev avTov tw \atS irpo fiia^ twv S d^vfxwv, Trj^ eO|0T/7s avTwv, o'l Se \a(3ovT€i tov Kvpiov 5 TOV (ITU (rd^^arov eVi0w(rKf(, rendering fV TO) cra/S^aTm by r<'i\;ii..1 uJ^pS, r^ca^^ without support from any Greek MS. So too the Arabic Dia- tessaron. 2. Y^Ypairrai, ■yoip Iv tu vojio)] Deut. xxi. 23, LXX. ov KOifxrjdi^a-cTai to awfia avTov eVt TOV ^vXoVj aWa Taf^rj Sdyj^ere avTo €v T7J Tjiiipq eKclvrj. Similarly Aq., Symm., Theod. Peter has read into this text the interpretation given to it by the precedent of Jos. x. 27 Trpoff T)Xtow Bvs Ka6aipe6evTes. Jos. B. J. iv. 5. 12 Trpoa-rjXdov 8e fit Toa-ovTov n(re/3e/aff wore Ka\ arduous plyj/aij KaiToi TOfravnjv ^lovdaltov Trepl raff Taovevp.€va is strangely attributed to Herod, from whom we should have expected Kixpetiaap-iva or the like ; but it agrees with the anti- Judaic tone of the fragment. The Cru- cifixion was a judicial murder ; Acts vii. 52 roO diKaiov . . ^oi'ds cyevto'^e. James v. 6 ecpovev aare tov dtKaiov. 4. KaliraplSuKEv avTov K.T.X.] "And he delivered Him to the people be- fore the first day of unleavened bread, their feast." IlapiSmKev is in Mt., L., J., but the person who delivers the Lord is in the canonical Gospels Pi- late ; in Peter, Herod. The surrender is to the people, who share the guilt of their leaders (Matt, xxvii. 25 n-oy o Xad^. IIpo jUiaff rtoi/ d^vjicov = 'npo npoi- TT]s T. d(. (Matt. xxvi. 17, Mark xiv. 12). Peter follows St John's reck- oning and makes the first day of the Passover correspond with the Sab- bath, and the Crucifixion precede it. Tijf eopTtjs avTwv also is Johannine, cf. John vi. 4. TO ndo-xa 77 eopTrj toiv \ovbaia>v ; also v. I, vii. 2. From Peter the phrase has found its way into the Didascalia v. 15 cv avrij yap iv pitrto avTotv Ttjs eopTrjs Tav d^vpoiv ftTTavpoiaav /xe, KaTa To npottprfpevov vTTo Aa/3iS "'EdevTo to o'rjpela avTcov ev peaca ttJ? eopTrjs avTMv (Ps. lxxiii.= Ixxiv. 4, 5). Since the MSS. of the LXX. seem invariably to read ev pea-m Tjjs eopTTJs (TOV, it appears that the Didascalia, followed by the Consti- tutions (v. 15), has imported the Pe- trine phrase into the Psalm ; unless the change belongs to a primitive interpretation of the Psalm anterior both to the Didascalia and to Peter. In Peter t^s iopTfjs avTav makes a fresh point against the Jews ; they committed the murder on the eve of their greatest sacred festival. 5. ot Si Xap6vT€S Tiv K^piOV K.T.X.] The Xaos are the subject, for Xa/3oiTes takes up irapiStoKev — comp. John xix. 16, 17 Trap€8a>K€V avTov avTols ( = roIff *IovSaiots, cf. l4)'-'7vap€Xa^ov ovv tov EYArrEAION KATA nETPOf wdovv avTov rpexovre?, Kat eXeyov Cvpcofxev tov vlov Tov 6eou, e^oucriai/ avTOU ia-)(r]K6Te'i. kui TropCpvpav avTOv TrepiefiaWov, kui eKadiarau avrov IttI KaQeZpav Kpia-eo)^, XeyovTe^ AiKaiws KpTve, fSacriXeu tov l(rpar]\. Kai TLS avTwv eveyKwv (rrecpavov aKavdivov 'edf}Keu eiri 5 I aura)!' 'lijo-oOi/. The soldiers are not men- tioned by Peter even at the Cruci- fixion, the Jews being regarded as the real executioners ; comp. St Peter's words in Acts ii. 23 fim X^tpos dvofioiu 7rpo(T7ri]^avT€S dveiXaTG. ' Qdovv avrov rpe^ovTes suggests that what follows takes place on the way to the Cross, which otherwise finds no place in Peter ; yet some of the details, e.g: the placing of the Lord on the KadeSpa, look the other way. The whole scene is in fact foreshortened without regard to historical accu- racy. The eagerness of the per- secutors implied by rpixovrfs was perhaps no uncommon feature in the experience of the second cen- tury: comp. mart. Polyc. 7 e^rj'Kdov (as eVl \T]tTTr}v rpixovres — the spec- tators wondering why there was TO(TavTT] (TTTOuS^ ... roO (TuXXT/^^Jjl/at TOLOvTov npe(Tl3vTr]v avdpa. 1. 2ilpipov airhv irepUpaXXov] Mark xv. 17 ivdibixTKovaiv avruv irop- (j)vpav. Luke xxiii. 11 irepilBaXav eaBfJTa XafiTrpav. John xix. 2 IfiaTiov 7rop(j)vpovv 7repte/3aXoy avrov. 3. fKiSia-av avTbv eirl Ka6^8pav Kp£6a\ijioi, comp. Zahn, Ada Joannis, 248 o £7ravoL^as /lov tou vou ras oij/eis. Polyb. 3. 79. 12 iarepridri rfjs p,ias u-ijf€u}s. Plutarch. sjr?np. i. p. 615 D kvk\(o Tois oylr€(rtv eireXdcov tovs Kara- Kdpevovi. Euseb. in Esa. liii. 5 ras oyj/eti pa7rL^6p.€vos. Ta? aiayovas may look back to Matt. v. 39 oa-ns a-e paiTt^ft els rffv Septal/ (Tiayova K.r.X., but more probably rests directly on Isaiah 1. 6 ras fie (nayovas fiov els paTvlo-p-ara [eficUKa]. KaKap.m evv(r<70V gives a new turn to the canonical fTvirrov . . Ka\ap.a (Mark xv. 19, cf. Matt, xxvii. 30), combining it with ^°yX!l ^"v^fv (John xix. 34); cf. Orac. Sibyll. viii. 296 irkevpas vu^ovatv ko- Xa/xb). Lastly, ifiaa-Ti^ov seems to refer to John xix. I UeiXaros . . €fiaaTiys, d^ia yap mv iTTpa^afiev aTroKapfiavopev ' ovTos 8f ovbev dronov eirpa^ev : cf. Matt. XKvn.2^TiydpKa<6i'€7roii](Tfv ; Inato-rjjp yfvoiievos we have an echo of St Luke's awaou (TfavTov Kai 17/tar (v. 39). But the writer borrows also from Mt. and Mk. ; dveiSia-fv avrovs is from Matt, xxvii. 44, Mark xv. 32, and Iva 117] (rKfKoKon-rjdjj, while it contra- dicts a statement of St John, is probably based upon it : see next note. 5- Jvo |j.f o-KeXoKoirtiBfi K.T.X.] The crurifragium was, it seems, employed incrucifixionsamongthejews in order to comply with the law of Deut. xxi. Comp. John xix. 31, 32, where an ex- ception is made only in the case of our Lord, because He was already dead (J. Lipsius, p. 109). To have aban- doned it in this case would have been to bring about the very infringement of the Law which Peter represents the Jews as anxious to prevent. Either he has overlooked this point, or he means to suggest that their conduct was as shortsighted as it was cruel. In any case he looks upon the crurifragium of the crucified as an act of mercy, and this, it has been observed, is regarded by Origen also as one if not the more probable of two alternative aspects of the practice : A/a^//^. 140 "miserti sunt ergo Judaei. . . aut forte non propter misericordiam hoc fecerunt...sed principaliter prop- ter sabbatum"; cf. Nonnus ad loc. SKeXoKOTreiK is unknown to the lexi- cons, but there are exx. of a-KeXoKoiria. 7. r\v 8J |j.€o-r]|jiPpCa] Mt., dwo St eKTTjs 'lov^aiav Kal edopvfiovvro Kai t^jcovicoi' /jly) irore 6 fxri Zvvai eTri 7re(povevixev(jp. kul Tis avTwv e'nrev 3 ir€(j)a)V€viieva\^s probably refers to Matt, xxvii. 25 e(j)' Tipas : cf. Acts xviii. 6, and for the exact phrase i Cor. xi. 4. 3. irepiijpxovTO Si iroXXol |ieTO Xix- vo)v K.T.X.] Anaph. Pilati (b) 7 eV iravTi Tw Koapto rjyjrav Xv^vovs diro €KTt)s apas eats oyjrLas. With vopi- (ovT€s oTi 7/u| t'oTiK compare Orac. Sibyll. viii. 305 — 6 f\paTi pitram \ vv^ f(TTai cTKoToeaa-a : Didasc. v. 14 iTTeiTa eyeveTO Tpeis tiipas (tkotos Kai eXoyiadrj vv$. Euseb. (/. £. p. 487 jj^epaf ouVijf vvg airo (opas ^kty^s to 7Tepii)(ov odv- the stress laid upon the night-like character of the darkness ; if the three hours were counted as a night, it was possible to maintain the literal accuracy of Matt. xii. 40. Reference is also made to Amos viii. 9, Zech. xiv. 6, 7. 'En-eVai/j-o has caused much difficulty. Prof Robinson at once suggested a reference to John xviii. 6 and to Isaiah lix. 10 Treo-oCirai iv pea-rjpfipia, and if the word is sound, the latter passage is almost certainly in view. See however the critical note. 5. 6 Kvptos dvePoTja-e k.t.X.] The silence is broken at length by a loud cry : Matt, xxvii. 46 dvefiorjo-ev (e^orj- o-ei' BL, 33, al., so Mk.) d 'Irjxrovs (j>a>vfi pfydkr/. The words of the cry in the Petrine fragment depart widely from those in Mt. and Mk., as well as from the original ; 6 deos ( = dee Mk.) becomes >j Swapis, the second pov and tva tI {els tL Mk.) disappear, iyKaTeKiiret is replaced by KaTAei^as (cf Acts vi. 3). The variants of the Lxx. throw no light on any of these changes, nor is the Fourth Word cited in any but the canonical form by the great writers of the second and third centuries. Eu- sebius indeed throws light on the substitution of Swapts for deds ; after remarking {dem. ev. p. 494) that the Heb. has 'i>N and not 'D^N he points lO EYArrEAION KATA nETPON Aeyiov H Dynamic moy, y Aynamic, KAreAeiH'Ac m€" Kai enrwv dveXrjCpdr]. Kai auTrj's [tjjsI wpas Biepayrj to KaTaire- Tacr/uLa tou vaov Trj^ YepovcraXriix el\- ?i? = Swa/iiir comp. Justin, dial. 125 to ovv 'IcrpariX ovopa tovto - TTOS vtKwv bvva^iLV TO yap *l(Tpd av6pa>TTOs viKwv etrrt, to 8e 77X dvvap.ts '• and the O. T. phrase n.; ^X^ {]'^ii)-&l (Gen. xxxi. 29, Prov. iii. 27, Mic. ii. I, Neh. V. 5 where the LXX. has ovk eoTiv Swafiis xeipbs ^p.iav). But 7X may have been confused with ?!n, and if SO, Aquila's laxvs was, as Euse- bius says, aKpi^ES : dvvapts is the LXX. rendering of 7'n in about 150 places. Cf. Theodoret. kaer. fabb. V. 4 TO fie 7;X yj^iXovpevov pev Kai avro brpiol Tov deoV) batrvvopevov fie tov Iit- Xvpov. More remarkable is Peter's conversion of the question into a direct statement by the omission of iva Ti. I can produce only one parallel : Ephraim tells us {serm. adv. haer. 56) that at the assemblies of a Gnostic sect which he connects with the name of Bardaisan a hymn was sung in which a female voice recited the words .lazi'iev .A^r<' .*.lCuA=3 jjA\fi-lT, " My God andmy Head, thou hast leftme alone." (I owe the ref. to D. C. B. i. 253.) A Valentinian party mentioned by Irenaeus (i. 8. 2) taught that the Lord eV piv TW evnCiV 'O 6eos pov [Lat. £>eus 7neus Deus meus\ eh ti e'-yxare'- XtTreV pe; pcpjjvvKevat OTI anf\€i(p6r} aiTo TOV (^coTos tJ ^offtla Kai iKai\v6i} VTTo TOV "Opov Trjs els Tovpirpoadev oppfis. But the original form of the word is here retained. 1. Kai elirdv dveXijijifll] Comp. ' Mark' xvi. 19 o pev ovv Kvpios pera TO XaXijcrat avTols aveKr)p<^6T). Peter removes the ai-dXjji^is to the moment of death, and the expression has been adopted by Origen Matt. 140 "sta- tim ut clamavit ad Patrem recep- tus est. ..post tres horas receptus est" ; the Greek is lost, but receptus est is the O. L. rendering of di/e- XijpcfiBri in Irenaeus and in the Munich Gospels known as g (White, p. 137). With Peter's view of this dva\ri\jfi.s comp. Clem. Alex. eAr. Theod. § 61 djTfdavfv 8e airoordi/Tor TOV KaTa^dvTos eV* avTa eVi Ta 'lop- bdvT] TTvevpaTos. 2. Si.epci'YT) TO KaTair^Tao-|jia k.t.X.] Cyril, catech. xiii. 32 to KaTaniTaapa TOV vaov . . dteppij^aTO. lb. 39 to rdre Biappayiv. Jerome in Matt, xxvii. "in euangelio cuius saepe facimus mentionem [eu. sec. Hebraeos] super- liminare templi infinitae magnitu- dinis fractum esse atque diuisum legimus." T^? 'lepova-akrip is one of several indications that the frag- ment was written outside Palestine, or at all events for non-Palestinian readers. EYArrEAlON KATA nETPON 1 1 VI. Kai TOTe ci7re(nra(rav tovs f;Aoi/s d'rro twv ■)(eipwv Tou Kup'iov, Kai edrjKav avTov em t>js 7^s" kui r\ yfj TTccca eaeiadri Kai (pofio^ fieya^ iyevero. tote riXiO'i eXafxyl^e Kai evpedt] wpa ivdrr]. exctpno'ci-v Se oi S 'lou^aloi Kai SeSa»'/ca(rt tw 'lu}(rri

6pas ji^^as l-y^vCTo] Matt, xxvii. 54 o ^^ iKarovTapxos Ka\ oi p.eT avTov ... Iduvres tov a€itrp.ov Kai ra yivopeva iKfv). 'ETTfiSi) 6fa TOV Kvpiov eV tov jivrffielov. For eXowo-e see Acts ix. 37 Xou- fTavTEs Se edrjKav iv virepcSa. EtXT/tre a-iiibovi is from Mark xv. 46 ivf'CKr)a-fv TT) (Tivbovi : Mt., L., have iveTvXi^ev [ev] CTLvd., J. has ebrnrav 66oviois. 3. «lo-i^Ya'Y€v ... Ktjttov 'Iii)trTJ] e5?)K€i/ at;T6[i'] (so all the Synoptists) €1/ TO) Kacva avrov fivrjpfla (Mk.). Taplov aipaTos. 3. t6t£ ol 'Iov8aioi k.t.X.] The momentary joy is changed into gene- ral mourning, in which for different reasons the Jewish leaders (c. vii.), the Disciples (ii.), and the whole people (c. viii.), take part. There is again a reference to prophecy : comp. Amos viii. 10 iifTatTTpi-^a> ras eopras ijimv fls TVivBos (cai iraaas ras 3 01 ifpels] OKpeis 4 ["' (odas vp,rov els Oprjvov . . .as iTivdos aya- irr)Tov. Eusebius (d. e. p. 486) inter- prets Amos I.e. in a wider sense : t^ sKelvov Kol els devpo p-eTcaTpeyj/ev avTav 6 Beos Tas eopTas els 7revdos...Tfjs jvepi- ^o7]Tov prjTpoTToXeoys aTTOCTTeptja-as avTovs K.T.X. Cyril however (catech. xiii. 25) follows Peter : ev d^vpois yap ^v to Trpa)(6ev Kal Trj tov ndtrxa eopTrj, and proceeds to describe the grief of the Apostles and the women. 'The Jews' are the Elders and Priests: cf. C. viii. ol ypafipaTels Kal ^apiaaiot Kal Ttpea-^vTepoi : infra, ol rrpeo-p., irpea-^. Kal ypap-ixaTeis : comp. Matt, xxvii. 41 01 dpx^epels . . p-erd Tmvypappa- Tetov Kai irpea-^vrepav, 62 01 ap\ifpe'is KoX OL ^apia^aloi, xxviii. 1 1 toIs dpxie- pevoiv..,peTd TOtv irpea^vTepatv. 4. TJp^avTO KoiTTCo-Bai. Kal X^Yeiv Oval k.t.X.] The words attributed to the leaders are substantially those which are put into the mouth of the op^Xoi in some early versions of Luke xxiii. 48 : the Curetonian Syriac inserts there jO .^^ oo? rtlJ-Sa A jO ^cnJl'u »3a A (comp. the Doctrine of Addai, Cureton, Aneietit Syriac Dociinieitts, pp. 9, 10), and in a fuller form, closely akin to that which seems to have been known to Peter, they occur in the O.L. cod. Sangerman- ensis {g^) "uae nobis quae facta sunt hodie propter peccata nostra, appro- pinquauit enim desolatio Hierusa- lem." That the words in some form stood in the text of Tatian is probable from Ephraim's comment EYArrEAION RATA HETPON 13 riyyicrev >j Kpicri's Kal to TeAos ^ lepov(ra\r]fx. eyw oe juera twv eraipMv juov eXuTrov/uLrii/, kui TCTpw/uievoi Kara SiavoLuu eKpv(3oiixe6a- e^rjrouiueda yap vtt' avTcov ws KUKodpyoi Kal ws rov vaov deXovre^ ijunrpfiaraL' iin oe 5 TouTOi^ irao'iv evtia-revoinev, Kai eKade^o/Jieda TrevdovuTd Kai K\aiovT€^ vvkto^ Kal tifxepa^ ews tov cra^fiaTOV. 2 — 3 i^ara bia\voiav 4 ([inrprja-ai] 5 fKa[flffo^6]5a et/. cone. p. 248 " quia uox prima ludi- brium erat in ore eorum...uox altera ^/iz^factaest inoreeorumetcomplosio manuum in pectore eorum " ; further on E. refers to the prophets who ' foretold the destruction of their city' (cf. infra, p. 252). The genesis of the interpolation is hardly doubtful. Ovai. is the natural accompaniment of KOTTETof, comp. 3 Kings xiii. 30 eK6\lravTo avTOV Oval ddeXcjii, and would soon assert its right to follow TVTTTovTes Tu (TTtiSrj. Or it may have alluded to a prophetic iocus classicusj Cyril, catech. xiii. 12 refers to Isa. iii. 9 ovai Tji "^v^rj avTav on ^e^ovXevvrat ^ovXriv irovTjpav Ka& eavTuiv (of. p. 1 2, 1.4). The next step would be to add the words Tjyyio-ev tj Kpia-is or t] fpr^fxaxTis or TO Te'Xos 'lepouo-aXif/i, or some com- bination of them founded on Dan. ix. 2, 26 or on Luke xxi. 20 (comp. Apoc. xviii. 10, 19 ovai ovai 7) TroXts rj p.eya\i] ...^X^ci/tJ Kpia-is p.cvoSTriv^v\riv. E- KpvfiopcOa mayhave been suggested by John viii. 59, xii. 36 (cf. xix. 38), or by the incident of John xx. 19 ; it is copied by Cyril, catech. xiii. 25 dhvv- Qjyro fie aTroKpv^evres ol airoo'To'koL. 3. (t,'r\Toi\>.i9a 7dp k.t.X.] Comp. Matt. xxii. 7 diraXeaev roiis (fioveis cKfivovi Ka\ TTjv ttoKlv avrav eveirprjaev. Ephraim t.e. "sanctuarium combus- tum et templum dirutum est." That the Apostles had designs upon the Temple mightwell have been inferred from the language attributed to the Master (Mark xiv. 58, xv. 29 ; cf. Acts vi. 13, 14). 4. Iirl Zi TO^TOis irdo-tv kvf]' a-Tiio\t.tv] ' To add to our troubles we were keeping fast.' Mark ii. 20 f'Xft;- a-ovrat fie ijfiipai orav dirapdfj an avrav 6 vvpLos Kal Tore vr^aTcvaovtriv ev cKeivrj rfi rjpipa (L., iv CKeivais rais rfpipaLs). Constit. v. 19 ijpciff Ivt)~ (7Tev8ia xxvii. 65, 66 ; but cf. xxviii. 13 Tois cTTpaTiwrais. "Iva (j)v- 'Kd^wp.ev (? 0uXd^ci)a't : MS., tpvXd^ta) K.T.\. Comp. Mt. KeXevaov ovv dcr^a- \ia6rivai tov rdvKd(T(rovT€s, Mv^pa is St Luke's word (xxiii. 53, xxiv. l). 4. KiiX£pa7iSas] Mt. simply a-(l)payia-avTfs. For fVe';^pt(rai< comp. John ix. 6, 11 eV£'x;pia'f>'(BC*"d cn(6rjKfv) avTov tov nrjKov cm tovs 6;' cl(TlV. iv. lO iTTTa OVTOl 6tXpov. 'Joscph's Garden' is according to Peter outside the city, yet within a Sabbath day's journey. 5. T'j) i\ vdktI ■J ertl^aa-Kiv ij KDpta- Kij] With the exception of the in- cident just related, the Sabbath hours of daylight are passed by without remark, as in the canonical Gospels. The thread of the story is taken up again on Saturday night. Comp. Matt, xxviii. I oi^ri Se (ra^^araiv rrj cTTKJXixrKoviTrj fls p'lav cra^^aTav. The other Gospels represent the Sabbath as past, as it was in fact when the women arrived (Mk. hmytvopivov roC aa^^arov, L. rfi Se p,ia tSiv tra^pi- Tav). For ;; KvpiaKi^ = i^ p.la rav a-a^fOruiv see Apoc. i. lo lycuopriv ev 7rvevp.aTt ev ttj KvptaKTJ rjpepa (where however the sense is disputed). Dtdach. 14 Kara KvpiaKrjv 8c Kvpiov (TvvaxBivTci Kkafrare aprov. Ign. Magii. 9 prjKcTi o-a/S/SaTifoi/TEs, dXKa Kara Kvptanffv (mvrcs. In Barnabas 15 the day is /; rjpipa ij dySoi;, in Justin apol. i. 67 r\ tov rfKlov \eyop.evT], but Barnabas is contrasting the eighth day with the seventh, and Justin's words are addressed to pagan readers. It is noticeable that as Peter uses the term, an anachronism is involved. The Didascalia avoids this error, V. 14 T^ vvkt\ Tjj €7rL(j)aKTK0va'rj Trj pta tSv a-a^Parav. Comp. on the other hand Ev. Nicod. i. (b) 12, where the Jews say to Joseph, T^ KvptaKij Trpcoi Oavara 7rapa8odijva 8 avToi] The heliotype is indistinct : av oi B., avroX R., H., L., Z. ; Redpath conjectures aXXoi 9 opaa-iv lo e^iXdovres \ avSpes W. H. as a primary reading in Luke X. I, where it stands in BK. It occurs also in Ada Philipp. 36 ^adl^ovtraL ava duo dvo. Kara 4)povpdv seems to = Kara ^vXaKrjv 'for each watch of the night'; for (jjpovpa in this sense comp. Herodian. iii. 11. 1. fiE^dXi] ^avf\ kyiv€TO Iv tu ovpayw] Apoc. xi. 15 iyevovTo (jxovai ixeyakai. xii. 10 ^Vouo-a cfxovrjv fieydXrjv ck tov ovpavov. The rest of the imagery is also apocalyptic : comp. Ezek. i. i rjvoL)(6T}(rav oi ovpavol, Apoc. xxi. lO, 1 1 eSet^fV pot Trjv Tro\tv rrjv ayiav. . Kara- ^aivovtrav 4k tov ovpavov ej^ovtrav ttjv do^atf TOV deov' 6 cpcoaTr/p avTrjs K.r.X. rioXii 4yyoi txovras may have form- ed the end of a hexameter in some Christian poem (cf. J. R. Harris, Cod. Bez. p. 49). For hvo avSpas comp. Luke xxiv. 4 i8qv aifdpes Bvo eTriaTijcrav avrals (the women). Mt. relates the descent, but limits it to one (ayycXos yap Kvpiov Kara^as i^ ovpavov. ..^v 8e t) eldea avTov as daTpam]). The two soldiers on guard find them- selves suddenly confronted by two S. P. dazzling members of the orpoTia ovpdvios. 3. o a XCBos iKetvos k.t.X.J 'The stone above mentioned' (cf. in/ra ol (TTpariwTai eKclvoi. xi. tov oravpoi- $€VTa €K€ivov. Pet. ApOC. TOV jBop^npov €K(ivov). In Mt. the Angel rolls away the stone, cf. Mk. (ciTro/ceKi;- Xtcrrat), L. (d7roK€Kv\ia-p€vov) ; P. re- presents it as moving of its own accord. Comp. Acts xii. 10 ttjv TTvXrjv TTJV a-idrjpav. . .tjtis avTopdn) rjvolyri avTo'is (although an Angel is present to whom the task might have been assigned). 'OTdosTivoiyr): ci.infr.c. xi. 29 evpov TOV 70001/ rivfioypfvov, Matt, xxvii. 52 Ta pvqpila dv€ta\6r^(Tav. Ot veavivXd(r- o-ovT6s] Sc. oi irpia-fivTepoi. Comp. c. X. TOV Ta^ov ov c(j)v\a(Taov, where, although ol TTepi tov Kevrvpitava are named, the context shews that ' the Jews ' are intended. 10. Tpeis avSpas k.t.X.] They had seen two men enter. Comp. Dan. iii. i8 EYArrEAlON KATA HETPON TOP eva vTTopdovvTa's, kul cTTavpov cxKoXovdovvTa au- Tois' Kai Twv fxev hvo rrjv KecpaX^v ^wpovcrau fJi^XP'- 1 aKoXoBovvra 24, 25. The Third is ' supported ' by the two, but the support appears to be regarded as nominal only, since He is also said to be 'conducted' {infra,x^ipaya>yoviiivov). The very rare word inopBovv was used by Symm. in the phrase rh vTropdovvrd fie = '"!!B'8 (Ps. xliii. 19, Ixxii. 2). With this vision of the three, comp. the addi- tion to Mark xvi. 3 in the O. L. cod. Bob. (k): "descenderunt de caelis angeli, et surgent[es] in claritate uiui dei simul ascenderunt cum eo." The Ascension of Isaiah de- scribes a similar vision : " descensus angeli ecclesiae Christianae quae in caelis est et angeli (Pangelus) Spiritus Sancti et Michaelis angeli Q. Michael angelus) angelorum sanctorum, et oTi tertio die aperuit sepulchrum eius, et dilectus ille sedens super humeros seraphin exibit." I. Kal o-TavpJv ciKoXouBoivTa o.v- Tots] In Ev. Nicod. ii. 10 the penitent \rjaTr\i appears in Paradise /Saorafoji' eVi Tav aficov avrov Kal (Travpov. The Lord's Cross 'follows' Him, endued with a quasi-personality. See Didron, Iconographie chrdtienne, p. 375 ff. "la croix est plus qu'une figure du Christ; elle est, en iconographie, le Christ lui-mSme ou son symbol " ; and comp. his remarks on 'the Cross of the Resurrection,' ib. p. 393 ff. Comp. Zahn, Acta Joannis, p. 223 {fragm. 2) 6 (TTavpos o Tov