CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY STEWART H. BURNHAM FUND Cornell University Library The original of tiiis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924030908283 E664.B91 B28 lliiil fllf ""- .. 3 1924 030 908 283 olin lane) un> ■--' ! 1 '•J.J <>-^ C. (The Boy Orator of the Platte) UNVEILED ■BY- H. E. BARTHOLOMEW (Tha Boy Orator of the Monocacy) The Bartholomew PubHshing Co. Chicago, 111. 1908 ^^ COPYRIGHT, 1908 BY H. E. BAETHOLOMEW. 1J %. Z^ '"V-- X \ PETERSON LINOTYPE CO. CHICAGO DEDICATED TO THE AMERICAN PEOPLE "To hold as 'twere the mirror up to nature." In 1896 the Hon. William Jennings Bryan, a compara- tively obscure congressman from "The Black Water" State, was selected as the standard bearer of the Democratic party. He had rendered no service to his country prior to this event that entitled him to the distinguished honor thus conferred. In a day he became the leader of a great political party by accident, not by hard earned battles fought nor victories won. He simply made an effective speech at the opportune or psychological moment, in which he boldly defied plutocracy and cajoled the mob, and as a result an hysterical convention offered him a kingly crown and threw the man- tle of greatness upon him ! "Some men are born great, some achieve greatness and upon a third greatness is thrust." It may be said, with some degree of propriety, that the Boy Orator of the Platte earned or achieved his greatness at the time by his taUc. No one denies Mr, Bryan's ability to talk. This is universally conceded. He can talk upon any and all sub- jects with equal facility at all hours of the day or night, and his capacity for speech is apparently inexhaustible ! He is unusually gifted in this direction; and his abilit}- BRYAN UNVEILED t) talk is certainly his main, if not his exclusive asset. True i-Mcatness, however, consists in the ability TO DO things. So far :Mr. Bryan has had no opportunity. He is again bjfore us, with an earnest plea for our support, and if the American people give him a chance, he promises to l^.^pIay his remarkable genius for performance. The people are not called upon in this campaign to sup- po -t any particular issue. The paramount and overshadow- r.-j issue therefore in this campaign is Mr. Bryan and his personality. Bryan, the man who promises to do things ?.L'ainst Roosevelt, the man who has done things, and the fj^rty illustrious in the annals of American history for what it has done. The platform adopted at Denver was a Bryan platform. The candidate selected was a Bryan candidate. The con- vention itself was a Bryan convention. It will be a Bryan campaign. Twice defeated on issues which have been repudiated, both by the country and himself, a third time crushed by the adversaries in his own party, who were determined at the time at least to eliminate Bryan and Bryanism from Democratic politics, he again appears in the political arena and with an audacity unparalleled, if not unpardonable, invokes the suffrages of his countrymen to put him in the White House at the head of the nation as a successor to the able, fearless and strenuous Roosevelt. It is not amiss, therefore, that we should study this remarkable personage, and before we give our consent (for he himself informs us that all government derives its just power from the consent of the governed) endeavor to analyze his kaleidoscopic attitude, in order that we may BRYAN UX\'EILED 7 penetrate his motives and understand his political char- acter. His private life is unassailable. His home life is ideal. I believe that much of his success he owes to his better half. He is_ a rhember of the Presbyterian Church in good standing. He is respected and honored in the community in which he lives. He is an abstemious man and no vices, common among the stronger sex, are recorded against him. But it is not my purpose to discuss 'Sir. Bryan from tlie viewpoint of a private citizen. He is before us in the ca- pacity of a public tnan and it therefore behooves us to consider him either as a reformer, a politician or states- man, in which role he has acted throughout his interest- ing and dramatic career. In this field of inquiry we are at once confronted by an enigma. In his political personality he is certainly siii generis, and possesses many of the elements of genius. He is a born leader of men. Neither his adversaries nor his followers comprehend his movements. He is appar- ently consistent in high purpose, and poses as a political saint, while on the other hand he shifts his base of opera- tions whenever it suits his political purposes. His followers are a conglomeration of heterogeneous elements, not a well organized army, with a common pur- pose, and he plays upon them with the ingenuity of a mas- ter, apparently familiar with every discordant note that may rtiar the harmony of his personal program. In 1896 he was the uncompromising champion of the free silver heresy. In 1900, he raised the cry of Imperial- ism against the dominant party. In 1904 he reluctantly supported his party, by damning its standard bearer with faint praise and inwardly knew he was in error, and today, 8 BRYAN UNVEILED without achievement or a single victorj' other than a per- sonal affair registered among his deecis, he dazzles his countrymen by the brilliancy of his meteoric splendor, as confident of victory as though he had never known de- feat. Well may we ask; what manner of man is this ? Is he real or sincere? Does he represent - anything material or substantial i* Will he accomplish anything for the people if elected? Does his perennial candidacy have any his- torical significance, or is it merely a case of the blind lead- ing the blind? Or, is he merely in the game because he loves politics, as it is played,, in democratic America, and for the joy he finds in the gratification of an ambition that seems to be limitless? For this purpose, let us calmly review his political ca- reer, and when the facts are presented in consecutive order, we are in a better position to form a just estimate of the real political character of the illustrious Commoner, who seems dangerous to some, a joke to others, and a savior to a small percentage of our people. As stated before, greatness was thrust upon him in the ■ Chicago convention of 1896. In that year the paramount issue between the two great political parties was deter- mined by their respective attitudes upon the money ques- tion. The attitude of the Democratic party was repudiated at the polls in November of that year, which resulted in the election of Mr. McKinley. Volumes were written on the money question. Cranks galore exploded their unsound doctrines to the uneducated and unsophisticated public. Mr. Bryan, not yet the great commoner, but merely the BRYAN UNVEILED 9 juvenile orator, traveled from sea to sea, and from the rear platform of a Pullman harangued the eager and curious multitudes, aroused the spirit of class hatred, fulminated against the sins of plutocracy, threatened to drive the so- called • money pov/er from the halls of legislation, and promised the poor, deluded people that he would restore the government to them and guaranteed prosperity and plenty for all through the introduction of a cheap, unstable and uncertain, but depreciated, dollar. In that campaign Mr. Bryan performed one of the great feats in human history: He traveled more miles and made more speeches than had ever been made before or since by a presidential can- didate. He outdid any modern prizefighter in the matter of physical endurance. Even his adversaries became fright- ened by the marvelous exhibitions of this modern Hercules. He also proved himself equal to the intellectual task before him, and as a stumper and debater he met the ex- pectations of those who nominated him in that memorable campaign. In the light of subsequent events his utterances, how- ever, proved to be mere wind of the cyclone variety, and though it menaced an almost universal cataclysm at the time, its energy or force was dissipated immediately after the election by the graceful, dignified, thoughtful statesman and gentleman from Canton, the martyr to humanity, American institutions and progress, who guided our ship of state mid hurricane and whirlwind to a securer destiny. In this connection we recall the manifest and conspicuous difference between Mr. McKinley and Mr, Bryan in their methods of campaign in that year. lo BRYAN UNVEILED r-JcKinlcy, on tte front porch of his modest and un- •M-ctcntioii- home in Canton, delivered words of wisdom a;-, i . • ii':«tism to his countrymen in a quiet, serene and eflt;-; . manner, rebuking at times the dashing, dauntless dari'i,^- Bryan for arraying one class of citizens against a' other in this republic, at others assuring the people that cvn institutions were laid on a secure basis; that no vandal '.aids nor hot air artist could shake its foundations, en- couraging the people at all times to be patient till the :orm would subside, always confident that the clouds Add disappear, that the mists would roll away and that r institutions, political, judicial and commercial, were in '.: ) danger from either foreign or domestic foe, but would remain intact, though vigorously assailed and malignantly bombarded by error and its most eloquent champion. I\Ir. Bryan, on the other hand, invaded the enemy's coun- try, with i6 to I in the hollow of his hand and head, and out of the fullness of his mouth, he invoked the statue of Liberty, resurrected the bones of Jefferson, and with nu- merous quotations, accurate and insiccurate frofn the Decla- ration of Independence and the Bible, fought imaginary battles of 1776 over again, appealed in the most cunning and adroit manner to the anarchistic element in human nature, threatened to undermine Wall street with an imaginary bomb, aroused the prejudices of the people against predatory corporations, and impersonated Lincoln the Liberator in the great economic revolution he was about to introduce. In all of his public utterances he vigorously denounced plutocracy and promised to end its reign. This was the dominant note in all of his numerous harangues. He pretended to be the people's friend. BRYAN UNVEILED ii Apart from the real issues of the campaign each and every address was an appeal to the common people for tlicir support, under the pretext that lie done was their legitimate representative and that he alone would do some- thing for them. In most cunning phraseology did he conceal his personal ambition. His ego he always submerged in the great cause of which he was the most eloquent exponent, arid thus many good, honest people were led to believe that the earnest, enthusiastic young man meant what he said and said what he meant. As a consequence he secured a hold on the conscience of his followers, which constitutes his political asset today, the basis of his present popularity and the power he was thus able to wield in nominating himself for the presi- dency the third time. The people in all parties are themselves honest in politics, and if they beheve that their leader is likewise it is diffi- cult to dispel the delusion. Bryan evidently has succeeded in retaining the confidence of at least a large percentage of his followers. But even an honest man may err, and error has frequently more eloquent exponents than truth. This was cons^picuously true in the campaign of 1896, and in the future it will frequently be referred to as an illustration. In that campaign Mr. Bryan's oratory was almost equal in influence to the combined press -of the country. The 16 to I proposition today is merely a reminiscence, a political joke to those who are old enough to remember that strenuous campaign; since then confirmed by actual events as an economic fallacy; and yet, it was this heresy 12 BRYAN UNVEILED upon which Mr. Brj^an sprang into world-wide notoriety, and which gave the Commoner an opportunity for dis- playing and developing his wonderful gifts as an orator, and his genius for political leadership. I repeat that upon the error of i6 to i Mr. Bryan reared his political fabric, and has been accorded at least that temporary renown which he today enjoys. His career since then has been so picturesque, so unusual, so strangely fascinating and harmless that today his great- est political strength is to be found, not in his heresy, nor in his purity, but rather in that morbid element, almost universal, in human nature of curiosity. He bobs up serenely after every defeat, like a cork in mid-ocean, with a complacent smile, until the average American looks at him, same as an audience looks at a clown in a circus, and wonders what he will do next. He makes us feel like the farmer who had a hired man who was always doing some strange and unexpected thing, so one day the farmer went to the barn and there, much to his surprise, he found the hired man dangling from a rope around his neck. It was all over. The hired man had hvmg himself. The fanner, unable to realize that this strange mortal had come to his untimely end by his own hand, stood back, and for a moment was shocked beyond expression. Then he looked again and gazing at the corpse there suspended he finally said to himself: "Well! That is the funniest man I ever knew — he is always doing some- thing out of the ordinary. I wonder what the devil he will do next?" It may be that the American people are anxious to know what Bryan will do next, but it is hardly credible, that the sober and intelligent public are wilHng to experiment with - BRYAN UNVEILED 13 a political juggler at the head of the greatest nation in the known world. It may seem hasty to the reader for me to designate so illustrious a personage as Mr. Bryan a political juggler, and I feel that a brief sketch of his political career ought to be given to justify the innuendo. The American people are generally familiar with the repord of this remarkable man who "strides our earth like a colossus." The press has been unusually kind to him in the publica- tion even of his petty doings, and Mr. Bryan has aided the press considerably in keeping himself before the public. It is conceded, I believe, that Mr. Bryan is the most suc- cessful press agent that this or any other age has produced. After the campaign of 1896 it was generally believed that the silver question was dead. Mr. Bryan, however, registered a loud protest, and Im- mediately on the heels of that memorable campaign, Mr. Bryan, then a poor young man, returned to his home in Lincoln and published a book which he entitled "The First Battle." The title of the book itself suggests the determination on the part of Mr. Bryan to continue the fight in behalf^ of a dead cause and in spite of defeat. ^- A more appropriate title for the book would have been "My First Battle." But Mr. Bryan is a modest man and so he preferred to dignify the cause. ^ This book was a voluminous affair iri bulk, about the size of the Bible or Shakespeare, but its contents covered a very brief history in human annals. 14 BRYAN UNVEILED It began with Bryan's nomination in July of 1896, and ended \vith his defeat in November of same year. While it pretended to be the record of a great battle in liiiman history, it was in reality a Bryan book and retailed for $3.75 in cloth binding and was sold by subscription. i\Iany copies were sold and Mr. Bryan reaped a hand- some profit. The book could be obtained shortly afterwards in any second-hand book store for 25 cents. At least, this was my experience in Denver in 1901, capital city of Cobrado, which went crazy over Bryan in 1896, because his platform promised to protect one of the >naiii interests of their state, it being the largest silver pro- ducing state in the Union. In passing, permit me to say that Colorado has recovered from its political dementia, and that since 1896 it has had only one violent paroxysm, which occurred during the un- fortunate administration of Ex. Gov. Peabody. In the campaign of 1904 Colorado registered a majority of 35,000 votes for Theodore Roosevelt over Alton B. Parker, positive and indubitable evidence that the state of Colorado is at least temporarily enjoying a lucid interval. Pardon this digression and let me return to Mr. Bryan's political exploits. This book, entitled "The First Battle," was a great suc- cess financially,- though evidently less copies were sold than was anticipated by Mr. Bryan and his publishers, other- wise there would have been no surplus product disposed of later at practically for nothing! The book will not occupy a permanent place in political literature, for it contains nothing of substantial value, ex- BRYAN UNVEILED 15 cept as a souvenir for the Bryan family, and a relic of political madness for the future archaeologist. Mrs. Bryan wrote the introduction in choice and delicate' English, and it is the best part of the book. The remainder consists merely of selected newspaper clippings concerning the spectacular performances of the Boy Orator during the campaign. In this literary venture, as well as in the establishment of the Commoner, JNIr. Bryan displayed some commercial, shrewdness, though the suggestion might have occurred even to mediocrity in similar situation. Mr. Bryan merely commercialized or capitalized the op- portunity and to the handsome profits of its sale Mr. Bryan was justly entitled. If the stock of this plant was not watered by Mr. Bryan's monopoly of the field he entered, it was abundantly irri- gated by the hosts who stupidly and blindly followed his leadership. While Mr. Bryan has returned nothing but hot air to his large constituency for the substantial receipts given him, his attacks on institutions which render substantial returns for their cash receipts is indeed anomalous. "The First Battle" being a great success, Mr. Bryan perceived a still greater field for converting his remark- able talents into the coin of the realm on a strictly gold . basis, though there is no evidence before us that Mr. Bryan ever refused even silver dollars. The platform was opened to him and alluring offers came to him immediately after the campaign of 1896. In this field he was splendidly equipped by nature, and the opportunity knocked at his door. His devoted followers were numerous in all sections of i6 BRYAN UNVEILED the country, and so in the year 1897 Mr. Bryan mounted the rostrum as a paid lecturer, and proved to be one of tlic greatest, if not the greatest, success of the season. The dollars which thus began to flow into the Bryan exchecquer, though easy and not hard-earned, were un- tainted, and Mr. Bryan and family had abundant reason to be grateful for the change of fortune, which may account for the subsequent change of his political views. • Bryan had sprung up like a mushroom, and now it was up to him to make good in the estimation of his devoted . and deluded constituency. He had carved a niche in the temple of fame, and all his latent powers were evoked to preserve the place he had won so easily and so early in his career. No one would blame Mr. Bryan for making the good and legitimate use of the opportunities presented to en- hance his personal fortunes. It must be conceded that thus far the Cincinnatus on the plains of Nebraska has been equal to every political and financial emergency, and the remarkable cleverness of the man challenges our admiration. But this was only the beginning of Mr. Bryan's career, and had it ended then we would have admired his genius and his nerve, and there would have been little doubt as to his sincerity. He played his part well. He was aggressive, earnest and bold. The Chicago platform was held up as the expurgated edition of modern democracy, and he convinced the un- terrified and unwashed hosts that every syllable was true as Holy Writ. BRYAN UNVEILED 17 For the time being it was the Democratic Bible, and its expounders were as zealous as the apostles of old. Its main features were the demand for unlimited free coinage of silver upon the ratio of 16 to i, a declaration in favor of the income tax, in spite of the adverse decision by the Supreme Court, and denunciation of government by injunction. The farmer was told that he had been robbed of his wheat by the pernicious influence ofi currency contraction. The bankers were denounced as legal robbers and public outlaws. The courts were brutally and wantonly assailed as cor- rupt allies of a most dangerous and unscrupulous plutoc- racy. The wage earners were told that all the powers of gov- ernment were einployed to keep them in economic sub- jection. / The peroration of Mr. Bryan's famous speech, though irreverent in the extreme, was only typical of the spirit of fanaticism and mortal zeal, not divine unction with which Mr. Bryan waged his first campaign, ostensibly in behalf of the wealth producers, the COilMON PEOPLE whom HE pretended to love with a reverent attachment, only equaled by the Savior of mankind, who gave his life in order that those who believe on him might have life more abundantly. In short, Mr. Bryan posed as a savior, not of the world, 'tis true, but of his country. ' ~ ' Whether he has experienced a change of heart since and arrived at a consciousness that the only real savior of mankind was crucified amid the skulls over 1,900 years ago, I do not know. It may be, however, that the -birth of this consciousness tS BRYAN UNVEILED nccounts for some of his acrobatic political performances later. Nothing of an eventful nature transpired in Mr. Bryan's life until war was finally declared by a reluctant admin- istration against Spain. He had been a defeated candidate for the presidency. I had published "The First Battle." He had emerged fro... poverty to comparative affluence. He was a pronounced success in a v.'orldly sense, i. e., to "mortal mind." He was as good an attraction as the average circus, and having no company to carry (he being the entire show himself) the gate receipts were unusually gratifying.' By this time Mr. Bryan discovered that it paid him to f^ose as a political and economic reformer. He has in consequence never been shaken from this high pedestal. He still stands there, perched on the high moral plane, no longer as an economic, but only as a political reformer. There he is, perched like Foe's raven, immovable and inflexible, the incorruptible and immaculate Bryan who knows no political evil, who invokes no opposition to his irresistible will, not even condoning the errors of the sub- servient followers who madd him great. The latest manifestation of his pure and untarnished soul is given to his country in the fact that his party man- agers under his personal control have resolved in hi? palatial mansion at Lincoln, that they will receive no con- tributions from corporations, and further, that individuals who would have the effrontery to donate more than $io,- ooo to the campaign fund to further the political fortunes of ]Mr. Bryan would be spurned with contempt. BRYAN UNVEILED 19 Now, Bryan is either foolish or insincere on this propo- sition. It requires no extra astuteness to perceive that such a resohition does not prevent corporations from contributing large sums to his campaign fund, not as corporations, per- haps, but as individuals. If any collusion existed between HIS managers and the trusts, is it not clear, even to a dunce, that occult arrange- ments could easily be made bcl>vecn the two, whereby the trusts would bestow their tainted gifts, through private in- dividuals that might be used for this purpose ? Had Mr. Bryan ever been engaged in the practice of criminal law he would certainly not have suggested such an absurd proposition. Nor can Mr. Bryan by his hypocritical action escape the suspicion at least that he and his campaign managers are, by this stroke, endeavoring to perpetrate malpractice upon the minds of the innocent and the unsophisticated. How aptly apply the words of Mr. Lincoln in this con- nection: "You can fool some of the people all the time, you can fool all of the people some of the time, but you cannot fool all the people all of the time." Take this home, Mr. Bryan, and ponder over its real meaning. It will help you to understand yourself. But while Mr. Bryan poses as a political idealist, as the perfect man in politics, and as the only true and faithful representative of the people in their battle with plutocracy, he has shifted his attitude so frequently on important eco-, nomic questions that even a numbskull with only a gleam of intelligence might suspect his sincerity. Let us observe next the part he played during the Span- ish-American war: 20 BRYAN UNVEILED When Congress finally declared war with Spain after the explosion of the Maine in Havana harbor, Mr. Bryan's political star was eclipsed by more luminous events. Temporarily at least the public gaze was diverted from Bryan to the luminaries of war. Cuba Hbre was a more fascinating topic than i6 to i. Other heroes sprang into prominence, Dewey at Manila, Sampson and Schley at Santiago, Hobson in the Merrimac, and the rough riders of Theodore Roosevelt occupied the public min4. Sixteen to one was buried, though Bryan, distinguished for being ahead of his time, was on this occasion lo years late at the funeral. The Nebraska statesman and his policies were discredited and his star of destiny was eclipsed by the more brilliant record of military achievements. However, Mr. Bryan did make an effort to be recognized even in this hour of the nation's peril. As a result of his patriotic efforts he arose to the dignified rank of a colonel of the Nebraska volunteers, though history fails to record any sublime achievement or heroic deed performed by him. Yea, he cannot even boast of a single scar on his hand- some and attractive form and figure, say nothing about a broken limb or a constitution marred by bullet wounds. But he was in the war, as a volunteer, and thereby ex- pressed his willingness to serve his country at all times, so that the charge can not be preferred that he is only a patriot with his jaw. This undoubtedly was the motive which prompted his heroic soul to enlist. His friends, I believe, claim that the Cobnel would have BRYAN UNVEILED 21 distinguished himself had not an adverse administration de- nied him the opportunity. As a consequence his military career does not throw a halo around his brow. Not having had an opportunity to display his military geflius we can only conjecture his remarkable talents in this direction. But why, I ask in all soberness, should Mr. Bryan enlist in the war at all? There was certainly no danger of our magnificent re- public being destroyed by a third-rate European power. The Spaniards were licked before the fight began. There were enough unemployed young men in the country to do a most successful job, and why under the circumstances Mr. Bryan should run the risk of losing his precious life when the country needed HIM so badly as its savior from greed, corruption and tyranny, must ever remain a secret to the great Commoner. It does appear to the astute psychological student that on this occasion Mr. Bryan was merely playing a part, not in real earnest, but for political purposes. ^^ He knew he was in no danger of even smelling gun powder, otherwise his course might have been reversed. He further knew he might be accused of being a patriot only in words, and thus he made his military debut, prompted by political motives because he deemed it wise, and not by patriotism or a deep sense of loyalty to the principle involved, or his country which he always pretends to serve. But whatever the motive which actuated our friend in this matter, whether to save his country or to save himself from possible criticism, his experience in the field certainly had the effect of emancipating his own mind from the J .' . BRYAN UNVEILED heresy that ohsccsscd it, and broadened his mental calibre. It was there in camp either in jovial intercourse with his comrades or mid the roar of cannon and din of musketry from afar off, or iiH' silent meditation beneath the canopy of southern skies, J&at Mr. Bryan's vision was illumined by the discovery that there were issues other than i6 to i that confronted the American people. Up to this time k; knew nothing else. He had trained with the populists in Nebraska and was hypnotized or hypnotized himself into the belief that i6 to I was about all there was to hmman government, that the paramount question of this modern age was the money question, and that the only solution of this great problem lay in opening the mints of the Uhited States to the free and unlimited coinage of silver tp^n the fixed ratio of i6 to i without the aid or consent of any other nation in the world. If he did not think so then, his numerous addresses teem with numerous falsehoods deliberately uttered. If he did think so then, he was the victim of a delusion. If deluded then, what evidence have we that he is not deluded now? If not deluded then, how can he excuse himself for his herculean efforts to delude others? What apology can he now make for the effort he then made to deceive the people, and by his effort cause our magnificent ship of state to flounder upon the treacherous quicksands of empirical devices? If there was any merit in the i6 to I proposition, if the price of the farmers' product had been reduced, as was alleged, by the so-called crime of 1873, then the reform suggested was witlbout doubt the greatest reform of this modern age. BRYAN UNVEILED 23 But the events of 1897, when, on one occasion the pi' • of wheat went up to $1.80 a bushel, nulHfied all the arc, ments of Mr. Bryan and Coin's Financial School, and' .! was at once clear that the remedy proposed by Mr. Brj, and his party was fallacious and that he and the people v.ho enthusiastically supported him were victimized by an eco- nomic error. ^lany of Mr. Bryan's followers recovered from their hypnosis at once, but the great Commoner stood firm. But why shouldn't he? It was his political stock in trade, and he, above all oth- ers, could not afford to surrender. His political fortunes were at stake. He was known as tlie eloquent apostle of 16 to i. His speech on this question had secured for him the nomina- tion. Upon this question he became the standard bearer of a great political party. Whatever his private convictions, he dare not flinch or he would lose his prestige. So the fact that he kept the faith as long as he did is no evidence of his ability to think correctly, nor of his sin- cerity as a man. He merely acted the wise and only part politically that he could without making a sacrifice. At the St. Louis convention of 1904 Mr. Bryan very eloquently referred to his loyalty to 16 to i in a critical period of his career by quoting St. Paul. Now, honor bright, Mr. Bryan, what would you think of St. Paul had he abandoned his Master after 8 years of devoted service? Had he done so, the sainted disciple would be denounced 24 BRYAN UNVEILED as an apostate, and the history of the Christian church would have been differently written. ' I repeat, if i6 to i was a sound and feasible proposition in 1896 it is a sound and feasible proposition today. ~~- - The germinal point in that contention was the question of parity. By the Republican party it was alleged that the bullion parity of the two metals, coined upon the ratio of i5 to i, could only be maintained by international agreement. Bryan, Harvey, Altgeld and Tillman, constituting the representative democracy of the period, claimed that the bullion parity could be maintained by independent action on the part of the United States of America. Without intending to open up any discussion on this obsolete question, I wish to remind the reader that if the bullion parity could not be maintained with absolute cer- tainty that the experiment would have been, to say the least, exceedingly hazardous, and it seems to me now, as I reflect on that memorable campaign that the proposition could not be supported by any class of citizens other than the selfish who expected to gain an economic advantage, and political adventurers who had nothing to lose. For it must be clear to any one conversant with the great discussion on this question, that whenever or wherever two metals constitute the primary money of a single nation, that the dearer metal, under the operation, of the immutable Gresham law, will always disappear from circulation. If, on the other hand, the bullion parity is established by the law of supply and demand, then the two metals would remain in circulation and our currency would rest safely and securely on a double standard. The American people wisely rejected the experiment, BRYAN UNVEILED 25 for had Bryan won in that campaign, unless the bullion parity could have been maintained by independent action on the part of the United States, which was, to say the least, problematical, but, I say, unless the bullion parity could have' been maintained, gold would have disappeared from circulation, and instead of being on a double standard we would have been on a single silver standard, which would have meant a depreciated currency, cheaper or dis- honest money. Upon this very point Grover Cleveland stood firm, and humanity in general, but the American people in particular are indebted to him for the heroic part he played in the ' campaign of 1896 in not yielding an inch to the clamors of his party, but standing like Ajax defying the lighting, for a sound and honest dollar when the nation was menaced by the enemies of law and order, the cohorts of error and iniquity, at the head of which was Mr. William Jennings Bryan. On the other hand, if the bullion parity between the two metals could have been maintained in 1896 by independent action on the part of the United States, then in the name of common sense I ask Mr. Bryan why could it not more easily be maintained today? Twelve years have elapsed since 1896. Since then the United States has prospered beyond the dreams of avarice, in which our erring brother, Bryan, has shared, perhaps more than he deserved. Our prestige has been more firmly established among the nations of the world. Our administrations under McKinley and Roosevelt are like a city set on a hill and challenge the attention and ad- miration of all intelligent men at home or abroad. y 20 BRYAN UNVEILED Our primary money has been doubled by the large and '.ricxpected increase of gold production. Our silver mines, on the other hand, have been largely deserted. In view of these facts, known to every school boy, I therefore ask the sage of Fairview, why are we not able to go it alone under present conditions? Can we not better afford the experiment now, than we could afford the experiment then? If the parity could be maintained 12 years ago when we as a nation were merely ia our adolescent period, could it not be more easily main- tained today since we have grown big and strong? In your own language, Mr. Bryan, if it was a good thing then, would it not be a good thiiig nowf If it is a good thing now why don't you say so? Can you justify the deliberate omission of the most im- porlant plank in your platform, or have you been con- verted to the gold standard? If you have, why don't you say so? If not, why don't you say so? Pardon me, Mr. Bryan, for imitating your style of argu- ment, but I thought it might strike- home and bring you to a realizing sense of your former error, also point out the fact incidentally that you had not deeply considered your former position, or that you are not sincere now. Four years ago the Democratic party did not select an available candidate. Packer was a most pronounced success as a failure, which can be largely attribiited to his famous telegram and to the additional fact that the reorganizers or 'anti-Bryan men captured the party m that year, and repudiated both Bryan and Bryanism. This unfortunate event for the Democratic party raised BRYAN UNVEILED 27 the Bryan stock, and thus the Commoner began to loom up on the poHtical horizon as the coming man once more. In 1896 he snatched the nomination by a wonderful feat of oratory. This year the fates selected him, though we recognize the fact that he manipulated considerably between elec- tions to secure delegates favorable to liiiii. If the people rejected Parker because he declared in most emphatic language against the one particular heresy of iMr. Bryan, it is interesting to know in this election what the people will do since Bryan has repudiated the heresy him- self. Can he expect the sober, thoughtful and intelligent people to follow his leadership simply on the ground of his won- derful personality? In 1896 the people followed his leadership on the issue. In 1900 the same people followed him on the same issue, in spite of the fact that Mr. Bryan compromised with the politicians (not reformers) of his party in declaring in the Kansas City platform that the McKinley policy in the orient should be rebuked and that anti-imperialism should be de- clared as the dominant issue in that campaign. The Chicago platform of 1896 was reaffirmed by the Kansas City convention of 1900, but the tenets of that re- markable document, which was held up as sacred and rep- resented to the credulous members of the party as con- stituting the cardinal doctrine of the regenerated democracy, were subordinated to a temporary issue, which Mr. Bryan manufactured, it now seems, to suit his political purposes. The rank and file generally followed him, however, be- cause of their faith in the integrity of their new leader, and 28 BRYAN UNVEILED because they believed that he would always and under all circumstances be true to the faith. It must be admitted in this comiection that Mr. Bryan in 1900 remained true to Mr. Bryan in 1896, and. for this loyalty he must be commended. But the distinguished Commoner erred palpably when he subordinated a greater issue for a lesser. In so doing Mr. Bryan surrendered what seemed to him a great, enduring cause in 1896 for what at most could be but a temporary issue in 1900. The condescension of the illustrious citizen at the time, however, seemed pardonable, because the loyalty to the Chicago platform was express and admirable, and the wily hand of the politician was not discernible in the amended political document of 1900 except to the astute. The paramount issue, however, raised by Mr. Bryan in that campaign proved a frost, and in the light of sub- sequent events the patriotic utterances of this distinguished man sound like a ram's horn. As stated before, the war with Spain, in which Mr. Bryan played so conspicuous a part, developed in the young and fertile brain of "the peerless one" a powerful imagina- tion and a marvelous sense of self-importance in the world's history. In spite of the fact that his genius was discountenanced by an adverse and hostile administration, this remarkable man was strangely and strongly impressed that the Al- mighty had selected HIM in the council of heaven to save this republic, so it is interesting to note the part he played in connection with our late military episode. After substantial victories were won and Spain humil- iated, she sued for peace, in consequence of which Presi- BRYAN UNVEILED 29 dent McKinley appointed commissioners to confer with commissioners appointed hy Spain to settle our differences. The commissioners accordingly met in Paris and a treaty was finally proposed and submitted by President McKinley to the United States senate for ratification. At this time the great and illustrious Commoner was in the army doing military chores at an unimportant post. His military achievements, however, were too small for so great a soul, and being filled with a limitless ambition to do great things and render magnanimous service to his country, after a brief interview with the Almighty, Mr. Bryan saw a light, or in ^common vernacular got a hunch. He saw that he could serve his country and his party better in the capacity of advisor than in the capacity of soldier, and by this time military life was not congenial to him. It is so much easier and nicer, you know, to act the part than to be engaged in real battle, doing yeoman service. Mr. Bryan thereupon plans to desert the field, doffs the uniform of a colonel and hastens in citizen's garb to Wash- ington to interview Democratic senators on the greatest question before the country at the time. By this time, though a defeated candidate for the presi- dency on the ticket of one of the two historic parties, he has grown to be a mentor in the councils of his party, and custodian of its future. Pretty big job for a young man ! By the terms of the treaty we purchased the islands from Spain, evidence of Uncle Sam's magnanimity towards a fallen foe and generosity towards a depleted monarchy. There was much debate over the treaty, and had the senate refused to ratify, the war would have been prolonged, at least so Mr. Bryan said. 30 BRYAN UNVEILED ilr. Bryan, who is a pronounced peace advocate, there- fore urged the Democratic senators to vote in favor of ratification. This was a brilliant coup d'etat on the part of this master of the political game, though it now seems more like the play of a political trickster seeking to take advantage of his opponent than like an honest stroke in a square game. No sooner was the treaty ratified and the war at an end ',vhen j\Ir. Bryan seeks to make political capital of the treaty which he himself helped to ratify. He therefore denounces the administration for a corrupt deal on the one hand, and for pursuing an un-American policy in the orient on the other, and warns his country- men against the danger of imperialism abroad and militar- ism at home. Having through his efforts procured peace with Spain he now raises war on McKinley, and maps out a plan of campaign for conquest of the American heart. The presiding genius of his great soul urges him to capitalize his magnificent opportunities during the war to secure for him and his party the control of national affairs. With an iron will Mr. Bryan controlled the Democratic convention of igoo, and in that campaign, instead of mak- ing; the Chicago platform the issue, he reaffirms the plat- form but makes a declaration against the policy of the government in the orient the paramount issue. It was generally supposed by those who blindly followed his leadership that the subordination of i6 to i to imperial- ism was only a political move, for the purpose of enabling HIM to carry out THEIR great reform. In this, however, they were deceived, and it is now apparent since his latest utterance beiore the world in the BRYAN UNVEILED 31 platform adopted at Denver that Mr. Bryan subordinated the Chicago platform in 1900 for HIS political purposes, and not for the cause he professed so dearly to love. If this man who subordinated the Chicago platform in 1900 and mutilated it in 1908 can get the support of the American people, then I am willing to admit that he is strangely possessed with supernatural powers. But we are taught that the holy men of old prophesied, and the evidence of their inspiration is to be found in the verification of their prophecies. — This man, too, has prophesied. He prophesied irt 1896 that the gold standard could not be maintained, that the treasury would be drained, that the price of wheat would continue to go down, that dark days were in store for the republic. He prophesied again in 1900 a large standing army, quarrels in the orient, domestic violence and probable re- turn to monarchy. As a prophet Mr. Bryan is a decided failure, and this justifies the suspicion, at least, that Mr. Bryan is not selected by the Infinite Intelligence of the universe to say and to do great things. As high priest and king of his own party, however, he is a most pronounced success. The campaign of 1900 passed into history with Mr. Bryan defeated again by his former rival, by a larger majority than before. The people at the polls ratified Mr. McKinley and his policies, and for the time being Mr. Bryan seemed as dead politically as the issues he had raised. After his defeat he returns to Lincoln again undaunted, and continues his agitation for reforms, as he is pleased to style his notions or his ideas. 32 BRYAN UNVEILED He now establishes the Commoner, a vehicle through which he communicates his peculiar views to the outside world. Between campaigns Mr. Bryan is always ready and will- ing to speak, and I am told that Mr. Bryan accepts no money for his political addresses. But why should Mr. Bryan receive any money for his political addresses? In this manner he keeps himself be- fore the public, and this constitutes his political and busi- ness capital. Every business concern must pay something for adver- tising and Bryan pays for his^ in the most economical man- ner. I remember in the campaign of Colorado in the year of 1902 Mr. Bryan was brought into the state by the local managers and made one of those whirlwind campaigns. In that year Colorado recovered wholly from the 16 to i lunacy, and elected James H. Peabody governor of the state. I do not wish even to insinuate that Bryan's talk was responsible for the change of sentiment. Far from it. The paramount issue in Colorado that year was "The Austra- lasian Tax Amendment," which a fusion legislature sub- mitted to the voters of the commonwealth for ratification. It was a measure intended to give counties the option of introducing the "single tax" for local purposes. A similar amendment was submitted to the voters in Oregon last year. It was a dishonest measure, calculated to make the land- owner bear the entire burden of supporting the govern- ment and would have been ruinous to Colorado. The submission of this amendment by the cranks in the BRYAN UNVEILED 33 legislature of the state of Colorado, which had gone plum^ crazy for Bryan in 1896 defeated the Democratic ticket in 1902 and elected James H. Peabody governor of that state, another misfortune to the commonwealth. Yet Bryan, with a temerity characteristic of the man, sent a telegram on the eve of election to James Bucklin (the father of the measure) expressing his wish that it might win. Bryan has never declared 'himself in favor of the "single tax," but it is quite probable that if he continues to evolve in the future as lie has degenerated in the past that he will yet declare himself on that subject. But Bryan does not discuss advanced ideas. He con- fines himself to the issues at hand, and has recently even refused to discuss the Brownsville episode because he said no mention of it was made in the Denver platform. It is difficult to state Mr. Bryan's creed today, but his capacity for many screeds is enormous, and it seems that neither the truth nor consistency are of much consequence when this sir oracle ope's his mouth and delivers himself. I once heard him talk to a conference of clergymen in the Christian church in Denver. He talked for one hour in the most entertaining manner to a gaping audience. ^ He rambled considerably, defended the Biblical account" of creation, attacked Charles Darwin and boosted Tolstoi. But what amused me most was his acknowledgment that he had never read a work on theology, and then proceeded to give a scientific statement of the doctrine of regenera- tion. I merely cite this to show that the proprieties of an occa- sion do not deter Mr. Bryan from stating his views on any subject to any audience. 34 BRYAN UNVEILED However, being present at the birth of the regenerated Democracy, and having been selected as godfather at' the christening, he may be pardoned for speaking c.r cathedra upon the doctrine of regeneration. I noted that he maintained a judicious silence on the doctrine of the growth in grace. By this time, however, I suppose he is equally well- qualified to spdak e.r cathedra on the doctrine of degenera- tion, which among tlie common people is known as back- sliding. Nothing of any political importance occurred in Mr. Bryan's life, except the events already mentioned, until the campaign of 1904. By this time Bryan had lost much of his political prestige. The reorganizers had been^sedulously at work and cap- tured the Democratic convention in that year. Bryan was practically eliminated. The gold Democrats spewed him out, not rudely, as is his habit when it suits him, but diplomatically. He struggled with the convulsive agonies of a drowning man, and though he made several brilliant efforts on, the floor of the convention, his influence was nil, both in the committee on Resolutions and on the floor of the conven- tion, except with the galleries, who were in apparent sym- pathy with the great actor. The "safe and sane" brand of Democracy triumphed in that year, and offered the name of Alton B. Parker to the people as their choice for the chief executive of the Amer- ican republic. The results of that ^flection are well known. They will linger long in the memory of Democrary, and it is unneces- sary to record them now. BRYAN UNVEILED 35 But Mi". Bryan had a novel eicperience. He was humiliated in the extreme. He had been master of his party in two great battles; He had been defeated by the people at the polls, but so long as he could retain mastery of his party what difiEerence did that make to him? He told his meek and humble followers that he had been defeated only by the corrupt use of money, and posing as a martyr to the people's cause is the source of much outward profit as well as much inward gratification to Mr. Bryan. But when Mr. Parker was nominated over the protest of Mr. Bryan, the Commoner confronted a situation that was unique in his career, and one which to any ordinary human being would have been severely trying. The "safe and sane" brand of the Democratic party had knifed him openly in the campaign of 1896, secretly in the> campaign of 1900. The party through which Mr. Bryan had hoped to win, and through which he had hoped to put into effect his Democratic ideals' was now in the complete possession of those who had knifed and betrayed him before. Under the circumstance what was his paramount duty? Cleveland in obedience to the still small voice openly and manfully opposed Bryan in 1896. As a result the "man of destiny" was abused, slandered and vilified. His motives were assailed and it was charged by Bryan and his followers that Cleveland had been in collusion with Wall street to fasten the gold standard upon the country. It was currently reported that Cleveland had made mil- lions out of a corrupt deal with J. Pierpont Morgan during the bond issue. 36 BRYAN UNVEILED His timely death and the estate and the zvill, hush forever the voice of slander concerning the integrity of Grover Qeveland, one of the greatest and purest presidents the country has ever had. When Alton B. Parker was nominated Mr. Bryan was in identically the same position that Mr. Cleveland was in when Mr. Bryan was nominated, with this difference, that Cleveland was under obligation to the whole country, by virtue of his oath of office, while Bryan was under obliga- tion only to his party. Bryan knew the fate politically of Grover Cleveland, and the price he paid for being apparently , disloyal to his party in the greater service of his country. Bryan could not conscientiously support Parker, but he did, sneakingly and sullenly, and it is safe to say that in doing so, he was prompted not by honest or patriotic mo- tives. He played the part of a hypocrite on this occasion solely for political purposes. No hypocrite ever occupied the big chair at Washington, and I pray to God there never will. Mr. Bryan has been rewarded for his hyprocrisy on this occasion, but should he be defeated again, which he will be, he will be a jest for many years to come. Politics is and ought to be a serious game, but Bryan, as a political joke, should he be defeated again, will be one of the most laughable incidents in the history of American politics. The country finally got rid of him. Great rejoicing from one end of the nation to the other ! A lady friend of mine in Colorado, who is a stanch ad- BRYAN UNVEILED 37 nv:-cr of Mr. Bryan, refuses to vote for him this year be- cause she says she can vote for Bryan any time. At any rate, I hardly think Mr. Bryan can convince the American people that he honestly and sincerely supported Mr. Parker or that he was under any moral obligation so to do. His support of Parker was the most superb specimen of party loyalty recorded in human history. There was another party in the field headed by Thomas Watson, which represented Mr. Bryan's views and prin- ciples, if Mr. Bryan has any views and principles. Bryan owed infinitely more to Watson than he did to Parker. He had been a populist himself masquerading as a Democrat, and in the campaign of 1904 it was up to him to either join the faithful in the cause or sulk in the camp of the enemy for an ulterior purpose. Bryan was no more sincere in his support of Parker than in his eulogy of Cleveland in the Denver convention. As further evidence of the insincerity of this man who calls himself the Commoner, who poses as a political saint, let me call your attention to two comparatively unimpor- tant events which yet throw a decided light upon certain elements in his character and which tend to confirm the suspicion, to say the least, that Bryan is a charlatan, a mountebank or medicine man who is simply playing with the American people- for his own amusement, and enrich- ment. Upon the heels of the St. Louis convention he publishes another book which he entitles "The Second Battle." This book never had a sale, and can be found very seldom. It was as large and expensive as the first, and inasmuch 38 BRYAN UNVEILED as there was no reason for its publication, it looks as though Mr. Bryan and his publishers were trying to sell the Amer- ican people a gold brick. Just about this time there appeared an article in the Com- moner by Mr. Bryan, in which he vigorously opposes the private ownership of railroads. The most brilliant opportunity had been offered to any honest man to exploit his views on this subject, on the Watson platform, and the American people would not only have justified Mr. Bryan, but they would have applauded Mr. Bryan had he deserted the old ship when pirates got on board and found shelter among his friends and sup- porters in another. But Bryan has never been known to make a polftical sacrifice. I merely cite this to show that Mr. Bryan is in it for what there is in it, and that when he plays' the patriotic part, the heroic part, he plays it well, but where principle and expediency collide Mr. Bryan insists that principle must subside. It is dear that such a man will sacrifice any- thing and everything to promote personal ambition. What a difference between the attitude of Cleveland and that of Bryan! (Cleveland was falsely accused by the Bryan people of sacrificing party and country for dollars, the most infamous lie ever uttered in American politics.) Cleveland sacrificed party and adulation for integrity and country. No man ever made a greater sacrifice than the heroic statesman who has just returned to his God. Bryan, on the other hand, was willing to swallow any pill, not, it can be said for a cause, but for the gratifica- tion of ambition, in order that he might obtain by his pre- tended loyalty a securer hold on the dupes of his own party. The real difference then between Cleveland and Bryan BRYAN UNVEILED 39 is the difference between a statesman and a politician. . A statesman has been humo;ousIy defined as a man who wants to do .imething for !;i= country, \^'hile a poHtician has been do d as a man -.'lo wants his country to do something to: him. Mr. Bryan had already been handsomely rewarded for all the service i.i ever rendered ly his fellow countrymen. Up to thi time he had tii. lely played the part of an agitator, nothing more and noil" ;'g less. ■ As an agitator he was the r voi: brilliant success in mod- ern times. It seldom falls to the lot of : .'"i men to reap immediate reward for their labors. They usually toil and wait until long after the clods have settlc-fi on their coffin lids. Agitators of the Bryan type are more frequently recom- pensed with immediate execution. But there is no danger that Mr. Bryan will ever suffer a martyr's fate, nor are we inclined to think he would re- joice with the saints in such an experience. He does not seem to be built that way. The modern Bryan is safe and sane. He has either hon- estly or hypocritically eliminated all revolutionary ideas from his political program. While we congratulate hin- on his sanity, we rather deplore his sudden metamorphi-sis or change of front. No one knows how to take him now . After Mr. Bryan's unsatisfactory experience with the "safe and^ane" element of his party in the St. Louis con- vention he again retires to private life. But a man of Mr. Bryan's energy and enterprise cannot be contented with the tranquillity and monotony of a quiet life. 40 BRYAN UNVEILED He is not a philosopher nor a scholar. Books have little charm for him. His nature is restive. He must act, and he is the best actor on the world's stage today, but he is merely an actor, a comedian. His poses are excellent. The one in which he and his son appear clad in fur mid Russian snow in company with the veteran reformer Count Tolstoi I regard his best. Count Tolstoi is a "single taxer" in economics, or a disciple of Henry George. Mr. Bryan has great fondness for men of a radical turn of mind. He is not radical himself in the sense of going to the root of any question, but he caters to that element politically. The only radical idea he ever embraced was the foolish i6 to I proposition, and that was merely a surface idea. This, however, he did not embrace until it was popular in his own party, and when it ceased to be popular in his own party he abandoned it, but not until then. He played a shrewd political game, but that is all. Bryan does not create sentiment. He merely reflects sentiment already created. He is a skilled interpreter but never an originator. ^ "' Since his conversion to the gold standard he is merely a Democrat of the old school. He now utters feeble platitudes against the domination of plutocracy, or what they now terra as predatory corpora- tions. In a vague and uncertain manner he enunciates the an- cient doctrine of "equal rights for all, special privileges for none," but gives no specific interpretation. BRYAN UNVEILED 41 He registers the time honored opposition to extravagance in the management of affairs and recommends economy. He favors constitutional amendments conferring greater power on the people, but is silent as to the two most demo- cratic measures ever proposed, namely, initiative and refer- endum and recall. He pretends to trust the people, but subject to the limita- tions of the Democratic party. He is a big bug and a humbug. In short, he reiterates all the ancient Democratic maxims, repeats like a phonograph the stereotyped phrases of'pestif- erous demagogery, but in the entire platform adopted at Denver there is no evidence of any idea that would dis- tinguish Mr. Bryan from any of his political progenitors. The ■ conclusion is inevitable. He is a dead one.* The fact that Mr. Bryan this year advocates no living issue, coupled with the solemn declaration on his part that he would under no circumstances accept a second nomina- tion, in imitation of Theodore Roosevelt; and the further fact that he must know that with the constitution of the present Congress he would during the four years of his incumbency be utterly unable to accomplish any reform, • Bryan Is not as honest as Patrick McGinnis, who was ejected from a freight train near a country village, and who In consequence landed In the graveyard. He perambulated for awhile among the tombs and tombstones, meditating on his miserable fate, when his atten- tion was called to what seemed to him a strange Inscription. It was a quotation from the Bible and read, "Though I am dead, yet I llveth." Pat wandered to the village, revolving the paradox In his mind, when he finally landed at the railroad station, and there the following conversation took place between Pat and the ticket aeent. Said Pat: "Strange people you have here, sir." "Why?" queried the ticket agent. "Well," said Pat, "I was walking through the eraveyard and there I read of a man who died and on his tomb- stone was Inscribed, 'Though I am dead yet I liveth,' " "Yes, I know " said the ticket agent, rather thoughtfully. "I knew that man. Hb was a very good man." To which Patrick replied. "My dear sir, he may be good, but he Isn't honest. If I were dead I would acknowl- edge It." 42 BRYAN UNVEILED plainly indicates that Mr. Bryan does not intend to accom- n'.ish a!-.\ reforms; that he merely poses as a.refortner, a,nd that the consuming ambition which besets his hypocritical soul is to go to the White House with his family. That is all,. that is all. . ,, ' -' > ',, Mr. Bryan, always looks ahead. He is like Prometheus in this regard. IBs capacity for retrospection or intro- spection is very limited. Men of his calibre are usually wise Miiy for a time. ,,, . , . , To further his ambition to go to the White House at a ".y cost, and to keep the gaze of his deluded followers riv'eted upon His political star, which, after the disgraceful defeat of Parker, at once looms upon the horizon, he con- ?;ides to take a trip abroad with his family. He communicates to the press of this country his expe- ri'.ace and impressions in 'the orient, which serves a double purpose. - : . ■ It keeps him before the people, and, incidentally, it pays ( vpenses. Mr. Bryan by this time is a good financier. • He charms the people by his rather commonplace com- mentaries on oriental life and civilization. His trip did him' a whole lot of good. It broadened his mind, kept him before the people, gave evidence of his re- markable versatility, and also incidentally aroused into re- newed activity his old political friends, who worshiped at the dilapidated shrine. This cotip d'etat served the magician's purpose.' It kept the worshipers in line and put them to work in his behalf. - . He traveled like a. royal personage, was received by kings and princes as America's, most distinguished private citizen, captivated reformers of the Old World by his elo- BRYAX UNVEILED 43 quence and personal magnetism, and looms up as a giant figure on the world's stage of political action. Upon his return he is tendered a massive reception in New York. '' Friends and foes gather to do him homage. He is re- ceived as a guest lof high distinction by all classes of Amer- ican citizenship and is heralded as the coming man. In response to an ovation thus tendered him he makes a speech in Madison Square Garden, but instead of observ- ing the proprieties of the occasion by a judicious avoidance of preaching strange and objectionable doctrines, he is in- fluenced by some subtle spirit to think it would be popular to declare in favor of public ownership of trunk lines of railway, and thus show the radical, or really the only think- ers in his party, that he did not neglect the honest study of problems in America during his journey abroad. Chicago had elected Dvmne as Mayor of Chicago on a platform pledged in favor of municipal ownership and New York had honestly elected Hearst on the same platform, and it was not strange that Mr. Bryan concluded that a declara- tion on his part in favor of the same idea would take. It took but it did not catch, and subsequently Mr. Bryan explained that he believed in public ownership only as an ultimate proposition, and subsequently he afifirms by a dif- ferent platform that he does not believe in public owner- ship at all. Paradoxical as it may seem, this same Bryan in the cam- paign of 1896 took every opportunity of assailing i\Ir. Mc- . Kinley for not adhering to his previous position on the money question. In justice to Mr. McKinley it must be said that he never declared his belief in the ability of the United States Gov- 44 BRYAN UNVEILED emment alone to maintain the parity between the two metals, though an advocate of international bimetallism, and that he was always consistent with himself on the money ques- tion. Mr. Bryan, on the other hand, perverted the truth by quoting isolated passages in the public utterances of Mr. McKinley to make his charges seem plausible. I say it is one of the political paradoxes of our day that this same Bryan should be so egregiously guilty of the very sins he was in the habit of accusing others. We are re- minded that suspicion always haunts the guilty mind. His wanton and unwarranted assaults on the personal in- tegrity of the late Grover Cleveland and his persistent ef- forts to put the much lamented McKinley in a false light alone should forever disqualify him for the high office to which he aspires. When we remember that at the early age of 36 he hyp- notized a Democratic National Convention, we are not amazed at his nerve, but I candidly believe, with all my heart from personal knowledge of the American people, that he would be more acceptable to the great majority if he had a little less nerve and a little more discretion. After his return from abroad, in spite of the political hull he perpetrated in Madison Square Garden, he at once launched his presidential boom. Conditions were most favorable for this ambitious project. Parker had been ignominiously defeated, and as a conse- quence the Democratic party was demoralized. Bryan and his followers inwardly chuckled at the over- whelming defeat of Mr. Parker, and they at once proceeded to reorganhe the already reorganized party on a Bryan basis. BRYAN UNVEILED 45 It worked like a charm. It was easy. There was no available timber in the demoralized aggregation for a big office. The old war horses had either been summoned to join the silent majority ' or had lost prestige because of their alienation in 1896. The only star that appeared on the horizon was the feeble flickering luminary from Minnesota. Johnson, however, did loom up larger. He was of Scandi- navian extraction, which had helped his political fortune in the Gopher State and enabled him to be elected Governor on a Democratic ticket in a Republican State. As Chief Executive of the Commonwealth of Minnesota Governor Johnson rendered admirable service, and proved himself a big man in the gubernatorial chair. T believe today that he was the most available candidate in his party this year; that he would have received the total Bryan vote and others which Bryan cannot get. His political career was of the substantial kind and not of the visionary meteoric and pyrotechnic variety. He had rendered service to his Commonwealth in execu- tive capacity, and had proven that he was eminently quali- fied in all of the essentials to occupy the executive chair at Washington. Then, too, his political career was interesting, not meteoric like Bryan but resplendent just the same, with a steady glow. He had arisen from poverty and obscurity to political eminence, not by sudden leaps and bounds but step by step, in a manner which appeals so strongly to the American peo- ple and their inborn sense of justice and fair play. - 46 BRYAN UNVEILED Had Johnson been nominated at Denver it is my firm be- lief that there would be a fight on today. But ]\Ir. Bryan's personality is so strong, his ambitions so great, his integrity so exclusive and his ideals so real that ]Mr. Bryan was determined that no satellite of Mr. Johnson's magnitude, should obscure the light of his ef- fulgent and resplendent orb. So they circulated stories that Wall Street was behind Johnson's boom ; that he was merely a puppet in the hands of plutocracy, and that Bryan was the only man in the Democratic party entitled to be its standard bearer. He had earned his title by conquest, and no infidel hands can take it. from him. Today Bryan holds the old historic party in the hollow of his hand. He is its supreme dictator. It is, indeed, strange how men who play parts are in real- ity the opposite of what they ceem. Yet it is ever and anon true. "The lady does protest too much," and in so doing proves her guilt. In our Savior's time the Pharisees were a sect among the Jews of conspicuous virtue on the outside. They rigidly observed in minute detail the external requirements of the law and had the Bryan habit of proclaiming themselves good — better than other people. In like manner this political saint, who never made a single sacrifice for his party nor his principle, declares himself the only true Democrat in his party, but he no more appreciates the spirit of Democracy than did the ancient Pharisees ap- prehend the spirit of the law. Mr. Bryan is an autocrat of the ultra type, and should he be elected President of the United States we would have another Cleveland in the chair without the integrity of pur- BRYAN UNVEILED 47 pose or soundness of judgment which so eminently charac- terized the "man of destiny." The Denver Convention was a ratification meeting, all previousl}' fixed. The applause which greeted the blind Senator from the "Baby State" when his lips articulated the name Bryan plainly showed the disposition of the convention and that the illustrious Commoner was a most competent stage manager. Mr. Roosevelt has, been accused of wielding the scepter of his patronage- in behalf of William H. Taft, and using the power of his official position to dictate his successor. This, however, is a libel on the political character of the greatest man in modern history. Mr. Roosevelt, while President, instituted a policy which is properly designated the Roosevelt policy. His administration is distinguished today and ever will -be in the annals of American history for the rigid enforce- ment of the law on the Federal statutes against offenders in high places and for a conservative attitude towards all the great commercial institutions of our day in all things that are honorable and lawful. ' The anti-trust laws on our Federal statutes had in previ- ous administrations been a dead letter, and for want of in- vestigation and prosecution great combinations perpetrated unlawful acts with impunity. The name of Theodore Roosevelt will go down to pos- terity as the one man who had the moral courage in his official position to expose the misdoings of criminal male- factors in high places. In consequence of his popularity with the masses Mr. Roosevelt was the almost unanimous choice of his party for re-election. 48 BRYAN UNVEILED He had won "greatness''^by almost unlimited service to his country, not in hot air, but in heroic action, and the mantle belonged to him and was rightfully his. This true and real man, however, had told the people, under most solemn circumstances, that he would not accept the nomination for the Presidency the third term. While there was much speculation among friends and foes as to whether the worthy successor of McKinley would remain loyal to his pledge, he merely showed that on this, as well as on every other occasion, Mr. Roosevelt keeps his word. Mr. Bryan, too, under most solemn circumstances, de- clared to his party and to the country that in the event of his election he would not accept another nomination. He failed to state, however, what he would do in the event of failure. By his solemn declaration he merely affirmed that he would not accept another nomination at the hands of his party if successful. Mr. Bryan's political utterances are never whole nor holy. They are always full of loop holes, because they are not sincere. The word sincerity is derived from two Latin words, sine and cera. Sine in Latin is a preposition and signifies with- out, and cera is the Latin word for wax. Thus the com- pound sine cera in the original signifies without wax. A piece of statuary without holes filled with wax, represented the pure marble chiseled from nature's bosom. Clean ves- sels free from the wax sometimes used in sealing wine jars may also account for the etymology of the word sincere. In like manner, if we knew the ancestry of Mr. Bryan in toto we could tell from which side of the house his prone- ness to insincerity and duplicity comes. BRYAN UNVEILED 49 He pretends to be frank, but even in playing this part he is hypocritical. So, in view of the fact that Mr. Bryan most solemnly averred on the steps of his palace at Fairview that he would not run again if elected, we are justified in suspecting at least that he will run again if not elected. It has been heralded about by the faithful adherents of Mr. Bryan that Roosevelt was a Democrat in the higher or .Bryan sense, and that Roosevelt was a plagiarist, or merely a copyist, and that he simply put into practice Bryan poli- cies. It might with equal propriety be said that Mr. Roosevelt imitated Mr. Bryan in declaring four years ago that he would not be a candidate for re-election. This modest announcement of Mr. Bryan that he would under no circumstances be a candidate if elected has cer- tainly put him in the ridiculous attitude of merely aping a great big man in one particular, because it seemed popular. Such absurd condescension, however, makes Bryan ap- pear like a buffoon. He is certainly not a fox, for a fox would have more sense because if is a real live thing. ^ While Mr. Roosevelt, by the almost universal suffrage of his countrymen would be entitled to another term, is it strange that his wish should be endorsed in Convention by the selection of a man, whom he had tried and found true, in order that the policies by him begun, might be faithfully executed by his successor, whom he knew to be equally loyal with himself? , • The conduct of Mr. Roosevelt, in using his legitimate influence, in behalf of the present standard-bearer of the Grand Old Party is unimpeachable, and a less earnest atti- tude would "have exposed him to the charge of dereliction, 50 BRYAN UNVEILED ia an important crisis, in the discharge of duty to his party and his country. Mr. Taft is not the puppet of Mr. Roosevelt. He is the (.qual of any man on earth in calm judgment, high purpose and heroic performance, and of this fact no one was more cognizant than the able, fearless' and just Roosevelt, who t lo rendered such incalculable service to his country, to civilization, and to mankind. . Had Mr. Bryan, who was twice defeated, refused per- emptorily to accept another nomination, and used his in- liicnce in behalf of Johnson, instead of slandering the dis- tinguished American of Swedish extraction, by alleging complicity on his part with Wall Street, we might, at least, infer that a great and mighty soul was making a willing sacrifice for party and for principle. The opportunity was offered thus to Mr. Bryan a second time to prove his greatness, to show his real spiritual man- hood. But no, no; Mr. Bryan is not the kind of man who is willing to make sacrifices, even if he does attend church, V/ punctually and regularly. The mortal Bryan, not the immortal Bryan, thus enters the arena at Denver, with his jaws set and his eyes fixed, to gratify his unconquerable lust for place and power. His cohorts are marshaled and his rivals are reviled. He mows down all opposition. His adversaries appear like a two-spot in the game of the great Commoner. lie is the gladiator in the Democratic convention, more powerful in his absence than before with his magnetic presence. Perhaps, if the convention had had another opportunity of looking at him the result might have been different. BRYAN UNVEILED 51 For this reason this brochure is written that everybody who reads it may have this opportunity. With thunderous acclaim he is again declared the almost unanimous choice of the Democratic party, the inevitable result of fate, combined with an invincible will on his part to bring about such a result. Wr. Roosevelt's influence, 'tis true, nominated Mr. Taft. Mr. Bryan's influence, 'tis equally true, nominated ]Mr. Bryan. The difference, therefore, I conclude, between Mr. Roose- velt and Mr. Bryan is the difference between a genuine coin and a counterfeit, spiritually considered, not referring to the metal controversy of 1896. Then the real issue was between an honest dollar and a dishonest dollar. In the present campaign the issue is identical, except that the genius of it has been transferred from the quality of the respective metals to the quality of the respective can- didates — Taft and Bryan. In further support of this statement, which, if true, is serious, let me submit for consideration the platform adopted at Denver. It has been said that platforms are not made to stand on, but to get in on. This is most certainly true of Democratic platforms, and the author of this witticism evidently looked at platforms from this point of view. In this connection I am tempted to write a critique on party platforms, adopted since the Civil war, and show the manifest difference between ths two. But time will not permit, suffice it to say, and I challenge contradiction that the wit who said that platforms were 52 BRYAN UNVEILED madeto get in on would have been entirely correct had he inserted the word Democratic, and the statement would have read. Democratic platforms are made to get in on. The history of the, at times, absurd, contradictory and. inconsistent pronunciamentoes of the minority party justi- fies the allegation. On the other hand, the platforms adopted by the Repub- lican party since the days of Abraham Lincoln are a monu- ment of consistent political utterances, only equalled by the uniform declarations upon cardinal doctrines of the Church of God. The Republican party has never swerved from its cardi- nal tenets, while the only cardinal doctrine of the Demo- cratic faith seems to be to swerve. In the present campaign Mr. Bryan submitted a platform 'of his own construction, which indicates his intellectual expansion but which is no rrlore like the old platforms upon which he stood than a platform of the personal liberty league is like a prohibition platform. It cannot be said by way of justification that the con- vention adopted the platform and that Mr. Bryan is not responsible for the acts of his party. The fact is Mr. Bryan constructed the platform himself, and while a comparatively sane document, it was certainly a disappointment to some, and a surprise to others. When Mr. Parker in 1904 wired his famous telegram from his country residence at Esopus to the St. Louis con- vention, stating that the gold standard was irrevocably estab- lished, it sounded like a voice of one crying in the wilderness. Now, when even Mr. Bryan admits this truth, it is indubi- table evidence that real light has not only penetrated but BRYAN UNVEILED 53 opened the thick skull of the so-called regenerated Democ- racy and that the Lord has come. jMr. Bryan is safe and sane on this question now, arid it is a source of much gratification to those who have watched with a deep interest the vagaries of this political plunger that Mr. Bryan has at last recovered from what seemed for many years a fatal malady. But I fear that many, yea, hosts, of his most loyal dis- ciples will resent this late confession of their former lunacy. Mr. Bryan, however, is a very resourceful trickster, and between now and election he may be able to find something in his political apothecary shop that will chloroform and stupefy his numerous subjects again. It hurts, however, to be undeceived, and the chances are that many of his previous convcits will rebel against a second hypnosis. It looks now as though the Independence party meant business, and it would be a political surprise, were Hisgen to get more votes than Bryan. It is evident from a careful review of the platform adopted at Denver that Mr. Bryan is catering to the con- servative element in his party in this campaign. In this game he again plays a hypocritical part, for he and August Belmont can no more mix than the holy water and the devil. I reversed the quotation, for I know that August Belmont is certainly not guilty of political sanctity. The platform adopted is not an honest declaration of principles, nor of purposes. It is the most elusive and evasive document ever sub- mitted to the American people by any political party. It deserves less respect. BRYAN UNVEILED 55 But he-e we find another hole, a large one at that, in his political carcass, and proves conclusively that his political constitution is not without wax. Four years ago Mr. Bryan in the gray dawn, just before sunrise, took the platform in the St. Louis convention from a sick bed and quieted the howling mass of humanity which packed the floor and galleries, and which clung like flies to the trusses of the roof, and dramatically likened himself to St. Paul in the following blasphemous and irreverent language : "You may dispute whether I have fought a good fight, you may dispute whether I have finished my course, but you cannot deny that I have kept the faith." The house at once went wild. The reader will notice that this was a bouquet at himself — a devout reference to his sincerity and loyalty. Loyalty, however, gentle reader, demands sacrifice, and it is the fruit of loyalty which Mr. Bryan in all of his political career has never been known to make. In the first epistle of Paul to the Galatians in the eighth verse, Paul writes: "But though we, or an angel from heaven, preach any other gospel unto you than that which we have preached unto you, let hini be accursed." There is evidently quite a difterence between St. Bryan and St. Paul. St. Paul died for his faith and sealed his loyalty by his death. Bryan has never made a sacrifice for any cause, but on the other hand was willing to sacrifice his faith, in order that he might-stand a show for the high office to which he aspires. In view of Bryan's surrender to ultimate conviction, at 56 BRYAN UNVEILED the opportune moment to secure a prize, does it not seem that his heroic declarations are mere platitudes and as- empty and unmusical as tinkling ' cymbals and sounding brass ? Who believes either in the candor or sincerity of Mr. Bryan now ? Does he not seem like a political mountebank, a charlatan, a medicine man, who is earnest in the sale of his fraudulent wares but more zealous over the receipts of his cash register ? To justify this conclusion look at the platform from another point of view. The platform of i8g6 declared in favor of an Income Tax, in spite of the adverse decision of the Supreme Court. Mr. Bryan's platform in 1908 declares in favor of a con- stitutional amendment authorizing the enactment of a law on the subject. The Supreme Court in 1895 declared the Income Tax law passed in connection with the Wilson bill of 1894 uncon- stitutional. The Democratic convention, in 1896 declared itself in favor of an Income Tax in spite of the adverse decision by our highest judicial tribunal. In that campaign the Supreme Court was brutally as- sailed and Judge Shiras was openly accused of venality by Mr. Bryan and his boisterous followers for changing his mind, which resulted in an adverse opinion by the majority of judges on the bench, and the now famous decision that the Income Tax law, which had been enacted by Congress in 1894, was unconstitutional. For the information of Jvlr. Bryan, I wish to say that the BRYAN UNVEH.ED 57 Supreme Court did not hold that an income tax law was unconstitutional.- It held, however, that the particular law enacted by Congress, because of certain defective provisions, was unconstitutional. But Mr. Bryan is not a good technical lawyer and he may have difficulty in seeing the point, though almost any mem- ber of the bar who has had much practice would see it at a glance. Mr. Bryan does not get knowledge by diligently digging for it. He merely absorbs it, and the sublime confidence with which he parades what he absorbs, or evolves from his inner consciousness, makes him seem very plausible.- But I repeat, for the further information and edification of Mr. Bryan, that there is no decision in our Federal Reports which declares that an income tax is necessarily unconstitutional. Then I ask, why should our champion of justice and the people's rights hesitate to declare boldly in favor of an income tax instead of suggesting an amendment to the Constitution for the purposes of enacting one? Now, as a matter of fact, the Constitution provides how United States senators shall be elected, and the proposition which Mr. Bryan favors on this subject is clearly uncon- stitutional. May I ask, why does not Mr. Bryan suggest an amend- ment to the Constitution on this subject? In this case it is necessary. In the other it is not. But this only illustrates the slipshod manner in which Mr. Bryan thinks, and I am satisfied that he is entirely too reckless to be safe. In Mr. Bryan's eagerness to get the endorsement of the 53 BRYAN UNVEILED. :zcc ' conservative people of the country he has certainly ;;':.;; cd the confidence of the radical element to whom he c:"; -cd in two campaigns. r.ut his indiscriminate slurs at the judiciary in times gone .;, are not yet forgotten and I do not believe that Bryan cm conceal his lawless and revolutionary tendencies by this s 1.1 den circumspect turn, which, if sincere, would manifest J. ~. ultra profound and reverential respect for the Supreme . i.i.;rt. On this occasion Bryan is too respectful, for even liie Court does not demand it. Cy his suggestion of a constitutional amendment on the I.'iccme Tax he either acknowledges his inability as a con- ^tj '.utional lawyer to draft a proper measure, or insults the CTourt by insinuating that it might be venal again. Bryan, however, is not deep enough for this, and the .iddified assertion in favor of the Income Tax, as it stands today, was constructed for political purposes and not as an expression of an honest belief. "The Peerless Me" is merely a time serving politician, r 1 J not a statesman, a constitutional lawyer, not even a eformer, such .as he pretends to be. This to me is a sad conclusion, for I myself at one time was misled by his ■ jolitical star. lliat I experienced, a full and complete change of heart is f-vident from this production, and I feel justified in quoting my only Master, when he said, "By their fruits ye shall know them." In the issue of the Commoner dated June 26, Mr. Bryan ofifers a criticism of the Republican convention in a leading article entitled "The Republican Party is in Full Retreat." ■ The following is a complete text of the article as it appeared: . . ■ BRYAN UN\'EILED 59 "The Republicans who attended the national convention as spectators and joined in the demonstration in favor of President Roosevelt and Senator La Follette, must have felt ind;_'iant as they watchod the pan; .--stricken delegates running over each other in their efforts to get away from the La Fallotte reformers, some of which had been endorsed by the President himself. Congressman Cooper of Wisconsin, representing the La Follette men, brought in a minority report signed by himself alone. Fifty-two members of the committee signed the majority report, and only one the minority report. The Republican party will find the ratio of 52 to i a very embarrassing one to deal v, th in the coming campaign. Mr. Cooper's report contained a declaration in favor of publicity as to campaign funds. It was lost by a vote of 880 to 94, more than to 9 to i, and yet the President has been advocating legislation in favor of publicity as to cam- paign contributions, and Secretary Taft- wrote a letter to Mr. Burrows advocating the passage of a publicity bill. How fortunate it was that Secretary Taft's letter was finally discovered and published. Senator Burrows, the man to whom the Taft letter was addressed, was the tem- porary chairman of the convention, and the convention over which he presided turned down the publicity plank by a vote of 9 to I. Who will deny on this subject that the Repub- lican party is retreating? Another plank of the La Fallotte platform authorized the ascertaining of the value of the railroads. This plank was lost by a vote of 917 to 63, nearly 15 to i, and yet the President has advocated this very proposition. Here is a retreat in the railroad question. In another column reference is made to the injunction 6o BRYAN UNVEILED plank. The injunction plank adopted by the Republican . convention is a retreat from tlie position taken by the Presi- dent, and from the position taken by Secretary Taft in his speeches, although neither of them went as far as they ought to have gone in their effort to prevent what is known as government by injunction. Here is a third retreat. The President has advocated the Income Tax as a means of preventing swollen fortunes and of equalizing the bur- dens of government. The Republican party is silent on the subject. Was the President right in the position he took? If so, then the convention was wrong in not endorsing him. Will the. Republican voters follow the President in this just demand or will they follow the Republican organiza- tion in retreating from it ? The President advocated an inheritance tax, but the Re- publican convention is silent on that subject. Was the President ahead of the Republican party in this reform, or has the Republican party receded from the President's position ? Did the President give a false alarm on this ques- tion or has the party sounded a retreat? In the President's message to Congress last spring he presented an indictment against the conspiracy formed among the great lawbreakers to prevent enforcement of the, law and to evade the punishment provided by law. The platform adopted by the Republican convention contains no intimation of danger. If there were any conspiracies the convention did not see them. If there are any combinations the convention had not heard of them. If there are any dangers ahead the convention was unconscious of them. Was the President mistaken when he issued his defiance, BRYAN UNVEILED 6i or are the Republican managers deserving when they think that an aroused public will calmly contemplate the encroach- ments of predatory wealth? This is retreat number six. The convention by 866 to 114, more than 7 to 1, voted down the plank in favor of the popular election of United States senators. It is true the President and Secretary Taft have never advocated the popular election of senators. They seem- to take the Hamiltonian rather than the Jeffer- sonian view, but the most popular reform in the United States today is the reform that has for its object the election of United States senators by direct vote. It has five times been endorsed by the National House of Representatives — three times when it was Republican. It has been endorsed by nearly two-thirds of the States in the Union and there is probably not a State in the Union in which it would not be endorsed at a popular election and yet in spite of the record made in the House of Representa- tives and by the various States this reform is rejected by a 7 to I vote in the Republican national convention. Here are seven propositions upon which the Republican party in national convention assembled has retreated from the position taken by that party in Congress, or from the position taken by the President. What have Roosevelt Republicans to say? The President has awakened a spirit of reform within his party. He has at least revealed to the world that there are Re- forrners in the Republican party. Can that spirit now be quelled by a stand-pat convention ? Millions of Republicans have enlisted at the President's call to arms and are ready to march forward. Will they furl their .banners and turn back merely because the President acquiesces in the sounding retreat?" ;.2 BRYAN UNVEILED. This really sounds awfull}' funny, coming from Mr. Bryan, and perhaps some stupid people will read it with an approving nod. In fact, it would be pretty hot stufif, ema- nating from another source, but coming from the ILLUS- TKIOUS C0M:M0XER it is really a jest. jMr. Bryan is so accustomed to consider himself the entire party to which he belongs that he perhaps is in earnest in imagining that Theodore Roosevelt constitutes the Repub- lican party. Upon this false premise, at any rate (Mr. Bryan usually begins wrong), he endeavors to make a judicial analysis of a situation he does not at all comprehend. Therefore I shall endeavor to enlighten him, if this is possible. The Republican party, in the first place, Mr. Bryan, is greater than Mr. Roosevelt. He is not it, and this fact Mr. Roosevelt thoroughly understands. lu the second place, the Democratic party today is no greater than you are, Mr. Bryan, and this fact, it seems, you thoroughly understand. r\'ow, you must not suppose that because you carry the Democratic party in your vest pocket, as your private prop- erty, that any man on earth is great enough to own the Republican party today. There are too many big, brainy men in it. I wish further to remind you that the platform of the Republican party was neither written nor dictated by Theodore Roosevelt. On the other hand, it was drafted by a competent com- mittee on resolutions and submitted in real Democratic fashion to the convention for its rejection or approval. I wish to remind you further that Mr. Roosevelt is not BRYAN UNVEILED 63 culpable for any important omission in that platform, nor was the Republican party ■ under obligation to incorporate all the views of its illustrious leader in their platform. You certainly cannot accuse the Grand Old Party of re- pudiating or retreating an inch from its former position, nor is Mr. Roosevelt in his individual capacity susceptible to this impeachment. But, Mr. Bryan, is it not a matter of common notoriety that you have not only retreated, but that you have abso- lutely repudiated yourself? If the Republican party in national convention assembled were to declare that the abolition of slavery was a mistake, that the Civil war was a failure, and that Abraham Lincoln was a traitor to his country, it would be no more absurd and wrongfully inconsistent than you are today. "If we could see ourselves as others see us we might be rid of many a blunder." Mr. Bryan is gifted with a. remarkable capacity for dis- cerning the weaknesses of others, and disposed to make "mountains out of mole hills," a pharisaical habit, by the way, while, on the other hand, he seems to be absolutely devoid of the power of introspection and retrospection. It is to be hoped that in the reading of this brochure Mr. Bryan may be able to see himself. But today as yesterday and always the Pharisee is the hardest man to convert, because he always stands in his own light, and in the consideration of Mr. Bryan's moral obliquity or obtuseness in this regard we are reminded of 'Johnny's father, who wished to correct his son for exag- geration. Johnny declared with much emphasis that he had seen an automobile as big as a house. "Now, Johnny," said the 64 BRYAN UNVEILED father, severely, "you know it was not as big as a house. Why do you exaggerate things so? I've talked to you many milHon times about that habit of yours, and it doesn't seem to do a bit of good." Mr. Bryan's criticism of the Republican convention held in Chicago, in view of his complete somersault in the Demo- cratic convention held in Denver, is simply amusingly absurd. But nevertheless it hurts to witness such performances on the part of anyone for whom we have the least bit of regard. Mr. Bryan has been a great agitator, perhaps for good, but it is safe to predict that his influence in American poli- tics from this time on will be absolutely nil. , He has amassed a fortune, ruined a great political party, and earned, I fear, the contempt of his fellowmen. It must be apparent to a mere tyro that Mr. Bryan would rather be President than to be right, though I hardly think he is in much danger of being either. How empty are his words now about truth and principle ! How meaningless his phrases about the common people and governments deriving their just power from the consent of the governed! How sepulchral his thunders against plu- tocracy! How hypocritical his declarations about true democracy and the value of an ideal ! How inane his criti- cism of the adversary! Today there are tjiree different brands of Democracy — the Unregenerate, the Regenerate, and the Degenerate. The Unregenerate represent the old school. Bryan has secured a monopoly of the other two. ' We have thus seen that on the money question Mr. Bryan has repudiated his former position, that he now himself BRYAN UNVEILED 65 f declares an income tax unconstitutional, and instead of de- manding an income tax to equalize the burdens of govern- ment he suggests an amendment to the Constitution. On the railroad question he has been equally inconsistent, , In his writings and speeches he has advocated public own- ' ership, while in the platform he again borrows from Mr. Roosevelt by advocating regulation and a control that is in reality indefensible. On this question he urges "legislation which will assure such reduction in transportation rates as conditions will permit, care being taken to avoid reduction that would com- pel a reduction of wages, prevent adequate service, or do injustice to legitimate investment." This declaration must be eminently satisfactory to the railroad magnates of the country. Mr. Bryan, it seems, figured on getting the support of Harriman et al. when he inserted this plank. In this instance again we observe that the former apostle of error, of repudiation and confiscation, has grown wise and circumspect and is unwilling to recommend any legis- lation at all prejudicial to the interests of the stockholders.* Mr. Bryan gained his reputation and made his money by advocating diametrically opposite views. In posing as a conservative, however, Mr. Bryan Is a dismal failure. He cannot play the part well. He betrays himself. While expressing deep solicitude for the Investor In stocks and bonds, he urges that all trust-made articles should be put on the tree list. Mr, Taft well pointed out the dangerous character of this reac- tionary democracy In his notification speech when he said ; "The Dem- ocratic party proposes to take off the tariff on all articles coming Into competition with those produced by the so-called 'trusts' and to put them on the free list. . ,, , ^ , If such a course would be utterly destructive or their business, as is Intended, It would not only destroy the trusts, but all of their smaller competitors. ... ,,, , , The ruthless and Impractical character of the proposition grows plain- er as Its effect upon the whole community Is realized. , To take the course suggested by the Democratic platform In these mat- ters Is to Involve the entire community, Innocent as It Is, in the pun- ishment of the guilty, while our policy is to stamp out the spectflc evil. k6 BRYAN UNVEILED This does not soimd to me like an honest, sincere con- \-t:rsion. It sounds more like the fall of Lucifer. The great commoner is now in the middle of the road. If he has any singleness of purpose it is locked up and hermetically sealed in the sanctum sanctorum of his pure and unadulterated soul. But . he reminds us . of Janus, a mythological deity o: the ancient Romans. As the protector of doors and gate- ways this deity was represented as holding a staff or sceptre in the right hahd and a key in the left; and as the god of the Sun's rising and setting he had two faces, one looking to tb.e East and the other to the West. In like manner the great commoner seated in his palatial abode at Fairview, is looking to the East, assuring Wa,ll Street that he will protect their interests, and to the West promising all sorts of foolish and childish reforms. In the double game, however, the chances are that he will lose at both ends, as he ought. No man can serve two masters, Mr. Bryan. Among the hypnotized followers of Mr. Bryan in the past there are three separate and distinct schools of political thought represented — the gre'enbackers, single taxers and the populists. The greenbackers believe in fiat money and that any legal tender dollar issued by the governrnent is good, regardless of its intrinsic value. " ' ' ' The second are disciples of Henry George and believe in out and out free trade, aiid that the government should raise all of its revenue for local and general purposes by a single or exclusive tax of land values. The third are more particularly distinguished for advo- cating public ownership and operation of all public utilities, BRYAX UXVEILED 67 though the Omaha pLitiorm, adopted in 1892, also declared itself in favor of 16 to i on the money question. To these elements IMr. Bryan has catered in all his public utterances since his dramatic debut in national politics. The advocates of these various theories are honest and sincere. They easily mix politically, for they are united by a common purpose. They march on different roads to the fortress of privi- lege, each and all bent on what they are pleased to term legal and economic exploitation by those in possession of privileges. In Bryan these various elements found a natural leader, and for a time he seemed loyal to their cause. He himself had taken up the cross of a new crusade and plead earnestly for the abolition of the so-called parasitical class. In 1896 the Democratic party took a step forward and Bryan, the dauntless, gave abundant promise of doing great things. It was quite natural that those who were interested in economic reform should enlist under the banner of the so- called regenerated Democracy and march in unison under the matchless leadership of the "Boy orator of the Platte." The innumerable sacrifices that were made for Bryan will never be recorded except by the angel which keeps account of all things. But many of these people, without money, without hope of emoluments or earthly reward, followed Bryan as loyally as the Zionists followed Alexander Dowic, the modern Elijah. A Mr. Bennet of Connecticut even contributed $50,000 to 68 ^ BRYAN UNVEILED ^ IMr. Bryan in his will. The widow contested. Bryan won, in the courts, and I suppose the money was used to fur- ,jher the cause of Mr. Bryan and his cause. They followed him because of the principle he espoused. They followed him because they believed he was sincere. They followed him because they believed that Mr. Bryan was the highest modern embodiment of American ideals. They followed him because they believed that he was a modern Moses, and that it was the supreme purpose of his undaunted soul to resurrect in our day the ideals for which Jefferson and Lincoln struggled in their day. In short, they believed that Bryan was sincere and that his loyalty to their principles was firmly rooted in the mar- row and bone of his political constitution. A truly great man demonstrates his greatness in his de- votion to principle. There is' no other route to enduring fame. A clever man may dazzle temporarily by his brilliant 'executions, but true greatness is always manifest in silent devotion to principle, not boisterous declamation. A gentle fall of dew from heaven does more for vegeta- tion than a Carribean whirlwind. The greatest deeds of history have been accomplished by the silent men of the world. Many of the ideas which Mr. Bryan has worked so hard to popularize will live, and the battle for economic, as well as political righteousness, has Just begun. But it is sad to record that in the whirl of political events Mr. Bryan has disappearecf either as an apostle of advanced thought or as the material embodiment of a great and enduring.principle. Mr. Bryan started wrong. He did perhaps the best he could under the circumstances, and it behooves us to throw BRYAN UNVEILED 69 the mantle of charity upon him, not to cover his sins, but to show him the way. In the crucial hour he surrendered principle for expe- diency, thereby proving his unsoundness morally or spirit- ually, and his shallowness intellectually. In other words, he is merely guilty of superficiality and insincerity. These are his cardinal sins, and like all other men he must pay the penalty, which he will by a most in- glorious defeat, the seal of condemnation on the part of the honest and intelligent men who bravely followed him to defeat in two cainpaigns. The great places of American political life may now and then reward the opportunist, who sacrifices principle for expediency, but the names that live in the nation's history, that find respectful utterance upon the lips of the people, and a secure and abiding place in their hearts, are those who climb the rough pathway of principle and integrity. Mr. Bryan's reward came too early in his career, and he got too much reward. He spoiled before he was mature. In the humble walks of life, much more in the seats of power, no man can be all things to all men, and nothing to principle. Public men neither can or ought to be political chameleons, and I feel sure that Mr. Bryan during the coming campaign will meet the fate of the tiny animal he so much resembles. "My goodness-!" said an ancient negress. "A man gave my children one of those changeable lizards. You put him on a green cloth and he was green ; you put him on a blue cloth and he was blue ; you put him on a yellow cloth and he was yellow. Poor little fellow, he had an awful end. Oneday one of those fool children put him on a plaid ^nd he busted hisself trying to make good." /J BRYAN UNVEILED After the campaign Mr. Bryan, politically dead, will re- main at Fairview in merited seclusion, for no one will care to hear him spout any more. He will then have ample time for reflection and intro- spection. The chances are he will spend his remaining days cussing thut "safe and sane" democracy which put him on a plaid, but :t will be too late. It is indeed n pitiable spectacle to witness the fall of this rnj^hty conquer.ir. We are reir.i^.i'ed of Samson, shorn of his locks, made v/eak and almo -t imbecile by the treacherous hand of Delilah, I .r in modern times of the fall of -Alexander Dowie, the reincarnated Elijah. In 1896 the peerless one was PROPHET, PRIEST mtd KING of the progressive and militant Democracy. Today he is the subservient tool of the Old Guard, whose treachery encompassed his defeat then, and whose loyalty will insure his failure now. The spewing out of Guffey will not atone for the keeping ill -1 Sullivan, Hinky Dink et al. T would recommend in conclusion that Mr. Bryan read 'dgn'n the fall of Cardinal Wolsey and he can then appre- ci re my paraphrase of the immortal soliloquy. iad I served my cause and conscience half as well as I h.'i • served my party and my ambition, I would not now be '.p. the clutches of mine enemies. I would have been saved the ignotnlny of a most inglorious defeat, and my name would Be upon the scroll of fame among the truly, great of earth who serve mankind and "thus an end to all my greatness." . ;.' ' The End.