I ijiirf I'iiifi'iiih ii,i V' '11 I iO"'f:'iri!il Kite m 1 ' ! 1 ;iiii ll'tilr WWW il Wm ,. Ill hi;'!! ■ III '. ! 'K'tl'll'liKM'',' fl!l»i|i|l 'fit '"'«. I'll jliA-M ;l'!ftt',il,imHJ itfltWtWl , k !il[![tM,,lll! II lli„.l diotntll ItniuetBity IHibcati) ilttjara. Jf jw ^oJk Usi..?.\^;V^t<,X.. The date shows when this volume was taken. To rpnew this book copy the call No. and give to the librarian. I-. 'M'iJA .^^/:..i.......-^. ,.^. M^'4i^^ im l)ec2'47F' HOME USE RULES r All Books subject to recall All borrowers must regis- ter in the library to bor- row books for home use. All books "must be re- turned at end of college 'year for inspection and repairs. Limited books must be returned within the four ' week limit and not reuewed. Students miist return aU books before leaving town. Officers should arrange for ..^^^lvi-«& '^- -i-*4^-^--v - the return of books wanted during their absence from Volumes of periodicals a^ volumes 01 penoaicais and of pamphlets are held in the library as much as ND.V..2,.4..1.950 possible. For special pur- poses they are given out for a>Umited time. Borrowers should not use their library privileges for the benefit of other persons. Books of special value and gift books, when the giver wishes it, are not al- lowed to circulate. Readers are asked to re- port,all cases of books arked.or mutilated. Do not deface books by marks and writing. Cornell University Library HM51 .B61 Maior social problems olin 3 1924 030 223 295 Cornell University Library The original of tliis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924030223295 MAJOR SOQAL PROBLEMS BY RUDOLPH M. BINDER, Ph. D. PROFESSOR OF SOaOLOGY IN NEW YORK UNIVERSITY WHAT A MAN SAYS, IS IMPORTANT; WHAT HE DOES, IS CHARACTERISTIC; WHAT HE IS, IS VITAL NEW YORK PRENTICE-HALL, Inc. 1920 Uxori filiisque MAJOR SOCIAL PROBLEMS CHAPTER I THE OLD AND THE NEW CIVILIZATION Difference between civilization and savagery. — The difference between civilization and savagery consists es- sentially in one thing: civilized man does not entrust the keeping of his soul to anybody, while the savage hardly calls it his own. The modern man — for tnis term may be taken as the equivalent of civilization — knows that whatever befalls him is the result of human action, either his own or that of his fellow-men. He rigidly applies the law of cause and effect, and holds himself responsible for the results of his actions. He knows that apart from occasional catastrophes of nature, such as earthquakes and the eruption of volcanos, the shaping of his present and future lot rests with him. Not even floods are exempted from this accountability, for he knows that human beings somewhere have, either through greed or folly wasted the resources of nature in the form of forests, and other men, thousands of miles away, may- be, have to suffer. He holds men of the present or past generations responsible, not ghosts or spirits. Not so the savage. Whatever befalls him, he attributes to out- side agencies, be they gods or demons. He holds himself free alike from praise and blame. He is merely the puppet whom the invisible powers use for their own amusement and gratification. He cannot take a single step without incurring either their approval or disap- proval. He is not a free being, but a slave to his own 1 2 CHAPTER I superstitions. A few illustrations from the lives of the Greeks and Hebrews, the most enlightened people of antiquity, will bring home this difference between civil- ized and uncivilized man. The attitude of the Greeks. — There is a story among the ancient Greeks to the effect that Polycrates of Samos was an exceedingly successful king. While a Greek sage was visiting him several messengers arrived with good news. The first reported a victory of the king's army over his bitterest enemy ; the second brought news that his merchant fleet, which was supposed to have been wrecked in a storm, had safely reached a friendly harbor; the third held aloft a precious ring which the king had lost, but which had been found by a fisherman in the belly of a fish. The king rejoiced over his good fortune, but the sage fled terror-stricken since the jeal- ous gods could permit such good fortune only because they wished to visit Polycrates with more dire punish- ment. This story was evidently invented for the purpose of showing the helplessness of men in the hands of the gods. The most famous Greek book, the Iliad, opens with the plague which Apollo sends to the Greeks, because they had offended his priest by capturing his daughter; and the Trojans are granted a temporary victory because Agamemnon, to console himself for the loss of the priest's daughter, takes away the mistress of Achilles who is aided and abetted by the goddess Thetis. The whole story and its companion, the Odyssey, depict the quarrels and bickerings of the gods rather than those of men, since the latter are only the toys of the former. If one god favored a hero, another would be sure to hate him. The noble Odysseus was thus kept wandering over seas THE OLD AND THE NEW CIVILIZATION 3 and lands for ten years until the hostile gods relented because he had suffered enough to satisfy them. The tragedies of Sophocles and Aeschylus indicate a similar dependence on the gods, although written at a time when Greek thought had matured and shortly before philosophy reached its highest expression among this gifted people. For what is classical tragedy? It is the working of Fate and of the gods against which men strive in vain ; they may have offended unwittingly by omission or commission, but they must suffer the full penalty just the same. And so we see one hero after another pass- ing before our eyes, never knowing why they suffer except that Fate wills it. It is this impossibility to understand why things happen which accounts for the rather pronounced gloom in Greek poetry — a gloom only occasionally dispelled in lyrics. And the inference lies near that this poetry was a reflex of Greek thought and attitude toward life. If your whole life is in the keeping of another whose thoughts you do not know, and if from one moment to another some calamity may befall you, how can you be cheerful and optimistic? The attitude of the Hebrew^s. — Hebrew thought re- flects the same lack of freedom and cheerfulness. It is Jehovah — a benevolent god — who controls Hebrew life from the first chapter in Genesis to the last in Malachi. An overwhelming, omnipotent god is he who rules with a rod of iron and quickly destroys those who disobey him. Even the mighty Cyrus, king of the Persians, is but a tool in his hands whom he uses for his own pur- poses — "though thou hast not known me" — as a potter uses clay. Victory belongs to him, and he grants it to his people if they obey and submit. In order to make 4 CHAPTER I this fact perfectly plain, Gideon is bidden to dismiss twenty-two thousand men — "lest Israel vaunt themselves against me, saying : Mine own hand has saved me" ; but the ten thousand remaining are still too many, and so Gideon is required to make a selection of three hundred men. Into the hands of this small company the hosts of Midianites are delivered by Jehovah. Everything is in the hands of Jehovah — crops, health, long life, birth and death. If a good thing befell the people, the credit belonged to him ; if misfortune came, they had sinned by disobedience and idolatry. The Hebrew could not move without being guided by his god, who even "giveth his beloved sleep." This attitude has survived in the Puritans to this day, and the long list of evils mentioned in church litanies with the petition : "Good Lord, deliver us," furnishes ample testimony that the same attitude still survives elsewhere. Demand for abject submission. — It goes without say- ing that no thought of freedom, based on individual responsibility, could arise under these conditions. The two men who asserted themselves were effectively crushed — Prometheus by Zeus and Jacob by Jehovah. The Greek hero stole fire from heaven to help men, against the wisljes of his overlord. For this offense he was con- demned to be chained to a rock in the Caucasian moun- tains where an eagle daily ate of his liver. To make the punishment more deterrent to would-be rebels against the will of Zeus, the wound was healed at night so that the agony might be perpetual. Only the intervention of the demi-god Hercules prevented the execution of this plan to its logical limit. The story of Jacob is even more interesting from the point of view which concerns us. He was intended to THE OLD AND THE NEW CIVILIZATION 5 be the heir of Jehovah's promise, and he never runs counter to that decree. He buys the birthright for a mess of pottage from Esau ; later he manages by various manipulations to wax rich in the service of his uncle Laban, although his wages were changed ten times; he was always able to outwit his employer by meeting wile with wile. His only offense from the point of view of the biblical narrative is that he tries to help Jehovah in securing the blessings already assured to him by the god. This is self-assertion and the acceptance of respon- sibility. Such a spirit could not be permitted among Je- hovah's chosen people who must only obey, and wait for whatever the ruler of men will send them. Jacob must be humbled into abject submission. This is brought about on the border of the Promised Land which Jacob is not permitted to enter until he has acknowledged Jehovah's supremacy unequivocally. This surrender is depicted in the struggle with a man during the night before crossing the river separating his native land from a foreign country. Needless to say he is completely worsted in this contest. As permanent signs of his complete submission to Jehovah, Jacob's name is changed to Israel — fighter for God — and he is lamed. (Genesis, XXXII, 24-32). These stories seem to have but little meaning on the surface; but the moment one penetrates deeper into the thought of the writer, a well defined philosophy is discovered. To both Greeks and Jews utter submission to the will of the gods was the supreme test of righteousness; the highest criterion of acceptability was blind and unquestioning obedience to the law as laid down. Any desire to know the reason why, any attempt to pilot one's own fate, any endeavor to assume personal responsibilty — ^was crushed at once 6 CHAPTER I with all the means at the command of a presumably omnipotent but certainly arbitrary deity. The effect on the by-standers may easily be imagined. Any one in affliction was looked upon as "stricken, smit- ten of God," and interference was correspondingly risky. Ancient peoples have been accused of hard-heartedness, because they did not relieve sufferers. How could they, if that suffering was caused directly by a deity? Fear to interfere with the will of a god stifled any natural sympathy and dried up the wells of pity. No freedom for man. — The lesson is not far to seek. With an attitude of complete dependence on out- side agencies, even if these were benevolent, there was but slight possibility of developing a true man — free, independent, self-reliant, conscious of his dignity, assum- ing responsibility, taking the blame for his failure, and modestly rejoicing in his success. The sole object of society is, however, to develop just that kind of a man. Wherever this aim is not kept in constant view, we have to register a failure. Society does not exist primarily to make us richer, to save us exertion, or to give us pleasure; but to develop a man who is willing to stand four-square on his own feet, who knows that he is ac- countable for his actions and rejoices in that responsi- bility. The power of self-determination is the quality which a true man values more highly than anything else. It is this that distinguishes him from a machine or a log of wood in a river. The former of these merely carries out the will of another, the latter is a toy of the inert forces of nature; both are dominated by their environment, while man dominates his. Even the animal is but little able to control its surroundings, and the wholesale disappearance of species is witness to this statement. THE OLD AND THE NEW CIVILIZATION 7 Difference between Greeks and Romans. — Without freedom there can be but little progress. Some progress there must be, or death will be the sure penalty. Hun- dreds, if not thousands, of tribes have paid for their de- pendence on outside agencies as the controllers of their fate by being ruthlessly exterminated by men who were willing to take responsibility. The latter may not have been the superiors of those they destroyed. The Romans were certainly not more gifted than the Greeks, and yet Greece became a mere small province of Rome. Wherein was the Roman superior? Two features of his religion will, perhaps, explain the fact. The Greek gods lived on Mount Olympus, feeding on nectar and ambrosia. They made only periodic visits to this earth, usually when bent on some errand of mischief ; they were idlers and may irreverently be called gentle- manly loafers. They gave gifts to men when it pleased their high and mighty fancies ; generally they quarrelled among themselves to dispel their ennui. They were, on the whole, of small calibre, and carried their dissensions among their worshippers. But their interference with human affairs resulted in turning the attention of men away from practical life. Being always dependent on the good pleasure of their gods, the Greeks were unable to take their fate into their own hands and manage it according to their great gifts. The unification of the Greek states into one commanding empire was impossible ; they fell, one by one, an easy prey to different victors. Compare this with the Roman god Janus with his two faces turning east and west. He was decidedly a god of this world, concerning himself with peace and war, with life, agriculture, gateways, openings ; with all kinds of undertakings from beginning to end. As Longfellow characterizes him: 8 CHAPTER I Janus am I; oldest of Potentates; Forward I look, and backward, and below ; I count, as god of avenues and gates, The years that through my portals come and go. He alone retained his identity after the other gods had lost their character through the influence of Greek, Egyp- tian and Oriental religions, to the very last — showing a continuity in Roman thought which is very striking. Whether his name is a corruption of Jupiter (Dyaus- pater), or whether it is derived from the Etruscan word ani (door) matters little for the fact of his survival, since in either case the peculiar power of the Roman mind to turn everything to practical account, is evident. The worship of such a god would naturally produce a priesthood which concerned itself primarily with every- day life. The pontifices outranked all other priests in im- portance, and the pontifex tnaximus, their head, had su- preme jurisdiction over all priests of whatever name. They haa charge of public and private worship, marriage and burial rites, but principally of the regulation of the calendar and of the keeping of the consular and magis- terial annals. They were thus the priests of the state, while the rex sacronim merely offered sacrifices, and the flamines served particular gods, like most of the Greek priests. Differences in divination. — It is natural that if the outcome of an undertaking depends not on your skill and ability but on a deity, you want to find out what that being may do about it. Hence prognostication has always formed an important part of ancient religions. Here we find another fundamental difference between the Greek and the Roman attitude in religion. At Delphi THE OLD AND THE NEW CIVILIZATION 9 and Dodonna, the priestess sat on her tripod over a chasm from which noxious gases burst forth, and when she was half choked with the fumes, she — as any one else would do under the circumstances — sputtered out various inarticulate sounds which the by-standers or the priests were at liberty to interpret as they chose, each one doing his best to gain favorable signs for himself. The ambiguity of the oracles was proverbial; for instance, "if Croesus wages war upon Cyrus, a great empire will perish !" Most certainly ; that is what Croesus desired. But whose empire? His or that of Cyrus? The priest- ess was mute, and the treasures of Lydia had been be- stowed upon the temple in vain. As it turned out Cyrus was victorious, because instead of spending his time in a long journey to Delphi, he had drilled his troops and marshalled all his resources ; for then as now the man with the most accurate prevision is likely to succeed. The Romans never had an oracle. They clearly recog- nized the commonplace fact that in all undertakings, whether religious or secular, communal or individual, the weather plays an important role. As a practical people they consequently paid much attention to the weather. A special order of priesthood, the augurs, was established, and was held in high esteem. These priests observed the sky, the flight and cries of birds, the behavior of sacred fowl, and other omens, and decided after due de- liberation, whether the undertaking was likely to have a favorable issue or not. In this case there was a study of actual conditions ; in the former, the inarticulate ejacu- lations of a half-choked and usually half-starved priestess. Religion dominated man. — The question may be asked here: What has all this talk about religion to do with civilization and society? The answer lies in the 10 CHAPTER I fact that in the past, religion dominated the whole atti- tude of man. The reasons for this cannot be discussed here, but the fact is certain. We have found the re- ligious attitude to have been one of resignation, depend- ence, submission to the will of the gods. We have seen that this attitude was enforced upon rebels as a deterrent upon would-be rebels, even among the most enlightened people of antiquity. There was to be no initiative on the part of man, no striving to improve his lot, but mute surrender lest the gods forfeit their glory. He was to accept gratefully whatever blessings they might choose to bestow, and not murmur even when they chose to smite him. Progress discouraged. — How could men progress under these conditions? How could they dare and ven- ture ? For progress is a venture into the unknown. Only strong and self-reliant men will take the risk. Every one knows what evils and benefits contemporary conditions provide; man tries to diminish the force of the former and increase that of the latter. The future is a blank and a lottery, and the coward will shrink from the risk. He takes a telescopic view of the future — blessings may be large, but they are far away. Those of the present may be smaller, but he can hug them tightly. It takes a man of courage to exchange good things for better prospects; and it requires a resourceful man to turn better prospects into good things. The men of the past were, generally speaking, neither courageous or resourceful. The constant hammering of the gods on human material reduced every man to the condition of a coward. The fear of God was, literally speaking, the beginning of wisdom, for it was the only way to safety. The fight of the Titans against the gods THE OLD AND THE NEW CIVILIZATION 11 taught every Greek the lesson of humility, and the He- brew had his object lesson in Saul, who was rejected by Jehovah because he spared Agag, the king of the Amalekites, and would not "utterly destroy the people." As it was with courage, so with resourcefulness. How could a man develop any initiative when the one con- stant demand was for obedience? Even when the de- mands were legitimate and beneficial to man, they tended to keep him in the leading strings of another. He was always treated as a child who must be coddled, and naturally enough he had no chance to grow up. The ideal put before him was a golden age in the past when his ancestors had not yet sinned by disobedience. He might have lived in ease and comfort, if only he had not disobeyed and eaten of the tree of knowledge of good and evil. Submission or rejection, surrender or destruc- tion, were the alternatives put before man. Who can blame him for his docility? Truly, the fear of God was the beginning of wisdom! We have spoken of the Greeks and Hebrews not be- cause they were sinners above others in this respect, but because they were the least guilty of all others. If the most enlightened nations of antiquity were held in the chains of a false religion and had their courage bro- ken and their initiative stifled, anyone can easily imagine what happened among the peoples who lived in darkness. The Moloch of the Phoenicians and Carthaginians, the Juggernaut of the Hindoos, and other horrors of pagan- ism are familiar examples. From every point of view man was hemmed in, his will broken, and his intellect stunted until his crass superstition engendered a terror which often ended in self-immolation or destruction. Progress made possible. — ^And yet — man has pro- 12 CHAPTER I gressed ; slowly at first, then more rapidly. There were three principal reasons for this: (1) Man found rifts in the steel armor of the gods; (2) Religion became more humane and relaxed its grip on man; (3) Man learned to do things for himself. (1) No matter how threatening an aspect the laws of the gods might have and what dire punishment they might bring upon a few transgressors, men found a rift in their steel armor. According to the theory that the deities rule everything, the righteous man or the most obedient ought to be the most successful; for while the sins of the fathers were to be visited upon the children unto the thii'd and fourth generation, mercy was to be shown and blessings extended "unto thousands of them that love me and keep my commandments." Elihu argues against Job in this fashion: "He (Jehovah) withdraweth not his eyes from the righteous ; but with kings are they on the throne; yea, he doth establish them forever, and they are exalted." And the Psalmist sends forth his exhortations to righteousness on the basis oi its bringing prosperity. This philosophy is, however, not true to life. And even the Psalmist is compelled to admit this as soon as he turns his eyes away from "the hills from whence cometh my help" to the life that is before him. Then he sees, "the prosperity of the wicked," and is amazed that "their eyes stand out with fatness," and "they have more than heart could wish." (Psalm LXXIII). And the longer he looks the more surprised he becomes, and finally his outraged sense of justice finds vent in the question: "Lord, how long shall the wicked, how long shall the wicked triumph?" (Psalm XCIV). The same observation must have been made by thousands of others THE OLD AND THE NEW CIVILIZATION 13 in different lands and times. The theory did not tally with the facts. Says Professor Huxley: "If there is a generalization from the facts of human life which has the assent of thoughtful men in every age and country, it is that the violator of ethical rules constantly escapes the punishment which he deserves ; that the wicked flour- ish like a green bay tree, while the righteous begs his bread."^ The other rift in the steel armor was revealed by man's observation of the contradictions in the demands of the gods. Baal required one thing, Jehovah another; Zeus persecuted a man whom Poseidon would protect; the gods quarrelled and fought among themselves, and the Twentieth Song of the Iliad is devoted to the battle of the gods, some fighting with the Greeks, others with the Trojans. If the gods were not of one mind, it is small wonder that men became puzzled and began to ask questions. Then something was bound to happen. There were other difficulties which confronted the be- liever in the gods as the rulers of every human action and as the rulers over man. Gradually men came to recognize that there was a natural law which controlled human events and even the gods. The theory of Fate among the Greeks, and of the Goetterdammerung among the Teutons expresses the passing of the gods. Men had only the law of nature to fall back on. And as they observed the regularity in the returns of the sea- sons, of the close connection between natural and human events, the law of cause and effect gradually dawned on their minds, and began to take shape in the theory that their souls were, after all, in their own keeping and not in that of another. Man could make or mar his 1 Evolution and Ethics, p. 58. Appleton & Company, New York, 1899. 14 CHAPTER I fortune. Group after group of happenings was seen to lie in the mesh of law and not in the palm of caprice. Scepticism in the old forms of religion created a new form of it, which became another means to progress. (2) Religion became more human and relaxed its grip on man in some respects. The fatherhood of God, and its complement, the brotherhood of man, were dis- covered. This put a new phase on human affairs. One God, one human family! The exploitation of one tribe by another was no longer legitimate because all men were sons of the same Father. One must live in peace with his neighbors, and treat them as one would be treated by them. This expansion of social consciousness made possible the welding together, during the last thousand years, of numerous tribes of similar blood and speech into nations. But the essential difference between tribal and national organizations is the warlike character of the former and the peaceful character of the latter. This may seem a strange statement to those who do not know history and the slow development of society. It is never- theless true. Wars are much less frequent now in civil- ized countries than they were a thousand years ago and than they are to-day among the tribes of Africa. Na- tions strive to pursue primarily industry and commerce. This means a relaxing of the grip of religion on man from the point of interference with his daily affairs. The ancient Hebrew might make a distinction in com- mercial transactions between Jew and Gentile, the Greek between Greek and Barbarian, because they served dif- ferent gods and because this fact intruded itself into their daily affairs. Now that we believe in one God, the one question which arises concerns itself with the equality and desirability of the goods. Does this man produce THE OLD AND THE NEW CIVILIZATION IS what / want? Can he be trusted? We may be of dif- ferent opinion about divine things, but we both recog- nize in a general way a Divine Being and the interde- pendence of men on each other. Tolerance in religion, integrity in business, — is the slogan of the modern man of affairs. (3) In proportion as man learned to depend less on the gods, he acquired the ability to do things, and that gave him much needed confidence. He knows now that his success depends on his own efforts; for, according to the conception of monotheism, all men are treated alike by God, and there can be no more favoritism of the stronger god for his own people. Everyone must work, and each has the privilege of enjoying divine favor for good harvests to the extent of his efficiency, and no more. At first sight it might appear as if the conception of one omnipotent God would strengthen the idea of dependence. When we read that we should take no thought for our lives, what we should eat or drink, nor what we should put on; and when it is pointed out to us that the fowls of the air are taken care of and the lilies of the field are better clothed than Solomon in all his glory, although neither of these creatures work, and when the whole argument ends with the significant question, "Are you not much more than they?" one may easily see how that teaching affected the multitude of slaves whose lives had been one continuous drudgery under hard taskmas- ters. Unsophisticated as they were, many of them must have expected that they would be looked after when embracing Christianity ; even freemen might be pardoned for entertaining such a hope. The whole previous ten- dency has fostered such an idea of dependence. That such practical applications were actually made by some new 16 CHAPTER I converts may be inferred from the case of supposed communism in the church at Jerusalem and from what St. Paul writes to the Thessalonians in the Second Epistle. The report in the second chapter of the Acts of the Apostles about "having all things in common" is very brief and inconclusive, and is supplemented in the sixth chapter with an account of how provision was made for the poor by the appointment of seven men as almoners. Evidently some men had too literally applied the teach- ings of Jesus. The passage in the Epistle to the Thes- salonians is still more striking. The apostle warns against "disorderly" brethren. But these gentlemen were evi- dently of the type that believed in being provided for, since the only charge against them is that they would not work. In criticism of such an attitude, St. Paul refers to the fact that he himself worked for his living, and adds the sharp rebuke : "If any would not work, neither should he eat." The necessity of work was brought home even to a believer in an almighty and be- nevolent Father. Man, then, had to work, even under the new dispen- sation. And as he worked he discovered the wonderful works of nature and her willingness to grant harvests in return for proper exertion. As he mastered one field after another of her resources, his confidence increased from one generation to another. He found that his ef- forts alone could procure more leisure and greater abun- dance for him, that he alone could steer his ship, and that, after all, his soul was. in his own keeping. The better this lesson was learned, the more rapid his progress became. The process is not by any means complete. At first the strong and capable rushed in and availed themselves THE OLD AND THE NEW CIVILIZATION 17. of all the new forces set free by this change in the attitude of mankind. The victory was to be efficient, and others suffered. The forces set free were not used for the welfare of all ; new problems arose owing to the too swift movement along certain lines. The principal ef- forts were made in production with unparalleled success ; the process of distribution was neglected, to the harm of society. Causes of unrest among modern men. — If the aim of society is the development of a free, self-reliant man, full of initiative and enterprise, enjoying his work and his pleasures, and if we find that the new industrial de- velopment has enabled only a few individuals to attain this goal, while the millions are still living under condi- tions which make full and complete living impossible — it must be confessed that we have not progressed very far. We have taken from the poor the comfort of re- ligion, which bade them be satisfied and wait for a proper recompense in the hereafter; but we have failed to substitute something else which is better. Hence a restlessness and unhappiness pervades the modern world the like of which antiquity never knew. In the ancient world people did not know what they could do; now they know, but they see their efforts thwarted owing to social mismanagement ; then they were comparatively con- tented and satisfied, because they were ignorant of their power; now they are unhappy because they use their energies to the utmost but are despoiled of their efforts. The dead hand of the past still holds them in the clutches of antiquated institutions whose inertia prevents the re- modelling of life according to the present day con- ceptions. It is our knowledge which is the cause of our misery. 18 CHAPTER I We have correct theory but are unable to apply it- Why? Because all our institutions have grown out of conditions which have been superseded. They continue to exist, however, because the lesson of our independence has not been learned by all. While theoretically we boast of it, we turn cowards when the question of asserting it is presented. In our mechanical appliances we proceed according to the strictly modern notions of self-reliance and responsibility; in politics, in ethics, in the family, and in the other infinitely more important matters of life, we cling to the codes of the past. Hence our misery! We see what we have done in one direction and have a vision of the promised land of complete living, yet hesi- tate to assert ourselves in every direction. We are of a divided mind, and that always means misery. Full pro- gress can never be attained until we become of one mind and resolutely take our whole fate into our own hands and direct it to the best of our knowledge and belief. That is all we can do, but that much we must do. We may make mistakes, but we shall learn by them. Never again shall we allow things to happen according to the caprice of the gods. We shall shoulder the responsi- bility for our blunders, and rejoice in our success. Our souls are in our own keeping, and we want to keep them there. What needs to be done. — If this is to be done we must have a fairly clear conception of our development in the past; we must get a better and stronger type of man by means of eugenics and more satisfactory family arrangements; we must develop all the resources of our energy by developing woman more completely, directing more of our attention to the problems of health, and rearranging our system of education; we must turn re- THE OLD AND THE NEW CIVILIZATION 19 ligion into a concrete and definite social force, and make social control depend more and more on self-control; we must finally socialize our industry, purify our politics, and recognize our interdependence with other nations. Only as we look upon our lives as a product of many factors and clearly recognize their reciprocal influence, will it be possible to make progress all along the line. Most of the so-called reformers either ride hobbies or believe in tandem formation of the social factors. The results are not and cannot be satisfactory, because while our energies are taken up with one problem, there may be retrogression in others. We are thus moving in a zigzag line, but not forward as a whole. Society must be viewed in its entirety with its numerous factors if we are to get an idea and ideal of its progress. Man must be liberated in every respect if his soul is to be his own and if he is to direct his destiny intelligently and for the welfare of all. For society and the individual cannot be separated except in academic discussions. In actual life man is born into a definite social environment which influences him and which he may influence. In pro- portion as he recognizes his own instrumentality as a social agent and exercises that influence with a large vision, shall we have a consistently progressive society in which self-reliant, courageous, and resourceful men will develop. CHAPTER II SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT The active and the passive attitude. — What hap- pened to you?" we ask of a friend who looks downcast. "How did you manage that?" we ask of another who looks triumphant. These questions may seem a trivial introduction to a chapter on social development; yet, they express in a nutshell what has occurred in the past and is still hap- pening daily to thousands of people. There are men to whom things merely happen; they are the victims of circumstances, and they fail or prosper according to the conditions under which they live. They always move with the stream, drifting up or down with the tide as in an estuary ; their environment controls them, and they are either its victims or its beneficiaries. But they never take the initiative, and dread independent thought and personal responsibility! as they would a haunted house. There are other men who love independence, conflict, and obstacles, because they crave opportunities for match- ing their wit and strength against adverse circumstances. They are not satisfied with conditions as they find them, are never the mere results of environment, but always fight and struggle until they gain the victory. It may not always be their lot to conquer, since they often under- take herculean tasks; nevertheless, they try to manage, change, and improve situations : and if they do fail, they fall fighting with minds unconquered. It is of these 20 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT 21 men that Schiller's words are true: "Man is free, even though he were born in chains." Examples will readily suggest themselves. Aesop, the slave, whose mind could not be subdued, worked out solutions for innumerable problems in his famous fables. There was Epictetus, born a slave, who became a philosopher and whom neither poverty nor banishment from Rome could intimidate from speaking frankly of the sins of his contemporaries. America, perhaps more than any other country, fur- nishes numerous cases of men who have conquered pov- erty, lack of education and other forms of adversity — men bom with a positive nature and an intrepid spirit, who would not submit to their environment but con- quered it. They lacked, perhaps, the opportunities of others, but made their own for the benefit of themselves and society. Genetic and telic development. — In these two types of men we have a rough illustration of social evolution. Generally speaking, the past, until very recently, was developing according to circumstances. Men drifted along until something happened that required a new ad- justment. When that was accomplished, they went along according to a new routine until some social or natural catastrophe demanded a new adaptation. Gradually men — at least some men — learned to control circumstances by looking ahead and adapting means to ends. They liber- ated themselves from the thrall of their environment, and recognized themselves as free agents. Modern civiliza- tion is characterized essentially by this craving for liberty, individual responsibility, and a sense of personal dignity. Briefly stated, the older development was genetic; it was a gradual change, and a slow growth: the new de- velopment in telic; it is purposeful, rapid, and character- 22 CHAPTER II ized throughout by being predetermined as far as possible by man. Things are not allowed to happen; they are made to happen according to a well devised plan. Man is not overwhelmed by circumstances ; he brings about con- ditions which further his schemes. The evolutionary conception. — As was pointed out in the first chapter, primitive and semi-civilized man con- ceived himself to be under the domination of various unseen powers — in some cases it would hardly do to call them spiritual. These powers controlled him and nature, and whatever happened was their work. The origin of the universe and of everything therein was attributed to them, and this conception passed into the English language through the Latin under the term genesis, or creation. This is, however, a poor use of the term genesis, since it means "becoming" rather than "making." The idea involved is that nature is self-active and contains potentialities for development. Nature is no longer looked upon as a formless mass needing the ani- mating touch of some spirit to give it life and definite form ; it is supposed to contain within itself the necessary power for variation and perfectibility. This new con- ception became current through Darwin and Spencer un- der the term evolution. Looked upon from this point of view, society has evolved as an inevitable result of the forces of nature. In order to live, every organism had to adapt itself to an environment in which it could sur- vive. Changes in surroundings required new adjust- ments, and, since these were possible only through changes in the organism, new structures were required. By con- stant repetitions of change in environment and structure, there were gradually evolved the various organisms in the vegetable and animal world, nature selecting those SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT 23 that were best fitted to survive in a particular environ- ment. Since the advantageous features in structure were handed down by heredity, the effects became cumulative, and it is thus possible to explain the increasingly greater development of the higher organisms toward perfection. The more complex the structure became, the better it would meet different conditions in the environment. On the other hand, a more varied environment required dif- fering and more numerous adaptations, and became thus a means for further development. Protozoa, for instance, need hardly any structure, since they find their food everywhere in their environment; fishes require a more varied structure, since they have to search for their food ; amphibia demand still more varied organs, since they live both on land and in water. Most animals are adapted to a particular environment, and their structure is simple compared to that of man, who is able to live in any climate. The greater the range of environment, the more numerous are the possibilities for changes, and the greater, consequently, the demands for new adaptations, and, by implication, for new structures. This is, in the most simple terms, the theory of evolu- tion as it was applied not only to organisms, from the lowest to the highest, but also to human organizations. The dominating idea all through was that of a passive organism, adapting itself to changes in the environment only when need arose. It is, of course, impossible to follow here the different phases which evolution took, and the various interpretations given to it at one time and another by scientists starting from opposite points of view. Evolution and society. — Applied to society, this 24 CHAPTER II principle has found its chief advocates in the so-called geographical or environmental theory, according to which human organizations are as much the product of a par- ticular country as are its flora and fauna. Henry Thomas Buckle was the first to give systematic treatment to this world-old conception, and Friedrich Ratzel the latest to give it scientific form. A quotation from the Eng- lish adaptation of his work will best illustrate the bear- ing of that doctrine. "Man is a product of the earth's surface. This means not merely that he is a child of the earth, dust of her dust; but that the earth has mothered him, fed him, set him tasks, directed his thoughts, confronted him with difficulties that have strengthened his body and sharpened his wits, given him his problems of naviga- tion or irrigation, and at the same time whispered hints for their solution. She has entered into his bone and tissue, into his mind and soul. On the mountains she has given him leg muscles of iron to climb the slope; along the coast she has left these weak and flabby, but given him, instead, vigorous development of chest and arm to handle his paddle or oar. In the river valley she attaches him to the fertile soil, circumscribes his ideas and ambitions by a dull round of calm, exacting duties, narrows his outlook to the cramped horizon of his farm. Up on the wind-swept plateaus, in the bound- less stretch of the grasslands and the waterless tracts of the desert, where he roams with his flocks from pasture to pasture and oasis to oasis, where life knows much hardship but escapes the grind of drudgery, where the watching of grazing herd gives him leisure for con- templation, and the wide-ranging life a big horizon, his ideas take on a certain gigantic simplicity; religion be- SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT 25 comes monotheism, God becomes one, unrivaled like the sand of the desert and the grass of the steppe, stretch- ing on and on without break or change. Chewing over and over the cud of his simple belief as the one food of his unfed mind, his faith becomes fanaticism; his big spatial ideas, born of that ceaseless regular wandering, outgrow the land that bred them and bear their legiti- mate fruit in wide imperial conquests."^ Volumes have been written by other authors to prove that a certain climate and a given geographical contour of land and sea will produce a people with a certain char- acter. The ancient Greeks have most frequently been referred to as a nation which accomplished great achieve- ments because it was favored with a salubrious climate and with a land of mountains and valleys, of bays and peninsulas, and of a rich flora and fauna. If that be true, how can the defender of this theory explain the dif- ference in the Greeks of today? None of the features mentioned has changed. Mount Olympus is still there; the Aegean still washes the shores of Attica; and the sun which shone upon the heroes of Homer still glad- dens the goat-herd of the hills. Everything is the same; but the hero of old has turned into the goat- herd of to-day; and the originator of deep philosophy into the imitator of the shallower of French conventions. The plains of Mesopotamia once upon a time were the habitat of powerful races. Then for centuries they became the dwelling places of most abject and decadent peoples. The German government knew that the climate has not changed, that the Tigris and Euphrates still water large and fertile plains, and that only an influx of ener- 1 Influence of Geographic Environment; by Ellen Churchill Sample; Henry Holt & Company, New York, 1911; pp. 1 and 2. 26 CHAPTER 11 getic people is needed to turn this region into a granary once more. Hence the desire to annex the territory commercially by means of the Bagdad railroad. Ger- man philosophers and geographers may declare the de- pendence of man on climatical and physical features ; the government proceeded on the principle that what was once done in those p/ains can be done again with a people of different heredity — a people that believes in thrift, industry, science and commerce. Fallacy of geographical theory. — The fundamental fal- lacy of the geographical theory is the lack of distinction between man and animal in the form of their reaction. Generally speaking, the difference consists in the fact that the animal is transformed by environment, while man transforms it to a greater or lesser extent. No one will deny, of course, that the man in the tropics differs from the one in the arctics partly because of his environ- ment. It is admitted by everyone, however, that both th Eskimo and the Congo negro have reacted more or less effectively on nature by protecting themselves against her in various ways. This reaction differs essentially from that of the animal which tries to accommodate itself to changes in nature, as a matter of necessity and only when they occur. Hence, whatever protection against nature animals have developed in the course of time, is always part of their own body, whether it be thicker fur in winter, stronger claw of tiger or fleeter foot of deer. This whole development is natural in the sense that those animals which were in possession of some advantageous characteristic, owing to fortuitous variations, were selected by nature to survive, both as individuals and species. Under particular geographical conditions, specific characteristics were most advantage- SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT 27 ous, e. g., thick fur in the Arctics, and abihty to go with- out water for several days in the sub-tropical deserts. This does not mean that the desert makes the camel, or the Arctics the polar bear; but simply that the species starting with an initial ability in the direction required was in a more favorable position to survive, and handed down this ability to its offspring. The effect becoming cumulative, the species gradually became better adapted to that particular environment, until it lost the ability to live anywhere else. It may thus be said to be con- trolled by nature. The development of human society originated very much in the same way. Man had but little intelligence, and was unable to adapt means to ends. He had to take what nature offered, and to accommodate himself to her whims the best way he could. Gradually he learned that he might satisfy his desires better by using tools, making provision for the future, and subjecting her forces to his purposes. He became aware that individual effort counted for something, and that by studying nature he might ease his own exertions. The progress was made in many directions. Genetic development in antiquity. — What needs to be explained briefly is the fact that this development was still genetic. Men acted as a rule merely to satisfy some desire; it was spontaneous and more or less emotional. They might put forth great effort and act very shrewdly, even ingeniously, to attain a certain end, and yet not be concerned with anything beyond the immediate satis- faction of a desire. An illustration from history will make this plain. We read of several world conquerors in the past, start- ing out from Egypt, again from Persia or Assyria and 28 CHAPTER II Babylonia. Two remarkable facts about > them are, the rapidity with which they accomplished their object, and the short life of their empires. In twelve years Alexan- der extended his empire from Macedonia to the Nile and to the Indus; but in a shorter time that territory reverted to a condition of anarchy under many princes and chieftains. Each of these world conquerors had the strong personal desire to control many human beings •without a competitor for power. In the pursuit of this object he spared no exertion and displayed great martial ingenuity. But the moment the desire was satisfied, activity slackened, and he abandoned himself to a life of ease and revelry. Telic development in Rome. — When we come to ancient Rome, we find for the first time in history an entirely different procedure. It took her two hundred years to extend her territory fifty miles from her centre, and seven hundred years to reach the English Channel. But what she conquered, she held. Every means was taken to ramify and fortify Roman dominion in the lands which were subjugated. Military roads were built — ^not for the duration of a few years, but, if that were possible, for eternity; forts and cities were laid out, merchants and agriculturalists were settled in the conquered terri- tory, and liberty to govern themselves according to their own laws was granted to the vanquished peoples. Every- thing was done to make Roman rule perpetual. It was not the whim of this or that emperor; it was the policy of a people. "No step backward" is a truly Roman say- ing. In pursuit of this course, Rome inaugurated two policies of the utmost importance ; the jus gentium, or law of nations, and religious toleration. The granting of citizenship to members of defeated races illustrates the SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT 29 former, and the Pantheon in Rome, with its statues of all the gods to be found in the Roman empire, the lat- ter. The result was that the Roman empire lasted a cen- tury to every year of that of Alexander. The procedure of the world conquerors was genetic, that of Rome was telic. Differences between genetic and telic development. — The difference between the two is, that genetic development is chiefly emotional, is directed at immediate ends, adapts itself as much as possible to nature, and sat- isfies a comparatively narrow range of desires; while telic progress is primarily intellectual, concerns itself more with distant ends, adapts and improves the environ- ment, and enriches life by satisfying an ever larger num- ber of desires. This means that as long as the intellect is not sufficiently mature, there is mere evolution or de- velopment and that progress is dependent entirely on intellectual growth. The transition from genetic development to telic prog- ress has taken place at different times among the various nations but is not complete in any race. Many indi- viduals even in the most civilized nations are still in the transition stage. Transition from genetic to telic development. — ^The various steps leading from the one to the other are, briefly stated, instinct and intellect, exuberance of imagination, philosophy and science, pessimism and optimism. Instinct is chiefly emotional. Every instinct, whether it is that for eating or mating, is accompanied by a strong feeling, and action is entirely dependent on the intensity of that feeling. In animals and children in- stincts are as a rule inerrant and lead to wholesome 30 CHAPTER II action. An animal or child hardly overloads its diges- tive organs, because when the instinct for food is satis- fied, the appetite ceases and eating is stopped. Any deviation from this procedure is an indication of disease. What the child and the animal do instinctively, a civilizecj adult does intelligently; he will not eat more than a certain amount of food and will vary his diet. Between these two there are innumerable stages. The price which the human race had to pay for the development of the intellect, has been very high, since there is a tremendous distance between the inerrant instinct of the animal and the intelligence of civilized man, and the road between the two is strewn with wrecks and corpses of whole races. The acquisition of intelligence had to be paid for by the loss of the inerrancy of instinct, and, as intel- lect did not appear at once as instinct vanished, mankind had to pay a staggering price for its new possession. In- telligence can be acquired by a race or by an individual only through experience, and that takes time. The birth of intelligence in man meant, consequently, that his in- stincts were no longer normal and infallible, because they had been tampered with by the growing mind. The animal's mentality does not extend beyond its im- mediate wants. A dog is concerned only with what he needs now and here. He has no surplus mentality in the form of fears and hopes, desires and aversions, unless they be aroused by an object immediately before him. Hence his instincts are normal and guide him correctly. The mind of man began with a surplus over the imme- diate needs of the body and the present. It possessed an abundance of feeling and imagination. His imagina- tion pictured scenes of feasting and sexual indulgence to^him when there was no physical call for them. la SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT 31 the course of time, as he yielded to his imagination, his instincts gradually lost their infallibility, and he was left without rudder in the sea of his own tempestuous desires, because intellect had not developed sufficiently to serve as a guide or to point to future satisfactions. The whole of his exuberant imagination was directed toward the satisfaction of immediate ends. But what other ends could he have except physical satisfactions? Hence, the over-indulgence in food and sex, in fighting and quarreling. Since his imagination was neither curbed nor illumined by reason, he furthermore fell into all kinds of superstitions about ghosts and spirits, his fears mul- tiplied, and he invented endless tales and myths to account for evils. It was always some immediate good that he sought; either a pleasure or the removal of a fear or pain. Even virtue had its immediate reward in being repaid by the gods with plenty and long life. The transi- tion came when this crude philosophy was seen to be untrue to life, and resort was taken to a later and future punishment of the wicked, as was noted in the preceding chapter. Religion served thus the purpose of giving man a perspective of the future. This perspective was the opening wedge for a less crude philosophy. Man still felt dependent on the unseen powers. But he now began to reason about them. Ani- mism and fetichism were supplanted at first by poly- theism, then by henotheism, and eventually by mono- theism. Since all deities either represented various pow- ers of nature, or were supposed to control them, man naturally sought to explain all happenings through them. Religion — in those days identical with philosophy — ^be- came, consequently, a continuous effort to conciliate the gods either by averting their anger or winning their 32 CHAPTER II favor. This constituted an adaptation to nature as it was then understood. Since the divine powers repre- sented various forces of nature, the object of "peace offerings" and "burnt offerings" was to express an in- tense desire to placate nature or adapt oneself to it. It Was submission to powers which could not be controlled. The endeavor to conciliate a deity because of a failing harvest implied very plainly the inability to produce a crop by one's own efforts. Compensation in educability. — The loss of the iner- rancy of instinct was, however, not without compensating features, chief among which was the educability of man. Being no longer guided by an infallible instinct, man had to learn by the method of "trial and error," or perish. He soon found that exuberance of imagination with its attendant over-indulgence in sex and food was ruinous to the race and the individual. He had to think of means and methods to curb both of these appetites. It is due to this idea that institutions along these and other lines gradually came into existence. Every social institution, whether in the form of folkway, usage, cus- tom, or regular establishment, began, and had to begin, with restraint and regulation in order to lead to free- dom. One of these, the family, will be discussed in the next chapter as an illustration of this process. The only thing which concerns us here is the psychic change which took place in man when the infallibility of his instincts was gone. Development of animal. — The animal develops by adapting itself to nature, or rather to a particular en- vironment. When that adaptation is complete, develop- ment of necessity stops, since changes in structure can occur only when a great change places a strain on the SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT 23 organism in order to meet the new conditions. When every organ and the organism as a whole are able to meet the exigencies of a particular environment, there is no longer the incentive for special exertion calling for accommodation by means of new structures, and only the demands for normal effort to sustain life are left. These are sufficient to incite the animal to wholesome activity along different lines. When this stage has been reached, and when every organ responds almost auto- matically to the stimuli from the environment, instinct — the psychic counterpart of structure — becomes fixed, and no further development either physically or mentally takes place. That, at least, would be the situation under ideal conditions of a perfect adaptation. There are, of course, no absolutely ideal conditions ; thus there is always a demand for new adaptations in animals. These are, however, so minute and infinitesimal, that within his- toric times scarcely any radical changes have been no- ticed in the known species of animals, and that they have not affected their mentality to any considerable extent—- at least not sufficiently to make the transition from a lite of instinct to one of reason necessary. Development of man. — It was different in the case of man. When his surplus mentality developed in the form of excess feeling, whatever may have been the cause, his instincts failed to function in a normal manner, and he could not adapt himself completely to any one environ- ment. This meant that he must acquire a substitute for instinct in the form of an agency which made it possible for him to adapt himself to varying conditions and differ- ent environments. His instincts being no longer a safe guide to action, he had to try to learn from both success and failure. If a particular mistake made was not too 34 CHAPTER II grievous and he profited from it to the extent of avoid- ing similar action in future, he had learned a valuable lesson. In proportion as he profited from both success and failure he gradually acquired some sort of rudimentary reasoning power which enabled him to devise the most simple methods of proceeding in an indirect manner. He substituted simple tools for brute physical strength, and began to resort to various forms of the ruse, outwitting animals of superior strength with the club, ax and arrow, and those of greater fleetness with the trap and ambush. No one knows just how early the first simple tools were invented; it is certain, though, that some have been found among the remains of paleolithic man. Experience taught him to handle these instruments better, and bet- ter handling suggested changes and modifications in them and led to the invention of others. Knowledge was at first merely an addition of experiences, and remained so for thousands of years. In a general way this stage of man's development may be identified with what we have called the genetic process. Throughout this stage, though, man proved to be educable and learned by experience to do new things, or old things in a new way. Mental tools. — An entirely new stage in progress was reached when man became dissatisfied with the mere accretion of experiences, and tried to understand the principles underlying them. This led to the invention of what the late Professor Ward has called mental tools, by which he means from a linguistic point of view, gen- eral instead of concrete terms, and from the logical, gen- eral conceptions, classifications and other devices for sim- plifying intellectual processes. How late and difficult an acquisition this was may be inferred from the fact SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT 35 that even today some nomads in the Hindu Kush Moun- tains have six different terms to indicate passes with various declivities or heights, and about twelve to dis- tinguish the shades of brown and gray among their flocks. A general conception of pass is lacking, and the distinction cannot be made by means of adjectives and adverbs ; hence each kind of pass has its own term, which in a particular settlement tends to become a name. It is the same with the different tints of gray and brown among the sheep and goats. These mental tools facilitated intellectual expansion enormously. Take, as an example, the multiplication table, by means of which very much larger calculations can be made than waj possible by mere addition. The vast number of terms in logic, philosophy, science, and other branches of human reasoning are each and every one a saving of mental energy, making possible an ex- tension in other directions. The invention of mental tools was accompanied by an endeavor to discover the inner meaning of the processes in which men engaged. At first almost any object asso- ciated accidentally with a particular occurrence might and often was given as the cause. Other causes were invented, such as magic, witchcraft, and many forms of primitive deities. This form of reasoning is called mythological. That does not mean it is illogical, but rather that the premises are fictitious or artificial. It has survived to this day even in civilized communities among those who lack a good general education or scien- tific training. It is found among children who often in- vent the most artificial causes for certain occurrences. Poets and dreamers are particularly subject to this form of reasoning; but it is current among those people with 36 CHAPTER II whom a desire for something is a sufficient reason for getting it. Most of the social Utopias are the result of this k^nd of intellectuality. Emotion, benevolent and comprehensive, is at the bottom of it, but is not con- trolled by calm reasoning. Whoever is led by fancies and shirks facts, is apt to reason mythologically. Science and prevision. — Scientific reasoning is a much later result and represents a greater mental ma- turity. It generally starts from facts and observation and proceeds by induction. Owing to this procedure, a more systematic and accurate knowledge of at least a limited field of facts is acquired, and prevision and pre- diction become possible within its area. This makes ex- periment possible, and the extension of knowledge on a firmly established basis is only a question of time. From the sociological point of view this means the final transition from the genetic development to the telic progress. Society no longer depends on the good-will cf nature, but forces it to yield what man wants. If an area is dry, it is irrigated ; if it is wet, it is drained. The objection may be raised that some ancients, for instance, the Chaldeans, understood the art of irrigation. That is readily admitted, but it can be said with good reason that a knowledge of the science of irrigation was lacking. Mere observation taught those people that water can be made to flow to a lower level. They were, however, unable to tunnel a mountain, as was done at the Roose- velt Dam, and get the water to a valley on the other side. >. iViodern medicine offers, perhaps, the best example of relic progress. No matter how skillful physicians may nave been in the past — and they rarely were — their con- ception was always limited to the curing of disease. Now SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT 57 the whole conception has changed, and the idea prevails among the enlightened members of the community and in the medical fraternity that the chief occupation of the physician should be maintenance of health as a normal condition of man. Measures are consequently taken through dietetics, hygiene, and sanitation to produce con- ditions in the home and the city which will insure health to every intelligent person. The whole attitude of modern medicine tends toward prevention, or prophylaxis, and the universities have expressed this tendency by granting specialists along this line the diploma of doctor of public health. This implies a fundamental change in the whole con- ception of man concerning himself. He recognizes him- self as an agent in the making of his own fate. He no longer adapts himself to nature, but subjugates her for his own purposes. The pious man of antiquity might pray and make offerings for health and long life; the modern man knows that these two blessings are a result of good heredity, rational living, and sanitation; and he takes his measures accordingly. He knows that ample harvests are the result of good tilling, proper rotation of crops, fertilizing, and the prevention of rust: he no longer trusts to the efficiency of parading the images of gods and saints through the fields. He does not wait until nature forces him to adapt himself to her changing moods, but goes forth boldly to impose his purposes upon her — unwilling and parsimonious though she be. Emotional Refinement. — The development of men- tality from the genetic to the telic attitude implies a refinement of satisfactions and an increase in their num- ber. The pleasures of primitive man and of the unedu- cated to-day are chiefly those of sense and emotion. There 38 CHAPTER II was little in ancient times that could furnish pleasure apart from food, sex, and the exultation from success in war and the chase. Even during the Middle Ages the masses had little more, unless it be the elevating influence of religion. To-day the educated have a vast variety of intellectual pleasures, and even the ignorant enjoy "shows" of one kind or another, whether at a summer resort or in the theatres and "movies." Every man has an immensely wider range of interests than ever before. He may be interested only in the stock exchange quotations of his paper, but he cannot help casting at least a fleeting glance at the head-lines on the first page. He is unable to escape the many impressions which crowd upon him in his home or in his shop. Satisfactions come to him even though it be only through victory in business, or the pleasure of fast travel. The scientist and the philosopher have a vast number of opportunities which the ancients were denied. Those men depended for their intellectual development on a few teachers whom it was often difficult to reach ; to-day the whole world of thought is opened up before the searcher for knowledge. True, pleasures may not be refined in every respect. Nevertheless, there is a vast difference between the bru- talities of the savage, perpetrated with the view of en- joying the writhings of the victim, and the almost in- numerable acts of kindness done by modern man out of sympathy with sufferers. Acts, like the relief of Servia, Belgium and Poland, would not only have been impos- sible five thousand years ago, owing to the lack of sym- pathy and to the narrowness of social consciousness which would have caused people to rejoice in the sufferings of others as a just reward for wickedness or idolatry; but sympathy, even if it had existed, could not have found SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT 39 a way of manifesting itself, owing to the absence of surplus wealth and ot means of communication — ^both created by telic thought. The most remarkable thing about this modern philanthropy is that we take it as a matter of course and never think of the phenomenal change which has come over the world within a few cen- turies. Now the whole world is kin; formerly there were only strangers and enemies whose misfortunes often evoked positive joy. Certam psalms owe their origin to this pleasure in the smiting of the enemy by the "lord of hosts." This still happens occasionally among the uneducated. It is, however, no longer the attitude of the more advanced classes and races. The signing of the Treaty of Paris, June 28, 1919, is a good illustration of how civilized man has advanced in the treatment of his enemies. The Allies divested this ceremony — one of the most momentous in the world's history — of all splendor and of every feature which could have humili- ated the beaten Germans. It was a business transaction only, and not an opportunity for exulting over a defeated enemy. Likewise it was an apt expression of this new attitude when a captain of the American Navy discour- aged the cheerings of his less refined sailors on the oc- casion of the sinking of the Spanish ships at Santiago Tvith the words : "Don't cheer, boys, those poor devils are ■dying !" Few men fully civilized. — The implication through- out this chapter has been that not all men have made the transition from genetic to telic thought. This needs a little emphasis now. There has been a discussion in sociological circles as to the value of leaders — men like Spencer, declaring that the masses are doing practically all the work for progress and that the so-called leaders 40 CHAPTER II have merely become their mouthpieces. It is not neces- sary to enter into the details of the discussion. Even philosophers are sometimes led astray by their theories or their love for logic. There is no need to go back into history for proof., Any careful observer of his own times cannot fail to notice that small indeed is the number of those who have the gift of long foresight and the willingness to sacrifice present enjoyments for those in the future. Telic thought always requires these two qualities. There are many men who look longingly into the future as the time of the realization of all their expectations. There are few, though, who recognize that hopes do not come true of themselves, and that "our ships never come in" unless we steer them aright. That mccins close, diligent, and persistent application through many years. A telic attitude requires not only intellectual gifts but moral qualities. ' Leaders are few. — Looking at life, no one can fail to notice that only certain men have this ability. They are not only inventors and innovators, but leaders of men in moral reforms and social reconstruction. They do not merely wish society well, but strive earnestly to bring about better conditions. Their principal work con- sists often in overcoming the inertia of their less gifted and less conscientious fellow-men. It is frequently a matter of the utmost difficulty to change a community from a genetic to a telic attitude. Men are more apt to let things happen than to make them happen. The work of prevision consists, consequently, not only in ac- tually adopting suitable means to clearly conceived ends, but, especially in the social realm, in overcoming the bias and prejudice of one's contemporaries. What is true in this to-day, has always been true. SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT 41 The masses have needed leaders in order to progress; without them even genetic development would have been much slower, and telic progress would never have come about. There is, consequently, a certain justification in the method of the older historians, in making history a matter of leaders. Their fault lay in confining leader- ship to armies. If the leaders of thought, of science, of art, and of morality had been included, there would be less reason for complaint about the shortcomings of the older historians. If we regard society as having achieved progress through its leaders, the question whether these men at- tained their position by virtue of innate capacity or by means of favorable circumstances, deserves brief notice. A distinction should be made between opportunities for certain races, and opportunities for individuals in the same race. In regard to races it is generally admitted that among savage peoples the opportunities for development are few. Perhaps the only avenue for distinction lies in military leadership; sometimes in religion. A Newton or an Edison could certainly not have arisen among the Hottentots. The intellectual level of the social environ- ment is too low among those people to permit of a high development even of the most gifted men. These two scientists might perhaps have become famous magicians in a savage community, but could not have risen higher, because every man depends ultimately on his social en- vironment. If that is low, he may raise it to a some- what higher level; but he cannot, single-handed, change the whole mental attitude of a people. Because of too great insistence on radical changes many reformers have paid the penalty of death. A slow accumulation of 42 CHAPTER II knowledge is necessary to produce permanent improve- ments. These must be introduced gradually so as not to put too great a tax on human endurance. For this reason, as a rule only a people with a long history is able to make any valuable contributions to human wel- fare. Why some races have advanced and others have not, is, however, not a part of this discussion. When we speak of opportunities within civilized races, the picture changes materially. Here it is not so much a question of opportunity as one of ability. Society, after all, cannot offer more to any man than opportuni- ties. Some men have more of them than others. But no man can become a leader merely by having opportuni- ties. The essential thing is always the use he makes of them. A man of talent will create them if they do not exist, or go to places where he may find them. The immigrants who have become prominent in America and other new countries illustrate the latter policy, Shakes- peare the former. No man could have had fewer oppor- tunities than William of Stratford on Avon. With very little education, with no money, and with a social stigma on his name, he went to London, and there among carousing and immoral actors, became not only a man of means, but attained everlasting fame. The maelstrom which drew others down into moral and physical ruin, served Shakespeare as a scaffold to rise to mental great- ness. To make the point more specific, his brother Gil- bert was associated with him for many years, and had apparently the same heredity and opportunities; but he is known only to a comparatively few people as William's brother. Innate ability is, if history speaks truth, of greater importance than opportunity. It may, nevertheless, be true that Gray's "mute and inglorious Miltons" are lying in many a country church SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT 43 yard. And society, at least its leaders, would have it differently in the future. Telic progress wants to utilize not only the resources of nature, but those of men and women to the fullest extent. Hence democracy has al- ready established common schools and other agencies for giving opportunities to those who might otherwise have no chance for development. For progress is es- sentially mental, and the more leaders a society has, the more stable it will become and the higher it will rise. CHAPTER III THE MORALIZATION OF THE FAMILY Importance of the family. — The family is a good illustration of the general development of all social insti- tutions through genetic stages in the earlier periods to telic progress in the later, and will be treated here from that point of view exclusively. This means that the mental aspects of the problem should be kept constantly in mind — the moral values, the emotional refinements, and the intellectual breadth and depth. For, to repeat the remark of the last chapter, progress is essentially mental. The study of the family yields perhaps more scientific knowledge concerning society than that of any other in- stitution. Pursued historically, it touches the roots of property, separate ownership of land, inheritance, rent, taxation, free trade and protection, government, law, re- ligion, and contains the germs of international relations. A brief historical review of the early family will be given in order to prepare the ground for its interpretation from the point of mental values. Origin of the family. — It is impossible to discuss here the many and conflicting views concerning the origin and the purpose of the family. Almost every historian, theologian, jurist, and sociologist has attempted to con- struct a theory on the basis of real or alleged facts. Even to enumerate these theories is beyond the scope of this chapter. The works of Bachof en, Westermark, Howard, and others are known to the specialist, and may be ob- tained in any large library by the general reader. 44 THE MORALIZATION OF THE FAMILY 45 The origin of the family is shrouded in the mysteries of the prehistoric past, and no amount of investigation is Hkely to unravel the tangled skeins. Whether the two sexes lived originally in promis<-nity, polyandry, or poly- gyny, will never be known with certainty, since records are wanting and the only evidence we have — that of contemporary nature peoples — is conflicting. All that can be given in this brief review, is an approximation to the probable development of the family. ^ Temporary pairing. — Perhaps the most natural as- sumption concerning the primitive family is that of temporary pairing. The arguments in favor of this hy- pothesis are partly biological, partly ethnographical, and partly economical. Different forms of the family exist among higher animals ; generally that one prevails in a particular species which is most in harmony with the plane of its develop- ment. The most frequent form is that of temporary pairing, which means that a male and a female consort dijring the mating season to the exclusion of other indi- viduals of their species and live together until the off- spring are able to take care of themselves. This is the form among the stronger predatory animals, e. g., lions, tigers, and bears. Among other species the offspring enjoy the protection of the parents for a longer period, especially among the non-predatory. Irrespective, how- ever, of the amount of protection afforded to the young, strict pairing is the rule among some monkeys, rumi- nants, ungulates and the predatory animals mentioned. Some monkeys, it is true, are polygynous, but they live in families. It may be assumed that man was at least on this plane of development when he branched oflE as an independent species. 46 CHAPTER III The ethnographical arguments for temporary pairing are twofold. Just as the males of certain animals fight for the females, so do the men among lower and higher races fight for the women, as reported of the Chippe- wajans. Slave Indians, the Queensland Australians, and the Dogrib Indians. It is not likely that men who risk their lives in a fight for a woman, would willingly sub- mit to her associating with other men — she must be faith- ful at least for a time. But the general looseness of the family tie to be found among all uncivilized peoples of to-day argues that strict monogamy was not even thought of in prehistoric times. From the economic point we find that primitive man had to seek food constantly. The law of self preserva- tion would force him to look for it alone, or with his mate, since.no traces of altruism are likely to have ani- mated him. The search for food implied, however, ranging far and near, for which the small group such as the temporarily paired family, was best suited. Can later and different forms of the family be ex- plained on the basis of primitive temporary pairing? Let us look at the facts. Evolution is not necessarily upward all the time, but downward occasionally. Among nature peoples of to-day we find group marriage, poly- andry, polygyny, monogamy, and temporary pairing. In other words, there have been changes upward and down- ward, and in a few cases, none whatever. Group mar- riage, or, as it is sometimes designated, promiscuity, is possible onlv in a society where the social nature has developed in a wrong direction, or where the men have no fighting ability. But even there limitations are im- posed. There is no statement to the effect that promis- cuity extended outside of the group. Moreover, when- THE MORALIZATION OF THE FAMILY 47 ever such a condition is described, the quaHfying adverb "almost" is always added; e. g., concerning the Haidas, the Erulars, the Teehurs. In other words, such a family relation merely expresses loose sexual relations, as e. g., among the Montras "who marry without acquaintance, and divorce for trifles, and among whom some men marry forty or fifty times," or among some Bedouin tribes where a man may have fifty wives in succession."- Polyandry. — From this rather incongruous family there developed in the course of time through the scarcity of wives, owing to war or food, the polyandric family in its ascending forms. When several unrelated men marry one wife, it is called Nair; when several related men, brothers or half-brothers marry one wife, it is called Tibetan. Polyandry is found only among unwar- like and very poor peoples, e. g., Tibetans, the Khasias, Ladakhis, the Eskimos, and others. The only exceptions in regard to poverty as a cause of polyandry are in some parts of Ceylon where it occurred until recently, chiefly among the wealthier classes, and where it may be a survival from former times, having become a rigid custom. Polygyny. — Perhaps simultaneously with the poly- andric family developed the polygynic, since the women stolen or captured from one tribe, became plural wives of the conquerors. Although widely distributed over practically every quarter of the globe, it is usually found among warlike races, or among the military castes of other races; and it usually means that the idea of per- sonal property is well advanced, since wives were con- sidered partly trophies and partly slaves. In its pure 1 H. Spencer, Principles of Sociology, Tol. 1, pp. 644 and 680. Apple- ton's edition. 48 CHAPTER III forms polygyny exists among Mahometans, Australians, American Indians, Negroes, etc.; in its modified forms, as lawful concubinage, all over the East, or unlawful, in Europe and America; and as temporary marriage until recently in Japan. In the majority of cases polygyny is practiced by the well-to-do only, except among some very poor peoples where women become the drudges and several of them are needed to support a husband. Among a number of savages all of these three forms of the family exist side by side and are equally tolerated, circumstances determining the particular form most in favor. A peculiar form of family exists among the Todas of India, the marriage of several brpthers or rather half- brothers to several sisters who are not related to them. Each brother is husband to each sister, and vice versa. This form of the family is known by its Hawaiian name, punaluan, because it was found in those islands when the whites invaded them. Survivals of older forms. — Certain customs may be regarded as survivals or transition stages from group marriage, e. g., that of showing hospitaliy to a stranger by lending him one's wife or daughter, as practised by Polynesians, Berbers, Arabs, Kaffirs, Mongols, etc., and the marriage of a woman for only four days of the week, leaving her free to associate with other men the other days, as practised among the Arabs of the Hassanyeh. Monogamy. — Temporary pairing likewise lent itself to the development of monogamy. If the two parties agreed and were compatible, they might extend their union indefinitely, or make it a life partnership. For mo- nogamy means, theoretically at least, a union for life. "Even in Scotland before the Reformation the practice of THE MORALIZATION OF THE FAMILY 49 hand-fastening was common, whereby at the public fairs men selected female companions with whom to cohabit for a year, at the end of which they would either leave or marry."* If trial marriages existed in that country as late as the sixteenth century, it is safe to infer that they must have existed among other and less civilized peoples more frequently. That such temporary unions may become permanent and then customary and finally obligatory, is illustrated clearly by the primitive Wood- Veddahs of Ceylon, concerning whom Spencer quotes^ Bailey to this effect: "Divorce is unknown among them .... I have heard a Veddah say 'Death alone separ- ates husband and wife.' " Matriarchy and patriarchy. — Temporary pairing fur- nishes, thus, a good basis for the evolution of other forms of the family — group marriage being a retrograde movement, the others improvements. Of the sociological and ethical value of the different forms we shall speak later; but before doing so two pairs of terms which have been prominent in the history of the family, must be considered; i. e., exogamy and endogamy, and matri- archate and patriarchate. Matriarchate or matronymy means the tracing of the descent of children through the mother, and since this form of family headship gives woman a predominance over man, it is in a general, although not in an exact, sense equivalent to gynaecocracy or female rule. Patri- archate or patronymy means the tracing of descent through the father, and is termed correspondingly andro- cracy or male rule. 1 W'^stmark, History of Efuraan Marriage, p. 71. 2 Principles of Sociology, Vol. I, p. 620. i50 CHAPTER III In group marriage paternity was entirely uncertain, except as it was confined to the men in the group. In polyandry it was located more definitely, but was still uncertain, being attributable to any one of the three co five or more husbands. It was natural that in both of these forms of the family, descent had to be traced through the mother, and this gave rise to the matri- archate. The immediate, although not the sole, motive for taking any interest at all in the tracing of children was individual or family property. The matriarchate or metronymy was probably the original form of filiation. Traces of it are found, though, to this very day, e. g., in the custom prevalent, especially in Malaysia, which requires a husband to live in his wife's family. The Couvade. — With the introduction of polygyny the patriarchate gained the ascendance, since the father was definitely known, and the children were named after him, thus giving rise to the term patronymy or patro- nymic societies. This form of the family is practically universal now. But in order to show how hard a struggle it must have had with the preceding form of the matri- archate, reference may be made to the so-called couvade, the cause of which Letourneau states thus:^ "For a long time it was not suspected that the man had anything to do with the pregnancy of the woman. When it began to be suspected the ridiculous ceremonies of the couvade were invented by which the man. in recognizing his pa- ternity, sought also to draw upon himself in part at least, the malevolence of the evil spirit who watched the mother during and after the labor of parturition. The couvade has been discovered in a sufficient number of races and sufficiently often to justify the belief that the state of 1 Quoted by Ward, Pure Sociology, p. 343. THE MORALIZATION OF THE FAMILY 51 mind that it reveals was common to all peoples at a certain stage of their evolution." Reduced to its sim- plest terms this peculiar custom means that originally the birth of a child was attributed to a spirit, ancestral, or malevolent; and that at the time when the patriarchate was still fighting for ascendance, the father simulated all the various features of child-bearing, since to the simple minded nature peoples the illness, throes, etc., of parturition were evidence of spirit possession, and therefore of the origin of the child; the fiction of the couvade, by which he imitated all the external symptoms, gave him consequently a claim to the child technically and actually. The custom, once established, continued to be practised among certain people even after its original cause had disappeared and the true cause of child birth became known, e. g., among the Basques in the Pyrenees. Among many other peoples who still practice this custom are some Indian tribes in Brazil and Guiana. Another survival of gynaecocracy or woman-rule is amazonism, or the practice of recruiting fighters at least in part from among the women, e. g., among the Da- homeyans, Battas of Sumatra, Botocudos of Eastern Brazil, etc. — in all about twenty different peoples. Endogamy. — How were incest and inbreeding pre- vented' among primitive peoples ? This question brings us te endogamy or marriage within the clan, and exogamy, or marriage without the clan. Incest has not nearly the same repugnance to primitive people, as it has among us. Inbreeding was learned to be injurious at a much later time. We find therefore that marriage with the nearest relative is often permitted. Greek mythology re- ports that Zeus and Hera were brother and sister ; Chal- dean mythology, that gods and goddesses were fathers. 52 CHAPTER III sons, brothers, mothers, and sisters, as well as husbands and wives to each other; and Egyptian mythology, that Isis and Osiris were sister and brother as well as wife and husband. It is clear that what was considered en- tirely natural among the gods, could not have been for- bidden to men. Among peoples in a very low state of civilization marriages of the closest kin are frequent; e. g., among the Niam Niams in Africa the chiefs take their daughters for wives, the Teita iii East Africa marry mothers and sisters, and the Ostiaks consider a marriage to two sisters at the same time very fortunate, and the Veddahs, although abhorring marriage to an older sister, commend that to a younger one as most auspicious. Even among more civilized peoples close inbreeding is consid- ered favorably, especially among royalty in order to keep the blood pure; e. g., among the kings of Teneriffe, the Ptolmies and the Incas each married their own sisters, the Pharaohs married their sisters and daughters, while Rameses II and Artaxerxes each married two of their own daughters and Psammetik I one daughter. Gradu- ally a ban was put upon marriages of this kind ; however, those of relatives must have been rather frequent in a small clan where endogamy was practised. Exogamy. — The reasons which led to the abandoning' of endogamy are three: (1) The chiefs and other war- riors took the women of the vanquished for wives as tro- phies. The possession of foreign wives indicated, con- sequently, prowess and skill in war, and social standing was determined by these qualities. (2) Since the imi- tation of leaders is. however, a trait of human nature, the lesser men strove to capture wives for themselves, or later to buy them, so as to enjoy the reputation of hav- ing warlike qualities at least by proxy. (3) The increase THE MORALIZATION OF THE FAMILY 53 in vigor and courage exhibited by the offspring of these marriages could not have escaped observation at a com- paratively early date among the more progressive races, and the formerly accidental marriages by capture were now^ prescribed by custom in the form of exogamy either by capture, purchase, or presents. The domestication of animals must also have taught man the dangers of too close inbreeding, and led to the avoidance of marrying at least immediate relatives, and to the preference for entirely unrelated women as wives. When the custom was once established, numerous taboos and regulations enforced and perpetuated it. This was especially necessary under the system of matriarchy, in which various systems were invented to trace relation- ship. The most interesting of these was that found by Lloyd Morgan among some North American Indians, and is called the classificatory system. Its simplest form was practiced among the Maoris and Micronesians, and consists in dividing all persons related by hlood into five groups. "The first is formed of myself and my brothers, sisters and cousins; we all bear the same name, which is that of the whole group. The second group is formed of my father and mother with their brothers and sisters, as well as their cousins, all likewise bearing the same name; the third group comprises my grandparents with their brothers, sisters, etc., the fourth, the cousins of my children, whom I consider as my sons and daughters; lastly, the fifth group is composed of the grandchildren of my brothers and sisters, whom I consider as my grand- children."^ Marriages are generally forbidden within these groups. The usual way of distinguishing the for- bidden degrees of marriages was by plant or animal 1 S. J. Deniker, The Kaces of Man, pp. 234 and 235. 54 CHAPTER III names, as oak, bear, wolf, deer ; no two people bearing the same clan name, e. g., wolf, were allowed to marry. Since most tribes were composed of two or more clans, we frequently have endogamy in the tribe, and exogamy in the clan. This system is very successful in prevent- ing inbreeding; since, if there are four clans in the tribe. A, B, C, D, the children sprung from the parents of clans A and B may not intermarry, because they might marry first cousins; they must marry into clan C, the members of which usually marry into clan D, who in turn contract marriages into clans A or B. Thus there is only the remote possibility of a great-grandfather marrying a great-granddaughter. It would be practically out of the question, especially since there are other rules that intervene, and since life among nature peoples is short. In civilized societies the forbidden bonds are frequently . less strict ; marriages between cousins, for instance, have been n6t only tolerated but distinctly encouraged for state and family reasons, notwithstanding the discouragement ' of the Church, which penalized such marriages with a money fine or in other ways. Transition from genetic to telic development. — The , changes from genetic development to telic progress in the family are along three lines. There are first of all higher moral values; second, emotional refinements, and . third, greater intellectual breadth and depth. The changes along the three lines are fairly well marked. Moral values. — The moral values may be found chiefly in the higher estimation placed upon human life and dignity. Life is valued very lightly in the earlier forms of the family. It is a notorious fact that exposure of children and of the aged occurs frequently in lower THE MORALIZATION OF THE FAMILY 55 civilizations. The reasons may be economic, religious or political, but the fact remains. A community which has a constant and severe struggle in providing the bare necessaries of Hfe, must reduce the number of consumers to that of possible producers. If it is, moreover, con- tinually harrassed by human and animal enemies, and is more or less occupied in seeking new abodes for the sake of safety — often by precipitate flight — it muSt con- fine its attention to those who are able to take care of themselves. This means that old people and young chil- dren have no place in the scheme of primitive societies. Owing to the absence of scientific knowledge of the causes of human vicissitudes, false religions invented spurious reasons for them, and religion claimed an addi- tional toll of human lives in the form of sacrifices for con- ciliating angry deities. Populations were thus constantly kept at low figures. Applied to the family these conditions mean that under a system of temporary pairing, children received scant attention from their parents, and were abandoned in flight or in times of scarcity. Since sexual attraction was generally the only bond between the parents., but little heed was paid to anything else. In the polyandric family the father could not be ascertained, and there was no special reason why any one man should exert himself specially for the sake of children; the latter received thus the care of the mother only, and she was often scantily supplied with food, since this form of the family prevails, as already stated, in poor countries and among unwarlike populations, where neither nature nor booty could be depended upon for ample supplies. In the poly- gynic family the father was in many cases too much occu- pied in settling the contentions between the different 56 CHAPTER III wives, and he had too many children to give close atten- tion to any one individually. Even in advanced societies, e. g., those of Mohametan states, we read of "favorite" children who are better cared for, often at the expense of the others. The result is that the best and noblest efforts of the parents are not united in the rearing of children. Life as such, or as a potential social power, is not valued. The monogamic family alone unites all the advantages without the drawbacks of the family. The law of the family, especially of the monogamic, is that there shall be most aid where there is least merit, while the law of the state is that reward shall be according to merit. The children receive, consequently, the greatest possible care from both parents, not only for a few years, but until they are able to provide for themselves properly. Infancy has been gradually lengthened among civilized nations until the period of legal majority is reached. In the case of those who are to enter the higher professions, requir- ing a college and university training, the period of prep- aration and dependence on parents frequently extends to a later age. Physicians and lawyers often do not become self-supporting until the age of twenty-five, if they take all the work required by our best institutions. Saving of lives. — This continued and concentrated care has resulted in a diminution of' waste in human lives. The mortality of children has been reduced enormously. And while this care for children has reduced waste of life at the beginning, it has equally tended to save it at the end. Among the highest animals, death comes usually after the power of propagation is exhausted; and even among nature peoples this period is rarely survived — death coming either as the result of neglect, or being de- THE MORALIZATION OF THE FAMILY 57 liberately inflicted by the children of relatives as a pious duty. The solicitous care bestowed upon children in the monogamic family has resulted in the protection of the parents during their declining years by the children. Fre- quently the best years of life are those enjoyed by older people, surrounded by the loving care of children, and re- living in their grandchildren their own childhood in a comfortable home. By saving it at both ends and applying the law of need instead of that of merit, the monogamic family has extended average life within the last four cen- turies from twenty-five years — and perhaps only fifteen a few thousand years ago — to over forty at present in the most civilized countries. Dignity and monogamy. — With the lengthening of life came an increase in dignity. In every one of the forms of the family preceding the monogamic, the valuation of husband and wife is chiefly sexual. In temporary pairing this is evident ; the two are chiefly mates, and part when satisfaction in this hne is no longer to be had. In poly- andry and polygyny a similar condition exists. Where there are several husbands to one wife, she may, and often does, play one against another to get satisfactions in other respects. Her sex becomes a direct and her husbands an indirect means to ulterior ends. In poly- gyny the use of wives as means to sexual satisfaction is evident; they are increased in number for that purpose, one favorite is substituted for another, and large sums are paid for especially attractive ones. Other qualities of the woman play a comparatively small role — except ability to endure drudgery among very poor peoples where sometimes several are married for the purpose of supporting the husband in idleness. The use of a human being as a means to an end, has. 58 CHAPTER III however, always revenged itself in some way upon those engaging in this dangerous policy. It may not be scien- tific to introduce ethics into a sociological discussion, but where morality or immorality are facts of the situation, they must necessarily be taken into consideration. For some reason the growth of man has been associated with the form of the family and has been dependent upon it. The monogamic family may be the survivor of the fittest from a biological point of view. If the care of children is taken as the criterion, it is certainly better suited to the preservation of the race. Omitting transcendental considerations, we may look upon morality as a develop- ment of what has proven useful to society; if so. it is entirely proper to say, that whatever utility other forms of the family had under certain historical and social conditions, this was never of the highest order and had to be supplanted by something higher. Higher utility always involves a higher mental development and cor- respondingly finer perceptions. It means, in other words, growth of man. Looking at the matter from this point of view, it may perhaps be easy to see why the highest type of man and woman has developed only under a system of monogamy. It is to England and not to Turkey, to America and not to Asia, to Kansas and not to Utah, to Brook Farm and not to Oneida, to Christianity and not to Mohametanism that one looks for the leaders of the world. A few further remaiks concerning the monogamous family will bring out this mpral aspect of the family more clearly. Definition of the family. — The family may be defined as a union of two individuals of opposite sex, of suitable age, of proper physical, mental and moral equipment, for the purpose of living together under the sanction of THE MORALIZATION OF THE FAMILY 59 society in reciprocal love and service with a view of pro- pagating and educating children. It is in a family of this kind that the individual finds his completion, because he enters into as close a union with another individual as possible without giving up his individuality. The statement of Hegel that "self- consciousness finds satisfaction only in another self- consciousness," finds its most complete and suitable application here. In the true family the interests of the two parties are not merely sexual and economic, but general. Surrender there must be; but it is mutual and extends over the whole realm of interests; and as each party is respectively both means and end, there is no immorality involved in it. A man or a woman may in some particular respect, e. g., in vocational matters, find greater profit in association with those outside the family. This is, however, always a particular aspect of personality. The family alone can supply complements to one's individuality from every point of view. Thus the dignity of each party never suffers, but is raised to a higher plane through the give-and-take of married life. Refinement of the emotions. — The monogamous fam- ily refines the emotions. There is a longer emotional dis- tance between the proverbial cave man who courts with a club and a Dante to whom Beatrice became an inspira- tion for life, than there is in a financial way between the beggar and the millionaire. The beggar might pos- sibly become wealthy, since wealth is only an external condition; but the crude feelings of the cave man can never become the highly refined, complex, and infinitely delicate emotions of the lover of Beatrice. The one change takes only a life time, the other requires thousands of generations of constant mental exertion and 60 CHAPTER III variation. This highly complex emotional condition has been termed romantic love, and is supposed to have originated during the age of chivalry. It has been described in infinite variations and has formed the topic for numerous discussions. Its essence, however, is always the same, and comparatively easy to point out. It means a valuation of the whole personality and an endeavor to expand and deepen it through service. Just what par- ticular form that service may take depends on circum- stances. The medieval knight served by protecting the life and the innocence of ladies and of women ; the mod- ern man may serve by enabling his wife to get a college education and have her become perhaps, a writer. There is sex in this love, and normally it issues in matrimony; but that is not the only motive, nor even the dominant one. In every case it means a subtle delicacy not to interfere with the integrity and self-respect of the other party. An emotional attitude of that kind can exist only be- tween two individuals, since its preciousness consists in its exclusiveness. The only other possible factors are children who further refine and extend that love. Civil- ized parenthood adds new qualities to the emotional nature, not only by way of increasing the number of feel- ings — which is undoubtedly the case even among animals — but by eliciting a great variety of emotions, e. g., joy and anxiety, happiness and solicitude, in the process of education. Animal parenthood ends with or ceases soon after giving life; among higher human beings it extends over the whole of life. The love, kindness, sym- pathy, forbearance, and often the tact, manifested in modern society, are almost exclusively the products of the monogamic family. THE MORALIZATION OF THE FAMILY 61 Intellectual breadth and depth. — The monogamic family, finally, deepens and broadens intellectual life. Savage man lives, as we have seen, in the present only, in the family as well as in his other relationships. He wants present satisfactions, and may get them in any one of the pre-monogamic forms of the family. Monog- amy in which each individual has high respect for every other, endeavors to prepare for a life-time of satisfactions. The male begins to lay the foundations for the home, however humble it may be. Among the Zuni Indians the young man must give proof that he has cultivated a hitherto unoccupied piece of land for the support of a family. This is a typical illustration of what happens among all monogamous peoples. Where parent- hood is uncertain, children are cared for by the clan or the family group; where it is known, the father and mother must provide for them. There follows an increase in responsibility, which implies added dignity and exertion. Both promote the development of the intellect, and it is not surprising that monogamous na- tions are to-day and have always been the richest, since parents have always had to shoulder personal responsi- bility for their families with its correlates of thrift, in- dustry, and foresight. Lateral view of life. — The pre-monogamic man, never knowing definitely who his ancestors are or who his descendants will be, has his mental eye necessarily fast- ened to the present. His mental outlook is lateral, since he is surrounded by blood relations of all degrees, for whom he bears a joint responsibility with many others. When there are too many to take care of, he naturally becomes discouraged and does only what is unavoidably necessary for them. Hence the general lack of thrift and industry among these peoples. 62 CHAPTER III Longitudinal view of life. — The monogamic man and wife, with their definite knowledge of ancestry and interest in posterity, take a longitudinal view of life. There is a long line of ancestors to whom they owe allegiance, loyalty and reverence. They expect a similar treatment from their own children and distant descend- ants. This directs their mind toward the past and the future, and the present becomes merely a means to pre- pare for the well-being of future generations. Their whole mental attitude is different. The present loses all significance as such. It is merely the opportunity for sowing seeds to bear fruit in the distant future. All patriarchal monogamous families have this characteristic ; hence the almost feverish industry and intelligent fore- sight by which they are characterized. The Chinese fam- ily is a typical illustration. Immortality and monogamy. — It is perhaps signifi- cant that the monogamic nations — ^the Greeks, the Romans, chiefly the Hebrews — were the first to develop a fairly clear conception of immortality. Where intelli- gence has been constantly sharpened for generations by personal responsibility, and where the mental outlook has been almost exclusively backward and forward, it is not difficult to imagine that questions concerning the value of individual life must have arisen. Why all this haste and all this pother? If my ancestors are no longer alive in some bodily form, why should I deprive myself of food in order to pacify them? If my children are to live only a scant score of years or even the proverbial four score with their sorrow and labor, why should I fret and toil to amass treasures which moth and rust may corrupt? The whole attitude of the monogamous family was against answering these questions in the negative. THE MORALIZATION OF THE FAMILY 63 There was first of all the value of one's own indi- viduality, which a man with a personal responsibility always feels. There was, furthermore, the love and rev- erence for one's parents, who could not be imagined dead in the sense of non-existence. There was, finally, the love and happiness in one's own children whom it was difficult to consider merely the sportive offspring of time. Whichever way monogamous man looked, values created for permanence were confronting him. It was not a leap of the imagination, but a logical conclusion on the basis of his whole life, that he himself must be im- perishable in some form or other. It may be going too far to say that he believed in eternity; only a few intel- lects of the highest type are able to imagine that idea. But he got the conception of the permanence of his own person, and that had an important bearing on his whole life. ^ Permanence of society. — It meant not only perma- nence for the family and himself, but for society. The whole social structure took a different aspect. It was no longer, like primitive society, a struggle for present existence; it became a means for sharpening intelligence to secure and enlarge the future. The social institutions of the Hebrews with their return of the land in the Jubilee year to the original owners, and the building of permanent roads by the Romans to secure and hold the future — ^have this significance. The process was telic. From individual telesis, as he understood it, man turned to social telesis. Hence, again, the better treatment of subjugated nations by the Romans than was ever ac- corded before. The social telic attitude had its roots in the family. The telic attitude of the modern family as based 64 CHAPTER III on romantic love may be illustrated with the Hindoo story of Nala and Damayanti. The princess in that story has in her heart chosen a lover, but she does not know who he is, having seen him only once by accident. Ac- cording to the privilege of her rank she is entitled to choose one from amongst the suitors presenting them- selves on a solemn occasion. Four of the gods, to please their high caprice and to make her choice impossible, assume precisely the real lover's guise and seeming. The princess finds then before her five men, all absolutely alike. In her perplexity she wonders a brief moment; but then, perceiving the heavenly wiles, lifts her voice in humble prayer that those of the group who are not true suitors, may be pleased to behave a little more like gods and make her choice easier. The gods relent and obey, and the princess makes her choice instantly. In true love there is purpose — to be satisfied only with one particular individual, to wait until he or she appears, to serve loyally all through life, because it is the whole personality that is loved, not some particular quality. Such love founds a monogamic family, lasts through life, rears children, and becomes through its telic attitude the best social asset. It makes a thoroughly moralized family. CHAPTER IV THE INCREASING IMPORTANCE OF EUGENICS Need for leaders. — Reference was made at the end of the second chapter to the necessity for leaders in telic development, and a brief discussion has just been given of the moralization of the family. Both topics are introductory to Eugenics. If the development of society depends largely on leaders, the question naturally arises, how are they to be produced? The answer is, by eugenic marriages. Not, however, marriages only, but life long unions in a moralized family on the monog- amic order. Leadership depends not only on native talent, but on its development. It is not merely a ques- tion of intellectual ability, but of volitional and emo- tional endowment as well. In a leader the qualitiei. of patience, endurance, and foresight are as important as keenness of introspection and power of generalization and they are normally best developed in the family. Definition of eugenics. — Galton's definition of eu- genics is still unexcelled. It is "the science which deals with all influences that improve the inborn qualities of a race ; also with those that develop them to the utmost extent." The "father'' of eugenics was not iconoclastic ; he realized that a proper environment was important for the development of inborn qualities, and he gave it due consideration, although laying the stress on native en- dowment. Professor Walter in his book on Genetics speaks of the triangle of life: heritage, the base line, is what we are and will be; environment, is what we have, housing, food, friends, in short, the world into 65 66 CHAPTER IV which we are bom ; training, means what we do through the development of our innate endowment.^ The rela- tion of the three is important. Heredity and environment. — Environment may be favorable or unfavorable. It is a great advantage to a child to be born in a family where good habits are main- tained, where the mother tongue is spoken correctly, where manners are gentle, and conversation ennobling. A well fed, suitably clothed, and properly housed child is able to lay up a stock of vitality which other things being equal, the off-spring of a less favored family is not likely to secure. And so with training. Regular attend- ance at school, frequent travel, and visits to art museums, confer an inestimable benefit upon a child. If the train- ing continues through college and professional school at the expense of the parents, these favorable conditions are likely to result in a better preparation for life than in the case of the young man who has to snatch his edu- cation between periods of work. Many a young man of promise has had too heavy a load to carry in making a living while at college, and has broken down prema- turely. The community loses many valuable individuals in this way every year. Making due allowance for all this, it is still true that there is a difference between the well-endowed child and the one with a less favorable heritage. It is the difference between capacity and acquisition. A less gifted child may acquire more knowledge, owing to better en- vironment and training, but will never be more capable than one with a larger heritage. Heredity is the result of innumerable factors working in thousands of ances- tors, while favorable environment may be the result of 1 Genetics, by Herbert E. Walter, Macmillan Company, 1913; p. 2. THE INCREASING IMPORTANCE OP EUGENICS 67 chance, e. g., a good investment at the suggestion of a friend. Heredity is the linkage of cells, the bond of connection between generations; it moves forward, not backward; its series is irreversible. That implies a slow accumulation of capacity. The question whether we are more intelligent than, for instance, the Greeks, depends on the meaning of "intelligent." Does it mean acquisi- tion, or capacity? If we mean acquisition, the answer must unquestionably be in the affirmative. There is more knowledge now than in the best days of Athens. Our own generation has added vast stores to the knowledge it received. Concerning capacity the question is hardly fair, since 2,500 years is too short a time to measure any appreciable increase. A longer period, such as elapsed between the cave man and the present, is the only true test. Here the answer must be in the affirmative. even in regard to capacity. Progress has been marked in this respect, as the comparison between the skull of the Neanderthal man and that of a civilized man proves conclusively. Training can only develop capacity which exists, it cannot create it. There are indications in school, in business, and in every sphere of life which show that certain men cannot be developed beyond a certain point. This statement is not a denial that capacity may be widely distributed. Observation and investigation both show that high ability may exist where it is least ex- pected, and waits only for the magic touch of oppor- tunity to develop and produce wonderful achievements. Our own country with its many "self-made" men proves beyond question that many men born in very humble circumstances may by virtue of their innate talent not only aspire to but attain the highest positions in the pro- fessions as well as in business and politics. It is one of 68 CHAPTER IV the most important functions of society to provide means and measures in order to give every capable child an opportunity to develop, and avoid the loss of much valu- able time and energy on the part of such an individual in getting an education. This necessity, however, merely emphasizes from a new point of view the essential im- portance of producing capacity. Meaning of capacity. — ^What is capacity? Which qualities are desirable from the social point of view? There can be no agreement as to the desirability of any one particular type, because a variety of talents is neces- sary. Even if men were all estimable, but along one specific line, the result would not be good. Marcus Aurelius was an admirable person in many ways; so was Adam Bede along others. Life would, however, be pretty dull, and the world almost entirely unprogres- sive, if every human being was modeled after one or the other of these entirely worthy individuals. Richness of life is possible only through variety, and fullness only by having it viewed from many angles. The demand is, consequently, for perfection along some special line. The artist is esteemed for his art, not for his ability to drive a sharp bargain for his painting; the soldier for his courage, not for his ability to influence legislation by his vote. Only in proportion as each has mastered a particular field is he able to contribute something to the welfare of society. No method has been discovered, how- ever, for producing individuals with specific gifts ; hence recourse must be taken to general qualities. What are these ? It is general balance of character ; a proportion of the different qualities so as to make a well rounded whole. Such qualities are health, vigor, and resistance to disease. THE INCREASING IMPORTANCE OF EUGENICS 69 from the physical point of view; ability, consistency of purpose, circumspection, and resourcefulness from the mental; good-will, sympathy, and helpfulness from the moral. These qualities, if properly blended, will pro- duce a high average, and nature has to be trusted to produce specific qualities, e. g., keen analytic power, philosophical insight, scientific acumen, and artistic tal- ent, by variation. Nature has infinite possibilities of combination, and there is no danger of any two men being created alike. The aualities mentioned form the basis of any high achievement, and their combination with different amounts of each furnishes ample oppor- tunity for generating specific talent. A high average level is the only object eugenists may strive for, and it is sufficient, since the higher the level the greater the probability of favorable variations. The attempt to produce specific talent has thus far proved futile. Galton has tried to show the heredita- bility of specific genius, by referring to various classes, e. g., judges, painters, musicians, artists, naval and mili- tary leaders; but all he succeeded in proving was that the general capacity of these various talented indi- viduals was inherited. The reference to the success of aiming at specific points in plant and animal breeding, is entirely beside the point, because physical qualities only are sought in all these cases — more beef in the ox, more milk in the cow, longer wool in the sheep, greater speed in the race horse, a longer body and shorter legs in the dachshund. Mental qualities are entirely disregarded. Our estimate concerning a steak is whether it is tender and juicy, not whether the ox was intelligent and affec- tionate. With human beings it is the reverse. While pleasant physical appearance adds to the attractiveness 70 CHAPTER IV of a person, we choose our presidents, our governors and judges for general and special knowledge on the basis of high ability. Breeding for physical qualities is a branch of biology, and requires specific training, which does not concern us here. This form of eugenics is on a safe basis, because it can resort to experiments of various kinds, e. g., inbreeding and outbreeding, mating for long or short and white or black hair, etc.; and it deals with demonstrably hereditable and specific characteristics. Democracy needs leaders. — The question ai'ises, If nature alone can produce the favorable variants, why trouble about eugenics? Are not the nations of to-day becoming increasingly democratic? Two answers may be given. Democracy means equality of opportunity, not of ability. By no stretch of the imagination can it ever be interpreted as implying the same capacity in all men. The facts, as everyone may observe them for himself, are too obvious to require proof. Every teacher, officer, employer, and even parents among their own children, see differences in the mentality of those with whom they come in contact. No amount of exertion on the part of the parents, for instance, can bring about an equalization among their children. With the same care, love, solicitude, and education offered to each, there are differences in capacity which cannot be eradicated. Democracy is no substitute for eugenics. We may go even further and say that a democracy is more in need of eugenics than an absolute monarchy. In the latter the masses are forced to do the ruler's bid- ding. In a democracy the people have to decide for them- selves, and that requires higher ability. Only a man of considerable intelligence is capable of passing a fairly THE INCREASING IMPORTANCE OF EUGENICS 71 just decision on the numerous questions which arise in a community. Hence democracies are proverbially solic- itous atout education. But because government exists with the consent of the governed, they must be persuaded and convinced; and this requires not only more intelli- gence on their part, but greater need for really capable leaders. In a firmly established monarchy, a compara- tively insignificant man may make a fairly succsesful leader because he has to exercise only a little common sense, so as not to commit any excesses ; the bureaucracy, always consisting of punctilious and mediocre men, will attend to the routine work. It is an almost continuous occurrence in history, that mediocre men have made bet- ter rulers than capable ones, because the latter were almost invariably ambitious and strove for personal ag- grandizement, which meant the slaughter of the people in wars and by forced labor. In democracies, on the other hand, where the people have to be consulted, the leaders must be of much greater calibre. They must persuade and argue, they must give evidence in many ways that their plans are for the benefit of all. From this point of view the history of Switzerland is much more profitable reading than that of Prussia, although it is much less spectacular. A democracy, then, because it requires a higher level of intelligence in the masses, and greater ability in its leaders, must needs employ eugenics. The other reason why the increasing tendency toward democracy calls more urgently for eugenics, is the greater complexity of civilization. While specialization is one of the dominant notes in modern life, and specialized talent is apparently demanded to an even greater extent, general leadership is required still more urgently. Even 72 CHAPTER IV in the 15th century, the threads of government were com- paratively few ; industry could be managed by any man of common sense, since it was on a small scale and for a local market ; learning consisted in the mastery of com- paratively few books, and was not haunted by the demand for originality; generalship was confined to personal bravery and to the favorable disposition of a few thou- sand men. As late as the beginning of the 19th century, it was possible for Goethe to be master in almost every field of scholarly and practical pursuits; he was, as a matter of fact, a distinguished poet and dramatist, a scientist of originality, a notable painter, an able theatre manager, and the foreign and home secretary of the duchy of Saxe-Weimar — all this not successively but simultaneously. This was possible, because the social conditions were comparatively simple. To-day the ramifications in politics, business, scholar- ship, and every other aspect of society are so numerous, that only a specialist can master any one of them. This means the need for special talent. But it implies an urgent demand for a general talent of leadership, if our civilization is not to go to pieces by breaking up into too great a number of specialties. The man of com- prehensive talent, lacking perhaps detailed knowledge in any one fi^ld, is imperatively needed to-day. The correlation of the many aspects of life, which seem to elude our grasp and understanding, is more essential now than ever. In the business world the entrepreneur has arisen in answer to the increasingly more complex con- ditions under which the production and distribution of goods is carried on. In the realm of knowledge, there is the talent, like that of Spencer, which combines philo- sophical insight with scientific accuracy. In the domain THE INCREASING IMPORTANCE OF EUGENICS 11 of government, the statesman of yesterday cannot serve as a teacher for the one of to-day, because the condi- tions are fundamentally different. The object of diplo- macy then was the aggrandizement of a nation or of a ruler; now it is justice and welfare for humanity. In religion, a capable sectarian leader was required who would establish and uphold denominational teachings against all enemies; now a man is sought who can in- terpret the importance of things spiritual to a world which is inclined to pay but little attention to them. Everywhere, men of greater calibre are in demand as leaders. Value of talent. — The greater intelligence of the masses of to-day does not solve the problem of leader- ship; their ability has grown only proportionately to their greater tasks. And that not always, as is shown by the failure of the numerous experiments in democ- racy. Without properly qualified leaders the masses are unable to construct ; and to destroy is still their favorite pastime when opportunity offers. The problem of the relative importance of the leaders and the masses may be illustrated in this way. The most valuable product of any country consists in its babies. Perhaps 50,000,- 000 are born in the world every year. It would be diffi- cult to find out what happens to all of them, but we have some idea what takes place in our own country where about 2,500,000 are born annually. Very few of them develop great talents. Says a writer on eu- genics •} "Nearly half a million of these infants die before they attain the age of one year, and half of all are dead before 1 C. B. Davenport, Heredity in Relation to Eugenics, Holt & Co., New York, 1911, pp. 3 and 4. 74 CHAPTER IV they reach their twenty-third year — ^before they have, had much chance to affect the world one way or another. However, were only one and a quarter million of the children born each year in the United States destined to play an important part for the nation and humanity we could look with equanimity on the result. But alas! only a small part of this army will be effective in render- ing productive our three million square miles of terri- tory, in otherwise utilizing the unparalleled natural re- sources of the country, and in forming a united, God- serving, law-abiding, effective and productive nation, leading the remaining 93 per cent of the globe's popula- tion to higher ideals. On the contrary, of the 1,200,000 who reach full maturity each year 40,000 will be inef- fective through temporary sickness, and 4,000 to 5,000 will be segregated in the care of the institutions, un- known thousands will be kept in poverty through mental deficiency, other thousands will be the cause of social disorder, and still other thousands will be required to tend and control the weak and unruly. We may esti- mate at not far from 100.000, or 8 per cent, the number of the non-productive or only slightly productive, and probably this proportion would hold for the 600,000 males considered by themselves. The great mass of the yearly increment. 550.000 males, constitute a body of solid, in- telligent workers of one sort and another, engaged in occupations that require, in the different cases, various degrees of intelligence but are none the less valuable in the progress of humanity. Of course, in these gainful occupations the men are assisted by a large number of their sisters, but four-fifths of the women are still en- gaged in the no less useful work of home-making. The ineffectiveness of 6 to 8 per cent of the males and the THE INCREASING IMPORTANCE OF EUGENICS 75 probable slow tendency of this proportion to increase is deserving of serious attention." Of the value of talent another writer says :^ "Men of genius have exercised a powerful influence in the world since history began. Yet they are still more or less an enigma even to themselves. As chiefs and warriors among savage tribes, as men of letters, art, or science, statesmen or military commanders in civilized communities, they win the admiration of their fellows without furnishing in their own lives any conclusive indi- cation of the means by which their success is achieved. They strike out a path for themselves, and seem to owe little or nothing to help or example. Genius has never been the monopoly of any class or system. It is as likely to manifest itself in the peasant as in the peer, and, indeed, in any list that might be drawn up of the great men of the world, examples would be found of intel- lectual capacity asserting itself in all conditions of life, and quite independently of the much vaunted advantages of education." Whether the genius is absolutely unrelated to his en- vironment, as Nisbet claims, may be doubted, since there are too many well authenticated historical and biograph- ical cases showing heredity and the improvement of capacity to be dependent on favorable environment. On the other hand, it would be idle to maintain that a fav- orable environment makes the genius. Even if it be admitted that the genius utilizes highly potential sur- roundings, it is still true that he possesses this capacity to a greater extent than his less gifted fellows for whom, objectively considered, the conditions are the same. He 1 F. J. Nisbet, Insanity of Genius, Scribners, New York, 1912; preface, '^. 1. 76 CHAPTER IV may be merely the accentuation to a high degree of racial or family qualities, but that very accentuation makes him a person of greater potency. To illustrate crudely : Two pound steam may do considerable and useful work, but not nearly as much as ten pound steam; the engine for the low and high pressure machine is not the same, just as the brain of the genius is more complex than that of the average man. The question, why not leave the production of the man of talent to nature, still needs to be answered. She has produced men of high calibre in the past, and we may trust her to have a sufficent number of favorable variants among the 2,500,000 babies born each year in the United States. Yes, but nature does not take ac- count of our civilization, which is artificial in the sense that it is a creation of man's mind and not of his body. She may still produce a normal share of talented men just as her processes result in a very large number of failures. In the past the failures were eliminated by the very natural process of the struggle for existence. To-day, these subnormal individuals are kept alive by civilization, and the number of capable individuals, normally produced by nature, is no longer sufficient to meet the complex problems of modern times. No sane person can look at the 200,000 paupers and prisoners and 250,000 insane in our country with equanimity, es- pecially when he finds that they are breeding faster than the thrifty and prudent part of the population."^ We need more super-normal and fewer sub-normal persons. The matter cannot be left to nature, just because we have not left our civilization to her. There must be 1 While the actual number of prisoners and juvenile delinquents in the United States was only 136,472 on January 1, 1910, the total number committed during that year was 493,934. THE INCREASING IMPORTANCE OF EUGENICS 77 both positive and negative eugenics, if we are not to relapse into barbarism. From the positive point of view but httle can be said at present; because the laws of heredity are not sufiS- ciently known in their details to give definite advice. Some things are, however, beyond doubt. There are two ways of improving human conditions, by improving the individual and by improving the race. Euthenics. — In the first case an attempt it made to improve existing favorable qualities in all individuals in every way possible, especially through education. This is called euthenics, or the science of learning how to develop innate qualities by improving the environment. The measures which may be taken along this line are partly economic, and partly educational. It has been shown repeatedly by investigations made in Europe as well as in America that poor food, over-crowding in apartments, over-work, lack of sanitation, dangerous oc- cupations, lack of personal hygiene, and bad moral habits, are injurious to the individual, not only in weak- ening his physical powers but in preventing his mental development. Many are the proposals made for remedy- ing these conditions, and legions of agencies are at work to grapple with every diiificulty. Great improvements have already been achieved, and many valuable lives have been rescued either from despair or degradation, and some talented people have been saved for the benefit of society. It is not necessary to enter into a discussion of this matter. Eugenics.-^The other method is by improving the race, and is called eugenics. The first task in connection with eugenics is education. The importance of good blood must be taught to the people, and this cannot be 78 CHAPTER IV done unless the interest of the people is aroused and the imagination quickened. The Eugenics Record Office at Cold Spring Harbor on Long Island, and the Journal of Heredity, Washington, D. C, are the only institutions, apart from classes in eugenics given in some universities, which deliberately attempt to arouse a scientific interest among the American people. The Galton Laboratory in London serves a similar purpose for the British Em- pire. Unfortunately only a small proportion of the popu- lation is reached by these agencies, although the amount of valuable data they publish is increasing. Occasionally the public press takes an interest in the matter. This is. however, almost always done in the interest of sensa- tional "copy," often poor in quality, and frequently in a flippant, if not deprecatory manner. The novelists still end their romances at the altar or in the magistrate's office, entirely unconcerned with what the offspring is likely to be. Yet, from the point of both individual happiness and national welfare no other single item equals in importance that of eugenic marriages. Ro- mantic and sentimental love is still the dominant note in our novels, although it has perceptibly improved by emphasis on selecting partners accustomed to out-door life. Positive measures. — The question whether a com- plete change may be brought about is difficult to answer. Hope may not be given up, however, when the effect of various hygienic and sanitary" measures is noticed — measures which sometimes are taken up with avidity by large classes of the population who were not suspected of being capable of appreciating their value. Love-mak- ing is, after all, a matter subject to popular and conven- tional control. As G. B. Shaw sardonically remarks: THE INCREASING IMPORTANCE OP EUGENICS 79 "Fashionable ladies fall in love with acrobats, and have to marry colonels, shop assistants fall in love with count- esses, and are obliged to marry shop girls." Perhaps falling in love with a person beneath or above one's own station is more sentimental than real, and the lady and the shop clerk may be happier with a partner from their own class than with one from an entirely different social environment. It may be hoped that reason and senti- ment will supplant sentimentality in love-making. The enactment of more discriminating marriage laws is the second step which may be taken to further eugenic mar- riages. The State of New York now requires prospec- tive couples to declare whether they are afflicted by any contagious diseases, and this is noted on the marriage certificates. All states prohibit the marriage of people within certain degrees of relationship. This regulation may easily be extended to include all who are eugenically undesirable — idiots, feeble-minded, venereally diseased, insane, epileptics, habitual -drunkards, paupers, and criminals. It should not be difficult to prevent marriage with and between these classes, even though this relation is considered according to Davenport as the climax of human courtship in novels, as the meeting of two lines of property in law, as fixing a certain status in society; marriage should be contracted as an experiment in hu- man breeding and in eugenics. It is questionable whether a third remedy proposed is acceptable or not — the subsidising of poor but healthy people to encourage their marriage, and a further sub- sidy for every child. This has been proposed repeatedly — Ben Franklin was perhaps the first — and some re- muneration has been paid in France to poor families with many children. The proposal is likely to lead to abuse. Sa CHAPTER IV especially under political conditions as they exist in our country. It would be well, however, to pay to profes- sional young men, e. g., teachers and army and navy officers who represent a picked class, sufficient salaries to enable them to marry earlier than they generally do. A fourth remedy is likely to prove more beneficial. Healthy couples who already have proved their fitness for parenthood, should be encouraged to have more than one or two children. Public opinion has much to do with this matter. Ordinarily four children should be the rule, since that many are needed merely to maintain the race, if the loss of those dying before adult age and of the naturally childless couples is to be made good. Negative measures. — In regard to negative eugenics more is known, and more measures have already been taken. The best medical opinion is now agreed both concerning the necessity of preventing the marriage of the notoriously unfit — mentioned above — and of prevent- ing their illegal propagation by segregation or steriliza- tion. Many of these individuals are at present brought up in institutions and liberated,/ at the very time when the sex impulse is strongest. Lacking a moral sense ow- ing to their mental defects, prohibition to marry would have but little effect upon them. Sterilizing them and then turning them loose in the community might prevent propagation but would undoubtedly spread veneral di- sease. Either total asexualization or segregation is, consequently, the alternative. Segregation has been tried with marked success in one notable case in the city of Aosta and its environment in northern Italy, where as late as 1880 the goiterous cretins — "human beings with less intelligence than a goose, with less decency than a pig" — lined the road as beggars in fair weather, were THE INCREASING IMPORTANCE OF EUGENICS 81 allowed by church and state to marry, and were gen- erously supported by misplaced charity while the poor farmer with brains was forced to struggle the best he could under a crushing system of taxation. In 1890 the State finally took up the matter, forced segregation, and by 1910 they had nearly disappeared from the roads. If segregation and sterilization were both resorted to, the problems of crime, insanity, and sickness, would be largely solved within a century. The asylums, prisons, and hospitals would decrease appreciably ; the indigent old. and the hopelessly degenerate would no longer trouble our civilization; above all, the ever present problem of unemployment, caused largely by lack of ordinary mental ability and of vitality, would solve itself. Eight of our States have already passed laws for sterilizing the de- fective classes: Indiana, 1907; Washington, California and Connecticut, 1909; Nevada, Iowa, and New Jersey, 1911; New York, 1912. These laws should be supple- mented by one enforcing segregation. The measures, positive and negative, proposed, would diminish the dependents, increase that of capable men and women, and might add many leaders. In this connec- tion it may be in place to emphasize that more attention should be given in our schools to exceptional children instead of having them held back with the mediocre and the backward. To illustrate once more the importance of leadership, a statement by Henry Drummond is characteristic. When he left Japan after a prolonged stay in 1892 he asked his Japanese friends what message they wished him to take back to England. One of them replied with a courteous smile: "Tell your friends in England and America to send us instead of ten one thousand dollar missionaries, one ten thousand dollar missionary !" CHAPTER V SIGNIFICANCE OF THE WOMAN'S MOVEMENT Leaders from women. — Might we not get a number of leaders, the increasing need of whom was discussed in the last chapter, from among the women? The move- ment for emancipation has this purpose, not as a sub- sidiary but as a principal object. Belva Lockwood ran as a presidential candidate several times. There has been one woman in Congress, and women have occupied other responsible offices not without honor. Why not, then, get more leaders from among the women? Claims of women. — It is difficult to give a direct and satisfactory answer. If the talent of women for leadership is denied, history would easily disprove the statement, and contemporary events would show an increasing capacity for various forms of very efficient work. With better facilities for education, women have not only manifested an even greater desire for utilizing them, but a greater capacity for profiting by them. They claim that they are the equal of men in ability if only given a chance. More opportunities are given them every year, and more women become prominent as leaders, not because they are trained for it, but be- cause they have the necessary capacity by heredity. This is not true, however, of all women, just as it is not true of all men. Capacity is not a question of sex, but of heredity; and this passes from both parents to both sons and daughters in ways we are unable to control. The question of emancipation must, then, have an- other meaning. Does it depend upon occupation? But 82 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE WOMAN'S MOVEMENT 83 this problem has been solved, since according to the Cen- sus of 1900 only three occupations had not been invaded by women — those of sailor, soldier and linesman. The last of these has been open to v^romen since 1910, and the women's "battalion of death" in Russia has proved their fighting qualities. It cannot therefore be a ques- tion of occupation, but one of the woman's relation to her husband, or rather of her economic independence through life, whether married or not. By independence is meant, of course, that she should get her living by her own efforts outside of the family, except during the com- paratively short time when she is needed for child-bear- ing, for which one advocate of women's emancipation allows one year — the babies to be placed in a "baby garden" as soon as possible until ready for the kinder- garten. The meals would be prepared in common kitch- ens, the cleaning done by experts, and the children cared for by nurses and teachers from about the age of six months until they went to work or to college — the pre- requisite being that the school day should be coterminous with the working day so that parents and children should leave and return to the home at the same time. Since the younger children would have to go to bed at once after the evening meal and would be sent ofif to school immediately after breakfast, the mothers would have the opportunity to see them two half hours a day unless of course there was over-time work to do, and on Sundays unless again some more important work should require the presence of the maternal wage worker elsewhere than in the home. The case is, then, perfectly clear. It is not an opening of all occupations to women that is demanded by the advocates of emancipation, for that has been granted for years, but freedom and release 84 CHAPTER V from the duties of the family and economic independence from the husband. Under such a system there would be very little opportunity for members of the family to meet or to develop any intimate ties of friendship or aifection ; their interests would lie in outside activities, and the pro- pagation of the race would become a scientifically man- aged process of incubation. The next step would logic- ally come in time> — the abolition of the home and the estabhshment of Fourier's phalansteries, not to mention some other steps toward communism. This is surely the way by which we would out-Prussianize the Prussians, against whose principles we have fought so bitterly. Are the claims true? — In the name of what scien- tific principles is this demand made? There are two, one economic and the other biological. The saving of money running into billions, through common kitchens, common households, common care of the children, and other things in common, is constantly urged as the reason for advocating these changes. A saving of the energy of mothers and of the lives of children is likewise advanced as an inducement for the new experiments. The answer is not far to seek. Whether the economic advantages would materialize is at best an unsolved prob- lem. If the scientifically trained experts all the way up from garbage men to house-cleaners were to ask wages properly befitting their rank, there would most likely be nothing left of the wife's salary for her own needs, and she would be as dependent as ever on her husband. As it is even now, so-called unskilled labor brings higher financial returns than much skilled labor performed in offices, shops and factories. That many women would prefer to tend other people's babies all their lives out of a tender regard for humanity, when other and more prof- SIGNIFICANCE OF THE WOMAN'S MOVEMENT 85 itable opportunities are open to them just as much as to the mothers, is a little hard to believe. Such duties have hitherto been performed by a few women imbued with a strong religious or moral sense of duty. Re- ligion is changing, however, and will change more if the economic motive is advanced as the sole reason for one person shouldering the burden of another. Many women perform such duties professionally for a few years, but usually marry when the proper occasion ar- rives and attend to their own children. Life-long, pro- fessionalized mothers would, moreover, not be as effi- cient as well-trained mothers in families — a statement, borne out by the high mortality of children in institutions. Biological argument. — The biological argument runs as follows : Among human beings alone is the female dependent on the male; all through the lower realms of creation she is economically independent and per- fectly capable of protecting herself and her offspring. As a result of this dependence, woman has changed psychically and physically. She has become weaker and smaller, and sex appetite has developed much beyond the needs of nature, thus becoming unwholesome and in- jurious. She lacks self-reliance, and has developed only those qualities which make her attractive to the male. She has, in short, become a parasite, looking to the male for everything she needs, and has to pay the penalty through a weakened physique and mentality. Had she remained economically independent, she would be nearly, if not fully the equal of man in mental and physical strength, just as among the animals. As she is over- sexed and as hereditary traits pass both to her sons and daughters, the male has become oversexed likewise, and this vicious circle has increased the evil until the human 86 CHAPTER V race is endowed with a physical passion which threatens to become the means of its extinction, as it has already become the source of innumerable forms of disease and of social and marital trouble. Return her economic inde- pendence, let her be free from restriction to family duties, and biological mistakes will be corrected in the course of time. This liberation is to be effected as indi- cated above under the economic argument.^ Difference between animal and human mother. — In reply it might be said that there is a fundamental mis- apprehension here as to the function of the animal and the human mother. After a few months of care for her young, the animal mother is free again, because they are able to look after themselves. If she gives life to healthy offspring, her duty is practically done, because they mature rapidly and their instincts are normal, en- abling them to provide for themselves. Since the in- terests of the animal are few and have to do only with physical maintenance, the instincts, forming the most important part of physical heredity, furnish a practically complete equipment and an almost infallible guide to well- being. The most important function of the human mother is, on the contrary, not bearing but rearing. This must extend over many years and must be individualized, because each human being is, to a certain extent at least, a special problem. There are so many adjustments to be made to fit the individual into his social environment, that special attention and much time must be given to each child. This can plainly not be done if children are herded together from morning till night, week after 1 Women and Economics, by Charlotte Perkins Gilman, Small, May- nard & Company, Boston, 1915; and her article in Pictorial Review, February, 1919, on "The Work and Waste of Women." SIGNIFICANCE OF WOMAN'S MOVEMENT 87 week, and month after month. In proportion as the number of institutions, e. g., orphan asylums, have in- creased, the term "institutionahzed children" has become a reproach. And the more scientifically managed such a "home" is, the more is the child required to fit into a certain scheme of things and deprived of whatever initia- tive he may have. A large institution simply must run according to a fixed schedule, and cannot possibly pay much attention to the individual. The plan of "placing out" children for adoption has already been resorted to by many child-saving agencies as a remedy against insti- tutionalization, for although care for the physical welfare may be less scientific in a family than in an asylum, responsibility is taught and initiative encouraged. The difference in the results has been almost as striking as that between the over-reglemented Prussian and the com- paratively free American soldier. Historical development, too, argues against too much herding of children; the tendency has been toward a gradual individualization combined with a greater power for co-operation on the part of man. In the early com- munities everything was regulated, one pattern along a particular line of action sufficed for all, and the indi- vidual was bound hand and foot. It meant over-social- ization and the killing of initiative, as in China. Since no one could develop his particular talent, which would give society a new view of itself, stagnation was inevit- able. Only when man was allowed liberty in many re- spects, could he co-operate with others on the basis of the difference in results produced. When everybody was his own producer of raw products, carpenter, tailor, and hunter, there was and could be no exchange and no development. Only with the differentiation of func- tion could each man develop his own gift. 88 CHAPTER V Differentiation of male and female. — Some people may deplore this departure from the original equality and self-sufficiency of the members of society; it was, however, the only way to progress. And the principle applies to the gradual differentiation of the female. Just because she is self-sufficient among animals and in savage communities, she fails to develop and remains on a low plane mentally and economically. Progress entails cer- tain loses; we are unable to live on the raw and coarse food of our primitive ancestors; there are, however, compensating advantages in our favor. A price must be paid for every advance made; that is the law of Hfe and of progress, although few people realize it. Both men and women have lost certain qualities which they possessed in primitive times, and have gained others as a compensation. Whether the gain is greater than the loss, is a problem which need not be discussed in this connection. The fact stands that we have changed, and our only concern is to direct future developments into beneficial channels. If, however, women are not to give their chief attention to activities outside the home, what shall they do when most of the economic duties formerly devolving upon them have been taken over by other agencies ? Women still marry. — What are women doing now? It has been noted above that practically all occupations have been open to women since 1890, as shown by the Census of 1900. The cry has gone up that women are leaving the home and flooding the industries. It is true that they are increasingly occupied in gainful pursuits, but the percentage and the years thus spent are not alarm- ing. Much of the work done formerly on the farm and in the home without specified pay, is now compen- SIGNIFICANCE OF WOMAN'S MOVEMENT 89 sated with a regular wage. There were 8,075,772 girls and women of all ages gainfully employed in 1910 in practically every occupation; less than one-fourth of these eight millions were in shops and factories. The length of their working years is, however, limited; no class of workers is so transient. The average time for working girls in shops and factories probably does not exceed three years. What do they do later? They marry, and marry in increasing numbers, as the Census of 1910 shows. In 1890 the percentage of married, widowed, or di- vorced women, fifteen years or over, was 68.1 ; in 1900 it was 68.6, and in 1910 about 70. A detailed statement for 1910 shows that the age group, 15-19 years, has 11.6 per cent of married women ; that for 20-24, has 51.4, that for 25-34 has 79.0; and that for 45-64 shows 70.0 per cent married, 21.2 widowed, 0.8 divorced, making a total of 92 out of every one hundred women who have come under the influence of marriage. The scare that divorce is increasing at a too rapid rate is, moreover, false. It was 0.4 per cent in 1890 for women, 0.5 in 1900, and 0.6 in 1910.^ Wives are, moreover, becoming true mothers to a greater extent than since 1870 ; while the birth rate is lowering slowly, the infant mortality rate is dropping fast. There is, thus, a saving of lives, trouble, and expense achieved owing to greater intelli- gence among mothers. "The truth is, there is no reason whatever for believ- ing that revolutionary changes are going on in those relations and activities which have been regarded as basic in woman's life. She is no larger factor in industrial life than she has always been, but the form of industry 1 Abstract of the Census for 1910, pp. 146-151. 90 CHAPTER V has changed. It draws her into great groups, and those groups collect in cities and manufacturing towns. We see her oftener than we did when she canned and wove and sewed in small and isolated groups. She is more obvious. She marries, makes her home, bears her chil- dren. That which disconcerts those who observe her, compare her with her predecessor, and conclude she is something new in the world, is mainly that she talks, thinks, and wants things that apparently never interested her before. But this is true of man as of woman. She, like him, is reacting to the new vision of the possibilities in human life. "Under the quickening power of this vision women are casting off old forms of restraint which the belief that the mass of human beings could not be trusted to look out for themselves had spun. They are putting their hands to new tasks, their heads to new thoughts. That they may give time to things which are not worth having, may doubt the significance of the old things which are essential in all life, is but the human way in periods of change. When you come down to the actual facts in the case as shown in a searching document like the census, you find that whatever the stir on the sur- face, below, the same great occupation, the woman's profession, claims her as it always has. "Let us not be deceived. The human heart does not change. It demands its mate, always has, always will; and the mated will find a corner to themselves where they can sit by their own fire and rear their own brood."' Ellen Key* on women's sphere. — Where, then, is the woman's problem? If women do what they have always 1 Ida M. Tarbell, The Ways of Women, pp. 15-17; Macmillan Company, New York, 1915. SIGNIFICANCE OF WOMAN'S MOVEMENT 91 done — marry, sew. cook and rear children — why is there so much unrest among them ? Are they to be confined to those activities? If so, are we not stifling and suppressing a large number of talented women and perhaps geniuses? Some advanced women, like Ellen Key/ would indeed restrict the sphere of women even more than in the recent past. She would have her devote herself more fully and completely to family life, not only face the diminishing supply of domestic servants with composure, but dismiss those she has with all female relatives who might obstruct the free development of her powers, and give herself up entirely to her children and nearest kindred. She would make maternity the centre of all her activities, and confine her sphere to those influ- ences which enrich and develop her children. In that way she would herself become a fine, strong and effective personality by following the most important vocation in society intelligently, and would supply to the world its greatest need — healthy, self-reliant, efficient men and women. She would at the same time find peace and happiness in this successful achievement. The lady. — But how about the woman to whom motherhood is denied? Perhaps even wifehood? Must she earn her living in a gainful occupation lest she run the risk of being a parasite? There are other values than those listed in economics. Certain qualities of per- sonality may be worth more to society than the few thousand dollars a woman may earn. The concept of the lady as it began to be formulated during the age of chivalry has grown, and forms a valuable asset of modern society. Her very existence is a sufficient reason for society to supply her with a living. What she is, is worth 1 The Century of the Child. 92 CHAPTER V more than what she might earn. Leisure with dignity and sympathetic personality are not met with any too frequently to have us condemn them. One of the most important steps in the advance from barbarism to civiliza- tion is the gradual creation of fine, wholesome, intelli- gent personality. A woman of this kind will find her hands full of work. There is much social friction to be removed, much consolation to be given, and many hearts to be cheered. She will give of herself bountifully to society without stint and pay. The talented woman. — That argument does not, however, include the exceptional woman who wants to be neither mother nor parasite, and the woman of large ability in some special field. In the past when practically all vocations were closed to women except marriage, there was nothing for her to do but to resort either to a free life or to go into a monastery. The his- tory of Athens refers to several cases of the former, and that of the Middle Ages to many of the latter. A few only were born to occupy thrones, and had the oppor- tunity to unfold their talents. With the opening of all occupations to women a change for the better has come. It has, however, only begun, and much more needs to be done. Adjustment necessary. — We are living in the transi- tion period from the old to the new dispensation. As was shown above, most women still follow the old occupa- tion of wifehood and motherhood. The exceptional woman has not found her place as yet, because men are slow to admit her into their sphere. Where free competition could not keep them out, e. g., histrionics and literature, women have done excellent work. In teaching they have practically a monopoly in the lower grades. Women's SIGNIFICANCE OF WOMAN'S MOVEMENT 93 talent must, however, be as varied as that of man. Are there not more women like Miss Herschel, Mrs. Somer- ville, Constance Naden and Sophie Kowalevsky, all of whom have won honors in mathematics ? There must be more women like Madame Curie in physics. The reason for their non-appearance is most likely the apathy and hostility manifested by men toward these talentea women who often have to wage a long and bitter battle before they get an opportunity. That is discouraging, because talent is not as a rule combined with combativeness. The fullest freedom should be given to these women not only to develop, but to exercise their gifts in a proper sphere. Women have talent. — Society is not so rich in talented persons or geniuses that it can afford to neglect any. As was shown in the chapter on Eugenics, leader- ship is essential for the progress of society. If under the very discouraging conditions of both the distant and the recent past women have produced so many outstanding personalities, there should be a much better chance of their doing so in the future. Society has undoubtedly neglected to open up a rich storehouse of social treasure ; in proportion as conditions become more complex, more and higher genius is demanded for their adjustment. Women are likely to furnish their full quota if given an opportunity. One case may be cited in proof. "One woman of the nineteenth century might well hold the first place in such a record of the achievement and martyrdom of the woman of genius. Stepping out into the Western world from the dark shadows of Oriental subjection of her sex, this woman of India, Anandabai Joshe, appeals to the future for full recognition. And if Being and Doing ever come to rank with Thinking 94 CHAPTER V and Imagining and Discovering as marks of greatness, no list of the Immortals will be complete without her. The record of her life epitomizes and makes heroic that historic conflict in woman's lives between social duty and personal idealism. A child wife at nine years of age ; a child mother at fourteen, her baby's death making her determine to study medicine for the benefit of her coun- trywomen ; at seventeen overcoming tremendous obstacles in order to carry out this purpose, which obliged her to become the first high-caste woman, still loyal to her inherited religion, to leave her country for a foreign land ; at eighteen years entering upon her studies in the United States and showing marvelous powers of scholary acqui- sition and still more marvelous breadth of mind and exaltation of moral nature; at twenty-one graduating from the Woman's Medical College of Philadelphia, the first Hindoo woman to take a medical degree in any country; and dying at twenty-two, just as she received her appointment as physician in charge of the Female Ward of Albert Edward Hospital in Kolhapur, India — her life reads like an incredible romance."^ Few women amaternal. — We are, then, plainly fac- ing a situation which has always existed but has never been clearly recognized. There are differences between women in mental capacity just as between men. There is, however, another difference among women, which does not exist among men to such a marked extent. In 1910 there were 1,471.390 widowers in the United States compared to 3.176.228 widows. These figures bring into relief what has long since been known on the basis of the biological function of the male, that men 1 Anna Garlin Spencer, Woman's Share in Social Culture. Mitchell Kennerly, New York. 1913; pp. 85-86. SIGNIFICANCE OF WOMAN'S MOVEMENT 95 are naturally more disposed to marriage than women. It is this difference which counts in the problem of emancipation. A certain percentage of women is ama- ternal, perhaps undersexed. They naturally rebel against the marriage yoke, both the more and the less gifted. The only difference between them consistsi in their respective ability to voice their protest. Few ways of escaping matrimony. — In the distant past there was no way of escaping the marital bond, because in the unsettled conditions survival was pos- sible only through membership in a family. When androcracy gained sway, no female of marriageable age could survive unless she was the property of an adult male. Every woman was thus forced into a marital relation of some sort, whether as wife, mistress, or slave. It was during those barbaric times that the ideas of woman's social status became fixed. Society did not, perhaps could not, tolerate an unattached female — a con- ception which has come down to us in the opprobrious term of spinster. As soon as conditions grew a httle more settled and life became comparatively safe, the amaternal women sought various forms of escape from matrimony. In some cases they became priestesses, like the vestal virgins in Rome ; in others, "hetaerai," free women who sought pleasure, profit, or social service, according to their own choice. After the advent of Christianity, they became nuns during the Middle Ages, later sisters of charity in Roman Catholic countries, and deaconesses, teachers, and social workers in Protestant countries. fe Until recently, the protest of the amaternal women against marriage was mute, owing partly to lack of education and partly to too strong objection by society against their emancipation. With increasing educational V6 CHAPTER V facilities — for which women had to fight long and hard — and with better opportunities to make a living in industry, the protest became more and more articulate and general. There is now a fairly large number of women of this class who not only refuse but abhor marriage, owing ^ to their resentment for unjust treatment in the past. Liberty for amaternal women. — These women should be given the fullest liberty to develop their talents. If they have talent every educational opportunity should be offered them; if they have but moderate gifts, they, like most men, must make a living by some kind of manual labor or office work. It has been no advantage to the race to force these women into marriage, and make them unwilling wives and inefficient mothers ; for they lacked not only the education for child rearing but also the inclination. In some cases the maternal instinct is strong but impersonal. Many women of this type be- come mothers-at-large, and render invaluable service to society as nurses, teachers, social workers, friends of the oppressed, and in many other capacities. With the increasing division of labor in every sphere of life, they find more opportunities for their specific gifts. The only thing they need and demand is the removal of every trace of that obloquy which, once universal, but still too common even among civilized men, is attached to voluntary celibacy. A woman should be free to choose her work as freely as a man, and develop her talents along the lines for which she is best fitted. It will remove friction and increase happiness. Adjustment for maternal women. — The maternal women are, however, in the majority, and some new ad- justment must be made for them if wifehood and mother- hood are not to fall under the opprobrium of the ama- SIGNIFICANCE OF WOMAN'S MOVEMENT 97 ternal and become the only refuge of the less gifted for making a living. The demand for independence is strong in every person, and even those who love their family filnctions most, should feel that they are rendering a socially acknowledged service; otherwise the gifted among the maternal will seek other work, perhaps against their inclination, because it leaves them more independent. Many mothers and wives are erroneously under the impression that their services, especially if they have to do the housework, are not only less remunerative — some- thing they do not worry about — but less esteemed socially. Hence, some new adjustment must be made for them. Four aspects only can be mentioned. First, a proper appreciation of motherhood. This has been done in an endless number of poems in the past, but from a sentimental point of view. This was, per- haps, sufficient as long as woman had no other outlet for her energy, but is inadequate to-day. The social view must be insisted on. From this point of view, sociologists have found that, other things being equal, a nation with a high type of motherhood will develop better equipped men and women than one with a lower type. The history of nations has no more emphatic les- son to teach than this. If, consequently, the race is to be preserved and to make progress ; if the development of personality is the main business of life, both in our- selves and others ; and if this purpose can be fulfilled only through the family — ^the mother is the most indis- pensable person in society, because she enriches the world with a unique contribution, ■ made of the universal elements, shaped to some rare beauty all its own. Second, there should be no more idle discussion about the relative importance of man and woman. It has been 98 CHAPTER V a source of deep grief, especially to the more sensitive and better endowed women, that they were disparaged in every way by both religion and philosophy. It has retarded their development and prevented them from working intelligently as well as sentimentally as mothers. There is a natural division of labor between male and female in procreation, and between husband and wife in the family. Both are essential and necessary. The scientist never debates whether hydrogen or oxygen is more essential in the making of water; both are neces- sary, and that settles the question. An analogy might, perhaps, be in place here. The husband has often called himself the head of the house, and man-law has allowed the claim. If this is true, the wife is surely the heart of the family. No discussion is needed to show that a person cannot live without head or heart. Admitting certain differences between an organism and an organiza- tion, the analogy holds true concerning man's and woman's work. Third, a financial arrangement should be made whereby the wife gets a definite share of the husband's income. In some cases she gets it all and she is the manager. Those are usually the happiest families. In others she has to ask for everything she needs as a favor. That breeds, and should breed, trouble. A more equitable arrangement would be one which has been tried success- fully in some families. Setting aside what is needed for business and household expenses and allowance for chil- dren, the rest is divided equally between husband and wife. That gives the wife a recognized economic status, and a feeling of independence. It may not be possible to do this in every case; it would, however, be the ideal arrangement. A husband who has to turn over all his SIGNIFICANCE OF WOMAN'S MOVEMENT 99 earnings to his wife and ask for spending money, is cer- tainly not the one most respected by women ; and a wife who cannot be trusted with more money than for a specified need, is looked upon as a child. Fourth, some definite training should be given to maternal women both for motherhood and for independ- ence. Most girls marry after twenty; many after twenty-five. That makes from four to eight years dur- ing which an independent girl does not wish to be a burden to a family in moderate circumstances. Provi- sion is now being made in many schools to train girls for specific work, so that they may support themselves and not have to marry for economic reasons. These girls may collect much useful information in their business, which will stand them in good stead in the family. If widowhood befalls them, they are ready to look after themselves and children; and after the children have reached adult age and are provided for, they can, if they choose, resume their gainful occupations to spend their later years in economic independence. Some women have to work while married to increase family earnings. But whether work during or after marriage is necessary or not, a training for a specific occupation gives a feel- ing of independence. Training for motherhood is gradually being considered as necessary, although it has made little headway. Almost every day new factors prove its importance, especially in the care of children. They have always died in large numbers; but we knew not how many, and took their death as a matter beyond our control. We know now why they die, and consequently call for the training of mothers for their vocation when we read of the avoid- able death of 300,000 babies per year. CHAPTER VI THE SPIRITUALIZATION OF WORK Definition of work. — Progress is possible only through systematic exertion. This is called work. The term "work" is used here in a generic sense, and implies all forms of activity on the part of man with a view of getting sustenance and other things needful for living as a human being, as compared with mere animal existence. It may be well to show before we proceed further that animals do not work. They merely try to get a living by their exertions ; but these are prompted by purely physical demands and imply little, if any, foresight. When a buffalo grazes over the prairies, he merely satisfies an immediate want of nature in the only way it can be satis- fied. "The cattle on a thousand hills" are not working, since they obey the irresistible instinct of nature, which demands satisfaction at the cost of death. The poet may sing his songs about the gazelle and its browsing over the meadows of Africa, and the wise man may exhort us to follow the example of the busy bee or the industrious ant — still the fact remains that they do not work in the true sense of the word, as will be explained more fully later. Under the generic term "work" we include three forms of activity — toil, labor and work proper. These forms differ in the amount of intelligence and enjoyment which' enter into each, and that is the only criterion for thair differentiation for present purposes. 100 THE SPIRITUALIZATION OF WORK 101 What toil is. — Toil means the application of mere physical energy to the removal of an obstacle or the accomplishing of a task. It usually implies that the task is set by another. When the Egyptian slaves carried blocks of stone which went into the building of the pyramids, they were toiling because their own physical energy was set against the dead weight of the stones. When, as I once read, a man set an employee at the task of carting bricks from one part of the yard to another, and then back again, and kept him going that way all day long, he may have had the laudable purpose of testing the implicit obedience of the employee. The latter rightly refused, however, to accede to the wish of the employer because the task reduced him to a mere machine and a toiler. He protested with good reason that no even half-way intelligent man should be asked to expend energy in senseless and useless effort. What labor is. — Labor means the application of physical and mental energy for accomplishing a use- ful task. The task is, however, usually set by an- other, and the means of achieving it are also given, as a rule. It is this setting of the task and the prescription of the method which often make labor irksome, rather than the physical exertion. The latter if often at minimum, for instance, in a machine-shop, where a man may merely adjust the machine with a little tightening of screws to achieve the necessary result. The polo-player spends a much greater amount of energy in that very taxing game, and the football-player may ex- pend more energy in two hours than some men do in a week tending a machine. The difference consists, then, not so much in the application of what we choose to call manual labor, but in the free choice of the form in which physical energy is to be expended. 102 CHAPTER VI What work is. — Work means the application of physical and mental energy to a task which one either has chosen or enjoys. It is this element of choice and of enjoyment which differentiates work from toil and labor. An organist answered the question of ■what he was doing by saying, "My work is all play." Yet he was a tremendously busy man and needed a considerable muscular development of arms, hands, and fingers to play the large organ. No man would claim even for a moment that Paderewski did not expend a vast amount of physical energy when, for 3'^ears, he practiced ten hours a day on the piano in order to obtain that marvelous skill in technique for which he is known. It was not all recreation by any means, since the practising of every possible scale and the acquisition of finger technique is not an exhilarating performance; it is often a difficult and frequently a monotonous procedure. What relieves these tasks from irksomeness and tedium is the mental element which enters into them. There is the zest to do a thing better than anybody else, or to do something which nobody has done before. Intelligence and patience are required for both. But, oh, the joy of it ! I remember finding a friend of mine a few years ago in a perfect ecstasy of joy. He was a cello-player, sixty-five years old. When I entered the room after a curt "Come in!" he was playing away, repeating again and again ascertain passage, and, without saying a word, merely motioned toward a chair with his head. Knowing his ways, I sat down and waited for fifteen minutes listening to that passage. At last he stopped, shook hands, and excused himself for his apparent rudeness. Then, with face beaming, he told me that after many trials ex- THE SPIRITUAUZATION OF WORK 103 tending over years he had succeeded in mastering a piece of technique which only one other cellist could perform. In order to make sure that it was not a mere accident he had to play it over and over again. He easily looked fifteen years younger at that moment. He has, indeed, kept remarkably young and virile by setting new tasks for himself every week. The objection may be raised that in every case men- tioned there was a high aim to which physical exertion was incidental. This is not necessarily the case. Purely physical labor may be raised to a higher level with a proper mental attitude. A passage from Jack London's War of the Classes will illustrate this: "I hope that I have made it clear that I was proud to be one of nature's strong-armed noblemen. The dig- nity of labor was to me the most impressive thing in the world. Without having read Carlyle or Kipling I formu- lated a gospel of work which put theirs in the shade. Work was everything. It was sanctification and salva- tion. The pride I took in a hard day's work well done would be inconceivable to you. It is almost inconceiv- able to me as I look back upon it. I was as faithful a wage-slave as ever capitalist exploited. To shirk or to malinger on the man who paid me my wages was a sin ; first, against myself, and, secondly, against him. I considered it a crime second only to treason, and just about as bad." Work depends, then, on mental develop- ment, it is primarily psychical and only incidentally physical. Characteristics of work. — Why does the animal play but not work? In all work planning is neces- sary. The end or aim must be fairly clear in one's mind, and ways and means must be adapted to that 104 CHAPTER VI end. Only when we know what we want to do and have an idea how to accomplish what we want can it be said that we work. It will be fairly plain that the animal does not do this. It does not plan beforehand, but simply obeys the promptings of its instincts. When the cow is hungry she gets up and eats, and when she is thirsty she looks for water. The search for pasture and for water is, of course, necessary, but there is no planning about it for future reference. The cow may remember where the feeding has been good and seek out that place a second time, but she makes no provision for the future and does not plan where and how to eat to-morrow. An objection may be raised here with a reference to bees and squirrels, which store up food for the winter. Is that not making provision for the future, and should it not be called work, since it implies planning? It is storing up food, but it is not work because it does not imply planning. To put it roughly, no one will for a moment imagine that animals have a calendar by which they go in the summer and autumn. Those animals — and many others — obev an instinct which prompts them to hide in their nests what they cannot eat. Every animal in the temperate zone, by means of its instinct, makes provision to survive the winter. Some species of bears eat all they can while the eating is good, then when it gets cold they withdraw into a cave or some other safe place and go to sleep until spring. The frog buries itself in the mud ; the migratory birds go south ; some insects go into a state of suspended anima- tion, and other animals resort to some other method in obedience to their own particular instinct. By develop- ing and obeying the racial instinct the dififerent species THE SPIRITUALIZATION OF WORK 105 of animals have survived. But there is no conscious planning in it. The bear is certainly a more intelligent animal than the bee, yet it survives by obedience to its instincts without laying up food. Work implies a clear perception of the future. No animal has that. It lives in the present, and, to a limited extent, in the past; its mentality does not include the future. This ability to look into and provide for the future is a peculiarly human ability. Not all men have it. Children and savages generally are lacking in this respect, and even the lower types of men in semi- civilization are devoid of it. This ability has been de- veloped with the increase of mentality, especially of intelligence. We teach our children to be careful not to break their toys to-day because they will have none to-morrow. Man has had to learn this lesson in order to survive. He could not hibernate like the bear, nor was he prompted like the squirrel by an irresistible impulse to lay up nuts and other food for the winter; neither could he migrate to the south. The result was that he could live only in 'is'opical regions where nature furnished some food all the year round. But when for some reason or other nature's table was not spread for him he perished. Only those tribes survived in the long run which learned to consider the future as well as the present. This meant work. The meaning of work is not so much physical exer- tion as the intelligent expenditure of energy. The savage spends much energy in war-dances and in other foolish ways, but accomplishes nothing useful. He does not plan his efforts so as to economize strength and apply it in a manner that will produce good results. He does not adapt means to ends, or, at any rate, adequate means. 106 CHAPTER VI Hence he often goes hungry. His life alternates between feasting and fasting, according as nature is generous or parsimonious. Moreover, work requires patience. To plan requires time and exertion. We are familiar with people who make up their minds on the spur of the moment, go ahead, and then find to their consternation that the plan does not work. That is a trait of savagery. Nature can be coaxed, but coaxing is a slow process ; it takes time and patience. We read sometimes of an inventor who sud- denly "struck on" a great idea. The fact usually is that he has spent weeks, perhaps months and years, thinking over the scheme. He has very likely made many plans, changed them, rejected some, and adapted others. The great idea is the culmination and fruition of much hard thinking and studying. Even the genius is not exempt from this necessity, for he, too, must develop the gift that is in him. Hence the well-known definition of genius as a capacity for taking infinite pains. If the genius must exert himself, the average mortal cannot escape this necessity. General results of work. — The only results of work which concern us here are psychological. Briefly stated, it is work which has made us human beings, because through work we have become more intel- ligent, more persistent, more humane, and more social. The savage is cruel and unsocial not so much because it is a part of his nature as because he is in perpetual need and in an almost continuous condition of starvation. Work has enabled us to secure not only the necessaries but some comforts of life ; we are better disposed toward our fellow men, and we are able to give to the poor and needy from our affluence. THE SPIRITUALIZATION OF WORK 107 Early view of work. — The ancients looked upon work as a curse because it was to them mostly toi! and labor; there was little exaltation of spirit in it because there was little intelligence in it. If we had to make our living by digging roots, gathering berries, or following the game without weapons, life would be hardly worth living, and we might justly look upon work as a curse imposed upon us for dis- obedience. Since work has changed largely from physi- cal to mental exertion, we enjoy it because it has become the means of our education. Work educates man in three different ways, although these respects are interrelated and form a combination which makes modern man what he is — a person sprung from primitive man, like him in all that is animal, but different in all that is human. This may seem a strong statement to those who have read books of certain authors who claim that man has not improved morally over his animal ancestor. The late Alfred Russel Wal- lace, the co-discoverer of the theory of evolution, said in a book, published shortly before his death: "Taking account of these various groups of undoubted facts, many of which are so gross, so terrible, that they cannot be overstated, it is not too much to say that our whole system of society is rotten from top to bottom, and the social environment as a whole, in relation to our possibilities and our claims, is the worst that the world has ever seen."^ Many others have come to the conclusion that it would be better to return to what they call the life of nature. Are these claims true ? Have we, indeed, reared a social structure which is "rotten from top to bottom" ? If true, 1 Social Environment and Moral Progress, p. 169. 108 CHAPTER VI then work, which has enabled us to achieve what we are proud to call our civilization, would be a curse indeed, since it would not only subject us to a considerable amount of useless exertion, but would, in addition, help our mental nature to deteriorate. Work as education. Physically. — ^There is an erro- neous but widely spread notion that "nature-man," as we call savages and barbarians, is stronger and healthier than civilized man. This notion is false, as a brief glance at two facts will show. The average length of life in India — by no means a barbarous, but a semi-civilized country — is 23.0 years; it is 42.8 in Italy, 44.1 in Massachusetts, 44.1 in England and Wales. 45.7 in France, 53.9 in Sweden. This is for males, for females it is a little higher in each country. During the sixteenth century the length of life was 21.2 years in Geneva, Switzerland; 25.7 in the seventeenth century ; 33.6 in the eighteenth, and 39.7 years from 1801 to 1883. The inference from these facts is evident. Primitive man, like the savage of to-day, must have had a much shorter average life than is found in India to-day. Mortality in the United States to-day is about 15 per thousand. In some regions which are still in the state of nature it goes as high as 70 or 80. and in some cases over 100. Length of life and mortality are usually an index to vitality. The simple fact that modern civilized man is more favored in both respects is proof that his vitality is better and that he is stronger. This statement may be proved from another point of view. We suppose that a savage expends very much energy, much more, indeed, than civilized man. It is true that nature-man is very active at times and draws heavily on his vitality. But he does this irregularly and THE SPIRITUALIZATION OF WORK 109 rests during the comparatively long intervals. We might say that he works hard for one day of the week and rests for six days; with us the reverse is true. The energy expended by a bookkeeper, for instance, day by day during the course of a year, would certainly treble, if not quadruple, that of a savage in the same period. The simple fact that savages cannot stand regular work in civilized communities is ample proof for this statement. They have not sufficient energy. How has civilized man acquired this greater energy? By working more regularly and thus exercising more regularly. Vitality is not a gift, but an acquired trait which has been developed gradually. Working more regularly enabled man to get a better food supply, and more regular meals were thus assured. Better food, in turn, enabled man to work better, that is, longer and more intelligently. It is a circular movement of give and take. Intellectually. — Good work is not a hit-or-miss afifair : it is the result of hard and prolonged thought. A poet may write a ballad in a few hours of inspiration ; a scientist must apply himself assiduously for days and weeks to a problem. Homer wrote as fine epics as have ever been written ; but it took the world five thousand years to work out the idea of Daedalus about aerial flight. What we imagine is one thing, and it needs only a keen sense of symmetry to put it into attractive phrases and verses. The translation of these ideas into objective things that will stand inspection and application is a different matter. The patent office in Washington contains thousands of new schemes for doing every possible thing, but "they won't work." Perpetual motion is a perfectly correct 110 CHAPTER VI idea, but it cannot be put into a workable form, although many schemes have been patented. A teacher of manual training told me that many a boy who was "bright" in the three R's proved a failure when it came to making a chair or a table. Why? Because it is easy enough to learn how to spell and how to figure; all that is needed is an accurate and retentive memory. To make a piece of furniture that will stand straight, with every line and angle correct, requires exact measurements and some constructive ability. Work has taught us how to accommodate ourselves to the hard facts of the world and to make them sub- ject to ourselves. Translation of thought into action has been the most valuable intellectual training man has re- ceived, and he has progressed in exact proportion as he has succeeded in doing it. Work has educated man morally. — This may seem strange to many. It is, nevertheless, true. If what has been said in the preceding paragraph is true, the reason for work as a basis for morality will be clear. If work requires close, constant application, if it requires careful planning for the future, it is the best possible foundation for a good character, since this process re- quires the same quality. We may be saved by faith, like the thief on the cross ; but we have to work long and hard to build up a Christian character. The apostle means just this in writing to the Philippians (II, 12) : "Work out your own salvation with fear and trembling." We cannot become good by merely wishing it ; we must work for character — days, weeks, months, and years. Wishes alone cannot make us true Christians. Facts and ex- perience prove that only those men attain this goal w^-o have the qualities which form the basis for both good work and character. THE SPIRITUALIZATION OF WORK 111 Work is a guide to social freedom. — It has just been treated as education, and an attempt was made to show that it was not a curse but a blessing. The latter may still be looked upon as somewhat negative, as something imposed upon us for our good. If work were nothing more than a kind of taskmaster it would be somewhat irksome and unwelcome. We take medicine when we are ill not because we enjoy it, but because we know that it is for our physical welfare. The aim conquers the aversion to the means. Work must be something more than a corrective if it is to fulfill its mission. It is, in fact, the means of our liberation. It makes us free human beings. The term "freedom" is not used here in the political or metaphysical sense, but in the social. Mankind has reached the present level of civilization only through work. Here we can do hardly more than indicate the diflferent spheres in which we have attained liberty through this agency. Work liberates us from the thraldom of nature. — We can scarcely realize how absolutely dependent primitive man was on nature. He might get under a tree to avoid the heat like an animal, but that was about all. He might crawl into a cave to avoid the cold, but it was poor pro- tection. Worse yet was the dependence upon nature for food. He had to contend himself with what she fur- nished; sometimes she was lavish, at other times nig- gardly. He could not, however, make plans for the fu- ture because he could not depend on what she might do. And so he remained in a condition of subjection to her whims. Work has liberated man from his sensual nature.— The control of sensuality is the chief element in the avoid- ance of carnal sin. This is the element which is developed 1!3 CHAPTER VI through work, because it demands subordination of the present to the future, of the immediate to the remote. It constantly requires us to exercise foresight and to consider everything with regard to its bearing on a large complex of conditions. This constant exercise of mental qualities makes self-control easier. Work, however, fur- nishes a legitimate and regular outlet for our energy and prevents an irregular manifestation of it either through vice or through intemperate and cataclysmic outbursts, such as we often find among savages. Work liberates us from the fear of man. — The man who works diligently and intelligently and achieves some- thing worth while usually has a quiet dignity about him, which is often impressive. He knows that he is paying his board to the world and is earning his own living. The writer knows a cigar-packer who refuses to pack poor cigars and insists that every box that leaves his hands shall contain "honest goods," that is, properly labeled as grade one, two, or three. He refuses to be instrumental in the perpetration of a fraud upon the public and has left more than one employer for that reason. During the Middle Ages the cities owed their greatness largely to the pride and efficiency of the gilds, because they consisted of mechanics who knew their trades and were bound to do good work. Ghent, Cologne, Nuremberg, and other cities owed their greatness to the staunch independence and other sterling qualities of their trade-unions, which consisted of men who had learned their trade thoroughly. Compare with men of this type the "Jack of all trades," whose shifty eye 'ndicates that he has never had suf- ficient courage and persistence to master any trade well. There is a world of difference between them. One looks THE SPIRITUALIZATION OF WORK 113 at the world and any man frankly and fearlessly; the other works irregularly, and vaguely answers the question what he can do with : "Oh, anything !" Compare also the rich or the poor idler who lives on the work of others and is either arrogant or subservient. Work liberates man even from the fear of himself. — There is perhaps nothing more pitiful than a man who is constantly afraid of himself, or rather, of what he may do — for instance, commit a crinje or fall into vice. As a rule, such people are not habitual or regular workers, otherwise they would have had to acquire sufficient con- trol over their wayward tendencies to keep them in check, and their self-control would be sufficient to banish thoughts of that kind. It is chiefly the man who works without interest at his task who is beset in this way. Any one whose heart is in his work concentrates his attention upon it; the mastery he acquires over his par- ticular field gives him confidence to face the future with- out fear either of himself or of any other. He applies the principles which made him successful in his work to his own perhaps poorly organized instincts, brings them under control, and is able to face the future without any misgiving concerning himself. How have we learned to work? — The savage, as has been shown in an earlier lesson, does not work in the true sense of the word. The question naturally arises how man learned to give up his animal habits and to apply himself persistently to his own improvement and to making provision for the future. This is a long and a sad story, and the acquisition of the capacity and will- ingness to work has merited the statement that labor is a curse. The only institution which was capable of turn- ing man from his irregular and disconnected activities 114 CHAPTER VI to regularity and systematic effort was slavery. There was apparently no other way. Man had to acquire two aptitudes to turn from savagery to industry. He had to acquire sufficient physical energy. This was possible only through regularity of application in order to secure a regular food supply. He was averse to applying himself steadily, and only the fear of the lash and the threat of death could induce him to give up his wild and roaming habits. He had to be tamed and domesticated so as to stay in one place or near his mas- ter's house. The master was usually a man of superior strength, and war-like nations have generally been slave- holders because they were unwilling to work for them- selves, but forced their captives to do it for them. But the penalty for the idleness of their masters — if sufifici- ently prolonged — was degeneration, and in the course of time another more virile race conquered and enslaved them. The extermination of the indigenous West-Indians is one of the best-known cases in modern times. They succumbed so quickly that Las Casas. the priest, sug- gested the importation of negroes from Africa so as to save the few Indians still left. This led to the well- known horrors of Negro slavery. Only the strongest were able to survive the ordeal, and in the course of time a generation sufficiently strong to withstand the hardships of regular work grew up, and the first step toward civil- ization was taken. The other aptitude man had to acquire in order to make society possible was teamwork. Slaves, whether ten or ten thousand under the sway of one master, had to be taught to work together, that is, a division of labor had to be arranged so that their efforts supplemented one another and became more productive. Slavery again was THE SPIRITUALIZATION OF WORK 115 the only means to do this. Mankind has had to pay a high price for becoming civilized, but it was worth while, since every high-grade achievement must still be paid for with the sweat of our brows. The slaves who had to work together learned to like one another, at least to the extent of not fighting one another. It was partly common misery and partly sheer habit which slowly but surely drew them toward one another. New qualities sprang into existence, and eventu- ally the human beast was sufficiently tamed to work and suffer together and to live in comparative peace. Men be- came social. This gave a new impetus to advancement. Men learned that each could do a certain kind of work better than somebody else. This resulted in voluntary division of labor like that under slavery. In proportion as liberty was extended this division increased, and pro- ductivity increased with it. Wants multiplied likewise, and men learned that they must depend upon one another for the satisfaction of wants which they could not them- selves supply. Here was given the opportunity for larger societies or states. A social group which has few and simple wants and is able to supply them will remain small. Only a group which has many and varied wants will strive to include other groups, because that was orig- inally the only way to supply them. States and nations have risen in that way. With the further multiplication and variety of wants this was no longer possible, and international commerce sprang up. All this means a recognition of our interdependence, and that knowledge is the basis of a larger socialization — a socialization which must and will eventually include all nations. 116 CHAPTER VI THE GLORY OF TOIL^ Whether they delve in the buried coal, or plow the upland soil, Or man the seas, or measure the suns, hail to the men who toil ! It was stress and strain, in wood and cave, while the primal ages ran, That broadened the brow, and built the brain, and made of a brute a man; And better the lot of the sunless mine, the fisher's perilous sea, Than the slothful ease of him who sleeps in the shade of his bread-fruit tree ; For sloth is death and stress is life in all God's realms that are, And the joy of the limitless heavens is the whirl of star with star! Still reigns the ancient order — to sow, and reap, and spin; But oh, the spur of the doing, and oh, the goals to win. Where each, from the least to the greatest, must bravely bear his part — Make straight the furrows, or shape the laws, or dare the crowded mart! And he who lays firm the foundations, tho strong right arm may tire, Is worthy as he who curves the arch and dreams the airy spire; For both have reared the minster that shrines the sacred fire. Floods drown the fairest valleys; fields droop in the August blaze; Yet rain and sun are God's angels that give us the harvest days, And toil is the world's salvation, tho stern may be its ways : Far from the lair it has led us — far from the gloom of the cave — Till lo, we are lords of Nature, instead of her crouching slave! And slowly it brings us nearer to the ultimate soul of things : We are weighing the atoms, and wedding the seas, and cleaving the air with wings ; ^ Title poem from The Glory of Toil, by Edna Dean Proctor, Houghton, Miflin & Co., 1917. The author was eighty-six years old at the time this book was published; her first book appeared fifty years earlier, 1867. Work has kept her young. THE SPIRITUALIZATION OF WORK 117 And draining the tropic marshes where death had lain in wait. And piercing the polar solitudes, for all their icy state; And luring the subtle electric flame to set us free from the clod — O toiling Brothers, the earth around, we are working together with God! With God, the infinite Toiler, who dwells with His humblest ones. And tints the dawn and the lily, and flies with the flying suns. And forever through love and service, tho days may be drear and dim. Is guiding the whole creation up from the depths to Him! CHAPTER VII THE NECESSITY FOR BETTER HEALTH Health and the Community. — Work, as explained in the preceding chapter, is no longer an affair of the individual, but of society. It, likewise, no longer rests within his own power alone to keep well but largely in that of the community. Hence, the justification of treating health as a sociological topic. Interdependence of Individuals. — The individual is linked up with thousands and millions of other in- dividuals, most of whom he may never see. When people wore mostly home-spun, the bacteria of tuber- culosis and diphtheria remained in the family, and killed, maybe, every member of it. Society was but little affected. But, in the manufacture of clothing in large quantities as carried on today in factories or sweat-shops, disease germs may be carried into hun- dreds, if not thousands of homes; because, owing to the minute division of labor, an affected person hand- ling a large number of garments a day, may turn hundreds of pieces of clothing into carriers of disease. Again, if the morbidity rate is high in a community, even the well may have to stop work owing to the interdependence of the operators. Finally, the sick- ness of a highly placed man in business or politics may affect the stock exchange, and thus influence the lives of many persons. These are crude illustrations of the social aspects of disease. When nearly every- body is able to attend to his work, the social and industrial machinery moves much more smoothly. lis THE NECESSITY FOR BETTER HEALTH 119 Difference between ancient and modern times. — In ancient society health was, except in cases of endemics and epidemics, a matter largely within the power of the individual. When he drank water from his own spring and milk from his own cow, ate meat from his own beef or pig, he could protect himself against disease by being clean and killing only healthy ani- mals. Now, when his water is carried over hill and dale through many miles of pipe, when his milk is brought from farms hundreds of miles away, and when he gets his meat prepared and canned from packing houses which send their goods all over the globe — he may become a victim of disease without knowing the reason why. The demand for health is as strong as that for life. How to live long has been the problem, and how to live happily, that is, in good health, has been the desire of the ages. Nearly all that man did was directed toward finding an answer to these two ques- tions. All of his economic and most of his religious activities had a bearing on this matter. Life may be hard and full of trouble, nevertheless man will cling to it and try to prolong it as far as possible. The conditions of life were much harder in the past than at present, but even the slave preferred life to death, notwithstanding the lash and the toil to which he was constantly exposed. The love of life is inborn in every creature, and the struggle for existence is due to it. And to this struggle, in turn, is due what- ever progress we have made. It meant exertion, sys- tematic endeavor, and ultimately the development of all that is good and worth while in civilization and in ourselves. Whether life is short and miserable, or 120 CHAPTER VII long and healthy, has an important bearing on the individual, history, and civilization. Meaning of health. — William James once stated that simply to live, breathe, and move should be a delight. It is so at present only, or at least chiefly, with healthy children. Good health means optimism and buoyancy. It means courage and willingness to attack difficult problems. What is called personal magnetism is essentially nothing but high vitality. It is alwrays a pleasure to meet a person who is full of cheer and unbounded energy, overflowing with that indefinable something called attractiveness, which is largely the result of physical vigor, and which we justly call "high spirits." For good health is con- tagious in the sense that no one can escape its influ- ence. It is this overflowing of "animal spirits" that makes some children so perennially happy and so un- accountably attractive. In the normally organized society of the future this will be the privilege not only of young children, but of youth, middle age, and even old age. This is entirely possible if we change our ideal of health from the mere avoidance of vale- tudinarianism to that of exultant and exuberant vital- ity, which may be not only conserved but increased. Mental aspects of health. — Mentally there is a con- siderable difference between a healthy and an un- healthy person. The former is alert, wide-awake, takes a keen interest in things, and delights in over- coming difficulties. Nothing can daunt him; his whole nature is resourceful, because it is resilient and adapt- able. If there are too many obstacles in his path, he seeks another way. But he never gives up. In proportion as he succeeds his confidence and self- THE NECESSITY FOR BETTER HEALTH 121 reliance increase and he passes from one victory to another. If reverses come he knows how to bear them cheerfully, for he is certain of one thing — that he must remain master of himself. He will not lose his soul. Things are, after all, things; and man is man. It is his business to master them, not be mastered by them. "He that ruleth his own spirit is greater than he that taketh a city." A true man will never permit mere things to conquer him. He has himself, his balance, his self-determination. His health enables him to keep them. It is different with the man in poor health. There is a constant worry about this little slight or that little loss. Now it is some trifling ailment which dis- turbs the night's rest, again it is some insignificant trouble of a friend. Worry has been called the disease of the age, because so many people lose valuable energy through caring too much for non-essentials. The man of low vitality can not help himself, though. His attitude is turned inward, because his body re- quires constant attention, now here, now there. He is never free to follow his desires, because he is afraid of a break-down. A community in which poor health prevails is characterized by sombreness and listless- ness. Its attitude is apathetic and indifferent, while that of a healthy one is alert and eager for progress. Health and intellectuality. — In a purely intellectual way there is, perhaps, a still greater difference between men in poor and those in good health. It is true that occasionally men in poor health have manifested great intellectual power, like Herbert Spencer and Charles Darwin. But in both of these cases there was a healthy and vigorous youth based on sound structure; 122 CHAPTER VII a break-down in later life could impair only the virility but not the constitution. Noted men, whose health was poor due to some fault of structure, have been either saints, poets or philosophers. They were not investigators of the objective world, but gave us pic- tures of the inner working of their often abnormal souls. But the greatest even among these classes of geniuses were healthy men, e. g., Moses and Jesus, Goethe and Shakespeare, Kant and Hegel. The best and most useful work for human welfare has been done by men and women who enjoyed at least fair health. Modern poets and philosophers are generally healthy men and produce something wholesome ; sci- entists are notably so, e. g., Pasteur and Virchow, Edison and Marconi, to mention only a few. Two cases of notably long and useful lives may be mentioned. Alexander von Humboldt, a famous traveler, philosopher and scientist in the first half of the nineteenth century, reached the age of ninety-one years, or about twice the average. These years were, moreover, full of work; he was rarely ill, and always in condition to perform life's duty with speed and accuracy, thus accomplishing about four times as much work as the average man in his profession. A similar case is that of the French chemist Chevreul, who died in 1889 at the age of 103, and was almost to the day of his death busy as a laboratory experi- menter, industrial chemist, university professor, writer and lecturer. Centenarians in good health should not be the exception, which at present they unfortunately are; they should be the rule, and will be so as soon as we attack life's problems seriously and scientific- ally. For old men are essential to society, as a glance at history and civilization will show. THE NECESSITY FOR BETTER HEALTH 123 Health and early history. — Vitality is measured by the length and breadth of life. By the former is meant the number of years lived, by the latter freedom from morbidity. Both have had an important bearing on history and civilization. Owning partly to un- healthy climatic conditions and partly to almost con- stant wars, most primitive communities consisted only of young people. Youth is proverbially rash and impetuous, easily offended, and appeased with diffi- culty. Imagine a primitive community where the oldest man is forty and the oldest woman thirty-five; where the majority of the population is between fifteen and thirty years of age; imagine also, that an offense has been given to a member of such a tribe by a neighboring clan — and you have all the conditions for a feud which may last for generations. There is no one to advise forbearance and adjustment of the matter by some sort of primitive court ; there are only the keenly felt insult and the hot desire to avenge it. Youth is a spendthrift with life and cares little for consequences. This means that in the camp of both antagonists the combat will be kept up, renewed, and finished only with the extermination or utter subjec- tion of one of the belligerents. We need not go to prehistoric times, though, to find the shortness of life responsible for warlike conditions. From classical antiquity and from Biblical times the same lesson is brought home. All the leaders of both the Greek and Trojan army were young men; the rank and file were undoubtedly younger rather than older. The youthful David was warlike and his restlessness sub- sided only when he reached the age of fifty. These cases are typical of what happened con- 124 CHAPTER VIl stantly. A man with a few companions would attack a personal enemy. If he succeeded, his fame would spread and soon a large host of followers would gather around him from all over the l^nd. He was then in a position to establish himself on a throne, either an old one or a newly created one. He would reign in glory for ten or fifteen years, only to be supplanted by an ambitious son or a former follower. The vicissitudes of the various kingdoms were due largely to the short reigns of kings or chieftains who had acquired power by military exploits while young, but had to yield the leadership to younger men as soon as they had passed the zenith of their physical power at about the age of forty. Youth has always tried to match its strength against others in ambitious schemes. Health, poetry and science. — Since youth is apt to spend its energy in war, if conditions are even half- way favorable, it has little time and no desire for other pursuits. For a more comprehensive grasp on life, greater maturity is required. It is interesting to find that the moment conditions favor a longer life, and older men begin to exert a greater influence on tribal and national affairs, wars become less frequent. The older men naturally love fighting less ; but the chief contribution they make consists in a larger grasp on conditions. They recognize that war means de- struction of life and property, and try to avoid it. More important, however, is the contribution which their greater mental maturity makes to other spheres of life. It is a noteworthy fact that most poets are young, and most scientists are old or middle-aged. The THE NECESSITY FOR BETTER HEALTH 125 exceptions to this rule are few. Why should this be? The reasons are obvious. Impetuosity drives youth to seek expression for its energy either in vehement action or turbulent words. The emotions run high, and poetry is the natural outlet for pent-up energy. There is little inclination to occupy one's self with outside matters in a calm and deliberate manner. That is, however, the exact thing needed in science. The layman does not realize what incredible patience a scientist needs in solving a complex problem. It requires not only months, but often years to perform a single task. Darwin worked for twenty years on the theory of evolution. The poet may write down his feelings in a few hours, and the world may be richer by a good lyric; the scientist arrives at useful conclusions only after long deliberation. A great scientific or philosophical truth which will benefit the world is usually the result of mental maturity and a fairly full experience of life, because a number of factors have to be examined and balanced before anything vitally important can be produced. Factors of health. — The principal factors in pro- ducing health are heredity, climate, food, housing, sleep and exercise. About heredity nothing needs to be said here beyond what was stated under Eugenics. Most people sleep and exercise sufficiently, and for special advice they should see a physician, because these are personal matters. Climate, food, and hous- ing are largely social matters, and need to be treated briefly here. Health and climate. — Climate, in the widest sense, implies all the various features which nature furnishes to man by way of providing conditions that may help 126 CHAPTER VII or hinder his endeavor to keep well and become strong. These features may be briefly stated as : temperature, moisture, wind, sunshine, and, to a certain extent at least, topography, e. g., mountains, valleys, streams, lakes, and plains. The only reason why climate is considered here is its important bearing on history. It is no exaggeration to say that whole libraries have been written about the influence of climate on the fate of mankind. It has been blamed for every ill of man and credited with everything good in hi™- But here, as in other things, the truth lies in the middle rather than toward the extremes. Since civilization has prospered, at least to a certain degree, in regions as far apart as Mesopotamia and Norway, Yucatan and Switzerland, there is reason to believe that climate is not the only factor. Illinois and Southern Mongolia lie in the same latitude and have the same mean tem- perature, yet how diflferent their civilization! The highlands of the Andes produced a civilization of great importance, but so did the lowlands along the Yangtze river in China. When, moreover, we compare the past with the present, the claim of the omnipotent influence of cli- mate becomes still more problematical. Greece has not changed to any noticeable extent since the time of Pericles and Socrates ; the same Aegean sea washes the bays and inlets ; the same hills and mountains vary the landscape ; the sun of Homer is still shining upon the shepherd of the hills; the temperature, the humid- ity, the winds, and other features are practically the same — yet, how different is the modern Greek popu- lation from that of antiquity. Ancient art, science, and philosophy flourished in Athens; she was the THE NECESSITY FOR BETTER HEALTH 127 torch-bearer of the world. Public-spirited citizens devoted their energies to the welfare of the city- states. Today there are strife and conspiracy, low trade morals, and, until recently, little public safety. Of culture there is none of an indigenous character; what little there is comes from Paris, Berlin and Vienna. In the same way ancient and modern Meso- potamia offer an equally fertile comparison ; likewise the Peru of the Incas with that of today, and the Mexico of the Aztecs with that of Villa and Carranza. Climate is important but not necessarily dominant. The extremes of tropics and arctics are injurious, but within the large regions lying between them are many lands in which human welfare is determined largely by human endeavor. There are too many cases in history which controvert the claims of the climatolo- gists as to the dominance of climate. Primitive man was naturally more dependent on nature, and he was influenced to a larger extent by her frowns and favors. Civilized man has largely discounted these by his ingenuity in solving the riddles of nature and by making her subservient to his purposes. He has proved his right to be human by changing his environ- ment instead of being changed by it, like the animal. He has made the tropics habitable, as may be proved by the conquest of both endemics and epidemics cur- rent formerly in parts of those regions. Health and food. — There is coming into existence a new science, dietetics, which aims to teach us how to eat so as to live healthily and economically. The human body may be considered a machine, the most complicated and neatly adjusted in existence. Food supplies not only the fuel used in running this ma- 128 CHAPTER VII chine, but also the material with which the wear and tear must be replaced. Every engineer knows that he cannot get the greatest efficiency out of his machine unless he supplies the firebox with the best high-grade coal. With dirty, low-grade coal the result is not up to the standard, and when it contains a large amount of sulphur and other impurities the life of the machine is impaired. The short span of the average life in past ages was due largely to the insufficiency of food from the point of view of both quantity and quality. This may have been excusable because people then were poor and lacked knowledge. But what shall be said of the present generation, whose food is com- paratively abundant and of good quality and neverthe- less treats the body as though it were a furnace which receives anything without protest ? Every farmer knows that horses, for instance, must have a variety of food according to their use for draft, riding, or the carriage. The Belgians feed their dogs according to occupation in the hunt, drawing carts, or guarding houses. It is only in man that the opposite condition is observed, namely, that persons following the most diverse occu- pations, whether day-laborers, brain-workers, scholars, merchants, officials, clergymen, physicians, traveling salesmen, field or factory workers — all of them, with their dependents, take similar food. The diet should vary according to the nature of the occupation and the functions to be carried out, just as has always been the custom with domestic animals. Man should take at least as good care of himself as he does of his animals. Health and housing. — Housing, as a factor of health, is mainly although not entirely a matter which THE NECESSITY FOR BETTER HEALTH 129 concerns cities. The chief problems connected with it are those of providing fresh air and preventing overcrowding. As long as man lived in the open, perhaps in caves or on trees, the housing question was simple in the extreme, since there was an abun- dance of air. He might be cold or be scorched by the hot sun; but he was never subject to devitalization through bad air. The problem of ventilation arose when man was sufficiently advanced to build houses, even though they were of the crudest bind, because the free entrance of air was at once interfered with and new problems arose as how to keep well in these enclosed spaces. The problem of ventilation is stiil unsolved, as is shown by the many new schemes pro- posed almost daily. It may seem easy enough to circulate air through a building ; the difficulty consists in doing it without creating a draft. City dwellers have almost gotten out of the habit of enjoying an abundance of fresh air, as was evidenced by the sol- diers of our National Army in 1917-18, who suffered greatly from colds, catarrh and pneumonia while liv- ing in cantonments. They improved greatly in health and in strength as soon as they became accustomed to the larger supply of fresh air, both outdoors and indoors. Health and congestion. — The problem of congestion is somewhat different from that of ventilation. It consists in overcrowding either per acre or per room. Congestion per acre is found chiefly in large cities, while that per room may be and is often found in country districts and even in barbarous communities. The two-room farmhouse or the "dugout" of the fron- tier districts mean as a rule overcrowding. The 130 CHAPTER VII Igorotes, in the province of Benguet, northern part of the island of Luzon, were in the habit of closing their very small doors during the rainy season with its sometimes fairly cold nights, lighting a wood fire and going to sleep in the heat and smoke. By three or four o'clock in the morning the heat would be gone but the smoke would still be there, vitiating the air. The result was that affections of the eyes, throat and lungs were common, and health was generally poor. A similar situation used to exist on board ship, where sailors were often crowded into the poorly ventilated forecastle by night or by day, allowing only 100 cubic feet per sailor and giving rise to much pneumonia and tuberculosis, notwithstanding the otherwise healthy life at sea. These conditions on board ship are now being remedied through legislation; but con- ditions in cities are still very bad. At least 400 cubic feet of space per inmate are required in order to maintain physical efficiency. Even this minimum is reached only in the better class tene- ments, while in the poorer ones it is often below. A few cases may be given as illustrations: The Pitts- burg survey of 1907-8 revealed instances of over- crowding startling in their intensity. These Pittsburg tenement rooms were small — as large as a small bed- room — yet, in one of these there lived a man, his wife, a baby, and two boarders. Another apartment of three rooms housed a man. wife and baby in the kitchen, two boarders in the second room, while the third room was sub-let to a man, wife, a child, and two boarders. This third room was small, but contained two beds, a stove, table, trunks and chairs. In the Slavic lodg- ing houses for single men, beds stood as close as floor THE NECESSITY FOR BETTER HEALTH 131 space would permit, two sets of men using the beds alternately by night and day, some men even sleeping on the floor. The writer has seen similar crowding in small industrial towns in eastern Ohio, the condi- tions being aggravated by the fact that the beds were in two tiers. In construction camps, bunks are built in tiers, in unventilated or poorly ventilated buildings, without sanitary conveniences or even necessities. Still these men at least get all the fresh air they need when at work, while the workers in the steel mills are exposed to noxious fumes and gases nearly all the time. The problem of large cities is different still. Not only are rooms overcrowded, but whole acres and large districts. New York presents by far the most abnormally congested conditions of any American city. In 1905 the density of Manhattan Island (New York proper) was 150 people per acre; but in 122 blocks it was 750. and in 38 blocks it exceeded 1,000. In Chicago the highest density per acre was, until recently, 206 persons per acre; in St. Louis — on an area of 48 blocks — about 180, and in one ward of Boston 192 per acre. "People may conceivably live 1,000 per acre and still maintain efficiency. A stable and varied diet of good food, light, ventilation, and sanitation might easily negative most of the bad results of 1,000-per-acre living. Mere congestion per acre does not present a serious problem — it is the evils which accompany acre-congestion that make the social reformer hesitate and ponder. Men and women in the New York tene- ments suffer, not because they are close to their neighbors, but because the tenements are so co»« 132 CHAPTER VII structed as to exclude from large numbers of rooms any adequate air-supply and to prevent the entrance of the sunlight into many corners of the buildings. To one who has seen such a seven-story East Side tenement, it is perfectly obvious that the sunlight cannot penetrate below the fourth or the fifth story through the narrow airshafts and courts which the law requires. Overcrowding is therefore a serious problem in New York, and a less serious one, but still a problem in many of the large cities of the United States." '■ Tenement houses occupy in some cases from 80 to 90 per cent of the lot area. Twenty families are crowded upon a spot where a generation ago there was but one. Whole families live in one-, two-, or three-room tenements, into many rooms of which the sun never shines. Frequently boarders are added to eke out the rent. The plumbing is bad ; the bathroom is a luxury enjoyed but by a few. The washing, iron- ing, cooking, eating, sleeping, the rearing of the chil- dren, and the care of the sick — one or two rooms .suffices for it all. Millions have become cliff-dwellers, ready to move at a moment's notice from a bad tene- ment to one worse for non-payment of rent. But always there is the same contaminated air. The tene- ment may be kept clean — in many cases it is almost spotless; but bacteria will breed in the hallways, in the alleys, and in the sunless court. Darkness and dampness prevail, and these are favorable to disease- germs, chiefly those of tuberculosis and throat affec- tions. For one not accustomed to such places it is impossible to sleep there without contracting violent 1 Scott Nearing, S ial Adjustment, pp. 104-5. The Macmillan Com- pany, 1911. THE NECESSITY FOR BETTER HEALTH 133 headaches. Bodily vigor cannot be maintained with- out fresh air, and fresh air, in many New York tene- ments, is an impossibility. Death is a frequent visitor to the tenements. Con- gestion and mortality go hand in hand. The children and the babies are the most frequent sufferers. Born of parents weakened by lack of sunlight, fresh air, and proper food, perhaps overworked as well as over- crowded, they have but a feeble hold on life at the start; the moist, germ-laden air soon introduces all kinds of bacteria into the system to sap the already low vitality. To have six children, and to rear but one to adult age is not a rare occurrence. To return from the putrid air of the workshop to the almost equally bad atmosphere of the crowded rooms called home by courtesy only is apt to devitalize the strong- est man or woman. Remedies. — Some changes for the better are being made. The enlightened part of the city could not stand by and see people condemned to death en masse. Over $750,000,000 have been expended within ten years in New York City for better tenements.^ They contain 312,000 apartments and house 1,500,000 people. Most of them have light and air in every room, with running water in each apartment, and private toilets. About 80 per cent of the apartments have bath-tubs. The Tenement House Act of 1901 required, in addi- tion to the improvements mentioned, protection through fire-escapes, and, in many cases, fire-proof stairs. The trouble with these well-meant endeavors to 1 The Modern City and its Problems, Frederick C. Howe ; Scribner's Sons, 1915, p. 279. 134 CHAPTER VII overcome a bad situation is that all these improve- ments have to be paid for; the landlord naturally raises the rent, and this means that in many cases there results even more crowding. Another difficulty lies in the larger revenue at comparatively smaller cost of a five and six-story tenement house compared to one of two or three; this means less air and sun- light, notwithstanding certain advantages along other lines. It means chiefly more crowded and darker streets for the children who have, as a rule, no place close by for play. A solution for this situation must be found, if the health of the community is not to be afifected seriously. For, owing to the increase of urban population com- pared to the rural, an ever larger number of people is coming under the adverse conditions of life in city tenements. The "garden cities" and manufacturing villages have solved the problem in a small way. But more must be done ; it is a situation created by society and can be solved if a determined effort is made. The one thing that must be kept in mind is that no problem created by society is insoluble; whenever men have seriously attacked a difificulty in a spirit of earnest confidence, it has yielded. Not so many years ago death was considered a matter beyond man's control. Now we know that thousands of deaths may be avoided, and succeed. England and Wales had a death-rate of 21.2 per 1,000 from 1866-70; it dropped to 13.5 from 1910-14. This means a difiference of 7.7 per 1,000; or 77,000 per 1,000,000, or about 3,500,000 for the United Kingdom. Similar results have been obtained elsewhere. What is more important yet is the fact that the progressive THE NECESSITY FOR BETTER HEALTH 136 men in every community are alive to the importance of the situation. Physicians, statesmen, and social workers are co-operating in educating the public with fair success; some remedies are applied, and new measures for avoiding disease and lengthening life are discovered almost daily. What is needed is to lay greater emphasis on health as a social factor ; not here and there, not now advocating this measure and then some other, but an ideal of health for the whole com- munity ; not merely absence of specific ailment requir- ing medical care, but a definite aim to utilize all the scientific means at our disposal and to procure others, i** order that avoidable disease may be looked upon ^s morally reprehensible and good health as socially praiseworthy. As a public recognition every civilized country should establish a department of health for directing all measures pertaining to the conservation of human vitality. CHAPTER VIII THE NEW SOCIAL CONTROL A new attitude in social control. — Every society has in various ways attempted to control the actions of its members so as not to be harmful to other mem- bers. The aim has always been negative, and the means taken have often been suppiessive, if not de- structive to individuality. This procedure was, per- haps, necessary as long as society merely tried to live and protect itself against dangers from unknown pow- ers in the form of spirits who were supposed to control the doings of men. The real purpose of these forces could, of course, never be known by man, hence he had to content himself with means of restraint and restriction. Now that we have come to know that our .ate is in our own hands, we should recognize that efifective control can be exercised only through a more fully developed personality. Professor Ross has made, perhaps, the most ex- haustive study of this matter ever attempted,^ and a very brief survey of his book will be necessary. In the multiplicity and complexity of human activities some sort of order or co-operation is necessary if conflicts are to be avoided. Some men voluntarily avoid collisions with others, owing to their submissive attitude. The pugnacious, however, welcome conflicts. Under either condition there is no social order. In the first case there is peace, but under a tyranny ; in the second, war. Social order means the adjustment 1 Social Control, A Study of the Foundations of Order, by Edward Alsworth Ross, Macmillan Company, 1910. 136 THE NEW SOCIAL CONTROL 137 of activities in such a way that conflicts either do not occur, or may be settled according to a regular procedure which safe-guards the interests of all. The means of social control are public opinion, law, belief, suggestion through education or custom, religion, ideals, ceremony, art, prominent personalities, enlight- enment and illusion, social valuations, and ethics. The dififerent systems of control have been chiefly in the hands of various parasitic classes whose aim was the exploitation of the many; they invented all kinds of devices to keep themselves in power, but had to be fertile in invention because changes in social condi- tions required constant adaptations. Eventually, how- ever, the many gained more rights, and control became more diffuse. Restriction and control. — The problem of control presents itself to Professor Ross all through as one of restriction, curbing, and subordination. It is small wonder that he is pessimistic about the outlook in view of the increasingly greater share taken by the many in , control. For, if the multitude had to be managed somehow in the past, what can and will they do when they get control not only over their own fate but that of their former oppressors? To quote: "I confess that no light responsibility is laid upon the investigator who explores the mysterious processes that take place in the soul of a people, and dissects in public the ideals and affirmations elaborated in the social mind. The fact of control is, in good sooth, no gospel to be preached abroad with allegory and parable, with bold type and scare headlines. The secret of order is not to be bawled from every house- top. The wise sociologist will show religion a con- 138 CHAPTER VIII sideration it has rarely met with from the naturalist. He will venerate a moral system too much to uncover its nakedness. He will speak to men, not to youth. He will address himself to those who administer the moral capital of society — to teachers, clergymen, edi- tors, law-makers, and judges, who wield the instru- ments of control ; to poets, artists, thinkers, educators, who guide the human caravan across the waste. In this way he will make himself an accomplice of all good men for the undoing of all bad men." ^ Man forgotten over measures. — All through the ages men have been managed and exploited by the few through some system — the more definite and concise the better. Even now those who earnestly desire the welfare of the many and of society in general still talk of measures to be taken, rather than of men to be created and developed. The new schemes and programs which are published are, literally speak- ing, legion. Each of them is more or less definite and its author expects it to produce certain specific results, notwithstanding the experience of repent his- tory to the effect that, as often as not, either nothing has come of it or the very opposite of what was intended has been produced. Systems are imposed from without, not developed from within. Man who is to be their beneficiary, is forgotten in the process. He is interpreted in terms of something else, instead of in those of himself, and — he suflFers; not, perhaps, because he knows definitely what ails him, but rather because in a sub-conscious way he feels that things are not as they ought to be. His innermost craving is for development and his deepest desire for self- 1 Op. cit., p. +«. THE NEW SOCIAL CONTROL 139 expression ; but in both he is balked by the everlasting systems imposed upon him. He is dynamic, chang- ing) getting new points of view, acquiring more nu- merous and more refined wants; the system is static, confining, and circumscribing; it is all this and more because it is based on the conception that the beast in man must be tamed and controlled. It takes a negative instead of a positive view of man. The theological view of man as a rebel and totally depraved by "original sin" is still with us. Man suppressed, not developed. — And that is the fundamental error in most social views. Early relig- ion took man in hand and abased him in sack cloth and ashes; custom and social inertia held him down; in the family, woman was oppressed ; work was looked upon as menial and degrading, although it was the only means for developing the individual,; if he was sickly, he might, in times not long past, acquire the odor of sanctity. What we need is a self-reliant in- dividual who aims deliberately at progressive improve- ment, selects a partner for life on the basis of respect for his or her personality in order to improve the human stock not only physically but mentally, seeks to establish his place among his fellows by performing some well-directed and useful work, and tries to in- crease his power for service and happiness by improv- ing his health. Such an individual has the willingness and the physical ability to make the necessary adapta- tions to meet new conditions. He has surplus energy and will not wait till "things happen," but will go out and make them happen. He is, in short, a man with an integral self, and social control must eventually be based on that conception. 140 CHAPTER VUI Relation of individual to society. — Historically, this idea is but of recent development. In antiquity, not to mention prehistoric times, the relation of the in- dividual was merely that of a part to the whole; he did not feel as if he had rights, neither were they granted to him. He was totally dependent on society, and lived almost as an organic part in a whole. His consciousness was very largely a mere reflection of the consciousness of the clan. This was the case even in Greece. In Sparta the free man had only the right to fight and bring up children for the state — ^all this under close supervision ; the helots had none whatever. In Athens the control of the state was not so rigid, but the only question concerning an individual was his relation to the state. There is, consequently, no biography in Greek literature until the time when the Lives of Plutarch appeared. Intellectual property was unknown, and inscriptions, whether on public buildings or private gravestones, referred only to service of the state. Plato's Republic shows the complete domination of the state over the individual; his Laws modified that attitude only in details. During the Middle Ages the individual was either a member of a tribe or later of the church, and rights existed only in that connection. The jus naturale of the Romans, more theoretical than practical even among them, was not even recognized in theory while the church held sway. During the eighteenth century there was a violent reaction toward extreme individualism and an atom- istic view of society. There was no bond between the "enlightened" and the ignorant, the employer and the employee, except economic necessity. Self-culture THE NEW SOCIAL CONTROL 141 was the aim of every aspirant for social honors. This extreme individualism has remained a vital part of life to this day, and has, in its turn, produced a strong reaction toward socialism. Where, then, is the truth? Biological aspects of the individual. — The individual may be looked at from three points of view, the bio- logical, philosophical and social. As a biological en- tity, every individual is unique. To quote a biologist : "As a result of the permutations of ancestral char- acters, the appearance of mutations, and the fluctua- tions of organisms due to environmental changes, it happens that in all cases offspring differ more or less from their parents and from one another. No two children of the same family are exactly alike (except in the case of identical twins which come from the same oosperm). Every living being appears, on care- ful examination, to be the first and last of its identical kind. This is one of the most remarkable peculiarities of living things. The elements of chemistry are con- stant, and even the compounds fall into definite cate- gories which have constant characteristics. But the individuals of biology are apparently never twice the same. This may be due to the immense complexity of living units as contrasted with chemical ones, indeed, lack of constancy is evidence in itself of lack of analysis into real elements or of lack of uniform conditions; but whatever its cause the extraordinary fact remains that every living being appears to be unique." ^ This uniqueness of the individual has in the past never been kept in mind. The members of a society 1 E. D. Conklin, Hpredity and Environment in the DeTelopment oi Men, p. 213; Princeton University Press, 1915. 142 CHAPTER VIII •were divided up into classes and castes, either accord- ing to birth, wealth, knowledge, occupation or some other standard. Hence it was inevitable that an individual should be looked at merely as a member of a class, and judged by it. According to the class which was in control, some particular virtue was made the standard, and the other classes were grouped in proportion as they approached it or departed from it. But always the individual was supposed to be merely a duplicate of some class consciousness. Philosophical aspects of the individual. — Philo- sophically the following definition may be given: "The individual is a concrete existence which is indi- visible because organized into a co-ordinated, or pur- posive, unity."" What is this purpose? It can plainly be only the modificaiton, in whatever slight degree, of the generic qualities of the species. For, while the individual is unique, he is on the average more like his kind than like anything else. His uniqueness consists in being a slight variation from what may be called, for lack of a better term, the average or normal, or what he has in common with every other individual of his species. If this variation is an improvement on the general pattern of the average, there is slight progress, otherwise stagnation or retrogression. The higher one goes in the scale of living beings, the greater should this individual variation be, because the number and variety of factors which enter into the combination increase. There should, for instance, be more varia- tion from a type, that is, more individuality, in the case of a lion or a horse, than in the case of a shad or 2 Wm. Forbes Cooley, The Individual, A metaphysical Inquiry, p. 20; The Science Press, New York, 1909. THE NEW SOCIAL CONTROL 143 a frog. Coming to human beings, individuality ought to be still more marked, and among the more civilized one would expect it to be more pronounced than among savages. This expectation is true to fact, both among the higher animals and more advanced men. And thus we come to the relation of the individual to society. In the past this relation was always conceived to be antagonistic, hence various means had to be devised to keep the majority under control. To quote Pro- fessor Ross again : "The reader may have wondered sometimes if it is not rash to lift the veil from those sacred recesses where are prepared the convictions and sentiments by which society holds together. To expose the anti- nomies and moralities in all their nakedness as so many ways of luring a man from the pursuit of his individual welfare, is surely to subvert all control that does not rest on force." ^ Why should a man have to be "lured from the pursuit of his individual welfare" if he lives in society ? Is it to his advantage to live alone? Is society the enemy of man as Rousseau taught, and the anarchists shout from the soap boxes? If so, may a friendly comet sweep us into eternal oblivion! Again, what is the relation of the individual to society? Social aspects of the individual. — The human in- dividual is a unique combination of the qualities of the genus homo, and finds his completion in associa- tion with his fellow-men. If the individual is a unique biological entity, and is organized into a co-ordinated or purposive unity philosophically, there must be some 1 Op. cit., pp. 4h0 and 441. 144 CHAPTER VIII purpose luring him on. This can be no other than his own completion as a physical and mental unity. Hence the insistence on good health of the body as a ready instrument of the mind. Being unique, he must have some particular want which can be met only by special activities. This want can only be the perfection of his own individuality, through activity fostering whatever may be distinctive of himself. He must, however, live before he can live in his own par- ticular way. Hence a division of labor is necessary. He must produce something which others cannot pro- duce, and exchange it for something which he needs, but cannot produce so well as they. In this way he will not only live, but live in his own particular way, and find satisfaction. An illustration may, perhaps, make this clearer. A boy has a strong desire to become a great violinist. The fulfilment requires time and money. In a society where everyone has to provide his own means of liv- ing, ninety-nine per cent of his time would be taken up in that process, and his desire would be frustrated. Where division of labor exists, and, on the basis of it, some property has been accumulated, he is able to devote himself to the cultivation of his talent, and repay society later by his musical performances. The objection may be raised, of course, that in a primitive society a boy would not have the desire to become a violinist. That is true. But he might want to whistle or whittle, and charm his friends by the perfection of a melody oi- the production of a beautifully carved club. He could not even do that if he had to hustle for a living in the same way as everybody else. In the past this is exactly what happened. Only a THE NEW SOCIAL CONTROL 14S very small number of human beings had an oppor- tunity to live their lives in their own way. These were the chieftains and perhaps the priests. Hence measures of repression were necessary by which the whole social fabric became warped. For the nature of the rulers necessarily changed for the worse by resorting to measures of suppression, and the op- pressed were inevitably cast into an attitude of gloom even when they were not cast into a dungeon. The balked desires to live for the perfection of whatever talent one had, must have been much more numerous than they are to-day. These may not have been clearly articulate, but we know the tremendous difference between a man who has found his work and enjoys it, and the one who, although successful at what he is doing, is not working along the line of his natural endowment. It is the difference between occupation and vocation. The one provides a living, the other a living plus satisfaction. Talent and opportunity. — That there was little divi- sion of labor in the past is no argument against the existence of a difference in natural endowment. Op- portunity does not create talent, it merely brings it out. Too many modern instances are known of men who but for a happy chance might have died unknown, and the world would be poorer by the loss of some ^reat achievement. "One shudders to think how nar- rowly Newton escaped being an unknown farmer, or Faraday an obscure bookbinder, or Pasteur a provin- cial tanner. In the history of the world there must have been many men of equal native endowments who missed the slender chance which came to these. We ferm the habit of thinking of great men as having CHAPTER VIII appeared only at long intervals, and yet we know that great crises always discover great men. What does this mean but that the men are ready formed and that it requires only this extra stimulus to call them forth? To most of us heredity is kind — kinder than we know. The possibilities within us are great, but they rarely come to full epiphany." ^ Neither will the objection hold that there is not a sufficient variety of talents. They may be dormant. As a rule only those energies are developed for which there is a specified call. In the past there was a call for few gifts, and only few developed. With increas- ing division of labor, new talents are developed by being given an opportunity. The time may come soon when in a well-organized society every individual will be able to do his own work. That will enable him to make a decent living because he will be more produc- tive and have somewhat of a monopoly, and he will at the same time have satisfaction. The aim before society is, consequently, not to repress but to develop individuality, since progress and social cohesion can be secured in no other way. Animal species may have social cohesion owing to blood kinship, habit, inertia, or economic need. There is, however, no progress, since each makes its living in the same way. Individuality is, consequently, less developed, and social groups are very small as a rule, because the individual needs few of his own kind for completion. The most independent animals are, more- over, not the most happy. The predaceous lion or tiger lives alone, is grouchy, and easily incensed ; the lively squirrels living in groups seem to be much happier. 1 Coiidlja. op. dfc, pp. 474 and 47S. THE NEW SOCIAL CONTROL 147 Society recognizes individuality. — Society has al- ways in some dim way recognized the importance of the individual. It put a value on him, although here as elsewhere practice lagged far behind theory. The early tribes forbade the killing of a member, and par- ticularly that of a leader, be he chief or medicine man. This meant the recognition of uniqueness as evidenced by special services at least in the case of prominent members. The apotheosis of these men has the same basis. Then came religion in the form of Christianity and put an eternal value on every human being, whether economically productive or not. This was supplemented much later, after the extension of social consciousness, by giving him a universal value. At least in theory a man's life is now deemed sacred by all civilized nations, the reasons being partly religious and partly economic. This valuation is also expressed in the demand for universal education, because each individual is supposed to have some talent worth developing. The same tendency manifests itself polit- ically in democratic forms of government; and the latest movement is toward industrial democracy, that is, toward the recognition of the uniqueness of every man in his work. In regard to the last, a few words need to be said. Work and individuality. — The tendency of the Greeks to look upon manual labor with disdain, has, to a certain extent at least, survived to this day. They not only refrained from productive physical exertion, but hired their dancers and musicians, because a free man could not engage in such activities without losing caste. The actors, for instance, were, down to a com- paratively late age, held in strong disesteem, even in 148 CHAPTER VIII England and France. The tables have, however, com- pletely turned, because acting, music and dancing have been raised to the level of arts ; and the men and women in each of these three arts, who have reached the top of their profession, are social favorites. Busi- ness, too, and even writing, were held beneath the dignity of a gentleman as late as Walter Scott's times. The nineteenth century saw a complete change in both occupations. The reason for all of these reversals in valuation have not been economic only, but psychical. As was explained in the chapter on the Spiritualization of Work, there is a vast difference between toil, labor and work. Toil everybody hates, and relegates it to a machine, but labor has to be done, although no one loves it. Each man is ambitious to work, i. e., to arrange his activities according to a more or less well- defined plan to give expression to his own talent. It is this intellectual element which has been injected into the five occupations mentioned that has raised them to the rank of professions. They have become the expression of a free individuality, delighting to develop its talent in those particular ways. Man has increasingly put the emphasis on the amount of intel- lectuality in his performance as he advanced from the lower to the higher stages of civilization. Even war is no longer a matter of fists but of wits. May it not be possible to raise many forms of labor to the rank of semi-professions and thus relieve them from the social stigma of inferiority? This labor needs to be done, and will be done only by the socially lowest as long as it is held in contempt. Nationally our policy has been to import laborers by immigration from dif- ferent countries ; their children have moved out of the THE NEW SOCIAL CONTROL 149 Knanual labor class, and we have had to tap a new res- ervoir every two or three decades. We shall soon be at the end of our resources, unless coolies from China and India are admitted. These will either have to be held in bondage, which is contrary to all our convictions, or they will have to be free, which means the over- running of our country with racial elements that can- not be assimilated, because they are unused to free institutions. Already a heavy price has been paid in the form of racial deterioration by this country for its contempt of manual labor. The only remedy lies in a change of attitude. The free American must become willing to wield the pick and shovel, and that can be done only if the social stigma is removed. It is a question of our national future. Individual dynamic unity. — The individual is, then, a unity which can find its completion only through society. He can develop an integral self only through interdependence with others. This means that he must give and take. He can give only what he has, i. e., what his uniqueness enables him to contribute; and he can receive only in proportion as he under- stands and appreciates what society offers. He must, consequently, be both individualized and socialized ; he must be teacher and pupil alternately. If so, he is at harmony with himself and his environment. Thi& harmony is, however, never complete, because he is growing and expanding, and his surroundings are con- stantly changing. What satisfied hirti yesterday is no longer satisfactory today; and his adaptation to so- ciety today will be insufficient tomorrow. He is thus developing constantly, and learns that what is unat- tainable now may become an achievement in the 150 CHAPTER VIII future. He bridges the chasm between desire and attainment by faith based on experience. That is, at least, what the normal individual does, and it is he alone who is under consideration. With him the desire for harmony is inborn, since he is spiritual by nature. Individual must have harmony. — Unity requires harmony within itself. Man is not merely a composi- tion of more or less connected parts, but a co-ordinated whole. If so, he must strive for balance and self- control. The conception of temperance among the Greeks meant that no part of man should get a larger portion of attention than its due in proportion to its station in a graded scale. That part of man, which generally craves and usually gets a larger share of attention than its due, is the body, particularly the instincts of sex and hunger. In order to maintain his balance, man sets himself to work to educate the senses and to control his appetites, but not to suppress or mutilate them. The ascetic who starves his body is as great a sinner as the glutton and libertine who indulge it to excess. The man who wants to be in harmony with himself must strive to make his body a fit instrument of the mind, a capable agent of the spirit. This requires health and work. In regard to the mind, the desire for harmony within himself demands that the intellect, the will, and the emotions — to use the traditional terms — should be developed in proper proportion. While the emotions are and must be the motive force in man, the intellect is and must always remain the directing agent; the former furnish the steam, the latter the helm for the ship. Excess in either direction is harmful ; emotional THE NEW SOCIAL CONTROL 151 people become the prey of more intellectual persons, and the too intellectual lose their ability for enjoy- ment; those who are too pronouncedly volitional are apt to consider only their own plans. Symmetry be- tween the three makes the balanced man who keeps himself always under control. Individual must have harmony with social environ- ment. — Unity requires the harmony of man with his social environment. A person striving for an integral self is constantly disturbed by the fact that he meets unsocialized and de-individualized members in society. The thought is unbearable to him that there should exist mere wrecks of human beings so near him, and he bends his energies to remedy the situation. He endeavors to socialize the instinctive and professional criminals, and to give them a true consciousness of kind, in place of the atavistic one they have. He also attempts to individualize the psuedo-social class, like the congenital and habitual paupers. His sense for harmony demands even a restoration, if possible, of the degraded who are either paupers or criminals and have lost both self-respect and social instincts. The presence of human wrecks always fills us with a sense of shame, because we feel that either we or society have not lived up to our opportunities. It is painful to see or even hear of degraded human beings, and our work in restoring them to a normal condition is always done with some hesitancy and comparatively little enthusiasm; perhaps because we are aware of the fact that our endeavor is curative merely and may be useless. Only exceptional persons are able to en- dure the strain of philanthropic work for many years, - Curative and preventive measures. — The man who 152 CHAPTER VIlI would realize his desire for an integral self turns, therefore, from curative to preventive measures. He wants to shape conditions by proper co-ordination in such a way that these things shall not happen again. His telic attitude manifests itself in a "sizing up" of the whole situation, and he tries to introduce im- provements not only here and there, but to recast society along rational lines. He becomes interested in eugenics, sanitation, industry, education, govern- ment, humanitarian institutions, and anything else which may help men to become integral selves. This attitude has been the great missionary force, some- what unconscious and fragmentary in the highest forms of religion, more purposeful and complete in the various social systems proposed within the last century, and now by a combination of both. Individual must have harmony with physical en- vironment. — Unity, finally, demands the harmony of man with his physical environment. The sense of completion may be put in danger by occurrences in nature; our peace, our health, our lives, or those of our fellowmen may be threatened. Man must define his attitude toward nature. He may do so either by submission or conquest. Harmony by submission. — Submission means non- interference, resignation, self-denial, and accommo- dation. It is a passive policy, and has in its best forms the object to save one's so-called higher self at the expense of the lower. It is, however, more often a mere pretense, a veiled selfishness, and always an act of cowardice, whether with Diogenes who repressed his physical wants to the lowest possible minimum, or with Simon Stylites who fled the world that he THE NEW SOCIAL CONTROL 153 might save. his none too voluminous soul. The un- complaining acceptance of outer conditions, or the silent accommodation of oneself to meet them, are indications of an inferior type of man. The policy of submission means being conquered by the environ- ment; it is the condition of the animal, and therefore never satisfactory to man. It always leaves a rank- ling in his mind, even though he is philosophically inclined and adduces any number of reasons for pre- tense of satisfaction. The proper state of man as witnessed by the whole course of civilization is self- assertion and conquest. Harmony by conquest. — ^There are different stages in conquest. Primitive men and insufficiently de- veloped semi-civilized people try to conquer their en- vironment first of all by direct attack, by the appli- cation of physical force against animate and inanimate nature. Perhaps the whole energy may be engaged in the effort, and the state of consciousness may vary from a mere dim notion to actual hatred of the object, as, for instance, when Xerxes had the Hellespont whipped with rods of iron, because his pontoon bridges had been carried away. A higher form is in- vention, or the combination of forces for useful pur- poses in a new manner. The term invention is used here in the largest sense, so as to include anything which man employs in easing his labors, from the club of our distant forbears to the flying machine of to-day. The integral self. — The desire for an integral self means the satisfaction which comes from the develop- ment of all faculties of oneself and of other men in their entirety — physical, mental and spiritual — as over 154 CHAPTER VIII against any particular desires. It is the craving for a body which is a supple and eifective agent of a mind that rejoices in its own expansion in the realms of the good, the true, and the beautiful, that protests against any incompleteness whether in itself or in the social milieu that enjoys giving as much as re- ceiving because its development depends on both — a mind, briefly, which is as nearly as possible at unity with itself and in harmony with its environment. The integral self an ideal. — What has been said may sound like a counsel of perfection, and the question may justly be asked : What has this to do with social control? The answer is, briefly, it is an ideal! Our times aie in need of higher ideals which may not be reached for some time, but toward which we must strive, nevertheless. In the past, civilization has suf- fered considerably from the fact that ideals were chiefly negative — the removal of disabilities of some kind — melioration is the scientific term. But this very attitude has blinded us to the fact that man is here not merely to remove evils but to build up a society in which these evils would not occur. Formerly it was largely a static attitude. "The poor ye have always with you!" was interpreted by a foolish world to mean, "There must always be poor people!" Hence charity became the great Christian virtue. The ex- pectation was that there would always be thriftless, indolent and sickly people who would have to be sup- ported. Naturally, it came true, because men did not try to prove it false. They lived up to their ideal, and there is now a positive danger that charity is being overdone, be- cause we not only keep alive the defectives of every THE NEW SOCIAL CONTROL 155 possible sort, but improvidently let them multiply at a rate faster than the fit. Philadelphia alone has 2,376 separate agencies engaged in benevolent work, more than half of which aim solely at the relief of physical suffering. The Charity Organization of New York issues a catalogue annually for the Boroughs of Manhattan and the Bronx, which, devoting only a few descriptive lines to each agency, fills over 400 pages. During the present war the crooks and swin- dlers of various kinds exploited the prevalent charitable spirit of New Yorkers to such an extent that legal measures had to be taken against the abuse. Human nature changing. — It may be objected also that human nature cannot be changed. That is pre- cisely what has been done, and is being done con- stantly. Charity was enjoined as a duty upon a hard- hearted world, but it is now almost becoming a vice. If we apply ourselves diligently to the problem of improving the human mind, the conditions of exist- ence may be modified very considerably. "Much may be done to change the nature of man himself. The intelligence which has converted the brother of the wolf into the faithful guardian of the flock ought to be able to do something toward curbing the instincts of savagery in civilized man."^ The world is paying dearly for this negative ideal. In science and in the industrial world the achieve- ments have been phenomenal since man wrote his declaration of independence and began to rely upon himself. In law, in ethics, and in many social mat- ters we cling to the past. Hence the cleavage in mod- ern society between material and cultural civiliza- 1 Professor Huxley, Evolution and Ethics, p. 85. 156 CHAPTER VIII tion. Many business men are strictly up-to-date in the application of the most modern scientific appli- ances, but are morally and socially still in the Middle Ages, simply because they live according to an anti- quated ideal which is held up before them by their ill- informed mentors. History has proved that man cannot be controlled from v^fithout, no matter by what power and means the attempt is made. If he has a sufficiently high ideal placed before him and finds it vitally related to him, he will control himself. His own need for completion will draw him to his fellowmen, and will induce him to act in such a manner as to develop and maintain an integral self. CHAPTER IX THE SOCIAL FUNCTION OF RELIGION Social importance of religion. — One of the principal functions of religion in ancient times was the social. While it cannot be said truthfully that its practice con- stituted the chief activity of primitive peoples, it may be said that the social activities of the group centered chiefly around religion, or were surrounded by religous ceremonies. The making of war and the conclusion of peace, the beginning and the ending of the great hunts for game, the various recreational festivities, such as dance, were all under the auspices of religion. From another point of view the social function of re- ligion was important. Whatever philosophy and science, or poetry and art existed, centered around religion or were derived from it. It was undoubtedly crude reason- ing in which these early men engaged, but a beginning of reasoning was thus made, and man started on his career as a rational being. The mythologies contained the germs of the various departments of knowledge which make up our modern civilization. By disentangling the threads of those mythologies and specializing on some particular line, men were able eventually to produce the different branches of science, philosophy, poetry, and history of our times, which in the vast majority of cases have not even the remotest resemblance to their origin, and are often diametrically opposed to it. It is true, nevertheless, that the reasoning of the group was connected with the attempt to give an account of man and of the world in terms of religion. 157 158 CHAPTER IX From still another point of view religion was of great social importance. The gods were the means of differ- entiating and later of extending the social consciousness. With the multitude of gods, each of which demanded special, if not exclusive allegiance, it was inevitable that social consciousness should be narrow and intense. They were after all only the replicas of human consciousness, even though supposed to be objective personalities. They demanded loyal and constant devotion. And man, not having as yet learned to value himself in terms of him- self, rendered what was required of him. This neces- sarily led to a conflict between the gods, since each of them was anxious to extend his power over men beyond his own adherents. The latter were ordered into battle for their overlords, and fought valiantly. When one people was defeated, the explanation was based on either one or both of two reasons. The god of the defeated was plainly inferior to the one of the victorious race, who was promptly adopted, just as the wives readily followed the victors in early wars. If the defeat was not decisive, another explanation was ready. The people had disobeyed their god, and he had given them up to their enemy. Possible victory lay only in more complete surrender to his orders. The tribal deities thus required a separation of peoples into small groups with exclusive interests. The victors, however, extended the sway of their gods, and thus broadened their social consciousness which was bound up with religion in those days. With the repetition of this process, a national god with a corresponding religion and political organization even- tually evolved. Polytheism was supplanted by hen- otheism. The ancient Hebrew religion. — This stage of devel- THE SOCIAL FUNCTION OF RELIGION 159 opment is amply illustrated in the history of the ancient Hebrews. Jehovah was a national god who had survived various tribal deities. Old Testament history is largely concerned with the conflicts in which he engages with other national deities, e. g., Baal of Assyria. Sometimes the contest took the form of a manifestation other than feats of arms, e. g., in the story of Elijah with the proph- ets of Baal (1 Kings XVIII, 21-40). The story of Naaman, reported in 2 Kings V. 15-19, shows how liter- ally the theory of the limitation of power on the part of national gods to a given territory was taken. Two mules' burdens of earth transported from Palestine to Syria would enable the new worshipper of Jehovah to stand, literally speaking, on the latter's territory and to render homage to the god who had proved hiifaself so powerful. The best minds among the Hebrews were pressing, however, toward a more satisfactory solution of the prob- lem. As the power of generalization increased, these men looked beyond their nation and henotheism toward some sort of internationalism and monotheism under the sway of Jehovah. This contest between the popular hen- otheistic conception and the monotheistic idea, held by a small and select group, is well brought out in the book of Jonah, and may be referred to briefly in erder to illustrate the extension of social consciousness. The sit- uation is this: The writer of the book wants to show the absurdity of henotheism and prove the truth of monotheism. How is it to be done? He represents a believer in Jehovah as a national god who sends Jonah to Nineveh with an order to the people of that city. But according to hy- pothesis, Jehovah's power is limited to Palestine while 160 CHAPTER IX Bel is the supreme lord over Nineveh, and would resem any interference from the messenger of another god. Jonah is in a predicament. If he obeys Jehovah, Bel will punish him for interfering; if he disobeys, the "god of Israel" will wreak his vengeance upon him. There is plainly but one thing to do — to flee into a country over which neither Jehovah nor Bel has any control ; a neutral country, as we would say. So he boards a ship for Tarshish. A storm arises and threatens the safety of the ship. Every man calls upon his god, but to no avail. At last Jonah is awakened by the crew from a deep sleep — a plain indication that he had fled to Joppa in haste so as to get out of Jehovah's territory, since none but an .exhausted man could have slept in that storm- tossed craft. The hero now realized that the statements of the monotheists were true and he "fears the Lord, the God of heaven, which hath made the sea and the dry land." Naturally enough, the crew were converted, "and offered a sacrifice unto the Lord," because the sea ceased raging as soon as Jonah was cast overboard. The story of the whale and Jonah's sojourn in its belly is Oriental imagery illustrating the difficulties of the journey to Nineveh, which were certainly many and varied. Arrived in the city of Bel, Jonah, now sure of the protection of Jehovah, preaches his message with zest. "Yet forty days, and Nineveh shall be overthrown." But to his amazement the people and their king repent, be- lieve in the new god, and are spared. Jonah is greatly displeased ; his conversion to monotheism had been meta- physical, not moral. A mighty god like Jehovah should show mercy to Israel, but manifest power to other na- tions. He is still a Hebrew with a tribal consciousness. His moral conversion is brought about by the story of THE SOCIAL FUNCTION OF RELIGION 161 the gourd "which came up in a night, and perished in a night." If Jonah was sorry for that plant, why should not Jehovah have pity upon the great city with its six score persons that could "not discern between their right hand and their left hand ; and also much cattle ?" Jehovah is thus the "God af gods," and the king of kings, with sovereignty over the whole world; but this very fact involves that he should be merciful to all men, because they are all his children. The metaphysical at- tribute of omnipotence implies that of moral responsi- bility. Christianity. — This theory viras endorsed and ex- tended, perhaps intensified, by Christianity. God is, plainly stated, to be the father of all men, and all alike are to be heirs to the kingdom of heaven. The barriers of creeds and races are broken down, and an invitation goes out into all the world to be saved. But again, it is chiefly a theological theory; it is still far from being a practice. The World War of 1914-18 has amply proved that even Christian nations hark back to a tribal god in times of conflict. The Germans were not the only people who looked upon God as their own particular property. Every belligerent nation somehow looked at Him as a national patron. The explanation is simple. It is always easy to believe in a theory, but just as hard to practice it. While the professions of human brotherhood are becoming increasingly numerous both on the part of individuals and of nations, no complete change in this direction has as yet been made anywhere, except in isolated cases. Influences of religion. — ^The principal fruit of the extension of social consciousness through religion con- 162 CHAPTER IX sists in the mitigation of the punishment of offenders and of the condition of the needy and oppressed. The old law was "an eye for an eye." Almost in every ad- vanced religion places of refuge were established either in temples, sacred groves, or in special cities, as among the Hebrews. The purpose was in every case to shelter those who unwittingly had offended against the ancient law. until the matter could be settled without resorting to retaliation, or permanently. The conception of sparing one's enemy was thus brought home to men. Even the shipmates of Jonah hesitated before they complied with his request to throw him into the sea, lest innocent blood be laid upon them. Those in "need, sorrow, sickness, or any other ad- versity," likewise found comfort and consolation, help and advice in the shrines of deities. The first hospitals were connected with temples, and those who had trouble of any kind repaired to them either temporarily or perma- nently. The poor and the oppressed became, however, the special charges of Christian churches. The great emphasis laid on almsgiving had much influence in soft- ening the hearts of a callous world. The slaves flocked in large numbers to the churches, because their only hope for betterment of their lot lay there. The epistle to Philemon furnishes a complete illustra- tion of the spirit of Christianity from this point of view. The Bible has little or nothing to say against slavery, ' but both in the Old and the New Testaments numerous passages inculcate the mitigation of the treatment of slaves. The prohibition to make a slave of a Hebrew against his will for debt to a fellow-Hebrew is a case in point. The epistle to Philemon shows how a slave, although still bound by law to a master, should be treated. THE SOCIAL FUNCTION OF RELIGION loJ The situation is most instructive for the way many social problems were solved in early Christian times. Onesimus, a slave of Philemon, a resident perhaps of Thessalonica, had run away to Rome where he was con- verted under the influence of St. Paul. The question was, what to do with him. The law required the return of a runaway slave, and the apostle had always insisted on obedience to the powers of the state. Fortunately, Philemon himself had become a disciple through St. Paul. This opened the way for a satisfactory solution. He wrote a letter, in which, instead of ordering, he entreated Philemon to treat the former slave as a brother in Christ. Onesimus was himself the bearer of the message, and arrived presumably without mishap at his master's house, where most probably he was treated as a fellow Chris- tian. That, at least, was the intention of the letter. The problem of slavery was to be solved by means of personal kindness, and many slaves have had their condi- tion improved in this manner. It was, perhaps, a better method than that of the Church at Jerusalem, which tried to solve the problem of poverty through communism, and soon found itself bankrupt. The quiet influence of many pious Christians became in the course of time, when economic and political conditions had matured, suf- ficiently strong to abolish slavery. When Christianity became the state religion of the Roman Empire, it was made an accompaniment of all important public functions. And this tendency became universal in Europe during the Middle Ages with patron saints for every possible activity, even that of the chase. But all this was more or less formality. The spirit was tending toward individualism, as is shown by the division of the people into priests and laymen and by the increas- 164 CHAPTER IX ingly greater number of men and women who sought salvation in monasteries. Religion before and after the Reformation. — Mo- nastic life had two aspects of importance for society. It fostered communal life within small groups, and became the center of education. By its other — worldliness, how- ever, it had distinctly unfavorable influences on social life. Man's attention was called away from necessary improvements in this life in order to prepare for the kingdom of heaven. This was, at least, the main tend- ency of the church. It is, perhaps, fortunate that in this case practice lagged far behind theory. It is due to this fact that much valuable work was done on mo- nastic estates in agriculture and the trades, and in mon- asteries in education and the preservation of at least a remnant of classical learning. The care of the poor and of the sick went on as usual, since this was enjoined as a Christian virtue. Much misery was thus alleviated. After the Reformation the movement for individual- ism became more articulated, especially through its passion for education and its acceptance of industrialism. The very fact that every person had a right to private judg- ment in religion, made him more independent in other aspects of life, since man is a mental unity, and he must apply a principle gained in one sphere of his activity to all others. He soon came to think independently in poli- tics, and the Puritan revolution preceded that in France by more than a century. In industry he is apt to trust less to prayers and offerings, and more to honest work and the encouragement of initiative. He relies more on himself in religion, and that is likely to brace his whole personality. Hence England was the first country to ex- perience an industrial revolution. It was a movement of THE SOCIAL FUNCTION OF RELIGION 165 the strong and vigorous individualists who put work before prayer, since, having learned to use their own judgment in matters of religion, they were bound to apply it to politics and business. This means that the whole social atmosphere of Protestantism is tending toward individualism. Theory and practice. — Once more, however, prac- tice lags far behind theory. The old Christian virtues of looking after the sick and needy still flourish, perhaps more than in Roman Catholic countries. Not on the basis of sentiment alone, though. Self-reliance and suc- cess have created a new sense of responsibilty for the weak. Legions of institutions have been established to care for all kinds of unfortunate human beings. They are as a rule supported by the rich in all' Protestant countries, and are in many cases well endowed. Similar institutions for non-Protestant churches are still depend- ing largely on the small gifts of the many under the old motives of sentiment and expectation of reward. Neither of these methods is entirely satisfactory, because each depends on the creation of an inclination to give. This means that much time and energy is wasted, because the churches as a whole are not behind these movements. If a strong and imposing personality is behind any one of them, an institution ^ill temporarily be in a flourish- ing condition, and then, with a weaker successor, will languish and perish. This is. however, not the chief difficulty with the social influence of modern religion. That lies deeper. Christian morality — old and nev/. — Owing to the fact that Christianity was chiefly the religion of the op- pressed and the disinherited, it almost inevitably set itself in opposition to the strong and capable. In many 166 CHAPTER IX •cases, non-resistance would be the best policy under try- ing circumstances, since rebellion was out of the question. As the church became eventually a state institution, this part of her teaching gradually passed into the background. But the early impression was never eradicated. It was extended and changed so as to apply to all men in the form of an utter abasement before God owing to one's sins. This was, perhaps, necessary in an age when vio- lence reigned supreme, and strong measures had to be employed to frighten great and small evil-doers. The result was, however, that the church emphasized weak- ness, humility, helplessness, and similarly negative qual- ities as desirable and in many cases as essential to a truly Christian character. Estimable as such ideals may be, they do not contribute to the improvement of life, except in a negative way — ^they remove social friction, but do not create better conditions. Yet this is needed, and this is what the modern world is crying for. The improvement of conditions calls, however, for initiative, aggressiveness, enterprise, risk, and daring, not for resignation and submission. The early history of Christianity has impressed this negative ideal upon its adherents all through the centuries, and when a deviation from this type was permitted, e. g., in the Knights Tem- plars and similar organizations, the combination soon proved disastrous ; piety was lost, and the aggressive mili- tary qualities became dominant, as in the German Knights. In modern times the result has been different. While many men still believe in religion, they have either im- plicitly or explicitly ignored the negative virtues deemed essential in former ages. They have developed their initiative and courage, have wrestled with problems of THE SOCIAL FUNCTION OF RELIGION 167 this life, and have compelled nature to give up her treas- ures. The result has been interesting from a social point of view. Results of the new morality. — ^Attempts have been made again and again to reform religion by instilling into it a more aggressive spirit, and demanding a more active participation in modern industrial and political life. Where partial success has been attained in this endeavor, the charge was quickly made by the older type of religionists, that a deviation from, if not perversion of, the true purposes of Christianity had taken place, and books advocating such "radical" changes were quietly if not officially placed under the ban. The very men who had the best interests of religion most at heart, were looked upon as its worst enemies. Another result has been the silent severance of church membership by many men who can no longer be satisfied with inactivity. They want to do something, but are told to give alms or visit the sick. This may be well enough for a man who thinks in static terms and believes that it has pleased God to arrange things in such a way that there should always be sick and poor people. Think- ing in dynamic terms and believing strongly in better things to come, the modern man asks himself why there should be those in our midst who are in constant need of help. Surely, it cannot be the fault of God. Hence it must be the fault of man, either of society or of the individual. If so, something can and should be done about it. The ignorant must be instructed about the necessity of hygiene and of proper diet; the community must be stirred up to make arrangements for sanitation and medical inspection. People need not be sick ; neither need others be poor. If an equitable system of distribu- 168 CHAPTER IX tion were initiated, only the shiftless and the wasters would be poor, and they should be instructed about the necessity of work, and in case of refusal to comply, be confined in an institution where medical treatment might be given them suitable to their disease. Many men think in these terms of modern life, and, while not antagonistic to the churches, have sought other avenues for their activities. A still different result has been the attempt to solicit larger gifts from members of churches for almost every imaginable purpose. The defenders of the older religious view believe that if a man is willing to part with some of his wealth for charitable purposes, he is doing some- thing for the welfare of humanity. They do not realize that the very liberal gifts are largely the cause of the perpetuation of present social evils. A man may be eager to give one-tenth of his wealth, provided the possession of the nine-tenths is receiving divine sanction. Much has been said, consequently, in print and pulpit about the righteousness of large gifts, and — many men have be- come righteous. As long as the churches adhere, however, to the older view of religion which is essentially negative, no radical steps can be taken. If they should become aggressive and preach about industrial oppression and similar evils too emphatically, they would lose the support of those attacked, and that would mean the loss of large revenues and the closing of many church-buildings. Men have come to accept negativity as Christianity, and they will resent the new attitude. It is a so-called personal morality for the family and one's friends which has been taught to them so long that they have come to accept that as the only one existing. THE SOCIAL FUNCTION OF RELIGION W Social effects of official religion. — This personal morality is considered chiefly as a right relation to God. All through the ages there has been a discrepancy on the question whether religion implies righteousness of life, or not. It was the battle ground of the prophets in the Old Testament against the priests, and forms the point of attack to-day against orthodoxy. Official or ecclesiastical religion has always insisted that it was as much con- cerned with the right relations of man to his fellowmen as with a right attitude toward God. It has, however, invariably failed in the final test, because it has never been able to shake off the shackles of its original pur- pose to serve a deity who ruled over men in a more or less arbitrary manner. The foundations of all official religions were laid at a time when the law of cause and effect meant obedience to a deity with consequent blessing, or vice versa. This implied that a right relation to the gods was the uppermost consideration on the part of priests and people. But, as we have seen, the conception of the deity was originally that of a tribal over-lord who permitted certain deeds to be done with impunity to wor- shippers of another god, if, indeed, such actions were not directly commanded, e. g., the slaughter of enemies. This attitude has survived to this very day, but in a slightly changed form. The family and one's friends have taken the place of the tribe, and one must observe certain rules in their treatment; these may fall into disuse in the case of strangers. The same principle ap- plies to the relation of nation to nation, as was indicated above. War always means a relapse into earlier forms of tribal religion. The world still believes theoretically in God as the father of all men, but considers Him in practice as a tribal deity. 170 CHAPTER IX OfEcial religion essentially tribal. — It is, however^ the special business of official religion to manage a tribal deity. The endless forms of rites and of sacrifices have no other purpose. Even where the deity furnishes the sacrifice, the management thereof still lies with the official representatives of religion. In this case forgiveness is more easily and universally obtained on compliance with certain rules. These are few and simple — ^belief, repent- ance, and promise of reform. If the latter did not come about, the sinner need not despair, for "the Lord is gracious, and His mercy endureth forever." Hence, death-bed conversions are still numerous. The effects of these doctrines have been inimical to social welfare. Try as it might, official religion could never have any but incidentally beneficial influences on society. The history of the Middle Ages abounds in cases of rulers who oppressed their people, wreaked their ven- geance upon their enemies, and grossly violated all rules of morality, yet died in the official odor of sanctity by donning a monk's cowl or otherwise setting themselves right with what they believed to be a pliant deity. The example of the great was followed by the small, and a totally anti-social attitude was introduced which cul- minated in extreme individualism during the eighteenth century — an attitude still with us but mitigated by the recognition of social inter-dependence and by the laws of the state. The many attempts on the part of religious ministers to write on social reform fall short of their aim almost without exception because they suffer from the defect of not having a clear conception of the law of cause and effect. This law must be the same in business and religion, in private and public activities. There cannot THE SOCIAL FUNCTION OF RELIGION 171 be two forms of this law without disastrous social results. When the deity was supposed to control all things, obedi- ence was the only safe rule of follow, because that august being could accomplish the impossible and turn a wrong action into a right one, since actions were not intrinsic- ally right or wrong but only so by reference to a god issuing arbitrary laws. It will do little good to fulminate against bribery and small wages when the briber and the bribed, the greedy employer and the shirking em- ployee come to the same altar and receive equal forgive- ness. Neither will it be of any avail for the libertine who has afHicted his innocent wife and a new-born baby with a loathsome disease to plead guilty and imagine him- self acceptable in the sight of God; the wrong has been done and can never be straightened out. Two lives have been ruined, and no repentance or forgiveness can remove the damage. Religion and the law of cause and effect. — Perhaps the most difficult thing to learn is the scientific conception of the law of cause and effect. In a theoretical manner it is acknowledged by everybody. It would be applied more generally if it had not been for the official attitude of religion which always found a way out of the diffi- culty. It is the most amazing spectacle of all history how men have schemed and planned to envade this law; it is the most reassuring fact for future betterment that some men at least have learned that the penalty for wrong-doing cannot be avoided nor shifted to other shoulders. The laws of eugenics mean just that in the realm of propagation ; social impurity will result in bad heredity, swiftly and inevitably. The laws of inadequate wages run the same way — the output is less in quantity and poorer in quality, perhaps slowly but inevitably. Cause 172 CHAPTER IX and effect are inseparable. It is a wholesome sign that this law is gradually being applied in different realms of life. Perhaps more people have become interested in sweatshops by learning that diseases are carried in garments made there than by age-long discussion about the fatherhood of God ; and more oppressive employers have come to see that higher wages were possible by the "white list" of the Consumer's League than by numerous appeals to the brotherhood of man. A change needed. — The social influence of official religion will depend largely on its acceptance of the law of cause and effect; its failure to do so will inevitably drive the best elements out of the churches, as events in recent decades have already begun to show. Fortunately for religion, there is a good chance of changing its atti- tude by emphasizing this very law, always present but usually neglected. It is good religion and good science to teach that "the sins of the fathers are to be visited upon the children into the third and fourth generation" as the history of families and nations amply proves. Even to-day we are unable to "gather figs from thistles and grapes from thorns," just as in the days of Jesus, not- withstanding our progress in grafting. What was then a matter of observation is now a law of heredity. It will always be true that "what a man soweth, that shall he also reap," although religion has had many schemes for avoiding the issue. Most men need religion, because they are weak and frail. It is one of the purposes of religion to make them strong and well. This cannot be done by having them put the responsibility for their own shortcomings on someone else. The only way to learn is by bearing the consequences of the evil one has done. That is true for -THE SOCIAL FUNCTION OF RELIGION 173 individuals as well as for societies. The temptation for repeating a wrong is too great for most men if they are told that somehow or other they may escape the results. Some men will not even learn from experience; nothing can be done for them but to let them suffer. That is the law of nature, and it is the law of the spirit. No man can mature into a fine character, except by effort; we must "seek our salvation with fear and trembling." God wants us to be co-workers with Him in the great work of raising society to a higher level. That can be done only if we recognize pur duty and take our share of the responsibility. The emphasis on our weakness and helplessness will only make us more useless for our task, since we are largely what we are told we are. Insistence on our ability will help to develop it, for "to him that hath shall be given." This is not an arbitrary law; it is that of all development. The true conception of God is that of a worker, everlastingly active for our improvement. We can appreciate only as much of His endeavors in our behalf as we assimilate by our own efforts; all else is sham and verbiage. Only if we do the work He gives us shall we know whether we are His children. It is a matter of practice and experience, not of theory and be- lief. And experience teaches the law of cause and effect in all spheres of life. It is the truth of life, and the truth alone will make us free. CHAPTER X THE SOCIALIZATION OF BUSINESS Importance of business. — Business men form the most important class of the population in every civilized community. The term "business" is taken here to include manufacture, transportation, and commerce, with the allied branches of finance. In a semi-civilized society, and even in the lower grades of civilization, the farmers may dispute the rank of business men, but not in the more advanced grades. City life, which is one of the chief indications of an advanced civilization, is impossible without business. Only a few of the reasons for this importance can be given. With the separation of the people from the land transportation is absolutely necessary for the feeding of the cities — not the cart or the wagon, but the railroad and the steamship since every large city draws its means of sustenance from a radius of hundreds and thousands of miles. With the increased demand for comforts and luxuries industry was transferred from the household to the factory and this required a different kind of man- agement than was necessary before. These classes of articles are manufactured chiefly in cities and are trans- ported to the villages and farms. Commerce is the inter- mediary between producers and consumers of every pos- sible kind and is indispensable where the two are sep- arated by oceans and continents. It is, consequently, of the utmost importance that business should be socialized since civilization itself is in danger if it continues in its old predatory fashion. For that has been and still is the case in many instances. 174 THE SOCIALIZATIOk OF BUSINESS 175 Business held in contempt. — Opprobrium was applied in the past only to commerce because manufacture was connected with the household, and transportation was in the hands of the merchants. All through the ages com- merce was looked upon as dishonorable owing chiefly to two facts. Whatever code of honor had developed, was connected with the military class, because the best and most respected men took up arms as a profession. Property existed principally in the form of land, and feudalism in its various forms soon developed and created some kind of permanent relation between land-owner and feudal or military lord on the one hand, and tenant and slave or serf on the other. Permanent relations must be based, however, on some codes of law or honor. These soon sprang into existence, and the producers were thus bound to observe certain rules and regulations which were modified according to changing conditions. The trader was a man of the lower classes, often a homeless exile roaming over large territories. He seldom formed permanent relations, and consequently was not under the necessity of adhering to any rules except those of seeking the largest profit. Hence the ancient saying: Caveat emptor. The merchants came thus naturally under the condemnation of the community. This was the case in ancient China and in Japan until recent times. All through the ancient and medieval period of China, merchants were looked upon as rob- bers. Eventually the Chinese merchants became reliable owing to the introduction of family and clan responsi- bility, and they are now among the most honest to be found anywhere. In Japan the Samurai refrained, of course, from business until the opening up of that country to Western civilization. The traders were found to be 176 CHAPTER X SO dishonest that Japanese commerce suffered seriously. The government, at last, had to interfere, in order to remove the handicap, by inducing the upper classes to take up at least large business, thus infusing honesty into commerce by transferring their own code of honor, gained in the military profession, to other occupations. Establishment of code of honor. — The meaning of this transition is plain. Modern business is based on permanent relations, not only few and immediate, a? was the case in feudalism, but many and far distant. Business reflects in this matter only what happens in all spheres of modern life which consists essentially in inter- dependence with an ever-increasing number of human beings, most of whom we never see. Some kind of prin- ciple must be evolved in order to adjust business to this new situation. It can be none other than service. Busi- ness has rendered society great services in the past, but in many cases at high social cost. If even at the beginning of the nineteenth century hours were from fourteen to eighteen per day at low wages, one may surmise that the tendency in preceding ages had been to exploit the laborer to the fullest extent. There were, however, two mitigating circumstances. The feudal baron had a code of honor which he must observe or forfeit his social standing. Loyalty was one of the essential features of this code. The serf was bound to be loyal to his squire, the squire to his lord, and so on upward until the king or emperor was reached. Loyalty worked, however, downward just as much. The squire or baron was bound to protect and treat decently those under him — his serfs or laborers. This meant thai self-respect on the part of the feudal lord required decent provision for the workers. Where this principle was not THE SOCIALIZATION OF BUSINESS 177 sufficient, that of profit came to its aid. Well treated and contented serfs made better workers than those half- starved and discontented. The kings and emperors, abbots and bishops were well aware of this fact, and instituted constant improvement in the condition of the serfs. Many a free man with a small area of land found it to his ad- vantage to give up his freedom and become the man of a master. This would not have happened if the con- dition of the serf had not on the whole been favorable. Honor and the wage system. — The introduction of the wage system removed these two reasons for treating labor decently. The man was now responsible for his own living and that of his family. The opportunities for employment were few, and the applications numerous. Hence exploitation through low wages and long hours. This meant the degredation of the workers to mere tools, and consequent discontent, which became so pronounced in England during the Napoleonic wars, that the loyalty of the laboring classes was seriously questioned by the government, and conscription for the army could not be resorted to — just as it had to be omitted during the World War in Ireland, although for different reasons. Social cost of production. — The high social cost of this production can readily be estimated if it issued in the degradation and disloyalty of the workers. No society can prosper even in material things, if a large part of the population is reduced to pauperism; be- cause ultimately it is still true that the wealth of a community consists in the number of healthy men and women, rather than in the material assets which it commands. Human beings are more valuable than goods. This is increasingly true in modern society in which interdependence is much closer than in the 178 CHAPTER X past. The workingman may not live in legal slavery, but his life will be little worth while if it is one of constant drudgery at starvation wages. For better or for worse, the laborer has been politically eman- cipated, the idea of democracy has been taught to him, and he has been educated to look upon condi- tions as being made by man, and he has even acquired some knowledge of the cost of production. All this means that he will not sit down and take the crumbs which fall from the rich man's table gratefully; he goes on strike, sometimes without, but more fre- quently with a reason. Every one condemns Machiavellism in politics ; but this system has no bet- ter prospects of succeeding in the conduct of busi- ness than it had in international relations. Ominous signs are multiplying almost in proportion as the workingman acquires greater facility to express him- self and to act collectively. There are strikes, riots, panics, gluts, unemployed idleness, class murder. The wage-earner believes that there is a sufficiency pro- duced for all if properly distributed. In view of the abundance which some men enjoy, he wants to be free at least from the fear of sudden death through accident, of uncertainty of employment, and of un- provided-for old age. He may be unreasonable in many cases, but it is because he does not see why there should be democracy in politics and autocracy in industry. His freedom to vote for whom he pleases is largely neutralized by the necessity of keeping or obtaining a job. Hence his discontent, which, in some cases, verges on rebellion. He is unable to see how profession of the father- hood of God and the brotherhood of man can be con- THE SOCIALIZATION OF BUSINESS 179 stantly made by his employer and society as a whole without exposing them to the charge of hypocrisy when there is such a wide discrepancy between theory and practice. Life in great cities offers ample proof that some men, most likely on the basis of inherited wealth, are wasting more in one year than a capable worker is able to earn in a lifetime. He very natu- rally cannot reconcile that with the profession of democratic brotherhood. When his children pine away for want of food and die for lack of medical attendance, when both he and his wife are hardly able to meet the most necessary expenses notwith- standing hard work, while at the same time seven thousand new millionaries were made in one single year in our country alone, he concludes that there is not only something wrong with present conditions, but that the whole system of our industry and politics is based on false premises; and readily listens to Socialists and Bolshevists. Being as a rule unable to reason clearly, his profound discontent leads him to clutch at a straw, because he has after all nothing to lose. The course which events have taken in Russia can be explained on no other basis. If the peasant! and industrial workers had not been deeply dissatis* fied, Bolshevism could never have lasted so long. Improvement not general. — ^The objection may be raised that conditions have changed recently, espe- cially during the war. It may be well to call atten- tion to a few facts concerning dangerous trades and other occupations, with special reference to theif effect on health. All those trades must be classed as dangerous where there is a larger mortality than in the average of 180 CHAPTER X others. The mortality experience of the Metropoli- tan Life Insurance Company of New York, for white male workers over fifteen years of age during 1911 to 1913, comprising 94,269 deaths, was, according to occupation, as follows : Average age in years at death of bookkeepers and office assistants, 36.5; railway en- ginemen and trainmen, 37.4; plumbers, gasfitters, and steam-fitters, 39.8; compositors and printers, 40.2; teamsters, drivers, and chauffeurs, 42.2 ; saloon keepers and bartenders, 42.6; machinists, 43.9; longshoremen and stevedores, 47.0; textile-mill workers, 47.6; iron- molders, 48.0 ; painters, paper-hangers, and varnishers, 48.6; cigar-makers and tobacco-workers, 49.5; bakers, 50.6; railway-track and yard workers, 50.7; coal- miners, 51.3; laborers, 52.8; masons and bricklayers, 55.0; blacksmiths, 55.4; farmers and farm-laborers, 58.5. The average for all occupations was 47.9 years.^ It is significant that some occupations, e. g., coal- mining and textile-mill working, are not nearly as dangerous as some more sheltered ones, e. g., book- keeping. It is also striking that farmers, who have plenty of fresh air, have the highest average life. Of 102,467 women whose occupation was stated, the average age at death was: Clerks, bookkeepers, and office assistants, 26.1 ; store clerks and sales- women, 28.0; textile-mill workers, 33.9; dressmakers and garment workers, 42.0; domestic servants, 49.1; housewives and housekeepers, 53.3.^ Here again the indoor workers who have little variation in their occu- pation are at a great disadvantage. Dangerous trades.— After this general view of the injuriousness of certain occupations to health, as mani- 1 U. S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, Bulletin 207; p. 65. i Ibid, p. 81. THE SOCIALIZATION OF BUSINESS 181 fested by early death, some specifically dangerous conditions of employment may be considered. Dust and gas play a leading part in inducing trade- diseases. Thomas Oliver says*: "Were it not for dust, fumes, or gas, there would be little or no disease due to occupation, except such as might be caused by infection, the breathing of air poisoned by the emanation of fellow workmen, and exposure to cold after working in overheated rooms." Dust may prove injurious by irritating the skin, by entering the lungs, or by entering the alimeiltary canal. Irritation of the skin is not serious, except in antimony smelters and arsenic grinders. Its effects are annoying but not permanent. It is different with dust in the lungs. Thomas Oliver states the effects thus : "In the coal-miner's lung there can be observed small masses of cells deeply, laden with carbon par- ticles surrounded by a hardened zone of altered lung, numerous black streaks underneath the pleura, or covering of the lungs, ink-like dots in the walls of the small bronchi, and enlargement with pigmentation of the bronchial glands." The results are a hardening of the lungs, predis- position toward tuberculosis, and a general lowering of vitality. There are five kinds of dust of a serious nature : metallic dust with 28.0 cases of consumption per 1,000 workers; mineral dust with 25.2; mixed dust with 22.6; animal dust with 20.8; vegetable dust with 13.3. In non-dusty trades the rate of consump- tion is 11.1. The manufacture of phosphorus, mercury, and a^ 3 Dangerous Trades, p. 267. 182 CHAPTER X senic, the chemical trades, rag-sorting, wool-sorting, work in caissons — ^all involve serious danger to health. Lead-poisoning is, however, the most serious occu- pational disease. Illinois had 578 cases during the years 1908-10; New York City 376 cases from 1909- 11; all England only 505 in 1910. Poisoning from lead may be acute or chronic; but the symptoms of both forms are similar — colic, "wrist drop," loose teeth and a blue line on the gums, gastritis, spasms, etc. Lead-poisoning occurs in thirteen trades, but is felt most severaly in white-lead manufacturing. Another occupational disease which has attracted considerable attention during the last few years is anthrax or splenic fever. In the closing months of 1915 and the early part of 1916 there was a sudden and startling increase in the number of illnesses and cieaths from anthrax in the United States. Most of these cases were reported from seaports and tan- nery towns in New York, Massachusetts and Penn- sylvania. The disease is fatal in about one out of five cases. One Delaware physician reported from his own practice forty-eight cases within six years; a single Philadelphia hospital treated thirty-two cases within the same period. Anthrax is primarily a dis- ease of animals, such as cattle and sheep, but is transmitted to man in a number of industrial pur- suits, especially skin and hide-handlers, tannery em- ployees, longshoremen, wool-sorters, hair-workers, brush-makers, paper-makers, farmers, ranchmen, and veterinarians. The bacillus of anthrax is one of the largest disease-producing organisms. The spore of the bacillus is more dangerous, though, since it can live for seventeen years without nutriment, and when THE SOCIALIZATION OF BUSINESS 183 provided with a favorable environment germinates rapidly and sets up a focus of infection. Contagion usually occurs through an abrasion of the skin, re- sulting in a malignant postule or edema. A serum is now being used as a cure. The recent war brought in its trail of evils some occupational dangers. Most of the explosives used in war have one or several poisonous substances, e. g., nitrocotton, picric acid, nitroglycerin, trinitro-toluol, ammonuim nitrate, sulfuric ether, etc. In the manu- facture of explosives certain poisons are developed as by-products, e. g., oxids of nitrogen, sulfur dioxid, chlorin gas, ethyl nitrite. Some of these produce only disagreeable skin-eruptions, while others are rapidly fatal after a short exposure. In May, 1917, there were forty-one plants along the Atlantic seaboard, employing about 90,000 workers, although the number actually coming in contact with poisons was only 30,000. This, however, is a euphem- istic statement. A much larger number is actually exposed during a given year, since the turnover is extraordinarily great in this industry, especially in the departments where poisonous fumes and dust exist. In one admirably managed plant it was necessary to employ 4,000 men in thirteen months to keep up a working force of 200. In another, employing 3,800 men, 4,307 men were examined within four months. Of the forty-one plants, twenty-eight had 2,432 cases of poisoning among men and 75 among women, of which 51 and 2, respectively, proved fatal. There is danger in many occupations. Often only the most noticeable symptoms are classed as occu- pational ; the more insidious ones are not, although they are in many instances more inimical. 184 CHAPTER X In non-dangerous trades also there lurk many features injurious to the health of the workers, chiefly fatigue and poor ventilation. Comparatively few of the older factories are provided with proper facilities for ventilation, although conditions are gradually im- proving, owing to various new laws and to a more effective system of inspection. The other cause con- ducive to poor health is not being remedied, however, and is in many cases aggravated. It is true that hours have generally been reduced, in many cases to the normal eight per day. This reduction in time is, however, more than offset by the increase in speed which is generally enforced. fears ago a woman in a textile-mill in New Eng- land tended two slowly moving looms. Later, as the hours of work grew less, the number of looms was increased to four or six, and now an operative is ex- pected in some mills to look after twelve or even sixteen. This work is not heavy ; there is little mus- cular strength required. It is rather the constant and steady application of the mind, the keen use of the eyes, which exhaust and wear out the body. The whole nervous system is so intently directed to the details of the work while the machinery is running at high speed that the worker is at night not only tired out, but nearly exhausted. During a recent strike in a shirt-waist factory in New York the girls complained because ten years ago they had been watching one needle, running at the rate of 2,200 strokes a minute, but were now required to watch from two to twenty needles on a machine, some run- ning as high as 4,400 strokes a minute. The thread ma}' catch, a needle may break, the material may draw THE SOCIALIZATION OP BUSINESS 185 — any number of things may happen — consequently attention must be continuous and intense. Every min- ute counts, since the work is piece-work. The total vitality expended in eight hours is greater than that required formerly in twelve. In many cases the output per operative is from two to four times larger than formerly within the same hours. If the periods of rest are not sufficiently long, fatigue incurred day by day lowers vitality, frequent and heavy colds occur, illness results, debility follows, and the worker is ready for tuberculosis or some other disease which will issue in death. One of the most serious results of undermining health through continued fatigue is the shortening of the life of operatives who do not die as a direct result of overwork. Frederick Hoffman estimates that "the period of industrial activity of wage-earners generally, but chiefly of men employed in mechanical and manu- facturing industries, should properly commence with the age of fifteen and terminate with the age of sixty- five." He finds, however, that out of every 1,000 males living at the age of fifteen, only 444 survive until the age of sixty-five, while 556 die before that age is reached.^ This waste of human lives need not occur, and its occurrence is a sad commentary on our social intel- ligence and control. We apparently still prize goods more than men, profits more than human happiness, completed output more than a full vitality. There is certainly no need for five per cent of our popula- tion to be constantly suffering total impairment 1 Social Adjustment, by Scott Nearing, p. 182. Macmlllan Co., New York, 1911. 186 CHAPTER X through fatigue and four per cent to be constantly- sick. It is entirely possible to have a man work eight or ten hours a day at a moderate speed and make a living wage for himself and a fair profit for his em- ployer. This has been done in many industrial plants, with good results to all concerned. Increasingly work- ingmen are looked upon as human beings. This means a closer relation between employer and employed, a human relation instead of one of profit and loss. Through the introduction of safety-devices, of better ventilating systems, and more hygienic working con- ditions the health of employees will be improved. The reduction of high profits through higher wages and shorter hours without the compensating "speeding up" will not seriously interfere with capital; it will, however, vastly improve human calibre and social good-will. This has been done in many cases, and it car be done in all. It should be entirely possible that a workman not only keep in good health, but return to his family in a cheerful mood, with enough vitality left in him to be pleasant and agreeable to his wife and to play with his children. There is a vast difference, socially and individually, between the worker who can hardly drag himself up the stairs of his tenement, who is curt and morose to his family, and is shunned by his own children, and the man who is tired, but not ex- hausted, from his work, has a pleasant word for every- body, and is joyfully met by the wife and children. The former may have a larger output to his credit and be more profitable to his employer; the latter is in every way a larger social asset. For, the real wealth THE SOCIALIZATION OF BUSINESS 187 of a country consists, not in its purchasable goods, but in the number of its physically, mentally, and morally healthy men and women. Wages not the only concern of workers. — These references to health will show that wages are not the only item, perhaps not even the dominant one in re- gard to labor. Many men will be satisfied with good wages, rational hours, and other material advantages; the men of higher calibre will not be contented with that. They are seeking a new spirit in industry — recognition and respect for the personality of each man. They want an opportunity to express them- selves; and since most of them are merely the human end of a machine while at work, they demand shorter hours so as to pursue an avocation for self-expres- sion. Or, if their occupation takes up nearly all of their time and energy, they want, if not a creative, at least a directive part in production. They want, in short, to be able to put their heart and soul into their work, not merely their brawn and part of their brain for wages. What they resent more than anything else is the treatment meted out to them by many employ- ers who regard them as mere tools for making profits. The long struggle against white phosphorus poison- ing in matches is a case in point. Some manufac- turers obstinately refused to use the more expensive processes even after the Diamond Match Company .had magnanimously offered the use of its patents with their safer processes to its competitors. A Federal law alone compelled them to use the more humani- tarian methods. Business a profession. — What is to be done? The old individualistic attitude of exploitation can plainly 188 CHAPTER X no longer be maintained. The proposed remedies ol Socialism and Bolshevism are out of the question. The only remedy which remains is to make business a profession, like medicine, law, and teaching, although with larger compensation for the men of great admin- istrative ability and creative talent. This proposal has already been made tentatively by John Ruskin. In every civilized nation five great professions have existed: "The soldier's profession is to defend it; the pastor's to teach it; the physician's to keep it in health; the lawyer's to enforce justice in it; the merchant's to provide for it." Each of the professions has its special root of honor, proportioned to the value of its service to the community. But "the duty of all these men is, on due occasion, to die for it (the nation). On due occasion, namely: the soldier, rather than leave his post in battle; the physician, rather than leave his post in plague ; the pastor, rather than teach falsehood; the lawyer, rather than counte- nance injustice; the merchant — what is his due occa- sion of death? It is the main question for the mer- chant. For, truly, the man who does not know when to die, does not know how to live."^ Men have always known how to die when they con- sidered the cause worthy. On March 25, 1919, New York City gave a hearty welcome to the Twenty- seventh Division of the National Army, just returned from France. It had lost 1980 men by death; 1709 in action and only 271 by disease, owing to the excel- lent care of the physicians whose duty it is to keep the nation in health. All classes, professions, races and creeds were represented in this division, and all 1 Ruskin, Unto thia Last, chapter I. THE SOCIALIZATION OF BUSINE 189 were honored without stint. Other cities welcomed their returning soldiers, because men everywhere appreciate those who live and die, if necessary, in the service of others. Compare this manifestation of appreciation with the incident reported about a merchant. "In 1909, Chauchard, the proprietor of the Maga- sins du Louvre, one of the great department stores of Paris, died, leaving behind $20,000,000, a colossal for- tune for French conditions. His 8,000 employees, who had helped him to make this money, had been given to understand that he would leave them at least $5,000,000. Instead, he left them $600,000, the amount of their annual tip. To the poor he left $40,000. His casket of precious wood and bronze, made under his care, cost $100,000; his shroud was cloth of gold; the pearl buttons on his waistcoat were valued at $100,000; opera singers performed at the burial serv- ice; the Grand Cross of the Legion of Honor was borne on a cushion before the hearse. Paris turned out to give him the honor that he seemed to have deserved. Grand stands had been built; hundreds of thousands lined the roads to the Pere la Chaise to see what they called the Chauchard Carnival, a carnival of contempt and mockery. With blasts from motor horns, whistles, hisses, shouts, and catcalls, the plumed hearse swept along. The efforts of the police to check the roar of execration were in vain. This dramatic burst of emotion, with its mingling of selfish anger and righteous moral indignation, is prophetic of the judgment that democracy will pass on selfish wealth and display in coming days when it becomes more class conscious."^ 1 Walter Rauschenbusch, ChristianizisiF, «fe«" So«i»l OtiJer. pp. 474-5. 190 CHAPTER X Change of attitude. — Signs are not wanting that a new spirit has come into business. The many gifts left to education and philanthropy, the various suc- cessful plans in profit-sharing and co-operation, the very considerable raise in wages and the granting of bonuses — each is an indication of an increasing social responsibility. It is recognized more than ever that business must be based on moral and social prin- ciples. Men of inherited or acquired wealth are in many cases devoting themselves to vocations which promise little or no financial return. Above all, our schools of commerce are training men for the pro- fession of business. From every direction pressure and persuasion are brought to bear on the moraliza- tion and socialization of business. And the higher types of business men are not only responding, but are in some cases setting the example, because they recognize that to have money instead of service as their principal object, creates unwholesome conditions through cut-throat competition. "The reign of competition is a reign of fear. The rate of mortality for small business concerns is higher than infant mortality. If all the leaden weight of fear ^f all business men who watch a vanishing margin of profit through the year could be gathered up and set before us in some dramatic form, it would palsy our joy in life. Business panics merely render this chronic condition acute, and make men high up, who have been secure in prosperity, feel the same sufferings which others have felt who went down before them. A reign of fear is never a reign of God. Fear makes children lie and business men cheat. In competition the worst man sets the pace, and good men follow THE SOCIALIZATION OF BUSINESS 191 because they are afraid. A capable man with no bowels of mercy to hinder, who can wring the last ounce of strength from his men, and who puts women and children to work wherever men can be displaced, can outbid a morally sensitive man, unless the latter has some counterbalancing advantage elsewhere. In a co-operating group, the efficiency and courage of the best members of the team hold the rest up to their level ; in commercial competition, the greed and inhumanity of the worst infect the rest through the medium of fear."^ Profits versus service. — The social cost is too high, again, as in the case of the pauperized laborer. For, if our capable men are unable to escape the enervating influence of fear — and the large percentage of failures every year seems strongly to indicate much of it — there is evidently something wrong about the sys- tem, or the attitude of the men. The wrong consists in the fact that the chief stress in business is not placed on service, but on profits. In other words, business has not yet become a profession. What is a profession ? It is an occupation or rather a vocation chosen primarily for purposes of service and self-expression. The artist and the literary man strive principally for self-expression; the soldier, teacher, preacher, lawyer and physician aim chiefly at service, each in a special line. They are satisfied with a fair compensation and the opportunity to create or to serve. Each of the professions has, conse- quently, developed its own code or "root" of honor which regulates its activities, irrespective of direct and immediate financial gain. In most cases a salary 1 Rauschenbusch, ibid, pp. 173-4. 192 CHAPTER X or honorarium is provided by the community or an organization ; in others, e. g., those of the artist, writer, and physician, the individual is still dependent on his own efforts to make a living. It is, and will be, very difficult to work out a suitable scheme of compensa- tion for the various forms of business; hints as to how it may be done are, however, already in exist- ence. In many cases, moderate salaries are paid to competent men, even of the highest business ability; in others, commissions are paid. Unfortunately, the salaries are proportioned according to the earning power for the corporations instead of the service ren- dered to the community. Not infrequently the man who does positive harm to society gets a very high compensation from his employers because he assists them either in evading a just law or in foisting an inferior product at high prices on thousands of cus- tomers. Business men have had to protect themselves against such practices by regulations against unfair competition, but the public is still compelled to resort to the tedious process of legislation and the more diffi- cult task of enforcing such laws. It is too early to suggest definite plans for compensating men of high business ability. At present the chief task must be to create a social spirit which will find ways and means of its own for compensating those men in accordance with their ability and the service they render to society. The question which can be an- swered now is whether an injustice would be done to them if their income were curtailed considerably? This question depends on the service rendered. Claims of business men. — A few illustrations will make the case clear. Mr. Arthur E. StillwelU claims 1 Confidence or National Suicide, The Bankers Publ. Co., 1910, p. 50. THE SOCIALIZATION OF BUSINESS 193 that Mr. J. J. Hill "created" values at from six to t*n billion dollars. He says: "Therefore we must acknowledge that through Mr. Hill's construction of the Great Northern Railway, the Northwest has re- ceived, first, an increase in land values amounting to six billion four hundred thousand dollars; second, larger annual payrolls for all labor along Great North- ern territory, three hundred million dollars; third, investment opportunities in that region for six bil- lion dollars." These words contain the summary of a bill of par- ticulars extending over several pages, in which it is claimed that Mr. Hill single-handed practically pro- duced the values mentioned. The present writer yields to one in admiration for the administrative genuis of Mr. Hill — one of the most capable and public-spir- ited business men this country has produced, and one to whom perhaps no sane person begrudges the com- paratively modest private fortune he made. It is not true, however, that the task undertaken was either new or venturesome. Both to the north and to the south railroads had been built through territory no more inviting than that through which the Great Northern was to run. The more southern transcon- tinental lines were already old stories in 1893, when Mr. Hill finished his line. But right in practically the same latitude the Canadian Pacific had been com- pleted in 1887, and the Northern Pacific in 1883 — a boom in land values and an influx of settlers result- ing in each case. The new road was called "Hill's folly," not so much because no returns were expected on the investment, but because he was satisfied that the road would pay even without generous land grants 194 CHAPTER X and other concessions from the State and Federal governments on which the other railroad builders had insisted. Mr. Hill certainly deserves the grati- tude of the country for not despoiling it of millions of acres of land and other valuable concessions, even though necessity rather than inclination was the mother of virtue. A few questions may, moreover, justly be asked in regard to Mr. Stillwell's claim. Did Mr. Hill have any share in the development of the steam engine, telegraph, telephone, and other inventions which make a railroad possible? All these things were public knowledge and had been produced in a highly ad- vanced society. He had certainly nothing at all to do with the creation of the land, the timber on its sur- face and the minerals underneath. * Neither did he put much of his own money into it, because he had but little of it. All that he did was to use existing knowledge and to turn existing wealth into a new channel — an undertaking neither risky nor speculative in view of the success of the other transcontinental roads. For this enterprise he deserved and received the esteem of his country, and made more than an ordinary fortune. It is doing our great captains of industry a disservice if extraordinary and unsupport- able claims are made in their behalf as "creators of untold wealth," from which they are delighted to give the people the lion's share. Let us look at another side of a similar problem. Services of professional men. — Lord Lansdowne certainly saved Europe hundreds of millions of pounds eterling by negotiating the treaty between Great Britain and Japan and thus averting war. But he has THE SOCIALIZATION OF BUSINESS 195 not asked for compensation and nobody has thought of offering it to him. If in July, 1914, there had been a statesman of sufficiently great calibre to avert the World War, he would have been awarded a peer- age or a raise to a higher degree of it, and perhaps a modest fortune, notwithstanding the saving to the world of about $250,000,000,000, not to mention other more frightful losses, which it is impossible to express in economic terms. The profession of medicine furnishes the most con- spicuous cases of service to the community without financial reward. Yellow fever has been the scourge of the ages in tropical and subtropical countries, reach- ing, in 1878, as far north as Kentucky. A very mod- est estimate of the annual loss in property alone would be $100,000,000, or $5,000,000,000 in fifty years. When Major Walter Reed, in Havana in 1900, discovered the carrier of the disease, he hesitated to publish his theory until after verification. This occurred under dramatic circumstances which proved the heroism of physicians anew, and proved that science, as well as religion, has its martyrs. Two physicians. Dr. James Carroll and Dr. Jesse W. Lazear, and also a nurse, submitted to the bite of an infected mosquito after the nature and the risk of the experiment had been carefully explained to them. The nurse and Dr. Lazear died from a virulent attack, while Dr. Carroll recovered. A medal and a vote of thanks by Con- gress was Dr. Reed's and Dr. Carroll's only reward. The simultaneous but independent discovery of the bacillus of bubonic plague by Kitasato and Yersin in 1894 removed another scourge from the face of the earth which had cost untold millions of human lives — 196 CHAPTER X one-fourth, or, it is estimated, forty millions Of the population of Europe in an outlook lasting twenty years after 1352. Perhaps not one in a thousand men know even the names of these benefactors of mankind. Less dramatic but more important is the -discovery of the nature and cure of malaria by Major, now Colonel, Donald Ross, a British army physician, in 1898. It is a low estimate that 500,000,000 people suffer more or less severely from malaria every year. If, at the most conservative estimate, their working power is reduced by only ten dollars, there is an annual loss of $5,000,000,000. Dr. Ross received the Nobel Prize for medicine, worth in money about thirty thousand dollars. The discovery of the cure of hookworm has been equally important, not only to the tropics and sub-tropics, but to our own South, where a vast amount of degeneracy among the poorer classes was caused by this disease. With the aid of the International Health Commission, founded and maintained by Mr. John D. Rockefeller, much of this evil has been averted, and it is possible now to make the most fertile regions of the globe habitable for white men, and productive of vast quantities of food and other goods. Civilization based on service. — But why multiply examples? The history of civilization is one con- tinuous illustration of the most valuable inventions and discoveries made by professional men and given to humanity, usually for little or no reward. All of these men, whether warriors, physicians, scientists, or statesmen, have rendered services of an economic character so vast that they cannot be expressed in figures. They labored because they had a profes- THE SOCIALIZATION OF BUSINESS 197 sional standard of honor — to work and to serve their best. The creators of spiritual goods, e. g., artists, poets, musicians, moralists, religionists, teachers and philosophers, have often not even gained the esteem of their fellows, although to them we owe most of the things which make our lives human and civilized. Financial reward for business men. — It should be frankly admitted that business does not afford the same opportunity for self-expression as art and litera- ture, neither the same fascination as scientific creative- ness, and that, consequently, a higher financial reward should be granted to the producers of economic goods as an incentive to diligent application. This does not mean, however, that they have a right to claim all of the financial returns as a reward for their own talent, whether as promoters or administrators. There are two reasons for this denial. As has been indicated in the case of one rail'.oad builder, the business man of to-day utilizes knowledge of theories and practices already socialized. He has in no way contributed to its creation, but simply applies it to a new channel. The community never begrudges very liberal rewards to these men. If they combine inventive with business ability and render new services to man, they are honored as well as made welcome to their wealth. No sane person has ever denied that the inventors of the telegraph, telephone, electric light, wireless, and other useful appliances are entitled to very liberal compensations. When, on the other hand, the business man is merely the exploiter of an invention or discovery, secured by a patent based in the vast majority of cases on socialized knowledge, the public has a right to demand that 198 CHAPTER X profits should be kept within certain limits and that exploitation of the community should not be added to that of the inventor. The other reason consists in the fact that no society can permit the accumulation of wealth in a few hands without risking its own self-support, if not its very existence. If about 110,000 nobles own one-third of the agricultural land of Russia, there is bound to be servitude on the part of millions of men, and no wholesome social life can exist. Sooner or later there must be an upheaval, and the demagogue will have a free hand with the discontented and illiterate masses. In countries where industry is more advanced, there is a similar danger of having a few corporations manipulate markets to their own advantage against the public welfare. Just where the line against the size of a fortune is to be drawn is a matter of policy of expediency and evolution. The spirit of service and of professional honor must be created first, the details will be worked out later. Indications of this are already at hand. The graded income tax, de- manding in a few cases as much as seventy-five per cent of an income, has come in as a war measure, but is likely to stay in a modified form as a peace measure. Inherited wealth. — The cases of inherited wealth and that accrued by the unearned increment are in a different category. If the Russian nobility received its vast estates several centuries ago on condition that they should render military service to the Crown, and if that service has been dispensed with for one hun- dred and fifty years, no one can justly blame the mushik for finding the social order intolerable. If the scion of a New York family is able to spend nearly THE SOCIALIZATION OF BUSINESS 199 one million dollars on a coarse and vulgar chorus girl by virtue of inherited wealth, there is certainly something wrong with the body politic. If, again, large areas of land are bought up by persons who have more money than they can possibly use, and are held, without any improvements, for the increas- ing demand of a growing population, society may rightly step in and claim a large share of the incre- ment, because it is due to social causes and not to the ability of the owner. Hence the inheritance tax is just, and it will undoubtedly be made higher in the not distant future. Parents may demur, but society cannot permit itself to be debauched by young men whose purses are far larger than their ability to use them properly. It will be recognized by parents, too, not so many years hence, that they have no right deliberately to tempt their children into a life of waste- ful idleness. How far society will go in all these mat- ters is a question of the future. The introduction of national prohibition is a recent, as the abolition of slavery was an older, manifestation of the public will to eradicate any evil which is plainly against social welfare. Balance will have to be observed, of course, not only for the sake of society but for that of the capable men. Too much of anything is an evil just as much as too little. Millions of dollars may be as great a vexation as too few of them. Business and labor. — If business becomes a profes- sion, the relation of capital to labor will gradually be adjusted. The question of wages seems to be in a fair way of being settled owing to the combinations of workingmen. But, as was~^inted out above, that is not the principal problem. It is rather the fact 200 CHAPTER X that tht workers of higher grade and of larger calibre resent being treated as mere wealth-producing ma- chines. They desire to give some expression to their creative ability. This problem is being solved by ofifering various rewards for suggestions of improve- ment in the service or for inventions. That still leaves the worker with a mere financial interest in the business. He wants a human, or, rather, a pro- prietary interest in it. That cannot be acquired by merely owning a few shares of stock, but only by a share in the management — a measure already intro- duced under various names in some establishments. The Standard Oil Company. — The Standard Oil Company of New Jersey, and some of its affiliated concerns, have worked out a plan for representation in industry. Representatives chosen by the employees in proportion to their number in each plant, form the basis. Joint committees, composed of equal numbers of employees or their representatives and of officers of the company in each plant, form the structure. These committees deal with all matters pertaining to employment, working and living conditions, e. g., co-operation and conciliation, safety and accident, sanitation, health and housing, recreation and educa- tion. Quarterly joint conferences of representatives of labor and of company officers for each district, and an annual conference, similarly constituted, for all dis- tricts, are additional features, capped by the Presi- dent's industrial representative, whose duty consists in visiting the difiFerent plants for conferences with both managers and laborers. The features claimed for the plan are : The right of the employee to report a grievance, whether real or imaginary, to his repre- THE SOCIALIZATION OF BUSINESS ml sentative, and have it adjusted by appeal to higher authorities until it may be brought before the Indus- trial Commission or the State Labor Board. The laborer has thus ample opportunity to get redress for a grievance by continuous appeals. This is im- portant because most frictions occur between workers and subordinate ofificers who are often arbitrary and by whose attitude the higher officials are judged. The Whitley Report.— The so-called Whitley Re- port, made by a sub-committee for the Ministry of Reconstruction, applies the principle of representa- tion to all industries of the United Kingdom. There are three stages, national, district, and "works" or plant committees. The national councils are to be composed of representatives of the various national trades unions on the one hand, and representatives of the national employers' associations on the other. District councils will include representatives of dis- trict trades unions and employers' associations. The "works" or plant councils are likewise to have rep- resentatives of employers and employees, but are to meet frequently in joint conference and are to keep in close touch with the district and national councils. The function of these various committees or councils is to establish better relations between capital and labor by granting to the latter a larger share in the consideration of all matters in which it is vitally interested, and to change an attitude of militancy to one of co-operation by a frank partnership of knowl- edge, experience, and good-will. Social advantages of plans. — These plans are only installments of others and more fully developed ones still to come. They will assist the laborer to over- 202 CHAPTER X come the sense of isolation and detachment from which all modern life, and not industry alone, suffers. Comparatively few occupations offer an opportunity to complete a given product; it is always the result of co-operation, conscious or unconscious, of many "hands." The only way to restore at least some of the joy in work is by bringing the laborer in contact with the other contributing parties, if not directly, at least by representation. This arrangement will be wholesome for capital, labor, and the community. Capital has in the past been too prone to consider itself the chief if not the only factor in production. The result was contempt for the cheap labor which could be obtained at mere starvation wages. The degradation which followed in the laborers' families was, perhaps, in many cases a partial justification for this contempt. When the saloons are most frequent around factories and many laborers spend most of their wages for drink, the attitude of some employers in refusing to raise wages because that would mean more drunkenness, is explicable. Better wages and shorter hours have wrought a great change. Most laborers are not only sober and industrious, but ambi- tious and intelligent; and it is these who must be considered primarily and not the blatant demagogues who live by incitement to strikes and disorder. Rep- resentation will bring the better men to the fore. Labor, too, will profit from this feature. Respon- sibility will sober many a representative who has been urging impossible claims. It has always had that effect in every relation of life. Many a worker will learn also that employers are not vampires but kind and considerate men, who want to do all they can -^HE SOCIALIZATION OF BUSINESS 203 to promote the common welfare, because they know that their own best interests depend on the good- will of the other members of society. The community, which ultimately has to pay the cost of all industrial disturbances, will welcome peace between capital and labor, because it will be able to go about its business unafraid and joyfully. Such a change will take time ; it will be a matter of evolution. Much will depend on education. Our social consciousness, which frequently is a mere theory, must become a social conscience with corre- sponding practice. As an indication that a change toward better things is not far off, the following In- dustrial Creed of Mr. John D. Rockefeller, Jr., read before the Chamber of Commerce of the United States, December 5, 1918, is given a place here : "1. I believe that labor and capital are partners, not enemies ; that their interests are common, not opposed; and that neither can attain the fullest meas- ure of prosperity at the expense of the other, but only in association with the other. "2. I believe that the community is an essential party to industry, and that it should have adequate representation with the other parties. "3. I believe that the purpose of industry is quite as much to advance social well-being as material pros- perity; that, in the pursuit of that purpose, the inter- ests of the community should be carefully considered, the well-being of employees fully guarded, manage- ment adequately recognized and capital justly com- pensated, and that failure in any of these particulars means loss to all four parties. ^ "4. I believe that every man is entitled to an 204 CHAPTER X opportunity to earn a living, to fair wages, to reason- able hours of work and proper working conditions, to a decent home, to the opportunity to play, to learn, to worship, and to love, as well as to toil, and that the responsibility rests as heavily upon industry as upon government or society, to see that these con- ditions and opportunities prevail. "5. I believe that diligence, initiative and efficiency, wherever found, should be encouraged and adequately rewarded, and that indolence, indifference and restric- tion of production should be discountenanced. "6. I believe that the provision of adequate means of uncovering grievances and promptly adjusting them, is of fundamental importance to the successful conduct of industry. "7. I believe that the most potent measure in bringing about industrial harmony and prosperity is adequate representation of the parties in interest ; that existing forms of representation should be carefully studied and availed of insofar as they may be found to have merit and are adaptable to conditions peculiar to the various industries. "8. I believe that the most effective structure of representation is that which is built from the bottom up; which includes all employees, which starts with the election of representatives and the formation of joint committees in each industrial plant, proceeds to the formation of joint district councils and annual joint conferences in a single industrial corporation, and admits of extension to all corporations in the same industry, as well as to all industries in a com- munity, in a nation, and in the various nations. "9. I believe that the application of right principles THE SOCIALIZATION OF BUSINESS 20S never fails to effect right relations; that 'the letter killeth but the spirit giveth life' ; that forms are wholly- secondary, while attitude and spirit are all important ; and that only as the parties in industry are animated by the spirit of fair play, justice to all and brother- hood, will any plan which they may mutually work out succeed. "10. I believe that that man renders the greatest social service who so co-operates in the organization of industry as to afford to the largest number of men the greatest opportunity for self-development and the enjoyment of those benefits which their united efforts add to the wealth of civilization." CHAPTER XI THE FUNCTION OF NATIONALISM Meaning of nationalism. — Clear definitions of nation and nationalism are impossible, because the elements entering into them are too numerous. Roughly speak- ing, the term nationalism is used primarily to indicate adhesion to the same state or political community, and secondarily to circumscribe those with similar cultural ideals. In the latter case political adhesion may be given to the state in which one lives, either from choice or necessity; but one's true allegiance will be given to one's cultural fatherland. Greek families have lived in Constantinople for many genera- tions, but they always look toward Athens as their true home in the cultural sense. There is always a tendency on the part of these dispersed people to make an attempt to turn the spiritual home into a political one. Hence the constant tendency on the part of political rulers to look upon these unassimi- lated elements of the population as dangerous, and to treat them with disguised suspicion or open hos- tility. Nationalism means thus chieflj' a tie that binds and unites a large number of persons to each other in loyalty to common cultural ideals. Culture, blood kinship, and nationalism. — Culture has always been the basis of nationalism, although it has not always been emphasized as strongly as in our time. In the historic and prehistoric periods the principal stress was placed upon blood kinship. Only those who could trace their descent from a common 206 THE FUNCTION OF NATIONALISM 207 ancestor, were it a deity or a known human being, were supposed to be entitled to one's help and sym- pathy. Whatever ties existed were based on blood. This made the family the all-important institution in those days, as it has remained to this day in China. The horde and the clan were essentially nothing more than enlarged families, and many social customs of primitive peoples can be explained only on this basis. Underneath this blood kinship we discover, how- ever, cultural elements, e. g., language and religion. Blood kinship as such could not act as a bond of cohesion beyond a very narrow circle. It may be said with justice that members of the same litter among animals have a certain amount of instinctive affinity and treat each other with somewhat greater sym- pathy. A few years later, when new interests have led them into diilferent paths and time has wiped out the memory of pleasant associations, instinctive and habitual consideration no longer exists, and the off- spring of the same parents meet as entire strangers. Animals have no way of bringing blood relationship into their consciousness by means of language. The biological descent from the same parents means noth- ing at all to them; to human beings it meant socially everything, because it had been reduced to definite relations by means of thought and language. Ad- hesion to a group on the basis of blood kinship was, consequently, in essence an element of primitive cul- ture rather than of mere biological descent. The ability to talk in the same language implied the doing of other things in the same or a similar manner. Information was conveyed by speech, and it was inevitable that the pupil should act like the 208 CHAPTER XI teacher both on the basis of example and instruction. A similar mental attitude was thus created, which manifested itself in similar acts in every sphere of life. The bond of adhesion was, therefore, in reality one of nurture and not of nature. This fact was not understood for a long time, and the emphasis was wrongly placed on the biological fact of descent in- stead of on the cultural element of consciously ex- pressed relations. Common descent counted as little among human beings as among animals; putting a value upon it made it a social bond. Valuation is, however, a mental and not a biological fact. Warlike qualities and nationalism. — As soon as this was understood, the door was opened for extending social consciousness on the basis of other values, e. g., military, linguistic, and religious. Military ability has always commanded respect, and kings and princes have often chosen men of different nationality to serve them. David had Uriah the Hittite among his officers, and practically all the kings of antiquity xmbodied in their armies men of other nations and races on the basis of warlike qualities. Religion and nationalism. — Religion soon became, however, one of the chief bonds among groups of men. The Hebrew might look askance at different nationalities in Canaan, and slay them on racial grounds. If they accepted his religion, they were to be spared. And later, with the greater clarifica- tion of monotheism, a regular campaign was waged for converts from other races. The Pharisees would "compass sea and land to make one proselyte" in their zeal for winning persons for their religion, owing to che greater value placed upon what they regarded THE FUNCTION OF NATIONALISM 209 as the true faith than upon mere biological descent from Abraham. On the other hand, many of the fore- most Jews whose religious consciousness had weak- ened, became enamored of the Greek language and civilization. The Hellenists formed an important party among the Jews and were recruited chiefly from the educated and wealthy classes. Greek worldli- ness dashed against Hebrew religion; Greek freedom encountered Hebrew legalism; Greek philosophy met Hebrew simplicity ; Greek radicalism opposed Hebrew conservatism. Each had something to learn from the other, and the result was manifested in Chris- tianity with its emphasis for many centuries on the religious aspect. vWith the conversion of Constantine the Great and later of the Franks to Christianity, the religious ele- ment as a bond of group consciousness received greater importance. The wars of Charlemagne were religious as well as political, and during the Middle Ages Europe was divided chiefly into pagan and Christian camps. The Crusades divided Asia and Europe similarly into Mohametan and Christian parties. The French, the English, the Germans, the Magyars, and other Europeans united on the basis of their religion against the Mohametans of dissimilar races but of the same religion; and this division has come down into our own times in the Balkans and certain parts of Asia Minor. The term "unbeliever" became in both camps one of the most reproachful and defamatory. It is, however, losing its force even among the more ignorant peoples of Asia. For, when an attempt was made to unite the Mohametans under the cry of Jehad or "holy war" against certain Chris- 21(> CHAPTER XI tians, the followers of the Prophet did not obey, and many of them fought against the head of their own faith on the basis of a newly awakened nationalism. The Arabs no less than the Mohametans 'from India cheerfully engaged in the war against the Turks, be- cause they looked upon them as Turanians. At the present time nationalism outweighs all other bonds of group cohesion in extent and importance. Degrees of relationship. — What, then, is national- ism ? A definition cannot be given, as already stated ; an attempt will be made, however, to describe the elements entering into it. Professor Giddings^ dis- tinguishes nine degrees of relationship which may exist among human beings: consanguinity or blood kinship; propinquity or mere living together in the same locality, leading eventually to social and marital intercourse; nationality, including those who from birth have been of the same speech and political asso- ciation; potential nationality, including all those who dwell together in the same state and will sooner or later speak the same language; ethnic race, compris- ing those who are related in nationality and language and have similar psychical characteristics, e. g., the Slavs, consisting of the Russians, Poles, Chechs, Slovaks, Croatians, Serbians, and a few smaller peo- ples; glottic race, or those who in the remote past have had a common language and culture, e. g., the Aryans, consisting of the Teutons, Celts, Latins, Greeks, Slavs, and some people of Persia and of India, whose languages are all traceable to ancient Sanscrit; chromatic race, or those who belong to the same glot- tic race and have the same ffeneral color of the skin I Inductive Sociology, p. 49, ff. Macmillan Company, 1901, New York. THE FUNCTION OF NATIONALISM 211 and type of hair; cephalic race, or those who have the same or similar-cranial structure, e. g., the round- headed and the long-headed peoples; humanity, com- prising all races of the human species. Professor Gid- dings assumes that relationship, and with it the inten- sity of consciousness of kind, is constantly diminish- ing as we proceed from consanguinity to humanity, but that there must have been a common ancestry to all human beings. Our concern is only with nation- ality or nationalism. Common psychic attitude. — The dominant element in nationalism is a common psychical attitude toward life. The chief agency for expressing one's attitude is language. The attitude may be almost purely sub- jective; so nationalism cannot become articulate with- out language. This is the reason why so many dor- mant nationalities waken into life when a poet or an orator depicts m glowing phrases all the glories and virtues of their ancestors. He becomes the means of expressing their attitude, and the more he suc- ceeds in articulating their hopes and aspirations, the more fully will he arouse them to a sense of their national consciousness. A nation without poets ancj other artists will soon die, unless compensation be had along other lines. Religion a bond of union. — Religion is another im- portant element in nationalism. In some cases, al- though constantly fewer, it is even more important than language. The Spanish and Portuguese Jews have little in common with those of Russia and Poland except religion and a very slight knowledge of ancient Hebrew, but they have a common consciousness which unites them under the same nationalistic term. The 212 CHAPTER XI Serbs and the Croats might have united earlier under the name of Jugo-Slavs had it not been for slight differences of religion, the former being Greek Ori- ental and the latter Roman Catholic. It remains yet to be seen whether the Slovaks, a large percentage of whom are Lutherans, will feel happy under the Roman Catholic Chechs, unless the latter become very liberal in religion. The difference between the Irish and the English has been more one of religion than of anything else, since this initial division into different faiths tended to increase other features of friction which have arisen in their relations. Per contra, the Turkish Empire furnishes an excellent illustration of religion uniting, until recently, races of different glottic and chromatic origins. Religion tends to lose its strength as a bond of union in pro- portion to the increase in education among its adher- ents, because among ignorant peoples it is the chief if not the only spiritual interest, while educated per- sons have many interests of diverse character. A common experience, a bond of union. — Common experiences in the past, either of achievements or of oppression, are another link in the formation of nationalism. A great and glorious history tends to elate national consciousness to a high degree, while one of suffering is apt to depress it and make it pathological. In the latter case we have to deal with "a balked disposition" which must find an expression in speculation instead of action. It is characteristic of nearly all gifted peoples to turn to philosophical or religious speculation under political oppression, partly to find an explanation for their misfortunes and partly to nurse their sense of wounded su- THE FUNCTION OF NATIONALISM 213 periority; they can at least think and write, while the oppressors can only act like brutes. Speculation is apt to take a pessimistic turn under these condi- tions. The value of life is likely to be under-esti- mated, and refuge is often taken in "other worldli- ness." Hindu philosophy and much of that of the later Greeks is due to this resignation, while less gifted peoples like the Armenians attribute their troubles to the decrees of an inscrutable God for their purification. Nearly all peoples flock to their relig- ious shrines in times of national disaster, partly for purposes of consolation and partly in pious resig- nation. Exploitation a bond of union. — Economic ex- ploitation tends to accentuate this attitude of help- lessness and to create a state of abnormal suspicion. It is almost impossible, even when on friendly terms, and far away from the scene of oppression, to get a frank answer from a member of a long-oppressed race to an entirely innocent question. The habit of equivo- cating has been ingrained into the very core of con- sciousness. Whether you ask for the health of the wife, about the condition of business, or the political outlook, the answer is always entirely non-committal, accompanied most likely by a significant gesture or a shrug of the shoulder. This attitude naturally leads the oppressors to look upon the oppressed as stupid and treacherous, while the oppressed accuse their masters of every possible crime, and are in- clined to develop according to Nietzsche a "slave morality" for their own protection and the preserva- tion of the remnant of their national self-respect. Experiences of this kind may keep different peoples 214 CHAPTER XI socially apart, even though they live side by side for centuries. Almost any section of the Balkans will serve as a.n illustration. Achievements a bond of union. — Normally when national life has proceeded successfully, or when periods of oppression have been short and not severe, and the list of achievements to one's credit is rea- sonably long, nationalism implies a healthy egotism and a wholesome optimism Such a people has a high regard for itself and considers itself of great value, not only to itself but to mankind. No nation has achieved much without a certain amount of self- esteem and self-reliance. The obsequious Chinaman is apt to look back upon what his ancestors have done and fail to strive for anything new. There are many dangers lurking in this high self- appraisal. One is that of considering oneself the greatest nation. This conceit came easily in the past, since travel was rare and everyone met only those of his own people in his short journeys around the coun- try. To this may be added the world-old clannish- ness of every group to consider itself as "the people" chiefly on religious grounds when polytheism and henotheism were still in vogue. This ignorance of other peoples' achievements easily and naturally led to exaggeration which was and still is deliberately fostered by national leaders and educators. School books of every nation on history furnish ample illus- trations. In one of the most widely published German books the excellence of the dentsche sprache was brought home to the reader in this delectable manner: "The Frenchman grunts, the Englishman snorts, the Rus- THE FUNCTION OF NATIONALISM 215 sian hisses; only the German talks." A highly edu- cated Scotch-Irishman, whom the author tried to initi- ate into the mysteries of the German gender, repeat- edly and fervently exclaimed: "Thank God, I was born with an English tongue!" The well-nigh im- possible task of mastering a foreign language com- pletely makes it difficult even for the educated to enter into the spirit of other nations sympathetically and appreciatively. The masses of the people are hopelessly isolated from foreign contact, and in- evitably come to look upon themselves, their ways of doing things, their habits and customs as superior. Nationalism exclusive. — In times of national crises it is this very spirit of exclusiveness that is appealed to and intensified. Every weapon at the command of the leaders is employed to emphasize national excellences, hide weaknesses, and create an atmos- phere of dignified and resolute confidence. What is called "morale" in military parlance is simply the national spirit set in motion. It is usually allied with religion, and even a sort of ancestor worship. . A tribal consciousness, always present in the masses, is awakened with all its narrow limitations and hideous grossness, cupidity, and cruelty. Language, the chief vehicle of nationalism, is debased into the principal means of conceit and hatred. Everything is done to make the masses feel, think, and act alike at the command of the leaders ; crowd consciousness reigns supreme, and homogeneity is reduced to the absurd. Nationalism result of leadership. — In the past, nationalism was largely a matter of leadership, and usually wrong leadership. It is so to this day in many European countries, where nationalistic catch- 216 CHAPTER XI words are used by the upper classes to perpetuate the economic subjection of the masses. Much of the "little-nationalism" of Italy and Germany before 1870 was due to interested leaders who found it to their advantage to keep alive a purely local patriotism. The princelings, both secular and ecclesiastical, built churches and palaces for the people to admire, en- gaged poets to sing their praises, and erected monu- ments to have posterity laud them. The entourage of the petty courts naturally enough was interested in extending their influence among the masses until eventually there was sacrcely a household which was not concerned in the maintenance of conditions as they were. This division perpetuated the disunion of both Italy and Germany, until men of sufificiently large vision and strong will arose to strike the petty princes from their thrones. The cry of persecution arose there as it has arisen since in other countries. It is par- ticularly loud at present when all princes in Russia,* Germany and Austria have had to abdicate. Small nations not sacred. — There is, however, noth- ing sacrosanct about a small or an oppressed nation. Its policies are usually petty in almost exact propor- tion to its size in territory, and its contributions to mankind are frequently material for the hilarity of nations. Scarcely any of the oppressed nationalities have added anything valuable to our stock of knowl- edge; their national consciousness has, as a rule, been awakened by men from their own midst who had learned something about liberty at foreign universi- ties, and tried to apply the methods of a big country to a small one. Whether they were poets or profes- sors, they claimed to find value in the cultural back- THE FUNCTION OF NATIONALISM 217 ground of their people and began to stir up the dying flame of nationalism. Nothing was said about the exactions and economic exploitation of the people by the petty rulers; but loud denunciations of the much more efficient and humane government of the "oppres- sors" were sent forth, until other countries sent help. After liberation it was found that the liberated were not worth ftie blood and treasure poured out for them. It is much to be feared that many of the little nation- alities clamoring at present for recognition in Europe will prove a great disappointment to their liberators. It is — to put the case concretely and without wound- ing the susceptibilities of peoples nearer home — not at all likely that Korea would prove able to keep the progressive forces going if Japan should with- draw. If the Koreans have sufficient ability and interest to throw off their conquerors, they deserve to be free; but it is not to the advantage of mankind to have another people send emissaries all over the civilized world to solicit funds and men for their liberation, only to put the same old corrupt politicians into power again. Our country is in danger of stand- ing sponsor for too many of these would-be nations without knowing that as a rule a few great land owners and other privileged persons are the only ones who will be benefited, while the burden upon the people will be made heavier. If such nations acquire liberty, they usually launch out upon an imperialistic career, if the chances are half-way favorable. This has been the case with Prussia, Hungary and Bulgaria, and is now the case with Italy, Greece, and Rumania New disturbances are thus created by the liberation and unification of 218 CHAPTER XI peoples. It is not strange that this should be so, since nationality cannot be created; it is a slow de- velopment, like everything else. It requires a cer- tain maturity of political and moral thinking to estab- lish a nation, and that can be acquired only by long experience through contact with many conditions. One of the best tests is the control of colonies. Great Britain made one grievous mistake in her treatment of the American colonies. But she quickly learned her lesson, and has since granted full auton- omy to those of her sister states which were capable of profiting by that privilege. There is to-day no other example of such a firmly knit empire as the British, held together not by force but by the ideas and principles of a true nationalism. Spain has lost all her colonies because she wanted to exploit them by tyrannical measures. France is not particularly suc- cessful as a colonizer, because her attitude is not liberal enough in granting concessions to non-Gallic peoples. Germany has had no success at all, because she not only exploited the natives but required uni- formity in all respects to her methods. Nationalism and unity.— .Healthy nationalicm does not mean uniformity, but unity of spirit. The latter permits many variations, and even conflicts within reasonable limits. This latitude is necessary for growth. Where uniformity and homogeneity are stressed too much, individual initiative is stunted and killed. Only with many and varied contacts is growth possible, because new and valuable suggestions can come only that way. To permit such latitude two conditions are necessary: there must be a high type of leader, and the population must be comparatively THE FUNCTION OF NATIONALISM 219 well developed mentally to appreciate the principles by which it must be guided. Nationalism and types of mind. — There are, roughly speaking, three types of mind among men who count in a nation. The first can see only one side of every question; it is the mind of the very simple man and of the fanatic. The second sees both sides, but sees them alternately or successively, never together. The third sees both or all sides of a question, and sees them contemporaneously, weighs them, balances them against each other, and comes, perhaps slowly, to a final and firm judgment. The third is called the synthetic or inductive mind, and is found in all great leaders. It is the business of the leaders not only to come to a final and firm conclusion by weighing and balancing every aspect of a problem, but also to im- press their conclusion upon the men with the second type of mind by showing them that a situation must be viewed as a whole and simultaneously, and con- vincing the men of the first type of mind that prob- lems cannot be solved by looking at them from one angle only. No nation which has not been blessed with leaders of this type has ever succeeded in achiev- ing great and permanent things. On the other hand, the population must have a fairly large percentage of men who belong to the sec- ond class, men who may be convinced if given good reasons. The men of the first type generally fall in line after, perhaps stubbornly, insisting on their own point of view, because their arguments are usually borrowed, and they are eventually likely to entertain a new line of argument, provided they can be shown that it is really what they want. 220 CHAPTER XI Only nations with a long history and a democratic government are fortunate enough to possess such leaders and populations. Both are the result of meet- ing many and varied situations with a frank and open mind. These nations are never imperialistic, because they recognize the right of other peoples to go their own way, even though they may blunder many times, since that is usually the only way to learn. New nations are as a rule controlled by imperialists, chiefly aristocrats, who are unable to see more than one aspect of a problem at a time. More land is an advantage; take it. What the later consequences may be, they neither care nor are able to see. They may lead to war. What of it? The leaders will be dead and gone, and meanwhile they have their own, selfish way. A quotation will illustrate this difference as applied to present-day problems.^ "Switzerland, like Denmark, is dif.inclined to accept territory that does not belong to her. Both of these small nations are suspicious of territory taken away from the Central Powers for strategic reasons by the Allies and added to them, perhaps to escape the in- demnity, by vote of the populations concerned. There are no purer democracies in the world than Denmark and Switzerland, and no better examples of the ulti- mate common sense and justice on which real peace must rest. One can almost measure the democracy of a people by the moderation of its claims. Poland, with an aristocratic clerical oligarchy in control, de- mands territory including millions of aliens. Ru- mania, with a ruling class as corrupt as any in Europe, has an endless appetite. Jugoslavia, basically a 1 The New Republic, June 7, 1919, p. 163. THE FUNCTION OF NATIONALISM 221 peasant democracy, shows moderation. Czecho- slovakia, semi-democratic, is only semi-extravagant. It is the real democracies like Denmark and Switzer- land that offer not only words, but deeds, for the instruction of the world." Nationalism and democracy. — America may be mentioned among the pure democracies. In our war with Spain we retained, almost against our will, Porto Rico and the Philippine Islands, and liberated Cuba. To the Philippines we have already promised com- plete independence. The present war finds us with no claims against the Central Powers except very small indemnities for wanton destruction of our ships. The repeated offers to accept mandates over distant peo- ples we have declined. The greatest manifestation of generosity ever exhibited by any nation was shown by our voluntarily returning to China about one-third of the indemnity granted to us after the Boxer Rebel- lion. In 1919 we righted the wrong done to Colom- bia fifteen years before in acquiring the Canal Zone from the newly formed republic of Panama, by pay- ing $25,000,000 for this strip of land. Our treatment of China and of the other peoples just mentioned has borne good and ample fruit. It has earned us the gratitude of the Chinese people in particular, and has given us a reputation for fair and disinterested treatment of weaker peoples. The man- dates over several Asiatic and African populations may not have been offered us with entirely unselfish motives, because "Uncle Sam's" reputation as an in- ternational "easy mark" has spread to the farthest corners of the earth. Our too great eagerness to help every oppressed or unoppressed people was due 22i. CHAPTER XI partly to lack of experience with non-American affairs and partly to the overflowing generosity of a young and prosperous nation. Our statesmen are learning very important lessons about the complexity of Euro- pean politics at the Peace Conference in Paris. Things are not as simple from near-by as they look from a safe distance of three thousand or six thousand miles. We went into the World War primarily with idealis- tic motives because we could not conceive why every nation did not solve the problems of its foreign popu- lation in as simple a manner as we have done and are now increasingly trying to do, by Americanization. We are practicing, and very energetically, too, the very policy for which we are condemning the Ger- mans, the Russians, the Italians, and even the Turks. The problem of Americanizing our numerous immi- grants had been an easy task, because these people came to us voluntarily and were comparatively well distributed. Their children knew as a rule little of the old home and language, and readily fell into at least the superficial American ways. We are now learning that the acquisition of English and of ready- made clothing does not necessarily imply assimila- tion, and the whole governmental machinery has been set in motion to supply the deficiency. This is en- tirely right, because otherwise we should repeat the mistakes of European policy in letting small peoples live within the confines of larger nations. In the past, oppressive measures were rare; the different governments trusted to the forces of time and a higher culture for gradually assimilating the smaller peo- ples. Only when nationalistic aspirations arose, and, owing to their intensity and in many cases lack of THE FUNCTION OF NATIONALISM 223 justification, threatened trouble for the larger group, were severe measures taken. We have no right to condemn the respective governments for taking such steps, since we are now attempting to do the very same thing, but with better success owing to the ab- sence of historical and economic complications. One language and one national spirit should be dominant in America. Whether we are not losing something valuable by too complete a crushing-out of all foreign traits among our immigrants is another question. We are anx- ious, perhaps too much so. to carry our methods of efficiency into every sphere of life, and produce the eternal sameness in dress, dancing and amusements. Our lives might be richer aesthetically if the immi- grants were encouraged to retain some of their folk- dances and some customs and costumes, at least for special occasions. Many valuable handicrafts are lost owing to our method of production; it might be pos- sible and it would be profitable if the experiment made at Hull House, Chicago, were repeated more gener- ally, viz., to have the women of the different immi- grant races practice their special national crafts for home and commercial production. Some hand-made goods might furnish a relief from those made by ma- chine. Some of the folk-dances are certainly superior to the offerings of the last few years of our terpsi- chorean masters; and not even the Colonial dames would deny that our cooking is in need of improve- ment. Paris-made gowns are occasionally beautiful, sometimes ridiculous, but always expensive. There is no reason why the picturesque costumes of our immigrants should not be retained, or utilized for the 224 CHAPTER XI creation of a national dress. American clothes are at best monotonous to the eye; a little color would do them no harm. If a certain type of native had its way, we would all have to appear in sombre dress, visagey»and with nothing but prayer-meeting talk on our lips. All of the more important immigrant groups would be able to contribute some important element to our national life, physically as well as psychically, if we only let them do it. But in our anxiety for unity we are apt to insist on uniformity, and reduce our life to a dull gray. Our lives might be made more attractive and aesthetic without loss in efficiency. We are apt not only to work hard, but to play hard, and thus to turn recreation into a task. Even our elderly golf players, most in need of relaxation, set their teeth to beat Colonel Bogey. The result? They get back to work more tired from the unusual exertion. That is not the way to enjoy life or to become artistically creative. And we have certainly not excelled in any of the arts, although we have an abundance of "canned" music and of reprints of every famous pic- ture. Even in the handicrafts the Europeans are still our masters. Future of nationalism. — What of the future of nationalism? There are two tendencies which dom- inate life at the present time — nationalism and inter- nationalism. The former is an extension and expres- sion of individualism, the latter of socialism. The whole drift of the argument of the preceding chap- ters has been in favor of individualism, and must now be for nationalism. It is the individual and the nation who create, not society and the inter-nation. THE FUNCTION OF NATIONALISM ciS In the economy of mankind the nation plays the same role as the individual in society. This calls for a strong and vigorous national life, since mankind can be advanced only through the contributions of nations. There is such a thing as a national spirit which dif- ferentiates each people from others. But just as there are colorless, nondescript and parasitic individuals, so there are racial stocks which have survived through the charity of other races. In either case the situation is not wholesome and should be terminated in the course of time. As a matter of history, a solution has always been offered in the extermination or the assimilation of weaker races. Any nation which had sufficient ability and vitality might have to yield to a superior race; it was able, however, to adapt itself to the new circumstances and to enrich the conqueror's life by its own contribution to civilization. What was really essential, survived in a new form. The ineffi- cient and the parasitic peoples were either enslaved or exterminated. More recently in the history of man- kind they were allowed to live by sufferance. A nation may not live, however, by charity like an indi- vidual. The test of efficiency must in the long run 'be applied to it. And within historic times we have seen people after people pass away because it could not meet this test, or it was held in bondage. The latter is no longer permitted by the enlightened con- science of mankind, and the test will have to be met. The Indian is passing away before our very eyes, while the Negro is making tremendous strides upward, nowithstanding his many handicaps. He is advanc- ing, however, because he is able to profit from the 226 CHAPTER XI help which has been extended to him. In South Africa he is being gradually driven back, and shares the fate of the American Indian. Whether climatical, physiological or social conditions are responsible for this difference, need not be discussed here.^ One thing is clear, hough: It is a matter of ability. A people must either contribute something to the benefit of mankind, or must at least be able to adapt itself to an advancing civilization. In the latter case a nation will and always must play a minor role in the world. This statement should not be understood in the political sense, but in the civilizational. The Dutch people make proportionately as many contribu- tions to-day as at the time when the Netherlands were the foremost commercial and colonizing nation. The Scandinavians have never, except for a short time in the seventeenth century, played a great part politically, but they have added materially to civiliza- tion. The Russians have often been in the forefront politically and militarily, but have made, proportionate to their number, only a few additions to the extant stock of knowledge. Nationality is, however, largely a matter of leadership ; for, as has been stated, a people finds its expression and its consummation in its leaders. Nationalism and leadership. — This throws a tremen- dous responsibility upon the men who control nations. The civilized world has recently come to recognize what was known to a few men long ago, that a whole nation may be led astray and subjugated psychically by a small class of mediocre but well-organized men. Germany is now paying the price for her willingness 1 See the author's "Health and Social Progress" on this topic. THE FUNCTION OF NATIONALISM i.a to follow one man and his clique. In this case the achievements of a dynasty helped to create an atmos- phere of lustre and almost of inspiration for the claimant of honors. In the case of Abraham Lin- coln, the shaping of national life was due almost en- tirely to sheer personal ability and integrity. The results were necessarily very dififerent. If a man has to work up from below, he must have the qualities which appeal to and benefit the people; if he works from above down, the semblance of them is sufficient, since he can claim the achievements of other men as his own or shift responsibility upon their shoulders. The people are, however, largely what the leaders make them. Who are the leaders? In an aristocracy they come chiefly from the old and wealthy families which have been prominent principally as large land-owners and leaders of armies — men whose ambition has always been to foster a strong monarchy in order to keep the people politically and economically subject to the "crown and altar." Owing to their prominence and power they are able to draw every capable man from the people into their sphere of influence and to innocu- late him with their point of view. When established in their rights and powers, this is not a difficult task, and men with moderate talents usually succeed in doing it. In a democracy a man's personal influence alone counts, because no lustre is attached to his class. Theodore Roosevelt might have had Dutch, German, French, Irish, and other strains in his blood; nobody would have known or cared if he had not been the talented man he was. This diflEerence has always existed between aristocracies and democracies^ an4 228 CHAPTER XI just as invariably it has given the tone to the national character. In the former there has been a looking upward with consequent obsequiousness and loss of self-reliance; in the latter a looking around to find ways and means for usefulness and independence. If the test of efficiency holds, the future belongs to national democracies. Qualifications of leaders. — ^What leaders must demo- cratic nations have if they are to survive? Many democracies have perished for lack of proper leaders; Athens is a good illustration. A democratic constitu- tion is not necessarily a panacea for national ills, as most of the Central American republics prove. Education. — The first requisite on the part of such leaders is a liberal education. What has passed under that name was usually some study of Greek, Latin, history, philosophy, and a modicum of mathe- matics. This traditional culture never could become really liberating, because of the narrowness and sterility of its human interests. "It was intended to emancipate only a few privileged people ; and it was, consequently, associated with limited human sym- pathies, enfeebled social faith, and a merely repressive moral code. The beneficiaries of an indifferently human social system were obliged to reconcile an ideal and a technique of humane culture with moral standards which made self-restraint obligatory on all except themselves. They were to enjoy the advan- tages of immediate moral and intellectual liberation, which would enrich their experience, quicken their imagination, satisfy their curiosity, and release the internal springs of instinctive goodness. But the mass of men and women were to be morally ap- THE FUNCTION OF NATIONALISM 229 praised, not by virtue of what they succeeded in doing with their lives, but by virtue of what they refrained from doing. The method of socially educating the few differed essentially from the method of socially edu- cating the many; and this difference added a strain of hypocrisy and illiberality to a system of education which needed above all to be candid, inquisitive, thorough-going and humane."^ It engendered a class consciousness of superiority on the part of those who had learned certain non-essential things and who usu- ally maintained a parasitic relation to society. What is needed is a broad outlook upon human relations and their interdependence; a recognition that whatsoever is helpful to society is worthy of esteem, whether it be the digging of a ditch or the composing of a can- tata; a demand that nobody should live by the efforts or the exploitation of another. •' Such an education implies open-mindedness and a willingness to progress. It means a readiness to abandon the good in favor of the better. Certain pro- fessions, e. g., the law and the ministry, are habitually averse to change, because they have been trained to look upon the decisions of their predecessors as sacred. Yet it is from these classes that most of the rulers have come, owing to the prestige which the bar and the church enjoyed. Being very naturally averse to change, they fastened upon the community an ideal of the immutability of existing institutions. As they were usually the only educated class, they had little difficulty in impressing their standard upon the masses, resulting in subservience and loss of initia- tive on the part of the latter. 1 Herbert Croly, Progressive Democracy (p. 417, f.). The Macmillan Company, New York. 230 CHAPTER XI Compared to this conservatism, the leader in a national democracy needs a large faith in the per- fectibility not only of the individual, but of social relations and institutions. There is nothing sacred in the virorld except what serves humanity. And the leader must always be on the alert to exchange a once serviceable but now outworn social device for one of greater usefulness. This implies an extension of opportunity to every boy and girl for a social education. Jf the latter should require a long term in school, college, or uni- versity, it must not be denied to the capable. Most leaders have come in the past from the economically and socially favored classes, not by virtue of their greater natural endowment but because of their greater opportunity for development. Every demo- cratic nation has produced leaders from the masses, and the number is likely to increase if educational facilities are extended. A vast amount of talent has lain dormant in the past, because aristocracies with their comparatively fixed social status were able to get along with a limited amount of brains. A demo- cratic nation needs every talented person owing to the vast number of problems pressing for solution. This development of whatever talent there is will give the masses a chance for expansion and self-expression instead of merely for the restraint which has so sedu- lously been preached to them. The leaders, from wherever they may come, must have the ability of impressing their fellow citizens with the fact that there are three possible relations between men — the parasitic, or being served by others ; the charitable, or serving others at one's own expense THE FUNCTION OF NATIONALISM 231 and sacrifice; the co-operative, or serving and being served by others. The enlargement of personality of normal human beings can take place only under the third. And a democratic nation must insist on the maintenance of this relation. Clear thinking. — Who, then, are to be the leaders? Rarely, if ever, the abstract thinkers, but the men who have the ability to give ideal values to present situa- tions by relating them to social service. The artist, the philosopher, the statesman, the scientist, the em- ployer, and the workingman, have each a function to perform in this connection. No man lives to him- self alone ; every man lives by the good-will of others. Only where these social relations are recognized and applied can there be a nation in the true sense of the word; and only there will every man find th" completion of his own being in the larger relations to his fellows. Nationalism and art. — Such a people will produce its own peculiar national life by virtue of the develop- ment of its talents. Since every man is more or less unique, there is bound to be a somewhat unique national life. This must express itself not only in great inventions, scientific and social, but chiefly in the arts. Science is international because it is pri- marily intellectual. The arts are and must always remain national, because they give expression to the subjective aspect of the mind and are predominantly emotional. It is for this reason that all great artists and literary men have been pronounced nationalists, and have dealt with national topics. Their greatness depended in fact on their ability to present subjects with which they were emotionally saturated, and to 232 CHAPTER XI depict them from the point of view of an interested participant instead of from that of a disinterested observer. This means that the artist and literary man must choose as far as possible contemporary sub- jects, if he would give the best expression to his talent. That is the secret of all great art. The gods and goddesses were real persons to Homer ; to the modern imitator of the Iliad they are mere superstitions. There must necessarily be a difference in the attitude and in the treatment. To Dante, hell, purgatory and heaven were actual places; to the modern artist they are mere symbols. The poet, the painter, and the composer of to-day must choose contemporary sub- jects if they would interpret life to their fellows; and these they must present from the national point of view, because the spirit of the nation seeks expres- sion in its own way. That is the reason why trans- lations, no matter how good, are always unsatisfac- tory. The aroma of a poem is bound up with its phraseology. And an artist must contribute first of all to his own nation and only indirectly to humanity. But the whole of mankind will be enriched, because the expression of a healthy national life must eventu- ally inspire all men. CHAPTER XII THE NEED FOR INTERNATIONALISM The dreams about internationalism.— During his- toric ages many of the world's great poets and phil- osophers have had visions of a universal and per- manent bond between the nations. The prophet Micah told of the time when the peoples of the earth "shall beat their swords into ploughshares and their spears into pruninghooks ; nation shall not lift up a sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any more." Dante had his Monorchia of peace, Podiedebrad his New Europe, Henry of Navarre his Great Design, William Penn his United States of Europe, and Emanuel Kant his Perpetual Peace, with its allied state of nations and the federation of the world. Always such plans and dreams, which have multiplied rapidly during the last century, have proved futile. The world was not ready, because people could not think in international terms. These proposals were in many cases accepted by the rulers of the peoples, and many have been the attempts to form some sort of federation between nations. The extensions of social and political con- sciousness had for their object co-operation in various forms, but their ultimate goal was national stability, for the state and nation were identical in those early days. Fear was. consequently, the chief motive for forming these leagues. Any statecraft which under- takes to readjust international relations without removing the causes of international fear, will be only 233 234 CHAPTER XII diplomatic quackery. As long as nations fear each other they will arm against each other, and no treaty can prevent it. And when thought of war and prep- aration for war become habitual, war becomes inevi- table, because the combination of circumstances which seems to give one nation or group of nations a de- cided advantage will be seized for a quick master stroke, always, of course, in self-defense; and then there comes a conflagration, in which treaties and moral obligations and civilization turn to ashes. Fear drove the twelve tribes of Israel into a national organization under Jehovah as their protector. The same motive operated in the Attic, Achaean, and other leagues of antiquity. Among our own Indians, the best-known federation was that of the Iroquois League, which embraced five and later six nations. Internationalism in the past. — ^With the Roman Empire a much greater expansion was given to inter- nationalism. There was a tendency among the Romans to respect nationalism, and to extend cer- tain rights by law to subject races. True, they had not as many privileges and as complete protection as Roman citizens. Nevertheless, the law of nations (jus gentium) guaranteed certain rights to them, and any individual might, moreover, enter into full Roman citizenship. As the Roman Empire increased in extent and in the multiplicity of races coming under its sway, the law increased in inherent justice, and the party treated unjustly by the local authorities always had the opportunity to appeal to the Caesar. This had the tendency to make the local courts careful in the application of the law. During the Middle Ages the Roman Empire and THE NEED FOR INTERNATIONALISM 235 its laws still served as a model for international deal- ings, especially the principles laid down in the code of Justinian. Europe was, however, too much shat- tered by the successive invasions of the barbarians to have any political cohesion. Thus the Church of Rome became the only effective authority because it was the only international institution at that time. This idea was expressed in the Holy Roman Empire whose rulers were crowned by the pope; and from the coronation of Charlemagne in 800 to the treaty of Westphalia in 1648, this loosely connected league dominated European politics. The various treaties of Westphalia established one important principle — that of religious freedom, or rather toleration, since the two contending parties, Roman Catholic and Protestant, had found their forces balanced during the Thirty Years' War. The chief provision was that "all and each of the con- tracting parties shall be held to defend and main- tain all and each of the dispositions of this peace, against whomsoever it may be, without distinction of religion." A large stumblingblock was thus re- moved from international co-operation, and th'* ohrase was often repeated in later treaties. The Empire of Napoleon was similarly a leagut of kingdoms and principalities, but directed by one man, and quickly disappeared when he was removed to St. Helena. The Holy Alliance of 1815 was based on the treaty of Vienna, and comprised all the im- portant states of Europe at one time or another. It was a league of rulers, not a federation of nations, and the dishonesty of the monarchs soon brought about its collapse. 236 CHAPTER XII Federations and democracy. — True federations are found only among free or democratic peoples. The Swiss Confederation is the oldest of these, dating back to 1291 ; the United States is the most powerful, and the British Empire the most universal. Mexico, Brazil, and Argentina are likewise federal unions of states, but more in theory than in fact. Reasons for failure of internationalism. — The rea- sons for the failure of the international leagues are many, and are partly moral and partly civilizational. While brief separate treatment is given to each, their combined influence was cumulative, and was only gradually removed among the most advanced nations. First of all was the fact that in the past the lack of transportation and communication shut up every people in its own territory. It knew not what trans- pired a few hundred miles away, and was unable to extend help and sympathy even if the disposition to render them had existed. Needless to say, this diffi- culty has now been removed. A hundred years ago it was a nine days' sail from New York City to Albany; George Washington had been buried two weeks before the news of his death reached Boston. This news would now be transmitted in a few min- utes, and the trip from the metropolis to the capital of New York State is made in four hours by train and less than two by aeroplane. The important events of every corner of the globe are reported in the daily papers. The modern man simply cannot help getting information. Second was the race problem and its religious implications. They used to offer insuperable difficul- ties to political co-operation. Both racial antagonism THE NEED FOR INTERNATIONALISM 237 and religious intolerance are disappearing rapidly, because we have come to recognize that they are not fundamental, but due to environment and modes of living, and are bound to diminish as civilzation spreads. The gifts of the races as much as those of the nations will combine to supplement each other in making a more perfect civilization. The develop- ment of the human race has gone through the stages of differentiation and co-ordination, and is now pass- ing into that of integration. Religion has had a simi- lar development from persecution to tolerance, and is now approaching recognition. There is more sym- pathy between black man and white man to-day than there was a hundred years ago between Englishman and Norwegian, and more hearty recognition between Jew and Christian than there was between Puritan and Quaker. The Swiss Federation proves that three peoples, different in race and religion, and not by any means equally numerous, but with the language of each encouraged, may be united in each state and in a larger political unity. Our own colonies prove likewise that initial differences of race and religion may be overcome, if higher purposes and ideal; prevail. Third are the cultural differences of laws and insti- tutions. These have played a large role in keeping nations apart. Each people believed itself to have the best of everything, because it knew nothing of what other peoples had. Acquaintance revealed many similarities, because all social institutions have orig- inated in the same human needs and must serve eventually the same purpose. As all nations are gradually being drawn into the circle of civilization, 238 CHAPTER XII and modern industrialism spreads over the globe, the needs and the wants of all men converge toward the same point. Japan is a good illustiation. She wants not only occidental education and machinery, but clothing, literature, philosophy, science and religion. With federation, certain differences disappear; others will remain and ought to remain for the good of all. Assimilation should never become complete, because that would prevent the peoples from looking at things from slightly different angles, which would stop progress. The highest good of all can be attained only by co-operation along the same general lines, but without complete fusion and amalgamation. Fourth, the hesitance. if not outright unwillingness, of nations to surrender any portion of their sover- eignty, has been probably the most serious obstacle to federation. Publicists have talked for many gen- erations of "soverign states" in a matter-of-fact way. Such states have existed, however, only in ancient times when the wants of a people were few, and economic independence was joined to political self- reliance. Complete independence has become a fic- tion in modern times. When a man's bread is in the keeping of another, it is impossible for him to be his own master. Just in proportion as states become economically interdependent, is their sovereignty lim- ited. The question of sovereignty as related to the problem of internationalism is no longer one of fact, but of theory ; and it would be better to fit the theory to the fact, because the fact cannot be changed unless we are ready to relapse into the civilizational stage of tribal nations. The World War has taught man- kind a lesson in this respect, which half a century THE NEED FOR INTERNATIONALISM 239 of education would have failed to teach. The Ameri- can colonies made a bold venture in the New World when they tried the political experiment of a federal union, notwithstanding the great differences in their economic and cultural interests. It has proved the greatest success in history. Is it not reasonable to expect that a world federation would in time become even a greater success? Fifth, there was no way of dealing with a recalci- trant nation. As long as a nation was economically independent because it could supply its own few wants, it could fight until the point of extermination or enslavement was reached. It is different now. An agricultural people needs machinery, an industrial nation food. If either should be declared "non-inter- communicable" by a league of nations, the result would be quick surrender. The- World War has fur- nished proofs of this, although only a few nations were leagued against another group of peoples. Sixth, the governments of the past were mon- archical, and the peoples were only so much prop- erty. This idea is well illustrated in the saying of Louis XIV, who asserted, "I am the State." It is equally well proved by the frequent handing over of peoples to a foreign ruler on the basis of royal marriages. The maritally fertile and successful Haps- burgs had brought so many peoples under their sway during the sixteenth century that the saying arose: "Other nations may have_to wage war to increase their possessions; but thou, Happy Austria, marry!" There never was, and there could not be, a federa- tion of nations, because the people had nothing to say about the matter. Only within very recent times 240 CHAPTER XII have democracies on a large scale arisen ; and they are anxious for a world federation because they are aware of the fact that the people must pay the bills of war. The total economic losses of the World War will be approximately $250,000,000,000 or $300,000,000,000. It is not likely, though, that sane peoples will have any desire to face a similar or worse situation for the glory of dynasties, or even for wearing Iron Crosses. This does not take into account the broken homes, dispersed families, and the unspeakable hor- rors of the modern battlefields. The blood of an im- perial prince is worth no more to-day than that of a common laborer, and the masses will refuse to spill theirs by the hogshead to avenge the, perhaps well deserved, murder of an archduke. Seventh, the leagues of the past failed to aid the people. The Roman league of nations — if such it was — laid heavy burdens on the subject peoples. The Roman citizen waxed rich or lived without work, thanks to the tribute from the outlying portions of the Empire. Later, the dynasties profited from suc- cessful wars, but the burdens of the people were seldom relieved. The Holy Alliance which claimed to treat all human beings as brethren, soon became the vehicle of the most flagrant injustice and sinister reaction. As early as 1820 its members bound them- selves to choke out all popular aspirations for liberty as worse than revolt and crime. It is small wonder that the Alliance soon came to be known as "unholy," and that the people regretted having put their trust in princes. All through the nineteenth century revo- lutions in every country of Europe have demonstrated the desire of the people to be rid of their faithless THE NEED FOR INTERNATIONALISM 241 kings and aristocrats. But only lately have they succeeded. Looking at leagues of the past from every angle, the wonder is not that they failed, but that they lasted as long as they did. They deserved to fail, because they were based on narrowness, selfishness, and injus- tice. They were, nevertheless, the forerunners of bet- ter things. Internationalism of labor. — It is not surprising that the class consciousness of the dynasties produced, as soon as an opportunity was furnished through educa- tion, a more intense class consciousness on the part of workingmen. It was inevitable that this movement should appeal primarily to a certain type of theorists — men who were not workingmen themselves but who endeavored to get control of the machinery of the government in order to further their own ends and the alleged ends of the proletariat. A long process of education was necessary to interest the masses. The beginnings of this movement go back to the publica- tion of the Communist Manifesto in 1848. From that time on various international labor movements have been inaugurated. They prospered for a while as long as a dominant personality held the reins. But sooner or later they failed, owing chiefly to dissension among the leaders, who contended either for their own personal su- premacy or for that of their theories. Perhaps the only product of these movements, in addition to much personal bickering, has been an endless array of theories, often so little differentiated from each other that the outsider is bewildered by the hair-splitting. Apart from personal reasons, these negative results 242 CHAPTER XH were due to the attitude of the leaders, most of whom belonged to the intellectually keen but narrow type of mind; their education was chiefly of the formal kind of abstract reasoning from poorly established premises or from authorities. Facts are rarely con- sidered in all their bearings, and the slow development of the human race toward better things is either denied or misinterpreted. This statement applies whether we look at the Socialists, Anarchists, Com- munists, or the Bolsheviki with their somewhat mixed program. On the whole, these movements have helped the laboring class, whom they were intended to benefit, but little. It may be said that they have indeed retarded a saner view of labor, owing to the various outrages which some of them have either encouraged or at least permitted. The internationalism of most of the followers was, as a matter of fact, only skin deep, as became evi- dent during the recent war, when the vast majority of them cheerfully pronounced themselves "nationals" in every one of the belligerent countries. Whether they made a virtue of necessity, is a problem diffi- cult to solve. Both national and international labor movements of the trade and industrial union type have con- tributed far more to the benefit of the working classes, because their leaders were workers, kept their feet firmly on the ground, and usually refused to be fas- cinated by the theories of men whose living depends on a constant flow of language either on the platform or in the magazines. Wholesome internationalism. — Between the ex- tremes '-* dynastic and proletarian movements there THE NEED FOR INTERNATIONALISM 243 nas gradually arisen a more wholesome international- ism which has constantly widened its activities and gained new adherents, because it is based on service to all classes. This is based chiefly on science. While the arts are primarily national, science in its pure and applied branches is primarily international, and most of the world-wide endeavors to serve mankind are based on some form of it, or made possible by it. All of these agencies are so well known, that a brief mention of them will sufifice. The International Postal Union deserves first men- tion because it opened up a convenient and reasonably cheap avenue for communication, and brought dis- tant peoples into closer mental contact. This move- ment was inaugurated and is maintained by the gov- ernments and forms one of the best illustrations of international governmental co-operation. It shows what can be done with a little good-will. Closely connected with the postal service is that of the cable and the telegraph. It is managed by «orporations or by governments, but profits have been kept down for purposes of service, just as in the case of the later wireless. Just how much our social con- sciousness has been extended by the knowledge ac- quired through them, it would be impossible to tell. The rapid, extensive, and efficient means of trans- portation made possible by the use of steam power have enabled millions of persons to come into direct contact with those of other nations, and have thus fostered international good-will. Transportation has thus far been managed chiefly by private corporations, although with the sanction of governments and often with their direct or indirect assistance. 244 CHAPTER XII All this would have been impossible without inter- national finance. Most of the large corporations have stockholders in every civilized country ; but the shares and bonds have to be disposed of by banks with con- nections in many countries. Incidentally this system has been a great advantage to millions of travelers who simply carry letters of credit with them instead of cash, as formerly. These achievements in turn depend on international science. For years scientists of every branch have met in conventions attended by delegates from every quarter of the globe. It is a significant confirmation of the statement made in the preceding chapter con- cerning the national character of art and literature, that no international congresses have been held by their devotees, while those of the scientists abound. Even religion has now been sufficiently stripped of its national character to make possible international meetings, but not art and literature. The Red Cross Society is perhaps the best known of all international movements. Organized in Geneva, Switzerland, August 22, 1864, by a few enthusiasits it has steadily grown in scope and numbers, owing to its service to mankind. It was originally "a con- federation of relief societies in different countries, the aim of which is to ameliorate the condition of sick and wounded soldiers in time of war; and its opera- tions extend over nearly the entire civilized world." These words are taken from the first constitution adopted in Geneva. The following sentences are taken from the prospectus of the World Red Cross Societies which are. very properly, going to make Geneva the headquarters for the new movement. THE NEED FOR INTERNATIONALISM 2Ah "The conception involves not merely efforts to re- lieve human suffering, but to prevent it; not alone the suffering of one people, but an attempt to arouse all peoples to a sense of their responsibility for the welfare of their fellow beings throughout the world. In brief, the plan contemplates the formation of what will be, in effect, an association in the interest of all humanity. It is a program, both ideal and practical; ideal, in that its supreme aim is humanity; practical, in that it seeks means and measures to meet the tragic crises which are daily recurrent in the lives of all mankind. ■ "Surely, the operation of such a plan would develop a new fraternity and sympathy among the peoples. By so doing, an important contribution will have been made toward the success of the League of Nations, and this present plan should be viewed as a vital fac- tor in the larger undertaking. The League of Nations aims to hold all peoples together in an effort to avoid war and to insure freedom; this particular plan aims at developing a procedure whereby all peoples may co-operate actively in promoting the health and hap- piness of one another." This pamphlet is dated March 15, 1919. Many things have passed since 1864. A philanthropist, Mr. Henri Dunant, and a nurse, Florence Nightingale, were the moving spirits at the first convention. Busi- ness men were indifferent and stood aloof. Now one of the leading bankers of the world is at the head of the larger movement. The connection between health and happiness, and between the creation of good-will and of world peace has gradually dawned on the most intelligent and enterprising men. It is plain good 246 CHAPTER XII action, not red-haired theory that will promote better relations among men. It is not an assumption, but definite expectation, that the Red Cross will succeed if one may judge from its past record and from the wide interest awakened in all professions and among all nations. The way has been paved for a new political world-order. Need for internationalism. — The League of Nations has been made an integral part of the Paris treaty of peace. The underlying principle is not merely the prevention of war, just as that of the Red Cross is not merely the mitigation of suffering; it is positive in each case. It wants to promote better relations by a more complete understanding; it desires to pro- mote the welfare of all by calling attention to the inter- dependence of each. It is simply a recognition that the economic organization of the world has by far outstripped the political. No one conversant with the facts will deny economic inter-dependence. There is not a single civilized nation which can provide all its needs. We may raise our own wheat and corn, but coffee comes from Brazil or Arabia and tea from Cey- lon or China. We may have copper for our electric wires, but the tungsten for the light filament is im- ported from Cornwall, England. We have coal to make gas, but the mineral for the incandescent burner is a product of India. Civilized life depends on many products which are restricted by nature to certain localities or are best grown in circumscribed areas. Again, some peoples have better aptitudes and meth- ods for making certain articles. It is natural that those should furnish such commodities who are best able to do it either by training or by the gift of nature. THE NEED FOR INTERNATIONALISM 247 The Paris covenant for a League of Nations has for its aim a voluntary federation of nations to pro- mote justice and to preserve the peace of the world by accepting obligations not to resort to war, but to deal openly and honorably with one another by scrupu- lously maintaining the sanctity of treaties and by establishing close co-operation in matters of common concern. It does not assume to be able to end all >var, just as no government is able to end all crime. The League of Nations. Its organization. — The members of the League covenant with each other that they will respect and preserve the political inde- pendence and territorial integrity of each member against external aggression; submit disputes to arbi- tration by a tribunal administering international law, or to mediation by the Council or the Assembly pro- vided for in the treaty, and furnish a statement of the case to the Secretary General of the League; abstain from war against any member until the dis- pute has been submitted to arbitration or mediation, and until three months after the award or recom- mendation, and even then not go to war with a mem- ber of the League that complies with the award of the tribunal or with the unanimous recommendation of the Council of Assembly; carry out in good faith any awards that may be rendered whenever the parties to the dispute voluntarily agree to arbitrate ; boycott any nation that goes to war contrary to the covenants of the League, and support one another in economic measures necessary to make the boycott effective; support one another in resisting any special measure aimed at one of their number by the offending state, and afford passage through their territory to the 248 CHAPTER XII forces of the League members operating against the offending nation; exchange information concerning military and naval programs and industries adaptable to warlike purposes, and for stated periods not ex- ceeding ten years, unless relieved of the obligation by the Council, observe limitations of armament when voluntarily adopted by each of them on recommenda- tion of the Council ; secure fair and humane treatment for labor as far as practicable, at home and in all countries in which they trade; secure just treatment, so far as possible, for native inhabitants of terri- tories under their control; entrust the League with supervision over the execution of international agree- ments providing for the suppression of the "white slave" traffic and the sale of dangerous drugs, and with the supervision of the trade in arms and ammu- nition in countries where the control of this traffic is necessary in the common interest; maintain freedom of transit and equitable treatment for the commerce of members; co-operate in measures for the preven- tion and control of disease; encourage and promote organization and work of the Red Cross; establish international bureaus to administer such matters of common interest as may be agreed upon ; abrogate all treaties and obligations among themselves incon- sistent with the Covenant, and enter into no such obligations in the future; register all new treaties which shall not be binding until so registered; pay a due share of the expenses of administering the affairs of the League.^ Its executives. — The agencies provided for the carrying out of the purposes are : 1, an Assembly with 1 The A B C of the Paris Covenant for a League of Nations; published by League to Enforce Peace. THE NEED FOR INTERNATIONALISM 249 legislative power with three delegates from each member of the League, but only one vote ; 2, a Coun- cil of nine, or an executive committee, with the powers usually attached to such a body; 3, a Secretary Gen- eral for administrative work; 4, an International Court to decide disputes referred to it and to advise the Assembly or Council in matters referred to it; S, a Mandatory Commission to oversee and advise respecting the administration of colonies and back- ward peoples formerly governed by Germany and Turkey; 6, a Permanent Commission to advise on military and naval questions ; 7, International Bureaus for the regulation of international affairs, e. g., the International Postal Union, and others of similar; import. Its principles. — The most important guiding prin- ciples aside from those referring to war, already men- tioned, are those relating to the reduction of arma- ments and do the well-being and development of back- ward peoples. The limitations of the covenant deal in general with non-interference in domestic affairs of the members, absence of coercion concerning obligations not volun- tarily undertaken, the maintenance of the Monroe Doctrine, or rather its recognition and extension to all members of the League. Charter membership is open to the signatories of the Treaty of Paris on the side of the Allies, to the United States, and a number of other countries in America. Asia, Africa, and Europe. New members may be admited when they give effective guarantees of sincere acceptance of all provisions of the League, The prospects. — The work of the Hague Confer- ZiJ CHAPTER XII ence, begun in 1899, has thus come to a fruition with somewhat changed but greatly extended powers. What was begun by an autocratic tsar has been com- pleted by the heads of democratic nations. Whether all the provisions will stand depends largely on the tact, wisdom, and ability of those in charge. This is, however, the first international covenant made by governments controlled by nations instead of by dynasties. It is also the first time that distinct recog- nition is made of the backward peoples as objects for development instead of for exploitation. The Covenant has thus sound moral and sociological prin- ciples back of it, and the nations will profit greatly from its adoption. It represents internationalism of a high order. CHAPTEE XIII THE ANACHRONISM OF WAR Attitude toward Nature. — Are we Nature's tools, or is she our tool? Are we her subjects or her masters ? In any discussion of the preventabiliy of war, the attitude we take concerning these questions is para- mount. It is useless to argue with a person who takes the view that human history is merely a continuation of evolution, perhaps a sort of super- evolution. He will always argue from nature and claim that this event or the other occurrence was merely a working out of the iron and immutable laws of nature; that whatever happens is only a result of a chain or, rather, of a complex of causes which goes back no man knows how far or how it came to be. Applied to war, this means that all wars were in- evitable, and that they will be unavoidable in the future, notwithstanding our plans and schemes. Life is struggle both in the animal and the human realm, only more ruthless in the latter because man is more greedy and consequently more cruel. The lion slays his prey without thought or malice; there is only a brief struggle, then death and appeased appetite. Not so man. He is more intelligent and diabolical; he has invented not only more effective weapons of de- struction but takes pleasure in the writhings of the tortured victim. If there is a difference between man and animal, it is all in favor of the latter. Each acts according to his nature. And as long as mind is not 2S1 252 CHAPTER XIII admitted to be a cause as well as an urfect, such rea- soning must stand. This attitude is unsound, as has been pointed out in previous chapters. Man is master of his fate, or is becoming so increasingly every day. It is true that in earlier times he was but little raised above the brute, and was therefore subject to his instincts just as the animal is to-day. Gradually, however, mind became a factor in evolution, and turned it into prog- ress. This was at first unconscious or genetic, but became conscious or telic in the course of time. At the present many streams of thought are working, and an ever larger number of men have come to believe that they are not mere toys in the hands of nature, but are able to control their fate. In pro- portion as social intelligence increases and is more widely disseminated, we shall be able to manage the forces which have led to war in the past. At certain times a tremendous impetus is given to self-scrutiny, and the result is usually a verdict of the avoidability of disastrous events. Such a period is the present. The holocaust in Europe has not filled courageous men with dismay or a sense of helpless- ness. It has filled them with a sense of shame and disgust that such things are still possible, and prep- arations are being made to bring those responsible for the war before the bar of justice. Means have already been taken for a league of nations with definite views of the preventability of war. The in- creasing interdependence of nations has created new international rights and duties; a world legislature has been established to recognize and legalize them, a world-judiciary to interpret and apply them, and a THE ANACHRONISM OF WAR 253 world-executive to enforce and vitalize them. The century-old vision of some dreamers has come to pass within a few swift years. Just what change there has been may be illustrated by quoting some state- ments made at the meetings of the American Socio- logical Society (December 28-31, 1915), where war and militarism formed the special topic of discussion. Professor E. A. Ross stated that: "A cool, relentless analysis of the situation dis- closes little ground for hopeful anticipation. On the contrary, the prospect is one of the blackest that humanity has ever faced. A spread over the world of the policy of competitive armaments; an ever larger share of production shunted into the bottomless pit of preparedness; a more general sacrifice of the flow- ering years of male life to military training ; a gradual starvation of such state services as education, re- search, public recreation, and social amelioration — all this, punctuated from time to time by colossal wars resulting in the slaughter of millions and the laying waste of populous and flourishing areas of the globe."^ Only tentatively did he mention the possibility of a league of peace; it is a fact to-day. Mr. Brooks Adams indulged in the following pes- simism : "If this appreciation of the economic and military situation be sound. Americans, instead of debating platitudes of peace, might possibly with advantage turn their attention to considering what social and political changes a hard-fought war for the jugular of modern civilization might portend. It is clear that we are at once the richest, the most helpless, the least 1 Publications of the American Sociological Society, vol. x, p. 10. 254 CHAPTER XIII capable of unified thought, and at the same time the most careless, reckless, impatient, and limited of all the great Western nations of modern times, or per- haps of any nation at any time. And we are in the worse position for effort because we are perfectly self- complacent and incapable of comprehending, as a community, either a general military or economic proposition." ^ Within eighteen months, beginning with April 6. 1917, we trained and mobilized 4,000,000 men; shipped 2,000,000 to different parts of Europe, and won glory in every battle we fought. In addition, we increased our production of food and war material to supply our allies, and turned the tide of war. Three years ago few men in America or elsewhere believed that democracy would prevail in monarchical countries; to-day the Tsar is dead, the Kaiser is a fugitive, and several hundred princes and princesses of various degrees of "blue-bloodedness" are in exile. »Two bases for explaining war. — On the basis of the two attitudes of mind mentioned above the causes of war have been explained in different ways. Roughly speaking, one attitude is deterministic, the other voluntaristic ; one believes in the necessity of war, the other in its preventability. The deterministic explanation. — The determinists and strict evolutionists claim that war is necessary as a means of progress. Man is not and can never be a free agent. He is bound by the development of matter, and his mind is more or less incidental. The stronger must slay the weaker, or be drawn into a network of causation which will pull him down 1 lb. p, 121. THE ANACHRONISM OP WAR 255 to the level of the latter, where he will be exter- minated by a more ruthless foe. In neither case is there praise or glory, but simply the working out of nature's impersonal ends, which have to do only with species and not specimens. "A physician^ has tried to explain the World War as a biological conflict between an older, less vigorous protoplasm, and a younger, more vigorous one seeking its "place in the sun." That was before the decision had come about, and the assumption was that the German protoplasm would win. Unfortunately for the theory, the older English and French stock of cells was able to gain, by an act of deliberate volition, the help of the still younger American stock, and the Central Powers were defeated. Wars on a large scale are not explained by a simple reference to protoplasm. Psychic and social phenomena, such as wars, are much more com- plex in their nature. Man is, indeed, an organism charged with energy by nature; but he is not pushed blindly, like the comet by external, or like the animal by internal, forces; he has the ability to see in which direction he goes, and must pay the penalty if he deliberately closes his eyes. Pressure of population. — Another aspect of this argument is the pressure of population. As the means of subsistence press on the increasing popula- tion, something is bound to happen — invasion of other peoples' territory, or starvation. All the wars of the past have been explained that way, perhaps rightly; but that does not mean that wars of the present must be referred to that cause. There is, after all, a third possibility — better utilization of the available land 1 Crile, George W., Mechanistic View of War and Peace, IMS. 256 CHAPTER XIII with its resources both on the surface and under- neath. By intensive, scientific farming, the yield of wheat in Germany increased 70 per cent during the nineteenth century, while the population increased 127 per cent. But the German of 1900 was better fed and lived in every way more comfortably than his grandfather in 1800. The deficiency was supplied from elsewhere. While Germany imported 1,850,000 metric tons of grain from 1880-84 annually, she im- ported nearly 5,500,000 metric tons of it in 1905. That Germany was getting along well with a larger popu- lation is shown by tlie fact that her emigration to the United States declined from its high water mark during 1881-90 with 1,452,970 arrivals, to 341,498 dur- ing the decade 1901-10. Her emigration to other countries did not increase, either; but her immigra- tion did. Germany received from all sources only a few thousand immigrants in 1890; in 1910 there were 13,145; there were, in addition, over 20,000 temporary immigrants working from Spring to Fall. Our own country furnishes an instructive illustra- tion of the stress of population. The estimates for the number of Indians inhabiting continental United States before the arrival of the white man vary from 600,000 to 1,000,000. Yet the country was overpopu- lated, as the frequent wars among the tribes show; for these were waged chiefly for hunting and fishing grounds. In 1917 this territory supported over 105,- 500,000 people ; that is, more than 100, perhaps nearer 200, persons to every Indian. We exported, more- over, during that year, 72,497,204 bushels of corn; 149,831,427 bushels of wheat; 11,942,788 barrels oi flour; 197,177,101 pounds of fresh meat; 266,656,581 THE ANACHRONISM OF WAR 257 pounds of ham, and large quantities of other food supplies. In 1918 these figures were much larger: 105,881,233 bushels of corn; 80,102,452 bushels of wheat; 21,880,151 barrels of flour; 270,670,914 pounds of fresh meat, and 419,571,869 pounds of ham. In one month, April, 1919, the food supplies furnished to European countries alone amounted to 388,041 tons. When we come to the question of the tropics and sub-tropics, there is no need for discouragement for the next few centuries. As long as some of the most fertile countries in the world, like Brazil and large portions of Central Africa, have only eight or ten inhabitants to the square mile, there is vast room for expansion. According to "The Weekly News Letter" of the Department of Agriculture (April 23, 1919), there are still 370,000,000 acres of land in the continental United States capable of utilization, about 60 per cent as much as is now improved. About 200,000,000 acres are potentially arable and cut-over land, 60,000,000 acres of swamps, 30,000,000 poten- tially irrigable land, and 80.000,000 acres of unim- proved land other than woodland. A vast opportu- nity is still before us, even though the best land has passed under the plow. Meanwhile we learn of new sources of food supply. Arctic Alaska is capable of producing seven times as much reindeer meat as the present production of mutton in Canada. It is sup- posed that those otherwise barren regions can sup- port 7,000,000 reindeer, equal in the production of meat to 14,000,000 sheep, or to about one-fourth the number of sheep in the United States. Wheat is already grown along the Yukon River. Meanwhile Mr. Brusso states in the "Scientific American Sup- 258 CHAPTER XIII plement," (May 10, 1919) that the Desert of Sahara is not what writers of fiction have claimed it to be. On the fringes and in many oases of the 2,394,200 square kilometers comprising the Sahara, there is already a permanent population of 450,000 inhabitants. There are many wild and domestic plants and animals to be found. He says: "This varied flora and fauna imply that even in the central Sahara there are permanent populations destined to become denser with an increase of safety, of steady labor, of roads, of communication, and facili- ties of transport. One must admit that these data are very encouraging. It should be added, moreover, that if some of the explorers who have made bold excursions into various countries of the Sahara re- gions have met death by assassination, like Flatters and Lieutenant Pallat ; on the other hand, not a single one has been heard of who has died of thirst, famine or maladies due to the climate, or who have been swallowed up by sand." The climate of the tropics and sub-tropics has been the great deterrent to a more dense population, due chiefly to the prevalence of hookworm, malaria and dysentary. Owing to many advances in medical science, this difficulty is being removed, and the tropics are destined to support not only very much larger native populations, but to furnish vast amounts of food for those in higher latitudes.^ What new sources of food supply may be discovered in the next few centuries we do not know at present. Investiga- tion and experimentation are only in the initial stages. The horse, a very clean animal, and the European 1 For a full discussion of this topic see the author's Health and Social Proirress, chapter^ 11, 12, and 14, THE ANACHRONISM OF WAR 2S9 buffalo, are already utilized ; and whale meat has been found nutritious and digestible. Meanwhile, dietetics may teach us how to eat properly. Biological causes have produced war only among peoples lacking intelligence, and economic reasons only among those lacking enterprise. As long as men quietly accepted what "fate, misfortune, and the gods chose to send them," there was nothing to be expected but resignation with starvation, or invasion with slaughter and extermination. The philosophy of the Germans has been given as another cause of the World War. Nietzsche has loomed up large in this connection. Almost every crime has been laid at the door of his philosophy. Even innocent and God-fearing Kant has been charged with responsibility for the recent European calamity, because he dealt v/ith abstract conceptions without giving them any content.^ Apparently philosophy is as little able to endure a vacuum as nature, and trouble is bound to come in each case. That is surely reduc- ing the search for causation to the absurd. The pro- cedure is like that of the minister who gets a tolerably good sermon from a newspaper, and hunts all over the Bible for a suitable text on which, as a peg, to hang it with proper decorum. v Voluntaristic explanation of war. — The causes of the recent war are social, implying tradition, politics, education, and some economic phases. Ever since the Napoleonic wars Prussia has been steeped in war- like traditions. The names of Gneisenau, York, and Bluecher among the generals, and those of Arndt 1 See John Dewey, German Philosophy and Politics, pp. 52-56, and pp. 121 f.; Holt and Company, 1915. 260 CHAPTER XIII and Koerner among the patriotic singers, have been on the lips of every German boy since 1815. In 1864 the expedition into Denmark added new laurels to the Prussian arms. The short but decisive victory over Austria and the Southern German states in 1866 made Prussia not only supreme in Germany, but enabled her to bring France to her knees in 1870-71. The HohenzoUerns have always been ambitious, and everything was done to impregnate their subjects with their desire for glory and power. c Prussia politically supreme. — ^When the German Empire was officially established on January 18, 1871, the endeavor of the Prussian dynasty had for its politics two aims — to be practically sure of supremacy in the federation of German states, and to keep political power in Prussia in the trusted hands of the aristocracy and the wealthy. This double pur- pose was attained by giving Prussia a sufficiently large number of members in the Bundesrath to get a majority, with the aid of one or two of the other federal states — assistance which could always be de- pended on because of the prestige of the Hohenzollern dynasty and the power it wielded both directly and indirectly. The ruling class was kept in power by the provision of the Constitution that voting was to be fixed according to payment of taxes, so that in 1900, for instance, 22,048 voters of the first (1,227) and second (20,821) classes elected two-thirds of the municipal council in Berlin, while 310,471 voters elected the other third. In 1903 there were 1,857 electors in the first class, 29,711 in the second. These 31,568 voters elected two-thirds or 96 out of the total number of 144 members of the city council, THE ANACHRONISM OF WAR 261 while. 349,105 voters elected the remaining third, or 48 members. In some cases the poor man had a still smaller chance. In Essen, where the great Krupp works are located, there were in 1900 only three electors in the first class and 401 in the second. The three men elected one-third, the 401 another third, and a little over 19,000 voters the last third.^ This three-class system held for the elections to the Prus- sian diet. While suffrage for the imperial diet was by universal manhood suffrage, that body was prac- tically reduced to the level of a debating society. This strangle-hold of the Prussian government was strengthened by the various forms of imperial insur- ance legislation — for sickness, old age, and accident — because it made every worker dependent on the gov- ernment, and, naturally enough, made compliance with and subservience to it inevitable. The German workingman practically bartered away his birthright for a mess of pottage. Prestige of the soldier. — This actual power of the government was extended into a psychic dominance over all classes through a persistent propaganda and through education. Somehow the people's soul had been made captive by various means. There was the distinct difference between the soldier and the civilian. The moment a man put on the military uniform he became a privileged person. When leaving his bar- racks he must always wear his side-arm, so as to resent any possible reflection effectively. On the rail- road, in the theatre, and elsewhere he paid less than his civilian brother. 1 See Frederick Howe, the Modern City and Its Problems, pp. 127 and 128. 262 CHAPTER XIII Any commissioned officer was considered hoffaehig, or privileged to appear at court, while the greatest scientist might not be. The tone of an army is made by its superior officers. But the vast majority of the generals, between 75 and 90 per cent came from the nobility or were' ennobled so as to identify their interests with those of the aristocracy. The lower officers might be commoners, but they naturally "took their lead" from the generals. In the so-called "crack regiments" even the lowest officers were of aristo- cratic birth, and they were always stationed in the capitals near the court. All promotions and pardons depended eventually on the king or emperor, and the oath of allegiance was made to him as a person both by officers and privates. Owing to universal military service, the atmosphere of service and loyalty to roy- alty was introduced into every family; and just as during the Middle Ages every self-respecting family had the ambition to have a son in the priesthood, so every family in Germany that made claims to social standing either wanted a son directly in the corps of officers, or at least among the reserve officers. The establishment of the corps of reserve officers was nothing short of a stroke of genius, because it thor- oughly identified the professional classes and other educated people with the army. According to the provisions of the military law, every man with a prescribed amount of education and sufficient money was permitted to elect the branch of arms, regiment, and garrison in which to serve one year, and to be enrolled as a reserve officer after passing a not-too- severe examination. Many students chose regiments located in university towns, registered in the uni- THE ANACHRONISM OF WAR 263 versity, attended a few lectures, did their military duty, and had the year counted toward the required number of semesters, and had the satisfaction of be- longing to the select body of army officers. Well- to-do business men could do the same thing, if they met the educational test. Every family was thus drawn into the magic circle of the army; the poor by serving two or three years in the line and later in the reserve; the rich and educated by gaining the social distinction of being officers. The stamp of the army was put on every able-bodied man, and stayed there. One might nbtice it even in America. A thin, emaciated, almost saintly looking scholar might come over here to identify a portrait of William Shakes- peare, or on some other scientific errand ; but, on being introduced, he would click his heels and assume military posture. The present writer has gone through the experience of having one of his former schoolmates threaten violence on making a few in iverent remarks about the "supreme war lord." Civil service and business. — The conditions in the civil service were not much dflferent. To begin with, nearly every official "had an army record either as reserve officer or in the ranks, regular provision being made by law to provide positions for non-commis- sioned officers in the civil service after a certain num- ber of years of service, suitable to the attainments of each man. Appointment to higher positions de- pended eventually on the king, and the highest posi- tions were entirely at the disposal of the emperor. Pardons, promotions, and amnesties were usually announced on the monarch's birthday, thus identify- ing the good fortune of both military and civil offi- 264 CHAPTER XIII cers, and even of ofifenders against law with the per- son of the prince. There were, moreover, all kinds of dignities, e. g., privy counsellor, real privy counsellor, etc. The business men were drawn into the circle of royal interest in a different way. There were pur- veyors of everything from meat to rough-on-rats, from clothes to cigarettes, for every prince and princess. This required fawning on the part of the shopkeeper. For business men of larger calibre and fortunes there were the coveted titles of commercial counsellor, both titular and real. In addition there were the innumerable decorations, suitable for every position in life, and distributed with a fairly lavish hand. Everybody with social and business aspira- tions thus came to look to the dynasty as a sort of divine providence. A man had to be devotedly loyal, or face social ostracism and, maybe, failure in business. , This propaganda reached its climax in education. Everyone of the larger federal states had its own "Kultus Minister" or Secretary of Religion and Edu- cation. Needless to say, loyalty to the ruling house was the first requisite for all appointments. Social- ists were semi-legally debarred from certain chairs in universities, and were not favored for any. A well- known teacher of philosophy in one of the best-known of the smaller universities tried to arrange a debate on socialism among his students, with the purpose of proving its unscientific character. Not one of them would take the part of a Socialist, lest he come under the odium of favoring that party; so the professor, whose devotion for "unseren gnaedigen Kaiser" was THE ANACHRONISM OF WAR ^65 unimpeachable, as he had received several decora- tions, was compelled to take the role himself. The school-books were carefully scrutinized as to this point, and no disloyal utterance was permitted. Theologians might attack the majesty and holiness of Jehovah, but not that of the ruling prince. News- papers might attack every moral code, but could not question the propriety of a royal edict. The school libraries contained carefully selected and graded books in biographical form, lauding the virtues of the dynasty and extolling the ruler as a boy, young man, husband, warrior, law-giver, and general bene- factor. Nothing was omitted that could in one way or another enhance the glory of the royal house. Ex- cursions were arranged to visit battlefields and national shrines; and prize pupils were sent to Berlin to have a look at the half mile of Prussian heroes along the Alley of Victory near the Brandenburger Gate. Defeats of the army were omitted in school books or mentioned incidentally so as to bring out the greater glory of eventually but signally defeat- ing the enemy. The church was, of course, under close supervision, and inculcated obedience and loyalty as a religious and moral duty. Promotion of clergymen of all state churches always depended on their service to "crown and altar," and the Hohenzollern and Hapsburg as well as the Romanoff dynasties used this weapon freely. Small wonder, then, that the soul of the Germans became a captive to the lure of royalty and was willing to do its bidding. German commerce. — It was stated above that the tides of immigration and emigration showed clearly 266 CHAPTER XIII that the pressure of population was not, at least, the direct cause of the present war. Yet there were cer- tain economic factors which were contributory to producing it. They were not, however, in the line of indigence. German national wealth increased very considerably from 1880 to 1910, owing to enterprise and determination. The marvelous industrial develop- ment of Germany from an agricultural nation in 1870 to one of the foremost manufacturers and ocean car- riers is well known. It may be illustrated by the extension of her foreign commerce. From 1880 to 1910 the population of the United Kingdom increased 25 per cent and foreign trade 40 per cent; for the United States the figures stand 85 per cent and 50 per cent, respectively; for Germany, 35 per cent and 250 per cent, respectively. Germany leaped during these thirty years from a very low position to a rank sec- ond only to that of the United Kingdom. Poverty was certainly not driving Germany into the war; she was growing richer every day, and all the harbors of the British Empire were open to her on equal terms with British merchants, not to mention those of other countries. Where, then, lay the trouble? Germany's mind prepared. — The whole mental atti- tude must be taken into consideration. There was the tradition of a glorious military past on the part of Prussia, growing almost every decade by acces- sions of new territory through conquest. There were the recent victories over Austria and France. There was the phenomenal extension of prestige all over the world, based partly on skillful propaganda — it was not clumsy, as Americans are apt to insist now, since they knew nothing about it THE ANACHRONISM OF WAR 267 for over thirty years, although it was going on all the time — partly on actual achievements along many lines, and partly on the large and well-equipped army and navy. There was, finally, a hearty and whole- souled devotion of an ambitious people to a capable but unbalanced monarch who had been brought up in the warlike tradition of his House and was anxious to surpass all his ancestors in achievements. What could be greater than to put "Deutschland ueber AUes" not only in Europe but in all the world, or to translate a patriotic song into action? Unbalanced men, if capable, have always been the most dangerous enemies of their kind — witness the Children's Crusade in 1212. The psychological stage was thus set. The merchant and manufacturing princes joined hands with the large landowners who were all mem- bers of the aristocracy. What was more natural than to complete both the economic and the political domination of Europe by conquest? The army was ready, the navy was ready, the transportation system was ready, the great financiers could get ready, and the pretext for a "casus belli" had been furnished. Why wait? The reports of the conference on July 5, 1914, bear all the earinarks of truth. A short few months of glorious war, :\n6. every party would have what it wanted. The psychological moment had come, and the decision was taken. No one could possibly expect an adverse outcome. Democracy and v/ar. — Wars in antiquity have in many cases been caused by movements of people owing to economic and climatical changes, but just as frequently by social conditions which men could have controlled. In modern times, with free migra- 268 CHAPTER XIII tion, cheap transportation and easy settlement in other countries, the old conditions have disappeared and only social causes for war have remained, chiefly in monarchical countries. Democracies are by nature anti-militaristic, because they are concerned with the building up of a better manhood, self-respecting and self-reliant, through the improvement of economic and political conditions. This task demands peace. If they still wage war, it is either in self-defense, or because they are socially still unintelligent and do not know how to adjust themselves to changing con- ditions quickly and adequately. A democracy sees little good in war, and bemoans the destruction of life and property. Of the wastefulness of seeking a decision by the sword, the World War has fur- nished plenty of evidence, and this is likely to act as a deterrent in the future. War losses. — According to figures published in the New York "Times" (January 19, 1919), the losses of the European belligerents were, in killed and dead from wounds, about 7,300,000; in wounded, about 19,515,000. This does not include the losses of Japan or those of the United States. Ours are about 300,000 ; dead, from all causes connected with the war, 76,000; wounded, of whom about 85 per cent re- turned to duty, nearly 211,000; missing and prisoners not yet accounted for, about 2,400; prisoners released and returned, over 4,500. This includes only the army; the Marine Corps had up to June 25, 1919, a total list of casualties of over 6,000. A few reports are still coming in. About 50,000,000 soldiers all told were engaged in fighting or in activities directly con- tributory to it. The total economic losses will be THE ANACHRONISM OF WAR 269 not less than $250,000,000,000 and may reach $300,- 000,000,000, since the aggregate national debts of the United States, Great Britain, France, Russia, Italy, Germany, and Austria-Hungary alone have increased from August 1, 1914, to January 1, 1919, by $166,- 700,000,000. This does not include the increase in the national debt of Greece, Serbia, Turkey, Bulgaria, Rumania, and Japan; nor the losses sustained by municipalities, villages, hamlets and farms in the destruction of buildings, machinery, and means of transportation. These figures are staggering, but have probably increased by 20 per cent during 1919. What the burden of the future will be may be inferred from the interest which has to be paid. The differ- ence between 1913 and 1920 will be, for the United States, $1,100,000,000 instead of $23,000,000; Great Britain, $2,300,000,000 as against $122,500,000 ; France, $2,000,000,000 as against $257,300,000; Russia, $1,600,- 000,000 as against $212,200,000 ; Italy, $600,000,000 as againfet $93,000,000; Germany, $2,500,000,000 as against $200,000,000; Austria-Hungary, $1,500,000,000 as against $161,700,000 — a total difference for the seven countries of $11,600,000,000, as against $1,070,- 000,000. This interest will have to be raised annu- ally, and will decrease only very gradually, as pay- ments on the capital are made. The increase is due not only to the growth of the debts, but also to the rise in rate of interest from an average of 3.9 per cent to one of 5.5 per cent. Here is an increase for pay- ment of interest alone of 1,000 per cent. For each of these nations the interest charge on indebtedness will exceed or at least equal the total yearly public revenue in 1913, and impose correspondingly heavy responsibilities on the taxpayers. 270 CHAPTER XIII Destruction of confidence. — The other aspects of the war can only be hinted at. No one can know how many homes have been broken up, how many widows and orphans have been made, how many per- sons have died from broken heart, starvation, disease, maltreatment, cruelty, and outrage. The confidence in civilization has been destroyed, the moral standards have broken down, and the whole spiritual attitude has been shattered for many years to come. That the war has produced some equivalents in patriotism, self-sacrifice, and a broadening of the mental horizon may be readily admitted ; but the assets gained in this way are very small compared to the liabilities in- curred. Only the determination to abolish war will console us somewhat for the losses, for it is an anachronism and has no place in modern civilization, because it destroys international good-will, which is necessary to progress. Peace, too, involves risks. — But is war, then, so bad, and peace so good? According to Mr. F. E. Morris, chief secretary of the National Safety Coun- cil, Chicago, as reported in the New York "Times" June 21, 1919, about 226,000 men, women and children were accidentally killed in the United States during the nineteen months our country was at war, while only 76,000 of our soldiers died as the direct results of the war. The wheels of slaughter seem to work as effectively in times of peace as in war. The sol- diers died for the sake of patriotism and liberty ; those in the mines and factories usually died because of sordid gain on the part of their employers. Which death is more noble? If peace produces greed, sloth, self indulgence, and other vices, would it not be bet- THE ANACHRONISM OF WAR 271 ter to have an occasional war, so as to call us to rise to higher things? Yes, if there were no substi- tutes for war. The tasks which humanity faces to-day are so numerous and enormous, that any man has an opportunity to display the utmost courage and ingenuity, self-sacrifice and devotion in behalf of his fellowmen. There are problems in politics to be solved; there are those of science, morals, hygiene, and every other field of human endeavor. The tropics are waiting for millions of brave and resourceful men to explore them, to drain them, to make them habit- able for the new millions of human beings whom this century is going to add to the roll of mankind. An increase, perhaps, not as large as that from 1800 to 1900 will undoubtedly take place, and bread will have to be provided for the multitudes. It will have to come chiefly from the lower latitudes. As was indicated above, there is no reason to despair if we go about the matter intelligently. If necessary, the birth rate will have to be reduced, although there is no need to make haste, since intelligent people are already doing that of their own accord. But with the more intelligent utilization of millions of untilled acres for the production of food, there will be enough supplies to go around. This work will tax the powers of millions of men. And it will demand risks. It may be easier to attack an enemy than the tropical jungle; more safe to fight in the trenches than to struggle with a political boss. The elevation of our social standards is imperative if good-will is to be promoted : it is not a field where decorations may be expected, but plenty of abuse. These are only a few tasks waiting for 27^ CHAPTER XIII solution ; if solved, they will greatly add to the happi- ness and well-being of the human race. It will be constructive, not destructive, work; it demands, con- sequently, more patience and intelligence. War must go; it has lived too long. The good it may have done in the past can now be done at less cost and with less suffering. CHAPTER XIV MATERIAL AND CULTURAL CIVILIZATION Wealth or culture? — Is society to strive for wealth or for culture? The last few years have brought this question to the attention of the world as never before in the history of mankind. The search for one or the other may have been just as keen as to-day; but the contrast between the two has never come into the consciousness of civilized man as now. The World War has seen some of the highest scientific achievements prostituted to purposes of cruelty and destruction. Some men have seriously asked the question whether a civilization which can plan so deliberately how to do the utmost harm to the minds, bodies, and property of fellowmen, is worth while. Men may have been cruel in early ages, but the weapons of destruction were at least less effective. We can pardon our distant forbears because their moral ideas were less developed than ours, and they acted in conformity with their codes of law. The war has shown that men may live in the modern world intellectually, but be not of it morally. Man has shown himself able to contrive with consummate skill how to subjugate nature, but has followed the law of the jungle in his relations to his neighbor. One result of this savagery has been the strength- ening of the demand for more cultural subjects in our colleges, at least on the part of the teachers of classical languages. The blood-thirstiness of the Germans was looked upon as a consequence of the decreased atten- 273 274 CHAPTER XIV tion given in the schools to those subjects. Another result has been the despair of many persons in the power of the Christian religion to save society. Again, the defenders of the "nature-life" have attacked civ- ilization as a whole by calling it a sham and a per- version of originally pure human instincts. These accusations are both exaggerated and reactionary. They show, however, that there is new need for exam- ining the relation of material and cultural progress in order to find out whether they are independent of each other or interdependent. To repeat the question: Are we to strive for wealth or for culture? Material progress per se is not desir- able; it would mean merely more things to eat and wear, and more ingenuity in injuring one another. Of this we have ample illustrations in many of our nouveaux riches who spend wastefuUy and become profligates because they legally own much property, but are unable to use it rightly for the enlargement of their personality. They are like spoiled children who are given everything they want, only to be dis- satisfied shortly after and to destroy the experisive toy. Huxley aptly characterized a life of this kind in the words : "If physical enjoyment and material achievement is all, then let a kindly comet come, and sweep us off into primitive chaos." Material goods without culture produce a horde of voluptuaries and wolver- enes whose only object is to eat, drink and be merry in a purely animal way. Too much devotion to abstract pursuits, on the other hand, is likewise apt to lead man into futilities. The mere cultivation of the intellect in abstractions MATERIAL AND CULTURAL CIVILIZATION 275 and speculation is likely, as in the case of the Hindoos, to produce inactivity, phantastic philosophy, and bizarre poetry. It tends to develop the memory and empty subtleties without giving manhood. It is a constant grievance on the part of the Hindoos with occidental training that, although they pass civil examinations with as high grades as Englishmen, they fail in many cases to be appointed to positions. They have the knowledge derived from books and lectures, but lack that manhood which can be acquired only through contact with facts. Many of these dis- gruntled office seekers are at the bottom of the revolutionary movements in India. They are utterly unfit to govern, because they cannot deal with facts as they are springing up constantly in life. Each of these attitudes leads eventually to pes- simism. Mere physical enjoyment on the basis of wealth produces satiety; man has blunted all his senses, and even the physical pleasures have lost their edge. Many persons adopt a philosophy of despair, because there is nothing more to live for. The salt has lost its savor. The pursuit of purely intellectual aims eventually produces an attitude of hopelessness along a different line. The problems are insoluble by mere thinking and speculation; the course of rea- soning, no matter how auspiciously begun, leads nowhere. Many a student has commenced reading a book on metaphysics, which promised to solve the riddle of the universe for him, only to find the author asking at the end: "What have we got now? Pos- sibilities, maybe probabilities; but no certainties." Knowledge through action. — ^The road to knowl- edge must pass through action. The fact comes 276 CHAPTER XIV ordinarily before the reason why. Men walked long before they knew anything about nerves and mus- cles; they used wheels and pulleys before they in- vented mechanics, and sailed ships before naviga- tion became a science. Right thinking must be based on social action, and satisfaction in life must rest on both. The story of Faust illustrates this problem from various angles. According to Goethe's drama, Faust is a scholar who has pursued knowledge in the abstract and for its own sake. Philosophy, law, medicine, and theol- ogy have been mastered, but satisfaction has fled. In despair he tries to satisfy his thirst for happiness by plunging into all kinds of sensual indulgence, only to find it turn out bitter. Power at the court of a royal weakling fails to satisfy him, because he sought it by spurious means. He kept the presses busy print- ing money, and created a semblance of wealth. The bubble soon burst, and Faust had to flee. Goethe anticipated Lenine, who has supplied everybody with worthless rubles, and has a fine card system, even though he cannot furnish food. The next stage finds Faust in a mad chase after art, symbolized by Helen of Troy. As he is about to grasp her, she vanishes into thin air — an indication that art cannot be pur- sued for art's sake; it must minister to life if it is to yield satisfaction. Disappointed again, Faust re- turns to the land of the royal weakling whose throne is collapsing owing to the fateful experiment in high finance. He defeats the country's enemies, but refuses any position of power, evidently with the conviction that power based on war is but short-lived. He asks as a fnvor and only reward the deed to a stretch .MATERIAL AND CULTURAL CIVILIZATION 277 of desert land along the seashore, where he tames the unruly waves by building dikes and dunes, and wins a large area for civilization by intelligent and useful work. In his endeavor to help others and his persistent efforts to teach the value of work, living among people who are free and happy because indus- trious, he finds the satisfaction which has eluded him in all his other pursuits. The story symbolizes the development of mankind. As soon as man emerged from the lowest stages of savagery, he began to exploit his fellowmen by war and slavery, and spent his leisure either in self- indulgence or in speculation. Contact with material things was obnoxious to the thinkers, and the famous contrast between mind and matter in philosophy was introduced, which still lingers with us in the form of contempt for manual labor. In the flight from the world, either in the walls of a monastic cell or in the realms of poetic imagination, the dreamers sought refuge from the hard facts of life. But no satisfac- tion came or could come that way. For life con- sists in struggle against adversities, not in dreams that they have been overcome. The victory in the latter case was easy and complete, but imaginary, and helped man very little in his advance; it is hard and partial in the case of struggle and far from complete, but has helped us to gain some real success. Self-indulgence not culture. — Only a few words need to be said about self-indulgence as a road to happiness. The whole history of mankind furnishes ample evidence that disregard of the rights of others has been disastrous both to individuals and classes in society. Temporary success may have been at- 278 CHAPTER XIV tained in this way, but man disintegrated eventually, because he was not meeting the demands made upon him as a member of society. He consumed, but did not produce, and the parasite has always paid by degeneration. Work, wealth and culture. — The road both to cul- ture and wealth lies through work; that is, persistent application. Only in proportion as we observe ex- actly, reason correctly, observe and reason again, are we able to get a true philosophy of life. But in order to observe and reason, there must be leisure and free- dom from exhaustive toil. This problem has been solved in two ways, through slavery and invention. Leisure can exist, even for a few, only where there is a surplus of economic goods. Owing to the lack of intelligence, no man could produce much more by the work of his own hands than was necessary for his support. Hence the only way to get a little sur- plus for a few men was to have at least several slaves work very hard at minimum cost. This was univer- sally done in antiquity, and whatever art, science, or philosophy has come down to us from Greece or Rome is the result of economic exploitation. Slavery meant not only manual labor in those days, but any kind of useful work. The farmers, the merchants, even the musicians were either slaves or unfran- chised foreigners. All things pertaining to the intel- lectual life were not supposed to be appreciated by the worker and the business man. It was their task to supply the means of sustenance for the citizens, who were thus left free to cultivate their minds and create art and literature. To accept remuneration for these services would have appeared debasing to these men ; MATERIAL AND CULTURAL CIVILIZATION 279 and one of the charges made against the Sophists was the acceptance of presents from their pupils. What- ever a free man could create was to belong to his fellowmen as a voluntary gift. The transition came about through the Hebrews. They had greater respect for manual labor owing to their conception of Jehovah as a worker, and to the disfavor in which slavery was held; hence most He- brews had to work, and every boy was brought up to learn a trade. But the tradition that the products of a higher intelligence were not to be given for a remuneration was prevalent among them, and the expedient was resorted to for having every scholar learn a trade in order to support himself and be able to give his knowledge freely. The apostle Paul worked at his trade as a tentmaker while preaching at Corinth, so as not to be charged with preaching for gain. This tradition continued through the Middle Ages among the monks, who gave instruction in many cases without charge. But, whether honored or despised, manual labor was not very productive, and never can be. What- ever is done by hand requires much time. Quantity production is impossible; machinery is necessary for that, and invention alone can supply it. Invention depended, however, on a form of reasoning which com- bined observation with speculation, or induction with deduction. This in turn required that the thinker should not deem it beneath his dignity to produce something useful. Work, Christianity, and democracy. — The change in attitude was brought about by two movements — Christianity and democracy. According to Chris- 280 CHAPTER XIV tianity all men are brothers. This meant the death- blow to slavery. Democracy claims that all men are equal. This means the abolition of caste, according to which some men have all the leisure and others all the toil. Both movements implied the bestowing of freedom and citizenship with the obligation of work upon all. Naturally enough, each man began to work according to the gift that was in him. The man with keen observation and a power for visualization be- came a scientist, and opened the way for the inventor. Machinery came into general use, and productivity increased anywhere from a hundred to a thousand fold. Wealth became possible in a world which had always had diiificulty in producing enough to stave off starvation by the labor of human hands and the use of a few animals. With greater wealth has come more leisure. Have we, however, acquired more culture? The answer depends on the meaning of culture. If it means entire exemption from useful pursuits, we have undoubtedly lost in comparison to the Greeks. The Athenians and Spartans had fully one out of every four or five inhabitants exempt from remunerative work. Their time was not spent in idleness, but in the cultivation of the soul and service to the state, in return for which they received an allowance suffi- ciently large to pay for the necessaries of life. There is no community in modern times, even with our increased production, which has an equally large pro- portion of men exempted from making a living. This exemption led, however, to an increasingly further removal from the facts of life, and a more abstract and sterile form of thinking or to a mere empty dis- MATERIAL AND CULTURAL CIVILIZATION 281 cussion about the achievements of ancestors. The result was loss of joy in life with its attendant pes- simism and the theory of an all-controlling fate. If, on the other hand, culture means the dissemina- tion of knowledge — useful, pleasurable and discip- linary — among a larger number of men, we have out- stripped the Greeks. If, furthermore, culture means more accurate knowledge tending to minister to life in every form, we have surpassed them again. If, finally, it means the refinement of the emotions, mori, urbanity, more neighborly good fellowship, the scales undoubtedly incline in our favor. The recent occurrences during the World War do not upset this argument. Even the worst outrages were not as bad as those of former times ; prisoners were certainly not always treated with due considera- tion; they were, however, not slaughtered, but, con- sidering the shortage of food, fairly well fed; and the sick and wounded even of the enemy received as much care as was possible under the circumstances. The devastated regions are building up rapidly, owing partly to the initiative of the survivors and their love of life, and partly to the friendly aid extended to them by other countries. No calamity or catastrophe has found a modern nation helpless and willing to sur- render abjectly to the supposedly inevitable, as hap- pened almost invariably in ancient or medieval times. Cities destroyed by fire or earthquakes were usually abandoned in former ages ; now the inhabitants devise ways and means for rebuilding them on a larger scale while the ashes are still warm. We are apt to lose the true proportions in our esti- mate of Greek and modern culture. We judge the 282 CHAPTER XIV former by the few mountain peaks which stand out prominently to this day, and, curiously enough, as- sume that the hills and valleys had the same eleva- tion; our contemporaries we measure by "the man in the street," who may not be a shining example of culture, but who is after all more courteous and bet- ter informed than even a well-known philosopher like Diogenes. In passing judgment on the savagery of the World War, considerable weight should be given to the fact that sensation mongers and propagandists had purposes of their own to serve, and frequently exaggerated or invented untoward occurrences, for even modern culture has not yet reached the stage where every man is willing to die rather than tell nothing but the truth. Nevertheless, no nation of to-day has acquired a reputation as national liars, as the Greeks did. > Equitable distribution of wealth and genuine cul- ture. — The question is, consequently, not whether we should strive for wealth or for culture, for we have need for more of both; but how to distribute our wealth more equitably, and make culture more genuine by turning it into an agency for promoting good-will among men? Culture must be useful, not necessarily or even preferably in a financial manner; but by improving the relations among men and by add- ing to the joy of life. Where it becomes a means of snobbishness, as it usually did in the past because conceived narrowly, it fostered class consciousness and divided men into idlers and toilers. This was unwholesome for both, and society had only a precari- ous existence, as is proved by the fall of all ancient spates. Similar proof is furnished by modern states. MATERIAL AND CULTURAL CIVILIZATION 283 The French people were essentially in this condi- tion before the Revolution. The masses were looked upon as useful machines by the upper classes. There was a wide chasm which divided the two. It was supposed to be based on a difference in capacity, while in reality it was one of opportunity. With the re- moval of hereditary privileges and the extension of economic and educational facilities, the masses have given evidence in many cases of high capacity. This extension of opportunity and diffusion of knowledge has made the French a stronger and happier people, because a larger number of men have been able to develop and express their natural gifts, and the whole world has profited. A similar, if not worse, condition existed in Russia. Ignorance was the prevailing virtue, and vodka the predominant vice. The two went well together, and enabled the large landowners and the bureaucracy to have their own way. The masses were always held in contempt and their lives were cheaper than those of sheep. The man who could read and write would never think of doing any manual labor; the mushiks were there for that, and they were cheaper than machines. Then came the revolution. A party professing a hearty interest in the masses got control of the government. Beelzebub drove out the devil, and the state of Russia is worse than before. Under the tsar there was some work and bread, now there is neither, except for the minions of Lenine and Trotzki. Formerly you might express any kind of an opinion, except in criticism of the government; now your whole mind is cast into a mold which has been carefully prepared by those in control to cover every 284 CHAPTER XIV possible contingency, both present and future. Under the old regime you might be an aristocrat, a bourgeois, or a mushik, and by ability and industry improve your condition; under the new, you can only be an employee of the state, sharing with the idlers and incompetents whatever is produced. It is true, that the heads of the Soviet government allow for the present higher compensation to the competent than to the incompetent ; that, however, is only a necessary measure permitted during the transition period. The ultimate aim, avowed and publicly acknowledged, is the reduction of all to the same level — a higher one, as claimed by the Commissars ; a lower one, as all history and the numerous communisitc experiments prove. Why has Russia jumped from the tsaristic frying pan into the bolshevistic fire? The reason lies in the lack of culture. The masses could, owing to their illiteracy, not think ^at all except in concrete terms of bread and butter and self-indulgence as far as their means permitted. They certainly had no culture, and did not claim any. The bolshevist leaders have none, but claim to have it because they are highly educated. Why should we not allow their claim? They have never faced life and facts, but have always lived in a world of abstractions and of the mystic formulae of Marxian philosophy. The fact that they are con- versant with every possible argument in favor of com- munism, that in subtlety of distinctions and in cogent reasoning from assumed premises, they can excel any antagonist, does not give them culture, but only use- less if not dangerous knowledge — dangerous at least to the illiterate peasants who are unable to judge the MATERIAL AND CULTURAL CIVILIZATION 285 validity of an argument when presented in technical terms hidden under a ready flow of language ; danger- ous also to the half-educated literates, whose mem- ories have been packed with quotations from socialis- tic and communistic writers, and whose minds are of the receptive and acquisitive type, but never of the creative or even critical. Let loose a band of these voluble and eloquent talkers upon the ignorant peas- antry, let them tell the drudges that they have created all, the wealth of Russia, that all things are in their power if they only dare assert themselves and grasp them, and topsy-turvydom is bound to happen. The porter of the bank will be made its president, and the president become the porter; the private a general, and the general compelled to black shoes for a living, since he is not fit to be even a private. The correctness of these statements is proved by the fact that Lenine had to admit his inability to find ompetent men among his followers to run the fac- -ories, and had to compromise his principles by pay- ing high salaries to members of the bourgeoisie to run them for him. This admission is proof that he is no altogether bereft of reason and that he is willing to compromise in order to keep in power. It is a matter of necessity, not a change of mind. Meaning of culture. — This whole situation shows, however, that abstract and concrete thinking must co- operate if society is to progress and men are to de- velop. The leaders of Russia have ideas, but do not know how to apply them constructively; the laborers know how to toil, but not how to apply ideas ; hence the bourgeois who is able to work, that is, conceive and apply ideas, has to be called in to save the thinker 286 CHAPTER XIV and the toiler alike. And that, after all, means cul- ture; it means joy and balance; it means a larger personality. Perhaps the best way to illustrate this point is by a quotation. Mrs. Palmer was not only a highly educated but also a very useful woman. As president of Wellesley College she exerted a lasting influence. "If there is any one lesson which Mrs. Palmer's life pre-eminently teaches, it is the life-preserving influence of persistent, severe, and judiciously man- aged labor. I ought to make plain how much she excluded. She seldom hurried, never worried, ad- mitted no regrets for the past or anxieties for the future. Drudgery she abhorred, and consequently avoided too great single continuity on the one hand, and disjointed fragmentariness on the other. From these insidious dangers she was saved by habits of concentrated attention, by such perception of its human bearings that no part of it became mechanical, by quick separation of the important and unimportant, by perpetual humor and steady enthusiasm — the whole supplemented by a kind of natural vagrancy. She dropped work as easily as she took it up, and never acquired the fatal inability to stop. It was the whole-hearted character of that work which kept us sane and safe. Joy is protective. Where soul, mind and strength are all engaged together, invigoration usually follows. It is the divided nature which lacerates ; the hands in one place, the heart in another. Putting herself fully into her work and freeing it from friction, she made an amount that was appalling to others really beneficial."^ 1 G. H. Palmer, Life of Alice Freeman Palmer. MATERIAL AND CULTURAL CIVILIZATION 287 The development of personalities like Mrs. Palmer's must increasingly become the aim of society through a wider distribution of culture. This requires, how- ever, a better adjustment of work and leisure. Every human being has the desire to be comfortable and have ample leisure; and most of us shun work as the curse put upon our ancestors in the garden of Eden for their disobedience. We art apt, however, to put the cart before the horse in wanting to be comfortable before we have earned it. Much of the dissatisfaction in our lives comes from our lack of knowledge of the relation of work to leisure. There has been no other way for mankind as a whole to enjoy comforts and luxuries than to acquire them through work. This does not mean mere drudging nor even toil and labor; work means rather the systematic application of physical and mental energy to a task which one has set for himself. Work means, consequently, the development of several qualities which make leisure worth while. Work and leisure. — There is a vast difference between idleness and leisure. The men who were waiting in the market place to be hired by some em- ployer, and waited in some cases till the day was well advanced, were idle, but they did not have leisure; that came afterward, when they had earned and re- ceived their pay. Until that came they were anxious how to meet the expenses for food, and the delay in being hired was far from enjoyable. Neither is there much enjoyment in the idleness of a half-witted per- son who is amply provided for, but has no other than creature comforts to give pleasure. To enjoy leisure, two things are necessary — means to satisfy one's needs 288 CHAPTER XIV and comforts, and to have a fairly developed mind for looking at the world with what may be called a spiritual eye. A sunset to a civilize^d man is an object of beauty and enjoyment ; to an idiot it means nothing whatever, and to a savage rarely more than a variety of colors without any significance. Both the means for meeting one's needs and the development of mind can be attained only through work. There must be systematic exertion, in some respect, at least, to release the innate capacities and have them function in their specific directions. It is said that the poet is born, not made; yet we would care little for the vaporings of the greatest poetical genius who had not taken pains to speak his language correctly, more correctly even than the man of lesser gifts. In addition to a rich and voluminous vocabu- lary and the ability to use it properly, the poet must know many other things. The knowledge of all these things does not come without persistent study, even to the most gifted man ; hence genius has been de- fined by some as the capacity for taking infinite pains. Whether this definition is correct or not does not concern us; the fact remains that the highest innate capacity is not supposed to be exempt from the neces- sity of work. Systematic exertion is, then, necessarir both for providing the means and the capacity for enjoying leisure. This is the great lesson which society is trying to learn at present. In the past, idleness was looked upon as the goal of exertion. To be free from toil, to "hang around," to eat and sleep, and to be free from any responsibility — was the aim of most men. Work was the evil which one must endure in order MATERIAL AND CULTURAL CIVILIZATION 28y to reach this goal. The idleness which was attained in this way was, consequently, in many cases em- ployed for vicious and mischievous purposes. Man must do something ; if there is nothing useful for him to perform, he will resort to mischief. And the man who is exempt from work will fall into temptation. Work is more systematized at present than ever before in the history of mankind. Everywhere in civilized countries the various aspects of what is con- tributory to sustenance are entrusted to men specially skilled. We call this the division of labor. Down to the most minute part, work has been divided and subdivided, until there is for men little to do but to perform certain movements, almost mechanical in their nature. In a well-equipped shoe factory there may be thirty or more occupations, so minutely are the different operations subdivided. What has hap- pened in shoe manufacture is simply one illustration out of many. Results of specialization. — ^This specialization has had a two-fold effect. It has made possible a very much greater productivity and thus laid the founda- tion for greater wealth. It has, on the other hand, stimulated the mentality, especially inventiveness, among a comparatively small group of men, while it has condemned the majority of workers to monoto- nous tasks and hindered their development intellectu- ally. The man who made a whole shoe from a whole hide had an incentive to show what he could do, not so much in quantity as by way of quality. The modern operative is paid by the amount of out- put along a narrow line, since the quality is deter- mined by the machine rather than by his own skill. r:3 CHAPTER XIV The greater amount of wealth produced by specializa- tion has, however, been more than a compensation for the narrowing of the intellectual outlook of the worker in his occupation. It has given him more leisure dur- ing which to develop those parts of his mental life, which he must perforce neglect in his occupation ; and it has also given him the means to satisfy that demand through higher wages. The community as a whole has also been benefitted by this increase in wealth, because the means of culture have become more abundant and more generally available. The sum total of the whole development has, then, been beneficial all around, provided the different classes concerned in this matter are sufificiently so- cially alive to profit from the new situation. Several things are necessary for this purpose. A more equitable distribution of wealth is impera- tive. This does not mean equal distribution, but one more in harmony with the share in production, which each factor has in that process. To illustrate rather roughly : If a coal company has to raise wages 5 per cent, but raises the price of coal 25 per cent on the claim of increased cost of production, the raise in wages is not equitable, because not proportionate to the raise in price. The latter should only be in pro- portion to the former. Again, when, under "scientific management," the output is increased from three to fivefold, but wages increase only 75 to 125 per cent, the increase is not equitable because not proportion- ate. A proportionate distribution would enable the workingman either to buy more means of culture, or to buy the same means by working fewer hours. This is the economic problem. MATERIAL AND CULTURAL CIVILIZATION 291 Education and leisure. — The social problem consists in teaching the worker to use the increased wages and the longer leisure to greater advantage. It is very discouraging to find that in many cases — not by any means all — a larger income means more wasteful expenditure, especially in the form of alcoholic beverages and other indulgences. The community as a whole is now sufficiently edu- cated to condemn starvation wages, but it also con- demns the wasteful use of higher wages. It dis- tinctly encourages a more equitable distribution of wealth, provided always that proper use is being made of it. There is, perhaps, no problem before society more important and pressing than the proper adjustment of work and leisure. Both of these fur- nish the foundation for progress, and it is to the inter- est of the community that there should be full leisure ior none, and some leisiure for all. CHAPTER XV THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EDUCATION Social personality the aim of society. — The whole drift of the discussion in the preceding chapters has been in the direction of creating a social personality. Such a person must be self-reliant, purposeful, and resourceful. The monogamic family is thus far the principal agency leading toward this aim from the spiritual, and eugenics the chief means in attaining this end from the physical point of view. The woman's movement for a larger opportunity in modern affairs and for a more intelligent view of motherhood is going to unlock vast treasures of hitherto buried talents, and will become the occasion of unfolding many social personalities which remained stunted in the past. But for both men and women work is the condition of mental and social growth, and health the basis on which a wholesome personality must rest. Such a personality will demand and make possible a new social control through healthy self-expression and ex- pansion, in place of the old control based on methods of repression and stultification. The function of relig- ion must, accordingly, become increasingly more social by making the world which is here and now better and more harmonious. A socialized industry will fur- nish the economic opportunity for a larger social per- sonality, and a wholesome nationalism the occasion for a fuller manifestation of racial talents. Interna- tionalism will, especially through pure and applied science, increase these opportunities through the inter- 292 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EDUCATION 293 play of give-and-take and by removing the wasteful frictions and expenditures of war. Mankind will thus come into a position where it is able to appreciate the relation between material and cultural civilization more accurately, and gage the part which each plays in the formation of social personality more correctly. For the attainment of this general and inclusive pur- pose, much educational work will be necessary, and that will require a reconstruction of our educational system along many lines, but chiefly in regard to its attitude. ' Education individualistic. — Like religion, education has in the past maintained an individualistic attitude. It has been concerned with individuals whom it was anxious to rescue from the overwhelming floods of ignorance, just as religion was desperately trying to pluck some brands from the fire. Society as a whole was in each case left to take care of itself — a task which was rather difficult owing to the ignorance and immorality of both the classes and the masses. The saints and the scholars lived apart from "the world" of sin and ignorance, and this separation has been to a large extent responsible for the slow develop- ment of society. Scholarship, like sainthood, became the badge of a class-distinction which has not been removed to this day. Previous to the recent war the German who had received his education in the Gym- nasium enjoyed a much higher social standing than the one who had been educated in the Real-Schule, because a classical education was considered a badge of the leisure class, while one more practical and scientific was looked upon as inspired by economic necessity which it was intended to relieve. 294 CHAPTER XV Classical education has come down to us from the time when only the few could be educated because they were supported either by slaves or serfs; and its votaries still object to knowledge which may be useful in improving our material condition. It is to that extent still individualistic and, to certain extent, anti-social, because it continues a separation of men into classes which in India have remained petrified as castes. Even now an impecunious English gentleman will deprive himself of comforts in order to save a little money so as to be able to play cricket or tennis for much needed exercise; but he would rather starve than soil his hands by taking his exercise through work in his garden. A haberdashery clerk may be eligible to the Henley Regatta, but not the most skill- ful artisan or craftsman. The higher esteem in which a classical education has been held as compared to one of a more useful scien- tific character, is due chiefly to the supposed differ- ence in their cultural values. A leisure class natu- rally valued those things which contributed to the greater joy and refinement of life, gave it a lighter touch, and made men and women forget the dreary facts of every-day conflicts. Art, music, literature, philosophy and religion have this effect, and they became the principal means of a culture of leisure. It was chiefly the Beautiful, to a lesser extent the True, and rarely the Good, which formed this cul- ture. The upper classes wanted to enjoy life, and with a single-mindedness which appears to us sur- prising, they devoted themselves to this pursuit. Truth was faced in theory, but not in life, else this class would and must have recognized that their joys THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EDUCATION 295 were based on the economic exploitation of the masses; the truth was sought in an abstract form, not in life. The Good was sought and applied within the narrow bounds of the upper classes; outside of them it remained an empty phrase; for instance, one must respect virtue in a lady, but not in a woman who had to make a living. The whole aspect of cul- ture was supercilious, because it was based on a class distinction and on removal from social life as a whole. The inevitable result of every culture of this kind has been deterioration of the arts and degenera- tion of its devotees. In a commercial age like ours, with its vast wealth controlled by a few, such cul- ture has become a mere race for outstripping a social competitor in wasteful expenditure, or in sensations like a dinner given to a monkey. Versatility in fu- tilities and frivolities has been the mark of this cul- ture, whether we look to Babylon, Rome, Paris, or New York. The Arts can flourish only in an atmosphere of social activity; the Truth can be found only in life; and the Good must be applied to all classes. That means, howevci, a culture for a democracy. It dif- fers radically from that of an aristocracy. Democracy and Culture. — An aristocracy divides rights and duties unequally; the few have chiefly rights, the many chiefly duties. In a democracy, rights and duties, privileges and responsibilities are equally divided, because all men are citizens. This implies that every man must render some service to justify his existence; no one should be permitted to become a pensioner, parasite, or grafter. If every citizen renders some useful service by a contribution 296 CHAPTER XV to society, leisure and wealth will be more equitably distributed, and culture will become possible for all. What kind of culture ? It must be a culture of deed, not of fancy ; of fact, not of imagination. It must translate Beauty into life, not by painting an ideal mother, but by making one out of every young woman; not by turning the lifeless marble into an Appollo Belvedere, but by turn- ing our young men into specimens of strong and healthy manhood; not by singing about the beauties of the age of chivalry, but by glorifying the life which is before us — with its Red Cross and railroads, its philanthropy and factories, its science and commerce, its spiritual and material conquests. It must concern itself less with the architecture of the Cathedral of Rheims or the Rathshaus of Ghent, and more with school houses in New York and workingmen's cot- tages in Chicago. It was Nietzsche, I believe, who said: "He that grows a beautiful rose is greater than he who can paint one." Fact is greater than fancy; and the true artist is he who can turn life into art. The means of culture must be available for every one, not in the museum, but in the home; not in the millionaire's palace with its million-dollar pic- ture, but in the house of the humble bank clerk with its well-appointed and artistic furniture. The Good, too, must be translated into life for every man. Class morality which deemed one man better than another must pass into the records of the past, just as the race morality of the Hebrews with its Jew and Gentile, and that of the Greeks with its Greek and Barbarian, are now mere historical memories. Man-made morality with its discriminations against THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EDUCATION 297 •woman must be supplanted by higher ethics for both, so as to enable them to live a richer and fuller life by complementing each other's qualities. The morality of exploitation by the strong must give way to one of helpfulness to the weak, so that he, the latter, may have a chance to live more decently and contribute his mite to social well-being. And the Truth must be for all. There should no longer be the esoteric knowledge for the initiated, and the exoteric for the outsiders. In a democracy all Icnowledge must be open to those who seek it and are able to profit by it, because every man has a voice in determining the issues of the state. Already work- ingmen and business men are demanding that secret diplomacy be abolished, because it has been the means in the hands of the few to despoil the many by provok- ing wars. If men are to risk their lives and limbs, they have a right to know the reason why. If they are to render an intelligent judgment on important issues, they must have the necessary information. A democracy must act intelligently, if it is not to become a "mobocracy." The truth alone will make it free, to act for the good of all. This, briefly stated, will have to be the cultural ideal of a democracy, and education is the means to inculcate it into society. Such an ideal will not abolish differences in capacity, but will lay a founda- tion for social solidarity. It will still permit or en- courage the study of classical literature; it will not tolerate the pharisaic pride of him who can say: "capra in ripa pascebatur." instead of "the goat is nib- bling grass along the bank"; it will not extol the CHAPTER IV References 1. Genetics. Herbert E. Walter, 1913; chapters I, II, III. XI, XII. 2. The Social Direction of Human Evolution— An Outline of the Science of Eugenics. W. E. Kellicott. 1911; chap- ter III. 3. Heredity in Relation to Evolution and Animal Breeding. William E. Castle, 1911; chapters I, II, III. 4. Heredity in Relation to Eugenics. Charles B. Davenport. 1911; chapters IV, V, VI, VII. VIII. IX. 5. Heredity and Environment. Edwin G. Conklin, 191S; chapters IV, V, VI. 6. The Heredity of Richard Roe. David S. Jordan, 1911: (popular in style). 7. Parenthood and Race Culture. C. W. Saleeby, 1910; part I. 8. Applied Eugenics. Paul Poponoe and Roswell H. John- son. 1918. Questions 1. Define Eugenics. Why does Galton include both heredity and environment? 2. What distinctions are there between acquisition and ca- pacity? Were the Greeks superior in either? 3. Why is a democracy more in need of talent than a monarchy? 4. What distinction is there belween euthenics and eugenics? 5. What positive measures are already being taken to im- prove the race? 6. What negative eugenic measures should be taken? CHAPTER V References \. Women and Economics. Charlotte P. Gilman, 1915. Z. The Ways of Women. Ida M. Tarbell, 1915. 3. The Business of Being a Woman. Ida M. Tarbell, 1913. 318 REFERENCES AND QUESTIONS 4. Woman and Labor. Olive Schreiner, 1911. 5. Woman's Share in Social Culture. Anna Garlin Spencer. 1913. 6. Pure Sociology. Lester F. Ward, 1903; chapter XIV. 7. Love and Marriage. Ellen Key. 8. The Century of the Child. Ellen Key. Questions 1. Is the desire for emancipation based on occupation, or on other grounds? 2. What distinctions are there between the animal and hu- man mother? 3. Is the marriage rate decreasing or increasing? 4. Why were there few unmarried women in prehistoric times? What did they do in historic times? 5. What adjustment should be made for a maternal woman? 6. How can we raise the standard of motherhood? CHAPTER VI References \. Pure Sociology. Lester F. Ward, 1903; chapters XIII, XVI. XVIII, XIX. 2. The Politics of Aristotle. By J. E. C. Welldon, 1897; chapters IV, V, VI. VII. 3. Work and Wealth. J. A. Hobson, 1914; chapters I, II, IV, V, VI. 4. Labor and Administration. John R. Commons. 1913; chapter I. 5. The Evolution of Modern Capitalism. J. A. Hobson. 1906. Questions 1. What are the distinctions between toil, labor, and work? 2. Do animals work? Why not? 3. Why is intelligence necessary for work? 4. How does work educate man? 5. How does work liberate man? 6. How does work socialize man? REFERENCES AND QUESTIONS 319 CHAPTER VII References 1. Health and Social Progress. Rudolph M. Binder, 1919. 2. Bulletin of the Committee of One Hundred on National Health. Irving Fisher, 1909. 3. Housing Reform. Lawrence Veiller, 1910. 4. The Modern City and Its Problems. Frederic Howe, 1915. 5. The Health of the City. Hollis Godfrey, 1910; chapter IX, X. 6. Social Adjustment. Scott Nearing, 1911; chapter V. 7. The New Public Health. H. W. Hill, 1916. Questions 1. Why is the health of the individual becoming increasingly a social matter? 2. What mental differences are there between persons in good and in poor health? 3. Have the intellectually keenest men enjoyed good health? 4. What influences did poor health have in early history? 5. Why are most poets young, and most scientists old? 6. How would you criticize the climatic theory of health? 7. How does congestion affect health? 8. What remedies are proposed for poor health? CHAPTER VIII References 1. Social Control. Edward A. Ross, 1910. 2. Heredity and Environment in the Development of Men. Edwin G. Conklin, 1915; chapter III. 3. The Individual, a Metaphysical Inquiry. William Forbes Cooley, 1909; chapter III. 4. The Man versus the State. H. Spencer. 5. Individualism. Warner Fite. 1911; lectures I, II, III. 6. The World and the Individual. Josiah Royce, 1901; vol. I, chapters III, IX, X; vol. II, chapter VI. 320 REFERENCES AND QUESTIONS ! Questions 1. What has been the attitude in social control during the past? 2. Is every individual unique? On what grounds? 3. Why were only a few talents developed in the past? 4. Is individuality in work recognized at present? 5. In what ways does individuality need harmony? 6. What does an integral self mean? 7. Are there reasons for believing "that human nature is changing? CHAPTER IX References 1. A Theology for the Social Gospel. Walter Rauschen- busch, 1917. 2. Christianizing the Social Order. Walter Rauschenbusch, 1912. 3. Christianity and the Social Crisis. Walter Rauschen- busch, 1907. 4. The Ethics of Jesus and Social Progress. Charles S. Gardner, 1914. 5. The Gospel of Jesus and the Problems of Democracy. Henry C. Vedder, 1914. 6. The Christian Life in the Modern World. Francis G. Peabody, 1914. Questions 1. Why was religion socially important in past ages? 2. How did religion help in developing social consciousness? 3. What practical results followed from monotheism? 4. Why did practice lag behind theory? 5. Why has religion lost in social influence? 6. What is the essential character of official religion? Why? 7. Does the law of cause and effect apply to religion? REFERENCES AND QUESTIONS 321 CHAPTER X References 1. United States Bureau of Labor Statistics. Bulletin 207. 2. Dangerous Trades. Thomas Oliver. 3. Unto This Last. John Ruskin. 4. Christianizing the Social Order. Walter Rauschenbusch, 1912; part VL 5. Work and Wealth. J. A. Hobson. 1914; chapters XVI to XXL 6. Confidence or National Suicide. Arthur E. Stillwell, 1910. 7. The Six-Hour Day. Lord Leverhulme, 1919. 8. The Vested Interests. Thorstein Veblen, 1919. 9. Industrial Goodwill. John R. Commons, 1919. Questions 1. Why is business so important in a civilized community? 2. How was a code of honor developed through feudalism? 3. Why is the social cost of production too high? 4. Can business become a profession? 5. What indications are there that Business is looking toward service rather than profits? 6. How can it be shown that the financial claims of business- men are extravagant? 7. Why would business as a profession reconcile capital and labor? 8. How would labor be affected by this change? CHAPTER XI References 1. Inductive Sociology. Franklin H. Giddings, 1901; Book II, parts L II. and IIL 2. The Soul of America. Stanton Coit, 1914; part I. 3. Progressive Democracy. Herbert Croly, 1914. 4. National Strength and International Duty. Theodore Roosevelt, 1917. 5. The New State: Group Organization the Solution of Popular Government. M. P. Follett, 1918. 6. Ireland, a Study in Nationalism. Francis Hackett, 1918. 322 REFERENCES AND QUESTIONS Questions 1. What are the bases of nationalism? 2. Why does nationalism tend toward exclusiveness? 3. Are small nations sacrosanct? 4. What are the mental traits of democratic nations? 5. Is forcible nationalization justifiable? 6. How can a nation justify its existence? 7. What kind of leaders must a nation have? 8. Why is art national? CHAPTER XII References 1. Newer Ideals of Peace. Jane Addams, 1907; chapters I and VIII. 2. National Strength and International Duty. Theodore Roosevelt, 1917. 3. The Two Hague Conferences. Joseph H. Choate. 4. The Ways to Lasting Peace. David Starr Jordan. 5. Our World. Josiah Strong, 1913 6. A League to Enforce Peace. Robert Goldsmith, 1917. 7. The League of Nations. Henry E. Jackson, 1919. Questions 1. What international relations have there been in the past? 2. Why have these various attempts failed? 3. What attempts at internationalism has labor made? 4. Why have international movements based on science suc- ceeded? 5. Do we need international intercourse? 6. What does the League ot^ Nations stand for? CHAPTER XIII References 1. Unseen Empire. David Starr Jordan, 1912. 2. The Great Illusion. Norman Angell. 3. Toward International Government. J. A. Hobson. 4. The Valor of Ignorance. Homer Lea. REFERENCES AND QUESTIONS 323 5. Commerce and War. Alvin S. Johnson. 6. The Great Peace. H. H. Power, 1918. 7. The Biology of War. G. F. Nicolai, 1918. Questions 1. What are the two general types of explanations of war? 2. Is the pressure of population a true explanation of war in modern times? 3. Can a whole nation be inoculated with war-fever? 4. Why are democracies anti-militaristic? 5. What are the losses of the World War7 6. What risks does peace involve? CHAPTER XIV References 1. The Physical Basis of Society. Carl KeHey, 1916; chap- ters III and XI. 2. The Origins of Invention. O. T. Mason, 1895. 3. Agriculture in the Tropics. J. C. Willis, 1914. 4. The Theory of the Leisure Class. Thorstein Veblen, 1908. 5. Applied Sociology. Lester F. Ward, 1906; parts II and IIL 6. Sociology. James A. Dealey, 1909; chapters III, XI and XIL Questions 1. Are wealth and culture opposites? Give reasons. 2. What it the road to true knowledge? 3. What relation exists between culture and democracy? 4. What does culture mean? 5. What is the relation between work and leisure? 6. How can we educate ourselves for a proper use of leisure? CHAPTER XV References 1. Education. H. Spencer, 1910. 2. Social Principles of Education. George H. Betts, 1912; chapters VI, VIII, IX, X. 324 REFERENCES AND QUESTIONS 3. Idealism in Education. H. H. Home, 1910. 4. Education for Social Efficiency. Irving King, 1913; chap- ters I, II, XI, XII, XIII, XIV. 5. The New Democracy. Walter E. Weyl, 1912. 6. The Great Society. Graham Wallas, 1914; chapters XI. XII, XIII. Questions 1. Has education been individualistic? Why? 2. What is the aristocratic ideal in education? The demo- cratic? 3. What is social service? 4. How can the social spirit be infused into subjects of study? 5. Why should patience and open-mindedness be especially fostered? 6. Is the ideal Utopian or realizable? 7. What does the term social personality imply?