WORDSWORTHCOLLECTION 
 
 ,^TH.A MO°RGAN ST, JOHN 
 
 ITHACA, N. Y. 
 
 THE GIFT OF 
 
 VICTOR EMANUEL 
 
THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 AND 
 
 ENGLISH LITERATURE 
 
PRINCETON LECTURES. 
 
 A series of volumes containing the notable lectures de- 
 livered on the occasion of the Sesqiiicentennial 
 celebration of Princeton University. 
 
 The French Revolution and English Literature. Six Lectures. 
 
 By Prof. Edward Dowden, Trinity College, Dublin. 
 Theism. Two Lectures. By Prof. Andrew Seth, University of 
 
 Edinburgh. 
 
 The Discharge of Electricity in Gases. Four Lectures. By Prof. 
 
 J. J. Thomson, University of Cambridge. 
 The Mathematical Theory of the Top. Four Lectures. By Prof. 
 Felix Klein, University of Gottingen. 
 
 The Descent of the Primates. By Prof. A. A. W. Hubrecht, 
 University of Utrecht. 
 
 The Nature and Origin of the Noun Genders in the Indoger- 
 
 manic Languages. By Prof. Karl Brugmann, University of 
 Leipsic. 
 The Claims of the Old Testament. Two Lectures. By Prof. 
 Stanley Leathes, D.D., King's College, London. 
 
THE 
 
 FRENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 ENGLISH LITERATURE 
 
 LECTURES DELIVERED IN CONNECTION WITH THE 
 
 SESQUICENTENNIAL CELEBRATION OF 
 
 PRINCETON UNIVERSITY 
 
 EDWARD DOWDEN 
 
 LL.D., LiTT. D. (Dublin), Hon. LL.D. (Edinburgh), Hon. D.C.L, (Oxford), 
 Hon. LL.D. (Princeton), Professor of English Literature 
 IN THE University of Dublin 
 
 LONDON 
 
 KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER & CO., Ltd. 
 
 Paternoster House, Charing Cross Road 
 
 1897 
 

 Copyright, 1897, by Charles Scribner's Sons, 
 for the United States of America. 
 
 Printed by the Universitj' Press, 
 Cambridge, Mass., U.S.A. 
 
 v^^^ 
 
PREFACE 
 
 The substance of this volume was emLodied 
 in lectures given in Trinity College, Cambridge, 
 when I had the honor to hold the Clark Lecture- 
 ship in English Literature. On receiving the 
 honor of an invitation from the authorities of 
 Princeton University to deliver a series of lec- 
 tures in connection with the Sesqui-centennial 
 Celebration, I revised my material and made 
 some additions. It is the wish of those who 
 organized and carried out that brilliant Celebra- 
 tion that these lectures should be published ; and 
 I am further encouraged to publication by the 
 great kindness of many of my American fellow- 
 students, and by the generous welcome which I 
 received from an American audience. I think 
 of my days spent in the autumn of last year 
 at that old and distinguished seat of learning, 
 which has contributed so much to the best life 
 of the United States, with a feeling of happy 
 gratitude. 
 
VI PREFACE 
 
 In these lectures I go over some ground v^liich 
 I have previously traversed ; the point of view, 
 perhaps, gives unity to the results of various 
 studies. I do not attempt to prove a thesis. I 
 have tried to enter in a disinterested way into 
 the spirit of each writer who comes within the 
 scope of my subject, and to let the meanings 
 of the Prench Eevolution, as they entered into 
 English literature, expound themselves. To pre- 
 sent some important figures on a background of 
 history — history of ideas rather than of events 
 — has been my aim. 
 
 I have acknowledged a debt to M. Angellier in 
 what I say of Burns, and to M. Legouis in some 
 things which I say of Wordsworth. A passage 
 of the last lecture is reclaimed from an article 
 of my own contributed to a magazine. 
 
 E. D. 
 
 Trinity College, Dublin, 
 January 7, 1897. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 I. Precursors of Eevolution .... 3 
 
 II. Theorists of Revolution 47 
 
 III. Anti-Revolution : Edmund Burke . . 93 
 IV. Early Revolutionary Group and 
 
 Antagonists 141 
 
 V. Recovery and Reaction ..... 197 
 
 VI. Renewed Revolutionary Advance . . 243 
 
THE FRENCH REVOLUTION AND 
 ENGLISH LITERATURE 
 
 I 
 
 PKECUESORS OF REVOLUTION 
 
 Before the stream of Revolutionary thought and 
 feeling gathered to flow in a channel, its diffused 
 substance existed in the form of what may be 
 described as a mist. From a fortunate distance 
 certain wreathings of that mist may be observed. 
 Taine, in the opening volume of his book on the 
 " Origins of Contemporary France," resolves into 
 two chief elements the Revolutionary spirit: first, 
 the progress of natural and experimental science, 
 with the application of the methods of science to 
 the study of human society and human history ; 
 secondly, the classical tendency, which reduces the 
 particular and individual to general ideas, or sub- 
 stitutes an abstraction for a group of things con- 
 crete with all their manifold details. The second 
 
4 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 of these influences was active in England, — we 
 feel its presence in such a book as Godwin's " Politi- 
 cal Justice," — but it had not in our country, as it 
 had in France, the weight of a predominant tradi- 
 tion, and the character of the English mind held it 
 in check. The acquisitions and the methods of 
 science deeply affected the temper and habits of 
 thought in both countries. In astronomy, in 
 optics, in chemistry, in geology and mineralogy, 
 in botany, in zoology, in physiology, great names 
 make the eighteenth century illustrious ; great dis- 
 coveries were co-ordinated under ruling ideas. But 
 is not man a portion of nature ? And if so, 
 why should not the ideas and methods of science 
 be applied to the study of man as an individual, 
 to the study of society and of its development ? 
 It was not authority, it was not conceptions in- 
 herited from the past, which had given this 
 powerful impetus to scientific discovery ; these 
 had been reversed or set aside. Eeason had 
 taken the place of authority. Why should not 
 reason also become supreme in the study of 
 humanity, and in all arrangements for the social 
 and political life of man ? Why should there 
 not be a mathematics dealing with the units, 
 and groups of units, which make up society ? 
 Why should not society be established, though 
 
PEECUKSOKS OF REVOLUTION 5 
 
 now for the first time, on the basis of reason ? 
 Might this not be, if only authority and prescrip- 
 tion, customs and conventions, inherited beliefs 
 and the prejudices of ignorance, were once for all 
 displaced or overthrown ? The new faith in 
 reason became an enthusiasm with something 
 of the force of a new religion. 
 
 An idea of unlimited human progress had 
 been generated by the vast scientific movement 
 of the century. Man is not a perfect creature, 
 but surely he is perfectible ; and the motive- 
 power in his endless advance can be no other 
 than the human reason. But in order that 
 reason may have full scope and play, absolute 
 freedom is essential, a complete emancipation 
 from prejudice must be attahied. The chain of 
 inference appeared to be unbroken and strong ; 
 " Is it possible for us," asked Godwin, " to con- 
 template what man has already done, without 
 being impressed with a strong presentiment of 
 the improvements he has yet to accomplish ? 
 There is no science that is not capable of addi- 
 tions ; there is no art that may not be carried 
 to a still higher perfection. If this be true of 
 all other sciences, why not of morals ? If this 
 be true of all other arts, why not of social insti- 
 tution ? The very conception of this as possible 
 
6 THE FKENCH KEVOLUTION 
 
 is in the highest degree encouraging. If we can 
 still further demonstrate it to be a part of the 
 natural and regular progress of mind, our confi- 
 dence and our hopes will then be complete. 
 This is the temper with which we ought to 
 engage in the study of political truth." The 
 same doctrine has been taught to our own gen- 
 eration, and has been pushed even farther in the 
 direction of homage to the reason. In Draper's 
 ambitious work the author stated, in language 
 which is strange as coming from a professedly 
 scientific writer, that Nature, the abstraction 
 Nature, has an aim, and that this aim is not a 
 moral but an intellectual development. Buckle, 
 in his "History of Civilization," maintained that 
 the intellectual element is the dynamic force in 
 society, having an activity and a capacity for 
 adaptation which make it the chief mover in an 
 indefinite progress of humanity. It is perhaps 
 worth noting, as a symptom of one tendency 
 of thought in our own day, that a recent con- 
 tribution to the study of Social Evolution, that 
 by Mr. Benjamin Kidd, argues on grounds, which 
 claim to be scientific, in favor of a theory pre- 
 cisely the opposite to that of Buckle. The con- 
 clusion which Darwinian science must eventually 
 establish is, in Mr. Kidd's view, that the evolu- 
 
PEECUESOES OF E EVOLUTION 7 
 
 tion slowly proceeding in human society has 
 primarily a religious rather than an intellectual 
 character. 
 
 However this may be, the eighteenth century, 
 the smc'idum rationalisticum, believed, as a car- 
 dinal article of faith, in the supremacy of reason 
 as an agent in the progress of society. This belief 
 was nourished and sustained by the great scien- 
 tific discoveries of the age ; and it tended to 
 produce that assurance or that dream of the 
 possibility of boundless advance for the race, 
 which formed part of the Eevolutionary creed, 
 and which was summed up in the expression 
 human 'perfectibility. The new evangel had its 
 apostles and prophets and martyrs. There is 
 something sublime and something pathetic in 
 their unalterable optimism. The most glowing 
 words, perhaps, celebrating the promised golden 
 age, seen in vision from the undelectable 
 mountains of Eevolution, were written by the 
 proscribed Condorcet in the closing pages of his 
 unfinished " Progr^s de I'Esprit humain." The 
 contemplation of the happier future of humanity 
 he describes as a refuge for the philosopher, into 
 which the recollection of his persecutors can 
 never follow him, — " in which living in thought 
 with man reinstated in the rights and the dig- 
 
8 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 nity of his nature, he forgets man tormented and 
 corrupted by greed, by base fear, by envy." " It 
 is here," cries Condorcet, " that he truly abides 
 with his fellows, in an el y slum which his reason 
 has known how to create for itself, and which 
 his love for humanity adorns with all purest 
 delights." Condorcet's sympathetic critic, Mr. 
 Morley, admits that the " Progr^s de I'Esprit 
 humain " fails to consider the history of moral 
 improvement, and is seriously marred by the 
 philosopher's angry and vehement hostility to 
 the religions of the world. 
 
 But the eighteenth century was not merely 
 a sceculum rationalisticum. There had been in 
 England, as well as in France and G-ermany, a 
 great enfranchisement of the passions. There 
 had been a great outbreak of religious emotions in 
 the movement which was represented by White- 
 field and Wesley. In literature the sentimental 
 movement, of which the spirit is present in such 
 representative works as Rousseau's " La nouvelle 
 Hdloise," Goethe's " Werther," and Sterne's "Tris- 
 tram Shandy," ran its course, and probably would 
 have perished through its own excesses, had it 
 not turned somewhat away from literature and 
 coalesced with the new philanthropy of the 
 time. The worship of passion, the abandonment 
 
PRECURSOES OF REVOLUTION 9 
 
 to sentiment, had been dissolvents of moral and 
 social order ; the first of duties was no longer to 
 act aright, but to be touched by a delicate dis- 
 tress. Yet under the affectations of the senti- 
 mentalists lay a real refining of human sympathy. 
 In its more robust form the tender emotion of 
 the time passed into the new philanthropy ; and 
 among the sources which went to form the Eevo- 
 lutionary stream this is not the least important. 
 The cause of Eevolution seemed to many thinkers, 
 and especially to the younger and more ardent 
 spirits, to be the cause of humanity. The laws 
 were harsh, and were administered with little 
 pity ; the criminal, generous or amiable, became 
 a favorite with imaginative writers. Human 
 nature — so it had been eloquently preached — is 
 essentially good ; the unreasonable and unfeeling 
 arrangements of society are the chief causes of 
 crime. All that philanthropy had been striving 
 for in this direction and in that was to be at- 
 tained in its unity and completeness by the 
 Eevolution. When the Bastille fell, what was 
 this but the fulfilment of the unaccomplished 
 work of John Howard ? Fox only gave expres- 
 sion to the sentiment of many of his contempo- 
 raries when he exclaimed, " How much the 
 greatest event it is that ever happened in the 
 
10 THE FKENCH EEVOLUTION 
 
 world ! and how much the best ! " Not that as 
 a fact the fall of the Bastille quite enfranchised 
 the whole of humanity ; it had held in confine- 
 ment seven prisoners, four of whom were accused 
 of forgery ; one was an idiot ; one was detained 
 at the request of his family ; while, on the other 
 hand, the bodies of upwards of fourscore dead 
 compatriots lay in the governor's court, and 
 certain heads were borne in triumph on the 
 pikes of fraternity. But the Bastille served well 
 enough as a symbol for the imagination ; its ruins 
 typified the ashes of the old regime ; and from 
 those ashes the phoenix of human happiness and 
 freedom seemed to rise. Philanthropy was enter- 
 ing on its revolutionary apotheosis, when the 
 evangel of humanity was most clearly to be read 
 if it were written in blood. 
 
 But in the days before this apotheosis im- 
 agination had also played its part, and it was 
 set upon defining certain actual evils, and ascer- 
 taining the way to practical reforms. The Penal 
 Code of England was still one of savage severity, 
 and little had been done to amend its provisions. 
 It was something when in 1783 the cruel pro- 
 cession to Tyburn was abolished. And at least 
 one great statesman, — but he proved himself to 
 be no admirer of the French Eevolution, — Ed- 
 
PEECUESORS OF EEVOLUTION 11 
 
 mund Burke, pleaded for a revisal of that code, 
 which he described as abominable. The great 
 work of Howard's life on behalf of prison reform 
 began with his appointment, in 1773, as High 
 Sheriff of Bedfordshire. His personal inspection 
 of prisons was carried out under circumstances 
 which involved on his own part heroic fortitude, 
 in which he was supported not only by his pas- 
 sion of humanity, but by a deep sense of religious 
 duty. Indeed, the example of Howard and that 
 of Wilberforce are instances of the debt which 
 the philanthropic movement of the eighteenth 
 and nineteenth centuries owed to the Evangelical 
 revival. Howard did his work patiently and 
 well, thoroughly informing the public as to the 
 condition of the prisoner and his wretched abode, 
 — the scanty food, the lack of warmth, the over- 
 crowding, the poisonous atmosphere, the conse- 
 quent diseases, the untended condition of the 
 sick, the ponderous chains and iron collars, the 
 fees extorted by unpaid jailers, the languishing 
 for years of those incarcerated for petty debts. 
 
 Among the philanthropic efforts of the time, 
 that on behalf of the abolition of the slave-trade 
 was the most considerable. Into it entered some- 
 thing of the Eevolutionary feeling for liberty, 
 and yet more of the sentiment of fraternity. As 
 
12 THE FKENCH EE VOLUTION 
 
 early as 1668 William Penn had denounced the 
 cruelty of the trade, and his successors in the 
 Society of Friends had never been quite insen- 
 sible to its evils. The exertions of the Quakers, 
 in days preceding the great upheaval in France, 
 were ably seconded by Granville Sharp, Clarkson, 
 and Wilberforce, members of the Church of Eng- 
 land. Evidence was collected by Clarkson; the 
 system of kidnapping, the native wars that fed 
 the trade, the horrors of the Middle Passage, were 
 exposed ; and on this subject at least there was 
 no serious difference of opinion between Pitt and 
 Fox and Burke. In 1780 Burke prepared a code 
 for the mitigation and ultimate abolishment of the 
 traffic in human lives, but he lost hope in the 
 possibility of bringing it to a successful issue. 
 In 1788 he "spoke strongly to the effect that 
 the trade was one which ought to be totally 
 abolished, but if this was not now possible, it 
 ought to be regulated at once. All delay in such 
 a matter was criminal." ^ It is melancholy to 
 recall the fact that the direct cause why this 
 reform was not attained before the close of the 
 eighteenth century was that violent outbreak 
 on behalf of freedom, in which its admirers saw 
 the immediate emancipation of the world. In 
 1 Lecky, England in the Eighteenth Century, vol, vi. p. 291. 
 
PKECUKSORS OF EEA^OLUTION" 13 
 
 the panic created by the French Eevolution the 
 interests of the oppressed Africans receded. Dan- 
 ton declared that slavery had been abolished in 
 the French colonies in order that the negroes in 
 the colonies of England and Spain might be ex- 
 cited to revolt. The century, in the words of 
 Mr. Lecky, " terminated with the temporary 
 defeat of a cause which twelve years before 
 seemed on the eve of triumph." Neverthe- 
 less, the younger spirits of the Eevolutionary 
 movement in our literature, and in particular 
 Southey, remained ardent champions of negro 
 emancipation. 
 
 The idea of progress and human perfectibility, 
 the humanitarian passion, — we have seen how 
 these entered into the Eevolutionary spirit before 
 the Eevolution. A third element which entered 
 into that spirit produced remarkable effects in 
 literature as well as in life. Mr. Morley has 
 said that the keynote of the Eevolutionary time 
 is expressed by the word " simplification." The 
 Eevolution was, or aimed at being, as we are often 
 told, " a return to nature." Eeturn to nature, — 
 it is an elastic word which is capable of many 
 meanings. When Pope and Addison pleaded for 
 a return to nature, they meant a return to good 
 sense, the common intelligence, and the observa- 
 
14 THE FRENCH EEVOLUTION 
 
 tion of actual life in place of the fantastic ingenui- 
 ties of false wit and the eccentricities of private 
 conceit. Now the meaning was different. The 
 "return to nature" signified a simplification in 
 social life in contrast with the artificialities and 
 conventions which had accumulated in a highly 
 complex age, and especially in cities and in courts ; 
 a sigh, genuine or affected, for the simplicities of 
 rural existence, or it might be for " a lodge in 
 some vast wilderness ; " a fresh delight in beauty 
 of the mountain and the woods ; a discovery of 
 the dignity of human passions in the shepherd 
 and the tiller of the soil ; a recognition in politics 
 of the rights of man as man, regardless of the 
 claims of aristocratic caste or class ; an assertion 
 of unbounded freedom for the individual, or a 
 freedom limited only by such duties as were im- 
 posed by universal fraternity. In these and in 
 other respects, the Eevolution professed to sim- 
 plify life. As a young man. Fox had worn 
 elegant costumes, red-heeled shoes, and blue hair- 
 powder ; during the American war he and his 
 friends distinguished themselves by a studious 
 indifference to the refinements of dress. " From 
 the House of Commons," says Wraxall, " and the 
 clubs of St. James's Street it spread through the 
 private assemblies of London. But though grad- 
 
PEECURSORS OF REVOLUTION 15 
 
 iially undermined and insensibly perisliing of an 
 atrophy, dress never totally fell till the era of 
 Jacobinism and of Equality in 1793 and 1794." 
 " This period," writes Mr. Lecky, " marks a com- 
 plete revolution in English dress. It was then 
 that the picturesque cocked hat went out of fash- 
 ion. . . , Then, too, the silver buckle was ex- 
 changed for the ordinary shoe-tie. Muslin cravats, 
 pantaloons, and Hessian boots came into fashion, 
 and the mode of dressing the hair was wholly 
 changed. Like the Eoundheads of the seven- 
 teenth century, the democrats of the eighteenth 
 century adopted the fashion of cutting the hair 
 short, and they also discarded as inconsistent 
 with republican simplicity that hair-powder 
 which, since the abolition of wigs, had been in- 
 variably worn by the upper classes. It is inter- 
 esting to notice that among the young students 
 of Oxford who were foremost in taking this step, 
 were Southey and Savage Landor." ^ Then, too, 
 the powder and paint of poetic diction were 
 discarded by the younger poets ; it was declared 
 that the actual language of common discourse 
 sufficed for the highest needs of literature, and 
 that the best part of our vocabulary is that which 
 can be gathered from the lips of peasants who 
 
 1 England in the Eighteenth Century, vol. vi. pp. 147, 148. 
 
16 THE FKENCH EEVOLUTION 
 
 are accustomed to express their feelings witb 
 simplicity, and who live in communion with 
 the majestic and ennobling presence of external 
 nature. 
 
 An indication of the turn which feeling was 
 taking in the direction of simplification as regards 
 social life is found long before the Kevolution, 
 as early as 1757, in a book which in its own day 
 made a considerable stir, — Brown's "Estimate 
 of the Manners and Principles of the Times." It 
 speedily passed through several editions. " The 
 inestimable Estimate of Brown," says one of the 
 speakers in Cowper's " Table-Talk," " rose like a 
 paper kite and charmed the town ; " and indeed 
 the town from time to time enjoys hearing its 
 own vices or foibles criticised or satirized. The 
 book is a protest against the luxury and effemi- 
 nacy of the age. Two merits Brown allows to 
 Englishmen, — they value liberty and they pos- 
 sess humanity ; for the rest they deserve little 
 but censure. Some sentenaes from Mr. Leslie 
 Stephen's summary of the indictment brought 
 against his countrymen by Brown will sufficiently 
 indicate the drift of the writer : " At our schools 
 the pupils learn words, not things ; on the grand 
 tour young men contract foreign vices without 
 widening their minds; money is lavished on 
 
PRECURSOES OF REVOLUTION 17 
 
 foreign cookery instead of being spent on plain 
 English fare ; conversation is trivial or vicious ; 
 silly plays, novels, and pamphlets have replaced 
 works of solid literature ; the fine arts are de- 
 praved ; opera and pantomime are preferred to 
 Shakespeare's plays ; men's principles are as bad 
 as their manners ; religion is universally ridi- 
 culed, yet the fashionable irreligion is shallow ; 
 vices are laughed at on the stage, and are re- 
 peated at home without a blush ; the professions 
 are corrupt, except law which ministers to the 
 selfish, and physic which assists the effeminate ; 
 politicians are mere jobbers ; officers are gamblers 
 and bullies ; the clergy are contemned and are 
 contemptible ; low spirits and nervous disorders 
 have notoriously increased, until the people of 
 England are no longer capable of self-defence." ^ 
 And so the indictment, with many counts, pro- 
 ceeds. Brown was no revolutionist ; but he gave 
 an early expression to the feeling in favor of 
 simplification which was part of the Eevolu- 
 tionary mode of feeling. The sentiment was far 
 more powerfully expressed, if also with certain 
 extravagances of theory from which Brown is 
 free, by Kousseau ; and Ptousseau, who was a 
 
 1 L. Stephen, English Thought in the Eighteenth Century, 
 vol. ii. pp. 195, 196 (abbreviated). 
 
18 THE FRENCH EEVOLUTION 
 
 chief inspirer of the doctrine and the passions of 
 Eevolution, gained a not inconsiderable following 
 in England. 
 
 Johnson, who stood on the old ways, who sus- 
 pected novelties of thought and scorned whatever 
 seemed to be sentimental nonsense, maintained 
 that the dread of luxury was visionary. " Lux- 
 ury," he declared, " so far as it reaches the poor, 
 will do good to the race of people ; it will 
 strengthen and multiply them. Sir, no nation 
 was ever hurt by luxury, for it can reach but to 
 a very few." And he went on to challenge Gold- 
 smith to take a walk from Charing Cross to 
 Whitechapel, examining the shops with a view 
 to investigating which of them sold anything, 
 except it were gin, that could harm any human 
 being. " Well, sir," answered G-oldsmith, " I '11 
 accept your challenge. The very next shop to 
 Northumberland House is a pickle- shop." John- 
 son, as usual, when brought to bay, rose to the 
 height of the great argument: " Well, sir, do we 
 not know that a maid can in one afternoon make 
 pickles sufficient to serve a whole family for a 
 year ; nay, that five pickle-shops can serve all the 
 kingdom ? Besides, sir, there is no harm done to 
 anybody by the making of pickles, or the eating 
 of pickles." In 1767 John Wesley wrote in his 
 
PRECURSORS OF REVOLUTION 19 
 
 Journal : " T had a conversation with an ingeni- 
 ous man who proved to a demonstration that it 
 was the duty of every man that could to be 
 ' clothed in purple and fine linen ' and to ' fare 
 sumptuously every day ; ' and that he would do 
 abundantly more good hereby than he could do 
 by ' feeding the hungry and clothing the naked.' 
 Oh the depth of human understanding ! What 
 may not a man believe if he will?" The in- 
 genious acquaintance of Wesley, who held that 
 private extravagances are public benefits, was 
 adopting the same line of argument as that 
 which Johnson, thirty -three years previously, had 
 introduced in one of his "Debates," and some ten 
 years afterwards repeated in conversation when 
 he maintained that it did more good to eat a dish 
 of green peas at half a guinea than to give the 
 same sum to the poor, who might not be, like the 
 market-gardener, industrious.^ Wesley's protest 
 against luxury is repeated on the eve of the 
 Eevolution, by Hannah More, in her " Thoughts 
 on the Importance of the Manners of the Great 
 to General Society" (1788). Hannah More 
 was a reformer, but she did not desire the over- 
 throw of thrones and of churches ; her pamphlet, 
 " Village Politics," in which the conservative 
 1 Boswell's Johnson, ed. G. B. Hill. vol. iii. p. 56 and note. 
 
20 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 working-man, Jack Anvil, a blacksmith, convicts 
 the Jacobin working-man, Tom Hod, a mason, of 
 the error of his ways, had a wide circulation in 
 the year 1793. But the tendency towards simpli- 
 fication passed beyond the Eevolutionary group. 
 With Hannah More it was allied to her religious 
 convictions ; while admitting as Brown had done 
 the humanity of the time, she mourns over the 
 neglect of religious duties by persons commonly 
 esteemed as " a good kind of people," and over 
 "this voluptuous age, when a frivolous and re- 
 laxing dissipation has infected our very studies," 
 and infidelity itself will not be at the trouble of 
 deep research. 
 
 In the voluptuous age, however, some Stoics 
 were to be found. The student of eighteenth- 
 century literature cannot afford to overlook a 
 book which has had probably a larger uumber of 
 readers than any other work of the period ; he 
 may find something of the spirit of the time em- 
 bodied in that edifying manual for youth, " Sand- 
 ford and Merton." Thomas Day, the author of 
 that exciting narrative, and Day's intimate friend, 
 the father of Maria Edgeworth, were deeply in- 
 fluenced by the views on education put forth in 
 Kousseau's "Emile." As a genuine child of nature, 
 ;Emile is to be reared, yet with all the tenderness 
 
PRECUESOKS OF REVOLUTION 21 
 
 of an innocent and rural home. He is to be 
 beguiled by amiable stratagems into acquiring 
 knowledge. He is never to be the victim of 
 punishment inflicted as such. The room which 
 he occupies is to be as simple as that of a peas- 
 ant. He is to think with a just abhorrence of 
 the luxury of extravagant banquets, He may be 
 indulged in a preference for bright colors in 
 dress, but the material chosen must be plain and 
 of enduring fabric. His wants must be reduced 
 to a minimum. He must learn a trade, — that 
 of a carpenter, if it be convenient. The book, as 
 Mr. Morley justly observes, was an expression of 
 the democratic tendency in education. Eichard 
 Lovell Edgeworth's eldest son was born in 1764. 
 The father determined to make a fair trial of 
 Eousseau's system, and a compliant mother agreed 
 that the child should, as far as possible, be 
 formed, both in body and mind, by the benignant 
 powers of nature. He wore no stockings; his 
 arms were bare; he became fearless of danger, 
 and capable of enduring many privations. " He 
 had," writes the father, "all the virtues of a 
 child bred in the hut of a savage, and all the 
 knowledge of things which could well be acquired 
 at an early age by a boy bred in civilized society. 
 I say knowledge of things, for of books he had 
 
22 THE FRENCH EE VOLUTION 
 
 less knowledge at seveu or eight than most chil- 
 dren have at four or five." Yet with these rare 
 advantages, the experiment, somehow, did not 
 prove a complete success. He showed himself 
 to be, in the strictest sense of the word, a liberty- 
 boy, a young Revolutionist ; " he was not," says 
 his father, " disposed to obey ; ... he had little 
 deference for others, and he showed an invincible 
 dislike to control." The Harry Sandf ord of Edge- 
 worth's friend. Day, was a boy of happier dis- 
 position, "the most obliging, honest creature in 
 the world," full of the tenderest benevolence, and 
 so courageous that on one memorable occasion he 
 plucked "with as mach dexterity as resolution" 
 the snake from round Master Tommy Merton's 
 leg. Young Sandford had a true republican sim- 
 plicity of manners ; he was not like many other 
 children who place their whole happiness in eat- 
 ing; give him but a morsel o£ dry bread for his 
 dinner and he would be satisfied, though you 
 placed sweetmeats and fruit and every other 
 dainty in his way. He considered his father's 
 horn flagons to be superior to Mrs. Merton's silver 
 cup. When Mr. Merton asked Harry, "Should 
 you like to be rich, my dear ? " the admirable boy 
 answered, " No, indeed, sir, because the only rich 
 man I ever saw is Squire Chase, who lives hard 
 
PRECURSORS OF REVOLUTION 23 
 
 by ; and he rides among people's corn, and breaks 
 down their hedges, and shoots their poultry, and 
 kills their dogs, and lames their cattle, and abuses 
 the poor ; and they say he does all this because 
 he 's rich." " But should you not like to have a 
 fine coat," — so proceeds the test of virtue, — " and 
 a coach to carry you about, and servants to wait 
 on you?" "As to that, madam," the youthful 
 Stoic replies, " one coat is as good as another, if 
 it will but keep me warm ; and I don't want to 
 ride, because I can walk wherever I choose; and 
 as to servants, I should have nothing for them to 
 do, if I had hundreds of them." 
 
 In the main, the type of mind which the Eng- 
 lish eighteenth century tended to produce was of 
 the common-sense, prosaic kind, often ardently 
 benevolent, but not carried away by extremes of 
 passion or extravagances of imagination. When 
 the new ideas of the second half of the century, 
 the Eevolutionary ideas, struck upon such a 
 mind, the effects were strange. The prose and 
 the poetry did not always happily blend together. 
 If the man were somewhat deficient in a sense of 
 the ridiculous, his case was worse ; if he were 
 prone to experiment and to the direct application 
 of his ideas to life, these new ideas might lead 
 him throuo'h the strangest of dances. It was an 
 
24 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 experimental age ; the great Erasmus Darwin's 
 definition of a fool was a man wlio does not ven- 
 ture to make an experiment. There is no one 
 more dangerous or more diverting than the man 
 of prosaic common-sense, who is devoid of im- 
 agination and of humor in a saving degree, and 
 who, having an experimental turn, becomes pos- 
 sessed by new ideas. He will play such tricks 
 before high Heaven as might wreathe with smiles 
 the faces of the most serious angels. And this, 
 in truth, was what happened with the excellent 
 Thomas Day. He was a worthy eighteenth-cen- 
 tury Briton, essentially prosaic, though much out 
 of the common in the degree of his benevolence 
 and generosity ; and the burning rays from Eous- 
 seau's " Nouvelle Hdloise," " Contrat social," and 
 " flmile " fell direct upon his British brain. He 
 resolved to cultivate the life of simplicity and 
 nature ; hair-powder he abhorred ; even comb and 
 brush were enervating luxuries ; it was sufficient 
 to let his raven locks sway in the running brook. 
 Although insensible to the attractions of woman- 
 hood, scornful of elegant domestic accomplish- 
 ments and regardless of female beauty, except, it 
 is confessed, the attraction of large and white arms 
 (for there is always some weak point in a philoso- 
 pher's panoply). Day arrived at the rational con- 
 
PRECURSOES OF REVOLUTION 25 
 
 elusion that he ought to take to himself a wife. 
 He accompanied Edgeworth to Ireland, where his 
 sentiment in favor of savage life was somewhat 
 disturbed by the misery of the bogland hovels ; 
 and he would gladly have converted Edgeworth's 
 sister into Mrs. Thomas Day. Unluchily she 
 had a prejudice against unconventional man- 
 ners ; she did not perceive the advantages of her 
 suitor's simple and natural manner of eating 
 food, and she preferred hair that had been sub- 
 mitted to the comb. When, a year later, the de- 
 cision against her suitor was announced, Day 
 determined that the next time he would take 
 securities against failure : he would rear from 
 childhood two girls, chosen from among found- 
 ling orphans ; he would instruct them in all the 
 wisdom of Nature and Eousseau, until she who 
 approached the nearer to the true standard of 
 perfection should be honored by becoming his 
 wife. One, the brunette, he called Lucretia ; the 
 other, Sabrina Sidney, was named after the river- 
 goddess of the Severn and that eminent repub- 
 lican, Algernon Sidney. Day took his pupils to 
 France, as an appropriate place where they might 
 learn to despise dress and luxury, fine people and 
 fashion. But, according to the testimony of Miss 
 Seward, the Swan of Lichfield, they gave their 
 
26 THE FRENCH EEVOLUTION 
 
 patron much trouble and quarrelled with each 
 other. The Eoman heroine, Lucretia, was found 
 to be invincibly stupid, or, what amounted to the 
 same, unwilling to follow Day's regimen; she was 
 placed with a milliner, and in time married a 
 linen-draper. Sabrina Sidney grew into a pleas- 
 ing girl of engaging countenance, wearing her 
 auburn ringlets without powder or pomatum. 
 Yet still Day had a few things against her ; when, 
 to give her hardihood, he fired pistols at her 
 petticoats, Sabrina screamed ; when he dropped 
 melted sealing-wax on her large and white arms, 
 she started. Finally, she did, or she did not, 
 wear certain long sleeves which had been the 
 subject of his aversion or his liking ; and Day, re- 
 garding this as a fatal proof of her want of 
 strength of mind, quitted her forever. It is sad 
 to relate that, for the sake of Miss Elizabeth 
 Sneyd, the philosopher squandered seven or eight 
 hours each day in learning to dance, to fence, to 
 manage the great horse, together with every other 
 species of artificial torture, only to be informed, 
 when with all his accomplishments he returned 
 from Lyons to Lichfield, that Elizabeth preferred 
 " the blackguard " that he had been to " the fine 
 gentleman" who now appeared in her presence. 
 At length Day found his fate, and it was a happy 
 
PEECUKSORS OF EEVOLUTION 27 
 
 one. Miss Milnes was a person of unbounded 
 benevolence and of an understanding so superior 
 that her friends named her Minerva; the only 
 serious objection to his union with her was that 
 Miss Milnes was encumbered with a fortune. 
 Mrs. Day was delicate, and under her husband's 
 advice walking in the snow was tried as a natural 
 remedy ; he allowed her no servants, and forbade 
 the enervating harpsichord ; but he built for her a 
 dressing-room, and found that he had omitted to 
 leave any space for the admission of light or air. 
 Mr. Day, as Edgeworth says, at last fell a victim 
 to his own benevolence. He observed that horses 
 suffer much in the breaking, and decided for 
 himself to apply the pedagogic princix^les of Eous- 
 seau to equine training ; the author of " Sandford 
 and Merton" was thrown on his head, and re- 
 ceived a fatal concussion of the brain. His wife 
 died two years later, and, it is said, of a broken 
 heart. 
 
 Day, like his Lichfield friend Erasmus Darwin, 
 was a reformer in politics. He was strong]y on 
 the side of America when the Colonies revolted 
 from the mother country. He advocated an en- 
 largement of the basis of Parliamentary repre- 
 sentation. His addresses were published by the 
 Constitutional Society ; but he did not seek a seat 
 
28 THE FKENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 in the House of Commons, preferring, as Mr. 
 Leslie Stephen puts it, " to take Cincinnatus as 
 his model." Before the outbreak of the French 
 Eevolution there had been in English politics a 
 considerable popular agitation, which connected 
 itself with American Independence and with the 
 affair of Wilkes. Democratic teaching had been 
 undertaken with great vigor and with no small 
 effect by Paine, whose " Common Sense " (1776) 
 had a large circulation, in England as well as in 
 America. Starting from the doctrine that the 
 more simple anything is the less likely it is to be 
 disordered, and the easier it is to repair if dis- 
 ordered, Paine violently attacked the English 
 Constitution as a complex system, compounded, 
 with some new republican materials, from two 
 ancient tyrannies, — the remains of monarchical 
 tyranny in the person of the king, and the re- 
 mains of aristocratical tyranny in the persons of 
 the peers. " In England," according to Paine's 
 " Common Sense," " the king hath little more 
 to do than to make war and give away places ; 
 which in plain terms is to impoverish the people 
 and set it together by the ears. A pretty busi- 
 ness, indeed, for a man to be allowed £800,000 a 
 year for, and worshipped into the bargain ! Of 
 more worth is one honest man to societv, and in 
 
PRECUESOKS OF REVOLUTION 29 
 
 the sight of God, than all the crowned ruffians 
 that ever lived." It would lead us away from 
 literature were we to trace the efforts made by 
 Cartwright and others on behalf of Parliamentary 
 reform, annual Parliaments, the ballot, universal 
 suffrage, or to bring under review the various 
 democratic associations which rose and fell and 
 rose again. Naturally dissenters, who had suf- 
 fered from religious disabilities and who hated 
 the tithe-system, constituted a large proportion of 
 the reforming body. Alike through his scientific 
 pursuits, his confidence in intellectual progress, 
 his eminent position among Unitarians, and his 
 connection with a centre of manufacturing indus- 
 try, Priestley was prepared to sympathize with 
 the forward movement in politics. Dr. Price, 
 whose sermon before the Eevolution Society gave 
 occasion to Burke's " Eeflections on the French 
 Eevolution," belonged to the same religious persua- 
 sion. Jebb, who worked with Cartwright, was in 
 holy orders ; but he resigned his preferments, and 
 passed over to the theological position of Priest- 
 ley. Thomas Christie, who was employed by the 
 Assembly on the polyglot edition of the new 
 constitution, was the nephew of a Presbyterian 
 minister who withdrew from the communion of 
 his fathers, preached to the first Unitarian con- 
 
30 THE FKENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 gregation established in Scotland, and followed 
 Priestley to America. William Trend, of Jesus 
 College, whose influence on Coleridge when a 
 student at Cambridge was considerable, and who 
 took a zealous part in reform, both political and 
 ecclesiastical, became in 1787 a convert to 
 Unitarianism ; six years later he was banished 
 from the University. The same temper of mind 
 that led to free speculation in religion showed 
 itself in political speculation which sought to re- 
 place tradition by ideas of the reason. Unsuc- 
 cessful attempts were made on the eve of the 
 French Eevolution to obtain a repeal of the Test 
 and Corporation Acts; the forces of conserva- 
 tion and the forces of change were knit in a 
 struggle for supremacy. 
 
 But when we turn to pure literature, and look 
 for the writer who, undesignedly and unawares, 
 was the chief representative of Eevolutionary 
 sentiment in days before the Eevolution, it is 
 remarkable that we find that representative — at 
 least so far as concerns the humanitarian feelinsf 
 and the tendency towards simplification — in one 
 who was a devout member of the Evangelical re- 
 vival in the Church of England, one of a o-entle, 
 unaggressive, yet manly temper, the poet Cowper. 
 By his family connections Cowper was a Whig, 
 
PRECUKSOES OF REVOLUTION 31 
 
 and at all times was ready to express the correct 
 Whig sentiments on the theme of British free- 
 dom. In a note appended to a passage of "The 
 Task " he defends himself for what might he 
 thought unnecessary warmth in the praise of 
 freedom ; " he is aware-," he says, " that it is he- 
 come almost fashionable to stigmatize such sen- 
 timents as no better than empty declamation ; 
 but it is an ill symptom, and peculiar to modern 
 times. When the Revolution came, Cowper was 
 close upon his sixtieth year, — a period of life at 
 which new causes are not often adopted with 
 ardor. His mind was much preoccupied with 
 the crusade against slavery. When Paine's 
 " Eights of Man " was offered to him, he refused 
 to open the book ; " no man," he writes to Lady 
 Hesketh, " shall convince me that I am improp- 
 erly governed, while I feel the contrary." " The 
 dissenters, I think," he writes again, " Catholics 
 and others, have all a right to the privileges of 
 all other Englishmen, because to deprive them is 
 persecution ; and persecution on any account, 
 but especially on a religious one, is an abomination. 
 But, after all, valeat 7^es].mhlica. I love my coun- 
 try, I love my king, and I wish peace and pros- 
 perity to Old England." In an early poem, 
 "Table Talk/' after suggesting that the British 
 
32 THE FRENCH EEVOLUTION 
 
 love of freedom arises from the vigor induced by 
 a stern climate, Cowper had described the French 
 in the same spirit as that in which they were 
 represented by Goldsmith in " The Traveller ; " 
 they are slaves, but so hght and bright of tem- 
 per that they do not feel the oppression of 
 slavery, — 
 
 " The Frenchman, easy, debonair, and brisk, 
 Give him his lass, his fiddle, and his frisk, 
 Is always ha]3py, reign whoever may. 
 And laughs the sense of misery far away." 
 
 Something of the same conception of the 
 French people appears in a letter of December, 
 1792, to Lady Hesketh, in which the writer 
 speaks of them as vain and childish, " conduct- 
 ing themselves on this great occasion with a levity 
 and extravagance nearly akin to madness." He 
 thinks it were better if Austria and Prussia had 
 let France alone ; he declares himself in favor of 
 the doctrine of the sovereignty of the people as 
 self-evident, — " whenever the people choose to 
 be masters they always are so, and none can 
 hinder them." "God grant that we may have 
 no revolution here," he goes on; "but unless we 
 have a reform we certainly shall. Depend upon it, 
 my dear, the hour is come when power founded 
 on patronage and corrupt majorities must govern 
 
PRECURSORS OF REVOLUTION 33 
 
 this land no longer." The poet of Olney was a 
 more masculine spirit than is commonly supposed, 
 and when he advocated reform he did so with the 
 seriousness of his mature age. Six years before 
 that event hailed by Fox as the greatest and the 
 best that the world had ever known, Cowper 
 looked forward with ardent desire to the hour 
 when the Bastille should be a ruin : — 
 
 " Ye horrid towers, the abode of broken hearts, 
 Ye dungeons, and ye cages of despair, 
 That monarchs have supplied from age to age 
 With music such as suits their sovereign ears, 
 The sighs and groans of miserable men ! 
 There 's not an English heart that would not leap 
 To hear that ye are fallen at last ; to know 
 That even our enemies so oft employed 
 In forging chains for us, themselves were free." 
 
 Liberty, he declares, is the cause of man ; but 
 he distrusted the patriotism of professed patriots 
 who were themselves the slaves of private pas- 
 sions, and whose universal philanthropy left 
 them indifferent to those humbler charities " for 
 whose dear sake their country, if at all, must be 
 beloved." 
 
 It is less by virtue of his ardor on behalf of 
 political liberty, genuine as that was, than by his 
 feeling for simplification and his humanitarian 
 sentiment that Cowper belongs to the Kevolu- 
 
34 THE FEENCH EEVOLUTION 
 
 tion. Mr. Leslie Stephen has described Cowper's 
 first independent volume of poems — that of 
 1782 — as " in substance a religious version of 
 Eousseau's denunciations of luxury." It is, in 
 lart^e measure, a restatement of the criticism of 
 society found in Brown's " Estimate of the Man- 
 ners and Principles of the Age." Cowper had 
 retired from the world ; he firmly believed in the 
 gains of retirement, though not of a hermit's soli- 
 tude. From his retreat at Olney he observed the 
 world, and would fain play the part of a monitor 
 to his countrymen. Were he worthy to wear the 
 prophetic mantle, he would prophesy as well as 
 preach. It seemed to him that literature itself 
 was infected by the effeminacy of a luxurious age. 
 He had himself a very admirable gift for elegant 
 trifling in verse ; but his conception of the func- 
 tion of poetry was lofty : that an eagle should 
 stoop from on high to pounce a wren, he held, 
 was hardly worthy of an aquiline spirit. He, 
 alas, was no eagle ; yet he might achieve some- 
 thing towards the reform of poetry : first, by re- 
 covering simplicity and truth ; secondly (but this, 
 he feared, was a task beyond his powers), by in- 
 fusing into it some of the true prophetic fervor 
 and insight; thirdly, by directing it towards a 
 new and lofty theme, that of religion. He was 
 
PRECURSOKS OF REVOLUTION 35 
 
 sickened by tlie creamy smoothness of modern 
 song ; his ear was fatigued by the " clockwork 
 tintinnabulum of rhyme ; " he loved the vigorous 
 line that ploughs its stately course 
 
 " Like a proud swan, conquering the stream by force." 
 
 He conceived the poet at his highest, as a bard 
 who foresees the future in its moral causes, and 
 is deeply moved by his own vision : — 
 
 " A terrible sagacity informs 
 The poet's heart, he looks to distant storms, 
 He hears the thunder ere the tempest lowers, 
 And, armed with strength surpassing human powers, 
 Seizes events as yet unknown to man, 
 And darts his soul into the dawning plan." 
 
 It were, indeed, something new in eighteenth- 
 century poetry, if such a bard — "a bard all 
 fire " — were to sing of the holiest theme with 
 lips touched by a coal from heaven. 
 
 Looking abroad from his retirement, Cowper 
 seemed to perceive that England was ailing at 
 the heart. He saw avarice, luxury, venality, 
 perjury, alike in Church and State. He pictures 
 Occidius, the fiddling priest, who, when he has 
 prayed and preached the Sabbath down, con- 
 cludes the day with wire and catgut ; and Eufil- 
 lus the elegant trifler, — 
 
36 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 " Exquisitely formed by rule, 
 Not of the moral but the dancing school; " 
 
 and Gorgonius, the gourmand, 
 
 " Abdominous and wan, 
 Like a fat squab upon an Indian fan ; " 
 
 and Petronius, whose original was Lord Chester- 
 field, — 
 
 " Polished and finished foe to truth. 
 Gray-beard corrupter of our listening youth.' 
 
 Like Brown, he laments the lack of discipline 
 at school and college, and the errors, vices, and 
 affectations acquired by the moneyed youth on 
 his grand tour of Europe. Learning in itself 
 is good, and wit is good, but what if both be 
 corrupt ? What if the salt have lost its savor ? 
 Happier, as he says in a well-known passage, the 
 poor cottager, weaving all day for a scanty pit- 
 tance, and knowing no more than that her Bible 
 is true, than the Parisian demigod Voltaire, the 
 possessor of spirit, genius, and eloquence. 
 
 Cowper, in his recoil from the luxury and arti- 
 ficiality of eighteenth-century society, did not go 
 to the extremes in which Eousseau sometimes 
 indulged his morbid sensibiKty ; he held that 
 civilized life is friendly to virtue, but not such 
 perverted civilization as is seen in modern cities, 
 
PEECURSORS OF REVOLUTION 37 
 
 — "God made the country, and man made the 
 
 town " : — 
 
 " Rank abundance breeds 
 In gross and pampered cities, sloth and lust, 
 And wantonness and gluttonous excess." 
 
 The varieties of evil are countless, — pecula- 
 tion, fraud, corruption, perjury, sale of honor, 
 tricks, and lies ; but of all these the source is 
 one, — " profusion unrestrained," a hungry vice, 
 which eats up all that gives society its beauty, 
 strength, and use. Even the simplicity of rural 
 life has been invaded ; the country is no longer 
 the Arcadia of Virgil or of Sidney, — " no, we are 
 polished now ; " fashion has travelled from the 
 city streets to the village ; the rustic beauty 
 adorns her head with ribbons, and totters on high 
 French heels ; the ploughman follows the red- 
 coats, and returns to his native cottage instructed 
 how to swear, to game, to drink. Cowper feared 
 that the whole course of human things was tend- 
 ing from good to ill and from ill to worse. Hu- 
 man nature left to itself appeared to Eousseau 
 essentially beautiful and pure ; Cowper held a 
 different creed, and he was no sharer in the 
 optimism of the Eevolution. The Second Book 
 of "The Task" was named "The Time-Piece," 
 because it was intended, as the author informed 
 
38 THE FEENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 Newton, to strike the hoiir that gives notice of 
 approaching judgment. 
 
 Thus, although he was far from being a spirit 
 of Eevolution, Cowper mourns in Eevolutionary 
 fashion over the growth of luxury and the evils 
 of a spurious civilization ; thus he pleads for a 
 return to simplicity of manners. He expresses 
 no less clearly the humanitarian sentiment of the 
 time. One of the pieces in his first volume is 
 named " Charity ; " the whole race of mankind, 
 he maintains, constitutes a great fraternity ; he 
 contrasts the brotherly kindness of Captain Cook 
 to his freeborn brethren of distant isles with the 
 inhumanity of Cortez ; he does honor to com- 
 merce, the providential purpose of which is to 
 bind together land to land and race to race, but 
 he reprobates with deep indignation the commerce 
 in human flesh and blood, those cargoes of despair, 
 against which Clarkson and Wilberforce pleaded ; 
 he celebrates the generous devotion of Howard 
 in quitting rural peace for scenes of woe, 
 and traversing Europe not to bring home the 
 treasures of art but the knowledge that dun- 
 geons teach. In an age of humanity and sen- 
 sibility the tender emotion naturally passed 
 beyond the bounds of our own species, and 
 spread over the whole animal creation. We re- 
 
PEECUESORS OF EEVOLUTION 39 
 
 member how Cowper found a solace for his haunt- 
 ing grief in affection for his tame hares, Puss, 
 Tiny, and Bess. In "The Task" he tells of his 
 delight in the happiness of the bounding fawn, 
 the horse's voluntary race, the uncouth gambol- 
 ling of cattle. Prophet though Balaam was, he 
 might not without rebuke strike the blameless 
 ass on which he rode. The poet would not 
 include in his list of friends, — 
 
 " Though graced ■with polished manners and fine sense, 
 Yet wanting sensibility, the man 
 Who needlessly sets foot upon a worm. 
 An inadvertent step may crush the snail 
 That crawls at evening in the public path ; 
 But he that has humanity, forewarned. 
 Will tread aside, and let the reptile live." 
 
 The sentiment to which he gives utterance is 
 that which inspired Burns in his poem, " To a 
 Mouse on turning up her IsTest with the Plough," 
 and gave its moral — 
 
 " He prayeth best who loveth best 
 All things, both great and small " — 
 
 to Coleridge's "Ancient Mariner." It is the 
 eighteenth-century sensibility united with the 
 Eevolutionary sentiment of fraternity spreading 
 itself abroad over the whole animal world. 
 But though Cowper gives expression to the 
 
40 THE FRENCH EEVOLUTION 
 
 Revolutionary feeling in favor of simplification 
 and to the passion of human brotherhood, no one 
 can imagine the poet of Olney, masculine as his 
 spirit was, flinging himself with fury against the 
 thrones of kings or the palaces of prelates. In 
 political matters he desired not revolution but 
 temperate reform. And with Cowper the cir- 
 cumference which rounded all subjects of thought 
 and feeling, and towards which his mind con- 
 stantly expanded, was the idea of God. If he 
 reverenced truth, it was not in the spirit of those 
 proud forerunners of the Eevolution w^ho did 
 homage to human reason ; he bowed the head 
 and bowed the knee before what he deemed to 
 be divine truth. If he spoke of equality, it was 
 of the equality of all souls before the Supreme. 
 The fraternity which he regarded as most perfect 
 is the fraternity of those who are brethren in 
 Christ. He invokes charity as the first and fair- 
 est of virtues, but he maintains that genuine 
 charity is the offspring of divine instruction ; we 
 become sensible of our own poverty, our frailty, 
 our deep disease, and so we learn pity for our 
 fellows. He chooses Hope for his theme ; but 
 he has no vision of a terrestrial paradise to be 
 realized by scientific progress or the overthrow 
 of earthly tyrannies. It is from the very vanity 
 
PEECUESOKS OF EEVOLUTION 41 
 
 of this world that our highest hope is born ; the 
 whole creation groans and travails. But hope 
 that is seen is not hope ; and the fulfilment shall 
 be only when the Lord of earth shall descend, 
 "propitious in his chariot paved with love." 
 Cowper pleads for simplicity, for a return to 
 nature ; but he adds that Nature of herself can- 
 not restore to man the glories he has lost; to 
 effect this, grace must come to the aid of Nature. 
 
 Thus the gospel of Eousseau is translated by 
 Cowper into the gospel according to St. Paul. 
 The combmation is a curious and interesting one 
 for literary study, of the sentiment of the Eevo- 
 lution with the faith and fervor of the Evan- 
 gelical revival. 
 
 Were the village folk of England really threat- 
 ened, as Cowper alleges, by the invasion of 
 luxury ? A different report was made by one 
 of his younger contemporaries who had himself 
 known the^ life of the poor, and who had resolved 
 to state nothing in verse that could not be veri- 
 fied to the letter. With the development of 
 manufactures by machinery the domestic in- 
 dustries were perishing ; small farms were con- 
 solidated into larger properties which necessarily 
 passed into the hands of the wealthy ; the small 
 farmer became a day-laborer ; common lands 
 
42 THE FEENCH EEVOLUTION 
 
 were enclosed ; prices rose out of proportion to 
 the increase of wages. The transition of indus- 
 try from the field and the cottage to the factory, 
 beneficial and inevitable as that transition was, 
 could not but be accompanied by much suffering 
 for the rural population, much demoralization for 
 the artisan. Within a year after the appearance 
 of Cowper's first volume was published a poem 
 which depicted with uncompromising realism the 
 life of the poor on the southeastern coast of 
 England, — " The Village," written by Crabbe, 
 read in manuscript by Burke, revised and 
 emended by Johnson. The romance of happy 
 swains and nymphs seemed to Crabbe to insult 
 the wretchedness of the peasant; he would de- 
 clare the fact and nothing but the fact. He 
 describes the niggard sandy soil ; the scanty 
 harvest besfit with weeds ; the wild amphibious 
 race, half peasants, half fishers, who gain more 
 by smuggling than by lawful dealings, bold, art- 
 ful, surly, savage. If they toil half-fed in the 
 fields, fevers and agues are their only certain 
 reward; a manhood of hopeless labor is fol- 
 lowed by an old age of neglected misery. The 
 parish work-house is the refuge of despair, 
 where the happiest inhabitants are "the mop- 
 ing idiot and the madman gay." At last the 
 
PEECURSORS OF REVOLUTION 43 
 
 bitter day closes ; the pauper's bier is borne to 
 the pauper's grave; the mourners follow, "se- 
 dately torpid and devoutly dumb;" the bell 
 tolls somewhat tardily ; the priest has weightier 
 cares to engage him — a fox-hunt or a whist- 
 party — than the dull business of assisting at a 
 mendicant's funeral. 
 
 " And waiting long, the crowd retire distrest 
 To think a poor man's bones should lie unblest." 
 
 Has Crabbe any consolation to offer, any 
 power to point to a bow of promise in the 
 clouds, or even any indignant cry for justice ? 
 He has none ; the weight of misery oppresses 
 him ; if the poor suffer, they have the vices 
 of the poor, and some of their misery is de- 
 served; only he would have the great ones of 
 the earth know that they are allied to their hum- 
 bler fellows, if by nothing else at least by vice ; 
 and the poor should learn that those whom they 
 envy are allied to them by hidden miseries hardly 
 less than theirs, though of another kind. The 
 age of patrons was not yet past ; and " The Vil- 
 lage " arrives at a most inappropriate and impo- 
 tent conclusion, with an eulogy of the virtue and 
 gallantry of a young sailor of the house of Eut- 
 land who had died in action with the French. 
 
44 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 Crabbe sets forth with unfaltering fidelity the 
 state of things which caused others to look upon 
 the popular outbreak in France as the signal for 
 a general revolt of the proletariat. But he does 
 not dream of revolt ; he will not be cheated by- 
 illusions ; he thinks only of hopeless endurance. 
 
II 
 
 THEOEISTS OF EEVOLUTION : GODWIN, 
 MAEY WOLLSTONECEAFT 
 
II 
 
 THEOEISTS OF EEVOLUTION 
 
 The doctrine of the Eevolution was presented 
 to English readers, not in immediate relation to 
 politics, but in the way of philosophical specula- 
 tion, more impressively than elsewhere in God- 
 win's " Enquiry concerning Political Justice " 
 (1793). Occupying a position at some distance 
 from the actual events of the French Eevolution, 
 Godwin could the more easily speculate on the 
 theory of society. To do this was more easy for 
 him than for a practical politician ; but perhaps 
 it was more dangerous, for the pressure of facts 
 exercises a wholesome influence on speculation. 
 Two great revolutions had taken place, — the up- 
 rising of the American colonies and the uprising 
 against the French monarchy and the old regime. 
 A thinker would naturally be led to consider the 
 meaning of these vast phenomena. By the char- 
 acter of Godwin's mind, he was in a high degree 
 qualified for the construction of a theory, and for 
 the uncompromising application of ideas to life. 
 
48 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 He was not a man of simxDle and warm feelings, 
 
 — feelings which may serve to enrich a doctrine 
 of life or to hold it in check ; he was somewhat of 
 a pedant among facts, chastising them into line 
 and order to suit his rectilinear arrangement ; a 
 pedantic morality that reduces duty to a kind of 
 geometry had more attraction for him than a mo- 
 rality that winds itself into the truths of human 
 nature. He had a certain haughtiness of intel- 
 lect ; he preferred the method of deduction from 
 a general principle in morals and politics to the 
 more modest method of induction. His imagina- 
 tion was not wide-orbing and comprehensive, 
 but it had considerable analytic power when ap- 
 plied to this point or to that. He had a re- 
 markable gift for imposing upon himself ; he 
 reverenced his own understanding, and pro- 
 foundly believed that his character was that of 
 a benevolent sage. Such men as Godwin, nar- 
 rowed in by a doctrinaire intellect, a contracted 
 imagination, and the egoism of unwavering self- 
 esteem, are dangerous. They have in them the 
 material for the making of fanatics. It might be 
 supposed that Godwin's coldness of temperament 
 
 — a coldness which disappeared when his vanity 
 was touched — would have saved him from fa- 
 naticism ; but as there is a fiery fanaticism of the 
 
THEORISTS OF REVOLUTION 49 
 
 passions, so there is a cold fanaticism of the idea. 
 At another time his cumbrous speculations might 
 have remained Hfeless or inert; the genius of 
 Eevolution gave them a vitality and energy which 
 were not properly their own. From the heart of 
 his icy doctrine there gleamed an iridescence of 
 extravagant hopes. 
 
 His influence with young and ardent spirits 
 was great. He seemed to provide a comprehen- 
 sive theory of conduct, — a doctrine embracing 
 both private and public duties. This doctrine 
 was one which gave unbounded freedom to the 
 individual reason ; the law was a proclamation of 
 liberty ; moral anarchy was exhibited as the high- 
 est moral order. For a time Godwin's teaching 
 was accepted with characteristic ardor by Southey. 
 Coleridge submitted to the force of his reasonings, 
 but before long became a revolter. " Throw aside 
 your books of chemistry," said Wordsworth to a 
 student in the Temple, " and read Godwin on Ne- 
 cessity." A remarkable though a neglected poem 
 of Wordsworth, his early tragedy " The Borderers," 
 marks the precise moment at which he recoiled 
 in alarm from the lessons of Godwin. In that 
 drama a generous youtli is seduced into crime 
 through the sophistical reasoning of an elder man, 
 who by a specious abuse of the intellect dis- 
 
50 THE FEENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 integrates all natural feelings, all habitual moral 
 checks, and would replace these by the unaided 
 guidance of the private reason. It has been 
 pointed out by M. Legouis, in his admirable study 
 " La Jeunesse de William Wordsworth," that cer- 
 tain of the " Lyrical Ballads " in their vindication 
 of the natural affections and the deep reverence 
 with which they regard the permanent passions 
 of humanity, furnish a reply and a rebuke to those 
 doctrines of Godwin which had once dominated 
 Wordsworth's mind. But if we would see the 
 principles of the "Political Justice" translated 
 into poetry and realized in action, we have only 
 to study the writings and the life of his pupil 
 and son-in-law, Shelley. Shelley, unlike Words- 
 wortli and unlike Coleridge, was deficient in the 
 power of original thought. Here, indeed, lies the 
 capital infirmity of Shelley's genius. He accepted 
 en bloc a system which, though doubtless it had 
 affinities with his mind, was not the native growth 
 of his intellect, — a system which was imposed 
 upon him by a master. In M. Paul Bourget's novel 
 " Le Disciple " the young hero of the story be- 
 comes the intellectual pupil of a scientific sage, 
 a man of aspiring ideas and almost ascetic life, a 
 saintly compounder of poisonous theory ; and by 
 acting out the doctrine formulated by his master, 
 
THEOEISTS OF KE VOLUTION 51 
 
 but never by him tested in the stress of life nor 
 carried fully into action, the disciple wrecks his 
 whole existence, and inflicts irreparable injury on 
 others. How far was the master responsible — ■ 
 such is M. Paul Bourget's problem — for the dis- 
 ciple's errors and crimes? The case of Shelley 
 was not so unfortunate ; his action upon the world 
 has been, in the larger reckoning, beneficent ; but 
 it is demonstrable that many of the errors of his 
 life and almost all the fallacies which lie behind 
 the color and music of his art were directly due 
 to his uncompromising discipleship to Godwin, 
 together with that zeal which possessed Shelley 
 for carrying immediately into practice those ideas 
 which he accepted as true. 
 
 To form a just estimate of the concussion, as 
 Godwin calls it, which the minds of men under- 
 went through the impact of the Revolution, it is 
 well to make acquaintance with " Political Jus- 
 tice " in the first edition. For later texts the first 
 four books and the last book were in great part 
 rewritten; variations are scattered everywhere 
 throughout the books ; and some of the most 
 striking doctrinaire extravagances disappear. 
 The design of Godwin's treatise was formed in 
 May, 1791, when he was in his thirty-sixth year; 
 and for sixteen months he devoted himself to his 
 
52 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 task with the utmost ardor. Twelve years pre- 
 viously, as he informs his readers in the Preface, 
 he had become satisfied that monarchy is a species 
 of government essentially corrupt, — a conviction 
 which he derived not directly from observation, 
 but from books, in particular from the political 
 writings of Swift and from the Latin historians. 
 At the same time he was much influenced by the 
 works of the French philosophers of the eigh- 
 teenth century, — by D'Holbach's " Systeme de la 
 Nature," the writings of Eousseau, and those of 
 Helv^tius. The events of the French Ee volution 
 convinced him of the evils of a complicated sys- 
 tem of government ; and by degrees he arrived 
 at the conclusion that government by its very 
 nature counteracts the improvement of the indi- 
 vidual mind. His early faith in Providence and 
 in God had faded away ; but it was from one 
 whose theological orthodoxy was pre-eminent, 
 from Jonathan Edwards, that he adopted cer- 
 tain of his arguments in favor of the philosophical 
 doctrine of necessity. Atheist, materialist, and 
 necessarian as at this time he was, no man ever 
 asserted more strongly the omnipotence of mind ; 
 and it would be unjust to Godwin not to recog- 
 nize the fact that, while sapping at the bases of 
 morality, he did so in the cause of what he con- 
 
THEORISTS OF REVOLUTION 53 
 
 ceived to be a higher and stricter system of 
 morals. His power of persuasion with young 
 men of generous temper and speculative intel- 
 lect is in itself an attestation of the magnani- 
 mous aspect which at the first view his system 
 presented. 
 
 By the words Political Justice Godwin means 
 the application of justice to society and to all its 
 arrangements. But what is justice ? It means 
 the impartial treatment of every man in matters 
 that relate to his happiness, and thus it may be 
 said to comprise all moral duty. With Godwin 
 politics is no mere affair of party expediency, but 
 rather a department of the science of morals. 
 In "Easselas" Johnson makes his astronomer 
 speak of the task of a king who has only the care 
 of a few millions to whom he cannot do much 
 good or harm. In a like spirit he conceived the 
 lines which he contributed to the close of " The 
 Traveller," — 
 
 " In every government, though terrors reign, 
 Though tyrant kings, or tyraiit laws, restrain. 
 How small, of all that human hearts endure. 
 That part which laws or kings can cause or cure ! " 
 
 " Sir," said Johnson to Adam Fergusson, " I 
 would not give half a guinea to live under one 
 form of government rather than another. It is 
 
54 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 of no moment to the happiness of an individual. 
 Sir, the abuse of power is nothing to a private 
 man. What Frenchman is prevented from pass- 
 ing his life as he pleases ? " Against this opinion, 
 that the happiness of individuals is little affected 
 by governments, Godwin justly and energetically 
 protests. Millions of men in former ages were 
 led to war under the standards of great con- 
 querors, and they ravaged innumerable provinces. 
 In domestic administration the established and 
 approved methods of persuading the subject to 
 obedience have been whips, axes, gibbets, dun- 
 geons, chains, racks : do not these somewhat dis- 
 turb the happiness of the individual ? The moral 
 characters of men are formed, according to God- 
 win, by the play of circumstance upon mind, and 
 of all modes of acting upon mind he held that gov- 
 ernment is the most considerable. Fortunately 
 human nature is capable of indefinite growth ; 
 man is not a perfect being, but he is perfectible; 
 and among the causes that contribute to his 
 moral improvement the most important are edu- 
 cation, literature, and political justice. Vice and 
 sin, as we understand these terms, have no real 
 existence ; vice, according to Godwin, is only an 
 intellectual error, an erroneous perception, con- 
 verted into action ; and on the other hand the 
 
THEORISTS OP REVOLUTION 55 
 
 most essential part of virtue consists in endeavor- 
 ing to inform ourselves more accurately upon the 
 subject of utility and right. Unhappily wide- 
 spread errors have been embodied and made per- 
 manent in the prevailing institutions of society ; 
 and the tendency of every government is to 
 prompt us to seek the public welfare, not, as 
 should be the case, by means of innovation and 
 improvement, but in a timid reverence for the 
 decisions of our ancestors. What has been the 
 result ? What is the state of things as regards 
 human happiness that we see around us ? In the 
 most refined countries of Europe, vast numbers of 
 the inhabitants are deprived of almost every 
 accommodation that can render life secure or even 
 tolerable. The misery of the many is aggravated 
 by the ostentatious luxury, the magnificence, the 
 usurpation, the insolence of the fortunate few. 
 Nor is this a passing phase of society ; the un- 
 endurable evils are perpetuated by legislation, 
 which in almost every country grossly favors the 
 rich as against the poor, and by the iniquitous 
 administration of iniquitous laws. Entire classes 
 of men are banded together to operate as organ- 
 ized bodies against social progress ; priests, who 
 are accustomed on all occasions to have their 
 opinions listened to with deference, are inevita- 
 
56 THE FEENCH EEVOLUTION 
 
 bly imperious, dogmatic, and impatient of oppo- 
 sition, and yet there exists a priestly caste ; 
 " their importance is connected with their real or 
 supposed mental superiority over the rest of man- 
 kind ; they must therefore be patrons of prejudice 
 and implicit faith ; their prosperity depends upon 
 the reception of particular opinions in the world ; 
 they must therefore be enemies to freedom of 
 inquiry." 
 
 And now, seeing such a world lying around us 
 in error, what is justice ? What is that moral 
 principle which should be embodied in the insti- 
 tutions of society, and iji every act of every one 
 of its members ? The principle of justice is this, 
 — that each individual should do to others all 
 the good that is in his power, and that society 
 should do everything for its members that can 
 contribute to their welfare. All personal and 
 private feelings must be repressed and finally 
 destroyed; family ties, special preferences, friend- 
 ship, gratitude to benefactors are prejudices un- 
 worthy of an enlightened lover of his species. 
 In distributing benefits among others I am bound 
 to consider solely how they may be most con- 
 ducive to the general good. Suppose the choice 
 lay before me of rescuing from fire the author of 
 the immortal " Telemachus," or my mother, my 
 
THEORISTS OF REVOLUTION 57 
 
 wife, or my child; who can question that the 
 author of " Telemachus " is more likely to render 
 important service to mankind ? What magic is 
 there in the pronoun my ? My mother may be a 
 fool ; she may be malicious, mendacious, or dis- 
 honest. As for the superstition of gratitude, 
 why should I suppose that I owe my benefactor 
 a debt ? He can have done no more than it was 
 his duty to do. My own property and my own 
 life I must equally hold in trust for others. The 
 sole question that should determine conduct is 
 this : How can I produce the greatest quantity 
 of general good ? 
 
 In place of the present system of inequality, 
 with its distinctions of rank and class and wealth, 
 -political justice admits only natural inequalities : 
 first, a certain physical superiority or inferiority, 
 which, however, has been much exaggerated ; and, 
 secondly, the inequality of men's merits and 
 virtues. A career should be left open to all 
 talents ; " we should endeavor to afford to all 
 the same opportunities and the same encourage- 
 ments, and to render justice the common interest 
 and choice." Eights of man were pleaded for ; 
 Godwin, a stern moralist, acknowledges no such 
 rights ; man has only duties, or rather a single 
 duty in all its varieties of application, that of 
 
58 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 benefiting his fellows to the utmost. This is our 
 sole duty, and to ascertain the particulars of that 
 duty there is but one means, — the exercise of 
 the understanding. Hence, if we would make 
 other men virtuous, we can do so in no other way 
 than by enlightening and convincing their intel- 
 lect. Eacks, whips, and chains may disappear 
 forever. To punish a murderer is both unjust 
 and absurd ; and for two reasons, — in the first 
 place, he acted as he must of necessity have 
 acted, he had no more freedom than the knife 
 which he employed ; and in the second place, 
 the gallows is an appeal to selfish fears and not 
 to the murderer's intelligence. Argue with him. 
 convince him of his erroneous estimate of hap- 
 piness, and you have done all that you ought, 
 you have done all that you can. 
 
 The cultivation of truth, accordingly, is one 
 of the chief human duties. But in order that 
 we should ascertain truth, we must be con- 
 stantly prepared to correct past errors, we must 
 perpetually revise our opinions in the light of 
 our new attainments. Hence the individual man 
 must guard against the sense of obligation to his 
 former self, and in like manner a nation ought 
 at every moment to be prepared to break with 
 its past. Each act of our individual lives, each 
 
THEOEISTS OF REVOLUTION 59 
 
 act of national life, ought to arise from an imme- 
 diate perception of the truth, so far as at the 
 moment truth can be ascertained; nor should 
 any act of our former selves nor any national 
 act of our forefathers shackle or hamper our 
 freedom of the present hour. It necessarily 
 follows that promises and vows are in their very 
 nature immoral. They are needless, for every 
 instant prescribes its owm duty, to which a 
 promise can add no authority. They are mis- 
 chievous, inasmuch as they substitute a fictitious 
 obligation derived from the past for the living 
 and immediate voice of reason. Eor a like reason 
 the obedience of one man to another or to a gov- 
 ernment partakes of the nature of immorality. 
 It deprives our reason of its sovereign preroga- 
 tive. To justice and to truth we are bound to 
 submit, because they approve themselves to our 
 understanding ; but in no case can we be bound 
 to submit to authority or to force. It were best 
 if society were permitted to develop itself with- 
 out government of any kind, as a body of inde- 
 pendent units, each subject to justice and to 
 reason, each, therefore, devoted to the good of all 
 the rest. But if a government be established, 
 let it, at least, be the simplest possible of gov- 
 ernments in its necessary arrangements ; and 
 
60 THE FRENCH EEVOLUTION 
 
 that its action may be free and intelligent, let 
 every member of the community have a share 
 in its formation. Thus only can each man be 
 inspired by a consciousness of his own impor- 
 tance, and " the slavish feelings that shrink up 
 the soul in the presence of an imagined superior " 
 cease to exist. At any moment it may become 
 a duty to resist the government and effect a 
 revolution. But Godwin maintained that physi- 
 cal violence is unworthy of a rational being; 
 revolutions are to be conducted by means of 
 argument and persuasion. The best security 
 for an advantageous issue to a revolutionary 
 movement lies in free and complete discussion 
 of individual with individual. Anything of the 
 nature of political associations is to be feared as 
 tending to tumult and unreason. 
 
 So Godwin, with a kind of implacable idealism, 
 erected his fabric of political justice. This he 
 did, not as one who would construct an imaginary 
 commonwealth, or picture an Utopia. He was 
 possessed by an ardent faith in his own ideas as 
 about to be realized, by an unquenchable hope 
 in the future of mankind. The keystone of his 
 entire structure he held to be a genuine system 
 of property. To whom, he asks, does any article 
 of property, suppose a loaf of bread, justly be- 
 
THEORISTS OF REVOLUTION 61 
 
 long ? Assuredly to Mm who wants it most, or 
 to whom the possession of it will be most bene- 
 ficial. Every man is entitled, so far as the 
 general stock will suffice, not only to the means 
 of being but of well-being. Every man should 
 make his contribution to the common stock, and 
 every man should possess his share. Eeligious 
 teachers have indeed urged upon their disciples 
 the practice of charity ; but they have represented 
 charity as an affair of spontaneous generosity, a 
 species of bounty ; whereas the distribution of 
 every shilling that we possess is in truth a mere 
 act of justice. " Keligion," adds Godwin, " is in 
 reality in all its parts an accommodation to the 
 prejudices and weaknesses of mankind." He 
 calculates that half an hour out of each day 
 employed in manual labor by every member of 
 the community would sufficiently supply the 
 whole with necessaries. Let it not be supposed, 
 however, that Godwin was of the school of 
 modern socialism. On the contrary, he is an 
 uncompromising individualist. Everything of the 
 nature of co-operation was repellent to his mind. 
 He even anticipated the time when a musical 
 concert in which several performers take part 
 will be felt to be an intolerable anomaly ; and 
 when, for truly rational auditors, a solitary musi- 
 
62 THE FKENCH KEVOLUTION 
 
 cian will perforin the whole, rendering his own 
 compositions, since no other than his own can be 
 native to his reason and his imagination ; a time 
 when theatrical exhibitions must cease, because 
 no human being in the age of enlightenment will 
 come forward to repeat ideas and words that are 
 not his own. In that happier epoch, moreover, 
 man and woman will co-operate as husband and 
 wife only for so long as each may deem it bene- 
 ficial. The institution of marriage is "a system 
 of fraud ; " it is " law and the worst of laws ; " 
 it is a violation of individual liberty, — the en- 
 grossing of one human being by another. The 
 family, as we know it, will merge itself in the 
 universal family of mankind. Each human unit 
 being independent, yet bound to every other 
 human unit by justice, Godwin expected that 
 at no distant date surnames would pass out of 
 use ; man will at last be man, no less and no 
 more, — ■ 
 
 " Sceptreless, free, uncircumscribed, but mau 
 Equal, unclassed, tribeless, and nationless, 
 Exempt from awe, worship, degree, the king 
 Over himself; just, gentle, wise." 
 
 As mind advances in its mastery over matter, 
 it may well be that the secret of terrestrial im- 
 mortality shall be discovered. The immortals of 
 
THEOEISTS OF EEVOLUTION 63 
 
 earth, with their improved understandings, will 
 perceive the evil consequences of multiplying the 
 population. In that golden age of reason all men 
 will be adults ; the existence of children will be 
 known only by the records of ancient history. 
 There will then be no crimes, no bolts or bars, 
 no enforced obedience, no gratitude, no sentiment 
 of the family, no love of country, no administra- 
 tion of justice (as it is called), and no government. 
 " These latter articles," writes Godwin, " are at 
 no great distance ; and it is not impossible that 
 some of the present race of men may live to see 
 them in part accomplished. But beside this, 
 there will be no disease, no anguish, no melan- 
 choly, and no resentment. Every man will seek 
 with ineffable ardor the good of all." Is it to 
 Godwin or to Shelley that we are listening ? It is 
 indeed to both, for the disciple in his more doc- 
 trinaire poems only translated into terms of emo- 
 tion and imagination the intellectual oracles of 
 the master. 
 
 " He is a dreamer ; let us leave him ; pass." 
 And pass we might, save for two reasons : First, 
 Godwin, and Shelley with him, if dreamers, 
 dreamed a portion of the truth ; fragments of 
 the dream were prophetic of actual tendencies 
 in modern society. That is one reason why it 
 
64 THE FRENCH EEVOLUTION 
 
 is worth attending to the voice that speaks in 
 " Political Justice." And the second reason is 
 that the book, with all its fantastic illusions, is 
 in a high degree representative of the time. Its 
 utilitarian ethics are the ethics of the second half 
 of the eighteenth century ; the reigning personage 
 of the treatise is the revolutionary abstraction, — 
 Man ; man, denuded of all distinctions, viewed 
 apart from all conditions and circumstances. The 
 three sacred words of the Eevolution — liberty, 
 equality, fraternity — are adopted and written 
 large by Godwin : liberty the most absolute ; 
 equality as complete as can be attained, for cer- 
 tain natural inequalities the theorist is unable to 
 deny ; fraternity, realized in principles of univer- 
 sal benevolence. The wdiole body of Godwin's 
 thought is inspired by that boundless faith in 
 human nature which sustained and animated the 
 nobler spirits of 1789 ; human perfectibility is a 
 cardinal article in his creed ; his hopes for the 
 future are as assured as they are extravagant. 
 The worshijD of Eeason is celebrated in the sys- 
 tem of the philosopher with the pious orgies of a 
 frigid enthusiasm. " Mankind," says Mr. Leslie 
 Stephen, " is, or ought to be, in Godwin's view a 
 vast collection of incarnate syllogisms." God- 
 win's conception is of something yet more for- 
 
THEORISTS OF REVOLUTION 65 
 
 midable; every incarnate syllogism is, or ought 
 to be, possessed by the zeal of an aggressive be- 
 nevolence. Happily each is isolated ; each human 
 intelligence is a single, separate entity. No 
 writer expresses more clearly than Godwin the 
 individualism of the opening of the Eevolutionary 
 movement of Europe. Nor does any writer ex- 
 hibit more strikingly its etitire lack of historical 
 thought and feeling. Man is not conceived as 
 growing out of the past ; the heritage from for- 
 mer generations is a heritage of superstition, 
 tyranny, unreason ; it exists only to be relin- 
 quished or destroyed. The Year One has arrived ; 
 and the whole world is to be reconstructed, with- 
 out reference to inheritance or accumulated ten- 
 dencies, on the principles of the Eeason. There is 
 something sublime, something pathetic, something 
 ludicrous in the heroic folly with which the phi- 
 losopher in his study calmly remodels the entire 
 world of humanity. But the fallacies as well as 
 the truths of " Political Justice " belong less to 
 the individual writer than to the extraordinary 
 epoch in the world's history in which he lived 
 and moved. 
 
 The " Enquiry concerning Political Justice " 
 was published in February, 1793. " In this year 
 also," says Godwin, " I wrote the principal part 
 
66 THE FEENCH KEVOLUTION 
 
 of the novel of 'Caleb Williams/ which may 
 perhaps be considered as affording no inadequate 
 image of the fervor of my spirit ; it was the off- 
 spring of that temper of mind in which the com- 
 position of my ' Political Justice ' left me." In 
 "Caleb Williams" we have before us a revolu- 
 tionary work of art, the imaginative work of a 
 theorist, a tale which enforces a doctrine. It 
 gains and loses by the concentration of spirit 
 with which Godwin in it studies and works out 
 a moral problem. To read it is to enter and ex- 
 plore a cavern ; it is narrow ; it is dark ; we lose 
 the light and air, and the clear spaces of the fir- 
 mament; but the explorer's passion seizes upon 
 us, and we grope along the narrowing walls with 
 an intensity of curious desire. As the work of 
 a political thinker, the book is an indictment 
 of society. " Things as they are " — this, and 
 not the name of the hero — is the first title of 
 Godwin's novel ; and things as they are present 
 themselves to the reader as, in the main, things 
 as they ought not to be. The gentry of England 
 are exhibited under two types. Mr. Falkland, a 
 gentleman sensitive, refined, benevolent, possessed 
 by all the sentiments of a romantic chivalry, is 
 brought into antagonism with a brutal and over- 
 bearing country squire. He opposes himself with 
 
THEORISTS OF REVOLUTION 67 
 
 firm yet gentle magnanimity to Tyrrel's acts of 
 tyrannic injustice ; at length, in the whirl of 
 passion following an outrageous insult, Falkland 
 stabs to death his antagonist. The thought of 
 making his own exit from the world on the gal- 
 lows with a dishonored name is intolerable to his 
 sense of aristocratic dignity. He permits two in- 
 nocent rustics, a father and a son, who are 'sus- 
 pected of the murder, to bear the penalty of his 
 crime ; and forever after he is haunted by re- 
 morse, afflicted by sudden spasms of anguish and 
 of shame, while to counterbalance his evil deed 
 he devotes his life to the service of his fellows. 
 Mr. Falkland's young secretary, Caleb Williams, 
 drawn on by the very enthusiasm of curiosity, 
 dominated by a passion to probe the mysteries 
 of the human spirit, penetrates to the dreadful 
 secret of his master's guilt, and thenceforth be- 
 comes the victim of a persecution which is unfal- 
 tering so far as it is essential to the preservation 
 of Falkland's fair fame, and yet is unstained by 
 the baseness of personal malignity. Falkland 
 dies in the agony and blessed relief of a public 
 confession of his crime. 
 
 Godwin's ambition as a thinker and a man of 
 letters was arduous and lofty. The most char- 
 acteristic features of his mind in childhood, he 
 
68 THE FKENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 tells US, were religion and a love of distinction. 
 His religious zeal transformed itself into political 
 enthusiasm ; his love of distinction remained, and 
 took the form of literary ambition. During ten 
 years he had toiled without success. " Everything 
 I wrote," he says in the preface to "Fleetwood," 
 " fell still-born from the press." At length, 
 with the publication of " Political Justice," fame 
 arrived, and with it came an enhanced sense of 
 power. He had always believed that he possessed 
 the gifts of an inventor of fictitious narrative, 
 and in setting to his task he repeated to himself, 
 again and again, the words : " I will write a tale 
 that shall constitute an epoch in the mind of the 
 reader, and no one, after he has read it, shall ever 
 be exactly the same man that he was before." 
 " Caleb Williams " is indeed a product of the will, 
 — a work of strenuous resolve rather than the 
 offspring of genial creation. The writer first 
 constructed a problem, and then set himself to 
 unravel its difficulties. He began by thinking 
 out the close of his story, and then worked back- 
 ward from the catastrophe to its causes ; having 
 formed the plan of his third volume, he pro- 
 ceeded as it were along necessary lines of causa- 
 tion to the second volume, and from that again 
 to the first. There is a strong concatenation of 
 
THEORISTS OF REVOLUTION 69 
 
 plot interest, and the characters are constructed 
 to support and expound the plot ; but in a work 
 so calculated we miss the joy which comes with 
 a sense of free imaginative growth. Godwin 
 wrote in the first person, after having tried the 
 more usual w^ay of narrative, because it suited 
 better his purpose of analysis, and guided what 
 he terms his " metaphysical dissecting-knife " in 
 tracing and laying bare the involutions of motive. 
 He planted himself at his desk only when his 
 theme possessed him, laying aside his manuscript 
 for days or weeks when he was not fully in the 
 vein. " Idleness was only time lost . . . ; it was 
 merely a day perished from the calendar. But a 
 passage written feebly, flatly, or in the wrong 
 spirit constituted an obstacle that it was next to 
 impossible to correct and set right again." Thus 
 for twelve months he lived during his best hours 
 in his realm of invention, and then his task was 
 achieved. 
 
 To understand aright the motives of Godwin's 
 novel, it is necessary to collate the book with his 
 other writings. A preface to the first edition, 
 dated May 12, 1794, was withdrawn in compli- 
 ance with the bookseller's alarms ; it appeared, 
 when the second edition was published, towards 
 the close of the following year. The acquittal 
 
70 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 of Hardy and Home Tooke, on tlie charge of 
 high treason, in the autumn of 1794, was talcen 
 to indicate the collapse of what Godwin styles 
 " a sanguinary plot against the liberties of Eng- 
 lishmen." In his preface to "Caleb Williams," the 
 author explains his design of showing how " the 
 spirit and character of the government intrudes 
 itself into every rank of society." Eepresenting 
 " things as they are," he is compelled to exhibit 
 the various modes of "domestic and unrecorded 
 despotism by which man becomes the destroyer 
 of man." The fatal error of Godwin's hero, Falk- 
 land, — an error maintained through life, and 
 only abandoned at the moment of death, — pro- 
 ceeds from his acceptance of a false standard 
 of morals ; his is the aristocratic, the chivalric, 
 the traditional standard ; he wrongs his nature 
 as a man, his humanity, in order to preserve 
 unstained his reputation as a gentleman and a 
 man of honor. In Tyrrel is presented the dul- 
 ness, the grossness, the overbearing self-will, the 
 boisterous arrogance of one who possesses power 
 and position, not through desert, but merely by 
 inheritance. He is an oppressive landlord, who 
 does not scruple to ruin the industrious tenant ; 
 a domineering head of a house, who would force 
 his brute will upon his dependants. Falkland is 
 
THEORISTS OF REVOLUTION 71 
 
 made of finer metal ; lie is shocked by his rival's 
 coarseness of feeling and perception ; he actively 
 opposes the tyranny of this rude lord of many 
 acres. But Falkland is himself tainted by a sub- 
 tler pride of rank and class, and when he suffers 
 physical violence at the hands of his brawny an- 
 tagonist all his blood turns to flame. Instead of 
 recognizing, in a philosophic spirit, that no real 
 dishonor could lie in the fact that his muscles 
 are less powerful than those of a giant, he loses 
 all sense of the truth of things, and sweeps on 
 the instant to his revenge. That he may still 
 live in the eyes and the memories of his fellows 
 as a loyal gentleman, his whole existence be- 
 comes a lie. He is at once the culprit and the 
 martyr of the chivalric ideal. 
 
 With the resources of wealth and influence at 
 his command, it is easy for Falkland, under the 
 forms of English law, to make his secretary the 
 victim of legalized injustice. On a false accusa- 
 tion, Caleb Williams is thrown into prison, and 
 long lies awaiting his trial, punished by a 
 weary captivity before he has been convicted. 
 " Thank God, exclaims the Englishman, we have 
 no Bastille ! Thank God, with us no man can be 
 punished without a crime ! Unthinking wretch ! 
 Is that a country of liberty where thousands Ian- 
 
72 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 guish in dungeons and fetters ? Go, go, ignorant 
 fool ! and visit the scenes of our prisons ! Witness 
 their unwholesomeness, their filth, the tyranny 
 of their governors, the misery of their inmates ! 
 After that show me the man shameless enough 
 to triumph, and say, England has no Bastille! 
 Is there any charge so frivolous upon which men 
 are not consigned to these detested abodes ? Is 
 there any villany that is not practised by justices 
 and prosecutors ? But against all this, perhaps 
 you have been told, there is a redress. Yes, a 
 redress that it is the consummation of insult 
 so much as to name ! Where shall the poor 
 wretch reduced to the last despair, and to whom 
 acquittal perhaps comes just in time enough to 
 save him from perishing, — where shall this man 
 find leisure, and, much less, money, to fee counsel 
 and officers, and purchase the tedious dear-bought 
 remedy of the law ? No, he is too happy to 
 leave his dungeon, and the memory of his dun- 
 geon, behind him ; and the same tyranny and 
 wanton oppression become the inheritance of his 
 successor." Naturally, if law was tyranny, the 
 offenders, or alleged offenders, against the law 
 were amiable and admirable victims of its evil 
 sway. Godwin, confident in his own originality 
 as a writer, did not fear to make studies for 
 
THEOEISTS OF REVOLUTION 73 
 
 " Caleb Williams " from the writings of former 
 authors, — from "The Adventures of Mademoi- 
 selle de Saint Phale," a French Protestant of 
 the times of the Huguenot persecutions, from 
 that tremendous compilation " God's Pievenge 
 against Murther," from the "Lives of the Pi- 
 rates." In the " Newgate Calendar " he found 
 an incident which he adapted to the purpose of 
 his novel. The ministers of the law are venal 
 tyrants ; but among his fellow-prisoners Caleb 
 finds a young soldier of a most engaging counte- 
 nance and a character distinguished by integrity 
 and refinement, who has been committed on a 
 false accusation of highway robbery. " His hab- 
 its of thinking were peculiar, full of justice, sim- 
 plicity, and wisdom." His favorite solace was 
 derived from the works of Horace and Virgil, 
 He spoke without bitterness of the injustice 
 under which he suffered, and predicted that the 
 time would come — but such happiness was re- 
 served for posterity — when the possibility of 
 such intolerable oppression would be extirpated. 
 Brightwel, the young soldier, dies in prison, and 
 Caleb Williams receives his parting breath. 
 
 Escaped from confinement, Caleb secures for a 
 time an asylum in the lurking-place of a band of 
 robbers, and among these he discovers virtues 
 
74 THE FEENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 unknown to the men whose business it was to 
 administer the laws of his country, that is, to 
 wrest those laws to the advantage of the wealthy 
 and the powerful. At least these freebooters 
 knew the joys of freedom : " they could form 
 plans and execute them ; they consulted their 
 own inclinations ; they did not impose upon 
 themselves the task, as is too often the case in 
 human society, of seeming tacitly to approve that 
 from which they suffered most ; or, which is 
 worse, of persuading themselves that all the 
 wrongs they suffered were right; but w^ere at 
 open war with their oppressors." Among them 
 were to be found benevolence and comradeship; 
 they were strongly susceptible of emotions of 
 generosity. They had no part in " the debilita- 
 ting routine of human affairs ; " and hence they 
 frequently displayed " an energy which from 
 every impartial observer would have extorted 
 veneration." That it was a misapplied energy 
 Godwin admits; but energy, as such, is "perhaps 
 of all qualities the most valuable." 
 
 Godwin's benevolent and venerable highway- 
 men stand in the moral scale far above the servile 
 tribes of lawyers and parsons ; but they fall short 
 of his ideal of manhood. This ideal is indicated 
 in his outline sketch of Mr. Collins, the steward of 
 
THEORISTS OF REVOLUTION 75 
 
 Falkland's estate. Mr. Collins had befriended Caleb 
 Williams in early youth as his father's executor. 
 Almost to the end he remains convinced of his 
 master's innocence, and believes that Caleb is 
 guilty of the crimes laid to his charge. He is 
 instructed in a mild and enlightened philosophy, 
 and when he speaks, his words sound like a 
 paragraph from " Political Justice." In that 
 treatise Godwin had pushed to its furthest con- 
 sequences the doctrine of necessity ; there is no 
 such thing as freedom of the will ; therefore no 
 indignation against wrong-doing (unless, perhaps 
 the tyranny of rulers and the frauds of priests) 
 can be reasonable. All vice is merely error, a 
 miscalculation of consequences. The murderer 
 is no more to be detested than is the knife with 
 which he perpetrated the murder. Mr. Collins 
 has banished from his enlightened understanding 
 the very ideas of crime and guilt. " You know," 
 he says to Caleb, " my habits of thinking. I re- 
 gard you as vicious; but I do not consider the 
 vicious as proper objects of indignation and scorn. 
 I consider you as a machine : you are not con- 
 stituted, I am afraid, to be greatly useful to your 
 fellow-men ; but you did not make yourself ; you 
 are just what circumstances irresistibly compelled 
 you to be. I am sorry for your ill properties ; 
 
76 THE FKENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 but I entertain no enmity against you, nothing 
 but benevolence. Considering you in the light 
 in which I at present consider you, I am ready to 
 contribute everything in my power to your real 
 advantage, and would gladly assist you, if I knew 
 how, in detecting and extirpating the errors that 
 have misled you." So philosophizes the sage in 
 presence of the unhappy youth, and no benevo- 
 lent machine could creak out pedantic morals 
 with more mechanical precision. Too evidently, 
 among Godwin's gifts a sense of humor was not 
 the most considerable. 
 
 " Caleb Williams " is the one novel of the days 
 of Eevolution, embodying the new doctrine of the 
 time, which can be said to survive. No power of 
 evocation can reanimate the forms which once 
 moved as men and women through the tales of 
 Holcroft and of Bage. Holcroft's "Memoirs," 
 written in part by himself and continued to his 
 death by Hazlitt, are indeed a piece of veritable 
 life, a genuine record of heroism in literature. 
 The child of a London shoemaker, whose wife 
 sold greens and oysters, Holcroft came early to 
 know the hardships and injuries of the poor. He 
 tramped the country, hawking peddlery with his 
 mother; he begged alms from the passers-by. 
 He had risen in the world when as a stable-boy 
 
THEORISTS OF EEVOLUTION 77 
 
 he groomed horses at Newmarket. In his pages 
 we are on terms of pleasant intmiacy with famous 
 racers and jockeys whose moments of triumph 
 are more than a century gone by. Between stable 
 hours he learnt the rule of three, and, with an 
 old nail for pencil, cast up sums on the paling of 
 the stable-yard. In due time he set up a country 
 school, had one scholar, and lived on potatoes and 
 buttermilk. As a poor player he appeared in 
 Macklin's company and trod the boards of Dublin 
 theatres. From actor he climbed to author, writ- 
 ing many pieces for the stage which are now 
 forgotten, and one, " The Koad to Euin," which 
 has some claim to be remembered. In 1784 he 
 was attracted to Paris by the celebrity of Beau- 
 marchais' "Marriage of Figaro,"- — that drama 
 which caught the colors of the Eevolutionary 
 dawn before the sun had risen. With the assist- 
 ance of a friend Holcroft transcribed the play 
 from the recollection of successive performances ; 
 he adapted it to the English stage, himself acted 
 the part of Figaro, and received an ample reward 
 from the theatre. Sprung from the people, and 
 acquainted with the lot of the poor, ardent and 
 aspiring of temper, he became a zealot for the 
 principles of the French Eevolution, and was 
 indicted with Hardy and his companions for high 
 
78 THE FEENCH EEVOLUTION 
 
 treason. In his novel "Anna St. Ives" lie 
 creates his personages — so Hazlitt cannot but 
 admit — as the vehicles of certain general senti- 
 ments, or " machines put into action," with a view 
 to reducing those sentiments to the supposed test 
 of imagined action. Deeply stirred as Hazlitt 
 himself was by the passions of the movement in 
 France, he was too true in his feeling for litera- 
 ture to admire the pitiful drapery in which Hol- 
 croft clothes his political abstractions, in order 
 that, " petticoated, booted, and spurred," they may 
 show their paces on the high horse. "Hugh 
 Trevor," which may be regarded as a sequel to 
 "Anna St. Ives," aims at presenting a view of 
 things as they are, of society with its decaying 
 and demoralizing institutions, from which misery 
 and vice are spread abroad as by some pestilen- 
 tial miasma. Holcrof t's indictment of the estab- 
 lished order in the pages of his novel is forgotten, 
 but we still remember those verses of his which 
 tell of tlie cold comfort offered to Gaff"er Gray in 
 the bitter January weather by parson, squire, and 
 lawyer ; it is only the poor man — so concludes 
 the song — who can feel for the misery of the 
 poor, and share his morsel with a fellow-sufferer. 
 Three of the novels of Eobert Bage had the 
 distinction of being included by Scott in Ballan- 
 
THEOEISTS OF EEYOLUTION 79 
 
 tyne's Novelist's Library. A Quaker by his edu- 
 cation, Bage found his way to free thought in 
 religion and in politics. His period of authorship 
 began late in his life. He was fifty-three when 
 " Mount Henneth/' his first novel, was published ; 
 other tales followed, and were well received ; 
 and to the days of Eevolution belong two with 
 significant and contrasted titles, — "Man as he 
 is " (1792), and " Hermsprong ; or, Man as he is 
 not " (1796). In private life Bage M^as mild, 
 amiable, temperate ; he reserved his audacities 
 for the field of opinion on affairs of general inter- 
 est, and those audacities proceeded in part from 
 his ardent benevolence. Scott is generous in 
 recognition of Bage's literary gifts, his quaint, 
 facetious, ironical style, his truly English vein of 
 humor ; but for his own part, Scott was not dis- 
 posed to regard every person of superior rank and 
 station as the wicked giant of a chivalric romance, 
 nor every poor man as a being composed of virtue 
 and generosity. The misrepresentation of the 
 different classes of society was not the only error 
 of Bage's novels ; Scott could not approve of their 
 dangerous tendency to slacken the reins of dis- 
 cipline in the matter of the relation of the sexes. 
 In the Kevolutionary " return to nature," external 
 law, custom, and tradition were treated as oppo- 
 
80 THE FRENCH EEVOLUTION 
 
 nents rather than regulators of the impulses of 
 the heart and the dictates of the individual rea- 
 son : " Hermsprong, whom Mr. Bage produces as 
 the ideal perfection of humanity, is paraded as a 
 man who, freed from all the nurse and all the 
 priest has taught, steps forward on his path, 
 without any religious or political restraint, as one 
 who derives his own rules of conduct from his 
 own hreast, and avoids or resists all temptations 
 of evil passions, because his reason teaches him 
 they are attended by evil consequences." It is 
 the doctrine of Godwin transferred to the world 
 of imaginative creation ; the doctrine which 
 Wordsworth had once embraced with ardor, and 
 from which he afterwards recoiled in alarm : 
 
 " What delight ! 
 How gloa'ious ! in self-knowledge and self-rule, 
 To look through all the frailties of the world, 
 And, with a resolute mastery shaking off 
 Infirmities of nature, time, and place. 
 Build social upon personal Liberty, 
 Which, to the blind restraints of general laws 
 Superior, magisterially adopts 
 One guide, the light of circumstances, flashed 
 Upon an independent intellect." ^ 
 
 The reader of Bage's novels should compare 
 — so Scott suggests — his philosophic heroes 
 
 1 The Prelude, book xi. 11. 235-244. 
 
THEORISTS OF REVOLUTION 81 
 
 with the philosophic Square of Fielding's "Tom 
 Jones," and consider seriously " whether a sys- 
 tem of Ethics, founding an exclusive and para- 
 mount court in a man's own bosom for the 
 regulation of his own conduct, is likely to form 
 a noble, enlightened, and generous character . . . 
 or whether it is not more likely, as in the ob- 
 server of the rule of right, to regulate morals 
 according to temptation and to convenience, and 
 to form a selfish sophistical hypocrite, who, with 
 morality always in his mouth, finds a perpetual 
 apology for evading the practice of abstinence, 
 when either passion or interest solicit him to 
 indulgence." We cannot expect to perceive the 
 results of a new code of ethics or a new princi- 
 ple of conduct until a generation springs up with 
 which it has become a formative power ; even 
 then its full effect is held in check by a sur- 
 rounding or intermingling part of society which 
 still accepts the traditional standards. Happily 
 the Eevolutionary body of doctrine set forth in 
 " Political Justice " was never fully tested in act- 
 ual life. Some of its consequences when put in 
 action appear in the errors of the youthful Shel- 
 ley, — errors in which something of noble aspiring 
 and devotion to an idea was mingled wdth unwar- 
 ranted self-confidence and passionate self-will. 
 6 
 
82 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 The calamities which almost overwhelmed 
 Godwin's first wife are in like manner directly 
 traceable to the new ethics of the time playing 
 upon an enterprising understanding and an im- 
 pulsive sensitive heart. " As for panegyric," 
 wrote Southey to a friend in 1801, "I never 
 yet praised living being except Mary Wollstone- 
 craft." "She was a delightful woman," he wrote 
 to Cnroline Bowles, a quarter of a century later, 
 " and in better times, or in better hands, would 
 have been an excellent one. But her lot had 
 fallen in evil days, and the men to whom she 
 attached herself were utterly unworthy of her. 
 . . . Few persons but those who have lived in it 
 can conceive or comprehend what the memory of 
 the French Eevolution was, nor what a vision- 
 ary world seemed to open upon those who were 
 just entering it. Old things seemed passing 
 away, and nothing was dreamt of but the re- 
 generation of the human race." The title of 
 Mary Wollstonecraft's best-known work, "A 
 Vindication of the Eights of Woman," has sug- 
 gested to many persons a misconception of her 
 personal character and of the nature of her writ- 
 ings. She was, before all else, an ardent, sensi- 
 tive human being, needing more than anything 
 else to love and to be loved. But she feared, 
 
THEOKISTS OF KEVOLUTION 83 
 
 and with good reason, lier own eager, craving, 
 intemperate heart ; she set her hrain to work as 
 a sentinel over that heart ; hut some of her 
 intellectual conclusions only encouraged the au- 
 dacity of her emotions. She speaks in "The 
 Eights of Woman " of that " sanguine ardor 
 which it has been the business of my life to 
 depress." If we would study the emotional side 
 of her nature, we must turn to the " Letters to 
 Imlay," some of which are exquisite with strokes 
 of genius prompted by the affections. Her trea- 
 tise on the Eights of Woman was written with 
 urgent speed, not merely to assert and maintain 
 the claims which she made in favor of half the 
 human race ; it was written also to assert for her 
 own benefit, and as it were against her own emo- 
 tional temperament, the claims of reason. Her 
 plea is not a plea for woman as against man, 
 but for woman as against the sensual and the 
 sentimental estimate of many men, and at the 
 same time as against that part of her own sex 
 which accepted and turned to their account this 
 unworthy estimate. Her conception of the ideal 
 woman was neither that of the doll of the doll's 
 house, nor that of the chivalric queen of the 
 court of love, nor that of the Eastern odalisque. 
 It approaclied very near to the ideal of Words- 
 worth's lines. — 
 
84 THE FRENCH KEVOLUTION 
 
 " A Being breathing thoughtful breath, 
 A Traveller between life and death ; 
 The reason firm, the temperate will, 
 Endurance, foresight, strength, and skill." 
 
 With such an ideal in view, Mary Wollstone- 
 craft's book became in large part a pleading 
 on behalf of a more serious and enlightened edu- 
 cation for women. At the basis of all lay a 
 sincere piety ; she maintained that woman holds 
 her prerogative direct from God, and can accom- 
 plish her complete tasks only in a life immortal. 
 On a groundwork of religion she would have a 
 structure established of reason, self-control, and 
 good sense. Such is the teaching of the book, 
 though its lessons are often enfeebled by intem- 
 perate utterances, by crude rhetoric, and a want 
 of becoming reserve. It is representative of the 
 writer in its eagerness, its passionate accent ; it 
 is no less representative of her in its effort to 
 place reason above passion, not to suppress pas- 
 sion, but as a controlling and regulative principle. 
 While thus expressing the mind and the temper- 
 ament of an individual, " The Eights of Woman " 
 is also essentially a document of the Revolution- 
 ary period. The Revolution professed itself to 
 be an assertion of the reason in opposition to 
 custom, prescription, tradition ; such also is the 
 
THEORISTS OF REVOLUTION 85 
 
 profession made in Mary Wollstonecraf t's " Vin- 
 dication." The Eevolution treated with scorn 
 the chivalric ideals ; Mary Wollstonecraf t's pro- 
 test is vehement and repeated against the chiv- 
 alric sentiment, its woman-worship springing 
 from over-strained gallantry, its romantic exal- 
 tations which she takes to be only a rarified form 
 of the creeping mists of sensuality. " It is not," 
 she says, " against strong persevering passions, 
 but romantic, wavering feelings, that I wish to 
 guard the female heart by exercising the under- 
 standing." She admits that in the order of na- 
 ture or of Providence enthusiastic illusions play 
 a part in education ; only through the exercise 
 of human passions, she declares, can the lesson 
 of life be fully learnt. But she would have the 
 weight of the passions balanced by the weight of 
 reason and a temperate will. 
 
 Ardent admirer of Rousseau, the prophet of Eev- 
 olution, as Mary WoUstonecraft was, she strenu- 
 ously set herself to oppose his teaching as far as 
 it related to the position of her own sex and the 
 education of women. While in the education 
 of his Emilius Eousseau thinks primarily of the 
 human virtues, in the education and training of 
 his Sophia he thinks especially of the qualities 
 of her sex. Woman is to be formed, not in order 
 
86 THE FRENCH EEVOLUTION 
 
 that she may be an admirable human being, but 
 that she may attract and gratify man, her mas- 
 ter. " We are confronted," as Mr. Morley puts 
 it, " with the Oriental conception of woman. 
 Every principle which has been followed in the 
 education of Emilias is reversed in the educa- 
 tion of women. Opinion, which is the tomb of 
 virtue among men, is among women its high 
 throne. The whole education of women ought 
 to be relative to men ; to please them, to be use- 
 ful to them, to make themselves loved and hon- 
 ored by them, to console them, to render their 
 lives agreeable and sweet to them, — these are 
 the duties which ought to be taught to women 
 from their childhood." Against such an ideal 
 Mary Wollstonecraft protested with all the ve- 
 hemence of her nature. She w^ould have woman 
 honored and honorable as a human creature, and 
 pleasing to man as a comrade and a helpmate, 
 not as a flatterer, a subject, or a slave. 
 
 Having set forth her general principles in "A 
 Vindication of the Eights of Woman," Mary 
 Wollstonecraft attempted to give imaginative 
 embodiment to her convictions in a novel. The 
 unfinished " Wrongs of Woman ; or, Maria," bears 
 a relation to the " Vindication " resemblino' that 
 which " Caleb Williams " bears to " Political 
 
THEORISTS OF REVOLUTION 87 
 
 Justice;" but bitter personal experiences and 
 memories of lier kinsfolk and her friends in- 
 flamed the spirit of Mary, and gave a character 
 to her tale which contrasts strongly with the 
 calculated logic of her husband's memorable 
 work. The heroine, Maria, is the victim of a 
 miserable marriage ; she flies from her husbaud, 
 but is seized by him, is separated from her child, 
 and thrown, on the alleged ground of her lunacy, 
 into a madhouse. Deluded by the ardor of her 
 own heart, she escapes from captivity with a 
 man who is unworthy of her ; she is deserted by 
 him, makes an attempt upon her life (but not in 
 the precise manner of the narrator when aban- 
 doned by Imlay), recovers, and resolves to live 
 for her child. The writer's main object, as stated 
 in her Preface, is to exhibit the misery and op- 
 pression peculiar to women, that arise out of the 
 partial laws and customs of society. It is a bitter 
 cry of woman against the injuries of men, and as 
 a statement of one side of the case by an advocate 
 it had perhaps a certain value. The movement 
 of society has to some extent justified the remon- 
 strances of Mary Wollstonecraft ; under the pres- 
 ent law of England, her heroine, if art were life, 
 could doubtless obtain a divorce from her domes- 
 tic tyrant on the grounds of infidelity and cruelty. 
 
88 THE FRENCH EEVOLUTION 
 
 Unfortunately, Mary Wollstonecraft's genius was 
 little suited to continuous narrative ; the story is 
 repulsive without being powerful. The lecturer 
 on moral ulcers should possess something of the 
 scientific spirit ; to pluck away the bandage, to 
 expose the naked horror, and to declaim violently 
 may not assist a cure ; it may confuse and revolt 
 the intelligence and even the senses of the wit- 
 nesses. Possibly a female physician is not always 
 the most judicious adviser in the moral maladies of 
 her sex. The book, however, may be considered 
 not as the physician's advice, but as a patient's 
 statement of her case, or rather as the patient's 
 cry of agony, wrung from her by intolerable pain. 
 That cry is heard often in real life ; to transfer its 
 poignancy to art needs more self-restraint and 
 higher imaginative gifts than were possessed by 
 Mary Wollstonecraft. 
 
 NOTE. 
 
 Mary Wollstonecraft's experiment in philosophical history, 
 " An Historical and Moral View of the Origin and Progress of 
 the French Revolution ; and the Effect it has produced in Eu- 
 rope " (1794, first volume, all published), was an attempt beyond 
 her powers, yet it may still be read with interest. In full view 
 of the disasters and crimes of the Revolution, her optimism is 
 unshaken. It is an optimism founded on a faith in the salutary 
 effects of the advance of political enlightenment ; the crimes 
 were crimes of passion, natural to a time of violent convulsion ; 
 
THEORISTS OF REVOLUTION 89 
 
 the gains are gains of the reason, and are therefore of permanent 
 and increasing worth. 
 
 More than one novel was written with the design of confuting 
 Godwin's principles by exhibiting the consequences to which 
 they lead. - The best remembered, or the least forgotten, of 
 these is " Edmund Oliver," dedicated to Charles Lamb, by his 
 friend Charles Lloyd. The reproduction in fiction of some of 
 S. T. Coleridge's early adventures has given the book an inter- 
 est which its literary merits in themselves fail to justify. The 
 heroine. Lady Gertrude Sinclair, is a disciple of " Political Jus- 
 tice," and at the same time a representative of the passionate 
 sensibility admired and cultivated in the second half of the 
 eighteenth century. 
 
 Among contemporary criticisms of " Political Justice " one 
 of the ablest is "An Examination of the Leading Principle of 
 the New System of Morals" (1798), an anonj'^mous pamphlet by 
 Thomas Green, who is best remembered as the author of the 
 " Diary of a Lover of Literature." The argument of the writer 
 is directed to prove that although the general good, utility, the 
 happiness of the greatest number, may be the final cause of all 
 virtuous action, it is not therefore the proximate cause. We 
 act from many legitimate motives ; to act from these motives 
 tends to the general good ; but to attempt a calculation of all 
 the results of our action, and to regard the general good as our 
 sole legitimate motive, would be to lose all capacity for action 
 in the calculation of consequences. The reply to Godwin 
 includes a reply to Paley. 
 
Ill 
 
 ANTI-EEYOLUTION : EDMUND BUEKE 
 
Ill 
 
 ANTI-EEVOLUTION : EDMUND BUEKE 
 
 In one of the most remarkable of Burke's later 
 writings, his " Letter to a Noble Lord," he pleads 
 for the repose due to old age, and in doing so he 
 expresses himself in one of those violent images 
 with which he was accustomed to relieve his 
 overwrought feelings. " Why," he asks, " will 
 they not let me remain in obscurity and inac- 
 tion ? Are they apprehensive that if an atom 
 of me remains, the sect has something to fear ? 
 Must I be annihilated, lest, like old John Zisca's, 
 my skin might be made into a drum, to animate 
 Europe to eternal battle against a tyranny that 
 threatens to overwhelm all Europe and all the 
 human race ? " No one at the present day can 
 desire to convert Edmund Burke's skin into a 
 drum on which to beat an anti-revolutionary 
 tattoo. The time is past for that kind of polemi- 
 cal criticism ; it is nearly a century since the 
 words which have been quoted were written. 
 The subject of our inquiry is literature ; it is as 
 
94 THE FRENCH EEVOLUTION 
 
 a part of literature, in the larger sense of that 
 word, that Burke's political writings must here be 
 considered. 1 desire to contribute something 
 towards the study of a great mind, a great nature 
 and character, as affected by the most important 
 events of the time. And as we have seen how a 
 different type of mind, the doctrinaire type, was 
 affected, in the example of William Godwin, so 
 it will be worth observing how a mind fed by 
 concrete fact, an understanding enlarged and 
 sustained by great affairs, and a heart alive with 
 every generous passion, were moved. The inter- 
 est of the study will perhaps be rather psycho- 
 logical than political. Whether Burke help us 
 to understand the Eevolution or not, assuredly 
 the Eevolution should help us to understand 
 Burke. 
 
 In a well-known canon of style Burke lays it 
 down that the master sentence of every para- 
 graph should involve, first, a thought, secondly, 
 an image, and, thirdly, a sentiment. The rule is 
 certainly not one of universal application ; it is 
 one not always followed by Burke himself, but 
 it expresses the character of his mind. A 
 thought, an image, a sentiment, and all bearing 
 upon action, — it gives us an intimation that the 
 writer who set forth such a canon was a com- 
 
ANTI-EEVOLUTION 95 
 
 plete nature, no fragment of a man, but a full- 
 formed human spirit, and that when he came 
 to write or speak, he put his total manhood into 
 his utterance. This is, indeed, Burke's first and 
 highest distinction. He was deficient in none of 
 the parts or passions of a man; all were large 
 and vigorous, — judgment, affections, imagination, 
 will, — and each i^layed into and through the 
 others. He did not isolate one province or section 
 of his nature for the uses of authorship ; he did 
 not say, in Godwin's manner, " Go to, I will not 
 declare myself as pure and disembodied Eeason ; " 
 when he wrote, what guided his pen was noth- 
 ing less than the whole man. And when Burke 
 looked abroad he saw the organism of society at 
 large, formed as it were on the same pattern as 
 that on which he himself was formed ; he saw 
 reason, passions, imagination, will, native instincts, 
 and inherited customs, and all these alive and in 
 a state of mutual interaction. These, and much 
 besides, helped to constitute society. He felt 
 that unless he entered into sympathy with all of 
 these he could utter no adequate word. It is 
 related of Napoleon that when he had seen and 
 conversed with Goethe, the exclamation broke 
 from him, " There is a man ! " The same expres- 
 sion involuntarily rises to our lips when we have 
 
96 THE FRENCH EEVOLUTION 
 
 remained for a time in the presence of Edmund 
 Biirke. 
 
 And this great nature had been formed and 
 developed amid great affairs. Burke was no 
 closet philosopher. He had lived and moved 
 among the eminent figures of his time. He had 
 become an important member of a powerful 
 political party. He had a share in the rise and 
 fall of ministries. He had an interest in a great 
 people, and cherished all its gains acquired 
 through the centuries. He was one with the 
 nation of England. Of the life of two continents 
 — of three continents, Europe, America, Asia, he 
 was a part. Such a man, so trained, could never 
 be a mere pedant ; he could not be the oracle of 
 a coterie ; he could not be the prophet or philoso- 
 pher of a sect. At the least one entire side of 
 truth must find a voice when he spoke. His 
 writings form a broad stream into which many 
 affluents flowed ; as it has been happily expressed, 
 they " drain a large area." 
 
 The position from which Burke viewed affairs 
 was the most fortunate position for the attain- 
 ment of practical wisdom. He did not forever 
 creep through the by-ways of petty detail ; he 
 did not soar into the clouds of glittering generali- 
 ties. His feet were on the substantial earth ; 
 
ANTI-EEVOLUTION 97 
 
 but they were upon the heights, from which he 
 gained a large prospect, and saw thmgs in their 
 broad relations to one another. Such a position, 
 not nested in some narrow valley, not pinnacled 
 in the inane, but on the heights, is the best posi- 
 tion for a teacher of civil prudence. It is there 
 that those axiomata media, of the importance of 
 which Bacon has spoken, are most readily and 
 as it were inevitably apprehended. The politi- 
 cian who is guided from day to day by the max- 
 ims of hand-to-mouth expediency seemed to Burke 
 to be unworthy of the name of a politician ; and 
 yet Burke held that expediency in a larger sense 
 is the true rule in politics. " People not very well 
 grounded in the principles of public morality," 
 he says, " find a set of maxims in office ready made 
 for them, which they assume as naturally and 
 inevitably as any of the insignia of the situation. 
 A certain tone of the solid and practical is imme- 
 diately acquired. Every former profession of 
 public spirit is to be considered as a debauch of 
 youth, or, at best, as a visionary scheme of unat- 
 tainable perfection. The very idea of consistency 
 is exploded. The convenience of the business of 
 the day is to furnish the principle for doing it.'' 
 In a well-known passage of the speech on 
 American taxation Burke traces the errors of 
 7 
 
98 THE FEENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 Grenville, whose masculine understanding and 
 resolute heart he applauds, first to the narrowing 
 influence of the legal profession, which, though 
 admirable in its power to quicken and invigorate 
 the intellect, is not apt, he says, to open and lib- 
 eralize the mind in the same proportion ; and, 
 secondly, to the fact that on quitting the profes- 
 sion of the law, Grenville plunged into the busi- 
 ness of office and the limited and fixed methods 
 and forms established there. " Persons who are 
 nurtured in office," Burke writes, " do admirably 
 well as long as things go on in their common 
 order; but when the highroads are broken up, 
 and the waters out, when a new and troubled 
 scene is opened, and the file affords no precedent, 
 then it is that a greater knowledge of mankind 
 and a far more extensive comprehension of 
 things is requisite than ever office gave, or than 
 office can ever give." Such is one error in the 
 training of a statesman, — for the general princi- 
 ples of civil prudence to substitute mere astute- 
 ness and manipulative skill in dealing with 
 details. The other error, that of soaring in 
 search of first principles wholly out of view of 
 reality, is more dangerous. To speculate after a 
 fashion in vac2to is easy, and in this manner 
 many difficulties can be evaded by the thinker ; 
 
ANTI-EEVOLUTION 99 
 
 but it is a cheap and cowardly mode of attaining 
 credit for superior wisdom. To manufacture 
 doctrinaire systems tliat will not^ work is, after 
 all, a poor trade, which requires only an unskilled 
 and a pretentious mechanician. In one of his 
 happy phrases Burke censures political meta- 
 physics for their " clumsy subtlety ; " the toys 
 are ingenious, and yet their ingenuity is that of 
 a bungler. From the experiences of the French 
 Eevolution Godwin learnt to estimate the value 
 of a form of government according to the simpli- 
 city of its arrangement. Such simplicity was 
 regarded by Burke as sufficient evidence of 
 inadequacy or entire unsoundness in construc- 
 tion : " The nature of man is intricate ; the 
 objects of society are of the greatest possible 
 complexity ; and therefore no simple disposition 
 or direction of power can be suitable either to 
 man's nature or to the quality of his affairs. 
 When I hear of simplicity of contrivance aimed 
 at and boasted of in any new political constitu- 
 tions, I am at no loss to decide that the artificers 
 are grossly ignorant of their trade, or totally 
 negligent of their duty. The simple govern- 
 ments are fundamentally defective, to say no 
 worse of them." Burke's standpoint, then, to 
 which the nature of his mind conducted him, 
 
100 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 was neither with the misnamed practical politi- 
 cians, whose principles of expediency are only a 
 superior kind of cunning, nor with the system- 
 mongers, who ignore all details and efface all 
 distinctions in order to attain a crude or spurious 
 simplicity. He studied human affairs most ob- 
 servantly, most laboriously ; but he studied them 
 from the heights, and the general principles 
 which he accepted were principles which he de- 
 sired to submit to the test of practice. 
 
 What has been said will serve to explain the 
 apparent anomaly that our wisest political thinker 
 should often appear hostile to political specu- 
 lation. With all the fervor of his eloquence 
 he declaims against theorists ; yet Burke was 
 a theorist himself. Coleridge, when criticising 
 Burke in " The Friend," declares his belief that 
 an erroneous system is best confuted, not by an 
 abuse of theory in general, nor by an absurd 
 opposition of theory to practice, but by a detec- 
 tion of the errors in the particular theory, " for 
 the meanest of men has his theory, and to think 
 at all is to theorize." And Mackintosh, in a 
 remarkable estimate of Burke, published post- 
 humously, while commending Burke for his 
 resistance to those precipitate generalizations, 
 which are as much the bane of souiid political 
 
ANTI-REVOLUTION 101 
 
 theory as tliey are of safe practice, adds that 
 from a more elevated position Burke might have 
 discovered that such hasty generalizations were 
 as unphilosophical as they were impracticable, 
 and that " the error consisted not in their being 
 metaphysical, but in their being false." It is, 
 indeed, the case that the error lies in the false- 
 ness of such generalizations ; but this is precisely 
 what Burke himself has said. He talks, it is 
 true, with passionate contempt of " metaphysical 
 theorists," but his contempt arises not from the 
 fact that they are theorists ; it arises from the 
 fact that they are, as he puts it in one word, 
 " sophisters." He could have no claim to the 
 title of a political thinker, if he despised ideas. 
 Just ideas Burke did not despise. " I do not," 
 he says, " put abstract ideas out of the question, 
 because I well know that under that name I 
 should dismiss principles, and that without the 
 guide and light of sound, well-understood prin- 
 ciples, all reasonings in politics, as in everything 
 else, would be only a confused jumble of particu- 
 lar facts and details, without the means of draw- 
 ing out any theoretical or practical conclusion." 
 And again : " I do not vilify theory and specula- 
 tion, — no, because that would be to vilify reason 
 itself. No : whenever I speak against theory, I 
 
102 THE FEENCH KEVOLUTION 
 
 always mean a weak, erroneous, fallacious, un- 
 founded, or imperfect theory ; and one of the 
 ways of discovering that it is a false theory is 
 to compare it with practice. This is the true 
 touchstone of all theories which regard man and 
 the affairs of men." As a practical statesman, 
 Burke was naturally led to disprove erroneous 
 theories by considering them in the light of prac- 
 tice rather than by seeking that more elevated 
 platform of philosophy recommended by Mack- 
 intosh. 
 
 Burke then, as he says, did not vilify theory 
 and speculation. In what respect were the the- 
 ories against which he declaimed erroneous or 
 incomplete ? This was common to them, — and 
 it is characteristic of the Eevolutionary way of 
 thought, — they overlooked or omitted an essen- 
 tial part of the facts ; they omitted the circum- 
 stances of the case, and yet, in a right view, 
 the circumstances formed an important part of 
 the case. They reduced things concrete to spec- 
 ulative abstractions. The eighteenth-century 
 classical spirit in literature, with its generaliz- 
 ing tendency, and its passion for barren per- 
 sonification, had united with the methods of 
 geometrical science, and was now applying it- 
 self to political thought. " Man " was spoken 
 
ANTI-EEVOLUTION 103 
 
 of, and the " Riglits of Man ; " by " man " was 
 signified not the actual men to whom presently 
 the doctrine was applied, not men as formed 
 by society and surrounded with all its complex 
 and varying conditions, but some bare meta- 
 physical entity of the philosopher's own inven- 
 tion. Government was the subject of conflictms 
 theories ; not this government or that, with a 
 history and an environment, to which, however, 
 the theory was about to be fitted, but some 
 abstract government as ideal as the geometers 
 point or line or circle, — some government de- 
 nuded of everything substantial, and such as 
 had never existed on this earth. All such the- 
 ories, according to Burke, are necessarily false 
 theories. " Nothing universal," he maintains, 
 " can be rationally affirmed on any moral or any 
 political subject. Pure metaphysical abstraction 
 does not belong to these matters. The lines of 
 morality are not like ideal lines of mathematics. 
 They are broad and deep as well as long. They 
 admit of exceptions ; they demand modifications. 
 These exceptions and modifications are not made 
 by the process of logic, but by the rules of pru- 
 dence. Prudence is not only the first in rank of 
 the virtues political and moral, but she is tne 
 director, the regulator, the standard of them all." 
 
104 THE FKENCH EEVOLUTION 
 
 " Circumstances," he writes again, " (which with 
 some gentlemen pass for nothing) give in reality 
 to every political principle its distinguishing 
 color and discriminating effect. The circum-^ 
 stances are what render every civil or political 
 scheme beneficial or noxious to mankind." 
 
 Burke, then, our highest teacher of political 
 wisdom, was himself a speculator, a reasoner in 
 politics ; but he tried to reason and to speculate 
 with the facts of the case before him. The late 
 Sir J. Fitzjames Stephen, in one of several ex- 
 cellent articles on Burke, printed in the third 
 volume of his " Horse Sabbaticse," asserts that 
 Burke was an a priori reasoner. It is true that 
 in forming a theory of society, its nature and 
 the duties of its members, he investigates and 
 interprets the facts in the light of his own moral 
 nature. He brings his total self to bear upon 
 the subject of his inquiry. Burke's nature, com- 
 plete in all the parts and passions of manhood, 
 was profoundly religious. In the irreparable 
 affliction of his old age, the loss of that son 
 around wliom all his deep affection, his pride, 
 his fond hopes had gathered, he suffered with 
 such resignation as was possible to the Divine 
 will : " I am stripped of all my honors, I am torn 
 up by the roots and lie prostrate on the earth. 
 
ANTI-EEVOLUTION 105 
 
 There, and prostrate there, I most unfeignedly 
 recognize the Divine justice, and in some degree 
 submit to it." In the same "Letter to a Noble 
 Lord," in which these sentences occur, there is 
 a yet more comfortable word for those who are 
 called on to toil or to endure in the years of 
 our infirmity : " No man lives too long who lives 
 to do with spirit, or suffer with resignation, what 
 Providence pleases to command or inflict, and 
 indeed they are sharp incommodities which beset 
 old age/' Such was the temper of Burke's mind ; 
 and when he came to think on social questions, 
 he must needs think in the way which the facts 
 of his own moral nature justified. " Like Berke- 
 ley," wrote Sir Fitzjames Stephen, "whose phi- 
 losophy harmonizes singularly with Burke's 
 writings, and in all probability had powerfully 
 affected his mind, Burke makes duty to God the 
 foundation of everything else ; and also, like 
 Berkeley, he referred to the will and disposi- 
 tion of God all the principal relations between 
 man and man, and regarded the great moral 
 duties, and the rights which arise out of them, 
 as divinely instituted, and superior in kind and 
 degree to all other obligations whatever." There 
 is, indeed, something in common between God- 
 win, whose theory of human society when he 
 
106 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 wrote "Political Justice" was atheistic, and 
 Burke. Justice, according to Godwin, is ante- 
 cedent to human law ; all that law can do is 
 to interpret the principles of justice; it cannot 
 create them. The same doctrine is maintained 
 by Burke, with this difference, that the order 
 of nature and of society was held by him to 
 be a divinely instituted order. Mr. John Morley 
 speaks of a certain mysticism which lay at the 
 bottom of all Burke's thoughts about commu- 
 nities and governments : " To him there was an 
 element of mystery in the cohesion of men in 
 societies, in political obedience, in the sanctity 
 of contract ; in all that fabric of law and charter 
 and obligation, whether written or unwritten, 
 which is the sheltering bulwark between civili- 
 zation and barbarism." When he wrote these 
 words, Mr. Morley not improbably had in his 
 memory a passage from Burke in which he con- 
 templates with wonder and admiration the tran- 
 sitoriness and the continuity of human society. 
 An order has been appointed by our Divine 
 Suier for the successive generations of mankind : 
 •'■' A mode of existence decreed to a permanent 
 body composed of transitory parts, wherein, 
 by the disposition of a stupendous wisdom 
 moulding together the great mysterious incor- 
 
ANTI-EEVOLUTION 107 
 
 poration of the human race, the whole at one 
 time is never old or middle-aged or young; 
 but in a condition of unchangeable constancy- 
 moves on through the varied tenor of perpetual 
 decay, full of renovation and progression. . . , 
 The awful Author of our being is the Author 
 of our place in the order of existence ; and hav- 
 ing disposed and marshalled us by a divine tac- 
 tic, not according to our will, but according to 
 his, he has in and by that disposition virtually 
 subjected us to act the part which belongs to the 
 place assigned us." If to believe that the order 
 of the world is a Providential order be mysticism, 
 then the teaching of Burke may be described as 
 political mysticism. Perhaps, however, it falls 
 short of that mysticism affected by Mr. Morley 
 himself, or by his master in philosophy, which 
 constructs a Deity out of the transitory atoms 
 of the human race. 
 
 "If Burke's generalities," wrote Fitzjames 
 Stephen, " are reduced to special cases, they 
 look very much the reverse of imposing. Did 
 Burke mean to say that God gave two members 
 to Old Sarum, and, if not, what precisely does he 
 mean ? " Burke did not mean to say that God 
 gave two members to Old Sarum ; he was far 
 from alleging that everything in the existing 
 
108 THE FRENCH EEVOLUTION 
 
 order of society is of divine and immutable ap- 
 pointment. His meaning was akin to that of 
 Hooker, who looked to God as the fountain 
 of law, while maintaining that certain laws of 
 ecclesiastical polity — the laws of God's Church 
 — are mutable. His view of things had much in 
 common with that of another remarkable thinker 
 of the eighteenth century. Bishop Butler, who 
 held that it would be indeed mysticism or un- 
 meaning verbiage to ascribe the order of the 
 world to the words or idea " course of nature," 
 but who believed that this becomes intelligible 
 and full of meaning as soon as we acknowledge 
 that the " course of nature " is equivalent to the 
 operations of an Author of nature, and moral 
 governor of the world ; and who, admitting as he 
 did, all the confusion and disorder in the world, 
 yet contended that the principles and beginnings 
 of a moral government are discernible here and 
 now. Burke did not mean to say that God gave 
 two members to Old Sarum ; but he did mean 
 that in attempting to reform the Parliamentary 
 representative system we should proceed in the 
 spirit which Butler describes as befitting such 
 creatures as men — "a settled moderation and 
 reasonableness of temper, the contrary both to 
 thoughtless levity and also to that unrestrained 
 
ANTI-KEVOLUTION" 109 
 
 self-will . . . which may be observed in undis- 
 ciplined minds ; " and that if we proceed to abolish 
 the representation of Old Sarum in this spirit, the 
 spirit of reform and not of revolution, we shall, as 
 Butler puts it, " be on the side of the Divine ad- 
 ministration and co-operating with it." If Burke's 
 generalities tend to beget this temper, the gain is 
 not inconsiderable, and it matters little whether, 
 when reduced to special cases, they look imposing 
 or the reverse. 
 
 With his devout reverence for a Divine order, 
 not fully realized, yet ever present, in human 
 society and human institutions, Burke's imagina- 
 tion co-operated. It is common to speak of him 
 as a great prose poet, and the critics who so de- 
 scribe him commonly cite in illustration some 
 passage brilliant with the colors of a rhetorician's 
 art. In general Burke's imagery is not for orna- 
 ment, but for use ; it is, as De Quincey justly 
 observes, not the mere dressing of his thought, 
 but the body in which his thought is incarnated 
 and through which it operates. But if we would 
 really bring home to ourselves the power of 
 Burke's imagination, we should think less of this 
 or that passage of resplendent eloquence than of 
 his constant imaginative realization of the great- 
 ness and the majesty of social order. There is 
 
110 THE FEENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 much that we encounter in life from day to day 
 which tends to kill or to enfeeble our sense of the 
 dignity of human life. The dross and slag of the 
 world accumulate around us ; as we advance in 
 manhood, how high the pile has grown ! The 
 smoke becomes denser as morning deepens to 
 noon ; the smuts drop on our hands and faces ; 
 life looks, after all, a poor affair. But the worth, 
 the grace, the majesty of human existence none 
 the less survive; and if only the imagination 
 could be set free, we should feel that such is the 
 fact. We move about, even in this visible sphere, 
 in worlds not realized. So it is in our domestic 
 life, in the communities of the hearth and the 
 home. The cares of each day are too apt to fill 
 our hearts as it were with dust ; the petty anxie- 
 ties, the petty difficulties, the trivial round, the 
 tedium, the monotony of the weeks, dull our 
 sense of what is beautiful. And then perhaps 
 death comes, and our imaginative power is liber- 
 ated — too late for its best uses — and we recog- 
 nize the hidden lines of beauty, and perceive in 
 its fulness the half -apprehended joy. Happy is he 
 who with the aid of a wisely informed imagina- 
 tion discovers in good time the beauty of his own 
 daily life. To conceive aright the greatness aud 
 majesty of a nation's life demands a larger and 
 
ANTI-REVOLUTION 111 
 
 richer imagination. It is cleverer, no doubt, to 
 be daintily critical, to be elegantly cynical ; but 
 the cleverness is of a somewhat cheap kind. 
 Edgar Poe speaks of " the glory that was Greece, 
 and t'he grandeur that was Eome." Those ancient 
 civilizations have passed away ; we see in imagi- 
 nation their forms, enfranchised from what was 
 unlovely, as we see the forms of the dead. But 
 have we no thought to think, no word to say of 
 the grandeur that is England or of the glory that 
 is America ? Are we even unable " to feel " — in 
 Wordsworth's memorable phrase — " that we are 
 greater than we know " ? Burke, assuredly, was 
 not aware that to revere one's country and to 
 honor her people is an offence against the refine- 
 ment of culture ; v^^hen he spoke of the splendid 
 inheritance which Englishmen have received 
 from their forefathers, his imagination as a poet 
 was not inventing imagery or constructing 
 phrases, but, as he believed, was discovering 
 truth. If it be not good manners to glory in 
 ourselves and our own possessions, or, as some 
 would say, to beat the big drum to the tune of 
 " Kule Britannia," we may listen for a moment or 
 two to Burke as he speaks of a country that is not 
 ours : " When I consider the face of the kingdom 
 of France ; the multitude and opulence of her 
 
112 THE FEENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 cities ; the useful magnificence of her spacious 
 highroads and bridges; the opportunity of her 
 artificial canals and navigations, opening the con- 
 veniences of maritime communication through a 
 solid continent of so immense an extent; when I 
 turn my eyes to the stupendous works of her 
 ports and harbors, and to her whole naval appa- 
 ratus whether for war or trade ; when I bring 
 before my view the number of her fortifications, 
 constructed with so bold and masterly a skill, 
 and made and maintained at so prodigious a 
 charge, presenting an armed front and impene- 
 trable barrier to her enemies upon every side; 
 when I recollect how very small a part of that 
 extensive region is without cultivation, and to 
 what complete perfection the culture of many of 
 the best productions of the earth have been 
 brought in France ; when I reflect on the excel- 
 lence of her manufactures and fabrics, second to 
 none but ours, and in some particulars not sec- 
 ond ; when I contemplate the grand foundations 
 of charity, public and private ; when I survey 
 the state of all the arts that beautify and polish 
 life; when I reckon the men she has bred for 
 extending her fame in war, her able statesmen, 
 the multitude of her profound lawyers and theo- 
 logians, her philosophers, her critics, her histo- 
 
ANTI-REVOLUTION 113 
 
 nans and antiquaries, her poets and her orators, 
 sacred and profane, — I behold in all this some- 
 thing which awes and commands the imagina- 
 tion, which checks the mind on the brink of 
 precipitate and indiscriminating censure, and 
 which demands that we should very seriously 
 examine what and how great are the latent vices 
 that could authorize us at once to level so spe- 
 cious a fabric with the ground." In this stately 
 enumeration there is no imagery ; but the imagi- 
 nation orders its materials with an architectonic 
 power and to majestic results. With such an 
 imagination the conservative temper of Burke 
 was closely connected. It is true that in this 
 passage Burke presents only one side of things ; 
 another and a different enumeration, an inventory 
 of vices and miseries — latent and patent — had 
 been possible. Burke's point of view presents at 
 least one important aspect of the truth, and an 
 aspect which his opponents were willing to dis- 
 regard. The cumulative method of the passage 
 produces, without any rhetorical outburst, the 
 effect of the swells of an organ, broadening and 
 prolonging the volume of the central thought ; 
 we begin with the highroads and bridges ; we 
 close with the historians, the orators, and the 
 poets. 
 
114 THE FEENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 " He saw life steadily," says Matthew Arnold 
 of Sophocles, " and saw it whole." One of Burke's 
 critics, Mr. Augustine Birrell, substituting for 
 the word " life " the words " organized society," 
 adopts the sentence and applies it, so altered, 
 to Burke. " He knew," writes Mr. Birrell,^ " how 
 the whole world lived. Everything contributed 
 to this ; his vast desultory reading, his education, 
 nis wanderings up and down the country, his 
 vast conversational powers, his enormous corre- 
 spondence, his unfailing interest in all pursuits, 
 trades, manufactures, — all helped to keep before 
 him, like motes dancing in a sunbeam, the huge 
 organism of modern society. Burke's imagina- 
 tion led him to look out over the whole land; 
 the legislator devising new laws, the judge ex- 
 pounding and enforcing old ones, the merchant 
 despatching his goods and extending his credit, 
 the ancient institutions of Church and University 
 with their seemly provisions for sound learning 
 and true religion, tlie parson in his pulpit, the poet 
 pondering his rhymes, the farmer eying his crops, 
 the painter covering his canvases, the player 
 educating the feelings, — Burke saw all this with 
 the fancy of a poet, and dwelt on it with the eye 
 
 1 The passage from " Obiter Dicta " (second series) is here 
 abbreviated. 
 
ANTI-REVOLUTION 115 
 
 of a lover. But love is the parent of fear, and 
 none knew better than Burke how thin is the 
 lava layer between the costly fabric of society 
 and the volcanic heats and destroying flames of 
 anarchy." It was impossible that the conclusions 
 of a thinker who saw men thus could be identi- 
 cal with the conclusions of one who saw men 
 as mathematical units, each like every other, 
 stripped of all distinctions, and each equal to 
 every other. 
 
 To see the life of society in this rich, concrete, 
 imaginative way, was to supply political passion 
 with its appropriate nutriment. When Godwin 
 speculated, he endeavored to make his whole 
 mind a mere organ of the reason. His aim and 
 his pride were to argue with the coldness and the 
 precision of a machine. Yet there were wild- 
 eyed hopes which peered through the grates of 
 Godwin's argument ; and if he did not exercise 
 his imagination in vivifying and interpreting the 
 facts of existing society, his imagination had its 
 revenge. Cut off from the sustenance and sup- 
 port of reality, it created that dream of the future 
 life of man on earth, v/hich Shelley afterwards 
 glorified with the iridescent colors of his poetry. 
 The passions of the Ptcvolution lived in Godwin, 
 and roused his intellect in the search for first 
 
116 THE FEENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 principles ; but he failed to recognize them as 
 among the sources of his o^vn tendency to gen- 
 eralization, and he attempted to cut his under- 
 standing off from its vivifying springs in the heart. 
 Burke never doubted that passion aids a thinker 
 in the discovery of truth. "Political truth," 
 Mackintosh writes in his criticism of Burke, 
 " seems, as it were, to lie too deep to be reached 
 by calm labor, and it appears to be only thrown 
 up from the recesses of a great understanding by 
 the powerful agency of those passions which the 
 contests of politics inspire." Burke's heart was 
 as large and fervid as his intellect. His domes- 
 tic affections were deep-seated and constant. 
 How he was shaken and broken by the death 
 of his son has been described by his friend 
 O'Beirne, Bishop of Meath. In the records of 
 sorrow there are few incidents more affecting — 
 and it is none the less affecting because it 
 touches the ludicrous — than that which tells of 
 the sudden wave of grief which overwhelmed 
 the aged man when at Beaconsfield the worn-out 
 horse, formerly ridden by his son, approached 
 him and rested its head against his breast ; in 
 an instant Burke's firmness gave way to an agony 
 of recollection, and, throwing his arms over his 
 old follower's neck, he wept loudly and lorg. 
 
ANTI-REVOLUTION 117 
 
 It would be untrue to say that in his political 
 writings Burke's passions did not at times ob- 
 scure or overmaster his judgment ; they aggran- 
 dize one mass of facts until another is hidden from 
 view ; they render him an impatient listener to 
 his adversary's case. But far more frequently 
 Burke's reason was stimulated and illuminated 
 by his feelings. When he showed Francis some 
 proof-sheets of the " Eeflections on the French 
 Eevolution," his critic assured him that the 
 well-known passage about Marie Antoinette was 
 "pure foppery." "I tell you again," Burke re- 
 plied, "that the recollection of the manner in 
 which I saw the Queen of France in the year 
 1774, and the contrast between that brilliancy, 
 splendor, and beauty, with the prostrate homage 
 of a nation to her, and the abominable scene of 
 1789, which I was describing, did draw tears 
 from me and wetted my paper. These tears 
 came again into my eyes as often as I looked at 
 the description, —they may again." The feeling 
 was natural to Burke, and, as he says, " in those 
 natural feelings we learn great lessons." " Men 
 are we," exclaims Wordsworth, in his sonnet on 
 the extinction of the Venetian Eepublic, — 
 
 " Men are we, and must grieve when even the shade 
 Of that which once was great is passed away." 
 
118 THE FRENCH EEVOLUTION 
 
 There is no true wisdom in seeking to tran- 
 scend the elementary passions of our humanity. 
 " Why," Burke asks, " do I feel so differently from 
 the Eev. Dr. Price, and those of his lay flock, 
 who will choose to adopt the sentiments of his 
 discourse ? For this plain reason, — because it 
 is natural I should ; because we are so made as to 
 be affected at such spectacles with melancholy 
 sentiments upon the unstable condition of mortal 
 prosperity, and the tremendous uncertainty of 
 human greatness ; . . . because in events like 
 these our passions instruct our reason ; ... we 
 are alarmed into reflection ; our minds (as it has 
 long since been observed) are purified by terror 
 and pity ; our weak, unthinking pride is humbled 
 under the dispensations of a mysterious wisdom." 
 And again, in defence of emotion as an adjunct 
 and an aid to reason : " Never was there a jar 
 or discord between genuine sentiment and sound 
 policy. Never, no, never, did Nature say one 
 thing and Wisdom say another. Nor are senti- 
 ments of elevation in themselves turgid and un- 
 natural. ... It is when a great nation is in 
 great difficulties that minds must exalt themselves 
 to the occasion, or all is lost. Strong passions, 
 under the direction of a feeble reason, feed a low 
 fever, which serves only to destroy the body 
 
ANTI-REVOLUTION 119 
 
 that entertains it. But vehement passion does 
 not always indicate an infirm judgment. It 
 often accompanies, and actuates, and is even 
 auxiliary to a powerful understanding : and when 
 they both conspire and act harmoniously, their 
 force is great to destroy disorder within and to 
 repel injury from abroad." 
 
 Burke's outbreaks of passionate pity for the 
 royal family, for the aristocracy and the clergy, of 
 France were met in his own day with the cry of 
 sentimentalism. Had he no sympathy with the 
 victims of monarchy, — with the peasant ground 
 down by taxes, with the serfs of the Church, with 
 those who languished in the prisons of France? 
 In a phrase which was remembered and after- 
 wards served Shelley as the motto for a pamphlet, 
 Paine retorted upon Burke : " He pities the plu- 
 mage, and forgets the dying bird. . . . His hero or 
 his heroine must be a tragedy -victim expiring in 
 show, and not the real prisoner of misery, sliding 
 into death in the silence of a dungeon." Mary 
 Wollstonecraft adopted the same line of com- 
 ment. " It was," writes that able and svm- 
 pathetic critic, Mr. Morley, " no idle abstraction, 
 no metaphysical right of man, for which the 
 French cried, but only the practical right of be- 
 ing permitted by their own toil to save them- 
 
120 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 selves and the little ones about their knees from 
 hunger and cruel death." It was for both mate- 
 rial relief and for metaphysical rights that the cry 
 went up ; and the material claims were based by 
 the exponents of the Eevolution on the meta- 
 physical rights. We should at least bear in mind 
 the fact that Burke's feelings towards those suf- 
 ferers with whose griefs he came directly into 
 contact, were not merely rhetorical, and were 
 proved to be genuine by self-sacrifice. Leaders 
 of the Revolution declaimed in Paris concerning 
 liberty and fraternity, while their hands were red 
 with blood from the prison massacres. Burke 
 did more than declaim ; he founded a school for 
 the destitute children of those who had perished 
 by the guillotine or the assassin's knife, and until 
 the close of his life he watched over it with the 
 tenderest solicitude. As to the social condition 
 of France prior to the Eevolution, Burke, as Mr. 
 Morley tells us, was imperfectly informed. Ar- 
 thur Young's " Travels in France " was not pub- 
 lished until after the " Eeflections " had appeared. 
 But had his information been far less incomplete, 
 we may be assured that Burke would have re- 
 mained of the opinion that there were other and 
 better ways of amending the condition of the 
 French peasant and artisan than the way of over- 
 
ANTI-REVOLUTION 121 
 
 throwing existing institutions, — the way of con- 
 liscation, of massacre,, and the theatrical worship 
 of Eeason. Burke's whole mind and strength 
 and life had been devoted to the service "of his 
 fellows, — • not of a class, not of an aristocracy, but 
 of the people. He had been the advocate of free- 
 dom of trade (I cite a portion of Buckle's enumer- 
 ation of the great measures of later times which 
 Burke anticip.ited and supported) ; he pleaded 
 for the iust claims of the Catholics, which during 
 his lifetime were refused ; he urged that dis- 
 senters should be relieved' from oppressive ecclesi- 
 astical restrictions ; he opposed the cruel laws 
 against insolvents ; he vainly attempted to soften 
 the Penal Code ; he desired to abolish the hard- 
 ship of enlisting soldiers for life ; he attacked the 
 slave-trade, which the king wished to preserve as 
 part of the British constitution ; he was one of 
 the first and one of the ablest financial reformers 
 in Parliament.^ The benefits which Burke en- 
 deavored to obtain were benefits for the people ; 
 if they have been won by others than him, they 
 were won in Burke's way of reform, not by the 
 sanguinary process of a revolution leading directly 
 to an enormous military tyranny. Did Burke 
 
 1 Buckle, History of Civilization in England, aoI. i. pp. 462- 
 464. 
 
122 THE FRENCH EEVOLUTION 
 
 then pity the plumage and forget the dying bird ? 
 The answer is that, right or wrong, he did not 
 believe that plucking away the plumage was the 
 best way of restoring the dying bird to vigor and 
 enabling it to fly. 
 
 Burke, then, was not of opinion that the cause 
 of suffering humanity could be really served by a 
 system of ideas which he held to be false, by 
 methods which he considered criminal, and by 
 men who seemed to him to be at best pretentious 
 bunglers. " To innovate," he says, " is not to -re- 
 form. The French revolutionists complained of 
 everything ; they refused to reform anything ; and 
 they left nothing, no, nothing at all, unchanged. 
 The consequences are lefore us, — not in remote 
 history, not in future prognostication ; they are 
 about us, they are upon us. They shake the 
 public security ; they menace private enjoyment. 
 They dwarf the growth of the young ; they break 
 the quiet of the old." Burke would at once con- 
 serve and reform; the obstinacy which rejects 
 all improvement, and the levity that is fatigued 
 with everything actual, seemed to him to be alike 
 vices. But such a process of reform, it is ob- 
 jected, is slow ; it might take up many years. 
 "Without question," Burke replies, "it might; 
 and it ought." Each year, however, would give 
 
ANTI-EEVOLUTION 123 
 
 proof of tlie soundness of the method. The Eev- 
 olution, which changed everything of a sudden, 
 had certainly not brought immediate happiness to 
 France. Its defenders, as at all times the de- 
 fenders of violent and criminal methods are com- 
 pelled to do, prophesied a glorious future. " It is 
 remarkable," wrote Burke, "that they never see 
 their way to their projected good but by the road 
 to some evil. . . . Their humanity is at their 
 horizon, and, like the horizon, it always flies be- 
 fore them." Meanwhile men and women might 
 suffer ; if only the cause progressed, if only the 
 idea was maintained, all must be well: "These 
 philosophers consider men in their experiments 
 no more than they do mice in an air-pump, or in 
 a recipient of mephitic gas." The burden of 
 proof lay heavily, as Burke held, on those who 
 tore to pieces the whole frame and contexture of 
 their country, that no other method of attaining 
 wise government than the way of violence, which 
 caused such widespread immediate misery, would 
 have succeeded. " Men have no right," he said, 
 " to put the well-being of the present generation 
 wholly out of the question. Perhaps the only 
 moral trust with any certainty in our hands is 
 the care of our own time. With regard to futu- 
 rity, we are to treat it like a ward. We are not 
 
124 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 SO to attempt an improv^ement of his fortune as 
 to put the capital of his estate to any hazard." 
 
 Burke, as Mr, Morley states, had insufficient 
 acquaintance with the social condition of France. 
 But he was no idealist enamoured of the feudal 
 regime. He admitted that the French govern- 
 ment before the Eevolution, though the best of 
 " the unqualified or ill-qualified monarchies," was 
 full of abuses. " Upon a free Constitution," he 
 wrote, " there was but one opinion in France. 
 The absolute monarchy was at an end. It 
 breathed its last without a groan, without a 
 struggle, without convulsion. All the struggle 
 arose afterwards, upon the preference of a des- 
 potic democracy to a government of reciprocal 
 control." When he advocated war against the 
 Eepublic, he did so with no view of restoring a 
 despotic monarchy as a substitute for anarchy. 
 To a Eepublic, considered in the abstract, he could 
 not be opposed. The Eepublic of Berne he speaks 
 of as one of the most happy, the most prosper- 
 ous, and the best governed countries upon earth ; 
 and he lamented that it was one of the great 
 objects at the destruction of which the French 
 Eevolutionary party aimed. Neither monarchy 
 in the abstract nor a democracy in the abstract 
 could receive praise or condemnation from him ; 
 
ANTI-REVOLUTION 125 
 
 he would consider nothing without its circum- 
 stances. Speaking in an abstract way, hberty and 
 government are both needful. "Old as I am," 
 he wrote, " I read the fine raptures of Lucan and 
 Corneille with pleasure;" but the moment we 
 come to deal with human affairs we must put 
 the questions — What kind of liberty ? What 
 kind of government ? The liberty of a madman 
 escaped from the asylum is not a thing to elate 
 our hearts ; we do not congratulate a highway- 
 man who has broken from jail on the recovery 
 of his natural rights. What Burke cherished 
 is " a manly, moral, regulated liberty," coinci- 
 dent with order. " Men," he says, " must have 
 a certain fund of natural moderation to qualify 
 them for freedom, else it becomes noxious to 
 themselves and a perfect nuisance to everybody 
 else." Looking at the facts before him, he could 
 not see that France had attained, or was on the 
 way to attain, a rational freedom. "When I 
 shall learn that in France the citizen, by what- 
 ever description he is qualified, is in a perfect 
 state of legal security with regard to his life, to 
 his property, to the uncontrolled disposal of his 
 person, to the free use of his industry and his 
 faculties . . . when I am assured that a simple 
 citizen may decently express his sentiments upon 
 
126 THE FEENCH EEVOLUTION 
 
 public affairs without hazard to his life or lib- 
 erty, even against a predominant and fashionable 
 opinion, — when I know all this of France, I shall 
 be as well pleased as any one must be who has 
 not forgot the general communion of mankind 
 ... in local and accidental sympathies." Burke 
 does not deny what he calls the real rights of 
 men ; but these are rights of society, not of un- 
 covenanted nature ; and among such rights not 
 the least important are certain restraints. In 
 the partnership of human beings which consti- 
 tutes society, all men have their rights ; all men 
 have equal rights, but not to equal things. The 
 right of each man to this or to that is settled 
 by convention ; not by nature, but by a kind of 
 social fine art, which is indeed nature at one 
 remove, for art, as Burke puts it, is man's 
 nature. 
 
 Burke, undoubtedly, saw only a portion of the 
 great phenomenon which was unrolling itself 
 before Europe. He laid himself open to rebuke 
 by an imperfection of vision, by excesses of 
 temper, and by undiscriminating extravagances 
 of statement. " Mackintosh," writes Mr. Mor- 
 ley, " replied to the ' lieflections ' with manli- 
 ness and temperance in the ' Vindiciffi Gallicas.' 
 Thomas Paine replied to them with an energy, 
 
ANTI-EE VOLUTION 127 
 
 courage, and eloquence worthy of his cause in 
 the 'Eights of Man.' But the substantial and 
 decisive reply to Burke came from his former 
 correspondent, the farmer at Bradfield in Suf- 
 folk. Arthur Young published his ' Travels in 
 France' some eighteen months after the 'Ee- 
 flections' (1792); and the pages of the twenty- 
 first chapter, in which he closes his performance, 
 as a luminous criticism of the most important 
 side of the Eevolution, are worth a hundred 
 times more than Burke, Mackintosh, and Paine 
 all put together. Young afterwards became panic- 
 stricken, but his book remained. There the 
 writer plainly enumerates without trope or in- 
 vective the intolerable burdens under which the 
 great mass of the French people had for years 
 been groaning." But Burke's contention was 
 not in favor of the old regime ; though his sense 
 of the oppression of the French peasantry was 
 inadequate, he admitted the abuses of the gov- 
 ernment. His contention was that the Eevolu- 
 tionary method of remedying abuses was an 
 unsound method, and that it had not led to 
 happy results. Young's " Travels in France," 
 far from constituting a "substantial and deci- 
 sive reply " to Burke, supports his conclusions. 
 A change in France, a reform or a series of 
 
128 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 reforms, had, in Young's opinion, become a 
 necessity ; but lie held with Burke that a con- 
 stitutional reform was possible, and that unmeas- 
 ured evils had been brouglit upon the country 
 by the Eevolution. It was not only the nobil- 
 ity or the clergy who were tlie sufferers ; manu- 
 factures decayed; many thousands of families 
 were condemned to death by starvation. Young 
 had himself seen the miserable wretches at 
 Lyons, at Abbeville, at Amiens. He had a 
 faith that the effects of the Eevolution on the 
 small landed proprietors must " in the end " be 
 happy; but under the system adopted by the 
 Assembly he declares, with the emphasis of 
 capital letters, " Agriculture cannot flourish." 
 He maintains that to effect all that was neces- 
 sary, it did not require that " all France should 
 be overthrown, ranks annihilated, property at- 
 tacked, the monarchy abolished," civil war ren- 
 dered imminent. No; he was of Burke's opinion. 
 " France," he writes, " might liave been free with- 
 out violence. . . . The weight of the commons 
 would have been predominant; but it would 
 have had checks and a control, without which 
 poiver is not constitution, but tyranny." As he 
 wrote thus. Young regarded the Eevolution with 
 more favor than he did a year later, when he 
 
ANTI-EEVOLUTION 129 
 
 could study its fuller development. In 1793 he 
 wrote still cautiously, not in a panic but with 
 fresh facts before him. He tells the reader of 
 his pamphlet " The Example of France a Warning 
 to Britain," that he has a constitutional abhor- 
 rence of theory ; he is a farmer, who patiently 
 observes positive facts ; he will speak only of the 
 results of the great political experiment. He 
 considers, first, the actual state of France, and, 
 secondly, the causes of her ills, before applying 
 her warning example to the landed, moneyed, com- 
 mercial, and laboring interests of Great Britain. 
 " We may say with truth and moderation," 
 writes Young, " that [the new French constitu- 
 tion] has brought more misery, poverty, devasta- 
 tion, imprisonment, bloodshed, and ruin on France 
 in four years than the old government did in a 
 century." The state of France as regards the 
 personal liberty of her subjects he describes in 
 five words, — thei^e is no such thing. " A gigantic 
 and devouring despotism has levelled in the dust 
 all security to those whose properties raise them 
 above the mob." Young, Mr. Morley tells us, 
 knew of the intolerable burdens under which the 
 French people had groaned. What is his state- 
 ment ? (and he wrote, not as a Tory, but as a 
 friend to reform in England.) " The old govern- 
 
 9 
 
130 THE FEENCH EEVOLUTION 
 
 ment of France," he declares, " with all its faults, 
 was certainly the best enjoyed by any consider- 
 able country in Europe, England alone excepted ; 
 but there were many faults in it which every 
 class of the people wished to remedy. ... At 
 the commencement of the Eevolution, France 
 possessed a very flourishing commerce, the rich- 
 est colonies in the world, the greatest currency 
 of solid money in Europe ; her agriculture was 
 improving ; and her people, though from too 
 great a population, much too numerous for the 
 highest degrees of national prosperity, were yet 
 more at their ease than in many other countries 
 of Europe ; the government was regular and mild. 
 . , . Her present state may thus with truth be 
 described : Her government an anarchy that 
 values neither life nor property ; her agriculture 
 fast sinking, her farmers the slaves of all, and 
 her people starving ; her manufactures annihi- 
 lated, her commerce destroyed, and her colonies 
 absolutely ruined ; her gold and silver disap- 
 peared ; her national revenue diminished three- 
 fourths ; her cities scenes of revolt, of massacre 
 and starvation ; and her provinces plundered by 
 gangs of banditti. ... It is the legislation of 
 wolves that govern only by destruction ; and all 
 these massacres, and plunderings, and burnings, 
 
ANTI-REVOLUTION 131 
 
 and horrors of every denomination are so far from 
 being necessary for the establishment of liberty 
 that they have most effectually destroyed it." 
 
 So much for the testimony of Arthur Young, 
 both in his Travels and his pamphlet. Paine, 
 Mr. Morley informs us, replied to Burke's " Ee- 
 flections " " in a manner worthy of his cause." 
 Apparently the Cause was not worthy of Thomas 
 Paine. In 1793 he was elected to the Conven- 
 tion as deputy for the Pas de Calais ; a little 
 later he was arrested, imprisoned, and denounced. 
 " The state of things in the prisons," he says, 
 " was a continued scene of horror. No man could 
 count upon life for twenty-four hours." What 
 he desired above all else was " f orgetf ulness." 
 Thanks to the efforts of his adopted countrymen, 
 he was liberated as an American citizen. While 
 remaining faithful to his Eepublican principles, 
 he has to describe the Revolutionary government 
 as " a thing without either principle or authority." 
 " Virtue or crime," he says, " depended on acci- 
 dent, and that whicli was patriotism one day 
 became treason the next." As to Mackintosh, 
 whose " Vindicise Gallicfe" Mr. Morley justly com- 
 mends, it should not be forgotten that he made 
 a manly recantation of his earlier opinions, and 
 sought for the friendship of Burke. " From the 
 
132 THE FEENCH EP^VOLUTION 
 
 earliest moment of reflection," he wrote, "your 
 writings were my chief study and delight. . . . 
 For a time, indeed, seduced by the love of what I 
 thought liberty, I ventured to oppose, without 
 ever ceasing to venerate, that writer who had 
 nourished my understanding with the most 
 wholesome principles of political wisdom. I 
 speak to state facts, not to flatter: you are above 
 flattery, and, permit me to say, I am too proud to 
 flatter even you." Mr. Morley can hardly be ac- 
 counted happy in his choice of witnesses against 
 Burke. 
 
 Trained to public life as a member of the Whig 
 party of the eighteenth century, Burke in his 
 sympathies was aristocratical. He speaks of the 
 People as a venerable object ; but it was a dis- 
 ciplined, ordered people that he regarded with 
 veneration ; in the people reduced to a mob of 
 jarring atoms he saw only a disbanded race of 
 deserters and vagabonds. " For a while they may 
 be terrible indeed ; but in such manner as wild 
 beasts are terrible. The mind owes to them no 
 sort of submission." Here is the explanation of 
 the words which roused such strong indignation 
 among Burke's opponents, and which were so 
 often turned against him, — " the swinish mul- 
 titude." The multitude, according to Burke, is 
 
ANTI-REVOLUTION 133 
 
 not swinish while it forms a true People ; then 
 it is venerable and mysteriously sacred : but a 
 disorganized mob is not the People ; it is a " dis- 
 banded race of deserters ; " it may soon acquire 
 the rapacity, the ferocity, the dulness, the gross- 
 ness of the beast. For the sake not of a class but 
 of the whole people he estimated highly the value 
 of what he terms a natural aristocracy ; he views 
 such an aristocracy not as a separate interest in 
 the state nor as separable from it. Its origin is 
 in nature, and in the facts of social life which 
 are a part of nature : " To be bred in a place of 
 estimation ; to see nothing low or sordid from 
 one's infancy ; to be taught to respect oneself ; to 
 be habituated to the censorial inspection of the 
 public eye ; to look early to public opinion ; to 
 stand upon such elevated ground as to be enabled 
 to take a large view of the widespread and infi- 
 nitely diversified combinations of men and affairs in 
 a large society ; to have leisure to read, to reflect, 
 to converse ; to be enabled to draw the court and 
 attention of the wise and learned wherever they 
 are to be found ; to be habituated in armies to 
 command and to obey; to be taught to despise 
 dangers in the pursuit of honor and duty ; to be 
 formed to the greatest degree of vigilance, fore- 
 sight, and circumspection, in a state of things in 
 
134 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 which no fault is committed with impunity, and 
 the shghtest mistakes draw on the most ruinous 
 consequences ; to be led to a guarded and regu- 
 lated conduct, from a sense that you are consid- 
 ered an instructor of your fellow-citizens in their 
 highest concerns, and that you act as a reconciler 
 between God and man ; to be employed as an ad- 
 ministrator of law and justice, and to be thereby 
 amongst the first benefactors of mankind ; to be 
 a professor of high science or of liberal and in- 
 genuous art ; to be amongst rich traders who 
 from their success are presumed to have sharp 
 and vigorous understandings, and to possess the 
 virtues of diligence, order, constancy, and regu- 
 larity, and to have cultivated an habitual regard 
 to commutative justice, — these are the circum- 
 stances of men which form what I should call a 
 natural aristocracy, without which there is no 
 nation." 
 
 Even the prejudices created by rank and sta- 
 tion were not viewed with entire disfavor by 
 Burke. " That a man should be looked up to 
 with servility and awe," wrote Godwdn in " Po- 
 litical Justice," "because the king has bestowed 
 on him a spurious name, or decorated him with a 
 ribband; that another should wallow in luxury, 
 because his ancestor three centuries ago bled in the 
 
ANTI-REVOLUTION 135 
 
 quarrel of Lancaster and York, — do we imagine 
 that these iniquities can be practised without in- 
 jury ? " Such a violent outcry against aristocracy 
 Burke took to be a mere work of art. " To be 
 honored," he says, " and even privileged by the 
 laws, opinions, and inveterate usages of our coun- 
 try, growing out of the prejudice of ages, has 
 nothing to provoke horror or indignation in any 
 man." For even in prejudices there lay, as Burke 
 conceived, a certain sanctity and a certain utility. 
 He boldly asserts that he will cherish old preju- 
 dices for the reason that they are old. The long 
 life of a prejudice argues in favor of its containing 
 some latent wisdom : " We are afraid to put men 
 to live and trade each on his own private stock 
 of reason, because we suspect that the stock in 
 each man is small, and that the individuals would 
 do better to avail themselves of the general bank 
 and capital of nations and of ages. Many of our 
 men of speculation instead of exploding general 
 prejudices employ their sagacity to discover the 
 latent wisdom which prevails in them." Even 
 from superstition resources may be derived for 
 the public advantage — that is to say, not from 
 the untruths of superstition, but from its hidden 
 truth. The movement of thought in the nine- 
 teenth century has been along the line indicated 
 
136 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 by Burke ; the Eevolutionary rage against the 
 past beliefs of mankind has given place to an his- 
 torical study of their origins and their significance. 
 When Mill pointed to Coleridge as dividing with 
 Bentham the best mind of the age, — Bentham 
 asking in regard to any ancient or received opin- 
 ion the question, Is it true ? and Coleridge ask- 
 ing. What is the meaning of it ? — he might 
 have added that Coleridge in his way of thinking 
 was in fact the follower of Burke. 
 
 Burke's view of the Revolution was incom- 
 plete ; he was not fully informed, and perhaps he 
 did not sufficiently allow for the recuperative 
 forces of society working in and through and 
 after a great cataclysm. But he expressed, with' 
 incomparable power, one entire side of the truth. 
 And his wisdom was confirmed by events. " Oh, 
 heavenly philanthropists," exclaimed Price, in a 
 speech on the occasion of the first anniversary of 
 the fall of the Bastille, " well do you deserve the 
 admiration not only of your own country, but of 
 all countries ! You have already determined to 
 renounce forever all wars of conquest and all 
 offensive wars. Tliis is an instance of wisdom and 
 attention to human rights which has no example. 
 But you will do more ; you will invite Great 
 Britain to join you in this determination, and to 
 
ANTI-REVOLUTION 137 
 
 enter into a compact with you for promotinp- 
 peace on earth, good will among men. . . . Thus 
 united, the two kingdoms will he omnipotent." ^ 
 Such was the political prediction in July, 1790, 
 of a Eevolutionary optimist. In November of 
 the same year — still in the golden days of the 
 Revolution — appeared Burke's " Retiections." 
 Mr. Lecky has gathered together some of its 
 anticipations of things to come, Burke pre- 
 dicted the transitoriness of the new government, 
 the fall in the value, of paper money, the confis- 
 cation of Church property, the national bank- 
 ruptcy, the destruction of the monarchy, the 
 abolition of the Christian religion, the transfer- 
 ence of power to the hands of the most extreme 
 and violent party. He added that the anarchy 
 of the Eevolution would close with a military 
 despotism. " The officers of the army," he said, 
 " will remain for some time mutinous and full 
 of faction, until some popular general who 
 understands the art of conciliating the soldiery 
 and who possesses the true spirit of command 
 shall draw the eyes of all men upon himself. 
 Armies will obey him on his personal account. 
 . . . But the moment in which that event 
 
 1 Quoted by Lecky, England in the Eighteenth Century, 
 vol. V. pp. 450, 45L 
 
138 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION" 
 
 shall happen, the person who really commands 
 the army is your master ; the master (that 
 is little) of your King, the master of your 
 Assembly, the master of your whole republic." 
 Burke's prophecies were fulfilled to the letter. 
 His vision did not advance to the remote future. 
 He did not describe the recuperative energies of 
 France. But neither did he describe how France 
 staggered from Kevolution to Ptcvolution, from 
 monarchy to republic, from republic to empire, 
 from an empire to a commune, and again to a 
 republic. The great movement inaugurated in 
 1789 has not yet reached its term; we have seen 
 a century of its evolution with mingled good and 
 evil. It was much that Burke, as early as 1790, 
 discerned the portentous figure of Napoleon 
 Bonaparte.^ 
 
 1 Since this lecture was delivered, Princeton University has 
 made two valuable additions to the study of Burke, — Professor 
 Woodrow Wilson's essay, " An Interpreter of English Liberty," 
 in his volume " Mere Literature ; " and Professor Perry's " Se- 
 lections from Edmund Burke," with an Introduction, notes, and 
 bibliography. 
 
IV 
 
 EAELY EEVOLUTIONAKY GEOUP AND 
 ANTAGONISTS: SOUTHEY, COLEEIDGE, 
 THE "ANTI-JACOBIN" (WITH A NOTE 
 ON BUENS). 
 
IV 
 
 EARLY REVOLUTIONARY GROUP AND 
 ANTAGONISTS 
 
 When the Revolutionary uprising in France con- 
 centrated upon itself the attention of Europe, the 
 original work of Cowper as a poet was virtually- 
 ended. From 1785 until 1791 he was chiefly oc- 
 cupied with his translation of Homer. After that 
 date he employed himself upon a translation of 
 Milton's Latin poems. The verses " To Mary " 
 and his last original verses, " The Castaway," 
 show that amid sadness and gloom the poet still 
 lived within him. He was, however, far removed 
 from the possibility of seizing and interpreting 
 the public passions of the time. Another poet, 
 who died four years before Cowper, is at once a 
 predecessor and a contemporary of the Revolution. 
 The Kilmarnock edition of the poems of Burns 
 appeared in 1786 ; his death took place ten years 
 later, in the summer of 1796. While pre- 
 eminently a national poet, he was more than 
 
142 THE FEENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 national ; he belonged in a true sense to the Euro- 
 pean movement of his time. His strength was 
 partly an inheritance from the singers of his na- 
 tive land. It is often said that Burns created 
 Scottish song ; it would be more true, observes 
 Principal Shairp, to say that Scottish song created 
 Burns. Not indeed the old ballad poetry of Scot- 
 land : if Burns admired such poetry, it did not 
 profoundly influence his art ; his imagination was 
 less romantic than passionate. The popular songs, 
 often wedded to melodies gay or pathetic and 
 penetrating, sank into his spirit and became a 
 part of his inmost self. The forms of verse which 
 seem most characteristically his own were caught 
 from his predecessors ; the intensity of feeling, the 
 heart of his poetry, was given by his own tender 
 and impetuous heart. Matthew Arnold deplored 
 the fact that the poetry of Burns deals with the 
 unlovely world of Scotch drink, Scotch religion, 
 and Scotch manners. Perhaps it is wise, even in 
 the interests of the highest literature, to be less 
 fastidious ; perhaps much genial life, much beauty 
 underlay what seemed unlovely to one whose work 
 is so little rooted in the homely soil, and so largely 
 the outcome of a period of spiritual trouble re- 
 sulting from the conflict of creeds and cultures. 
 The environment of Burns was not unfavorable 
 
EAELY REVOLUTIONARY GKOUP 143 
 
 to his genius. He drew strength from the soil. 
 We cannot wish tliat he had sung out of the air. 
 If he was to be inspired by any drink, the most 
 suitable for Bacchanal enthusiasm was not hydro- 
 mel or nectar, but the juice " Scotch bear can 
 mak' us," — 
 
 " Whether thro' wimpliii' worms it jink, 
 Or, richly brown, ream owre the brinli 
 In glorious faem." 
 
 In Scotch manners there was much dignity, 
 grace, and warm humanity ; and Scotch piety does 
 not show itself as altogether uncomely in " The 
 Cotter's Saturday Night." 
 
 But the poetry of Burns is more than Scottish ; 
 it belongs to Europe ; it embodied in local forms 
 much of the prevailing sentiment of the age. 
 " The influences under which Burns was tutored 
 into song," writes one of his critics, " were as emi- 
 nently European in fact as they were singularly 
 provincial in appearance. . . . The intellectual 
 activity and turmoil which led to the Eevolution 
 was a phenomenon to which he was no more of 
 a stranger in his humble and straitened sphere 
 of life than to summer's heat or winter's cold. 
 . . . Burns' s poems and songs are a programme 
 of social and political reform and progress, or at 
 any rate aspiration, — as radical a programme as 
 
144 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 could well be framed. „ . . As far as there is 
 any need to characterize his poetical lineage and 
 development, this identifies Burns with the Eev- 
 olution." 1 In Burns, then, beside the common 
 human element, realized with the utmost inten- 
 sity, which gives vitality to his best work, there 
 are present at once the Scottish and the wider 
 European influences conjoined, and each playing 
 into the other. He is the pupil of Allan Earn- 
 say, but how different is the tone of the younger 
 poet ! What fire, what indignation, what a 
 spirit of revolt have entered into his verse ! The 
 contrast is happily pointed by Professor Nichol 
 when he places side by side the " Gentle Shep- 
 herd " and the "Jolly Beggars": "The one is a 
 court pastoral, like a minuet of the ladies of 
 Versailles on the sward of the Swiss village near 
 the Trianon ; the other is like the march of the 
 Maenads with Th^roigne de Mericourt. . . . The 
 graceless crew are raised above the level of 
 gypsies, footpads, and rogues, and made, like 
 Titans, to launch their thunders of rebellion 
 against the world." 
 
 The influence of the French Eevolution was to 
 some extent a disturbing influence on the out- 
 ward life of Burns. An exciseman in the em- 
 
 1 Dr. Service in AVard's The English Poets, vol. iii. 
 
EARLY REVOLUTIONARY GROUP 145 
 
 ployment of the government liad given pledges to 
 law and order. When, in 1792, he purchased the 
 guns of a condemned smuggler, which had gone 
 ashore on the sands of the Solway Firth, it was as 
 a gift for the French legislative body, to which at 
 the same time he addressed a letter expressing his 
 admiration and esteem. Attention was directed 
 to his conduct, and, full of alarm for his wife and 
 weans, he wrote to Graham of Fintry a letter in 
 which he professes the most devoted attachment 
 to the British Constitution. At a dinner, when 
 Pitt's health was proposed, Burns rose and a-eked 
 leave to drink to a greater and a better man, — 
 General Washington. On another occasion the 
 toast was even more significant, — " The last 
 verse of the last chapter of the last Book of 
 Kings." Once, according to the report of Charles 
 Kirkpatrick Sharpe, when at a dramatic perform- 
 ance at Dumfries "God Save the King" was 
 called for, and the audience stood up uncov- 
 ered. Burns sat still in the pit with his hat on 
 his head. And again he sought the protection of 
 Graham, with superabundant declarations of loy- 
 alty. " As to France," he says, " I was her en- 
 thusiastic votary at the beginning of the business. 
 When she came to show her old avidity for con- 
 quest in annexing Savoy, etc., to her dominions, 
 10 
 
146 THE FEENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 and invading the rights of Holland, I altered my 
 sentiments." 
 
 By virtue of his ardent and undisciplined tem- 
 perament, by his peasant origin and his experi- 
 ence of the sufferings of the poor, by that pride 
 of manhood and of genius which made him feel 
 himself an equal of prince or peer, by the zeal of 
 his humanitarian sympathies, by his sentimental 
 Jacobitism and his imaginative enthusiasm for 
 the traditions of Scottish independence, by the 
 fact that he belonged to the democratic Presby- 
 terian Church and sympathized with the party of 
 spiritual revolt, Burns was fitted to be a spokes- 
 man of the passions of the time. The passions 
 of the time, for doctrine and theory took little 
 hold on the mind of Burns until they were 
 caught into the kindling heat of passion. M. 
 Angellier, to whose admirable volumes on Burns 
 I gratefully acknowledge my debt, has remarked 
 that so long as the Ee volution retained a philo- 
 sophic and doctrinaire aspect it left Burns almost 
 untouched. "It is only," he writes, "when the 
 Eevolution became violent, tragic, and essentially 
 a movement of popular masses, . . . when it 
 ceased to be a declaration of abstract principles, 
 and passed into a conflict of passions," that Burns 
 was deeply moved. Other writers of the time 
 
EARLY EEVOLUTIONARY GROUP 147 
 
 were philosophers or visionaries, who contem- 
 plated human affairs from their mounts of spec- 
 ulation. Burns has rather the aspect of a 
 revolutionary on the barricade, — " The general 
 idea disappears ; the passion of the moment 
 breaks forth with something of the rage and iwrj 
 of the street." ^ The poet's Eevolutionary ardor 
 vented itself chiefly in hasty escapades of action 
 and eager snatches of song ; for his nature was 
 essentially lyrical. When he sang, as a patriotic 
 North Briton, his chant "Does haughty Gaul 
 invasion threat," and declared his adhesion to 
 the party of order, he had still a word to say on 
 behalf of popular rights, — 
 
 " Who will not sing ' God save the King ' 
 Shall hang as high 's the steeple ; 
 But while we sing ' God save the King,' 
 We '11 ne'er forget the People." 
 
 It is especially as the poet of Equality — a 
 point justly insisted on by his learned French 
 critic — that Burns belongs to the Eevolution. 
 " The rank is but the guinea's stamp," — such is 
 his teaching, — "a man 's a man for a' that." He 
 had seen and felt early in life the hardships of 
 
 1 Kobert Burns, tome ii. p. 202. Burns's authorship of " The 
 Tree of Liberty " (Chambers, vol. iii. pp. 97-99) is, however, 
 discredited. 
 
148 THE FKENCH KEVOLUTION 
 
 the toilers in the field. He had suffered in health 
 through the severity of labor imposed on him in 
 boyhood. He had witnessed the brave struggle 
 maintained by his father at Mount Oliphant, and 
 had sung his song of the " Euined Farmer," — 
 
 " The prosperous man is asleep, 
 Nor hears how the whirlwinds sweep ; 
 But Misery and I must watch 
 The surly tempest blow." 
 
 At times he expresses his sense of the worth 
 of manhood with dignity ; at times there breaks 
 from him a cry of bitter revolt. He writes to 
 Mrs. Dunlop in 1789 : " When I must skulk into a 
 corner, lest the rattling equipage of some gaping 
 blockhead should mangle me in the mire, I am 
 tempted to exclaim, ' What merits has he had, or 
 what demerits have I had, in some state of pre- 
 existence, that he is ushered into this state of 
 being with the sceptre of rule and the key of 
 riches in his puny fist, and I am kicked into the 
 world the sport of folly, or the victim of pride ? ' " 
 The Auld Brig of Ayr cannot restrain its indigna- 
 tion against " corky-headed, graceless gentry," — 
 
 " The herryment and ruin of the country ; 
 Men, three-parts made by Tailors and by Barbers." 
 
 "A lord," Burns cries in one of the Heron Bal- 
 lads, may be " a gouk " and creepingly unclean, 
 
EA.KLY REVOLUTIONARY GROUP 149 
 
 " wi' ribbon, star, and a' that." The Newfound- 
 laud Csesar describes to the plebeian collie the 
 manner of life too common among those of high 
 degree; the innocent Luath had supposed that 
 gentlefolk went a-parliamenting in their coun- 
 try's service : — 
 
 " Haith, lad, ye little ken about it ; 
 For Britain's guid ! guid faith ! I doubt it. 
 Say rather, gaun as Premiers lead him, 
 An' saying aye or no 's they bid him : 
 At operas and plays parading. 
 Mortgaging, gambling, masquerading." 
 
 Abroad at Vienna or Versailles the youth of 
 fashion squanders his paternal estate, or he 
 thrums guitars at Madrid, or swallows German 
 waters to make himself look fair and fat : — 
 
 " There 's some exceptions, man and woman, 
 But this is gentry's life in common." 
 
 " Man," Burns wrote to Mrs. Dunlop, " is by no 
 means a happy creature. I do not speak of the 
 selected few, favored by partial Heaven, whose 
 souls are tuned to gladness amid riches, and hon- 
 ors, and prudence, and wisdom. I speak of the 
 neglected many, whose nerves, whose sinews, 
 whose days, are sold to the minions of fortune." 
 And in a like spirit were composed the tragic 
 stanzas, " Man was made to mourn " -• — 
 
150 THE FEENCH KEVOLUTION 
 
 " See yonder poor o'erlabor'd wight, 
 
 So abject, mean, and vile, 
 Who begs a brother of the earth 
 
 To give him leave to toil ; 
 And see his lordly fellow-worm 
 
 The poor petition spm-n, 
 Unmindful, tho' a weeping wife 
 
 And helpless offspring mom-n." 
 
 In such poetry the note is sounded, as M. An- 
 gellier expresses it, for the revolt of the prole- 
 tariat. It is a just observation of the critic that 
 the Eevolution in France assisted Burns in puri- 
 fying his private passion from what was merely 
 egoistic, and in raising his innate feeling in favor 
 of equality to the dignity of a general principle. 
 
 So Burns expresses the aggressive or destruc- 
 tive side of the doctrine of human Equality ; but 
 as often he expresses the positive side, — a leveller 
 still, but levelling up, by exhibiting the worth of 
 humble life. And at such times he recognizes 
 that there is not only much worth but also much 
 happiness in the cottage. Honest Luath, the 
 collie, has a word to say of the compensations 
 that are found in a poor estate, — repose after 
 fatigue, — "a blink o' rest 's a sweet enjoyment," 
 — the domestic joy of wife and children, — 
 
 " The prattling things are just their pride, 
 That sweetens a' their fireside," — 
 
EARLY REVOLUTIONARY GROUP 151 
 
 and social mirth and wit, heightened by " twal- 
 pennie-worth o' nappie." In the admirable 
 " Epistle to Davie " the same happier spirit is the 
 prevailing one. Burns confesses that 
 
 " It 's hardly in a body's pow'r 
 To keep, at times, frae being sour, 
 To see how things are shar'd; " 
 
 but he will not dwell on this : he will rather keep 
 in view the delights and solaces of humble life, 
 — sunlight of the conscience, wisdom of the heart, 
 the loyalty of a comrade, the blessedness of love. 
 The honest man, he elsewhere sings, though of 
 the poorest, may be a king of men : — 
 
 " What tho' on hamely fare we dine, 
 Wear hodden-gray, and a' tliat ; 
 Gie fools their silks, and knaves their wine, 
 A man 's a man for a' that." 
 
 " I recollect once Burns told me," wrote Dugald 
 Stewart, " when I was admiring a distant prospect 
 in one of our morning walks, that the sight of 
 so many smoking cottages gave a pleasure to his 
 mind which none could understand who had 
 not witnessed, like himself, the happiness and 
 the worth which they contained." Burns has 
 himself shown us the real nobility and beauty 
 of a rustic interior in his " Cotter's Saturday 
 Night." " Never," writes his French biographer 
 
152 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 and critic, " lias such dignity been shed over the 
 life of the poor. It is a consecration of natural 
 piety, of domestic love, of resignation, of manly 
 honesty, — all found under a lowly roof ; a solemn 
 homage to modest virtues." And the ideal pre- 
 sented in the poem is not removed from reality; 
 it is no false Arcadian pastoral, but a fragment 
 of genuine Scottish life and manners. Only, as 
 we read it, we should bear in mind that the 
 democratic sympathies of Burns did not exclude 
 another and a different side of humanity. Over 
 against a " Cotter's Saturday Night," if we would 
 comprehend the genius of its author, we should 
 set his picture of the ragged vagrants' revel by 
 the fireside in Poosie-Nansie's. It is like a pic- 
 ture of Teniers, wrought to higher verve and 
 more abundant animal exaltation than could 
 animate the veins or inspire the imagination of 
 the Flemish artist. 
 
 While Burns, the peasant-poet of Equality, was 
 interpreting the new passions of the age, in alter- 
 nating moods of indignation, love, and pity, the 
 same European influences which affected his art 
 were at play among young and aspiring spirits 
 who were now about to pass from the learned 
 culture of the English universities to creative 
 work in tbe world of thought and imagination. 
 
EAELY REVOLUTIONARY GROUP 153 
 
 Of the three future friends, Wordsworth, Cole- 
 ridge, and Southey, although Wordsworth felt 
 the concussion of the French Eevolution more 
 profoundly, if not earlier, than either of the 
 others, it will be convenient to speak first of 
 Southey and Coleridge, who were brought into 
 close relations, personal and literary, to each 
 other before Wordsworth became a member of 
 the group. 
 
 Viewed broadly, the result of the great up- 
 heaval in France upon young men of genius who 
 lay open to its influence may be said to have 
 been of a tw^ofold kind : first, emotional, and, 
 secondly, intellectual. It infused a glow into 
 their feelings, and through their feelings into 
 their imagination ; and again it set them upon 
 a courageous inquisition into first principles, — 
 first principles of politics, of morals, and of the 
 individual life as it is connected with the life of 
 society. They were lovers before they became 
 thinkers, but thought was fostered by love. The 
 object of their passion was not a single person, 
 but society itself : — 
 
 " Society became my glittering bride, 
 And airy hopes my children." 
 
 In this passion there was, no doubt, something 
 immature, something hectic, something turbid. 
 
154 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 much unwise heat, not a little of illusion. It 
 was not all illusion ; and indeed there are illu- 
 sions which lead us towards the truth. In those 
 days, says Wordsworth, it was bliss to be alive ; 
 the bliss was composed of a boundless hope, an 
 unqualified faith, and a faith and hope which 
 seemed to be one with charity for all mankind. 
 This glow of spirit could not contract itself 
 within a defined area ; like flame, it leaped the 
 bounds of political affairs, and passed into every 
 mansion of the spirit, even into every habitation 
 of dreams. In its direct and immediate influ- 
 ence the genius of the Eevolution did an injury 
 to art ; it tended to convert the poet into a 
 declaimer, a preacher, the missionary of an ill- 
 considered evangel In its remoter effects the 
 gain was real and great. Audacities of the 
 imagination became easy and natural, which 
 twenty years previously had been impossible, 
 or, at best, would have resulted in strain and 
 spasm. Such a vast exploration of the individual 
 mind and of the life of society as Wordsworth 
 intended in his unfinished poem "The Recluse" 
 (of which " The Prelude " and " The Excursion " 
 are but fragments) might never have been con- 
 ceived were it not that the deep and generous 
 excitement of the time had aroused every faculty 
 
EAELY EEVOLUTIONARY GROUP 155 
 
 and helped to fuse all his powers into one glowing 
 
 mass, — 
 
 " Urania, T shall need 
 Thy guidance, or a greater Muse, if such 
 Descend to earth or dwell in highest heaven I 
 For I must tread on shadowy ground, must sink 
 Deep — and aloft ascending breathe in worlds 
 To which the heaven of heavens is but a veil." 
 
 Such wide-orbing speculations, or shadows and 
 phantasms of speculation, as were set in motion 
 by Coleridge's brain derived their existence from 
 those passions which roused his intellect to seek 
 out general principles as the explanation and 
 justification of his hopes and fears. Such bold 
 acquisition and skilful arrangement of masses of 
 material as are seen in Southey's series of narra- 
 tive poems, illustrating the religions of the world, 
 Mohammedan, Hindoo, Christian, came only in 
 part from his native alertness and energy of 
 mind ; that energy was in large part infused into 
 him by the emotional excitement of the time, 
 which entering his spirit passed from the sphere 
 of political interests to the region of the imagina- 
 tion. In times of ease we steer our way by a 
 little watchfulness and dexterity, a gentle shift- 
 ing of the helm to right or left ; but when the 
 storm is up, we have larger problems to consider. 
 With minds such as Southey's, minds which were 
 
156 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 not endowed with any high gift of speculation, 
 the influence of the Eevolution was in the main 
 an affair of tho heart, an affair of sentiment. 
 With Wordsworth and Coleridge, who followed 
 ideas and created new combinations of thought 
 and feeling, the intellectual influence, if not 
 primary, was of equal power with that which 
 aroused the passions. They could not feel 
 strongly without seeking to establish their feel- 
 ings upon a basis of thought. The principles 
 of society, the laws of the individual mind, be- 
 came with them the subjects of studious medi- 
 tation. But because their whole nature was 
 aroused, they could not conduct their study of 
 first principles by the understanding alone; feel- 
 ings and imagination must needs co-operate with 
 the understanding. They were thinkers, but of 
 the emotional and imaginative, not of the ratio- 
 cinative, order. And their inquisition into first 
 principles extended beyond politics and morals, 
 to religion, ~to art, to literature. Such a research 
 for the foundations of belief and of opinion under- 
 lies much of Wordsworth's poetry ; it directed and 
 controlled all the later work of Coleridge. 
 
 Add to this another important influence on 
 literature proceeding from the great series of 
 events connected with the Eevolution. This 
 
EA.ELY REVOLUTIONARY GROUP 157 
 
 stupendous epic of history arrived at a moment 
 when the Eomantic revival was in full progress. 
 In Germany, in France, in England, the Romantic 
 movement was characterized by an immense de- 
 velopment in literature of the personal, the in- 
 dividual factor. It was in large measure a 
 translation of the principle of individualism into 
 art. The literature of the classical period in 
 France, the literature of the age of Louis XIV., 
 had been eminently social. It rested upon a 
 broad community of thought and of sentiment 
 existing between the writers of the time and 
 the audience which they addressed. Hence, 
 while it was distinguished in the region of 
 oratory, in the eloquence of public satire, the 
 eloquence of great preachers, the magnificent 
 rhetoric of the stage, there was almost a total 
 absence of the lyrical element, the cry of indi- 
 vidual passion. Even the majestic choruses of 
 " Athalie " are the expression, not of private, but 
 of public passion. Even the exquisite sentiment 
 of La Fontaine's Fables is a sentiment which 
 arises from a common honliomie and an average 
 good sense. The same general statement is true 
 of English literature of the age of Queen Anne. 
 It was eminently social, and this social quality 
 is its highest characteristic. The poets and 
 
158 THE FRENCH EEVOLUTION 
 
 essayists endeavored to say what was known to 
 all, what was felt by all, what would be at once 
 accepted by all, but what had never before been 
 so happily expressed. And, accordingly, lyrical 
 poetry languished in what is called our Augustan 
 age. The Eomantic movement, on the contrary, 
 was an assertion of the ego. The individual, 
 private passion of a Saint Preux, of a Werther, 
 claimed its rights, and declared that all men 
 must accept it, even in its excess, with sympa- 
 thetic interest. The closing years of the eigh- 
 teenth century and the opening years of the 
 nineteenth, with Burns and Blake, Coleridge and 
 Keats, Byron and Shelley, are pre-eminent for 
 the keenness and the intensity of the lyrical cry 
 in literature. A vast epic, however, of historical 
 struggle, of national aspiration and national 
 effort, was being unrolled before the eyes of men. 
 It did not stifle the lyrical cry of the Eomantic 
 poets, but it added a breadth and volume to their 
 passions. It lifted Byron out of his egoism. It 
 made Shelley look from cloudland to the earth. 
 Eminent poets Byron and Shelley must have 
 been in any age ; but in an age of tranquillity 
 their poetry would have lost half its motive 
 power. We might have had an " Epipsychidion," 
 a " Sensitive Plant," a " Skylark," an " Elegy on 
 
EARLY EEVOLUTIONARY GROUP 159 
 
 Thyrza," or such a lyric romance as " When we 
 two parted;" assuredly w^e shoald never have 
 had a " Prometheus Unbound," an " Ode to 
 Liberty," a " Prophecy of Dante," or a " Childe 
 Harold." 
 
 One of the chief interests of a critic in study- 
 ing the literature of this extraordinary epoch lies 
 in the effort which he is called on to make in 
 order to disentangle the various influences which 
 became formative in the work of each eminent 
 writer of the time. We have seen how the spirit 
 of the Evangelical Revival, the new warmth of 
 religious feeling, was united in the poetry of 
 Cowper with the philanthropic or humanitarian 
 sentiment of his age, and with the Revolutionary 
 tendency towards simplification. Through Burns 
 the old stream of Scottish song flowed into the 
 new enthusiasm of the Revolution with its as- 
 piration towards equality. Both Coleridge and 
 Southey belonged to the Romantic movement : 
 the latter accepting it in its more obvious aspects, 
 but allying romance with a noble, ethical feeling ; 
 the former refining romance through the rare 
 delicacy of his imagination. Both were affected 
 by the sentimentality of the second half of the 
 eighteenth century; but Southey, in his early 
 years, in a far greater degree than Coleridge, partly 
 
160 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 because he was less interested in general ideas, 
 partly because he was less remote in the processes 
 of his imagination from real life, from the ways 
 and works of men, and had a more direct sym- 
 pathy with the sorrows of the outcast and the 
 down-trodden. Coleridge, on the other hand, was 
 influenced far more than Southey by the philo- 
 sophical transcendentalism of the age, that new 
 turn of speculation, accompanied by a correspond- 
 ing movement of the feelings and the imagina- 
 tion, which found a Divine Presence immanent in 
 all the operations of nature and in all the evolv- 
 ing changes of human society. 
 
 Southey's literary activity was much greater 
 than that of either Wordsworth or Coleridge. 
 By the close of the century his published work 
 far exceeded in quantity that of either of his 
 friends. It was his merit to have his faculties 
 well in hand ; he did not brood and contemplate, 
 like Wordsworth ; he did not dream and loiter 
 like Coleridge. He was ambitious of achieve- 
 ment ; he accumulated and arranged ; he taxed 
 his nerve and his invention ; he was on the way 
 to become a skilled literary craftsman. His was 
 a high-strung nature, full of nervous energy, 
 alert and sensitive. I have elsewhere described 
 him — and the words are not inappropriate — as 
 
EARLY REVOLUTIONARY GROUP 161 
 
 an Arab steed doing the work of a pack-horse. 
 " How has this man," asked Carlyle, when he met 
 Southey in 1836, or a year Later, " contrived, with 
 such a nervous system, to keep alive for near 
 sixty years ? Now blushing under his gray hairs, 
 rosy like a maiden of fifteen ; now slaty almost, 
 like a rattlesnake or tiery serpent ? How has he 
 not been torn to pieces long since, under such 
 furious pulling this way and that? He must 
 have somewhere a great deal of methodic virtue 
 in him ; I suppose, too, his heart is thoroughly 
 honest, which helps considerably ! " His heart 
 was, indeed, what Carlyle supposed it. And he 
 brought to literature something which controlled 
 his excessive sensibility, — a certain Stoicism, in- 
 creased by his devotion to Epictetus, an ardent 
 admiration for heroic character in man and 
 woman, and a finely poised will. He toiled 
 among books ; the accumulated possessions of his 
 intellect balanced, and sometimes more than bal- 
 anced, his inborn powers. Yet, in general, be- 
 fore the material which he had acquired left his 
 mind, it had received the peculiar impress of 
 his individuality. 
 
 The Revolution reached him early ; a sanguine 
 temperament predisposed him to accept its ra- 
 diant promises ; it announced new heroisms, 
 11 
 
162 THE FKENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 and his heart was high-mettled. He accepted 
 the political doctrine en hloc. " I read and all 
 but worshipped Godwin," he says ; yet he re- 
 mained essentially idealistic, and at no time 
 was attracted by the materialistic teaching of 
 French eighteenth-century philosophy, from 
 which Godwin had derived much. " In my 
 youth," he wrote, " w^hen my stock of knowledge 
 consisted of such an acquaintance with Greek 
 and Eoman history as is acquired in the course 
 of a regular scholastic education, when my heart 
 was full of poetry and romance, and Lucan and 
 Akenside were at my tongue's end, I fell into the 
 political opinions which the French Eevolution 
 was then scattering throughout Europe ; and fol- 
 lowing those opinions with ardor wherever they 
 led, I soon perceived that inequalities of rank 
 were a light evil compared to the inequalities 
 of property, and those more fearful distinctions 
 which the want of moral and intellectual culture 
 occasion between man and man. At that time, 
 and with those opinions, or rather feelings (for 
 their root was in the heart and not in the under- 
 standing), I wrote ' Wat Tyler,' as one who was 
 impatient of 'all the oppressions that are done 
 under the sun.' " 
 
 "Wat Tyler" may serve to warn any young 
 
EAELY REVOLUTIONAEY GEOUP 163 
 
 poet of the dangers of making his art a direct 
 vehicle for political doctrine. It transfers to 
 dramatis personoe, of the fourteenth century, in 
 almost a crude form, the Eevolutionary senti- 
 ments and Eevolutionary rhetoric of the writer's 
 own day. While his daughter and her lover 
 dance gayly around the maypole, Tyler, the Dept- 
 ford blacksmith, looks on with a brow of gloom. 
 All his life he has been a staid, hard-working 
 man, — 
 
 " Up with the lark at labor — sober — honest — 
 Of an unblemish'd character." 
 
 It is bitterness to his soul to reflect that the 
 fruit of his toil amounts to the six groats which 
 are presently to be claimed by the tax-gatherer. 
 And for what? To massacre the French (as in 
 Southey's own day), to murder men he had never 
 seen ! When Tyler has avenged the insult 
 offered to his child, and the mob assemble with 
 cries of " Liberty ! liberty ! no war ! " the task 
 awaits them of delivering from prison the vir- 
 tuous and benevolent priest, John Ball, whose 
 lessons to his flock have been learnt from Dr. 
 Priestley and Dr. Price, with occasional lectures 
 from William Godwin. The Archbishop of Can- 
 terbury, a melancholy contrast to the priest of 
 the people, urges that King Kichard should meet 
 
164 THE FEENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 the rebels, concede all their demands, swearing in 
 their presence a solemn oath, from which he shall 
 be afterwards duly absolved, while, at the mo- 
 ment, the royal troops gather around to capture 
 or to slay the ringleaders. Tyler is stabbed from 
 behind as he pleads for the rights of the sove- 
 reign people. A mock trial is reserved for Ball, 
 who announces, in presence of the king and 
 nobles, the evangel of equality, prophesies the 
 time when those truths for which he is about to 
 suffer shall be confessed by all men, and calmed 
 by his vision of the future receives from Sir John 
 Tresilian's lips the sentence that he shall suffer 
 the utmost penalties of the law. Southey's dra- 
 matic sketch was a hasty product of his twentieth 
 year; there is nothing in it to dishonor his 
 heart, and at twenty it is no disgrace to be 
 neither a thinker nor a dramatic craftsman. 
 
 Southey's sympathies went with the Girondist 
 party. Their successors in power he looked on 
 as wretches who only masked their criminal in- 
 stincts under the name of Eepublican. He re- 
 mained for a time true to his democratic faith, 
 but he began to despair of the Eevolution. , In 
 the tenth book of " The Prelude " Wordsworth 
 has told of the transport that seized him, the deep 
 gratitude he rendered to eternal Justice, when on 
 
EAELY EEVOLUTIONARY GROUP 165 
 
 a summer day of 1794 in crossing the Ulverston 
 Sands the words suddenly reached him, " Eobe- 
 spierre is dead ! " The tragic incidents of that 
 event were hastily thrown into a miniature 
 drama, almost as the newspapers had arrived, by 
 Southey and Coleridge. On its publication at 
 Cambridge the name of Coleridge alone, who con- 
 tributed the first act, was connected with it. 
 " The Fall of Eobespierre," with one moment of 
 relief where Adelaide sings her song of domestic 
 peace to Tallien, the Mark Antony of the plot, is 
 a tumult of conflicting parties and leaders, in 
 which the action is heavily draped in voluminous 
 and turbid rhetoric. Contemporary passions and 
 events will not pass into art by the short and 
 easy method of transposing the journals into 
 blank verse. Poetry must be truer than history 
 or it has no right to exist. 
 
 " Wat Tyler " and " The Fall of Eobespierre " 
 were mere adventures or escapades. Southey's 
 " Joan of Arc " was an achievement of strenuous 
 ambition. Crude and feeble as many of its pages 
 are, the poem has in it the glow and ardor of the 
 time. A period of great public events had roused 
 the young writer's imagination, and had given 
 breadth and energy to its movement. In the late 
 summer and early autumn of 1793 Southey's epic 
 
166 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 was written with enthusiasm, and with the speed 
 that enthusiasm begets. Towards the close of 
 the following year it was announced for publica- 
 tion by Joseph Cottle, the young publisher of 
 Bristol, who was almost as ardent and quite as 
 inexperienced as Southey himself. While the 
 printing proceeded, the poem was recast and re- 
 composed, and a considerable contribution for the 
 second book was received from Coleridge. At a 
 later date Southey, who had a certain regard for 
 his first important contribution to literature, re- 
 handled his text ; to know the spirit in which he 
 originally wrote, to make acquaintance with the 
 work which Lamb, in his callow days of criticism, 
 declared sufficient to redeem the character of the 
 age from the imputation of degenerating in poetry, 
 we must read the epic in the original quarto of 
 1796, as issued from a Bristol press. 
 
 " Joan of Arc " is romantic ; it is sentimental ; 
 it is revolutionary. Three streams of contempo- 
 rary influence met in its turbid tide. The poem 
 attempts to revive the pomp and splendor of 
 mediaeval court and camp and consistory ; the 
 besieged fortress, the cathedral, rich with many- 
 colored lights, rise as the new stage-properties of 
 the imagination ; the king, the warrior, the priest, 
 pass across the scene. The supernatural effects 
 
EARLY REVOLUTIONARY GROUP 167 
 
 are duly introduced ; by strange and miraculous 
 attestations the mission of the Maid is confirmed ; 
 in awful vision she is led through scenes of horror 
 which to Taylor of Norwich seemed to rival those 
 of Dante's " Inferno." The poem is also in the 
 vein of eighteenth-century sentiment. When in 
 1814 Coleridge turned back to its pages, in which 
 was embedded a portion of his own early work, 
 he was astonished at " the transmogrification of 
 the fanatic virago into a modern novel-pawing 
 proselyte of the Age of Eeason, a Tom Paine in 
 petticoats, but so lovely ! and in love so dear ! " 
 It had been nearer the mark if instead of a Tom 
 Paine in petticoats Coleridge had said a Mary 
 Wollstonecraft in armor. At the call of her 
 country the Maid of Orleans, an amorous shep- 
 herdess, abandons love, or rather exalts it into a 
 lofty, protective friendship. Her lover, Theodore, 
 dies, but his spirit watches and assists her from the 
 heights of heaven. There are freqiient outbreaks 
 of emotion, which it would be unjust to charac- 
 terize as sentimental, over the wrongs and griefs 
 of rural France, the daughter weeping for her 
 father, the maiden bewailing her betrothed, the 
 starving peasant, the desolated homestead, — ill 
 fruits of a war of ambition. The epic, in the third 
 place, is revolutionary. The heroine is an offspring 
 
168 THE FEENCH EEVOLUTION 
 
 of the people. The monarch, for whose cause she 
 abandons peace and love, is a luxurious wanton, 
 who can be roused from his sloth and shame only 
 through the spiritual influence and authority of 
 this virgin child of nature. The courtiers at 
 Paris are given over to lordly riot. The doctors 
 of theology are slaves of bigotry and superstition, 
 as cruel as ignorant. Before them stands Joan, — 
 her cheek suffused with the loveliest blush, her 
 dark hair waving in the wind, her figure bending 
 lightly like a snowdrop in the waste. Interro- 
 gated by the stern ecclesiastics as to her faith ia 
 Holy Church, she answers as a docile pupil of 
 Eousseau's Savoyard Vicar, — 
 
 " 'T was Nature taught my early youth 
 Religion. . . . Nature bade me see the God 
 Confest in all that lives, and moves, and is. 
 
 It is not Nature that can teach to sin : 
 Nature is all Benevolence — all Love, 
 All Beauty." 
 
 In the somewhat appalling allegory of the 
 ninth book (" the finest in the volume," according 
 to Lamb, in the manner he conceived of Dante 
 or Ariosto, writers still unknown to him), the 
 spirit of Theodore describes the primitive age of 
 love and happiness, before gold was known or 
 private property existed, — such a blissful state 
 
EAELY REVOLUTIONARY GROUP 169 
 
 as the young Pantisocrats had hoped to revive on 
 the banks of the Susquehanna ; from which 
 retrospect the seer rises to a prophecy of the 
 coming era of universal happiness and freedom, 
 when 
 
 " Oppression shall be chained, and Poverty 
 Die, and, with her, the Brood of Miseries ; 
 And Virtue and Equality preserve 
 The reign of Love, and Earth shall once again 
 Be Paradise, whilst Wisdom shall secm-e 
 The state of bliss which Ignorance betrayed." 
 
 Southey's epic closes with the coronation of 
 Charles at Eheims, accompanied by admonish- 
 ment from the peasant Maid, to whom he owes 
 his crown, that he should be no common tyrant, 
 but the true Father of his People. 
 
 Southey's volume of minor Poems, published 
 in 1797, and a second volume which appeared 
 two years later, were written in the humanitarian 
 spirit of the time ; many of the pieces are rillets 
 of Eevolutionary sensibility. The principal 
 poem, "The Triumph of Woman," is dedicated 
 to Mary Wollstonecraft. Several sonnets deal 
 with various aspects of Slavery ; an ode is 
 addressed to the Genius of Africa; a ballad 
 records the dying confession of crime uttered 
 by a sailor who had aided in the iniquities of the 
 
17Q THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 slave-trade. In the earlier of the volumes things 
 as they are in so-called civilized society are 
 studied in a series of Eclogues, of which the 
 scene is the convict settlement at Botany Bay. 
 Elinor has been the victim of brutal passions; 
 exhausted with famine, she had been guilty of 
 some petty theft; now she is an outcast from 
 humanity. William had been a happy rustic in 
 a home of innocence and peace, until he dared to 
 direct his gun against the squire's game that 
 devoured the seed of his fields. Humphrey had 
 been tempted by the red-coats to forsake his 
 plough, and when turned adrift had sunk to 
 misery and crime. John had been seized by a 
 press-gang, and, lustily resisting, was wounded, 
 and, wounded, was driven to disgrace by want. 
 If each warred with the world, had not the 
 world first unjustly warred with each ? " Why 
 do the poor complain ? " asks the rich man in 
 another poem ; the poet replies by leading him 
 through the frozen streets, where the aged men- 
 dicant wanders forlorn, and the child seeks bread 
 for a dying father, and the soldier's wife is beg- 
 ging her way back to her parish, and the flaunt- 
 ing girl resorts to the most wretched relief from 
 her distress. Some unrhymed dactylic stanzas 
 (in which Coleridge assisted) describe a woe- 
 
EAELY EEVOLUTIONAEY GKOUP 171 
 
 "begone mother, whose husband has perished in 
 the wars ; some sapphics tell of a wretched 
 night-wanderer on the heath, who appeals vainly 
 for pity to the occupants of a passing chariot, 
 and who is found cold and dead when morning 
 breaks. Of a series of Inscriptions, one for a cen- 
 otaph at Ermenonville does honor to Eousseau ; 
 one for a monument in the New Forest tells of 
 the cruelties of the first Anglo-Norman King; 
 one for a column at Newbury laments the deaths 
 of the patriots Falkland and Hampden ; one writ- 
 ten for an apartment in Chepstow Castle recalls 
 its glory and shame as the place of a Eegicide's 
 imprisonment, — 
 
 " Dost thou ask his crime ? 
 He had rebelled against the King, and sat 
 In judgment on him ; for his ardent mind * 
 
 Shaped goodliest plans of happiness on earth, 
 And peace and liberty. Wild dreams ! But such 
 As Plato loved ; such as with holy zeal 
 Our Milton worshipj)ed. Blessed hopes ! awhile 
 From man withheld, even to the latter days 
 When Christ shall come, and all things be fulfilled." 
 
 It is obvious that Southey's revolutionary 
 ardor, as he himself said, was more of the heart 
 than of the understanding. He did his cause 
 some wrong by seeming to push the trade of 
 poetical pity too importunately. Yet his indict- 
 
172 THE FKENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 ment of society was not without a warrant in 
 facts ; he did not stay to theorize ; he derived 
 sufficient impulses for song from his keen sen- 
 sibility to human suffering, from the stoicism 
 which was the counterpoise to his sensibility, 
 and from those imaginative hopes which pointed 
 to a better, purer, and happier condition of 
 society as the result of some momentous change 
 in the established order of things. 
 
 Coleridge from the first contemplated the 
 French Eevolution more as a thinker, and, 
 though he embraced some of Godwin's opinions 
 and among them the determinism of Godwin, as 
 a religious thinker. The idea of God possessed 
 him ; he seemed to feel the Divine Presence as a 
 breeze, plastic and vast, which plays over and 
 through the whole of animated nature like the 
 wind amid the chords of an aolian harp. True 
 freedom was to be found in communion and 
 co-operancy with this universal Deity ; to chain 
 down one's thoughts in false philosophy to the 
 gross and visible sphere, — that indeed was 
 slavery. Through the fierce strife between the 
 powers of chaos and the powers of order which 
 fills the world there is yet discernible to the eye 
 of faith an eternal process of good. In this 
 religious optimism, this belief of a divine evo- 
 
EARLY EEVOLUTIONAEY GROUP 173 
 
 lution of society, unhasting, unresting, lay in 
 embryo the future conservatism of Coleridge. 
 His contribution to " Joan of Arc," afterwards 
 enlarged by the writer and printed among his 
 own poems under the title ''The Destiny of 
 Nations," closes with an address to the Father 
 of Earth and Heaven, — 
 
 " All-conscious Presence of the Universe ! 
 Nature's vast ever-acting Energy ! " — 
 
 which operates alike through the prophet's lonely 
 
 voice and the frenzy of the people. Godwin, an 
 
 optimist of the Eeason, viewed with indignant 
 
 scorn the superstitions of the past as deadliest 
 
 foes to human progress. To Coleridge they 
 
 appeared to be a fragment of the eternal process 
 
 of the truth, — 
 
 " Wild phantasies ! yet wise, 
 On the victorious goodness of high God 
 Teaching reliance, and medicinal hope, 
 Till from Bethabra northward, heavenly Truth 
 With gradual steps, winning her difficult way, 
 Transfer their rude Faith perfected and pure." 
 
 " Eeligious Musings," which as a completed 
 poem its author antedated when he stated that it 
 was written on the Christmas Eve of 1794, is 
 another vision of the destiny of nations ; it might 
 not unaptly be called Coleridge's " Queen Mab ; " 
 
174 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 but while Shelley's early poem is certainly not' 
 theistic, in the ordinary sense of that word, 
 Coleridge's philosophy of history discovers God 
 everywhere immanent and active. In the to- 
 tality of nature lives one omnipresent Mind, 
 whose holiest name is Love. Hence all things 
 must work together for good, and those dread 
 ministers that shower down vengeance on these 
 latter days have yet filled their vials with salu- 
 tary wrath. To annihilate self in the exclusive 
 consciousness of God is to become one with the 
 highest order and the purest freedom; to lose 
 the sense of God is to lose our centre, it is to 
 throw ourselves out of the moral cohesion of the 
 world, and to pass into a spiritual anarchy. Be- 
 fore the final victory of God and his Christ, 
 offences must needs come ; and the capital offence 
 of his own day Coleridge found in the war of 
 banded despots against the French Eepublic. He 
 looks back to the primeval age of innocence — 
 the favorite Eevolutionary fiction — and traces 
 the commencement of property as a source both 
 of evil and of good. Coleridge does not declare 
 himself against civilization, as such, nor against 
 the arts of civilization. As in " Joan " he main- 
 tains that superstitions lead towards truth, so 
 here he urges that wealth and luxury, demand- 
 
EARLY REVOLUTION ARY GROUP 175 
 
 ing new forms of beauty in music, painting, 
 architecture, decorative design, tend at last by 
 sensual wants to unsensualize the mind, which 
 finds the best delight of art, not in lethargy or 
 mere possessions, but in its own activity, — 
 
 " From Avarice thus, from Luxury and War, 
 Sprang heavenly Science, and from Science Freedom." 
 
 He dwells on all the oppressions that are done 
 under the sun ; he remembers the tears of such 
 as are affiicted and have no comforter; he anti- 
 cipates the day of retribution as at hand. Even 
 now the storm begins ; but through evil God 
 works out a glorious gain. Love is omnipresent, 
 and is omnific. Life, with all its errors, is " a 
 vision, shadowy of Truth." He foresees the 
 blessed future, when the wondrous plan of love 
 shall be achieved, and all God's coadjutors — 
 Milton and Newton, Hartley, the " wisest of 
 mortal kind," and Priestley, " patriot, saint, and 
 sage " — shall have a part in the fulfilment of 
 that for which they thought and hoped and 
 toiled. " Eeligious Musings " impresses us now 
 somewhat as one of the sermons, eloquent, co- 
 pious, sanguine, preached by Coleridge from a 
 Unitarian pulpit. To Lamb the poem seemed 
 to be more than worthy of Milton. 
 
176 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 In the Bristol addresses, delivered by Coleridge 
 while he was still almost a youth, he describes 
 the several types of erring or imperfect patriots, 
 — those who are without principles, and vary in 
 their opinions with every wind of rumor from 
 France ; those who drink in the inflammatory 
 harangues of some enthusiast, taking poison for 
 food and rage for liberty ; those who would pull 
 down but care not to build up. He proceeds to 
 contrast with these the thoughtful and disinter- 
 ested patriot, — him with whom the sympathetic 
 passions have become irresistible habits, render- 
 ing duty a necessity and a part of genuine self- 
 interest. Such a lover of human welfare has 
 come to regard all the affairs of men as a process; 
 he never hurries and never pauses ; he advances 
 in no dim twilight of political knowledge, but 
 steadfastly presses forward on an opening scene, 
 beholding in clear illumination a vast and varied 
 landscape of existence. At a later date Coleridge 
 declared that, ardent as had been his Eepublican 
 faith, deep as had been his indignation against 
 those two massive pillars of Oppression, as he 
 styles them, monarchy and aristocracy, he had 
 never been a convert to Jacobinism in politics. 
 But what is Jacobinism ? A system of thought, 
 Coleridge answers, which denies all rightful 
 
EAELY REVOLUTIONARY GROUP 177 
 
 origin to government except so far as it is de- 
 rivable from principles contained in human rea- 
 son^ and at the same time denies all truth and 
 distinct meaning to the words right and duty by 
 affirming that the human mind consists of noth- 
 ing but manifold modifications of passive sen- 
 sation. Coleridge's faith in a Divine energy 
 working in and through mundane affairs pre- 
 disposed him to seek and to find a certain latent 
 truth in all wide-spread institutions and long- 
 established customs. Yet no one desired more 
 ardently than he, in the days of Aspheterism and 
 Pantisocracy, a remodelling of social life under 
 more favorable conditions than were possible in 
 old civilizations which rest upon the basis of 
 private property. No one in after years could 
 better understand the errors of generous youth 
 or early manhood, enamoured of a system which 
 seems to combine "at once the austere beauty of 
 science with all the lights and colors of imagina- 
 tion, and with all the warmth of wide religious 
 charity," while in fact it may be no other than 
 the disguised emissary of moral anarchy and 
 political despotism. 
 
 What remained with Southey, what with Cole- 
 ridge from their early Eevolutionary faith and 
 fervor ? Both passed over to the opposite camp, 
 
 12 
 
178 THE FEENCH EEVOLUTION 
 
 to the party of conservation. It was common in 
 their own day to represent them as apostates 
 from their creed, as faint-hearted or self-inter- 
 ested alarmists, who had forsaken their first love. 
 But it almost always happens that a convert 
 carries much of his former temper and habits of 
 mind into any new faith which he may accept. 
 If we look beneath the surface to essentials, we 
 shall find that any breach of continuity in the 
 course of their thought was less violent and less 
 complete than it has been often represented. 
 Neither Southey nor Coleridge was conscious of 
 a betrayal of principle ; neither would admit that 
 he had hastily fled from the position which he 
 originally occupied. 
 
 The Eevolutionary zeal of Southey was chiefly 
 distinguished by its humanitarian complexion. 
 He looked upon the Eevolution as the armed 
 champion of the suffering, the weak, the poor, 
 the injured, the downtrodden. The progress of 
 events led him to the conclusion that the Eev- 
 olution, as conducted by its leaders, did not 
 make for human happiness. He came to believe 
 that under the existing constitution of England 
 the rights of the people might be better safe- 
 guarded than they could be if all that had grown 
 up and was established were to be flung into 
 
EARLY REVOLUTIONAEY GROUP 179 
 
 the crucible. He came to regard the Enghsh 
 Church as a great organization which held a trust 
 for the good of the nation. But he still ardently 
 desired the improvement of the world; "there 
 is no opinion from which I should so hardly be 
 driven and so reluctantly part," he wrote in 
 1829, " as the belief that the world will continue 
 to improve, even as it has hitherto been continu- 
 ally improving." He still saw abundant need 
 for reform and amendment; he still devoted a 
 large portion of his time and thought to the 
 cause of reformation. The ghostly Sir Thomas 
 More of Southey's " Colloquies " fears that his 
 interlocutor is still in Utopia, because he viewed 
 with so much favor the industrial schemes of 
 Eobert Owen of Lanark. Southey cannot be 
 called an original thinker in any eminent sense 
 of that word. The historical feeling was strong 
 within him. It was natural for him, constituted 
 as he was (and perhaps it was wise as well as 
 natural), to accept the framework of things as it 
 had been slowly built up by history ; but he held 
 that without shaking that framework much 
 might be done to render life better for England 
 of the nineteenth century. He pleaded for na- 
 tional education as the first and greatest need of 
 the people ; and he maintained that the Church 
 
180 THE FRENCH EEVOLUTION 
 
 of England was so organized that with quickened 
 and well-directed energy it might become the 
 chief agent in national education. He anticipated 
 a time when landed property might be held, not 
 in the hands of a few great territorial owners, 
 but by those who themselves ploughed the field 
 and gathered the harvest. He urged the need 
 and duty of the diffusion of good and cheap 
 literature. He desired some well-organized sys- 
 tem of colonization, as a gain both to those who 
 fared abroad and those who remained in their 
 native land. Among other reforms advocated 
 by the Tory Quarterly Eeviewer were a whole- 
 some training for the children of misery and vice 
 in great cities ; the establishment of Protestant 
 sisters of charity and a better order of hospital 
 nurses; the establishment of savings' banks in 
 all small towns ; the abolition of flogging in the 
 army and navy, except in extreme cases ; im- 
 provements in the poor laws ; alterations in the 
 game laws ; alterations in the criminal laws, with 
 a view to restricting the punishment of death 
 to great offences ; the execution of criminals 
 within prison walls ; alterations in the factory 
 system for the benefit of the operative, and 
 especially as to the employment of children ; 
 national works to be undertaken in times of dis- 
 
EARLY REVOLUTION AEY GROUP 181 
 
 tress ; the employment of paupers in reclaiming 
 waste lands ; the cessation of interments in 
 crowded cities ; the commutation of tithes ; an 
 increased number of clergymen, of colleges, and 
 of courts of law that a speedier administration 
 of justice might be secured.^ Many of these 
 proposals of the Eeformer Southey have since 
 been carried into effect. 
 
 The work of Coleridge was different ; it was the 
 work of a thinker, and in a certain sense of a Eev- 
 olutionary thinker. He, like Southey, accepted 
 the existing framework of society, but, with that 
 ardent spirit of research for first principles, de- 
 rived in large measure from the passionate inter- 
 est which he took in politics and morals, when 
 he planned his Pantisocracy, he bent his mind to 
 ascertain the idea of each existing institution and 
 established form of thought, — the idea, which 
 had been overlaid and obscured by the accretion 
 of circumstance ; and thus he endeavored to 
 effect a new interpretation of accepted things. 
 This, indeed, was to aim at a revolution in some 
 respects more profound and more far-reaching in 
 its consequences than any merely external dis- 
 
 1 In the above I recite, as in my Life of Southey ("English 
 Men of Letters"), pp. 154, 155, from a list drawn up by 
 Southey's son. 
 
182 THE FEENCH EEVOLUTION 
 
 turbance of the arrangements of society. He 
 cannot be said to have propounded a complete 
 and coherent system of philosophy, but he led 
 men to inquire into the meaning of what they 
 professed to believe, with a result which was 
 alarming to many, and to others was like the awak- 
 ening from dreams to reality. In metaphysical 
 speculation, in ethics, in politics, in theology, in 
 Biblical criticism, in the criticism of literature, he 
 suggested a new exposition of received formulas. 
 He quickened the sense of religion by reducing 
 or attempting to reduce dogma, imposed from 
 without, to facts of the spiritual consciousness 
 and their inner significance. He would preserve 
 the national Church, but he conceived the national 
 Church not as the mere Anglican ecclesiastical 
 system ; he conceived it somewhat in the manner 
 of the great seventeenth-century revolutionist, 
 Milton, as the clerisy, the intellectual and spirit- 
 ual incorporation of the whole people. He 
 honored the Bible as highly as they did who 
 regarded every sentence of Holy Scripture as 
 written by the finger of God ; but for him it was 
 no hewn cistern of dogma and of law ; it became a 
 living fountain of wisdom and of love. In like 
 manner he did not attempt to displace the old 
 conceptions in politics and morals, but he desired 
 
EAELY EEVOLUTIONARY GROUP 183 
 
 to discover the vital centre of each conception, 
 and to deliver this from the incrustations of 
 custom and imilluminated tradition. If he criti- 
 cised literature, he did not seek to shift the ancient 
 landmarks or to establish any novel standard 
 of valuation ; he penetrated to the living soul of 
 each work of art, and gave a new meaning to the 
 old admirations. In this effort towards a new 
 rendering of things Coleridge was engaged in a 
 work of revolution, but a revolution which should 
 conserve by renewing rather than merely effect 
 a clearance by the method of destruction. In 
 his remarkable essay on Coleridge, Mr. Mill, writ- 
 ing as a radical, shows how incomplete, from his 
 own radical standpoint, appeared the Eevolution- 
 ary work of Bentham. What was lacking to 
 Bentham and the school of Bentham was supplied, 
 as he held, by Coleridge and by what he terms 
 the Grermano-Coleridgian school. The Conserva- 
 tive party, he supposed, as far as it deserves the 
 contemptuous title of "the stupid party," was 
 little likely to be pleased with Coleridge's later 
 ideas. " Most of all," he declares, " ought an 
 enlightened Eadical or Liberal to rejoice over 
 such a conservative as Coleridge." The white- 
 haired philosopher of Highgate, if a different 
 person from the young Pantisocrat of 1794, was 
 
184 THE FEENCH EEVOLTTTION 
 
 at least a lineal descendant of tliat enthusiastic 
 insurgent. 
 
 While the elder representatives of the Eevo- 
 lution and those of the party of Order met in 
 combat, bulky pamphlet being hurled against 
 pamphlet, the younger Eevolutionary spirits were 
 assailed by younger partisans of the opposing 
 force, — a light-armed troop, whose weapons were 
 darts, effectively barbed, of ridicule. From 1799 
 to 1801, Canning, then under-secretary of state 
 for foreign affairs, was connected with the " Anti- 
 Jacobin ; " among the contributors were George 
 Ellis, Hookham Frere, Lord Morpeth, Baron Mac- 
 donald, and others. Canning had been brought 
 up among the Whig chiefs ; by Fox and Sheri- 
 dan he had been introduced to Devonshire 
 House. "But the French Eevolution," as Mr. 
 Kebbel has said, " exercised the same influence 
 on Canning as it did on many older men, hitherto 
 the most distinguished ornaments of the Whig 
 party, — Burke, Windham, Spencer, Lord Fitz- 
 william, — and brought them over in a body to 
 the Tory camp." The " Anti-Jacobin, or Weekly 
 Examiner " was designed to meet the newspaper 
 propaganda of the sympatliizers with Eevolution. 
 Gifford was appointed editor, and the first num- 
 ber appeared in November, 1797. At the out- 
 
EAELY REVOLUTIONARY GROUP 185 
 
 set it was intended to open what the writers of 
 Hookham Frere's Memoirs describe as heavy 
 batteries of fact and argument against the enemy. 
 "Authentic news was to be supphed, the mis- 
 representations of the opposition press were to 
 be refuted under a regularly classified gradation 
 of ' Mistakes,' ' Misstatements/ and ' Lies ; ' and 
 a considerable space was to be devoted to formal 
 essays on historical and constitutional ques- 
 tions." In the Valedictory Address of the last 
 number, an amusing calculation is made, in 
 which the number of falsehoods detected is mul- 
 tiplied by the number of readers, taken at fifty 
 thousand, with the result that a grand total of 
 twenty-five millions represents the aggregate of 
 falsehoods despatched to limbo by the "Anti- 
 Jacobin." It was soon found that the heavy 
 batteries of argument were not needed in 1797 
 as they might have been in 1792. The Eevolu- 
 tion had deployed its horrors ; it had led to wars 
 of conquest which England endeavored to re- 
 strain or to repel. A light-armed guerilla attack 
 of satire, parody, epigram, it was believed, would 
 prove more effective than grave discussion ; and 
 verse was used to wing to its mark the arrowy 
 ridicule. The poetry, which indeed was a feat- 
 ure of the Review from the first number, was in- 
 
186 THE FRENCH EEVOLUTION 
 
 troduced to the readers by Canning in a preface. 
 Tiie " Eeview," we are told, desired to amuse as 
 well as to instruct the public ; but, whatever 
 may have been the cause, not one good and true 
 poet of sound principles and sober practice could 
 be found. It was necessary to go for verse to 
 vthe only market where it could be procured, that 
 of the Jacobins, and humbly to imitate the wood- 
 notes wild of the bards of freedom : " The poet in 
 all ages has despised riches and grandeur. The 
 Jacobin poet improves this sentiment into a 
 hatred of the rich and the great. The poet of 
 other times has been an enthusiast in the love 
 of his native soil. The Jacobin poet rejects all 
 restriction on his feelings. His love is enlarged 
 and expanded so as to comprehend all human 
 kind." The old poet sang the actions of the 
 warrior heroes of his country in strains that 
 made ambition virtue. The Jacobin poet is 
 ready to celebrate tlie glory of French Eepubli- 
 cans shouting victory over fallen despots ; but let 
 his own country triumph, we are then presented 
 with "nothing but contusions and amputations, 
 plundered peasants and deserted looms. Our 
 poet points the thunder of his blank verse at the 
 head of the recruiting-sergeant, or roars in dithy- 
 ramb ics against the lieutenants of press-gangs." 
 
EARLY EEVOLUTIONARY GROUP 187 
 
 The use of sucli satire as that of the "Anti- 
 Jacobin " is not to raise a laugh against the op- 
 posite party ; its use is to make men reflect, to 
 question their own passions, to scrutinize their 
 own enthusiasms, and to reject them if they be 
 without warrant, or maintain them if they be 
 well founded in spite of ridicule. Something 
 within us checks our full sympathy with a group 
 of young men of rank and fashion who devoted 
 their talents to mocking all that seemed gener- 
 ous in feeling to men of a more sanguine temper. 
 " Your young men," declares the prophet Joel, 
 " shall see visions ; " and even if the visions be 
 too bright with promise, they often lead through 
 illusions to the truth. The brilliant young 
 Tories of the " Anti- Jacobin " were assuredly 
 no visionary sons of the prophets. On the 
 other hand, the dangers arising to England from 
 ill-considered zeal were grave ; and there is a 
 gallantry in defensive sallies as well as in the 
 onset of attack. If Burke had been accused of 
 sentimentalities, the retort was natural; there 
 were in the opposite party spurious sentiment, 
 hectic excitements, unreal rhetoric, extravagant 
 dreams. Connected with these there was a loos- 
 ening of the bonds of morality and a tendency to 
 substitute sophisticated feelings for the old plain 
 
188 THE FEENCH EEVOLUTION 
 
 laws of human duty. Against these it was well 
 to aim the shafts of ridicule ; laughter clears 
 the air; there is much virtue in good sense, 
 and what is genuine will survive a peal of laugh- 
 ter. No one can regret that the first object of 
 attack was Southey ; his heart was essentially 
 sound ; his morals were pure and manly ; hut it 
 is true that some of the errors of generous and 
 inexperienced youth were his. The Friend of 
 Humanity who will see the needy knife-grinder 
 damned before he gives his sixpence, is no unfair 
 satire on the theoretic philanthropist whose eyes 
 are in the ends of the earth. The Soldier's 
 Friend who greets the drummer-boy in Southeyan 
 dactylics, offering him "nice clever books by 
 Tom Paine," and handbills, and half-crowns to 
 raise a barrack mutiny, is a legitimate caricature 
 of the missionaries of sedition. There was a 
 sufficient efflux of nonsense from the friends of 
 the Eevolution to make the mocking chorus seem 
 something less than a parody, — 
 
 "Reason, philosophy, fiddledum diddledum, 
 Peace and fraternity, higgledy piggiedy, 
 Higgiedy piggiedy, fiddledum diddledum." 
 
 What was honorable and of permanent value 
 in the movement of change could not suffer by 
 exposure of the insincerity of its dishonest ad- 
 
EARLY REVOLUTIONARY GROUP 189 
 
 vocates or the folly of indiscreet enthusiasts ; 
 it might be trusted to prove in the end that all 
 was not "fiddledum diddledum." Godwin and 
 others had assailed the institution of marriage. 
 The Anti-Jacobins hardly intensified the outcry, 
 when, in their parody of Payne Knight's " Prog- 
 ress of Civil Society," they mourn over that two- 
 headed monster formed by unnatural law, — man 
 and wife, — and comment on the cruelty which, 
 while the gamester in whist and cribbage may 
 change his partner and continue his sport, com- 
 pels a husband to play the long rubber of con- 
 nubial failure or success with " one unceasing 
 wife." 
 
 Sheridan, a prominent figure of the Whig party 
 and a brilliant writer for the stage, had assisted 
 in the translation of Kotzebue's play, " The 
 Stranger." Many other dramas of Kotzebue, 
 at once sentimental and revolutionary, were pop- 
 ular. Goethe's " Stella," with its questionable 
 morality on the relation of the sexes, had ap- 
 peared in an English garb. Eeplying to a letter 
 oi "Mucins" in the "Anti-Jacobin," Cato com- 
 ments on the growing profligacy of manners in 
 the Eevolutionary days, " evidenced by the most 
 frequent, flagrant, shameless, and aggravated vio- 
 lations of the nuptial tie." The evil was a real 
 
190 THE FRENCH KEVOLUTION 
 
 and present evil. Coleridge, in his " Satyrane's 
 Letters," defined the whole system of such 
 dramas as those of Kotzebue as "a moral and 
 intellectual Jacobinism of the most dangerous 
 kind;" the secret of their popularity lay in 
 "the confusion and subversion of the natural 
 order of things, their causes and their effects; 
 in the excitement of surprise by representing the 
 qualities of liberality, refined feeling, and a nice 
 sense of honor in persons and in classes of life 
 where experience teaches us least to expect 
 them; and in rewarding with all the sympathies 
 that are the dues of virtue those criminals whom 
 law, reason, and religion have excommunicated 
 from our esteem." The words of a critic or a 
 moralist might have had inattentive hearers; but 
 laughter became an irresistible moralist, when 
 the imagined Mr. Higgins of the "Anti-Jacobin" 
 united the plots of " Stella " and " The Stranger " 
 in his romantic historical drama " The Eovers." 
 " If the play has a proper run," wrote the ex- 
 traordinary and indefatigable Higgins, " it will, I 
 think, do much to unhinge the present notions 
 of men with regard to the obligations of civil 
 society, and to substitute, in lieu of a sober con- 
 tentment, and regular discharge of the duties 
 incident to each man's particular situation, a wild 
 
EARLY REVOLUTIONAEY GROUP 191 
 
 desire of undefinable latitude and extravagance 
 ... it will do much to set men about doing what 
 they like, where they like, when they like, and how 
 they like." The heroine of " The Kovers," Ma- 
 tilda Pottingen, had been first seen by her lover 
 Casimire — a lover already wedded — in a peas- 
 ant's cabin, employed, like the Lotte of Werther, 
 in " spreading bread and butter for the children, 
 in a light-blue riding-habit." Among the dra- 
 matis fersoncB are Pantalowsky and Britchinda, 
 children of Matilda by Casimire ; Joachim, Jabel, 
 and Amarantha, children of Matilda by Eogero ; 
 the children of Casimire and Cecilia, with their re- 
 spective nurses; and "several children, — fathers 
 and mothers unknown." Eogero, the hero, lan- 
 guishes in a dungeon, the victim of ecclesiastical 
 tyranny ; the English nobles, Beefington and 
 Puddingfield, are emigres, who have fled from the 
 oppression of their country ; a Knight Templar 
 has forsaken his dignities and embraced the 
 position of a waiter ; an Austrian and a Prussian 
 grenadier have abjured their national enmity, 
 and have sworn to fight henceforth in the cause 
 of freedom. "The Kovers" is a brilliant amal- 
 gam of absurdities, in which not only the 
 Revolutionary passion of the time, but also its 
 overwrought sentimentality and its taste for ro- 
 
192 THE FRENCH EEVOLUTION 
 
 mantic liorrors are satirized, and mutually aid in 
 heightening the effect of the whole. 
 
 For the final number of their periodical, Cannino' 
 and his friends reserved the heaviest blow. The 
 poem " New Morality " is written in the form 
 so well adapted for epigrammatic satire, the 
 rhymed decasyllabic couplet. The several pow- 
 ers of Eevolutionary thought and feeling are 
 personified in the manner of the eighteenth- 
 century imagination, and pass in review. First, 
 Philanthropy, not the philanthropy that dries the 
 orphan's tears and consoles the weeping widow, 
 but French philanthropy, which glows with the 
 general love of all mankind, and makes its votary 
 a friend of every country except his own. Next, 
 Sensibility, the child of sickly Fancy, borne by 
 Eousseau from France to Alpine solitudes : — 
 
 " Taught by nice scale to mete her feelings strong, 
 False by degrees, and exquisitely wi'ong : 
 For the crush'd beetle ^rs?, — the widow'd dove, 
 And all the warbled sorrows of the grove ; 
 Next for poor suff'ring Guilt ; and last of all. 
 For parents, friends, a king and country's fall." 
 
 Then, Justice ; not she who tediously dangles 
 the balance in British courts of law, but Justice 
 holding a blood-stained book, inscribed with one 
 sole decree of freedom for the people : — 
 
EAELY REVOLUTIONARY GROUP 193 
 
 " Free ! by what means ? — by folly, madness, guilt, 
 By boundless rapines, blood in oceans spilt ; 
 By confiscation, in whose sweeping toils 
 The poor man's pittance with the rich man's spoils, 
 Mix'd in one common mass are swept away, 
 To glut the short-liv'd tyrant of the day." 
 
 Last, Candor ; who will not condemn or praise 
 by wholesale, but loves to see-saw between right 
 and wrong, — 
 
 " Convinced that all men's motives are the same ; 
 And finds, with keen discriminating sight. 
 Black 's not so black ; — nor white so very white." 
 
 The moral of the whole is plain, ■ — let the men 
 of England guard their own hearts ; let them 
 hold by the ancient manners and ancient morals. 
 So, and so alone, may the storm be braved ; so, 
 perhaps, in some happier hour may England 
 become the refuge of Europe. 
 
 Such is the spirit of the " Anti-Jacobin." The 
 writers could justly assert that it had served 
 their purpose. It has been said that the publi- 
 cation was discontinued at the direct instance of 
 Pitt, who apprehended that satire might in the 
 end prove an unruly ally of the party. 
 
 13 
 
V 
 
 EECOVEEY AND EEACTION : WOEDS- 
 WOETH AND HIS EEIENDS 
 
V 
 
 EECOVEEY AND EEACTION 
 
 No one among his contemporaries was more 
 deeply moved than was Wordsworth by the 
 great events in France. The character of his 
 mind fitted him in a peculiar degree for receiv- 
 ing the full influence of the French Eevolution ; 
 the circumstances of his early life brought him 
 near the vortex of the maelstrom ; and that 
 truth to his highest self, which it was a part 
 of his very existence to retain, — that natural 
 piety which bound his days each to each, — made 
 it impossible that he should ever fling away from 
 him as a worthless illusion the hopes and aspira- 
 tions of his youth. Some readers of Wordsworth 
 are misled in their judgment of the poet by the 
 vulgar error that he was before all else tranquil, 
 mild, gentle, an amiable pastoral spirit. He sang 
 of the daisy and the celandine, the linnet and 
 the lamb ; and therefore he must have been 
 always a serene, tender, benign contemplator of 
 things that make for peace. There can be no 
 
198 THE FRENCH EEVOLUTION 
 
 greater mistake ; at the heart of liis peace was 
 passion ; his benignity was like the greensward 
 upon a rocky hillside. As a boy, Wordsworth 
 was violent and moody ; in his early manhood 
 he was stern, bold, worn by exhausting ardors. 
 De Quincey observed that " the secret fire of a 
 temperament too fervid" caused him to look 
 older than his years. Above all, he was strong ; 
 and what disguises this fact from careless eyes 
 is that Wordsworth's strength did not lie in a 
 single part or province of his nature, that he 
 brought his several powers into harmonious 
 action, and that each power served to balance 
 the others. Senses, intellect, emotions, imagina- 
 tion, conscience, will, were all of unusual vigor ; 
 but each helped the other, each controlled the 
 other, each was to the other an impulse and a 
 law. And thus an equilibrium was gained, re- 
 sulting from a massive harmony of powers too 
 commonly found among men of genius arrayed 
 against one another in dangerous conflict. His 
 senses were of unusual keenness ; his eye lived 
 on forms and colors, on light and shadow ; his 
 ear caught the finest differences of all homeless, 
 wandering sounds ; but the senses did not war 
 against the spirit; they were auxiliar to higher 
 powers, serving as scouts and intelligencers of the 
 
RECOVEKY AND EEACTION 199 
 
 soul. His passions were of ample volume and of 
 persistent force ; indignation, wrath, stern joy, 
 deep fears, boundless hopes, possessed him ; but 
 these were brought into the bondage of con- 
 science, and became the ministers of love. His 
 imaginative fervor again and again exhausted 
 his physical strength ; but the creative mood 
 was balanced by a mood of wise passiveness ; it 
 was not the way with his imagination to start 
 forth, as Shelley's imagination did, to create a 
 world of its own upon some swift suggestion of 
 beauty or delight ; it rested on reality, brooded 
 upon reality, coalesced with it, interpreted it. 
 His visions and his desires were captured by his 
 intellect, and were made substantial by a moral 
 wisdom infused into them. His intellect did 
 not operate singly and apart, but was vitalized 
 by his passions. If he loved freedom with all 
 the ardor of his soul, he loved order as well. If 
 he hoped for the future with an indefatigable 
 hope, he also reverenced the past. His will 
 applied itself consciously and deliberately to the 
 task of organizing his various faculties and sup- 
 porting them in their allotted task during all the 
 years of his self-dedication to the life poetic. 
 Each power of his nature lived in and through 
 every other power, and in the massive equilibrium 
 
200 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 which was the result, strength was masked hy 
 strength. And thus, having first effected an 
 inward conciliation of the jarring elements of our 
 humanity, he was enabled to become a reconciler 
 for his age. 
 
 The Eevolution captured Wordsworth slowly 
 and by degrees. The year 1789, which inflamed 
 so many hearts and imaginations in England, 
 left him almost untouched. The awakening in 
 France seemed to him only like any other process 
 of nature, — a renovation, indeed, but one which 
 might be accepted without a shock. The doc- 
 trine, the passions, the rhetoric of Eevolution 
 were borne past him like voices on the wind ; lie 
 heard them without fear, but they did not sink 
 deep into his heart. He was occupied with his 
 studious research into the poetical appearances of 
 external nature ; and the affairs of men held a 
 secondary place in his thoughts. It was not 
 until his residence in France, from November, 
 1791, to December, 1792, that he came into veri- 
 table contact with the Eevolution, and even then 
 not during the earlier weeks of his stay at Orleans. 
 At first he consorted with military men of the 
 Eoyalist party. As yet, Wordsworth understood 
 little of the condition of society or of the course 
 of events which led up to the Eevolution ; but the 
 
EECOVEKY AND EEACTION 201 
 
 aristocratic prejudices of his companions quick- 
 ened the Eepublican spirit within liim. When, 
 a little later, he gained the friendship of the 
 patriot-soldier, Michel Beaupuy, the democratic 
 faiths and hopes and charities which dwelt half 
 unawares in his heart were brought into tlie 
 light of consciousness, and for the first time he 
 became an ardent champion of the new cause. 
 Beaupuy was fifteen years older than his young 
 English friend ; he was of most engaging person, 
 a thinker as well as a soldier, a man of the purest 
 morals, one who had something of antique virtue 
 united with a modern enthusiasm, one to whom 
 the humanitarian beliefs had the force of a 
 religion. Wordsworth's early love-making with 
 nature was succeeded by a love-making with so- 
 ciety. His conversion was not the effect merely 
 of theory, or of declamation, or of sentimental 
 musings on the sorrows of mankind ; it was the 
 fruit of an experience, and it tended not towards 
 rhetoric, but towards action. When, in October, 
 1792, he visited Paris, the massacres of Septem- 
 ber were recent ; he felt the ground rocking with 
 earthquake beneath his feet ; and had the oppor- 
 tunity occurred, he w^as prepared to risk his life 
 for the future hopes of France. Happily, circum- 
 stances recalled him to England ; happily, he did 
 
202 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 not forfeit his true mission by becoming an orator 
 of the Convention ; but there was a moment when 
 he supposed it possible that he might have de- 
 voted his life to the political service of the 
 country through whose conduct, amid appalling 
 dangers, he believed that the destiny of mankind 
 was put to stake. 
 
 In 1793 he wrote his prose apology for the 
 French Eevolution, a long letter addressed to 
 Watson, Bishop of Llandaff, and evidently 
 designed for publication as a pamphlet. It is 
 remarkable for its sternness and the fervor 
 of its faith. Wordsworth justifies the execution 
 of Louis XVI., and would reserve the passion of 
 pity for worthier objects than a fallen king. 
 He acknowledges the sanguinary violence of the 
 Eevolution, but pleads that a time of revolu- 
 tion cannot be the season of true liberty. He 
 rejoices in the confiscation of ecclesiastical prop- 
 erty. He maintains the superiority of the Eepub- 
 lican to other forms of government, on the ground 
 that it identifies the interests of the governors 
 with those of the governed. He argues on behalf 
 of the reduction of the inequalities among citi- 
 zens to those inevitable inequalities which gov- 
 ernment by representation involves. He points 
 out the urgent need of Parliamentary reform in 
 
EECOVERY AND EEACTION 203 
 
 England. When, in the same year, war between 
 France and England was declared, Wordsworth's 
 nature underwent the most violent strain that it 
 had ever experienced. He loved his native land ; 
 yet he could wish for nothing but disaster to her 
 arms. His feelings were, as he says, " soured and 
 corrupted." As the days passed, he found it 
 more and more difficult to sustain his faith in 
 the Eevolution ; first, he abandoned belief in the 
 leaders, but he still trusted in the people ; then 
 the people seemed to have grown insane with 
 the intoxication of blood. France attacked her 
 neighbors in aggressive wars ; she had become 
 Europe's chief offender. Wordsworth was driven 
 back from his defence of the Eevolution, in its 
 historical development, to a bare faith in the 
 abstract idea. He clung to theories ; the free 
 and joyous movement of his sympathies ceased ; 
 opinions stifled the spontaneous life of the spirit ; 
 these opinions were tested and re-tested by the 
 intellect, till, in the end, exhausted by inward 
 debate, he yielded up moral questions in despair. 
 It was no sadden collapse of a rash enthusi- 
 asm. The strands of a cable which seemed to 
 hold him at anchorage were severed painfully 
 a,nd one by one. The alteration ultimately ef- 
 fected in his mind went far deeper than the 
 
204 THE FEENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 region of political opinions. In his effort to 
 maintain his faith in the doctrine of the Eevo- 
 lution by the sole aid of the reason, Wordsworth 
 was acting in opposition to what was deepest in 
 his nature. Doubtless at this time Godwin was 
 the master of his mind ; but by processes of the 
 understanding alone Wordsworth could attain no 
 vital body of truth. Kather he felt that things 
 of far more worth than political opinions — nat- 
 ural instincts, sympathies, passions, intuitions — 
 were being disintegrated or denaturalized. The 
 tragedy of " The Borderers," if it possesses no 
 high dramatic value, is of much autobiographic 
 importance, as indicating the moment when 
 Wordsworth began to suspect the analytic in- 
 tellect as a source of moral wisdom. The young 
 leader of the band of borderers is generous and 
 high-minded ; the tempter Oswald is an elder 
 man and a man of more powerful understanding ; 
 by the play of a sceptical intelligence, by sophis- 
 tries of the understanding, by the promise of 
 spiritual emancipation, he darkens the natural 
 conscience of his victim and leads him into piti- 
 less and irreparable crime. For young Marma- 
 duke nothing more remains in life except a wild 
 and desolate search for expiation. 
 
 " Wordsworth," as I have elsewhere written, 
 
RECOVERY AND REACTION 205 
 
 " recovered, as a sick man recovers, not tlirouoh 
 
 o 
 
 logical processes, but by secret operations of na- 
 ture, and a gradual recuperative tendency." He 
 turned away from mere speculation ; he permitted 
 himself once again to feel. By the healing influ- 
 ences of nature, by the gentle admonitions and 
 quickening sympathies of his sister Dorothy, a 
 communion between his intellect, his affections, 
 and his imagination was re-established. In place 
 of humanitarian dreams came a deep interest in 
 the joys and sorrows of individual men and wo- 
 men ; through his interest in these he was led 
 back to a study of the mind of man and those 
 laws which connect the work of the creative 
 imagination with the play of the passions. He 
 had begun again to think nobly of the world and 
 of human life. And at this moment Wordsworth 
 found a friend, who like himself had hoped, like 
 himself had been disappointed, and who now had 
 found a solution for the problems which had 
 vexed him in a conception of the world and of 
 life at once philosophical and religious. In ex- 
 ternal nature and in the evolution of human 
 society Coleridge recognized a Divine Presence 
 and a Divine process. Such a conception seemed 
 the true interpretation of the phenomena of 
 Wordsworth's own mind; it was confirmed by 
 
206 THE FRENCH EEVOLUTION 
 
 his highest moods and clearest moments of in- 
 sight and of rapture. The optimism of Coleridge 
 met the need of Wordsworth's nature. Not 
 through searchings of the analytic intellect had 
 he made his discoveries of truth, but through pas- 
 sionate contemplation and through joy. For him 
 wisdom lived before all else in happiness, which 
 was, indeed, another name for inward harmony, 
 the sane co-operation of all those powers that 
 work for wisdom. Discontent, cynicism, gloom, 
 might be the self-indulgence of less strenuous 
 minds. For his own part he resolved to resist 
 every invasion of sadness as a lethargy of the 
 soul, or to convert sadness to some glorious gain. 
 Joy became to him more than a desire ; it became 
 a duty.^ 
 
 What remained to Wordsworth from his early 
 Eevolutionary faith ? The Eevolution spoke of 
 nature, of simplification, of humanity, of new 
 hopes for the race, of reason, of equality, of fra- 
 ternity (I omit for the present moment the word 
 " liberty "). Wordsworth retained his faith in the 
 beneficence of nature ; he sings of the wedding 
 of man's mind " to this goodly universe, in love 
 
 1 What is here said with the utmost brevity will be found 
 stated at large in M. £mile Legouis' admirable study, "La 
 Jeunesse de William Wordsworth." 
 
RECOVERY AND REACTION 207 
 
 and holy passion." He does not attempt to deny 
 the facts of evil and of pain. " He can stand," 
 writes one of his critics, " in the shadow of death 
 and pain, ruin and failure, with a sympathy that 
 is almost painful in its quiet intensity ; yet the 
 sense ' of something far more deeply interfused ' 
 which ' makes our noisy years seem moments in 
 the being of the eternal silence,' the faith in the 
 omnipotence ' of love and man's unconquerable 
 mind,' is never destroyed or even weakened in him. 
 The contemplation of evil and pain always ends 
 with him, by an inevitable recoil, in an inspired 
 expression of his faith in the good which trans- 
 mutes and transfigures it, as clouds are changed 
 into manifestations of the sunlight they strive to 
 hide." ^ He retained his desire to simplify life, 
 and he proved its genuineness by that "plain 
 living " which preserved him from mean anxieties 
 and degrading shifts, and rendered possible the 
 "high thinking" of a poet's calling. He lost 
 none of his sense of the dignity of man as man ; 
 he believed in a high destiny for the human race. 
 He thought less, indeed, than formerly of man in 
 an abstract way and of the rights of man ; but he 
 entered far more deeply into the joys and sorrows 
 
 1 Edward Caird, Essays on Literature and Philosophy, vol. i. 
 pp. 188, 189. 
 
208 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 of individual men, honoring before all else tliose 
 strong, permanent, and universal passions which 
 are found in the cottage as well as in the palace, 
 or which, as he believed, may be found with 
 greater purity and undivided strength in the 
 cottage. He ceased to speak of fraternity and 
 equality ; but this was because he perceived a 
 certain effeminacy in levelling down the truth 
 to general notions and ambitious words, and 
 ascertained that a truer sense of human fellow- 
 ship arose from close and sympathetic contact 
 with his fellows. Still he paid homage to the 
 " universal heart " of man ; still he believed in 
 one great society on earth of " the noble living 
 and the noble dead." If he wrote of a Michael 
 or a Margaret, a Pedler or a Leech-gatherer, it 
 was without a single touch of condescension or 
 of patronage ; even their manner of speech, he 
 maintained, includes everything that is needful 
 and everything that is best for the uses of poetry. 
 He honored reason in the mastery which man 
 had obtained over matter, in the scientific ad- 
 vance and mechanical progress of the age. But 
 he also honored the affections, the imagination, 
 the moral sense, the spiritual insight of men; 
 and he feared lest reason, operating apart from 
 these, should darken the light that is in us, and 
 
EECOVERY AND REACTION 209 
 
 lest the rage for wealth stimulated by mechanical 
 inventions should create a new serfdom for the 
 toiler. Who at the close of the nineteenth cen- 
 tury will assert that his fears were without a 
 certain warrant ? 
 
 I reserved that great watchword of the Eevolu- 
 tion, — Liberty. There was unquestionably a 
 danger that in his study of the individual man 
 Wordsworth might in some measure have lost 
 his interest in national life and the larger con- 
 cerns of a people. With Coleridge for a time 
 there was a like danger. When the Swiss Can- 
 tons were attacked by the French Eepublic, he 
 wrote his magnificent ode " France," which origi- 
 nally appeared under the title of " The Eecanta- 
 tion." And a recantation indeed it is ; a poem 
 of disillusion regarding the hopes for society 
 which he had formed in connection with the 
 French Eevolution. " The Sensual and the Dark," 
 he cries, " rebel in vain, slaves by their own com- 
 pulsion." Liberty, as he had conceived it, he now 
 sorrowfully admits, cannot be realized by society, 
 under any form of human government ; " it be- 
 longs," as Coleridge's argument prefixed to the 
 ode declares, " to the individual man, so far as he 
 is pure, and inflamed with the love and adoration 
 of God in Nature." Such a doctrine approaches 
 
 14 
 
210 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 hazardously near to political despair. Southey's 
 early enthusiasm had also declined ; there was a 
 considerable risk that he might narrow his sym- 
 pathies to those which concerned his personal 
 friends and his fireside, or might lose some of his 
 large-heartedness in the mere accumulation and 
 rearrangement of knowledge. "How does time 
 mellow down our opinions," he wrote. "... I 
 have contracted my sphere of action within the 
 little circle of my own friends, and even my 
 wishes seldom stray beyond it. ... I want a little 
 room to arrange my books in, and some Lares of 
 my own." And again : " I have declared war 
 against metaphysics, and would push my argu- 
 ments, as William Pitt would his successes, even 
 to the extermination of the enemy. ' Blessed be 
 the hour I 'scaped the wrangling crew.' " There 
 are symptoms here of the sinking of a flame 
 into ashes. Southey was indeed well qualified to 
 sing his " Hymn to the Penates ; " but his heart 
 was also made to extend its generous warmth 
 beyond his home, and in his imagination there 
 was something of an epic quality which could 
 enter into the action of an entire people. Was 
 moral exhaustion, in the opening years of the 
 nineteenth century, to follow the excesses of 
 sentimentalism and the excesses of anarchy ? 
 
RECOVERY AND REACTION 211 
 
 Was the story to be a sorry story of disillusion 
 for this group of young poets, whose hopes had 
 been so high, whose spirit had been so generous 
 and ardent ? Were they to exclaim with Brutus, 
 " Liberty, I worshipped thee, and I find thee but a 
 Shade " ? Or were they to be content each with 
 the liberty of the individual man, preserved for 
 each in the citadel of his own soul ? 
 
 A second springtime of enthusiasm was happily 
 in store for them. The war proclaimed against 
 the French Kepublic had shocked their moral 
 sense, and caused an inward disruption, the filial 
 love of England still living in their hearts, while 
 indignation against the action of England divided 
 them from their country. But when the Eepub- 
 lic was transformed into a military despotism, 
 when it entered upon wars of conquest, when the 
 vast tyranny of one ruler, with his satraps and 
 underlords, was established over Europe, when 
 England stood alone against the world in de- 
 fence of freedom, in defence of humanity, the 
 public spirit of these young men was again 
 aroused ; they found themselves restored to their 
 native land; and hopes and fears, indignation, 
 pride, and patriotism, were fused into one glowing 
 mass. And so a second springtime arrived. A 
 great epic of battle, heroism, agony, death, and 
 
212 THE FRENCH KEVOLUTION 
 
 victory seemed to evolve itself before men's eyes ; 
 more than this, — Englishmen themselves were 
 among the combatants ; and all the epic passions 
 were aroused. 
 
 " Five years of life," cries De Quincey, " it was 
 worth paying down for the privilege of an outside 
 place on a mail-coach when carrying through the 
 country the news of a victory." " Horses ! " he ex- 
 claims, in his inspiriting description of the start 
 from Lombard Street, " can these be horses that 
 bound oft' with the action and gesture of leopards ? 
 What stir ! — what sea- like ferment ! what a 
 thundering of wheels ! what a trampling of hoofs ! 
 what a sounding of trumpets ! what farewell 
 cheers ! what redoubling peals of brotherly con- 
 gratulation, connecting the name of the particu- 
 lar mail — ' Liverpool forever ! ' — with the name 
 of a particular victory ' Badajos forever ! ' or 
 ' Salamanca forever ! ' The half-slumbering con- 
 sciousness that all night long and all the next 
 day — perhaps for even a longer period — many 
 of these mails, like fire racing along a train of 
 gunpowder, will be kindling at every instant new 
 successions of burning joy, has an obscure effect 
 of multiplying the victory itself, by multiplying 
 to the imagination into infinity the stages of its 
 progressive diffusion. A fiery arrow seems to be 
 
EECOVEKY AND EEACTION 213 
 
 let loose, which from that moment is destined to 
 travel, without intermission, westwards for three 
 hundred miles — northwards for six hundred — 
 and the sympathy of our Lombard Street friends 
 at parting is exalted a hundred fold by a sort 
 of visionary sympathy with the yet slumbering 
 sympathies which in so vast a succession we are 
 going to awake." 
 
 Such was the temper of the time, and some of 
 its breadth of interests and depth of passion 
 passed into De Quincey's opium-dreams : " ' Deeper 
 than ever plummet sounded' I lay inactive. 
 Then, like a chorus, the passion deepened. Some 
 greater interest was at stake, some mightier cause 
 than ever yet the sword had pleaded, or trumpet 
 had proclaimed. Then came sudden alarms ; 
 hurryings to and fro, trepidations of innumerable 
 fugitives, I knew not whether from the good cause 
 or the bad ; darkness and lights ; tempest and 
 human faces ; and at last, with the sense that all 
 was lost, female forms, and the features that were 
 all the world to me." It is a dream of epic pro- 
 portions, into which are woven the passions in- 
 spired by a great national struggle. 
 
 The noblest products in the field of pure litera- 
 ture which the Napoleonic wars have left us are 
 Wordsworth's political sonnets, his poem "The 
 
214 THE FKENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 Happy Warrior," and his pamphlet on the " Con- 
 vention of Cintra." The sonnets are records of 
 the most impassioned moments in the Iiistory of 
 Wordsworth's imagination, as it dealt with public 
 events from 1802 to the battle of Waterloo. 
 Many of them are concerned, like his prose 
 pamphlet, with affairs in Spain. The cumulative 
 force of the great drama that was unrolling itself 
 was not felt until the struggle in the Peninsula 
 had become a central point of interest. Until 
 then the patriotic temper was, as Wordsworth de- 
 scribes it, a temper of fortitude, a "sedate and 
 stern melancholy, which had no sunshine, and 
 was exhilarated only by the lightnings of indig- 
 nation." But with the rising of the Spanish 
 people there came a mighty change : " We were 
 instantaneously animated, and from that moment 
 the contest assumed the dignity which it is not 
 in the power of anything but hope to bestow; 
 and, if I may dare to transfer language, prompted 
 by a revelation of the state of being that admits 
 not of decay or change, to the concerns and in- 
 terests of our transitory planet, from that moment 
 ' this corruptible put on incorruption, and this 
 mortal put on immortality.' " Wordsworth has 
 hardly overstated the truth. From the date of 
 the Spanish rising, Napoleon could no longer 
 
RECOVERY AND REACTION 215 
 
 stand forth as the representative of democratic 
 ideas ; the principle of nationahty was mani- 
 festly on the side of his adversaries ; its influence 
 was sensible in Germany as well as in the Pyre- 
 nean Peninsula ; the moral force of Europe was 
 arrayed against the material might of its con- 
 queror. " This is not a quarrel of governments," 
 Coleridge wrote, in his " Letters on the Spaniards," 
 published in the "Courier." "... If the Peace of 
 Amiens made the nation unanimous in its dread 
 of French ambition, it was the noble efforts of 
 Spanish patriotism that first restored us, without 
 distinction of party, to our characteristic enthu- 
 siasm for liberty, and . . . enabled us once more 
 to utter the names of our Hampdens, Sidneys, 
 and Eussells, without hazard of alarming the quiet 
 subject, or of offending the zealous loyalist." 
 
 Now it was that Wordsworth many a time 
 would start after midnight from Allan Bank 
 to the Eaise Gap to meet at two o'clock in the 
 morning the carrier bringing the newspaper from 
 Keswick. "It would not be easy," he said, "to 
 conceive with what a depth of feeling I entered 
 into the struggle carried on by the Spaniards for 
 their deliverance from the usurped power of the 
 French." The passion of the time was experi- 
 enced hardly less deeply by others. On the 
 
216 THE FRENCH EEVOLUTION 
 
 declaration of Westminster on the subject of the 
 Spanish war, Walter Scott wrote to his friend 
 Ellis : " Tell Mr. Canning that the old women 
 of Scotland will defend the country with their 
 distaffs rather than that troops enough be not 
 sent to make gOod so noble a pledge." " The 
 news from Spain," Scott writes, a mpnth later, 
 "gave me such a mingled feeling, that I never 
 suffered so much in my whole life from the dis- 
 order of spirits occasioned by affecting intelli- 
 gence. ... I love a drum and a soldier as heartily 
 as ever Uncle Toby did ; and between the pride 
 arising from our gallant bearing and the deep 
 regret that so much bravery should run to waste, 
 I spent a most disordered and agitated night, never 
 closing my eyes but what I was harassed with 
 visions of broken ranks, bleeding soldiers, dying 
 horses, and ' all the currents of a heady fight.' " 
 On his journeys never did Scott omit to take 
 with him the largest map of the seat of war that 
 he could procure. Upon this, Lockhart tells us, 
 he was perpetually poring, tracing by means of 
 black and white pins the movements of the con- 
 tending forces. When in 1811 a London com- 
 mittee was formed to collect subscriptions for the 
 relief of the Portuguese, Scott begged to be per- 
 mitted to contribute to tlie fund such profits as 
 
RECOVERY AND REACTION 217 
 
 might be gained by a poem written on a subject 
 connected with the patriotic struggle. As soon 
 as leisure could be snatched, he set to work upon 
 his " Vision of Don Eoderick," a poem not in his 
 happiest manner; the Gothic vestibule, as Jeffrey 
 put it, being hardly in keeping 'with the modern 
 structure to which it conducts; yet one which 
 will always remain interesting as an evidence of 
 the deep commotion caused in the writer's spirit 
 by the events in Spain. 
 
 " It was a time unparalleled in history," Southey 
 wrote, " and a more glorious one never has and 
 never can be exhibited to the world." Southey's 
 friend, Landor, who had in him something of the 
 paladin of romance, at this moment put his poetry 
 into the form of action. He would equip a troop 
 and lead them into battle on Spanish soil as the 
 first English volunteer. On reaching Corunna he 
 made over ten thousand reals to the governor for 
 the relief of the inhabitants of Venturada, whose 
 houses had been burnt to the ground by the 
 French, and announced that he was ready to pay 
 the expenses of any volunteers to the number of a 
 thousand who were willing to join him : " I shall 
 travel with them on foot, and fight along with 
 them, glorying to serve under the command of 
 any brave Spaniard who has taken up arms in 
 
218 THE FEENCH EEVOLUTION 
 
 the defence of religion and liberty." Landor's 
 wisdom in the conduct of life was not equal to 
 his chivalry. He quarrelled with the English 
 envoy ; his military feats were no more than 
 petty skirmishes ; he was devoured with impa- 
 tience for a larger field of action. "What the 
 alleged affront of the envoy had begun," writes 
 his biographer, Forster, " the affair of Cintra and 
 its disasters completed : his troop dispersed or 
 melted away ; and he came back to England in 
 as great a hurry as he had left it." The ill-con- 
 sidered expedition to the Peninsula at least served 
 to give local color to Landor's noble dramatic 
 poem, " Count Julian ; " and if things were justly 
 weighed, perhaps the error of his impetuous out- 
 break against Stuart might be balanced by the 
 generous aid he rendered on one occasion to an 
 exhausted Spanish woman, whose child he car- 
 ried on his shoulders for six or seven miles. 
 Quixotry has its follies, but a temper more dis- 
 creet has not always its ready gallantries. 
 
 Coleridge, when contrasting Shakespeare's po- 
 litical wisdom with the high-flying Toryism of 
 Beaumont and Fletcher and the aristocratic 
 Whiggism of Massinger, has spoken of our great- 
 est poet as embodying in his historical plays the 
 permanent politics of human nature. It is a hard 
 
KECOVERY AND REACTION 219 
 
 saying to understand or to expound. The per- 
 manent politics of human nature, — what are 
 they ? Of Wordsworth's " Poems dedicated to 
 National Independence and Liberty " we may 
 assert that if they do not express such " perma- 
 nent politics," they have assuredly a purport 
 passing beyond the occasions which suggested or 
 inspired them. The passions to which they give 
 utterance, the principles which they announce, 
 are of no less worth and validity for our day than 
 they were for the opening days of the century. 
 They deal not so much with events that pass 
 away as with abiding forces of the heart of man 
 and abiding truths of our corporate life. In ex- 
 ternal events he seeks an inward moral signifi- 
 cance, presses after this, and cannot rest satisfied 
 until he finds it. If we may speak of any single 
 thought as the central thought around which this 
 remarkable group of poems is organized, it is this, 
 — that the true life of a nation resides not in 
 external institutions, not in visible prosperity, 
 not in force of arms, not even in the splendors of 
 individual genius, but in the spiritual energy of 
 the people, in the vitality of that which animates 
 all else, the nation's soul. 
 
 In August, 1802, during the short interval of 
 calm which followed the Peace of Amiens, Words- 
 
220 THE FRENCH EEVOLUTION 
 
 worth and liis sister visited France. Gazing 
 westward at evening from the seacoast, he 
 watched the evening-star as it hung over England, 
 and his heart turned to the land of his birth with 
 a fond and tender pride. Napoleon was elected 
 First Consul for life at the moment of Words- 
 worth's arrival at Calais; bat there seemed to be 
 no genuine joy in the event, as far as a foreign 
 observer could discern, and the prostrate homage 
 that was paid to power impressed Wordsworth as 
 something far other than the seemly reverence 
 which is a gradual growth from roots deep-planted 
 in the heart. Great indeed was the alteration of 
 the public temper since, in the fervid early days 
 of the Eevolution, when the very " senselessness 
 of joy " was sublime, he had landed with his col- 
 lege companion at the same spot. August 15th 
 was Bonaparte's birthday ; but Calais was not gay, 
 nor was the heart of Wordsworth. He thought 
 of all the wrongs from which Europe, and more 
 than Europe, suffered. He mourned over the 
 servitude of Venice, the maiden city, mated to the 
 sea, now dishonored and decayed. He thought 
 of the reduction of Saint Domingo, and of the 
 negro chieftain, Toussaint L'Ouverture, now lan- 
 guishing in some dungeon of France ; yet he 
 sustained a lofty hope that the cause of liberty 
 
RECOVERY AND REACTION 221 
 
 had still its untamable auxiliaries in the powers 
 of nature and in the passions of man, — 
 
 " Thou hast left behind 
 Powers that will work for thee: air, earth, and skies; 
 There 's not a breathing of the common wind 
 That will forget thee ; thou hast great allies ; 
 Thy friends are exultations, agonies. 
 And love, and man's unconquerable mind." 
 
 On his voyage back to Dover he observed an- 
 other example of the capricious tyranny of the 
 ruler of France, — a white-robed negress sat on 
 deck, one of the afflicted race which had been ex- 
 pelled by a decree of the government, downcast, 
 languid, lifeless, except for the tropic fire that still 
 burned in her eyes. It was a happiness to tread 
 the grass of England once again, and to hear the 
 waves breaking on the chalky shore. He felt the 
 mightiness for good of the silver streak of sea ; 
 and yet he knew that the strength and safety of 
 his country could not lie in this narrow span of 
 waters ; in itself this was nothing ; it became a 
 bulwark of freedom only when brave hearts made 
 it indeed a barrier flood, — " by the soul only, the 
 Nations shall be great and free." And at this 
 time Wordsworth was not without fears that the 
 soul of England might be unequal to its trials. 
 He trembled lest ease and luxury should have 
 sapped her native hardihood and strength, — 
 
222 THE FRENCH EEVOLUTION 
 
 " Plain living and high thinking are no more ; 
 The homely beauty of the good old cause 
 Is gone ; our peace, our fearful innocence, 
 And pure religion breathing household laws." 
 
 At one moment he looked back to the heroic 
 days of the old Eepublic, and sighed for the return 
 of Milton's spirit, to restore to his countrymen 
 virtue, power, and freedom ; he recalled to mind 
 Vane and Sidney, Harrington and Marvell. But 
 again he grew ashamed of such unfilial fears ; his 
 feeling towards England was that of a lover or a 
 child ; her glorious past seemed to insure a future 
 no less heroic, — 
 
 " In our halls is hung 
 Armory of the invincible knights of old : 
 We must be free or die who speak the tongue 
 That Shakespeare spoke ; the faith and morals hold 
 That Milton held." 
 
 He felt that to hope is a paramount duty laid 
 by Heaven upon the suffering heart of man ; that, 
 while worldlings may tremble for possessions 
 which an accident can cause to wax or wane, the 
 perpetual breath of hope breathes upon every gift 
 of noble origin. When, in October, 1803, the in- 
 vasion of England was threatened, although, in 
 presence of the enormous despotism of one man, 
 Wordsworth was almost tempted to a doubt of 
 Providence, against his doubt sprang up a stronger 
 
EECOVERY AND REACTION 223 
 
 faith, and with it an indomitable courage. One 
 thing there is which cannot be forced to }deld 
 before the discipline of the sword, — one thing, 
 the united soul of a nation. The poet, rising to 
 the prophet, dared to anticipate a memorable vic- 
 tory over the invader, and in the sternness of his 
 enthusiasm could think of the very worst — the 
 prospect of his brethren slain — with an exultant 
 
 joy- 
 But it was the patriotic struggle in Spain 
 which called forth Wordsworth's highest ardor. 
 It seemed to him to be a great outbreak of nature 
 in the heart of a people on behalf of freedom; 
 and when in his pamphlet suggested by the Con- 
 vention of Cintra he weighed " the hopes and 
 fears of suffering Spain," he felt that the finest 
 promptings, the truest oracles of political wis- 
 dom, came to him in presence of the free powers 
 of nature, — among the mountain winds or where 
 the torrents leap down their rocky courses. 
 From learned Germany, instructed in the lessons 
 of the schools, less was to be hoped than from 
 the Iberian peasants. The pride of intellect and 
 thought might come to a composition with tyr- 
 anny ; but the native energy of the soul, embodied 
 in a few strong instincts and a few plain rules, 
 was a bulwark for freedom kindred to the moun- 
 
224 THE FRENCH EEVOLUTION 
 
 tains and the floods. Wordsworth was not so 
 carried away by his enthusiasm as to be un- 
 aware that in all the mechanic part of warfare 
 the advantage lay heavily on the side of the 
 French brigades ; the promise of victory for Por- 
 tugal and Spain lay in what was invisible, in 
 their moral power, in the righteousness of their 
 cause. " Unbounded," he exclaims, " is the 
 might of martyrdom and fortitude and right," — 
 
 " The power of Armies is a visible thing, 
 Formal, and circumscribed in time and space ; 
 But who the limits of that power can trace 
 Which a brave People into light can bring 
 Or hide, at will, — for freedom combating 
 By just revenge inflamed ? No foot may chase, 
 No eye can follow, to a fatal place 
 That power, that spirit, whether on the wing 
 Like the strong wind, or sleeping like the wind 
 Within its awful caves." 
 
 And as Wordsworth in his feeling for external 
 nature found through all its influencings a 
 spiritual Presence communing with his own 
 spirit, so in the sacred passions of a People 
 sacrificing themselves for freedom, for home, for 
 religion, for the hopes of their infants, for the 
 memories of their dead, he seemed to become 
 conscious of an energy not merely human but 
 Divine. It is, indeed, a weakness to seek from 
 
KECOVERY AND REACTION 225 
 
 miraculous interpositions, from the saints above, 
 or the spells of herb and stone, that virtue which 
 has its residence in the heart of man ; but in the 
 instincts of human nature, in hope, in fortitude, 
 in martyrdom, lives and moves the supreme 
 Power of the universe ; through these He builds 
 " the towers of righteousness " as a refuge from 
 the worst disaster ; all that to us seems violent 
 or ghastly form but " links in the chain of His 
 tranquillity." At length the great drama reached 
 its triumphant catastrophe at Waterloo ; in Jan- 
 uary, 1816, a day of general thanksgiving was 
 appointed, and Wordsworth poured forth the 
 solemn hymn which closes his " Poems dedicated 
 to National Independence and Liberty." He 
 ascribes the victory, not to the sword, but to the 
 magnanimity that wielded the sword with 
 irresistible might; and that magnanimity was 
 but a form of His energy who lifteth up and lay- 
 eth low. And so on the bright January morn- 
 ing, with sunshine sleeping on the snow-clad 
 hills, he sang his song of devout rejoicing, — 
 " Oh, enter now His Temple gate ! " 
 
 The pamphlet occasioned by the Convention of 
 Cintra was conceived and written in the spirit 
 of the political sonnets. It forms indeed an un- 
 designed commentary on the poems of the same 
 
 15 
 
226 THE FEENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 period. The forces under Junot's command had 
 been defeated by Wellesley at Vimiero. Sir 
 Hew Dalrymple, instead of pressing home the 
 victory, concluded the convention by which the 
 French agreed to evacuate Portugal, and were to be 
 conveyed with their baggage and arms in British 
 ships to France. Wordsworth considers the affair 
 less from a military or a political point of view 
 than from that of a patriotic citizen who studies 
 primarily its moral significance, its effect upon the 
 spirit and temper of the people of the Peninsula. 
 " In the moral qualities," he writes, " and pas- 
 sions which belong to a people must the ultimate 
 salvation of a people be sought for." The na- 
 tional feeling demanded that the defeated French 
 should be compelled to surrender at discretion, 
 or should be exterminated. It was folly to think 
 of supporting the cause of Portugal and Spain 
 by physical strength ; while, through a faltering 
 policy, the moral energies of the people were 
 being sapped. The Convention was a com- 
 promise of supposed expediency ; but in such a 
 case there is one supreme expediency, namely, 
 justice ; this alone can satisfy the spirit of an 
 indignant nation : " When wickedness acknowl- 
 edges no limit but the extent of her power . . . 
 the only worthy or adequate opposition is that of 
 
EECOVERY AND EE ACTION 227 
 
 virtue submitting to no circumscription of her 
 endeavors save that of her rights, and aspiring 
 from the impulse of her own ethereal zeal." " It 
 was not," he asserts, " for the soil or for the 
 cities and forts that Portugal was valued, but for 
 the human feeling which was there. . . . We 
 combated for victory in the empire of reason, for 
 strongholds in the imagination." To a certain 
 order of practical statesmen such utterances as 
 these may appear visionary ; but it was Napo- 
 leon himself, and his calculations were little 
 likely to err on the side of fantastic generosity, 
 who estimated the worth of moral force in war- 
 fare as equivalent to three times that of physical 
 force. The lofty enthusiasm which animates 
 Wordsworth's pamphlet cannot be conveyed in 
 a few words ; only the reader of its best pages 
 can feel its weight and mass of passion and the 
 inward glow of its argument. What he wrote 
 was, however, ill qualified for producing a popular 
 impression ; the sentences move with the sweep 
 of a broad-winged bird, and a pamphlet for im- 
 mediate effect should pounce, not soar ; the mode 
 of dealing with events as moral causes rather 
 than as material effects was suited only to excep- 
 tional minds which had some kinship with that 
 of Wordsworth. Delays in publication occurred. 
 
228 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 and, in the rapid progress of affairs in Spain, when 
 the pamphlet was issued it was already out of 
 date. 
 
 A vigorous series of Letters on the Spaniards 
 was contributed by Coleridge to the " Courier ; " 
 he would be proud, he said, to consider these as 
 an appendix to Wordsworth's pamphlet. Their 
 spirit is, indeed, in perfect accord with that of 
 his friend's political criticism. The letters aimed 
 at an investigation of the grounds of hope and 
 fear which the history of past ages suggests in 
 the case of war between a people and organized 
 armies, and drew a parallel between the struggle 
 in the Peninsula against the French and that of 
 former times in the Belgic provinces against 
 Philip II. Coleridge's historical study is illu- 
 minated and supported by characteristic pas- 
 sages of reflection, and by a constant reference 
 to what he held to be the first principles of 
 political wisdom. Like Wordsworth, he dis- 
 covers in the energies of the Spanish patriots " a 
 power which mocks the calculations of ordinary 
 statecraft, too subtle to be weighed against mere 
 brute outward force ; " a power which he com- 
 pares to electricity, as infinite in its affinities and 
 infinite in its modes of action ; a power which 
 is no other than the insulted free-will of a whole 
 
KECOVERY AND KEACTION 229 
 
 people, steadied by an approving conscience, and 
 reacting against iniquitous compulsion for the 
 common rights of human nature. Against such 
 a power Coleridge argued, like "Wordsworth, that 
 the machinery of armies, however perfect that 
 machinery may be, must in the end prove help- 
 less. Those whose fears for Spain were founded 
 on what they termed the facts of the situation 
 forgot the one dominant though invisible fact, — 
 the presence of the spirit which overthrows op- 
 pressors. "It is a painful truth," Coleridge 
 writes in a passage which deserves to be re- 
 membered, " that those men who appeal most to 
 facts and pretend to take them for their exclu- 
 sive guide are the very persons who most disre- 
 gard the light of experience, when it refers them 
 to the mightiness of their own inner nature, in 
 opposition to those forces which they can see 
 with their eyes and reduce to figures upon a 
 slate. And yet, sir, what is history for the 
 greater and more useful part but a voice from 
 the sepulchres of our forefathers, assuring us 
 from their united experience that our spirits are 
 as much stronger than our bodies as they are 
 nobler and more permanent. The historic Muse 
 appears in her loftiest character as the nurse of 
 Hope." In the first war of the French Kepublic 
 
230 THE FRENCH EEVOLUTION 
 
 against her foreign invaders, it was faith in ideas 
 which enabled the raw levies to oppose them- 
 selves successfully to disciplined battalions. 
 Now, this faith in the invisible rendered the 
 often defeated Spaniards finally invincible. The 
 armies of Napoleon's marshals were a formi- 
 dable machine of war ; but viewed inwardly, 
 they lacked unity and cohesion, they repre- 
 sented only a mass of conflicting self-interests. 
 The better spirit of the Eevolution was fighting 
 against them ; and Wordsworth and Coleridge 
 felt that in their loyalty to the Spanish cause 
 they retained that which was most precious in 
 the enthusiasm of their earlier days. 
 
 The historic Muse, though the " Letters on 
 the Spaniards " invoke her aid, had less close 
 and less frequent communings with Coleridge 
 than with his brother poet, Southey. There was 
 something epical in Southey's imagination. He 
 cared less for ideas than for heroic character 
 and action. His fancy was exhilarated by ad- 
 venture. He loved to follow tlie march of great 
 events. In the earlier years of the Napoleonic 
 struggle, while France achieved her unparalleled 
 conquests on land, England held her destined 
 position as mistress of the seas. Her supremacy 
 as a naval power was largely due to the incom- 
 
RECOVERY AND REACTION 231 
 
 parable genius for battle and the higii self-devo- 
 tion of Nelson. In his poem of 1806, the 
 " Character of the Happy Warrior," Wordsworth, 
 deriving something from the memory of his 
 brother John, who had gone down with his 
 vessel in the preceding year, connects with this 
 his conception of the character of Nelson, and 
 presents his ideal of the armed champion of his 
 country. In the mild concerns of ordinary life 
 he shows himself gracious rather than great. 
 But this gentle hero of days of tranquillity is 
 transfigured in the hour of" danger. The happy 
 warrior is one who, 
 
 " if he be called upon to face 
 Some awful moment to which Heaven has joined 
 Great issues, good or bad, for human kind, 
 Is happy as a lover ; and attired 
 With sudden brightness, like a man inspired ; 
 And through the heat of conflict keeps the law 
 In calmness made, and sees what he foresaw." 
 
 Southey's " Life of Nelson " may be described 
 as a miniature prose epic ; it is a simple narra- 
 tive of heroic action, unencumbered with reflec- 
 tions or lyrical outbreaks of feeling. The book 
 was designed as a manual for young sailors, to 
 be carried about by them, until they had treas- 
 ured in their memory and heart the example of 
 the chivalric hero, with his high sense of duty, 
 
232 THE FEENCH EEVOLUTION 
 
 his patriotism, his humanity. " The best eulogy 
 of Nelson," wrote Southey, " is the faithful his- 
 tory of his actions ; the best history, that which 
 shall relate them most perspicuously." His 
 method is that of plain narrative ; he made him- 
 self master of such material as was then acces- 
 sible ; he disposed of it with admirable skill ; 
 and he allowed it to speak for itself. His 
 ardent feelings are held in reserve; but it is 
 they that give his story its steadfast power of 
 wing. Only at the close, and then as if inevi- 
 tably, comes an outbreak, not of sorrow, but of 
 just pride and exultation : " He cannot be said 
 to have fallen prematurely whose work was 
 done; nor ought he to be lamented, who died 
 full of honors, and at the height of human fame. 
 The most triumphant death is that of the mar- 
 tyr; the most awful, that of the martyred 
 patriot ; the most splendid, that of the hero in 
 the hour of victory : and if the chariot and the 
 horses of fire had been vouchsafed for Nelson's 
 translation, he could scarcely have departed in 
 a brighter blaze of glory. He has left us, not 
 indeed his mantle of inspiration, but a name and 
 an example, which are at this hour inspiring 
 hundreds of the youth of England, — a name 
 which is our pride, and an example which will 
 
EECOVEEY AND REACTION 233 
 
 continue to be our shield and our strength." 
 To find a parallel for words of such lofty cheer, 
 we have to turn to those of deeper and more 
 moving import in which Milton's Manoa sums 
 up the meaning of the death of the Israelitish 
 champion. 
 
 In his "History of the Peninsular War," 
 Southey's method is the same, — that of objec- 
 tive narrative. It tells an epic story, illustrious 
 with heroic incident and character. From the 
 commencement of the contest, Southey had en- 
 tertained the hope and intention of recording its 
 events ; but he delayed in order to become pos- 
 sessed of the gradually accumulating material. 
 The hero of the epic is Wellington, and the title 
 to fame awarded to him by the historian is not 
 merely that he broke the spell of Napoleon's 
 supposed omnipotence, not that he defeated the 
 armies of France, not that his foresight and 
 enterprise were equalled by his military discre- 
 tion, not that as a commander he never gave an 
 opportunity and never lost one, but that by his 
 achievements he delivered two grievously op- 
 pressed nations ; secured the safety, honor, and 
 welfare of England ; preserved the general in- 
 terests of Europe and of the civilized world, and 
 accomplished his task in the spirit of beneficent 
 
234 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 humanity. The eulogy proceeds in words which 
 express the feeling of the time, and which our 
 colder judgment may value at least as a docu- 
 ment illustrating its exultant temper. 
 
 Many of the persons and incidents of the 
 Peninsular campaigns were commemorated by 
 Southey in a series of " Inscriptions." According 
 to a Welsh triad, the " three utilities " of poetry 
 are " the praise of virtue and goodness, the 
 memory of things remarkable, and to invigorate 
 the affections." To these ends Southey's " In- 
 scriptions " are dedicated, and in this monu- 
 mental form of verse, for which he found his 
 model in Chiabrera, he became a master. His 
 too fluent style was restrained by the imposed 
 limitation ; his feelings were concentrated, and 
 their expression was invigorated by restraint. 
 Eeaders of the present day, when Southey's 
 verse is little known and, weighted by its masses 
 of heavy mediocrity, has sunk below its deserts, 
 may account for Lander's admiration by the 
 enthusiasm of his friendship ; and doubtless 
 some of his unbounded praise is to be ascribed 
 to that cause. But the rare union of marmoreal 
 strength and impulsive feeling which charac- 
 terizes the best poetry of Landor may be found 
 in one or two of these short pieces by Southey. 
 
EECOVERY AND REACTION 235 
 
 That winch commemorates the gallant death of 
 Thomas, ensign of the Buffs, has the excellence 
 of exact adequacy; it confers perpetuity on a 
 moment of heroic passion; it precisely hits the 
 mark. 
 
 From his early manhood, Southey had been 
 brought into closer relations with Portugal and 
 Spain, with the manners, life, and literature of 
 those countries, than any Englishman of letters 
 of his generation. Wordsworth had been more 
 deeply influenced by France than either of his 
 friends ; Coleridge, through his philosophic 
 studies, had been the intimate of Germany ; 
 it was to the Spanish Peninsula that Southey's 
 heart turned, if ever it left his native land. The 
 recollection of Ciutra was present to him as a 
 living joy ; he toiled among the chroniclers and 
 the romancers with a love that made his labors 
 pleasures. The combined action, therefore, of 
 England and Spain in a great patriotic effort 
 aroused his deepest sympathies. Some of the 
 feeling called forth by the war against the 
 French enters into his " Eoderick." When 
 the young champion Pelayo takes the vow of 
 devotion to his country and of sacred vengeance 
 against her oppressors, the poet did not think 
 only of the Moorish invaders. The scene is an 
 
236 THE FKENCH EEVOLUTION 
 
 impressive one, under the blue firmament among 
 the Sierras of Spain. The disguised Eoderick, 
 whose crime of passion had led to the entrance 
 of the infidel horde, administers in his religious 
 garb the vow ; in presence of the ancient moun- 
 tains, his native streams, and earth and sky, the 
 noble youth, on whom rest the hopes of his 
 people, swears for himself and his children's 
 children, never to cease from hereditary holy 
 war until the last invader be exterminated or 
 driven from the sacred soil, — 
 
 " Silently 
 The people knelt, and when they rose, such awe 
 Held them in silence, that the eagle's cry, 
 Who far above them, at her highest flight 
 A speck scarce visible, gyred round and round, 
 Was heard distinctly ; and the mountain stream, 
 Which from the distant glen sent forth its sounds 
 Wafted upon the wind, grew audible 
 In that deep hush of feeling, like the voice 
 Of waters in the stillness of the night." 
 
 " The Curse of Kehama " by its subject is 
 remote from European interests ; we are encir- 
 cled by monstrous gods of Hindoo mythology ; 
 but even here the passions of the time effect an 
 entrance. The poem, begun at Lisbon in 1801, 
 was finished at Keswick in November, 1809. 
 The almighty Eajah, as the narrative proceeded. 
 
EECOVERY AND REACTION 237 
 
 identified liimself in Southey's imagination with 
 the ruler of Europe. Kehama, most implacable 
 of tyrants, by unholy prayers and sacrifices, has 
 made himself a rival to the supreme deities them- 
 selves ; he aspires to drink the cup of immortality, 
 and to assume the throne of Padalon. But Seeva, 
 the god of righteous vengeance, is still uncon- 
 quered; he opens upon the profane tyrant his 
 eye of anger ; the wrath-beam falls ; and the 
 Kajah, made immortal for punishment, not for 
 triumph, moves under the decree of divine power, 
 not to fill the throne, but to stand forever as one 
 of its tortured supporters. " fool ! " exclaims 
 the poet, and his words were addressed in idea to 
 the Napoleon-Kehama of Europe, — 
 
 " O fool of drunken hope and frantic vice ! 
 Madman ! to seek for power beyond thy scope 
 
 Of knowledge, and to deem 
 Less than Omniscience could suffice 
 To wield Omnipotence ! " 
 
 The conclusion of the poem was Southey's 
 protest against an error, which of all others, as 
 Coleridge declared in the " Courier," was the 
 special danger of the time, — the "inward pros- 
 tration of the soul before enormous power, and 
 a readiness to palliate and forget all iniquities to 
 which prosperity had wedded itself." 
 
238 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 But Southey's most impa.ssioned pleading 
 against Bonaparte is to be found in his " Ode 
 written during the Negotiations for Peace in 
 1814," a poem of which the author of "PhiHp 
 van Artevelde " asserted that since Milton's 
 great sonnet on the massacre in Piedmont there 
 has been no occasional poem equal to it in 
 grandeur and power; "nor any," he adds, "equal 
 to it in art." It has certainly the distinction of 
 being the fiercest lyrical invective in our lan- 
 guage ; and the invective is of a lofty kind, 
 inspired by public passion, by sacred indigna- 
 tion, by a deep loyalty to the human hopes and 
 natural charities which had been violated, by a 
 sense of the great human fraternity of the noble 
 living and the noble dead, by an ear open to the 
 invocation of the spirits of just men to the ever- 
 lasting Judge of righteousness. " How long, 
 Lord ! Holy and Just, how long ! " 
 
 The ideas of liberty and of the fraternity of 
 nations had been lost by France during the 
 ISTapoleonic wars. The idea of social equality 
 remained. Southey was too much swayed by 
 passion to recognize or interpret the complete 
 significance of the great events of his age. He 
 failed to perceive the beneficent part of that 
 work which Napoleon terribly accomplished. 
 
RECOVEKY AND REACTION 239 
 
 His deep interest in social reforms saved Southey 
 from becoming obstructive or stationary ; but his 
 political creed ceased to have in it the elements 
 of progress. The passions which he had endured 
 were exhausting and now craved repose. He did 
 not in the years that followed alter the position 
 which he had taken up. Coleridge continued 
 his task of renovating old ideas. Wordsworth 
 travelled onward to the heights of old age, 
 illuminated by a tranquil evening light.-^ 
 
 '' Southey's political ideas are versified in the Second Part 
 of " The Poet's Pilgrimage to Waterloo ; " the First Part, 
 describing his journey to the scene of war, is picturesque and 
 sometimes impassioned ; the allegory which follows concerning 
 the false wisdom of the age and the true hopes of man, cannot 
 be said to attain more than respectable mediocrity. Unfor- 
 tunately, the author imagined that he was a philosophical poet. 
 
 It is somewhat surprising that Scott should have failed iu 
 the battle poetry of his " Field of Waterloo." The war-lyrics 
 of the time which survive are few. Wolfe's " Burial of Sir 
 John Moore " was founded on a passage in Southey's contri- 
 bution to the "Edinburgh Annual Eegister," 1808. Campbell, 
 an ardent sympathizer with the French Eevolution,had himself 
 seen something of continental war in 1800. " Since the arrival 
 of the gallant Kepublicans," he writes from Eatisbon, "we have 
 many specimens of military evolutions extremely striking. 
 Such fiery countenances and rapid manoeuvres as these active 
 little fellows exhibit are only to be expected from the con- 
 querors of Lodi and Marengo. It would raise every spark 
 of enthusiasm in your heart to see them marching with stately 
 and measured steps to the war-song of Liberty." The stanzas 
 of the " Battle of the Baltic " are happily described by one of 
 Campbell's critics as "salvoes of artillery." 
 
YI 
 
 KENEWED EEYOLUTIONAEY ADVANCE; 
 MOORE, LANDOR, BYRON, SHELLEY 
 
 16 
 
VI 
 
 EENEWED EEVOLUTIONAEY ADVANCE 
 
 In one of Moore's " Fables for the Holy Alliance," 
 he describes a dream which is meant for an alle- 
 gory of the European politics of the time. A 
 palace of ice rises before him in his dream like 
 that which the Empress Anne built in 1740, and, 
 like the Empress's palace, situated on the Neva. 
 In this icy structure the Emperor Alexander is 
 giving a ball, to entertain the monarchs and am- 
 bassadors of the Holy Alliance. The gathering 
 is stately, but sensible of the chill, — " shiver- 
 ing in grand illumination." The Czar waltzes 
 briskly ; for has not Madame Krudener assured 
 him that there is no danger, and that the frost 
 will last forever ? Suddenly, however, the massy 
 walls of the palace are seized with an ill-omened 
 dripping; the floors grow slippery beneath the 
 royal feet. A fandango is loudly called for; 
 but scarcely has the wdiirl begun, scarcely has 
 the strain been heard, than an angry beam of 
 morning sunlight flames through the chambers, 
 
244 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 and the cry goes up, " A thaw ! a thaw ! " Why, 
 asks the dreamer, will monarcbs caper thus in 
 palaces without foundation ? Instantly every- 
 thing is in a flow, — crowns, sceptres, fiddles, 
 decorations ; the royal arms carved in ice begin to 
 dissolve ; the double-headed eagles let the globes 
 slip from their claws ; poor old Louis' fieurs-de- 
 lys are surely water-lilies. But worse follows, — 
 the kings and kaisers themselves are in a melting 
 mood ; just as the Czar is about to issue a sublime 
 ukase forbidding the admission of light, he 
 streams and sinks ; Louis, like the sugar-king of 
 a Twelfth-night cake in some urchin's mouth, 
 melts into a shapeless mass. In a minute all is 
 gone, the glittering dome of ice and those beneath 
 it, — kings, fiddlers, emperors. Only one thing 
 is seen and heard, — the bright river rushing 
 
 forward, 
 
 " Happy as an enfranchis'd bird, 
 And prouder of that natural ray, 
 Shining along its chainless way, — 
 More proudly happy thus to glide 
 
 In simple grandeur to the sea, 
 Than when, in sparkling fetters tied, 
 'T was deck'd with all that kingly pride 
 
 Could bring to light its slavery ! " 
 
 Madame Krudener, the she-prophet, may make 
 what she pleases of the dream ; it is not the 
 dreamer's part to attempt an interpretation. 
 
RENEWED REVOLUTIONARY ADVANCE 245 
 
 Wordsworth and Southey had exulted over the 
 fall of IsTapoleon, and hailed the return of freedom 
 to Europe. A despot had mdeed been over- 
 thrown ; an overwhelming danger had been 
 averted ; but the battle of Waterloo did not bring 
 liberty to the nations of the Continent. A month 
 after Napoleon had sailed for his island of exile 
 and imprisonment, the Emperors of Eussia and 
 Austria, with King Frederick William, signed the 
 treaty on which the peace of Europe was to rest. 
 Lord Castlereagh, a little later, agreed on behalf 
 of England to an alliance which should secure 
 the future tranquillity of the emancipated peoples. 
 The alliance of September, 1815, was " Holy," be- 
 cause the contracting monarchs declared that both 
 in the administration of their respective states and 
 in their political relations with every other gov- 
 ernment they would " take for their sole guide 
 the precepts of the holy religion of our Saviour, 
 — namely, the precepts of justice, Christian char- 
 ity, and peace." There followed immediately the 
 proscriptions and court-martials of the Bourbon 
 restoration. Marshal Ney was shot in the gar- 
 dens of the Luxembourg Palace. Murat, the ex- 
 king of Naples, was shot in front of the castle of 
 Pizzo. The White Terror spread over the south 
 of France. The so-called Law of Amnesty in 
 
246 THE FEENCH EEVOLUTION 
 
 January, 1816, drove into exile many of those 
 who had been conspicuous in war, in statecraft, 
 and in art. Liberty of the press was suspended, 
 and personal liberty lay at the mercy of an ultra- 
 royalist majority. In Spain the Inquisition was 
 re-established, and hundreds of Spanish patriots 
 were put to death. The map of Europe was re- 
 formed with an entire disregard to the principle 
 of nationality. Old free cities and old republics 
 disappeared. The Austrian ruled in Venice. 
 Belgium and Holland, notwithstanding the differ- 
 ences of language, religion, and popular feeling, 
 were united under one king. Norway was forced 
 into subjection to the crown of Sweden. A popu- 
 lation of two and a half millions was severed 
 from France. England, indeed, showed a rare 
 moderation as regards territorial aggrandizement, 
 but she showed entire unconcern for popular lib- 
 erties, for the security of which she had pledged 
 herself. A few statesmen sitting in congress 
 disposed at their pleasure of the loyalty of mil- 
 lions of European citizens. Moore was hardly 
 extravagant when he spoke of the royal saints 
 dipping the sponge in holy water to wipe out all 
 human rights. Benbow was the name of a pub- 
 lisher who brought out infamous and irreligious 
 books. " I can't help thinking," cries Moore, 
 
RENEWED REVOLUTIONARY ADVANCE 247 
 
 " (though to kings 
 I must, of course, like other men bow). 
 That when a Christian monarch brings 
 Religion's name to gloss such things — 
 Such blasphemy out-Benbows Benbow." 
 
 And again he has a parable for the occasion, — • 
 that of a friar and a king who change their 
 cloaks, and who, each in his new disguise, behaves 
 so vilely that Eeligion has to be packed off to the 
 madhouse, while Eoyalty is dismissed to Bride- 
 well. The hopes of Wordsworth and Southey 
 after the battle of Waterloo were not fulfilled ; 
 indeed, they might seem almost as delusive as the 
 extravagant dreams which had flattered them in 
 the opening days of the French Eevolution. 
 
 The problem which lay before Europe was how 
 to unite order with freedom ; in the reaction the 
 monarchs and their representatives thought of 
 order first, and of freedom little, if at all. But 
 the people still thought of freedom ; they could 
 not forget the lessons, for good and for evil, of the 
 Eevolution, nor the recent lessons of the Napo- 
 leonic wars, which had so strongly called forth 
 throughout Germany and Spain the sentiment of 
 nationality. A series of Eevolutionary move- 
 ments was the result. In 1820 iusurrectionary 
 disturbance broke out in Spain and in Italy. 
 Ferdinand found himself compelled to accept a 
 
248 THE FEENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 liberal constitution. Convents were suppressed; 
 the Jesuits were banished ; the Inquisition was 
 overthrown. The Carbonari promoted an insur- 
 rection at Naples ; there was revolt in Sicily ; 
 there was revolution in Portugal; in Wallachia 
 and Moldavia the people rose ; the Greek patri- 
 otic flame was lit. In England the Eeform move- 
 ment gathered strength; in Ireland a cry went 
 up for Catholic emancipation. The order attained 
 by the politicians of Vienna and the crowned 
 heads of the Holy Alliance was not a stable 
 order. The thaw of Moore's fable had begun, 
 and the palace of ice was visibly dripping. 
 
 The time was one of dissonance. The chief 
 literary exponents in England of the Eevolution- 
 ary spirit in its earlier days had gone over to 
 the party of order. Wordsworth pleaded with 
 the freeholders of Westmoreland against the ac- 
 ceptance of such an agitator as Brougham for the 
 representation of the county ; or he occupied 
 himself in tracing in a series of sonnets the his- 
 tory of the English Church. Southey, while 
 advocating not a few wise reforms, engaged 
 vigorously as a Quarterly Eeviewer in defending 
 the established order of things. Coleridge's in- 
 fluence was a liberalizing influence upon thought; 
 but it rather interpreted existing institutions and 
 
RENEWED REVOLUTIONARY ADVANCE 249 
 
 ideas into new and deeper meanings than aimed 
 at any reorganization of the social and political 
 framework. In the other camp Cobbett ut- 
 tered vigorous denunciations of taxation, rotten 
 boroughs, fund-holders, and stock-jobbers ; but 
 Cobbett's Kadicalism, as Fitzjames Stephen has 
 remarked, had in it a curious and almost a ro- 
 mantic strain of conservatism. Hazlitt unpacked 
 his heart with words ; lavished abuse on the rene- 
 gades who had deserted the objects of their early 
 devotion ; lashed out at friend and foe ; sighed 
 for the happiness of the days before the great 
 Emperor's fall, and reconstructed in his imagina- 
 tion the Napoleonic legend. But Hazlitt's argu- 
 ments were little more than the props of his 
 passions. Leigh Hunt had a certain bright chiv- 
 alry on behalf of whatever assumed to itself the 
 cherished name or the aspect of Liberty ; at times 
 he could present a gallant front to her foes. But 
 Hunt's shafts, if occasionally keen, were always 
 light-timbered, and rather annoyed the enemy 
 than achieved their ruin. He was framed less 
 for the rough tumble of English radical politics 
 than for " dance and Provencal song and sun- 
 burnt mirth." At this time truth and justice 
 were painfully divided between the party of order 
 and the party of progress. There was no thinker, 
 
250 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 no man of action, who could bring together and 
 co-ordinate the several fragments of truth. It 
 was at home and abroad a period of much moral 
 confusion. For many serious minds the ideas of 
 the Eevolution were discredited by the anarchy 
 to which they had led, and by the mihtary despot- 
 ism which had taken that anarchy into itself and 
 enlarged its borders. For many young and pas- 
 sionate hearts the ideas of the party of order were 
 discredited by the new tyrannies, the cant of reli- 
 gion, the sale of peoples, the reckless indifference 
 to the hopes and desires of the multitude. It 
 was hard at such a time to find a faith, and the 
 danger was great that a mere assertion of egoism 
 and self-will might take the place of a faith. 
 
 In Continental politics the bounding lines be- 
 tween right and wrong were perhaps clearer than 
 in the politics of England, where the old institu- 
 tions of the country had borne a great strain well, 
 and the demand for change could be met by for- 
 cible arguments for conservation. Certainly, for 
 an Englishman exiled from his native land, the 
 traditions of the heart were fewer and less em- 
 barrassing ; he would naturally be caught into 
 the European movement, and cease to view things 
 from an insular standpoint. There was, however, 
 one portion of the United Kingdom where the 
 
RENEWED EEVOLUTIONAEY ADVANCE 251 
 
 traditions favored, not conservation, but change. 
 The njemory of confiscations, of ruined trade, of 
 religious disabilities, of outraged sentiment, still 
 lived in Ireland ; but Ireland possesses, or once 
 possessed, a happy art of mingling smiles with 
 tears and laughter with indignation. It was in 
 the early days of the Bourbon restoration that 
 the interesting family of Mr. Phil Fudge visited 
 Paris. Old letters of travel are not always en- 
 tertaining, but those edited by " Thomas Brown 
 the younger" in 1818 deserve to be remembered, 
 and perhaps some persons will think that Fad- 
 ladeen, Mokanna, Lalla Eookh, and a sentimental 
 Peri are hardly as good company as Mr. Philip, 
 his hopeful son Bob, the patriotic Mr. Phelini 
 Connor, and that romantic Irish maiden, Miss 
 Biddy, who communicates her tender passions 
 and her experiences of foreign travel so naively 
 to her correspondent of Clonakilty in Ireland. 
 The head of the house was one of those gentle- 
 men whose secret services in Ireland, under the 
 mild ministry of Lord Castlereagh, had been 
 gratefully remunerated, and, like his friend and 
 associate, Thomas Reynolds the informer, he had 
 retired upon the reward of his honest industry; 
 but still he is ready to report such information 
 as he may acquire to his revered patron. On 
 
252 THE FRENCH EE VOLUTION 
 
 Lord Castlereagh's suggestion, Mr. Fudge has 
 undertaken to write an account of his travels 
 in France, a good orthodox work of the kind 
 that was greatly needed, — 
 
 " To expound to the world the new — thingummie — 
 science " 
 
 (it is Miss Biddy who describes the purport of 
 the book, and her views on politics are some- 
 what vague), — 
 
 "Found out by the — what 's its name? — Holy Alliance, 
 And prove to mankind that their rights are but folly, 
 Their freedom a joke (which it is, you know, Dolly). 
 ' There 's none,' said his Lordship, ' if I may be judge. 
 Half so fit for this great undertaking as Fudge ! ' " 
 
 He is accompanied by that gilded youth, Bob, 
 
 who has come to study — at least the culinary 
 
 art of Paris ; no longer the sheepish Bob of rural 
 
 Ireland, — 
 
 " Lord ! he 's quite altered, they 've made him a dandy ; 
 A thing, you know, whisker'd, great-coated, and lac'd, 
 Like an hour-glass, exceedingly small in the waist." 
 
 Miss Biddy has gowns no less amazing than 
 
 Bob's great-coat, and a bonnet 
 
 " so beautiful ! high up, and poking. 
 Like things that are put to keep chimneys from smoking." 
 
 She has a lively sense of existence ; enjoys the 
 twinkling feet of Fanny Bias in Flora, and the 
 
EENEWED EEVOLUTIONAEY ADVANCE 253 
 
 dark dishevelled hair of the Biggotini as Psyche, 
 with those pious plays — quite charming and 
 very religious — given at the theatre of St. Mar- 
 tin. The fourth of the party is an earnest youth, 
 Phelim Connor, a third cousin, poor but hand- 
 some, with the Napoleonic nose and chin, who 
 for charity's sake has been nominated tutor to 
 the curled darling Mr. Bob. Phelim is Irish and 
 Catholic to the backbone ; a dark and determined 
 enemy to all oppressors ; and one who can exhale 
 his wrath in eloquent words. By the happy 
 choice of persons for his little epistolary drama, 
 Moore was enabled to express his Irish gayety, 
 his Irish satirical vein, his Irish political passions 
 and aspirations. Mr. Pudge the elder's book, by 
 and by to be published, will prove 
 
 " that all the world, at present, 
 Is in a state extremely pleasant ; 
 That Europe — thanks to royal swords 
 
 And bay'nets, and the Duke's commanding, 
 Enjoys a peace — which, like the Lord's, 
 
 Passeth all human understanding." 
 
 And at the same moment when he makes his 
 pleasing report to Lord Castlereagh, poor Phelim 
 Connor is relieving his overburdened soul in 
 vengeful words, many of which — for he is an 
 intemperate young man — have to be represented 
 by asterisks. Never can he return to Ireland 
 
254 THE FRENCH KEVOLUTION 
 
 while the withering hand of bigot power lies 
 heavy on his country ; nay, wheresoever he flies 
 the scourge pursues him, — 
 
 " Turn where he will the wretched wand'rer views, 
 In the bright, broken hopes of all his race, 
 Countless reflections of the Oppressor's face. 
 Everywhere gallant hearts, and spirits true. 
 Are serv'd up victims to the vile and few; 
 While E — gl — d everywhere — the general foe 
 Of Truth and Freedom, wheresoe'er they glow — 
 Is first, when tyrants strike, to aid the blow. 
 
 Worthy associate of that band of kings, 
 
 That royal rav'ning flock, whose vampire wings 
 
 O'er sleeping Europe treacherously brood, 
 
 And fan her into dreams of promis'd good, 
 
 Of hope, of freedom — but to drain her blood ! " 
 
 Through his young Irish patriot Moore ex- 
 presses his own detestation of " the grand con- 
 spiracy of kings," who had bartered and weighed, 
 as so much dust, the world of tliinking souls. 
 lie describes the joy that filled Europe at the 
 downfall of Napoleon ; the long sigh of the peo- 
 ples for justice, liberty, repose ; and then he 
 breaks forth against the Eoyal slave-mart, the 
 broken charters, the rapine of aristocrats, the 
 servitude of the press, the mockery of reason 
 in high places. JSTapoleon was perfidious, crimi- 
 
RENEWED REVOLUTIONAEY ADVANCE 255 
 
 nal, a trampler on human freedom ; but at least 
 he had a genius formed 
 
 " for nobler things 
 Than lie within the grasp of vulgar kings." 
 
 Whereupon Moore, in his happy way, saves 
 himself from the accusation of overloaded rhet- 
 oric, and lightens the spirit of his readers, by a 
 return to Gatti's rose-water and the delectable 
 ices at Tortoni's. 
 
 We care too well for Miss Biddy Fudge to 
 follow her to the days of her decline, when she 
 was Protestant and Tory, when Exeter Hall took 
 the place of Tortoni's, and the flirt had retro- 
 graded to the saint. Moore, in his own manner 
 of satire, gay yet bitter, was happier than when 
 he occupied himself in spreading the stage-gauze 
 of his Oriental scenes, or performed the feat, as 
 Hazlitt describes it, of converting the wild harp 
 of Erin into a musical snuff-box. But there are 
 higher forms of literature than the letters of the 
 Fudge family. Among the English literary op- 
 ponents of the Eeaction the most illustrious 
 names are three, — those of Landor, Byron, and 
 Shelley. Landor's position in politics has been 
 accurately defined by his biographer, Mr. Sidney 
 Colvin. He stood midway between the party of 
 conservation and the party of revolt. He was 
 
256 THE FKENCH EEVOLUTION 
 
 not a democrat ; his sympathies were, indeed, 
 alive to the joys and sorrows of the people ; but 
 he was essentially an aristocrat of the intellect. 
 His admiration for the majesty of individual 
 character was unbounded ; and he held that a 
 "mob" was not "worth a man," His ideal of 
 government resembled that of Milton, a republic 
 ruled by an oligarchy of virtue and of wisdom. 
 The philosophical dogmas of the Ee volution had 
 no interest for one who regarded abstract spec- 
 ulation with a lofty scorn. His indignation 
 against the new despotisms of Europe was deep ; 
 but in English politics, while he desired, like his 
 friend Southey, to correct many things, he would 
 change little. "His chief practical exhorta- 
 tions," writes Mr. Colvin, " were against wars of 
 conquest and annexation ; against alliance with 
 the despotic powers for the suppression of in- 
 surgent nationalities ; against the over-endow- 
 ment of ecclesiastical dignitaries ; in favor of 
 the removal of Catholic disabilities; in favor 
 of factory acts, of the mitigation of the penal 
 laws, and of ecclesiastical and agrarian laws for 
 the relief of the Irish." Three Italian orations 
 of Landor against the Holy Alliance seem to 
 have been rewritten in English, and were sent 
 for publication to London ; unhappily, no trace of 
 
RENEWED EEVOLUTIONARY ADVANCE 257 
 
 these has been recovered. Their general spirit 
 may be inferred from certain of the " Imaginary- 
 Conversations ; " we cannot doubt that they were 
 impetuous pleas against tyranny, or that their 
 impetuosity was moulded into stateliness of form. 
 The first volume of the " Imaginary Conversa- 
 tions " (1824) was dedicated to Major-General 
 Stopford, adjutant-general in the army of Co- 
 lombia. Landor was deeply interested in the 
 success of the South American republics, — partly, 
 he says, because he wished every nation under 
 heaven to be independent ; partly, because he 
 thought it would be advantageous to England 
 that some counterpoise against the power of the 
 United States should be found on the American 
 continent. Mourning over the feebleness of pub- 
 lic spirit in his own country and the rarity of 
 political abilities, he chose to place his noble 
 volume of prose in the hands of an Englishman, 
 who seemed to him to have risen above the self- 
 ishness and frivolity of the time, and who had 
 aided one of the republics which sprang into 
 existence at the voice of Bolivar. The second 
 volume is inscribed to General Mina, the famous 
 chief of the Spanish guerillas ; and with Mina 
 the writer pleads on behalf of the young repub- 
 lics of the West. He desired to see in South 
 17 
 
258 THE FRENCH KEVOLUTION 
 
 America, not a loose and turbulent democracy, 
 but a confederacy against external tyranny, 
 against dependence and usurpation, against " in- 
 stitutions not founded upon that equable, sound, 
 beneficent system, to which the best energies 
 of man, the sterner virtues, the milder charities, 
 the comforts and satisfactions of life, its regu- 
 lated and right affections, the useful arts, the 
 ennobling sciences, with whatever is innocent in 
 glory or useful in pleasure, owe their origin, 
 their protection, their progress, and their ma- 
 turity." Lander's scorn for what may be called 
 the metaphysics of Eevolution preserved him 
 from the vacuous rhetoric and the bandying of 
 popular catchwords which are dear to the heart of 
 some prophets of democracy. He was in no sense 
 of the school of the prophets. His conception of 
 a free, adult, proud, and cultivated nation has 
 a grandeur derived from the definite and positive 
 character of his imagination. In his private 
 life Landor was the prey of sudden and violent 
 passions ; all the more remarkable are the sanity 
 and virile strength of his political convictions. 
 Their tendency is essentially constructive ; if he 
 loved liberty like Milton, he loved it, like Milton 
 also, because he perceived that it is the condition 
 of noble vigor. No loftier word on the evil 
 
EENEWED EEVOLUTIONAEY ADVANCE 259 
 
 influence of despotism in dwarfing the passions 
 and the deeds of men has been spoken than that 
 of Landor's poem which in some editions brings 
 his " Hellenics " to a close, — 
 
 " We are what suns and winds and waters make us ; 
 The mountains are our sponsors, and the rills 
 Eashiou and win theii' nurseling with their smiles. 
 But where the land is dim with tyranny, 
 There tiny pleasures occupy the place 
 Of glories and of duties ; as the feet 
 Of fabled faeries when the sun goes down 
 Trip o'er the grass where wrestlers strove by day." 
 
 The heroic ideals of Landor's imagination, 
 derived in part from communion with the great 
 natural aristocrats of all time, helped to save his 
 verse and his prose from the violence and egoism 
 which often confused his life, and which often 
 cleared away as suddenly, like clouds before the 
 wind and sun. He toiled indeed at his art with 
 an intemperate rage that exhausted him ; but 
 it was to produce a form of marmoreal purity 
 and permanence, to discover the laws and the 
 lines of ideal majesty or ideal grace. 
 
 With Byron it was otherwise : he not only 
 lived in an age of dissonance ; there was disso- 
 nance in his own nature which helped to make 
 him a representative of the age. The old world 
 of feudal reverences and chivalries was out of 
 
260 THE FEENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 date ; the new world was not yet born. Byron 
 could not satisfy his hunger for life with abstract 
 doctrines ; he could not subsist on ideal hopes 
 and faith ; he had a great capacity for pleasure, 
 a strong turn for reality, a certain coarseness of 
 fibre ; he devoured whatever the world offered 
 him of enjoyment, both vulgar and lofty, and he 
 found it unsatisfying. No organized body of 
 belief guided his intellect; no system of social 
 duties controlled his heart. Society after the 
 Eevolution and during the Eeaction lay around 
 him in seeming chaos; what was old had lost 
 authority ; what was new had not fully justified it- 
 self. At least one thing remained, — the individ- 
 ual will, and the power of that will to rise in 
 revolt and scorn against the surrounding society. 
 And so his poetry is an assertion of the suprem- 
 acy of the individual will; it is the poetry of 
 revolt ; it expresses at least the negative side of 
 the Revolution with unequalled force. It is a 
 cry for freedom, — freedom from the tottering 
 tyrannies of the time, from the tottering creeds, 
 from discredited traditions, from the hypocrisies 
 of vulgar respectability, from cant and sham. 
 But if you were to ask Byron_, " How, when free- 
 dom has been won, is freedom to be used ? " he 
 would have no answer to give. The mere deploy- 
 
RENEWED REVOLUTIONARY ADVANCE 261 
 
 ing of the passions and the will flatters his im- 
 agination with a sense of power ; he considers 
 little, if at all, the true ends for which the will 
 should put forth its energies. 
 
 To acquire a right feeling for Byron and his 
 poetry is a discipline in equity. It is easy to 
 yield to a sense of his power, to the force and 
 sweep of his genius ; it is easy to be repelled by 
 his superficial insincerity, his license, his cyni- 
 cism, his poverty of thought, his looseness of 
 construction, his carelessness in execution. To 
 know aright the evil and the good is difficult. 
 It is difficult to feel justly towards this dethroned 
 idol (presently, perhaps, to be re- enthroned), an 
 idol in whose composition iron and clay are 
 mingled with fine gold. 
 
 But what interests us in Byron and in Byron's 
 work is precisely this mingling of noble and 
 ignoble, of gold and a base alloy. We do not 
 thank any one for extracting the gold and present- 
 ing it alone. We can get swifter and clearer 
 lyric poetry from Shelley, a truer and finer feel- 
 ing for nature from Wordsworth, more exquisite 
 satiric art from Pope, dramatic power incompar- 
 ably wider and deeper from Shakespeare. Seen 
 in elegant extracts, Byron is impoverished, or 
 rather Byron ceases to be Byron. Matthew 
 
262 THE FEENCH EEVOLUTION 
 
 Arnold's volume of selections from Byron, com- 
 piled with such excellent intentions, proves at 
 least that his poetry is not of the kind that can 
 be pinned in a specimen case, like preserved 
 butterflies. Line upon line, here a little and 
 there a little, is the way in which such work as 
 his should not be read. We must take him or 
 leave him as he is, — the immortal spoilt by his 
 age, great and petty, weak and strong, exalted 
 and debased. A glorious wave that curls upon 
 the sea-beach, though it leave sea- wrack and refuse 
 on the sands, is more stimulating, more health- 
 giving, than a pitcher of such salt water in one's 
 dressing-room, even if it be free from every float- 
 ing weed. 
 
 In its mingled elements Byron's poetry rep- 
 resents at once the mind and character of the 
 writer and the temper of his age. He was an 
 aristocrat, and at the same time he was revolu- 
 tionary. He had the pride of ancestry, but noth- 
 ing of the hereditary dignity, the fine traditions of 
 civility, the trained mastery of men and events, 
 which belong to the best types of his class. The 
 Eevolution and the Eeaction helped to spoil him 
 as an English nobleman. In a time of disorder and 
 disintegration he fell into the coarse ways of the 
 jeunesse doree of the period of the Eegency. The 
 
EENEWED EE VOLUTION AKY ADVANCE 263 
 
 taint of vulgar aristocracy helped to spoil him as 
 a Eepublican. He had a strong feeling for the 
 Revolutionary movement as a destructive force ; 
 he sympathized with its negative tendencies ; he 
 enjoyed the sense of emancipation from the old 
 restraints ; he loved to demonstrate the boundless 
 freedom of the individual, in his passions, his self- 
 will, his audacities of belief or unbelief, his scorn 
 for things commonly regarded with veneration or 
 esteem. But he cared little for the principles or 
 tendencies of the Eevolution which are positive, 
 constructive, social ; he had neither the power of 
 thought nor the patience which are needed by 
 one who would build up ; it was enough for him 
 if he could deliver a reeling blow at despotisms, 
 half -realized creeds, lifeless conventions, and dull 
 respectabilities, or could mock at them in their 
 state of infirmity. He had lost faith in what 
 was old, and had not gained a new faith. He 
 could do little more than plead for an emanci- 
 pation of egoism, and into his egoism ran that 
 sentiment of the infinite, that limitless desire, 
 which Rousseau's passionate heart, his ardent 
 feeling for nature, and those boundless horizons 
 opened by the Revolution had made a common 
 possession of the time. He asserted with em- 
 phasis the prerogative of man to do what he 
 
264 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 likes, where lie likes, when he likes, how he 
 likes ; and the privilege of woman to lay her 
 passion at the feet of such a proud insurgent.. 
 He idealized in his poetry all revolters against 
 the social order, a Cain, a Corsair, a Manfred, all 
 who seek for isolation, for solitude, or find the 
 end of their being in abandonment to personal 
 passion in disregard of social duty. His mockery 
 was a dissolvent of accepted conventions and 
 traditional manners and morals. He took part 
 in popular movements of political emancipation 
 less in the spirit of faith and hope than because 
 his imagination had been captivated by the new 
 force of the people, because it pleased him to 
 deploy his own energy, and because he hated and 
 despised the spent forces, or what seemed to be 
 such, on the side of conservation. To the last he 
 was haunted by the ghosts of traditional beliefs, 
 which had ceased to live within him as vital 
 powers. He was a democrat among aristocrats 
 and an aristocrat among democrats ; a sceptic 
 among believers and a believer among sceptics. 
 And yet his line of advance was not a via media, 
 nor was it determined by a spirit of moderation 
 or critical balance. He never attempted to effect 
 a conciliation between the powers that clashed 
 or jarred within him. A certain intellectual good 
 
RENEWED REVOLUTIONARY ADVANCE 265 
 
 sense indeed he had, but this was liable to 
 be overpowered by the turbulent rush of his 
 temper ; and when a reasonable mood re-emerged, 
 good sense would take the form of ironical 
 laughter at himself and at the world. To his 
 quick sense of humor more than to anything 
 else he owed the sanity which controls or modi- 
 fies his perturbations of mind. With a keen 
 perception of human folly, he could mock absurd- 
 ity, affectation, extravagance in other men ; it was 
 his merit that he could turn the light of laughter 
 upon himself, and chasten his own follies by 
 ridicule. 
 
 He passed in his earliest writings at once from 
 song to satire. In the title of his boyish volume, 
 " Hours of Idleness," there is a touch of an affecta- 
 tion which clung to him in after life ; the verses 
 are the recreation of a gentleman, not the work of 
 a professional scribbler. Let others, like Southey, 
 toil for their daily bread by authorship ; he, for 
 his part, would condescend to letters only as a 
 dilettante. It is characteristic of Byron's two- 
 fold nature that his first appearance should be as 
 a lyrical poet, his second as a satirist ; but even 
 in his satire there is a large personal element, — 
 its mockery is not all righteous indignation, but 
 the recoil of pride and resentment. As a lyrical 
 
266 THE FRKNCH EEVOLUTION 
 
 poet he was always fortunate or unfortunate as it 
 were by force of circumstances. He did not 
 weave his lyric out of an impersonal theme made 
 his own by occult processes of the imagination. 
 He had little of the shaping power of imagina- 
 tion which is seen in an eminent degree in the 
 best lyrics of Keats. He needed the impact of 
 events, — public events or events in his individ- 
 ual life. If he wrote with an insufficient im- 
 pulse from without, the product was often a base 
 kind of rhetoric, of which we may find frequent 
 examples in his shorter pieces, or in the shape- 
 less and sometimes tawdry lyrical passages of 
 " Heaven and Earth." If he was struck hard by 
 events, — events in the material or the ideal 
 sphere, — there came a resonant response ; his 
 strangely discordant powers were for the moment 
 fused, and he uttered his feelings with incompar- 
 able energy and directness. Pride and passion, 
 love and hatred, grief and joy, flowed together 
 and flowed forth in one strong, abounding 
 stream. 
 
 In his " English Bards and Scotch Eeviewers " 
 Byron showed small literary sagacity, but he 
 struck with force, and proved that he was virile as 
 a combatant. The blow, he said, "knocked me 
 down, but I got up again. The effect upon me 
 
RENEWED EEVOLUTIONAEY ADVANCE 267 
 
 was rage and resistance." He uses the metre of 
 Pope, but in Byron's hands it became more of a 
 cutlass than a stiletto. He lays about him with 
 little discrimination among the poets of the new 
 Eomantic and Naturalistic schools, — Scott, Cole- 
 ridge, Southey, Wordsworth, — and finds the 
 promise of our future literature in the authors 
 of the " Pleasures of Memory " and the " Pleas- 
 ures of Hope." Belonging himself essentially to 
 the Eomantic movement, he would dissociate him- 
 self from the party ; antagonism was better than 
 absorption. His high esteem for Pope was cer- 
 tainly genuine; it lasted during his entire life, 
 and arose partly from the fact that what was 
 lacking to himself as an artist and as a man he 
 found in Pope. He sprang upon his object ; Pope 
 finessed with it. He was careless and splashy ; 
 Pope strove to be exact and exquisite. He was 
 consumed with boundless ambition and desires ; 
 Pope preached what he did not attain, — the wis- 
 dom of an equable temper, moderated wants and 
 wishes, submission to the rule of life, acceptance 
 of our place in the scale of being, good sense, 
 and, if possible, good sense with the added charm 
 of amiability. 
 
 In the first two cantos of " Childe Harold," 
 which appeared in 1812, after his return from 
 
268 THE FEENCH EE VOLUTION 
 
 Greece, Byron abandons Pope and the eighteenth 
 century ; he goes with the current of the time ; 
 he is essentially modern, though, half through 
 humor and half through a notion of romance (for 
 it was the season of romance), he wears a medi- 
 aeval masquerade. We are not for a moment 
 deluded by the fantastic garb ; the " Childe " is 
 a young Englishman of the opening years of the 
 present century, who has the distinction of being 
 a prey to consuming ardors and is touched by the 
 melancholy which accompanies unsatisfied aspira- 
 tions. In an addition which he made to his 
 original preface Byron speaks with contempt of 
 " the monstrous mummeries of the middle ages ; " 
 yet he affects an archaic costume. To find ro- 
 mance Scott had gone to the past ; Byron under- 
 took to show that the present is full of the 
 elements of romance, — strangeness, picturesque- 
 ness, passion, adventures of love, adventures of 
 war. The instant popularity of his poem proves 
 how truly it was the offspring of the time. In 
 it the junction between the Eomantic and the 
 Eevolutionary movements, which gives much of 
 its character to his work, was effected. His hero, 
 as he tells us, was designed to be a kind of mod- 
 ern Timon ; he had found satiety in excess of 
 pleasure, and with this nineteenth-century Timon 
 
RENEWED REVOLUTIONARY ADVANCE 269 
 
 melancholy takes the place of rage. But as the 
 medisevalism of the earlier cantos of "Childe 
 Harold" is only a transparent varnish, so the 
 misanthropy does not as yet go deep. It is in- 
 deed Byron's great capacity for enjoyment that 
 gives " Childe Harold " its real interest. He has 
 a feeling for the majesty of landscape, for men 
 and manners, for the life of society, for historical 
 associations, for contemporary events, for the 
 glory of literature and art, for the genius of na- 
 tions and of individuals. The poem is a glorified 
 guide-book ; but it is something more, for in the 
 person of his hero Byron creates a type which 
 represents modern romance, modern melancholy 
 (when the Eevolutionary passions remained un- 
 satisfied and the Eevolutionary faiths were 
 obscured), and, with these, the capacities for 
 wide and varied pleasure proper to a time of 
 culture, of travel, of cosmopolitan sympathies 
 and interests. 
 
 It is sometimes forgotten, though it should 
 always be borne in mind, that the third and 
 fourth cantos of " Childe Harold " belong to a 
 later period than the first half of the poem. The 
 third canto was written in 1816, after Byron had 
 separated from his wife and had quitted his own 
 country. Instead of the half-fantastic melancholy 
 
270 THE FEENCH EEVOLUTION 
 
 of the earlier cantos we have here the evidences 
 of real suffering. The poet's passion is deeper; 
 his reflections are less obvious and superficial ; his 
 power as a poet is no longer adolescent, but ma- 
 ture. Byron's companionship with Shelley on 
 the Lake of Geneva helped to lift his spirit into 
 a higher and clearer atmosphere. His capacity 
 for delight is not diminished, and indeed his 
 sense of pleasure seems enhanced by a closer 
 acquaintance with pain. He snatches a joy more 
 eagerly. The fourth canto, which tells of Italy, 
 carries the poem to a triumphant close. The 
 hero is now frankly identified with the writer; 
 his misanthropy is Byron's own Weit-schmerz ; 
 his rapture in nature, touched with a pantheistic 
 sentiment characteristic of the time, his joy in 
 man, and mingling with the joy his sense of the 
 pettiness of human life, are Byron's in their vol- 
 ume and their energy. The chief value of the 
 poem lies not in this or that celebrated morsel of 
 description, which can be exhibited in a book of 
 extracts, but in the writer's deep interest in the 
 works and ways of humanity united with a revolt 
 against the world, and a scorn, not wholly feigned, 
 for human existence. There are in it the ardor of 
 the Eevolutionary epoch; and also the moral void 
 caused by a work of destruction which seemed 
 
EENEWED KEVOLUTIONAKY ADVANCE 271 
 
 to have failed, and by the loss or the obscuration 
 of the new faith in days of political reaction. 
 
 The Eastern Tales annexed a new province to 
 Eomantic poetry. Southey, indeed, in " Thalaba " 
 and " Kehama " had found his themes in the 
 Arabian wilds, and among the temples, the giant 
 rivers, the inextricable forest-shades of India. 
 But Southey's poems were written in an ethical 
 spirit which was characteristically his own ; they 
 are tales of heroic duty and heroic fortitude, of 
 vengeance that is just, and of the law of charity 
 that supersedes the law of vengeance. Byron's 
 are tales of passion. His heroes and heroines 
 are those of Eevolutionary romance ; they are re- 
 volters against the social order, not like the 
 humble martyrs of Southey's " Botany Bay Ec- 
 logues," but sublime in mysterious loves and 
 hates, and dazzling in beauty or in pride, — Cor- 
 sairs, Giaours, Pirates, a Lara, a Hugo, a Zuleika, 
 a Gulnare. They are a law unto themselves; 
 their noblest virtues are those found in connec- 
 tion with unrestrained abandonment to passion ; 
 they make an unqualified assertion of the rights 
 of the individual will ; their very love is a kind 
 of egoism, or at best an egoism doubled in the 
 person of another. Time, which cannot breathe 
 the breath of change upon the highest works of 
 
272 THE FRENCH KEVOLUTION 
 
 art, has dealt hardly with these poems. Are we 
 to think of them as no better than melodramas 
 played by marionettes, turbaned and fierce of eye, 
 or shaped after those ideals of feminine perfection 
 which embellish some old Book of Beauty ? The 
 stage-properties are tarnished now; the vein of 
 sentiment has run dry. But the Turk and the 
 lady, the amorous pirate, the renegado, the rose 
 of the harem, and the entire stock company were 
 once as much alive as certain favorite heroes and 
 heroines of contemporary fiction are at the pres- 
 ent day. Perhaps Nora Helmer and Hedda 
 Gabler may by and by repose in the old mario- 
 nette box, and the wires by which their limbs are 
 convulsed may have grown rusty ; perhaps the 
 sawdust already escapes from a clerical -garb 
 that was so fresh a few years since ; perhaps a 
 sprightly heroine of two or three seasons ago is 
 no longer so atrociously sprightly. Let us feel 
 towards Byron's Oriental figures with some ten- 
 derness, for they deserve it. It is worth while 
 to set them on the stage again, and to hear them 
 declaim their loves and hatreds, their rapture and 
 revenge. How much of it all is real and how 
 much is theatrical ? and how has the manufac- 
 turer contrived to run together the false and the 
 true, the pinchbeck and the gold ? For all is not 
 
EENEWED EEVOLIITIONAEY ADVANCE 273 
 
 unreal in these poems. Each was thrown off at 
 a heat, and the verse has often a fervid swiftness 
 of movement, like the' stride of a racer; the 
 scenes are often strongly and vividly imagined ; 
 true passion mingles with pseudo-passion ; the 
 characters resemble one another, indeed, but they 
 exhibit a type which has an importance in the 
 history of European literature. Of the earlier 
 tales, perhaps the first in date presents the type 
 most powerfully. The darker and stronger 
 coloring of " The Giaour " certainly makes " The 
 Bride of Abydos " look pale and faint beside it. 
 In " The Prisoner of Chillon " fraternal affec- 
 tion takes the place of the passion of man and 
 woman ; or if a heroine there be, she is named 
 Freedom, for whom the captive sighs with more 
 desire than mortal maiden could move in his af- 
 flicted heart. The other poem of captivity, " Ma- 
 zeppa," is a striking contrast ; for here, instead of 
 pacing the narrow dungeon, heavy with stagnant 
 air, the captive is in swiftest motion, bound to 
 the rushing steed, while forest and stream and 
 wilderness and the solitary skies reel past him, 
 as he is borne afar from the haunts of men. 
 Shall we moralize it into an allegory of one bound 
 on the wild horse of passion and hurried into a 
 solitude of the soul ? 
 
 18 
 
274 THE FRENCH EEVOLUTION 
 
 Byron's residence in Italy produced some re- 
 markable poems, other than dramatic, on Italian 
 themes. And in these the temper of the Ee volu- 
 tion may be easily discerned. The "Ode on 
 Venice " laments the decay of the city of the sea 
 under an alien tyranny, and hails the new world 
 of America as the home of freedom, which has 
 been banished from her ancient habitations by a 
 coalition of kings, — 
 
 " The name of Commonwealth is past and gone 
 
 O'er the three fractions of the groaning globe ; 
 Venice is crush'd, and Holland deigns to own 
 
 A sceptre, and endures the purple robe ; 
 If the free Switzer yet bestrides alone 
 His chainless mountains, 't is but for a time, 
 For tyranny of late is cunning grown, 
 And in its own good season tramples down 
 The sparkles of our ashes." 
 
 In " The Prophecy of Dante " the poet, writing 
 in Dante's metre, tells of the glories and the 
 shame of Italy ; but his copious rhetoric has little 
 in common with the close-woven texture and 
 austere beauty of the "Divine Comedy." Dante 
 in the " Prophecy " is, like Byron, an exile ; and 
 it was not of Dante only that the English singer 
 thought when he foretold the day on which the 
 poet's dust should be reclaimed by the Mother- 
 country that had cast him forth. The foreign 
 
RENEWED REVOLUTIONARY ADVANCE 275 
 
 tyranny of Italy is announced, and the one re- 
 maining hope for freedom is indicated in Italian 
 unity, — 
 
 " What is there wanting, then, to set thee free, 
 And show thy beauty in its fullest light? 
 To make the Alps impassable ; and we. 
 
 Her sons, may do this with one deed, — Unite." 
 
 If Dante in Byron's poem is one who endures 
 the grief of exile, the Tasso of his impassioned 
 monologue is in yet more lamentable case, im- 
 prisoned as a madman in the hospital of Saint 
 Anna, severed from the princess whom in his 
 rashness he had loved, and — worst anguish — 
 aware that his genius is slowly decaying in the 
 penury of joy and hope. To these three poems 
 three cities of captive Italy lent their inspira- 
 tion ; they are the mourning chants of Venice, 
 Eavenna, Ferrara. 
 
 Byron's dramas are extraordinary toui^s de 
 force, of a writer whose genius was not, in any high 
 degree, dramatic. Those which conform most 
 closely to the regular drama are the least excel- 
 lent. His strong, imaginative feeling for history, 
 and his acquaintance with Venetian character 
 and Venetian local color, do not suffice to make 
 " Marino Faliero " or " The Two Foscari " an emi- 
 nent historical play. To name them with Shake- 
 
276 THE FEENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 speare's tragedies is to reveal all their dramatic 
 poverty; they cannot even compare with the 
 masterpiece of Otway. The Eastern drama " Sar- 
 danapalus " interests the reader at least in its 
 later acts, although the character of the monarch 
 suddenly ennobled from a voluptuary to a hero, 
 lacks depth and subtlety; there is spirit in the 
 scenes of battle, and grandiosity in the close, 
 when the defeated King of Nineveh and his 
 Ionian slave and lover, Myrrha, mount the 
 funeral pile in the vast abandoned palace. Those 
 dramatic poems which make no pretence to be 
 dramas in the strict sense of the word are more 
 in harmony with Byron's genius. " Heaven and 
 Earth," which tells of the loves of the angelic 
 sons of God for the daughters of the race of 
 Cain, is disfigured by its shapeless pseudo-lyrics ; 
 but a pervading sense of doom gives majesty to 
 the poem, and the picture of the Deluge has 
 been well compared to the treatment of the 
 same subject in Poussin's impressive composi- 
 tion. " Cain " is a drama of intellectual and 
 moral revolt; it tells the story of the first 
 proud, insurgent spirit on earth, with his ar- 
 dent love, his aspiring will, his passion for 
 knowledge, his doubts and hopes and fears, his 
 uprising against tyranny, his sudden crime, his 
 
RENEWED EEVOLUTIONARY ADVANCE 277 
 
 condemnation, and his remorse. The poem is 
 deficient in material action, but its dialogue is 
 filled with what may be termed acts of the in- 
 tellect ; and in the flight of Lucifer and Cain 
 through space, past starry worlds, to the realm 
 of Hades, while daring doubts are ever proposed 
 and are ever met by daring sophistries, a sense 
 is conveyed to us of the grandeur and immensity 
 of the universe, and at the same time a sense 
 of the mysteries which encircle and baffle the 
 human mind. " Heaven and Earth " and " Cain " 
 we may call, as Byron would have it, not regular 
 dramas, but " mysteries." " Manfred " is a " dra- 
 matic poem." Once again the protagonist is a 
 revolter against the laws of life. The shadow of 
 an inexpiable crime and a mortal sorrow broods 
 over him. He has sought for light and help in 
 forbidden knowledge ; he has subjected to his 
 spells the elemental spirits ; but he has found 
 that those who know the most have the deepest 
 cause to mourn over the fatal truth that the 
 Tree of Knowledge is not the Tree of Life. Hu- 
 manity is here shown in antagonism with the 
 conditions of its existence. The greatness of 
 man is at strife with the inadequacy of the 
 means to support that greatness. This discor- 
 dant, unintelligible being — man — is surrounded 
 
278 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 with immortal beauty and grandeur, which make 
 him only the more sensible of the discordance 
 between his aspirations and his attainments. 
 The glories of Alpine landscape, with sunrise 
 and sunset among the mountains, the eagle on 
 the wing, the avalanche, the glacier, the rainbow- 
 enchanted torrent, form a splendid environment 
 for the melancholy figure of the feudal lord and 
 Magian, to whom love has brought only remorse, 
 and in whose spirit knowledge has engendered 
 only sorrow. 
 
 It is in ways which are indirect that the spirit 
 of the Revolution, united with the genius of 
 Eomance, appears to most advantage in the 
 poetry of Byron. " The Age of Bronze," written 
 at Genoa in 1823, deals immediately with poli- 
 tics, and the poem is not one of his happier 
 achievements. Napoleon, now the caged eagle 
 squabbling for his rations, was once upon the 
 wing, a power of freedom in the world. "He 
 burst," says Byron, " the chains of millions, and 
 for what ? To renew the fetters which he had 
 broken. And yet the spark of liberty is not ex- 
 tinct. In the South American republics, in Spain, 
 in Greece, it lives and works. Byron exults in 
 the thought of the uprising of the peoples ; he 
 derides the policy of the Holy Alliance. Turning 
 
KENEWED EEVOLUTIONAEY ADVANCE 279 
 
 to England, he sees the landed interest wholly 
 devoted to the raising of rents ; the Church 
 weeping like Niobe over her offspring, — tithes ; 
 the stock-jobbers on 'Change, the Jew speculators, 
 making their market out of the hopes and fears 
 of nations ; and for each the poet has some line 
 or some phrase of indignant rhetoric. He con- 
 cludes with an outburst of laughter at the ultra- 
 loyalty of the Highland kilts of the city-knight, 
 Sir William Curtis, — "Vich Ian Alderman," — 
 worn at Holyrood in the presence of King George 
 IV. The satire which strives to be vigorous has 
 an air of exhaustion. Some of the bronze of the 
 age described by Byron entered into his poem. 
 
 From Hookham Frere, and through his own 
 versification of Pulci's " Morgante Maggiore," 
 Byron had learnt the use of the ottava rima. 
 Its springing gait suited well with the gay super- 
 ciliousness, the light insolence of "The Vision 
 of Judgment." To explode with inextinguish- 
 able laughter such an arch-respectability as the 
 Poet Laureate had in it som3thing inexpressibly 
 exhilarating. Never had Byron written with 
 greater animation ; the serious purpose under- 
 lying a superficial profanity suited his genius. 
 Beneath the burlesque handling of things sacred 
 appears the better spirit of the poet in the zeal 
 
280 THE FRENCH EEVOLUTION 
 
 with which he pleads for what to him was in 
 truth sacred, — the cause of political freedom. 
 But it is in " Don Juan " that the whole of 
 Byron is deployed, — the evil and the good, the 
 spirit that sinks and the spirit that soars. Who- 
 ever named it the " Odyssey of Immorality " sug- 
 gests only half the truth. It is undoubtedly a 
 poem of moral rebellion, and well expresses the 
 temper of a time when old reverences were dis- 
 credited, and ancient landmarks had been re- 
 moved ; yet a certain fire of the ideal lives 
 throughout the poem. Licentious, cynical, ir- 
 reverent, shameless, — the accustomed counts of 
 accusation may all be admitted; yet it is also 
 inspired by not ignoble passion. Its morality, 
 if one desires to seek for this,, may be found in 
 a scorn for base things of the world which ob- 
 struct generous effort and sap generous faith, and 
 with which Byron waxes indignant, partly be- 
 cause he has himself suffered from their rule or 
 influence. He cannot for more than an hour, or 
 perhaps a moment, believe in love, constancy, 
 patriotism, virtue ; yet he knows that these are 
 the life of life, and he turns with bitter mockery 
 to revenge himself on the society of worldlings 
 and of hypocrites wliicli has helped to make him 
 a mocker and a sceptic. It is a mistake to sup- 
 
RENEWED EEVOLUTIONAEY ADVAXCE 281 
 
 pose that what is best in " Don Juan " can be 
 severed from what is worst, and be presented 
 apart. What is best lives in what is worst. 
 Byron's cynicism is his testimony to the truth 
 that man must live by faith ; his bitterness of 
 spirit means that to move sanely and joyously 
 in a moral void is impossible. At the last mo- 
 ment his nobler self revolted against the base- 
 ness not only around him but within him, and 
 it was the champion of Greek liberty who fell 
 asleep at Missolonghi. In his delirium he was 
 mounting a breach, — "Forwards, forwards, cour- 
 age, follow my example." When calm returned, 
 he was heard to murmur: "Poor Greece! . . . 
 I have given her my time, my means, my health 
 — and now I give her my life! What could I 
 do more ?" As the day drew towards sunset, he 
 spoke : " Now I shall go to sleep ; " after which 
 no word was uttered. 
 
 " This should have been a noble creature : he 
 Hath all the energy which would have made 
 A goodly frame of glorious elements, 
 Had they been wisely mingled ; as it is 
 It is an awful chaos — light and darkness, 
 And mind and dust, and passions and pure thoughts 
 Mix'd, and contending without end or order." 
 
 These lines from "Manfred" might serve for 
 Byron's epitaph. 
 
282 THE FEENCH REVOLUTION 
 
 Having told the story of Shelley's life in great 
 detail, and having summed up my general im- 
 pression of the man and his work in a brief 
 study,! I shall not attempt to add anything to 
 what I have already written. The view which 
 presents Shelley as a leader of thought and that 
 which sees in him a mere visionary are assuredly 
 alike erroneous. To nineteenth-century thought 
 he did not contribute a single original idea of 
 importance. A definite body of doctrine lies 
 behind the colors and melodies of his verse, but 
 this is derived from Godwin and the French 
 philosophers who prepared the way of Revolution. 
 In essentials nothing is changed. Their errors 
 and their illusions were Shelley's. But it must 
 be added that the truths of which their writings 
 became the vehicles were also his. And as these 
 truths were important and have been powerfully 
 operative during a hundred years, a poet who 
 apprehended them and vitalized them by his 
 passions and his imagination cannot be rightly 
 considered a dreamer or a phantast. Some, in- 
 deed, of Shelley's hopes for society were illusive. 
 The conception of the ideal man of a future 
 golden age as 
 
 1 Transcripts and Studies, pp. 75-111: "Last Words on 
 
 Slielley." 
 
RENEWED REVOLUTIONARY ADVANCE 283 
 
 " Equal, unclassed, tribeless, and nationless, 
 Exempt from awe, worship, degree," 
 
 is a false conception. But some of his visions 
 were prophetic, and society is now visibly nearer 
 to their fulfilment than when he gave them 
 utterance. He did not anticipate a speedy at- 
 tainment of what the future holds in store. His 
 expectations were moderate. " The great thing," 
 he wrote, " is to hold the balance between pop- 
 ular impatience and tyrannical obstinacy. ... I 
 am one of those whom nothing will satisfy, but 
 who are ready to be partially satisfied in all that 
 is practicable." He held that the progress of 
 society cannot but be slow and gradual ; and at 
 the same time he believed that it is well to have 
 before us ideals of what is very far off, both as 
 guiding lights, and as encouragements to effort 
 and to fortitude. 
 
 Progress, fraternity, equality, freedom, — these 
 high-sounding words have been as wind to in- 
 flate much soaring rhetoric ; but they are great 
 words, with most substantial meanings, if we 
 consider them aright. Some of their true sig- 
 nificance was interpreted by the poetry of Shelley. 
 " In the earlier years of our century " — I must 
 be my own plagiarist — " the democratic move- 
 ment concerned itself too exclusively with the 
 
284 THE FEENCH EEVOLUTION 
 
 individual and his rights, and regarded too little 
 his duties, affections, and privileges as a member 
 of society. It is greatly to the advantage of 
 Shelley's work as a poet, and greatly to his 
 credit as a man, that he assigns to love — that 
 which links us to our fellows — some of the 
 power and authority which G-odwin ascribes to 
 reason alone. The French Eevolution had been 
 in a great measure a destruction of the ancient 
 order of society, and such poetry as Byron's, 
 sympathizing with the Eevolution, is too reckless 
 an assertion of individual freedom. Shelley was 
 deeply infected with the same errors. But it is 
 part of the glory of his poetry that in some 
 degree he anticipated the sentiment of the second 
 half of our century, when we desire more to con- 
 struct or reconstruct than to destroy. Shelley's 
 ideas of a reconstruction of society are indeed 
 at times vague or visionary ; but there is always 
 present in his poetry the sentiment or feeling 
 which tends to reconstruction, the feeling of 
 genuine love for men and concern for their 
 higher interests. With him the word " frater- 
 nity " is at least as potent as the word " liberty." 
 In Byron we find an expression of the Eevolu- 
 tion on its negative side, — not wholly, but in 
 the main; in Shelley we find this, but in the 
 
RENEWED REVOLUTIONARY ADVANCE 285 
 
 main an expression of the Eevolution on its 
 positive side. As the wave of revolution rolls 
 onward, driven forth from the vast volcanic 
 upheaval in France, and as it becomes a portion 
 of the literary movement of Great Britain, its 
 dark and hissing crest may be the poetry of 
 Byron ; but over the tumultuous wave hangs an 
 iris of beauty and promise, and that foam-bow 
 of hope, flashing and failing, and ever reappear- 
 ing as the wave sweeps on, is the poetry of 
 Shelley." i 
 
 So I wrote several years since. It was a tem- 
 perate estimate of the value of Shelley's work. 
 If it fail to satisfy admirers who will accept no 
 reserves, and if it seem extravagant to those who 
 have no perception of the stronger and saner side 
 of his character and genius, perhaps it is not the 
 less likely on this account to be an approxima- 
 tion to the truth. 
 
 1 Transcripts and Studies, pp. 96, 97. 
 
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 PULPIT COMMENTARY, The (Old Testament Series). 
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Classified List of Publications, 2i 
 
 Pulpit Oomment&ry~confmued. 
 
 Genesis, by the Rev. T. Whitelaw, D.D. Homilies by 
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 2 Kings, by the Rev. Canon Rawlinson. HomiUes by 
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22 Kegan Paul, Trench, Triibner, and Co.'s 
 
 Pulpit CommentSii-y— continued. 
 
 1 Clironicles, by the Rev. Prof. P. C. Barker. HomiHes 
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 Isaiah, by the Rev. Canon G. Rawlinson. HomiHes by 
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 2 vols. I2S. 6d. each. 
 
Classified List of Publications. 23 
 
 Pulpit Commentary — continued, 
 
 Daniel, by the Rev. J. E. H. Thomson, B.D. Homilies 
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 Rev. C. Jerdan, Rev, J. Orr, D.D., and Rev. D. Thomas, D.D. 
 Second Edition. 155. 
 
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 The Acts of the Apostles, by the Right Rev, Bishop of 
 
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 Rev.' S,' R- Aldridge, and Rev, R. M. Edgar. 15^-. 
 
24 Kegan Paul, Trench, Triibner, and Co.'s 
 
 Pulpit Commentary — continued, 
 
 Corinthians and Galatians, by the Ven. Archdeacon 
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 Rev. Ex-Chancellor Lipscomb, Rev, David Thomas, D.D., Rev. 
 Donald Eraser, D.D., Rev. R. Tuck, Rev. E. Hurndall, 
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 Second Edition. 15^. 
 
 Hebrews and James, by the Rev, J. Barmby, and Rev. 
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 Thomas, Rev. R. Finlayson, Rev. W. Jones, Rev. Prof. 
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 Revelation. Introduction by the Rev. T. Randell, Prin- 
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 Mystery of the Universe Our Common Faith. 8vo, 145. 
 
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 Dependence ; or, The Insecurity of the Anglican Position. 
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 St. Paul's Epistle to the Corinthians. Expository Lectures. 
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Classified List of Publications. 39 
 
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Classified List of Publications. 41 
 
 "I^A^T ^1?°„%«- H- ^« Made Ehodesia. 
 
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 ^'''^cf^.Sis'fi;. Arefnlfp!-' Handbook of the Eiver Plate, 
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Classified List of Publications. 45 
 
 LAW. 
 
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 CHEMISTRY. 
 
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 LARMOYER, M. DE, Practical French Grammar. Crown 
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 HEBREW. 
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 BICKELL, Gr., Outlines of Hebrew Grammar. 8vo, cloth, 4^-. 
 
 HINDI. 
 BALL ANT YNE, J. K, Elements of Hindi and Braj Bhakha 
 
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 BATE, J. D., Hindi-English Dictionary. Royal 8vo, cloth. 
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 KELLOGG, S. H., Grammar of the Hindi Language. With 
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 HINDUSTANI. 
 
 CRAVEN, T., English-Hindustani and Hindustani-English 
 
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 DOWSON, J., Grammar of the Urdu or Hindustani Language. 
 
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 Hindustani Exercise Book. Passages and Extracts for 
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 FALLON, S. W., A New English-Hindustani Dictionary. 
 
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 PALMER, E. H., Simplified Grammar of Hindustani, Persian, 
 
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 SINGER, J., Simplified Grammar of the Hungarian Language. 
 
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 CAMERINI, E., L'Eco Italiano. A Guide to Italian Con- 
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 MILLHOUSE, J., English and Italian Dictionary. 2 vols. 
 
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 Manual of Italian Conversation. i8mo, 2s. 
 
 JAPANESE. 
 
 BAEA, TATUI, Elementary Grammar of the Japanese 
 
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 CHAMBERLAIN, Prof. B. H., Simplified Japanese Grammar. 
 
 Crown 8vo, ^s. 
 
 Romanised Japanese Reader. Consisting of Japanese 
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 Handbook of Colloquial Japanese. Second Edition. 8vo, 
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 Handbook of the Japanese Language. For Tourists and 
 
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Classified List of Publications. 77 
 
 JAPANESE— con finued. 
 IMBRIE, W., Handbook of English- Japanese Etymology. 
 
 Second Edition, 1889. 8vo, 6s. 
 
 MUTSU, H., Japanese Conversation Course. 1894. Small 
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 KHASSI. 
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 MALAGASY. 
 
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Classified List of Publications. 79 
 
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 MASON, F., Burma, its People, and Productions. Being 
 
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History of the Empire of Japan. Compiled and Translated 
 
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 ORIENTAL BUDDHISM. 
 
 BEAL, S., The Romantic Legend of Sakya Buddha. From 
 
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 ALLIBONE, S. A., Dictionary of English Literature and 
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 IBRAHIM, HIMLY, Prince, The Literature of Egypt and 
 
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 Japan, Bibliography of. {See Oriental.) 
 
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 POLLARD, A. W., Early Illustrated Books. With Plates. 
 
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 POOLE, W. F., Index to Periodical Literature. Revised 
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 SLATER, J. H., Early Editions. A Bibliographical Survey 
 
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