■fS" '"%IIMiiiK'i«a?..;?L.l!"3" "e VaWes olln 3 1924 029 228 370 DATE DUE DEC Qjpg ^^,^4^€^^/ Cornell University Library The original of tliis book is in tlie Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924029228370 LIFE AND WEITINGS OP JUAN DE VALDES. LONDON PHIKTED BY SPOTTISWOODE AND CO. NEW-STREET SQUARE LIFE AND WEITINGS OF JUAN DE YALDES, SPAl^ISH EEFOEMER IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY, BY BENJAMIN B?^'^FFEN. WITH ^ 'translation from tfte Italian OF HIS BY JOHN T. BETTS. TAUJESIO HISPANTTS SCarPTORE SUPEKBIAT ORBIS. Daniel Rogers. NON 'MoBTruBA.~&iulia Oomaga's Motto, p. 112. ^ LONDON: BEENAED QUAEITCH, 15 PICCADILLY. 1865. [_T/te Hghf of Tramlation and npprodiiHiov ix reserved^ *®6cse JWeUitatfons \xitxt UEStpeB to txtxtt tn tje goul t^E lobe ana fear of C&oii; anti tSeg ougfit to 6e realr, not in tfic Surrg of iustness, ftut in rettwmtnt; in fragments, get smtessiklB ; tje reaUer laging tjbem at once astfte loSen fie is foearg.' ANSELM. /]^36f;f I .^^^^- T!.3 "'^ "^^ Pre:i:lonc White Library PREFACE The book entitled The Hundred and Ten Considera- tions OF SiSNiOK John Valdesso, printed at Oxford in 1638, 4to., has become scarce. It is shut up in libraries, and should a stray copy come abroad, it is rarely to be obtained by him who seeks for it. This is not so much because the work is sought for by many, and largely known; for the principles it teaches are almost as much in advance of the present times as they were in the days of the 'sainted George Herbert' and Nicholas Ferrar, who first published it in English. In their day it was perhaps read as much for their sakes as for the Author's. It was thought that a book sanctioned by their approval must be good ; and down to the present time there has not been a reader of their interesting bio- graphy who has not been arrested by the name of John Valdesso, whom they did so much love. Of him, how- ever, George Herbert and Nicholas Ferrar knew nothing more with any certainty than what was put on the- title- page of the ' Considerations.' In the pages of their own biography he appears as a mythic personage, surrounded by a nimbus of mingled light and obscurity. The fertile fancy, however, of Isaac Walton was brought into exercise in his Life of George Herbert, to sketch the mysterious vi PREFACE. person who, it was dimly apprehended, had exercised a surprising influence in Italy about the period of the Ee- formation. It pourtrayed John Valdesso, a Spaniard, as a grave, pensive old mystic, who so wrought upon the superstitious bias of Charles V. that he resolved to withdraw with his adviser from the world of public life. Of this, Isaac Walton supplies the following imaginative account : — ' This John Valdesso was for his learning and virtue much valued and loved by the great Emperor Charles V., whom Valdesso had followed as a Cavalier all the time of his long and dangerous wars ; and when Valdesso grew old and weary of the world, he took a fair opportunity to declare to the Emperor that his reso- lution was to decline his Majesty's service and betake himself to a quiet and contemplative life, because there ought to be a time between fighting and dying. The Emperor had himself, for the same or other reasons, taken the like resolution; but Grod and himself only knew them, and he desires Valdesso to consider well of what he had said, but keep his purpose within his own breast, till they two had another opportunity of a friendly discourse, which Valdesso promised. In the meantime the Emperor appoints privately a day for him and Valdesso to receive the sacrament publicly, and appointed an eloquent friar to preach a sermon on contempt of the world, and of the happiness and benefit of a quiet and contemplative life, which the friar did most affection- ately. After which sermon the Emperor declared openly: That the preacher had begot in him a resolution to lay down his dignities, to forsake the world, and to betake himself to a more monastic life. And he pretended he had persuaded John Valdesso to do the like ; but this is most certain, that after the Emperor had called his son Philip out of England, and resigned to him all his king- doms, that then the Emperor and John Valdesso did per- PHEFAOE. Vil form their resolution. This account,' he goes on to say, ' I received from a friend that had it from the mouth of Mr. Ferrar ; and the reader may note that in this retire- ment John Valdesso writ his CX. Considerations and many other treatises of worth, which want a second Mr. Ferrar to procure and translate them.' The whole of this story is a pure fiction, which it is the ungracious duty of Truth to negative, though the lively imagination of Isaac Walton has adorned it with his own graceful colouring of romance. If it be now my part, by unsought necessity, to destroy his pleasant episode about Jufin de Valdes — this ' John Valdesso,' as he calls him — and the Emperor, it is agreeable to me to be able to supply its place by another episode in his life more true and graceful, — more graceful because more true, — that of his acquaintance with Griulia Gronzaga, Duchess of Trajetto and Countess of Fondi; for whom he prepared his ]\ISS., and who took her part in the conception and production of at least one of them.* And if so little was truly known of this John Valdesso by his English translator, the Spaniards, his countrymen, who had seen him with their bodily eyes a century earlier, were scarcely wiser, for they viewed in him not one but two persons ; and if some few of them escaped this illusion, and could have told us something about him with accuracy, the fires of the Inquisition dried up the iak of their pens with terror. As in Spain, so in Italy, where he lived and died at last, it was the same. Authors, who one after another record his name, all moved to curiosity about it, yet possessiag little except this one book, can tell us scarcely more than his countrymen have done. His name, cast out by the bigots of his own nation, banned in Italy, and rejected amongst the dogmatic Switzers, found at length, a hundred years later, a quiet asylum in England, * The Alfabeto Chiistiano. yiii PREFACE. the Ark of freedom. It appears incumbent, therefore, upon us to unveil the ' true efBgies ' of him whom George Herbert and Nicholas Ferrar yearned to know, and whom a number of more recent writers have been anxious to pourtray, yet could not. Having now obtained a larger number of his books than it had been the good fortune of others previously to possess, I have been enabled, by comparing the style and thoughts of one with another, to determine the author- ship of those which were at first anonymous, and also to ascertain from his own words many of the circumstances of his life that had been but dimly apprehended before. In order to lighten the labour of others who may be inclined to carry on their researches in this direction to a greater length than myself, I have been careful to mark the successive stages of progress by references placed at the foot of the page. And as a limited number of copies of the Author's works have recently been reprinted, and those not intended for public sale, in a series entitled Reformistas antiguos Espanoles, if these sources of in- formation are not readily to be obtained, they are now to be found at least in several of our public libraries by those who may be inclined to study them. For the advantage of the general reader, I have thought it well to extend the extracts from them to a length that, but for this rea- son, might seem disproportionate to the shortness of the narrative, and these I hope will not be found in them- selves tedious or uninstructive. For the particular view given in the Introductory chapter of Spanish national affairs during the early part of the sixteenth century, and of the policy of what we call the ' Country party,' or ' Commons,' comparing it to that dis- tinguished by the same term in the contest for freedom in our own country in the times of Charles the First and PREFACE. ix Cromwell, I am indebted to gleanings from the Epistles of Pedro Martir de Angleria, in the Spanish Appendix to the Ziento i diez Gonsideraziones por Juan de Valdes. Londres, 1863. This Appendix, containing also the cor- respondence of Erasmus with the brothers Valdes, trans- lated into Spanish, and other very valuable information respecting them, occupies 255 pages, with an Index to it. Many notices about Valdes, the erroneous as well as the true, scattered over the pages of various writers, Dr. Edward Boehmer of Halle has, with his truly G-erman characteristic of industrious research, collected in the notes to an elaborate Appendix to his reprinted edition of 1550 of ' Le Cento e died divine Consider azioni di Giovanni Valdesso. Halle in Sassonia, I860.' The Appendix is entitled ' Cenni Biografici sui Fratelli Giovanni e Alfonso di Valdesso, 1861,' — 127 pages. Of this volume 306 copies were printed — only 200 of them for sale. It is to be regretted that Dr. Boehmer did not supply an Index to his valuable Appendix. This would have rendered its instructive materials, in the notes especially, much more accessible to the enquiring student. Dr. Boehmer is also author of the article 'Valdes,' in Herzog's Real-Encyclo- poidie fiir protestantische Theologie und Kirche. Gotha, 1863-1865. The Dialogo de la Lengua (tenido azia el A. 1533), i publicado por primera vez el ano de 1737. Ahora reim- preso conforme at MS. de la Bihlioteca Nazional, unico que el Editor conoze. For Apendize va una Carta de A. ValdSs. Madrid: Ano de 1860, with its interesting Pre- face and Appendix, has furnished various particulars about the manner of Jud.n de Valdes' Sunday readings with his friends at Naples ; and the letters of Alfonso Valdes and Castiglione are given in the Appendix, derived from Se- rassi's Lettere di B. Castiglione, t. ii. pp. 169-202. 4to. The notice of Giulia Gonzaga and the circumstances of -J PKEFACE. her relation with Juan de Valdes are taken from the sketch prefixed to the English translation of the Alfor beto Christiano con Vaggiunta di due traduzione, Vuna in Castigliano, Vcdtra in Inglese. Londra, Vanno 1860 {non publicato) : a hundred and fifty copies were printed. Only one hundred copies, of the English part alone, were printed for publication. The Report of the Trial and Martyrdom of Pietro Garnesecchi, by Richard Gibbings, B.D. Dublin, 1856; a pamphlet of xxiii. and 63 pp. full of information, has furnished the particulars about Garnesecchi and the pre- servation of the MS. writings of Valdes by him and Giulia Gonzaga. When the volume was far advanced, there came into my hands, from Dr. Edward Boehmer of Halle, a Latin tract entitled Lac Spirituale. Institidio Puerorum Chnstian- orum Vergeriana, edit. F. Koldeivey. Brunsvigae, surrup- tibus Alfredi Bruhn, 1864, pp. 1-17 and 19-32. 12mo. At the end of p. 17 is Ex Italico Versus est etiam Oer- manice et Polonice. It is a reprint of Vergerio's Latin version of the Italian tract by Valdes, which stands in the List of his works at page 166, number 6. Qual ma- nieri, etc. Not discovered. 'What method should be used to train up Children of Christian parents in the Christian religion ? ' This Latin tract teaches the acknowledged prin- ciples of the ' ex. Considerations ' and the ' Alfabeto Chris- tiano,' and uses, even in the Latin, the form and manner of his peculiar expressions ; and there can remain no doubt that it was essentially written by the same author. I regret that I became acquainted with it in the Latin too late to make use of it in the following ' Life.' At the note at page 166 to the List of his writings, I have given rather an adverse opinion as to its being the genuine work of Valdes, which better acquaintance enables PKEFACE.- XI me here to correct. I then knew it only by the German version, which is a translation of a translation — a trans- lation indeed thrice repeated, passing successively from the Spanish MS. under what Dr. Boehmer calls the triple mantle of Italian, Latin, and German, and which in that form appeared too theologically dressed to be alto^ gether genuine. At page 86 of the 'Life' following, Francisco Dilfo is called an Andalusian; he was a Fleming or German by birth, an Andalusian in temperament. Eecently, and while the latest sheets of this volume were passing through the press, died Don Luis de Usdz i Eio, Editor of the Refokmistas antiguos EspaSoles, to the pages of which I have been so much indebted. He was, like Valdes, by birth, uno Gaballero, a gentleman ; and like him, a person of sound and exact learning, of great sim- plicity and modesty, — of genuine truthfulness both in his life and in his writings. He loved his country, lamented its historical decline, and disinterestedly sought its highest welfare. With the exception of two of them, the twenty volumes of the Refokmistas, besides others not included in the series, were edited by his own labour during five and twenty years; and with the exception of a single small volume, they were printed entirely at his sole cost and charges, without connection with any Society or Asso- ciation, religious or literary; and one private friend alone aided him to procure the recondite materials. Although he could not see the completion of this present work, it is satisfactory to know that he read the whole of the first part, that is the Life &c., as the sheets were printed off, and that, with the best knowledge of any man on the subject, he on several occasions expressed his estimate of it, in terms it might seem presuming upon the judg- ment of others, for me at least, to produce here. xii PKEFACE. In drawing up this Life of Jvln de Vald^s, my view has been to reduce the events now authenticated to chronological order, dismissing the errors of previous conjectures;— to prove the personal distinction between him a;nd his brother Alfonso, the Latin Secretary of Charles v., and yet their unity by twinship, training and edu- cation, affection, and similarity of genius ; — to show by quotation the consistency there is in his writings, from the apparently political, yet really reformatory ones of his earlier years, to the more exclusively religious senti- ments of his later life. It has also been my wish to represent that breadth and depth of his Christian profes- sion, exalted to the simplicity of the Gospels, grounded and settled in the faith of the heart, which Valdes endea- voured to practise himself and to teach to others; and which gave to his teaching such rare acceptance and efficacy. It remains for me only now to add, that these Consideea- TIONS were the fruits of the ripest thoughts of the Author's mind ; and though the volume may not gain the approval of all readers, — for some will not accept its propositions; others will think it tedious ; others, mystical ; others, ascetic, — yet there will doubtless be some who, like his early friends of ancient days, will be found to relish its pages, and to love the Author with an entire and grateful affection. BENJAMIN B. WIFFEN. Neab Wobuen ; lOi;^ month 1866. ^ Lac Spirituale. — See page 166, wofe. xiii In a letter to the Editor of the Lac Spintuale, Dr. Ed. Boehmer of Halle has pointed out the coincidence of its sentiments and peculiar expressions with the ' CX. Con- siderations,' the ' Alfabeto Christiano/ and ' Commentary on Eomans and Corinthians : ' the following are some examples : In the first place and before all other things, let Christian parents give their children to understand that God, through human generation (from Adam) is the parent of all mankind, and that He is propitiated and re- conciled to us Dy our re-generation through Christ. See Considerations LXXI. and LXiXV. Let them know that God is the Eternal Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, and that the Son of God, who at the appointed time took upon Himself the nature of man in order to redeem mankind, is co-eternal with . the Father ; and that the Holy Spirit, proceeding from the Father and the Son, is also co-etemal -with them. That this God is invisible, universal, and immortal, in whom dwell omnipotence, wisdom, goodness, mercy, truth, and faithfulness — who is indeed Simself wisdom, goodness, mercy, etc. Consideration XLIX. Let them understand that after the creation of all other things, God made man, higher and more excellent than every creature on the face of the earth ; even in the image and likeness of God, seeing that man was made immortal, wise, just, true, and faithful, and that he was placed, adorned with so many and such great gifts, in a terrestrial Paradise. That man by his disobedience lost the image and likeness of God in which he had been created, and being driven from Paradise, became like the beasts, passible and mortal ; his spirit, impm-e, unrighteous, sinful, and wicked. For this reason he was driven out of Paradise. Considerations L and TiXXTT. The wickedness of mankind having become great on the earth, God sent a flood which destroyed both man and beast ; Noah alone, with his wife, his sons, and his sons' wives, vrith a certain number of all kinds of beasts, were saved. Not because the ark might preserve them were they saved, but because Noah, believing God would fulfil His promises, and having faith in His word, entered with his family into the ark. Hence Noah was not saved by the ark but by his faith, sustained by which he risked himself, his household, and the animals in the ark. Consideration CIV. Now, true Christian faith which is divinely inspired and revealed pro- duces these four efiecta in believers : it incites them to love God and those things which are of God ; and to love Christ and all things that are of Ohnst. In addition to these effects it brings peace to the con- science when it knows that it is reconciled with God. Besides, it teaches us to deserve well of aU men, but especially of them who are of the household of faith. Lastly, it mortifies and slays the desire of sin in believers. Therefore the love of God and of Christ, peace of conscience, Christian charity, and mortification of the fiesh, are the sweet fruits of Christian faith divinely inspired. Just as it is the property of the sun to give light and heat, and that ought not to be called the sun which does not give light and heat — so faith ought not to be considered as, or called, Christian faith which does not incite the mind to the love of God and of Christ — which does not give peace of conscience, which does not mortify the desire of sin. Considerations XXIX. LXVII. LXX. LXXXV. XCIX. Commentary 1 Corinthians i. LIFE OF JUAN DE YALDES. C H APTEE I. INTEODUCTOET. In the second quarter of the 16th century, a person ap- peared in Italy, whose residence there, for only a few years, left an impression on the age and on his adopted country. The influence extended to other lands, and in our own, an almost unconscious reflection of it may even yet be traced. His mind was a prime mover of other minds ; he stirred them from the surface to their inmost depths. It was like a stone cast into the current of their thoughts, that lay deep iu the secrecy of the bottom, whilst the circles on the top undulated fainter and fainter indeed away from the moving impulse, but expanded larger and larger to the shore. \ " So the small pebble stirs the peaceful lake : The centre moved, a circle straight succeeds, Another stUl, and still another spreads." He came a stranger to his adopted country, and died in peace, almost without observation. Men scarcely knew his native place or his proper name. He may be said to have been bom double, for he was one of Twins. At first he was confounded with his brother ; in later life the public features of both were drawn almost exclusively from his original. He was noble and rich, yet he laid wealth and honours aside — not, however, as despising them, for he lived cheerfully with others, and principally amongst persons of rank and letters ; he was in pursuit of riches beyond rank, and a wisdom above that of the schools, always preferring the good of the future to the advantages of the present. He was deeply versed in the doctrines of the Bible, but not a theologian, in an age when theology was considered to be less the experimental knowledge, than the science of religion; he was poor in spirit, but not a monk. He was not an ascetic, for he sought the brotherhood of human life ; and although himself but one- half of a birth, he had a heart as large in its sympathies as humanity itself. He was loved much, and was hated much ; B 2 LIFE OP JUAN DE VALDES. yet he loved all again, and from tlie depths of his bosom he abhorred persecation. To attempt to serve the cause of Christ by persecution or compulsion was indeed to persecute him. He formed no sect, yet was he followed by so influen- tial and increasing a class, that Eome, to root them out, thought it worth while to enlarge the searching code of her Inquisition. He wrote much, for others rather than for himself, and himself printed little or nothing ; his few books were all written in his own Spanish tongue, yet became most read and known in the languages of the foreigner. The trans- lators, French, Dutch, German, and English, knew little with certainty of him who had composed the books they admired, and to which they gave their labour. Com- pilers of large Biographical Dictionaries actually knew scarcely any of his writings, yet they kept his name in their pages, mixing the few acknowledged facts known about him with much that was fabulous. It remains for us who have recovered more of our author's works than it was the good fortune of our predecessors to know, to attempt to exhibit in the best manner we may, yet, after all, incompletely, a truer " efiigy ■" of this remarkable man than the critical care of Bayle could construct, the judgment of Hallam could measure, or the translator Nicholas Ferrar could discover in the John Valdesso whom his friend, the sainted George Herbert, did " so much love."i According to the inconvenient practice of rendering proper : names of persons and places into the form of the language ! in which the translations- were made, rather than retaining ' them in their native orthography, the name of Juan de I Valdes has been variously written. Thus the variations Johannes Valdesius, in Latin ; Giovanni Valdesso, in Italian ; Jan de Val d'Esso, in French; and John Yaldesso, in English, were originally derived from the Spanish Juan de Valdes. The house of Valdes was one of the most ancient and distinguished of the kingdom of Leon.^ One noted member I See George Herbert's letter to apellido y familia Uamado Hernando de Nicholas Ferrar. Valdfe vino a poblar a la oiudad da -LJuan Pablo MartirRizo,"Historiarte Cuenca mas ha de trezientos y oinquenta la Cmdad do Cuenca." Madrid, 1629, afios, donde dex6 casas suntuosaa, Ca- loi. p. ^»4 ; Ija Oasa de Valdes es de pillay mayorazgo : tuTO muchos hiios, y la mas antiguasy principales del Eeyno deeUosmuy noble desoendenoia.quepor dfoHnli^ilv, ^A ''^^K}">'™S na-ned some su notoria nobleza asoendifi uno a ser Ca- »™Z^^/ if "'sml'ers of the family, marerodelPontifloe, yotrofu^Seoretario prnall''de°vX?'A'^'"?;?,^l°^'^'fS^' ^"^ ^mperador : y iZ der^as descSdi- xernanao de Vald«s, Archbishop of Se- entes desta Casa han sido RsD-idoras v ville,he contmues : " Un Cavallero deste Procuradores de Cortes por la Sudad! y THE AJS^CESTKY OP VALD:6s. 3 of the family was the Grand Inquisitor^ Fernando de Vald(?s, Archbishop of Seville, who in 1561 made a revisal of the whole code of the Spanish Inquisitionj which continues, with the exception of a few slight alterations, to be the law to this day.i The ancestor of the family, Hernando de V'aldes, began to found the city of Ouenca, in New Oastille, about the close of the 12th century : he left magnificent houses, a chapel, and an entailed estate. He had a noble posterity. Under these proprietors, the people enjoyed the blessings of a genealogy of virtues ; liberty and the rule of justice were followed by improvement and wealth ; and this condition con- tinued until the blight of a tyrannous superstition feU upon them, reversing that prosperous condition into that which is there shown at the present day. The family was represented in the latter half of the 15th century by another Hernando Valdes, who thus became by inheritance perpetual Begidor of Cuenca.^ estado de la nobleza de Cuenca, eon otras grandes dignidades, que ocuparon otros en Iglesias destos Reynos, y en servicio de sus Reyes." " The house of Valdfe is one of the most ancient and distinguished of the king- dom of Leon, &c. A gentleman of this name and family, called Hernando de Vfild^s, came, somewhat more than three hundred and fifty years ago, to found the city of Cuenca, where he left magnificent houses, a chapel, and en- tailed estates; he had many children, and from them many noble descendants. So great was their reputation for nobi- lity, that one of them attained the appointment of Chamberlain to the Pope, and the other [doubtless Alfonso de Valdfe] secretary to the Emperor ; besides, other descendants of this family have been Regidores and Procuradores de Cortes for the city, and nobles of Cuenca, whilst they have filled other dignities in the churches of these king- doms, and in the service of their kings." The notice which Martir Rizo gives of the Valdfe, slight and indistinct as it seems, is important because he was grandson of Pedro Martir de Angleria ; and if his papers could be discovered, they would most likely famish many more particulars about them than he dared to publish in his "History of Cuenca ;" for had he done so, he would have been persecuted alike by the In- quisition and by the relations of the Vald& themselves, whom they would esteem as no Catholics. * ''Copilacion de las Instrucciones del Officio de la santa Inquisicion, hechas en Toledo, afio de mil y quinlentos y B sesenta y uno." — McCrie, "History of Reformation in Spain," 1829, p. 91. ' Cuenca is the capital of a moun- tainous district, being about 3,400 feet above the level of the sea. It is one of the most picturesque cities of Spain, ro- mantically situated at the confluence of the Juoar and Hueear, on a peak between the heights San CristoialsLnd El Socorro, nearly halfway between Madrid and Valencia. In the 1 5th and 1 6th centuries [the period of which we have to speak] this district was densely peopled with traders, busy in its staple manufacture of woollens, whilst the city was celebrated alike for arts and literature, and for splendid silver-work. Now the country is so poverty-stricken that scarcely 300 souls to the square league are to be num- bered, and the capital barely contains 6,000 inhabitants. Its picturesque po- sition, however, remains ; the beautiful Hueear and Jucar (sucro, the sweet waters, aguas dulces) still flow down, through defiles spanned with bridges, and planted with charming walks, where the waters irrigate gardens filled with fine vegetables and fruit-trees, and feed the creepers which mantle luxuriously around the overhanging rocks ; above topples the pyramidical eagles' nest town, with its old walls and towers, and houses hanging over the precipices and barren rocks, enhancing the charms of the fertile valleys. From the suburb, the town rises in terraces, as it were, tier above tier, roof above roof, up to the square and cathedral, which occupy almost the only level space ; for the streets are steep and tortuous, and the little A lameda looks like a shelf squeezed 2 4 LIFE OF JUAN DE VALDES. Thus he was not a Cor-regidor, as he has been generally called, but he was a Mayorazgo, Begidor, or hereditary pro- prietor ; and if not a personage of the highest degree, he was an HicUlgo of liberal fortune and independent cu-cumstances. There is good reason to believe that he took sides with the Gomuniclacles, or popular party, when they rose to assert the liberties of the people, but lost them with Padilla on the fatal field of Villalar ;i and that the following Gopla was his com- position in reference to the independent position he then held and continued to maintain through life : — " Diez marooa tengo de Oro " i de plata, zient' i ochenta, " buenaa casas en que moro, " i un largo cuento de renta : " diez escuderos de ouenta : " de linaje, bien contento : " de Seiior, no acostamiento ; " que es lo que mas me oontenta." ' Ten marks of gold for the telling, And of silver I have nine score ; Good houses are mine to dwell in, And I have a rent-roU more. My line and lineage please me — Ten squires I count at my call — And no lord vrho flatters or fees me, Which pleases me more than they aU. Hernando de Valdes had several sons, and two of them, born about the end of the century, rose to great distinction. One, Alfonso de Yaldes,' was Latin secretary to the Emperor Charles V., in the Chancery under Mercurino Gatinara; in at the angle of the town, from whence sillas He was the husband is a striking view of the lovely valleys of Maria Paoheoo, of whom there is such below. — See Ford's "Handbook of a fine portrait by ifi JfMfZo at Bowood, Spain." and to whom, before his execution he Such was the birthplace of the brothers wrote that most touching and manly let- Vald€s, and such the evidences of the ter preserved by Sandoval, and trans- good government of the family and the lated by Bobertson." liberty and prosperity of the people The reader who wishes to have an un- under their rule. prejudiced opinion of the views and aims ' Mr. Ford, in his " Handbook of of the popular party, may consult in the Spain," ed. 1855, p. 561, speaking of the British Museum a small printed doou- situationof the field of Villalar, says — ment of tbe Articles of the Constitution " Leaving Toro, and continuing on the proposed by the Junta. It will be found right bank of the Duero . . .to Villalar, under the head " Castile," press-mark where (April 23rd, 1521) the Conde de 1389 b, with the title Proyecto de la Con- Haro defeated the Comv.neros, led by stitudoti de la Junta de las Comunidades Juande Fadilla, and crushed thispopu- deCastilla. Valladolid, imp.de D.Manuel lar msurreotion— one raised in reality Aparicio, 1842. 8vo. pp. 8 and 13. Z?w/»V f ''™"?«™ Si'^d the foreignfa- »" Dialogo de la LengSa, " ed. 1860, p. vountesof Charles V., not against the 153. 6 , " . xo , i- wTf (.Cw^TlTif''-^- P'^diUa 3 Petri Martyris Anglerii Eoist was beheaded the next day at Torde- DCLXXXIX. pf 380, writTng to ihe THE TWIN" BROTHERS. 5 tlie other, Juan de Valdes, our author, was for a short time Chamberlaiu, Omnaroro, to Pope Adrian VI. They were twin brothers, and the identity of their personal ap- pearance, manners, and mental qualifications, was so perfect that they were at all times liable to be mistaken one for the other. This may have been one cause why later writers have been led to combine then' distinctive names into one — by this means confounding the persons and the circumstances of the twin brothers.' The distinct personality and twinship of the brothers are proved beyond all doubt by letters both of Erasmus and Juan Gines de Sepulveda, who knew them both personally. Erasmus, writing to Juan de Vald^s in 1528, expresses himself thus : — Desidekiits Erasmus to Juan de Vald^s. Most Accomplislied Youtli — Your brother, Alfonso Vald^s, has con- ferred such ohligations upon me, that I ought to love whoever in any way belongs to him. But [besides this] you, as I hear, are so like him, both in personal appearance and readiness of mind, that you might seem to be not TWINS, but one individual. I think it very proper, therefore, to love you BOTH alike. I hear that you are given to liberal studies, in order that you may embellish your naturally virtuous disposition with every sort of adornment. Why, then, should any one exhort you to study, when of your own accord you follow this excellent pursuit ? It is more to the purpose to congratulate and praise you. Rest assured that I am no one's more than your brother's, and not less yours than his. Farewell. Basle, 1st March, 1528.^ Sepulveda, historiographer to Charles V.,^ after the retirement of Juan de Valdes from Spain to Italy, where he passed the remainder of his days, thus writes from Rome, September 7th (1531?), in reply to a letter from Alfonso, Marquis de los Velez y Mondejar in tonio Serassi, in his letters of the Conte 1520, mentions " Alfpnso Valdeaio, B. Castiglione, Padova, 1769-71, 4to. magnse spei juvene, cujus patrem Fer- vol. ii. p. 169, is also misled, although nandum deVald&rectorem conchensem he might have corrected it, having nostris." — "Alfonso Vald&, a youth of before him the copy of a letter written great promise, whose father, Her- by Alfonso, signed simply "muy certo nando de Vaid^s, was Governor of Serv. Alonso de Valdes." Cuenoa." ^ Erasmus, Opera, Lugd. Bat. Epist. ' Llorente speaks doubtfully (" His- 1030, Col. 1165. toria de la Inquisioion de Espafia," ed. ^ Juan Gines de Sepulveda, a Spanish Barcelona, 1835, cap. xxv. Art. I. p. historian, bom about 1490 at Pozo- 311) : — "Ihave mentioned him (Juan de Blanco, near Cordova,^ of a noble family, Vald&)a3aseparateperson,beoausemy whom Erasmus in his " Cioeronianus " notes call him Alonso ; but if Era Do- cites as one of the best Latin writers of mingo Rojas spoke the truth, he was his time ; and this judgment is confirmed called Juan Alonso de Valdfe. Nicolas by posterity.— See "Biographie Uni- Antonio, in his ' Biblioteca,' took him for verselle." a distinct person." The Abate Pieran- 6 LIFE OP JUAN DE VALDES. recommending Ms brother Juan to his notice and good offices : — You ask me to receive your brother, should he come to me, in the same mamier as yourself. Can I receive him otherwise, when, as I look at him— whether he is standing or sitting, whether he is speaking or silent, ill short, whether he is in action or doing nothing— I fancy that I am looking upon yourself? And, what is no less remarkable, he so closely represents you, not in features alone, but also in talents, learning, manners, and even in his pursuits, that again and again he appears to be your very self, and not your brother.' The twin brothers received a liberal education, according to that period, when learning was still struggling with her fetters; and to judge from their writings, and from the duties that occupied them, Alfonso directed his studies to jurisprudence and Latin composition; Juan, to his native language, and the originals of the sacred Scriptures, Hebrew and Greek. They were not trained in these by the Commentaries of the schools ; and in this respect the brother reformers had this advantage, that they were not theologians, and hence they had not afterwards, in the self-taught progress of their minds, to unlearn the doubts and reasonings of so- phistical formulas. They regarded religion not as a system or a science, but rather as practical morality, divinely exalted and enlightened; as inspired doctrine, having its manifes- tation in the daily conduct of life by faith. To apprehend fully the characters of these brothers, it is necessary to give a short account of the distinguished in- dividuals who mainly influenced the direction of their minds, and determined the course of their career. We gain some glimpses in the distance of past ages of their early training and their teachers, and we are anxious to establish in the mind of the reader the idea that the career of Juan de Valdes must necessarily be connected with that of his brother Alfonso. The brothers being twins, undistinguish- able by every one, and inseparable in their youth, followed, for their introduction into life, the active, animated, and roving court of the sovereigns Ferdinand and Isabella. The education they received there was of the same kind as what they had received under the paternal roof in Cuenca, which it served to complete. ' "-In. GonoBius Sepulvedw Orera." Madrid, vol. iii. Epist. XIV. jip. 107-8. MATBENAL GllAJ^DMOTHEE OP VALDliS. 7 It is believed that Juan de Valdes did not imagine the character of a wise and virtuous woman, but really portrayed the personal disposition of his maternal grandmother in the subjoined extract from pages 315 — 323 of his Bialogo de Merciirio i Caron J She is represented as a wife and mother, and her daughter, the mother of Alfonso and Juan de Valdfe, had for her husband the Regidor Don Fernando de Valdes, probably one of the four sons-in-law mentioned. The mother, then, of the twins is portrayed as a companion worthy of that noble patrician, and would naturally have educated her sons as she herself had been educated. The passage quoted runs as follows : — Mercury : What soul is this, which comes along singing ? Charojj : It seems to be a woman. Merctjrt : So it is. Charon : I do not know whether she will avoid us. Soul ; Sometimes, those who are the readiest to flee are they who yield themselves with the least difficulty to be conquered. Since, when alive, I did not shun men whom I might fear, holding in my mind the firm resolution to live chastely, why should I now avoid you, from whom I cannot expect any afiront t Mercury : soul, not of woman, but rather of high-spirited man ! are you willing to tell us how you lived when upon earth ? Soul : Yes, most willingly. That which my parents left me of greatest value was the ability to read, and some little knowledge of Latin. Such pleasure did I feel in reading sacred Scripture, that I learnt much of it by heart ; and not satisfied with the mere knowledge of it, I endeavoured to conform my life and conduct to it, losing no opportunity of instructing those of my female friends and companions who conversed with me in what God had taught me ; but with so much modesty and moderation, that I could not be blamed, knowing what peril attached to my age and sex, and what caution I had to exercise in my personal carriage — for doubtless we women are constrained much more than men to hold any opinion we may favour with distrust, until it previously has been very strictly examiaed and discussed. And because silence ia women, and especially in young women, is becoming and praiseworthy, as excessive talkativeness is unbecoming and disreputable, I ever strove that my actions should speak louder than my tongue. Thus I lived many years, without the desire to be a nun, or to marry ; contemplating one style of hfe as most alien to my condition, and the dangers and labours incident to the other. My great fear was, lest they should give me a husband so estranged from my views that he should pervert me from my own line of duty, or that I might have to lead a weary hfe with him. For this cause I determined not to marry ; but, at last, everything having been well weighed, and recalling all the advantages of which I had read in con- nection with marriage, and it appearing to me to be difficult to guard virginity as it ought to be guarded, although that state be higher and excellent, commended by Jesus Christ both by example and by precept, and afterwards by St. Paul, and carried out by many saints, I held it to ' "Beformistas Anti^oa Espafioles," tomo iv. : "Dos Dialogos ecritos por Juan de Valdds, Afio 1550." 8 LIFE OF JUAN DE VALDl'g. be safer for me to marry. But as it is neither allowed nor held reputable in women to select the husband whom they like, but they seem obliged to take the man whom their fathers, brothers, or relatives are pleased to give them, I repeatedly asked them that they would not look to either family or wealth, but to the qualities of the soul, for it was with the soul's virtues that I contemplated marriage. At length they gave me a husband, with whom God only knows what I suffered at the beginning ; never- theless, I suffered patiently, trusting in the goodness of God that I should rather lead him to adopt my views than he lead me to adopt his. And I availed myself of opportunity so carefully, countermining his vices by virtues, his pride by meekness, his rudeness by caresses, his extravagance by moderation, his diversions and luxuries by my chaste and holy exer- cises, and his anger by patience ; ever regulating myself with profound and perfect humility in all my relations with him ; at times dissimulating certain things, at times tolerating and permitting others, and at times softly reprehending those things which appeared to me to be clearly deserving of rebuke ; that by degrees I tamed him. In this manner I led him to lay aside aU his vicious and evil habits, and embrace virtue with such earnestness, that within a short interval I learned of him what I had taught him. And thus getting used to each other's ways, and striviug to please each other, we lived in such peace, love, and concord, that all marvelled at seeing him so altered, and at the change that I had wrought in him, as also at our mutual sympathy. Mercury : Had you children ? SoTJL : We lived many years without any. Mercury : Did it not grieve you to find yourself childless ? Soul : Those persons grieve, when childless, who desire children for their own gratification ; but I, who neither lived nor desired anythiag for myself, felt nothing that should cause pain. Whilst God withheld children from me, I gave Him unbounded thanks, being persuaded that such a disposition was to my benefit and to His service. When He gave ■ me them, I rendered Him the same thanks, entreating Him that he should direct and teach them for His service, striving as much as in me lay to instruct them to accomplish this end. Mercury : I wonder at what you say, for women are wont to impor- tmie God, with great persistence, that He would give them children. Soul : My opinion was most opposed to this ; not that I did not hold children to be a special gift of God, but, being uncertain how they might turn out, I did not dare to desire them, but that God would accomplish His purpose, being assured that His appointment would be the best. And women who share my opinion escape God knows how many super- stitious practices that they fall into at every step, in order to have children, to the no small dishonour of God, and injury to the Christian religion. Mercury : Had yon sons or daughters ? Soul : Daughters. Mercury : What trouble ? Soul : Trouble ? Nay, rather a very great comfort for mothers to have daughters, with whom they can relax, and whom they can indoctrinate with right principles. Good mothers are solaced with greater ease in daughters than in sons ; for the daughters associate with, and serve them, until death, and never lose their love ; but sons, almost as soon as they are born, run hither and thither, and neither know nor reciprocate tlieir lathers and mothers' love. On the other hand, it is a marvel if you see a msobedient daughter, whilst obedient sons are exceedingly rare. It is out seldom that we see daughters who differ from their parents, whilst we constantly encounter sons who persecute their mother. MATERNAL GRANDMOTHER OF VALDES. 9 Mercury : But mothers have a sore trouble in guarding their daughters 1 Soul : You speak of had mothers ; for the mother stamps the daughter witliher own character, and this is the reason wliy it is as difficult and wearisome for the bad to prevent their daughters from being so likewise, as it is easy for the good to make their daughters to resemble them. Mercury : What anxieties mothers endure with their daughters ! Soul : Many more with their sons ; for from their birth they are sub- ject to a thousand perils : when children, of hurting or maiming them- selves ; and when grown up, of losing life ; and finally, there is the distant journey upon which, or in the battle-field, they die, giving their parents mortal agony. Mercury : It is a sore labour to fiLnd husbands and provide marriage portions for the daughters. Soul : I was wholly freed from this trouble ; for I educated my daughters so virtuously, and had so many suitors who sought them as wives, that I had numbers from amongst whom to select. True it is, that the dowry is not raised by the father without trouble ; but as I disregarded mere worldly vainglory, and was more disposed to marry my daughters to virtuous men than to either rich or influential ones, I easUy, and with- out effort, married them all, and, moreover, much to my own satisfaction. And with four daughters I gained the esteem of four sons-in-law, whom I ever held as sons, and who held me as their mother — ^whioh is never the case when sons marry, for you bring home as many enemies as you bring daughters-in-law. Mercury : How did you get on with your men and maid-servants ? Soul : As with my sons — inoculating them with principles and guiding them in that which they owed as service to God. Mercury : Did you make them fast, pray, and discipline themselves ? Soul : I will teU you. The things which are good both in themselves and in all places, and which cannot be left undone without sin, I encouraged them beyond everything to do, striving that they should not deviate a hair's breadth from them. As to other things, which are good and adapted to some, but not so to others — to which a person feels dis- posed at one time, and indisposed at another — which heal some, and kill others — ^which some approve, and others condemn, — I recommended them to be used with much discretion, banishing and expelling from my house every form of superstition and hypocrisy ; seeking that there should be much more inwardly than was shown outwardly. Mercury : At what age did you die ? SotJL : At fifty years of age. Mercury : Did you make your will ? ' Soul : All that, I leave commended to my husband ; and I am now about to enjoy that consummate and perfect good so intensely desired by me. Charon ; Let her go. Mercury ; and remember that it is late. The opinion expressed at tte beginning of this long extractj that the character portrayed for the grandmother of the Valdes^ tended^ through the disposition impressed upon the mother^ to fashion the nature of their infant minds, may not appear to be far-fetched when we continually see, ' By Spanish law, the wife's property is held independently of the husband. 10 LIFE OF JUAN DE VALDES. in numberless instances^ tliat the very forms and genius of the grandparents are reproduced as a natural efi'ect^ with increased similarity, in the second generation. He who carried forward this domestic training of the affections and manners of the brothers was Pedro Martir' de Angleria. From the year 1492, he held in the Court the royal title of Maestro de los Gaballeros, Master of the Horse, whose office thus exercised we can scarcely exaggerate if we affirm that, during the time of Ferdinand and Isabella, there was scarcely a well-born youth, inclined by the natural bent of his mind to liberal studies, who had not, for a longer or shorter period, Angleria for his master. Towards the close of the 15th century, there arose in various countries, individuals who, impressed with a strong sense of ecclesiastical abuses, cherished a desire to reform them, and to advance the improvement of society both in Church and State. In Spain we have but to instance the names of Cardinal Ximenes, Don liiigo Lopez de Mendoza, and especially Pedro Martir de Anghiera or Angleria. With regard to Cardinal Ximenes, we may refer the reader to Prescott's "History of the Reign of Ferdinand and Isabella."^ Of Don liiigo Lopez de Mendoza, Conde de Tendilla, we may quote the short summary of his charac- teristics in the words of Ticknor : — On whatever side we regard the character of Mendoza, we feel sure that he was an extraordinary man ; but the combination of his powers is, after all, what is most to be wondered at. In all of them, however, and especially in the union of a life of military adventure and active interest in affairs with a sincere love of learning and elegant letters, he showed himself to be a genuine Spaniard ; the elements of greatness which his various fortunes had thus unfolded within him being all among the elements of Spanish national poetry and eloquence, in their best age and most generous development.^ But his most remarkable genius may be said to have con- sisted in a quick and intimate perception of the talents and characters of other persons,* even of foreigners, which led ' There were two historical persons of ^ Vol. li. p. 492, ed. 1838. the name of Peter Martyr — one dis- ' " History of Spanish Literature," tinguished by the epithet of Angleria, vol. i. p. 486, ed. 1863. Angliera, or Anghiera, a word latinized * Possibly to this same Mendoza, by himself; and the other by that of Conde de Tendilla, Spain is indebted Vermiglio. They were both Italians, for the writer sumamed her Tully for The former derived his name from his his eloquence. While resident in the family, which belonged to the town of palace of the Alhambra, as Governor or Anghiera, situated on Lake Maggiore, Viceroy of Granada, he beheld from and was born in 1459, at Arena, on the the window a child struggling with same lake. The latter, Vermiglio, was another boy of his own age : looking on, bom m 1,500, at Florence, and was called he saw them come to blows, maltreating also by his family name. each other. The Count sent to separate TEDRO MAETIR DE ANGLEEIA. 11 him to bring forward their services, recommending them to appropriate offices in the Government, always leading them into a course of Spanish policy and interest strictly national. As he lived at a period when society was in a state of tran- sition, his mind was directed, as all truly great minds are, to its progress in advance of its present position ; and by this means he became a teacher of his own age, and a master of those eminent persons who should lead on the progress of society in the generation after he had himself passed away. The Conde de Tendilla was indeed an extraordinary man, a vMster of masters, and by his example eminently surpass- ing, in moralityj intelligence, and knowledge, all other persons of his time who were dignified by the title of nobility and gentry.* A proof of his discriminating mind may be instanced in his selection of the Italian, Pedro Martir de Angleria. Pedro Martir de Angleria came to Spain in the year 1488, at the age of 29, being brought in the train of Don Inigo Lopez de Mendoza, Conde de Tendilla, when he returned from Rome, where he had been sent as Ambassador Extraordinary to the Pope Innocent VIII. from Ferdinand and Isabella. Mendoza presented him to his sovereigns avowedly with the exalted purpose that he should educate the young nobility of Spain, teaching them to love good studies and good books ; imbuing them with the persuasion that true knighthood and gentility consists, not in robbing and fighting, in gallantry, idle- ness, or intrigue, but in surpassing other men in know- ledge, justice, truth, and good manners ; and good manners them, and the child coining up to the his name, it has been raised throughout C!ount offered an apology for his quarrel, the world. justifying his conduct with arguments ' The celebrated . Dona Maria de so pertinent and so well digested, setting Pacheco, who married that highly dis- them forth with such vivacity and grace, tinguished nobleman, Don Juan de that the Count instantly admired and Padilla, was his' daughter. She was a loved him. It appeared to him that woman of the highest range of thought, there was something great about that and, though ambitious, endowed with child. He desired that he should be that frankness and magnanimity which informed who he was ; he ascertained intense love of liberty alone imparts to his humble station and poverty ; he the soul, together with an abhorrence of desired one of his dependents that he the tyranny of man no less intense. should, at his expense, train the child The successful issue of the war in and educate him ; and this child proved Granada was, to a great extent, due to subsequently to be the great Spanish the Count's sagacious counsel and won- writer who, as says the Licentiate derful stratagems, exerted — Mufloz, relating this incident, corrobo- " Until the last chains were broken, rated by Fra L. Sousa, in calling him- And the Arabs, already conquered, self Father Luis de Granada, highly Saw trembling in the breeze, favoured the city of his birth, because. From the battlements of the Alhambra, by adorning it with the association of The cross-marked banners of Isdbella." 12 LIFE OF JUAN DE VALDES. » consist in a graoefal respect to all persons. Mendoza brought Angleria into the strictest intimacy with Hernando de Talavera, Queen Isabella's confessor, and afterwards Archbishop of Granada, when Don Inigo Lopez de Mendoza resided as first GoYernor and Alcaide in the Alhambra. Thus Angleria became the educator of most of the yomig nobles of Spain in that gene- ration, whose talents were afterwards displayed throughout the almost European sway of the Emperor Charles V. This is shown in his delightful volume of Epistles, first printed at Alcala, in 1530, by Miguel de Eguia.^ No work written in Latin, and printed in Spain by Spaniards contemporary with Angleria, can equal in attractive interest this volume of his 813 Epistles, written during the thirty-seven years which intervened between 1488 and 1525. They embrace the history of Spain, and even, it may be said, of Europe during that period; so much so, that they have been the rich mine from which the most celebrated writers have drawn their materials. In the Epistles of Angleria were found those notices of Spain which Geddes gave in the last century, in the once very popular volumes of his Miscellaneous Essays.^ Gibbon also used them as his authority.' These Epistles furnish the subjects and colouring from which Washington Irving derived the most lively combinations of his animated descriptions, and Prescott, the historian, his charming narratives. If Hallam, in his " History of the Literature of Southern Europe, ■'■' tells us- that we ought to mistrust Angleria's dates of facts, it should be understood that the remark applies solely to the work " De Rebus Oceanicis et Novo Orbe, " where he had to fix the dates by references received from others. But Hallam's doubts do not apply ' "Opus epistolaru Petri Martyris torise superiorum temponim. Cui Anglerij Mediolanesis Protonotarij aooesserunt Epistolse Fernandi de Aplici atqqj aoosilijs rerulndicara. nuo Pulgar Goetansei Latinse pariter atque pmu et natu et medioori eura exousumj Hispanicse cum Tractatu HispaniEe de quod qde preter stili Tenustate nostroru Viris Castellse Dlustribus Editio Pos- qqs tepor Mstorife loco esse poterit. trema. Atnstelodami, Typis Elzevi- " Copluti anno Dni M.DXXX Cu rianis. Veneunt Parisiis, apud Fredri- priuilegio Cesareo. In ^dibus Michaelis cum Leonard, Typograplium Regium, de Eguia." Folio. do loo Lxx." Folio; printed in two 12 leaves not numbered, and fo. I. — columns, containing 813 letters.* Pulgar CXCIX. containing 816 letters. 32 letters ; and Los claros varones de . EspaiSa, 32 letters; these last are in " Opus Epistolarum Petri Martyris Spanish. Anglerii ^ Mediolanensis Protonotarii * This is the edition used. Apostolioi Prioris Archiepiscopatus ^ Miscellaneous Tracts, by Michael Granatensis, atque S, Consiliis Eerum Geddes. D.L. 1709-14. Svo. 3 vols. Indicarum Hispanicis, tanta cura ex- 3 Gibbon, Miscellaneous Works, vol. cusum, ut prteter styli venustatem v. ed. 1814, p. 160, et sea. quoque fungi possit vice luminis His- POPE ADRIAN YI. 13 to the dates wMch are found in the Epistles^ where Angleria alludes to events which passed under his own eyes, or in which he acted in an official manner, or knew by reason of his situation and duties. Juan de Vergara, treating of the fidelity of Angleria in his letters to Florian de Ocampo, re- marks — " Tour Honour knows that of all the events of those times in the whole empire of the Catholic sovereigns [Ferdinand and Isabella] , and afterwards to the end of the war of the Comunidades, I think we can have no memorials more clear and certain than the Epistles of Pedro Martir ; and of almost all that can be found in them, I was an eye- witness of the diligence with which he put down in writing, on the instant^ every event that occurred. " How grateful, then, should be the memory of such a writer to those who make use of him as an authority !' Angleria, being a quick discerner of talent and character, nominated the most fitting men for the most appropriate stations. He held the first link of a chain which united them in one line of policy. He selected Mercurino de Gati- nara, a Piedmontese, a man whose abilities are proved by the success of all his measures, for the Grand Chancellor- ship ; and near him, in an almost independent position, he nominated Alfonso de Valdes, as Latin Secretary to the Emperor. One of Angleria's intimate political friends was the Cardinal GovernorAdrian, Charleses tutor; and when the latter became Pope, Juan de Yaldes was placed near his person, filHng the position of Cmnarero, Chamberlain (?), at the Vatican. Adrian of Utrecht, tutor to Charles V. under Chievres, was afterwards Cardinal Tortosa, and Pope, under the title of Adrian VI. Adrian was a man of unblemished reputation, upright^ pious, active, very serious, fall of benevolence and pure intentions, a lover of Flemish art and polite learning, and a friend and protector of Erasmus from the attacks of the bigots of the schools and " saints of the worldj"^ as Juan afterwards called them. He sought to bring about peace and concord between the nations of Europe. He was a decided advocate for the reformation of the Church, in which abominable practices, abuses in spiritual things, and an exorbitant straining of prerogative, had found a place near the " Holy Chair." Adrian set to work with scrupulous conscientiousness, yet he disappointed innumer- able expectations ; for his pontificate lasted but about a year, ' See an interesting note on Pedro ' The Hundred and Ten Considera- Martir Angleria, by Prescott, " History tions. Consid. LXXVI. — liXXXI. of the Reign of Ferdinand and Isabella," vol. ii. pp. 155-158. 14 LIFE OF JUAN DE VALDES. SO ttathe had time to do little more tHan disturb abuses and excite opposition ;i Juan de Valdes could baYe remained but a short time in his service and confidence. He refers, in all probabibty, to this circumstance in his fifty-first " Considera- tion," in which he endeavours to explain in what manner God makes Himself to he felt, by a parable of the order and dependence of the Pontiffs housej where all that dwell in it are dependent upon him, are sustained by him ; and the Pontiff dying, the whole household breaks up, "^'so that he who was secretary is secretary no longer, and the same of all the other officers of the household, who, on the Pontiff's death, lose the being which his life gave them.^ Short as this connection with Adrian must necessarily have been, it would be long enough for an intelligent and observant youth to become, under such a man, well acquainted with the state of things at Rome ; to have had his mind directed to the reformation of morals and manners while in the very field of corruption ; and to learn the features of those special evils which are drawn with so much clearness of outhne in the two Dialogues which he subsequently wrote, especially in the Dialogo : en que particularmente se tratan las cosas acaecidas en Roma, el am de 1527 — a dialogue in which the circumstances are particularly discussed which occurred at Rome in 1527, arranged by Juan de Valdes, although circulated and acknowledged, for sufficient reasons, as a work by his brother.-^ We will now present to the reader some of Angleria's sentiments, which must naturally have influenced the minds of his friends, and especially of his youthful disciples— those with whom he held familiar intercourse. Among such friends and pupils we may name Don Hernando de Yaldes, the Regidor of Cuenca, and these his two sons, Alfonso and Juan. In Letter CXCI., written from Alcala to Mendoza, the 31st May, 1498, he thus speaks of the martyrdom of Girolamo Savonarola : — You already know that a certain friar of Ferrara, of the order of Preachers (as they are called), went on a long time condemning from pulpits in the city of Florence the bad life and evil manners of the Car- dinals and Pope. This good man so irritated the Pontiff [Alexander VI.] that he caused him to be burnt alive as a heretic by the Apostolic judges. Notice, in this occurrence, the artifices with which he weaves his scheme ' Eanke's " History of the Popes." later, gave them correctly in Ms edition, Consideration LI. Oxford, 1638, Oxford, 1638. ^R% }S *^^ edition of Cambridge, ^ "Carta del Seoretario Valdds al tr. iiT™."'' editor has changed Conde Baltasar Castiglione, Nunzio en tne author s words, I>apa, nella cam di EspaCa" [1528], in " Dialogo de la hnT^hM^i " tS'^u ?"°^®' ^'^^ Princes Lengua," ed. Madrid, 1860, pp. 9-15, household. Nicholas Ferrar, the trans- Apgndice. DEATH OF POPE. ALEXANDER VI. 15 when he wishes to eflfect a man's destruction, and be on your guard accordingly. In Letter CCLXY., from Segovia, where tlie court then was, dated Nov. 11, 1503, he tells Mendoza and his friend Fra Hernando de Talavera, first Archbishop of Granada, himself one of the first victims of the Spanish Inquisition : — Information has reached us that the Chief Pontiff, Alexander VI., has breathed his last. This is what they write from Eome. The Duke Valentino, the Pope's son, invited certain wealthy cardinals ; and in order that these should not suspect any treachery, he also invited his beloved Pontiff to meet them. He ordered two silver flagons to be filled with the most exquisite wine, putting a mortal poison into one of them. He charged a familiar servant of his, acquainted with the fact, that he should pour out from the poisoned vessel to the guests, and should fill the goblets for himself and the Pontiff from the other flagon. But the Ruler of all things, who is a just Judge, turned the craft against the contriver. The Pontiff sent the servant, the accomplice, on an errand which obliged him to leave the sideboard. Valentino entreated the Pope to send another servant on the message. The Pope insisted that the above-mentioned servant should go. Valentino, in order to escape suspicion, remamed silent. The other servant, who was left in charge of the flagons, and who was ignorant of the wicked design, when they called for wine, poured out to the Pope and Valentino from the poisoned vessel ; and from the pure one to the cardinals, whose death had been plotted. Alexander, who, as an aged man, had not strength to resist the violence of the poison, died ; but Valentino, the contriver of the infamous transaction, conscious of the cfrcumstances, succeeded in arresting the poison by the aid of clever medical men. His youth likewise contributed to render the treatment efficacious ; yet he lost his hair, his skin peeled oif, and his flesh wasted, through the virulence of the poison. It is even reported that they kept him swaddled in the viscera of freshly-slaughtered mules. It is in everj'- body's mouth how this Pope Alexander VI. lived. Our reigning queen, a good CathoKc, does not appear to have been much affected by the intel- ligence of the Pontiff's death, though her consort was absent, he being at that time on the French frontier. In an earlier Letter, No. OXVIL, dated from Saragossa, September 18, 1492, Angleria, upon learning Alexander's election, wrote to Valenziano Franzisco de Prado, a member of the household of the recently-made Pope, in the fol- lowing terms : — It is said that thy patron has, upon the death of Innocent VIII., been elevated to the tiara, and that he assumes the title of Alexander VI. To thee, I, as one of thy friends, owe congratulations, since I think that, if thou hast not gathered more from his table than a bare subsistence, he wiU now assign thee a better table from the iinest of the wheat which he possesses. But as to ourselves and the Christian religion, I do not yet know whether I should rejoice or not ; for a report has reached my ears of intrigues base, sacrilegious, and infamous, which have served as steps, by means of which thy patron has just succeeded in attaining this emi- nence — that is, he owes his elevation rather to the agency of gold, silver, and great promises, than to learning, chastity, and the fervour of charity. 16 LIFE OF JUAN DE VALDES. If this be so, then he has attempted to scale the waUs of paradise for the purpose of dethroning Christ and glorifying himself ; not to do Him honour, &c. And tMs is not tlie strongest part of the letter against the Pope Alexander tlie Sixth. In Letter CXVIII., which follows, addressed to the Oonde de Tendilla, who had, when at Eome, been upon intimate terms with Pope Alexander Borgia, Angleria shows himself astonished at his election, " sought much more by Alexander for self-glorification, and for the enrichment of his sacrilegiously-begotten son's— ^ begotten whilst he was a Cardinal — and because, from his licentiousness, the absolute plunder of the patrimony of St. Peter would necessarily be accomplished during his Papacy." Thus did the tutor of the brothers Valdes express himself in a letter to a Spanish nobleman respecting a Spanish Pope. It was his policy which suggested the Instructions ' which the sub-Prior of Santa Cruz received when sent, in 1498, on a secret mission to Henry VII., King of England, in order to sohcit his co-operation with Ferdinand and Isabella, and some other influential Catholic princes, for the correction of the flagitious conduct of Alexander VI. This extensive design of ecclesiastical reformation ante- ' These Insfcnictions could not be found by Mr. Bergenroth for his "Ca- lendar of State Papers," either in our English archives or in those of Siman- cas. From a document of later date, Mr. Bergenroth supposes the mission of the sub-Prior of Santa Cruz to have had reference to the suppression of heresy ; but the reader will perceive that they embrace a much wider scope of policy — • even the correction of the Papacy itself. See the Instructions at the end of the chapter. See also the printed documents in the^3ritish Museum, where they may be foundunder the press-mark "Garcilasso, 1445 g.," bearing the title of " Carta S, los Reyes. D. Fernando y D*. Isabel, de Su Kmbajador en Roma en 1498, inedita. Van Adjuntos Otros Dooumentos Di- plomatioos de Aquella Epoca, tambien ineditos. San Sebastian, imprenta de Ignacio Ramon Baroja, 1842." The same small tract which contains the Instructions, comprises also a letter of scarcely less importance than the preceding document, from Garcilasso, the father of the poet, while am- bassador at Rome, so early as the year 1498. This letter, amongst other conclusions it supplies, shows that cer- tain persons of note (who are named), professmgheretioalorreformedopinions, had fled from Spain and sought re- fuge in Rome during the pontificate of Alexander VI. ; that the Inquisition then existing in Spain desired the sanction and support of the Pope's authority for its establishment, which he was slow to give, though soMeited for that purpose by Garcilasso; that Gar- cilasso, finding the Pope to purpose arresting Peter of Aranda, Bishop of Calahorra, on some pretext of charges of irregularities, &c., but in reality,^ as Garcilasso thought, from an avaricious desire to secure the revenues of his bishopric, availed himself of the occa- sion to suggest that the Pope should at the same time arrest the refngee reform- ers, thereby giving to hoih proceedings the colour of zeal Jor the Church, and that this was accordingly done. The expressions of Garcilasso in reference to " this infection," as then stiU reigning, to be purged from Spain to wipe away an opprobrium to the Spanish name, are also remarkable as indicating a greater diffusion of the principles of reformation than may hitherto have been discerned in the history of Spain- at that period. The letter refers, be- sides, to the English marriage — that of Catherine, daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella, to Arthur, the then Prince of Wales, who was married Nov. 14th, 1601, and died April 2ad, 1502. POPES JULIUS II. AND LEO X. 11 cedent to LutHer was suggested by the genius of Pedro Martir Angleria^ wlio was himself selected and advanced to his position by the still more comprehensive mind of Men- doza. These efforts for reformation of the Churchy within the Church, were consistent with the truly national policy of Spain at that period, and tend to elucidate the moderate poUcy of Charles V., in the succeeding generation, in his contests with the Pope, and his forbearance towards the German Reformation. We shall refraiu from quoting here the energetic language with which Angleria describes the deeds, the fortunes, and the incidents of other Popes, his contemporaries. In his letters he paiuts to the life Pope Julius II., personally engaged in the siege of Mirandola, during an inclement winter, looking imperturbably upon the deaths of numbers of his clerical dependents, who were struck down at his side: he subsequently represents him as dying suddenly, ia his 69th year, having amassed great treasure for the Church. He portrays Leo X., elected Pope contrary to custom, when but 38 years old — for Cardinals ever take pleasiure in electing the decrepit, cherishing both the desire and hope of witnessing their early removal. He then tells us that Leo X. was not so loving a husband to his spouse, the Church, as Julius II. ; for the latter called hep his spouse, and as such covered her with jewels and wealth ; but Leo treated her with neglect, and was solely intent upon enriching his relatives. He states that Leo took the duchy of Urbiuo from the nephew of Pope Julius, who at high noonday, and in the middle of the market-place of Urbino, had run his sword through the body of the Cardinal of Pavia; but that Leo had not done this to punish the murderer of the Cardinal, but that he might make his sister's son Duke of Urbino. Angleria then paints the cruel, loath- some, and disgusting manner in which the Cardinal of Sienna sought to poison the above-mentioned Leo X., whom he called a cruel tyrant ; and how the Pope avenged himself of his swinish adversary ; and that Angleria, in contem- plating such examples of avarice and ambition in popes and cardinals, astonished, knows not what to think, and remits the whole to the incomprehensible judgments of God, as is shown by his admirable Letter DLXXXVII. Ever consistently opposing himself to acts of pontifical cu- pidity, in Letter DXCVI. he dexterously puts them to shame. As Valdes has done at page 1 40 of the " Dialogo delaLengua," " a Mar in a sermon introduces the Church, who [complains of God that her husband maltreats her, and makes her say : 18 LIFE OP JUAN DE VALDES. 'And, Lord, if you do not believe me, look at tlie cardinals who have just been made for me'"]'; so in this letter Angleria condemns the simoniacal creation of 31 cardinals by Leo X., in the year 1517, saying that the old cardinals bit their lips with rage at seeing their office so degraded. [" Labia mordent omnes prae rabie. Vilescit jam gradus ille purpuratus."] But the principal topic in this letter is the advice which he gives in it to his friends and pupils, the Marquises de Velez, and Mondejar, of the General Synod of the Spanish clergy assembled at Madrid in September, 1517, to oppose themselves to the papal pretensions of Leo, who challenged the tenth part of the income of the Spanish clergy, upon the pretext of an invasion of the Turks. Angleria represented in the synod the chapter of the canons of Granada, whose prior and dean he was. Al the clergy agreed to petition, and if the Pope insisted, to disobey him. They said that this was a burden that had been discontinued, and was oppressive to Spain, and in violation of the laws established by councils. But Angleria especially shows his knowledge and opinions of popes and cardinals when he reports the death of Leo X., and the elevation of his friend the Cardinal of Tortosa to the Papacy, under the title of Adrian VI. He was a friend of Adrian from the time that the latter began to make any figure, or from the cradle of his fortune — a suis fortuncB cimabulis, as Angleria himself says ; that is, from the time when Adrian came as envoy to King Ferdinand the Catholic, from his grandson Charles of Ghent, whose tutor he had been. The terms of acquaintance between Adrian and Angleria were converted, during the last five years of Adrian's stay in Spain, into those of intimate friendship — from the year 1617 to 1522. And when Angleria saw Adrian chosen Pope, he ceased to consider his fortune enviable, and began to compassionate and commiserate him. He contemplated him, when invested with the tiara, as a wretched slave ; and so much the more wretched, as his adulators proclaimed him " blessed Father." And this is but a feeble translation of the animated expressions which Angleria employs in setting forth his feelings : " Calamitosior erit," says he, " Hcet populo pro- deat phaleratus, Beatumque esse inclamitent vociferatores ' What is put between brackets is but in other copies probably intended t^F^n-""? ^ Mayans in his edition of for presents ho inserts it. Don Usoy y " Oriffinfi« £°1 t"' '^^g",?-" See his Rio had one of these copies without Bup- ungmes de las Lenguas," tomo ii. in pression. all those copies intended for general sale. INTERVIEW OF ABEIAN VI. AND ANGLERIA. 19 idulandi causa. Majoro igitur miseratione dignus, quando- ^^uidem in hac lusoriatabulasenionem integrum est aasecutus.^' WTiile just before he had written : " To tell the truth, I reverenced the man whilst he was free, and envied his spirit. Now he is a slave ; and as I despise a slave, my envy is changed to pity." — Ut venom fatear, observabam viruin dum liber erat, et virtuti ejus invidebam. Servus effectus est; uti servum minoris facio, estque in miserationem invidia commu- tata. Angleria did not purpose to take leave in person, when Adrian set out for Rome ; but the fear of being dis- courteous, and the letters of the new Pope and those of his clerical dependents, in which they pressed him to do so, compelled him to go. " Pudor, tandem, et Pontijids fami- liarmm et amicorum literce me impulerunt." Angleria left Valladohd on the 14th of February, 1522, where he had passed sixteen months, tranquil and happy days, in the charming house of the Commendatore Ribera. Free from all constraint, he devoted himself to letters, and found recrea- tion in cultivating flowers and aromatic plants in the gardens attached to the house. He arrived late at night of the 11th of March, at Vittoria, and presented himself to the Pontiff early next day, the 12th, at the convent of San Francisco, where the Pope was staying. The Pontiff left his room at break of day, and said Mass according to custom ; afterwards Angleria prostrated himself before him, while he presented his foot, adorned with the cross ; he then raised and caressed Pedro Martir, recalling their old friendship. Angleria asks what commands he has for his master j the Pope replies that he would, from Logrono, to which place he was going, give him orders as to what he should do. Pedro Martir collects from the Pope's reply that it was his desire that he should accompany him to Rome, and says to him that " he had spent his best years and energies in the kingdoms of CastiUe ; that he had devoted himself to authorship, writing upon the new worlds discovered by the Spaniards, which would cause him to hve in future generations ; and that for him, now aged, it would be a hard thing to change climate." The Pope repKed that " he would think about it." Angleria remained silent, but did not think of going. The Pope left, giving all present his benediction; and Angleria, looking at him, turned roimd, and leaving without any further salutation, blessed him, esteeming him, how- ever, an object of pity. Angleria reports this interview in Letter DCOLVII. ; and in DCCLXVIII., reporting the Pope's silent entrance into the palace of the Vatican, and his exciting coronation in c 2 20 LIPi; OP JUAN DE VALDES. the Lateran, wHch took place within three days afterwards, exclaims thus: "Behold him, then, who previously, and with- out anxiety of any kind, lived most happily, drank fpom a rill, not only to satiety, but with satisfaction, more and better ihan if he had drunk from rivers of mighty volume, such as the Ganges or the Danube. He who but a short time ago was simply a dean of Louvaine, now seated upon a lofty throne, finds himself overwhelmed with most oppressive cares. I regret it, for he is a man of kind disposition, but wants that experience which was required in a leader of the Papal government, much more in a time hke the present, when everything is hurried on by the turbulent spirit of princes. He will either do nothing, or he will be tossed like a ball by his crafty cardinals, whose habit it is either to hate the pontiffs, who but a while since were their equals, or to treat them with scorn and torment them, in the hope of seeing them leave for another world as soon as possible." We must omit here what Angleria says as to the motive for the proceeding and persecution set on foot by the Inqui- sitors against the first Archbishop of Granada, Father Hernando de Talavera, his sister, and nephews. She and they were for a long while imprisoned by the Inquisition, where they were stripped of all their property and brought to the deepest indigence. His most indefatigable per- secutor was the Inquisitor Luzero, whom Angleria styled Tenebrero^ The most important rights of man are practically, though not ostensibly, defended by Angleria in his interesting col- lection of letters, and whatever was opposed to them is com- bated with the energy of his powerful talents. For instance, he defends eeligious libeety when he comes to treat of that subject, at page 186, in the following manner : — "No one, in my opinion, has been united by God in such inUmate relationship with Himself, as that He has granted him the faculty of searching the hearts of other men; for He has reserved this His peculiar prerogative to Himself alone. Let no mortal encroach upon this, for we never learn that He ever allowed any other being to share it — no, not one of the a/ngels. It has not been given to any man to penetrate the inwa/ri '' secrets of another." At page 117, where we read, " Thou wilt find but few pure men in the world,'^ &o., it appears to us as though we were reading a "Consideration" of Vald^s. At page 193 he sici6ti. See L^rente, " Historia de la luqui- x. art. iv. pp. 166-8, where he quotes On. Barcelona, 1835, tomo il. cap. the strongest language against Luzero. THE VALD^S' AND ERASMUS. 21 jortrays the state of Spain at that time, as we see it de- icribed in Vald^s' "Dialogues." At page 338 he concurs with what is stated in the " Dialogo de la Lengua/' that the great- less of the Emperor had been prejudicial to the prosperity md liberty of Castille. The unprecedented rapacity of the ninisters who came with Charles from Flanders, and the ictions of Charles's mother. Queen Juana ; the insurrection of ;he patriots ; the public and religious occurrences in Spain ; — Angleria presents and judges these subjects under many ispects, just as Juan de Vald^s afterwards treated them in his " Dialogues." Angleria's opinions and ideas, as presented in his collec- bion of Letters, serve as a key to ascertain those of Alfonso and Juan de Valdes ; and they likewise explain the differ- ence or harmony there was between the ideas of these his pupils and those of Erasmus and other foreigners. Hence it appears to us that the Valdes, before they knew Erasmus's writings, or corresponded with him, were already mentally prepared, by Angleria's peculiar instruction and personal method, for the promotion of reform in religion and pohtics. But they fortified themselves in those ideas by seeing them confirmed to some extent in the works of Erasmus. Hence they enjoyed his books, eagerly sought the acquaintance of their author, and then became his useful, trusty, and disinterested friends.* We may likewise say that Juan and Alfonso de Valdes reciprocated the instruction and proofs of friendship which Angleria gave them. For their father, Don Fernando de Valdes, perpetual Governor of Cuenca by right of inhe- ritance, and Don Diego Ramirez de Villaescusa de Haro, father, as we think, of Don Fernando de Valdes' wife, were the persons who gave Pedro Martir those lucid notices, which are found in his Letters, with reference to the interests, condition, and wants of Spain in the just and painful struggles of the patriotic Comunidades. Without the acquaintance of Don Fernando Valdes and Don Diego Ramirez, Angleria would not have been so valuable a councillor for the Cardinal Governor Adrian, and for the Chancellor Mercurino de Gattinara, on the occasions of those gloomy funerals of pohtical and civil Uberty in impoverished and exhausted Spain. From what has been stated, it will be inferred that there ' See the whole of the priuted letters Eapafloles," being the " Ciento i diez which passed'between Erasmus and the Considerazioues de Juan de Valdes." Vald^V, translated into Spanish in 1863. Ap&dize, 493-554. vol. xTii of " Eeformistas Aatiguos 22 Lli'E OJ? JUAN DE VALD^S. was a community of purpose between those who have been mentioned here^ not only of eympathyj but likewise of actiorij for the welfa/re of 8pain, "para bien de Espaiia;" and tMs reciprocity brought about the entrance of Alfonso de Valdes into public life in 1520. In the month of September, 1517, there came to Spain, in Charles's suite, amongst other Frenchmen and Flemings, a Flemish jurisconsult named Sauvage^ with the rank of Grand Chancellor.' This personage was, in May, 1618, at his master's side in Saragossa, having, with disgraceful rapacity, and within eight months only, extorted from Castillo and remitted to Flanders more than a million ducats.'^ Flanders, afflicted years after- wards by the devastating sword of the ruthless Duke of Alba, wept over these flagitious transactions. However ill the Spaniards behaved, the Flemings were punished. " Quidquid delirant Reges, plectimtui Achivi." Whilst at Saragossa, the grand Chancellor Sauvage was making his arrangements to plunder Arragon of a greater amount than he had taken from Castille ; three Blastuses . (Acts xii. 20), or chamberlains, his intimate dependents, slept always near him. It is remarkable that he and they died about the same time — two of them within a few days of one another, whilst the third was drowned bathing in the Ebro. They preceded their master, the Chancellor, who was already sick, and died very shortly after. As the plan, conceived by the deceased Chancellor whilst ' The following statement will faoili- It will readily be perceived how tho tate the distinction between the different venal nominations to inferior offices of Spanish chanceries and chancellor- a mercenary chancellor would spread ships. The Imperial Chancery is pre- a system of mercenary oppression over sided over by an individual, the Chan- the whole country, cellor or Grand Chancellor, he being After the death of Ximenes, Charles the prime-minister of the monarch ; V. had imprudently appointed Sauvage then the Chancellor of Castille, the Chancellor, and he, with G-uillermo do Chancellor of Arragon, &c., were digni- Croy, SefiordeChievres, Charles's former taries, certain grandees who got money tutor and subsequent prime-minister, by the right and privilege of signing and his wife, vied with each other in documents, warrants, and patents, all the refinements of extortion and principally upon nominations to ofBces venality. One fact may be mentioned and station in Castille, Arragon, &c. from Letter DCXX. of Angleria; the The Chanceries of VaUadolid, Granada, Orati Camiller, who died at Saragossa, &o., were something quite different ; among the bribes or extortions that he they are courts of justice or supreme gathered in Spain, counts one of 10,000 tribunals at those places, and are so ducats which the Jews gave him, of tho called because it likewise pertains to 20,000 that they had promised him, in them to sign the warrants for holding order that he should suppress the secret certain of&ces within the district of the accusations in the causes against them particular Court of Chancery. There by the Inquisition. Angleria calls him are likewise chancellors at the univer- a Barpy. sities whose business is conducted in 2 See Anglerias Letter DCXXII. tho Canzelario, or Chancery Court. ALFONSO DE VALDES. 23 yet in Flanders, was to sell everything, lie surrounded him- self with coadjutors, introducing into the Chancery forty of his evil retainers, ]paniaguados, whom he styled secretaries, but who really were nothing better than thieves and bullies. Death, in carrying off the Chancellor, cut off the chief head of this hydi-a ; but the Spanish patriots, fearing lest seven other heads should sprout forth from the severed trunk, studied to prevent such a result to the best of their ability. One of the things they did to check this corruption was to introduce Alfonso Valdes into the General Chancery as Latin Secretary, which they accomplished through the influence of Don Diego Ramirez and of Angleria. By this arrangement all the subjects that mainly affected the interest of Spain had to pass under the notice of Valdes. The newly-appointed Chancellor was Mercurino de Gattinara,'' a man of information and experience in affairs, who, being desirous to act rightly in the government, and being a foreigner, naturally confided Spanish matters almost wholly to a Spaniard in whom he at once recognized abihty and honesty, who had been presented to him by his countryman Pedro Martir de Angleria, and by his friend, the noble Don Diego Ramirez de Yillaescusa, one who had so much influence with his pupil, the Queen Doiia Juana, the mother of Charles V. We thus see the means by which Alfonso de Yaldes was introduced into the Cabinet or Imperial Chancery. He entered, upon his office of Latin Secretary in the beginning of the year 1520, and retained it permanently until the close of the year 1530. It was from the same pohcy, we assume, that Juan de Valdes was placed near the person of Adrian of Utrecht, and that when Adrian was elected Pope in the year 1522, Juan de Valdes accompanied the Pontiff to Rome. > Mercurino Gattinara di Arborio, Soon after, he was raised to the dignity near VeroeUi, in Piedmont, bom 1465, of Cardinal. In that same year he died 1530, was an eminent jurisconsult, arranged the terms of a treaty for the and an honourable and enlightened defence of Italy, which was considered man, favourable to the Reformation, by Cardinal Granvelle a political capo He was of a noble family of VerceUi, lavoro. He died at Innspruck in June, and successively CounciUor of the Duke 1530.— Gerdes, "Hist. Reform.," vol.i. ofSavoy, and President of the Parliament pp. 195-204 Gerdes, "ItaUaj Re- of Franche-Comt6. In 1518, Charles form." p. 267. See also M. Youn^, v. appointed him his Chancellor. He "Life and Times of Aomo Paleano, drew up the Articles of Conciliation be- vol. i. p. 222, n. 2. tween the Emperor smd the Pope inl529. 24 LIFE OF JUAN DE VALDI^S. SECRET INSTRUCTIONS GIVEN TO THE SUB-PrIOB OF SaNTA OeUZ, BENT TO ENGLAND IN 1498. [Document referred to at page 16, note.] ROME. Bemcn-lcable. A.D. 1498.— The King and the Queen. [As to the correction of Alexander VI.] The following is what the sub-Prior of Santa Cruz is to say to the King of England in a private interview. That which you, the sub-Prior of Santa Cruz, have to say to the King of England upon our part, when you pass through it, upon the journey which you now make by our command to Flanders, is as follows : — That knowing his great goodwill, and how much he is a most Christian and CathoUo kmg, and what zeal he has in diviue things, and the wel- fare of the Church ; it appeared to us that we ought to England. communicate with him very secretly, and not in the presence Friar °^ ^^^ other person, upon this highly important matter. That he already must know what love and attachment we have to our very Holy Father, and how much we desire to do for him. And that we are more constrained than other princes to this, not only by his being the Vicar of Jesus Christ, but because he is our countryman.' And of the love we cherish towards him : and of what we desire to do for him : our past acts, and especially all that has transpired in the war,^ which was on account of the Church and for its defence, may well witness. And many say, that from this it comes to pass that the Pope, holding us to be so favouralDle and so stanch to his interests, dares to do things more exorbitant than he otherwise would : — and even recently they teU us that he is now intent upon withdrawing the Cardinal of Valencia from being of the clergy, in order to raise him in station both in the estimation of the laity and of the clergy ; and this supervening upon the plan he adopted when he made him a cardinal, and upon his having stripped the Church of Benevento in order to give it to the Duke of Gandia f and seeing that he sells aU the benefices that fall vacant, in order to purchase position for his son : and obstructs the reformation of monasteries within our realms, and still more so, all reformation of the Church of Rome, by proceedings so contrary to what the Vicar of Jesus Christ ought to do, and so scan- dalous, and of such evil example for aU Christians. It grieves us much, and we feel it to the soul, and both for the cause of God and for the welfare and honour of the Church, and even as far as His Holiness is concerned, we heartily desire a remedy for it, and that it may be without damage and without inconvenience to the person of His Holiness. For if it be not remedied, it might bring much damage to the whole Universal Church. And that we, moreover, have abeady endeavoured privately to remedy this with His Holiness ; and with relation to it have taken every step we could devise. We see not only that we have not succeeded, but it seems that the excesses and disorderly practices of His Holiness are on the in- crease, and are so aggravated that it requires prompt measures to ward off geatermjury which might happen to the Church. And that he (the Kmg) already knows it to be peculiarly the duty of Christian princes, to whom God has given greater power upon earth, to provide the remedy for Alexander VI. was a Valenoian. ^ of Granada. s Town of Valencia. SEOEET INSTRUCTIONS FOE THE KINO OP ENGLAND. 25 this. That it does not appear to us to be desirable to attain this by means of a council, as well on account of the scandal and schism which might spring from it to the Church, as from the damage that it might bring to the person of His Holiness. But it does appear to us that we ought to attain it by admonitions and memorials, presented to His Holiness by us all through our ambassadors. That although our entreaties have not up to this time moved him, we believe that His Holiness, seeing that we, a body of Christian princes, act unitedly against him, wOl, from fear, come to do that which he ought : — that to this end certain kings will follow our example, and because we believe that he (Henry VII.) as a Catholic prince, zealous for the service of God, and for the welfare and honour of the Church, would wilUngly concur in this ; we affectionately ask that he be pleased so to act : and that he may send his ambassadors to Eome upon this subject, in order that his, and ours, and those of the princes who shall to this end combine with us, may labour with admonitions and entreaties to remedy this evU with His Holiness. That our ambassadors shall be those who shall propound the matter, and shall carry it forward, and shall expose themselves to the affronts which will be consequent thereto. That his ambassadors have only to agree with ours, and with those of others who shall combine against him, and to pursue the same course. And in this manner we hope in God that it may be remedied ; and those evils be avoided which might happen to the Church were it not done. If there be peace with Prance ; If there be neither peace nor war ; If there should be war. Should there be war with the Archduke.' ' This appears to ask what the King of England would do ia any of these four ROMA. Notable. Ano 1498.— El Key b la Retna. [Sohre la correccidn de Ahxandro VP Lo que el Sopridr ha de dezir al Rey de Inglaterra, il solo aparte, es lo siguiente. Lo que, vos, el padre Sopri6r de Santa Cruz, habeis de dezir de nuestra parte al Rey de Inglaterra, cuando por alii passdredes, en este camino que agora vais por nuestro mandado & Flandes, es lo siguiente : — Que conociendo su mucha voluntdd, y cudn cristianissi mo y catolico Rey es : y cuanto zelo tiene a las cosas de Dios, y al bien de la Iglesia ; nos parecid que debiamos comunicar con ^1 este caso de tanta Inglaterra. importancia, con vos muy secretamente, y no con otra per- sona ; paia sab& sobre 61 su parecdr. Que ya A debe sab^r, cuanto amor y acatamiento tenemos nosotros a nuestro muy Santo Padre, y cuanto deseamos fazfo por ^1 :— y a esto somos obligados nosotros mas que otros principes, no solamente por ser el Vicario de Ihu. Xsto., Nuestro Sen6r, mas por ser nuestro natural.^ „ , , Y del am6r que le tenemos ; y de lo que por &. deseamos fazer ; buen 2 Alejandro VI. era Valenciano. 26 LIFE OP JUAN DB VALDBS. testigo son nuestras obras passadas hechas en su fav6r, y sefialadamente todo lo pasado en la guerra, que U& principalmente por la Iglesia, j por su defensidn ddl :-y d&to viene, que muchos nos dizen, que temendonos el Papa por tan favorables y tan oiertos para las cosas suyas, se atreve A faz^r cosas muy exorbitantes, que de otra manera no las faria :— que ao-ora de nuevo nos dicen, que se pone en quer& sacdr de la Iglesia al Cardenal de Valencia, siendo de EvanjeUo, para hazerlo grande con lo aieno, y con lo de la Iglesia ; y viniendo esto sobre la manera que turo en fazerlo Cardenal, y sobre haber quitado a Benavento la Iglesia, para darla el Duque de Gandia : y yiendo que vende todos los benefioios que vacan, para compriir estado para su fijo r y estorba que no se hagan las reformaciones, de los monesterios de nuestros reynos ; ymuoho menos la refomiaci(3n de la Iglesia de Roma, en obras, tan contrarias, A. lo que debe faz6r el Vicario de Ihft. Xsto. y tan esoandalosas, y de tan mal enjemplo para todos los cristianos. Nos pesa mucho, y lo sentimos en el alma, y por lo de Dios y por el bien y honra de la Iglesia ; y ahiin por lo que tooa i, Su San.' deseamos mucho el remedio deUo ; y que fuese sin daiio, y sin iuconveniente de la persona de Su Santidad. Porque si no se remediasse, podria trah^r mucho dafio a toda la universal Iglesia. Y que nosotros, ya habemos procurado secretamente el remedio dfflo con Su San'. ; y habemos fecho sobrello todas las dilijenoias que habemos podido : y vemos que no solamente no han aprovechado ; mas parece que cuanto mas va, mas crecen los excesses y desordenes de Su Santidad. Y son en tanto grade, que para escusar el maydr dano, que dfflo se podria seguir & la Iglesia, se requiere presta provision. Y que ya sahe que procurer el remedio de esto, toca i, los prinoipes cristianos, a quien mas poder di6 Dios en la tierra. Que proouiarlo por yia de conoiho, no nos pareze bien ; assi por el esodndalo y cisma, que dfflo se podria seguir en la Iglesia ; como por el dano que se podria seguir A la persona de Su Santiddd. Mas par&enos que lo debemos procurer con amonestaoiones y suplicaciones, enviando todos, nuestros embajadores sobrello i Su Santiddd. Que ahimque nuestras suplicaciones no hayan fasta aqui aprovechado en ello ; creemos que viendo Su San.' que nos jimtamos para ello algimos Principes cristianos ; de miedo, vernd a faz& lo que debe. Que paia esto nos seguiran algunos Reyes y por jue creemos que ^1, como cat61ico Principe, zeladiir del servicio de Dios, y del bien y honra de la Iglesia, querrd entend^r en esto con buena voluntad ; le rogamos afectuosamente, que assi lo quiera faz^r : y quiera envidr sobre eUo sus embajadores i Roma, para que ellos y los nuestros, y los de los Principes, que para esto se juntaran con nosotros, con amonestaoiones, y suplicaciones trabaien de remediar esto con Su San'. Que_ nuestros embajadores seran las que proposaran el negocio y lo llevaran adelante, y se pornan i las afruentas que sobreUo se hubieren d^ fazdr. Que, los suyos, no es menester sino que se conformen con los nuestros, y con los otros que para ello se conformaren, y sigan lo mismo que ellos. Y desta manera esperamos en Dios que se podria aqueUo remedidi ; y escusarse los males que dello se podrian seguir i la Iglesia no se faziendo. Si hay paz con Francia ; Si no hay paz ni guerra ; Si hubiesse guerra. Si fuesse lo del Archiduque.' ' PareceproguntSr, qu« haria el Ray de Inglaterra en uno do estoa ouatro casoa. 27 CHAPTER 11. Alfonso de Valdbs was introduced into the Chancery as Latin Secretary to the Emperor in the beginning of the year 1520. Many concurring circumstances kept the atten- tion of Charles's councillors absorbed in the affairs of Germany, where his presence was required for his formal coronation as King of the Romans.^ The heresy of Luther was now making rapid advances, which demanded his most serious consideration, as did also the growing alliance be- tween Francis I. and Henry VIII. Charles and Francis had entered the lists as candidates for the Imperial dignity, but conducted their rivalship with courteous professions of regard for each other. " We both court the same mistress/' said Francis, with his usual vivacity ; " each ought to urge his suit with all the address of which he is master ; the most fortunate will prevail, and the other must rest contented." The preference, however, given to Charles in the sight of all Europe mortified Francis, and inspired him with all the passions natural to disappointed ambition. To this was owing the personal antagonism which existed between the two monarchs during the re- mainder of their reigns, which was aggravated by the difference between their natural disposition. At this juncture the chief attention both of Charles and Francis was directed to gain over the King of England, from whom each of them expected effectual assistance. We must not judge the administration of Henry VIII. wholly by the defects of his own character ; many of his impolitic proceedings are to be attributed to the passions ' The Emperors of Germany, in order elect. Tiough historiana have not that their eldest sons might be chosen attended to that distinction, neither the their successors in their own lifetime, Italian nor German Chancery bestowed politically obtained them the title of any other title upon him than that of King of the Romans.— Haydn's " Die- King of the Eomans ; and no example tionary of Dates," ed. 1861. occurrmgin history of any persons being The Emperor Maximilian, Charles's chosen a successor to a king of the grandfather, had discovered before his Komans, the Germans, always tenacious death gi-eat solicitude to preserve the of their forms, and unwilling to confer imperial dignity in the Austrian family, upon Charies an office for which their and to procure the King of Spain to be constitution knew no name, obstinately chosen his successor. Btft he himself refused to gratify Maximilian in that having never been crovmed by the Pope point. By his death this difficulty -a ceremony deemed essential in that was at once removed. -Robertson s age-was considered only as Emperor " Charles V.," vol. i. p. 384, ed. 1827. 28 LIFE OF JUAN DE VALDES. and insatiable ambition of Cardinal Wolsey. Great talents, and of very different kinds, fitted the Cardinal to sustain the two opposite characters of an ecclesiastic and a courtier. His judgment, his industry, his acquaintance with the state of the kingdom, his extensive knowledge of the policy and interests of foreign courts, qualified him for the uncontrolled direction of affairs. His elegant manners, gay conversation, insinuating address, love of magnificence, and proficiency ia those branches of Hterature of which Henry was fond, gained him the confidence and affection of the young monarch. Wolsey, far from employing his vast and almost regal power to promote either the trae interests of the nation or the real greatness of his master, was at the same time rapacious and profuse. Boundless ia his ambition, he aspired after new honours with an eagerness unabated by his former success. Rendered presumptuous by his rapid elevation as well as by the influence he had gained over a prince who scarcely submitted to advice from any otter person, he displayed in his whole conduct the most over- bearing pride and haughtiness. To these passions he sacri- ficed every other consideration j and whoever endeavoured to obtain his favour, or that of his master, found it necessary to soothe and to gratify them. This character was quickly perceived and well understood by the Spanish statesmen, whose national disposition tended too much in the same direction. Charles soon became aware of the growing friendship of Francis and Henry, and regarded it with the utmost jealousy and concern. His near affinity to the King of England, through his relationship to Catherine of Arragon, as well as the traditionary policy of his grandfather, Ferdinand, gave him a title to his friendship. Early after his accession to the throne of Castille, he strove to ingratiate himself with Wolsey, by settling on him a pension of 3,000 livres. His chief anxiety at this time was to prevent .the intended interview of Francis and Henry ; but in this he was unsuc- cessful. Charles sailed from Coruiia, May 26, 1520, steering his course directly towards England; he landed at Dover, relying upon Henry's generosity for his own safety. Wolsey was well acquainted with the Emperor's intention in this unex- pected visit, which had in fact been concerted between them. Henry, who was then at Canterbury, o.n his way to France for the interview of the Cloth of Gold, immediately dis- patched Wolsey to Dover to welcome the Emperor Highly pleased with an event so soothing to his vanity Wolsey COBONATION OF CHARLES V. 29 hastened to receive him with suitable respect, and Charles granted the Cardinal, whom he called his most dea/r friend, an additional pension of 7,000 ducats. Time was of the utmost consequence to Charles. He stayed only four days in England, and during that short space he had the ability to impress Henry favourably, and to detach Wolsey entirely from the interests of Francis. The papal dignity had long been the object of Wolsey's aspira- tions ; and Francis, as the most effectual method of securing his friendship, had promised to support his pretensions on the first vacancy. But as the Emperor's influence in the College of Cardinals was greatly superior to that of the French king, Wolsey grasped eagerly at the offer which Charles made him of exerting it on his behalf ; he therefore entered with warmth into all the Emperor's schemes. Charles passed onward to the Netherlands, and, notwithstanding his fondness for the place of his nativity, made but a short stay there to receive the homage and congratulations of his countrymen ; he then hastened for his coronation to Aix-la- Chapelle, the city in which, since Charlemagne, the German Emperors have been successively crowned. There, in presence of an assembly more numerous, august, and splen- did than had ever been convened there upon any previous occasion, the crown of Charlemagne was placed upon his head on the 23rd of October, 1520.i Only two days afterwards, while the gorgeous ceremony was yet glowing in his remembrance, Alfonso Valdes, who had accompanied the Emperor from Brussels to Aix-la- Chapelle, sent a description of it to his friend and master, Pedro Martir de Angleria. On the 20th of November, Angleria transmitted a copy of it to his pupils, the Mar- quises de Velez, and Mondejar, with whom he corresponded on terms of confidential friendship. " Listen," says he, " to a charming narrative. I send you the copy of a letter from [Alfonso] Valdes, in which he describes the whole order of the Emperor's coronation."* The earliest correspondence, however, of Alfonso de Valdes with Angleria dates from his arrival at Brussels. It was upon the state of society in Germany, agitated by the re- ligious revolution stirred up by Luther — a movement that had just lately commenced. It was of importance that Angleria, who now chiefly directed the internal poUcy of Spain, should be perfectly informed respecting the germs of those stupendous events which the sagacity of Alfonso ' See Eobertson'a" History of Charles = See tbe letter at the close of this v.," vol. ii. book 2, ed. 1827. chapter. 30 LIFE OF JUAN DE VALDES. Valdes, at this early period of his official service, clearly foresaw would follow. At the same time, this correspond- ence shows that Valdes himself, while he was one of the most ardent reformers of the Papacy itself, was no favourer of Luther. From Pedro Martir de Angleria to his Pupils, the Marquises de Velez, and Mondejar, 18th September, 1520. The events that transpire in these kingdoms are not hidden from you. Of those which occur abroad, and which are come to our knowledge, read the fearful occurrence which Alfonso Valdes, a youth of great promise, describes to me with no less fidelity than elegance. You already know his father, Fernando de Valdi5s, the Eegidor de Cuenca. Alfonso Vald& greets his friend Pedro Martir. That which you would fain learn from me, as to the origin and progress of the Lutheran sect, which has recently sprung up among the Grermans, I am now about to write to you, if without elegance, at least with accuracy, relatiug things conscientiously, as I have heard them from persons worthy of credit. I think you are already aware that Pope Julius II. had begun to erect, in the city of Rome, a temple dedicated to the Priuce of the Apostles, at incredible expense, and exceeding in the vastness of its proportions all similar structures, with good reason thinking it indecorous that the Prince of the Apostles should be meanly lodged, particularly since men, from religious motives, repair thither from all parts of the world. And this greatest and most magnanimous of men would have finished the mighty work had he not been taken off by death during the process of its erection. Leo X. succeeded him, who, not having adequate funds to defray the large outlay, sent throughout Christendom the amplest absolutions, or pardons, commonly called indulgences, for those who should contribute offerings for the erection of the temple ; he thought that by such means he should clear an immense sum of money, getting it especially from the Germans, whose veneration for the Church of Rome was singularly loyal. But as there is nothing firm and stable in human affairs — nothing that is not destroyed either by the damage brought by time or by the maHce of men — so it is a fact, that these indulgences have brought it to pass that Germany, which surpasses in religion every other Christian nation, may now actually see itself left behind by them all. For as a certain Dominican was preaching in Wittemberg, a city in Saxony, and urging the people to purchase these pontifical indulgences, from which this friar himself netted no mean profits, an Augustinian monk, of the name of Martin Luther, and the author of this tragedy, came forward, possibly moved by envy of the Dominican, and published certain piinted propositions, in which he affirmed that the Dominican attributed to his indulgences effects much greater than the Roman Pontiff either did or could concede. The Dominican having read the propositions, was m- flamed with wrath against the Augustinian, and the dispute between the monks was exasperated both by injvu'ious expressions and by arguments— the one defending his sermon, and the other defending his propositions ; so that the Augustinian, with the characteristic audacity of the wicked, began to disparage the papal indulgences, and to say that they had been devised, not for the welfare of the Christian body, but to satisfy sacerdotal avarice ; and from this pomt the monk proceeded to discuss 'the powers ol the Roman Pontiff. ^ Here you have the first scene of this tragedy, which we owe to monkish LETTER OF ALFONSO DE VALDES. 31 animosity ; for since tho Augiistinian envies the Dominican, and the Dominican, in his turn, the Augiistinian, and both of them the Fran- ciscan, what else shall we expect but the gravest dissensions ? And now let us come to scene the second. Frederick the Duke of Saxony, and Albert the Cardinal Archbishop of Mentz, were, as Electors, coUeagu.es in the election of Roman Emperors ; the former, who was not on the best of terms with the latter, had heard that Albert made much money by these indulgences, the Prelate and the Pope having agreed to share the money thus obtained between them. In the meanwhile, the Duke, who sought an opportunity to deprive the Arch- bishop of these gains, did not let slip that presented by an audacious monk, who, ready for any bad action, had stood forward to declare war against the pontifical indulgences. Accordingly, the Duke seized upon all the money in the hands of the so-called commissaries, which had been collected in his duchy, saying that " he intended to appoint a man, one of his subjects, in Home, to present that money to the fabric of St. Peter, who should, at the same time, see to the proper expenditure of the other sums which had been collected for that purpose in other parts of Germany." But the Pontiif, on whom it devolves to guard the liberties of the Church, and not to permit profane princes to intermeddle in things solely within the province of the Roman Pontiff, warned the Duke once and again, both by letters couched in the most affectionate terms, and by nuncios specially sent to Germany, that he should not act so injuriously to the Apostolic seat, but should refund the confiscated moneys, which the Duke obstinately refused to do ; whereupon the Pontiff, going to the other exti-eme, declared him excommunicated. Then the Augustinian, having gained the Duke's favour, assured him, with great hardihood, that such a sentence was invalid, because iniquitous, for the Roman Pontiff could excommuni- cate no one unjustly ; and he began, through printed circulars, which were spread with facility and rapidity throughout aU Germany, to publish many and grave things against the Roman Pontiff and the Romanists. Luther, moreover, exhorted the Duke of Saxony not to be driven, by dread of the Papal anathema, from the determination he had once formed. Further- more, he declared that the temper of the Germans was getting irritated by long contemplation of the worse than profane habits of the Romanists, and that they had secretly begun to devise how to loosen and shake off the yoke of the Roman Pontiff, which was accomplished when Luther's writings were first published, and received with general admiration and applause. Then the Germans, showing their contempt for the Romanists, evinced at the same time their intense desire, and they demanded it too, that there should be convened a General Council of all Cliristians, in which, those things being condemned, against which Luther had written, better order might be established in the Church. Would to God that this had been realized ! In the meanwhile, the Pontiff obstinately guards his rights, and fears lest Christians should hold a meeting ; for (to speak freely) his particular interests, which might possibly be endangered by a General Council, weigh more with him than the welfare of Christendom. He is also anxious to have Luther's writings suppressed without discussion, and has sent a Legate k latere to Maximilian, to procure, amongst other things, that silence be imposed on Luther by the Emperor's authority and that of the whole Roman empire. They then convened a General Diet, an Imperial Parliament, at Augsburg, a celebrated city of Germany, where Luther appeared, having been summoned by an Imperial decree, and where he defended his writings with great power ; whereupon Cajetan had to enter upon the arena. Cajetan — for such was the Legate's name — alleged that " a monk ought not to have a hearing, who had written so many blasphemies against the Roman Pontiff." And the Estates of the Empire, 32 LIFE OF JUAN DE VALDES. in their turn, declared " that U was an imiquitous thing to condemn a man unheard, or without hoAiing previously convinced him, and compelled him to retract those very v/ritings which he decla/red himself ready to defend. That if this Cajetan (a man, as you know, profoundly yersed in polemics) could convince Luther, they were ready (both the Emperor and the Estates of the Empire) to pass sentence on him." Thus Oajetan, seeing that he should make no progress unless he combated Luther face to face, -which he had attempted once, but came off unsuccessfully, departed, leaving the affair unsettled. Luther was dismissed with greater glory than that with which he had been received — with a victor's joy. Alas ! that human re- lations are so prone to 01 : relying upon the Duke of Saxony's protection, he wrote and published, with fresh vigour, new dogmas opposed to the Apostolic institutions. The Pope, seeing that he could, neither by caresses nor by warnings, cause the deserved punishment to be imposed upon the blasphemous monk, in order that he might not diffuse the poison which he scattered on every side with impunity, and that aU might flee the man declared a heretic and schismatic, launched a most severe BuU, as they call it, against Luther and Luther's partisans. Luther, much more irritated than dismayed by this proceeding (oh, shame !), proclaimed the Pontiff himself a heretic and schismatic, and issued a pamphlet, entitled " De Gaptivitate Babylonica Ecclesiw," " The Babylonian Captivity of the Church," in which — ^Eternal God ! — he combats the decrees and statutes of councils and popes, and with what artifices ! In it he affirms that John Huss was iniquitously condemned by the Council of Constance, and that he, Luther, would defend as orthodox all those propositions of his which had been condemned. And not content with this, he pubhcly burnt all the books on Eoman law that he could find in Wittemberg, saying that " they perverted and contaminated the Christian religion, and that for this reason they ought to be destroyed." The report of these events, spread throughout all Germany, excites to such an extent the minds of the Germans against the Apostolic seat, that if the prudence and piety of the Pontiff, or the good star of our Emperor, ia conjunction with a General Council, do not come to the relief of these evils, I fear, and I do very much fear, that this evil will spread so widely as to be absolutely incurable. It has appeared to me to be my duty to describe these things, writing them here on the spot, and I hope by so doing to gratify you. Farewell. — Brussels, 31st August, 1520. "■"^ngleria, in transmitting the above, adds, by way of postscript : — Enough of the disloyal monk, in refutation of whom many grave and learned men have written much that you can readily get and read. FareweE — VaUadolid, 18th Sept., 1520. Anqlbeia.' Wben Charles arrived in Germany, in 1520, the opinions ,of Luther had made only a partial progress. No secular prince had embraced them. No change in the established forms of worship had been introduced. No encroachments had been made upon the possessions or jurisdiction of the clergy. A deep impression, however, had been made upon the minds of the people. Their reverence for ancient insti- tutions and doctrine was shaken, and Valdes sagaciously ' Letter DCLXXXIX. [page 380 of Elzevir, edit. 1670]. LETTER OF ALFONSO VALDES ON LUTHEE. 33 perceived and prophesied that the materials already scattered would kindle into combustion, and soon spread over all Germany. Students crowded from every province of the empire to Wittenberg ; under Luther himself, Melancthon, and other masters then reckoned eminent, they imbibed opinions which, on their return, they propagated among their countrymen. Had Leo checked the vices and excesses of the friars — had he restrained the discussion of controverted points, such as indulgences — had he been careful not to risk the credit of the Church by defining its Articles, Luther might have stopped short at his first exposure of abuses, and not been provoked to self-defence, and the controversy might probably have been confined to the gladiatorial displays of the schools. Luther was exasperated by an improper ex- ertion of authority on the part of Rome, but not restrained. Leo, by an exercise of lenity, gave time for his opinions to spread. The cause of Luther made rapid progress, arising from the nature of the Church-reforms demanded, and not less so from the juncture at which they were proposed. The Emperor's appearance in Germany at this period gave him an opportunity to interfere for its religious pacifi- cation. The Diet at Worms was assembled to regulate the internal police of the empire, to define the jurisdiction of the Imperial Chamber, and to fix the forms of its proceed- ings. A Council of Regency was appointed to assist Ferdi- nand in the government of the empire during the absence of the Emperor. The state of religion was then taken into consideration. Luther was summoned under the Emperor's safe-conduct to appear before the Diet. Prom the scene of the Diet, on the 13th of May, 1521, Alfonso de Yaldes addressed the following letter to Pedro Martir de Angleria on this subject. Angleria sent a copy as a portion of his letter to his pupU, the Marquis de los Velez. Pedko Martir Angleria to the Marquis de los Velez. After notifying to him the tumults in Italy, and the ravages of the plague in Germany, and in the members of the Emperor's court itself, he writes : — Listen to something else of greater importance. The Emperor has given letters of safe-conduct to the heretic Luther. He came to the court well attended. If princes favour those who promote novelties, such persons will never want followers, provided there be a glimpse of hope suggested by ambition or avarice. Alas for the Emperor's proceedings in this affair; they are thus decribed by Vald^s : — D 34 LIFE OP JUAN DB VALDES. Alfonso Valdfe greets his friend Pedro Martir. _ _ Prom Brussels I have already written to you as to the origin of the Lutheran party and its progress up to that time. I will describe in this letter the events which have since transpired. The Electors and other Orders of the Roman Empire, having been convened at this city of Worms, the Emperor, desirous that this affair of Luther's should be treated before every other, proposed that this man's folly should be repressed by the authority of the whole Roman Empire, that others might be prevented from becoming his followers. Well, notwithstanding that he obtained this only by persevering effort, nothing more resulted from it, but that Luther was summoned, under a safe-conduct and the Emperor's pledged faith, that he would hear him prior to any adverse decision against Mm. For they said that it was iniquitous to condemn a man without hearuig him, and that the Emperor's dignity and piety were engaged that, should Luther retract his errors, those other subjects should be recognized, upon which he had written so learnedly and in such a Christian manner, and that Germany should, by the authority of the Emperor, be relieved from the burdens and tyrannies of the ApostoKc seat. The lEmperor, finding his power thus restricted, commanded that Luther should come and appear in person before him and the other Orders of the Empire. Being asked there " If those were his books which were everywhere published under his name, and whether he would retract what he had written in them, or not ? " — he replied, " that all of them were his books," the titles of which at his request they read, " and that he was unwilling to deny them, and that he never had denied them. But that as to the second part of the question which had been addressed to him, to know whether he was wiUing to re- tract what he had written, he begged the Emperor would grant him time to deliberate ;" which was conceded him by the Emperor until the following day. Upon that very day, the Emperor, and the Electors of the Roman Empire, and the other Orders being present, Martin Luther being com- manded to appear to answer to the second part of the question which had been addressed to him on the previous day, after a long and diffuse oration in Latin and in German, Luther said that " he could retract nothing con- tained in his books, unless it were proved by the New Testament, or by the testimony of the Old Testament, that he had erred and written im- piously." Aid when he was again pressed that he should respond without paraphrase with a categoric Yes or No, " whether he would abide by the decrees and constitutions of the Councils ? " he replied that " he would re- tract nothing, nor could he abide by the decrees of the Councils, since ikose Councils occasionally contradicted each other." Whereupon the Emperor commanded him to retire, and having dissolved the assembly for that day, summoned the Prince Electors for the following day, and showed them a rescript, in his own handwritmg, in which he declared what seemed to him right to be done in this affair. He asked them if they were all of his opinion, to wit that the severest edicts should be issued against Luther and the Lutherans, and that the books of that madman should be burned ? But the Electors, and other Orders of the Empire, some of whom had imbibed Luther's poison, and others who declared that Luther should by no means be condemned before the Germans were hberated from the burdens and tyrannies of the Romanists, as they called them, begged the Emperor, with ^eat importunity, that at the least Luther should be privately admonishd that he should retract what he had written against the constitutions of the Church. As the Emperor conceded this point to them, they during three days adniomshed the hardened Luther, but in vain ; and seeing their utter lailure, they subscribed the Emperor's decree. This done, the Emperor, wT£!?T'^t'i"'^v,*°^''^^^,'''''^°^'^P^^'''=lypl«%«d f<"- his safe conduct, warned Luther by a published document, " that he should leave Worms on EEASMUS. 35 the day following, and that he should flee, within twenty days, to some place that might serve him as a refuge." Luther obeyed. The Emperor, then, as well by his own authority as by that of the Prince Electors, and of all the Orders of the Roman Empu'e, having published an awful edict against Luther and the Lutherans, and against his writings, commanded that all the writings of Luther, that could be found should be solemnly burned, and that, following his example, the same should be done tlirough- out the other cities of Germany. Here you have, as sanu imagine, the end of this Tragedy, but I a/in persuaded that it is not the end, but the beginning of it. For I perceive that the minds of the Gtermans are greatly exasperated against the Romish See ; and they do not seem to attach great importance to the Emperor's edicts ; for since their publication Luther's books are sold with impunity at every step and corner of the streets and market-places. From this you may easily conjecture what will happen when the Emperor leaves. This evil might have been cured, with the greatest advantage to the Christian republic, had not the Pontiff refused a General Council, had he preferred the public weal to his own private interests. But whilst he obstinately stands upon his right, though possibly from a pious motive, or stopping his ears, he is anxious that Luther be condemned and burned at j^ ' jLf the stake, I see the whole Christian republic hurried to destruction, unless Z'^'' ■'♦ -y God Himself succour us. Farewell. j«^««-^^ » Worms, the 13th May, a.d. 1521. Vald^s." c^n^J^ .ITL We have already stown the training wWch the young ^' ^z- ^jj ^ Valdes' had received from the Maestro de los Gahalleros, Pedro Martir Angleria. It had given then* minds the direction towards reform, and the hberal principles he had indoctrinated them with would, as a natural consequence, lead them into union with eminent men of similar views, especially as regards the improvement of morals and manners. Erasmus, the man of greatest learning and estimation of his age, as early as the year 1521, had expressed himself in his letters, in the strongest terms, against the iniquity of the Papacy and the necessity of reformation. The Lutherans naturally rejoiced in him as a partisan of their cause, but the thorough-going work which their leaders were inclined to make alarmed and disgusted him. The bias of his dis- position was clearly expresed in his own words: "There is a certain pious ceajt, an innocent time-serving, which how- ever we must so use as not to betray the cause of reUgion." And again : " If the behaviour of those who govern human affairs shocks and grieves us, I believe we must leave them to the Lord. If they command things reasonable, it is just to obey them ; if they require things unreasonable, it is an act of piety to suffer it, lest something worse ensue. If the present age is not capable of receiving the whole (rospel ot Jesus Christ, yet it is something to preach it m part, and ' Letter DCCXXII. p. 411 of the Elzevir ed. D 2 36 LTi'E or jtjan de vald^s. as far as we can. Above all things we should avoid a schism, which is of pernicious consequence to all good men/ * This short passage serves as a key to interpret the conduct of Erasmus throughout his whole life. Erasmus had been stimulated by Warham, Archbishop of Canterbury, to write against Luther. In 1523 (?) he produced his " Hyperaspistes" in answer to Luther's " De Libero Arbitrio." Erasmus was patronized in Spain, as a defender of the Catholic Church, by the highest ecclesiastical dignitaries, Don Alonzo Fonseca, elevated, in the year 1521, to the archbishopric of Toledo, primate of Spain, and Don Alonzo Manrique, Cardinal Archbishop of Seville, Inquisitor General, as well as by the Emperor himself. In 1517 he received the appointment of Honorary Councillor for Brabant to Charles, then Archduke, with an annual pension of 200 florins, which it appears, however, was but irregularly paid. To Alfonso Yaldes he was mainly indebted for the combined favour of these friends, and for the payment of his pension which the Latin Secretary facilitated with the Chancellor Gattinara. The few letters we have, written by Erasmus to him, abound in acknowledgments of his obligations and gratitude ; the earliest is as follows : Erasmus of Rotterdam to Alfonso Vald^s. After some accidental delay, I received with other letters those of His Majesty the Emperor, couched in very loving terms, and that, no less kind, of Mercurino de Gattinara, whose counsel, both trusty and prudent, it wiU be safe to follow. The extraordinary favour and love which you, most worthy young man, evince towards me, and of which I previously had so much experience, is again confirmed by such proofs, that, did my ability correspond with my desire, you should Imow that these favours had not been shown to an ungrateful man. I cannot now enlarge upon this subject. I affectionately request you to thank all my patrons in my name yourself. Farewell. Erasmus. Dated Basle, 31st March, 1527. In the same year Alfonso writes to Erasmus : — On the 28th August your letters at length arrived, as well those you sent for the Emperor and the Chancellor Gattinara, and those for the two Archbishops [Fonseca and Manrique], as also those which you wrote to me and thy other friends. The Emperor read your Latin letter, hut in Spanish, translated by me, and will answer it by the first post. Letter from Erasmus to the Emperor, translated from Latin INTO Spanish. 2nd Skptbmbbr, 1527. Just as I confess, most invincible Emperor, my great obligation to your Majesty, as well individually on my own behalf, as generally on ' Jortin's " Life of Erasmus," vol. i. p. 260. LETTER OF OHAELES V. TO ERASMUS. 37 behalf of the schools, in that you have so benignly deigned to uphold me with your favour ; so likewise I greatly desire, that that might which conquers and subdues powerful kings, may with equal authority and success put down the seditions of certain bad men. Confiding ia the protection of the Pontiflfs and Princes, and principally in that of your Majesty, I have, to my great personal peril, provoked the whole Lutheran sect against me, and would to God that it were less widely spread ! And should any requu-e evidence of this fact, Luther's work, " De Servo Arbitrio," " The Enslaved Will," which he wrote against me, and the two_ works which I have published in reply, will prove it. Now that the aflfair with Luther begins to settle down, and this partly by my labours and at my peril, there are persons, who, instigated by their private interests, but pretending religious motives, disturb Spain, from various causes the happiest of countries, by disorderly seditions. Assuredly, I fight for Christ, and not in the interest of men. We have frequently seen very heavy storms arise which began thus ; indeed this afiair of Luther's sprung from more slender causes. But as for myself, I shall never cease to defend Christian piety whilst life lasts. Your Majesty will ever hold it to be your duty steadily to favour those who defend God's Church with sincerity and energy. I fight under the banners of Jesus Christ and your Majesty, and under them will I die. But I shall die the more cheerfully if I first see peace and concord restored, both to the Church and to Christendom, by your power, wisdom, and tact, which I never cease to supplicate of Jesus Christ the Ahuighty, that He may grant us through your Majesty's instrumentality. May He be pleased to guard your Majesty, and to heighten your prosperity still more. Erasmxts. Dated Basle, 2nd September, 1527. Addressed, To the most invincible monarch Charles, Catholic King and elect Emperor of the Romans. The Emperor's reply to Erasmus, IStli December, 1527: — Charles, by the Divine clemency, Emperor elect of the Romans, Augustus, &c. Honoured, devout, and beloved, your letter gave us pleasure of two kinds : the one through its being yours, and the other because we learned by it that the insanity of the Lutherans is on the wane. You are indebted for the former to the singular goodwill which we entertain towards you ; and as to the latter, not only we ourselves, but the whole Christian world, is indebted to you, for that you alone have achieved that which Emperors, Pontiffs, and Princes, aided by so many of the most learned men, have hitherto failed to attaio. Whence we see, and with the greatest delight, that you cannot fail of obtaining immortal honour amongst men, and eternal glory amongst those in bUss above, and from our soul we con- gratulate you upon this your felicity. It remains for you to put forth every energy in that field you have so successfully occupied, in order finally to subdue it. Nor wall our assistance and favour ever cease to further your most pious efibrts. But we have read with much pain, what you write concerning those things which have transpired amongst us with reference to your works, for it appears that you somehow distrust our love and goodwill towards you, as though any resolution adverse to Erasmus, whose Christian tone of mind we have so well proved, should be passed in our presence. For there is no danger from that inquisition which we have authorized with reference to your books, in which should any human lapse be found, you being lovingly notified, may either correct it, or so explain 38 LIFE OP JUAN UE VALDES. it, as to leave no scandal to the weak ; and thus you will immortalize your works, and stop the mouths of your detractors. But if indeed there should he nothing worthy of reprehension, you see what glory awaits both you and your works. "We wish you therefore to keep .up your spirits, and to rest assured that your honour and reputation will never cease to give us the greatest concern. As to the maintenance of the public peace, for- asmuch as we have hitherto done aU that lay in our power, there is no reason why any one should call it in question. What we may have to do now, or what hereafter, we prefer to declare by deeds. This one thing we do ask of you, that you in your prayers to Christ, the best and the greatest, ever commend all our actions to Him. Farewell. From our, city of Burgos, the 13th of December, 1527, and of our empire the 9th, Charles. Addressed To the honoured, devout, and of us beloved Desiderius Erasmus of Eoterdam, our Councillor. Alfonso ValdjSs. The Spanish friends of Erasmus, who certainly belonged to the party of moral progress, although one of them occupied the high position of Inquisitor- General, seem to have promoted, by something like a concerted scheme, the translation and spread of his treatises in Spain, in the common language of the people. These treatises appear to have followed each other in successive order, and were printed in a handsome style, and with the insignia of authority, by the highest literary press of the country. ' It is true there had been in Spain^ from the year 1521, some few scholastic theologians, ignorant of Hebrew and Greek languages, who were opposed to him, — Diego Lopez de Zufiiiga, and Sancho de Carranzs;, Professors of Theology in the University of Alcala de Henares ; the Friar Luis de Carvajal, a Franciscan ; Edward Lee,*^ the ambassador of the King of England ; and Pedro de Victoria, a theologian of Salamanca. ' The works of Erasmus, in Spanish, de Henares per Miguel de of whlct we have knowledge as still Eguia 4to 1529 existing, are the following : — Exposicion y sermon sobre los Tractado de como se quexa la Psalmos s.l. 4to 1531 Paz. Compuesto por Erasmo Colloquies de Erasmo ... s.l. 4to 1532 varon dootissimo. Ysaoadode La Legua de Erasmo ... s.l. 4to 1533 latin en romance por el arce- Preparacion y aparejo para bien diano de Seuilla don Diego morir. Seuilla. 4to 1551 Lopez. Seuilla por Jaoobo All these were printed by authoiity Cromberger. Aleman. .,.4to 1520 in Spain. Some of them were after- %* For a notice of the trans- wards printed in a smaller form at lator, see Pellioer's " Ensayo de Antwerp. Tra,ductores," pp. 45—51. 2 Edward Lee, a distinguished classic, Enquiridio o manual del Cavallero but still more distinguished as an op- Christiano, etc. impresso en ponent of Erasmus, whose annotations la Universidad de Alcala de on the Gospel of Matthew Lee de- Henares. De segOdo ImpressiS. nounoed in a work of 2 vols. He was rp f 1 J ^t° ^^27 a zealous instrument of Henry VIII., iraccaclodecomosequexalaPaz. and by him appointed Archbishop of [begundo Impresion.] Alcala York. LETTER OF ALFONSO FERNANDEZ. 39 So long as the circulation of his writings had bean con- fined to the editions in Latin, and consequently limited to the use of the learned, the ignorant fraternity of friars dissembled their hatred to his enhghtened wit and satire against their corrupt lives and conduct j but when they were presented to the Spanish people in their own language, their exasperation broke out beyond restraint. At the season of Lent, in the year 1527, a circumstance occiu-red in the city of Palencia which brought the whole question into discussion, in such a manner that it could not longer be deferred by the ecclesiastical authorities and the Liquisitor- General. An extant letter, written in Spanish, in 1526, by the hand of the Spanish translator of the " Enchiridion," Alfonso Fernandez, Archdeacon of Alcor, to Dr. Coronel, secretary of the Inquisitor General, Alfonso Manrique, the Archbishop of Seville, sufficiently explains the affair. Dr. Coronel transmitted the Arch- deacon's autograph letter to Erasmus, and hence it is now found preserved at Leipzig, although addressed to a cor- respondent in Spain. The letter runs thus : — Very Reverend and most Noble Sir, Since that Erasmus's Enchiridion has been printed in Spanish, a wort which you promoted much to your great merit, I have requested the printer at Alcala to send two well-bound copies, together with my letter, one to the Archbishop [of Seville] and the other to yourself. I believe this order has been executed. Now, it is well you should know that Father Juan de San Vincent, a Franciscan, resident in this city, a man of words rather than letters, has endeavoured to excite the people here, as he previously did on another occasion, that of the insurrection of the Comunidades ; and publicly preaching upon the Feast of St. Antolin, when the clergy and people and the provincial tribunal met in the cathedral church, he uttered two thousand blasphemies agauist the Enchiridion, in stating that it contained a thousand heresies. And more than this, he drew forth a written Resolution from his bosom and attached it with pins to the pulpit-cloth. I beheve that they wiU have already sent you a copy of it from Alcala, nevertheless I send one too, in order that you may see it. The next day I attended the schools where they argue, but no one came forward to discuss it, for they are all monks (that is to say, theologians who had graduated as Bachelors, Licentiates, and Doctors), and besides, the Resolution offered no distinct subject of discus- sion for them. Then he brought out a paper with as many as XXX arti- cles which he had collected from the Enchiridion, and from an epistle of Erasmus usually appended to it ; and from Paraclesis [a tract attached to his New Testament], and others. And indeed, as I hope to be saved, of all the thirty the Father did not understand ten ; nor does Erasmus state that which provokes him, nay, in some places, he says the contrary. Therefore, to bring the matter to an end, I resolved to oppose hun in per- son with sound arguments and without sophisms. And when aU under- stood me, and heard what passed, and were informed of the Archbishop's carefulness evinced by his command to have the book examined, and saw 40 LIFE OF JUAN DE VALDES. ' his " imprimatur " appended with his armorial hearings [on the reverse of the title] to the puhlished hook, Sec— then he left the theatre hooted at and ridiculed by all : tandem, ab omnibus exsibilatus irrisusque, e theatro di^- cessit ; my cause heing more aided by truth, than his hy Ul-hreeding and slander. But he has not ceased to bark yet, nor does he desist from forcing his way into the houses of influential laymen, publicly exciting everybody against Erasmus, and secretly against the authority of the Arch- bishop, and of the Lords of the Council, concerning whom he has dared to say that they erred in their approval of the book and in their order to have it printed. True it is that as we all enjoy forbidden fruit, the Father has succeeded to such an extent, that those who had never heard of Erasmus before, are seen with his books constantly in their hands now, and nothing else is read but the " Enchiridion," since it has been thu3 condemned and defamed by the reverend father. Although I am here on the spot, this affair does not chiefly aflfect me ; it concerns, beyond all, God and His Church, who is injured in the defamation of a doctrine cal- culated greatly to benefit all Christians ; and it concerns the learned and pious author, a man who has so greatly promoted the Christian religion and all good letters ; it likewise affects his Grace and the Lords of the Council, that a half idiot fraterculus has dared to condemn as a heretic one of whom the Protectors of the Church approve as a good man ; it affects yourself no less, for it was upon your evidence and commendation that the book was approved of and printed. And assuredly, if this fellow shall calumniate the Moria (the praise of folly, the Laus Morice) of some of the youthful Colloquies, though this would have been great hardihood on his part, stUl it might have been borne -, but to have spoken so vehe- mently against the Enchiridion, never before attached hy any one up to this day, (nunquam usque hunc diem, ab aliquo lacessito,) is unpardonable. I write to ask you to apprise the Archbishop, and these Lords, in order that his Grace may order him to be chastised ; so that at the least, recantai palinodiam, he may be made to retract in that very pulpit, and honourably reinstate those whom he has defamed. I think he will do our Lord good service in the repression of such idle babblers, so that true doctrine be not defamed and vilified. For the Lord's sake, pardon my bluntness and im- portunity. May our Lord preserve your Reverence as I desire. From Palenoia, the 10th of September, [1527. Alfonso Fernandez, Archdeacon of Alcor.] ' The " Bnchiridioa," in SpanisTij was a book worthy to be readj not only for the value of its Christian doctrine, ' The original autograph of the letter there- is written under the letter, but from Alfonso Fernandez of Madrid, in a different handwriting, " The Arch- Archdeacon of Alcor, to Dr. (Luis deacon of Alcor to Dr. Coronel upon Nuflez ?) Coronel, is, together with a Erasmus ;" he adds, that a more recent Latin version of it, preserved in the hand has embodied the date, 10th Sep- library of the University of Leipzig, tember, 1535, both in the Spanish letter Dr. Edward Bcehmer, of Halle, in and in the Latin copy of it. Dr. Boehmer Saxony, made it known in a German judiciously observes, the supposed mis- review, in the year following that in chief of such addition is corrected Ijy which he reprinted the " CX. Consi- comparing the dates of the editions of derations" in Italian. Dr. Bcehmer the "Enchiridion" in Spanish [1527] has printed the letter word for word, with the letters of Erasmus, Fernandez, without variation, save the addition of and Coronel, on the subject. He fur- that punctuation which was desirable ther obseiTes that the letter was written to render its meaning more perspicuous, only a week after the Feast of St. An- iie lurmshes notes upon the letter tolin, which ought to be A.D. 1626 Itself, Its author, and Dr. Coronel, to [15271. whom It was written, and says that LETTER OF FERNANDEZ TO ERASMUS. 41 but for the excellence of its language as a translation into tlie vulgar tongue. Juan de Valdes, one of the best judges on this subject^ some years later, in a discussion which he had at a country-house on the shore of the Bay of Naples with some of his friends upon the Spanish language, thus expresses his opinion of its merits : — His friend Marcio asks him, ''What is the other translation from the Latin [besides Boethius De Gonsolatione] which pleased you?" Valdes replies, "The Enchiridion, by Erasmus, which the Archdeacon of Alcor [Alfonso Fernandez] turned into Spanish, which I think might, in point of style, compete with the Latin." ' The beauty of the language doubtless aided the circulation, and the popular curiosity was further stimulated by the public opposition of the friars. To what degree this was carried, making some allowance for the exaggeration of the writer in com- pliment to Erasmus, and we may say indirectly to the translator himself, is well expressed in a letter frpm Fernandez to Erasmus, dated 27th November, 1527 : — To the most distinguished man Desiderius Erasmus, of Rotterdam, Alfonso Fernandez sends his cordial salutations. Most excellent Erasmus : When the Emperor passed through Palenoia last month, -which was in October, I sent you two letters, the one by Valdds, and the other by Martiu Transylvanus, in which I expressed my steadfast love and goodwill to you. I think you must have received them. I saw your letter to Ooronel, of the 1st of September, which they handed to him whilst, as it happened, he was a guest under my roof. I read it over and over again, and with great pleasure. There was nothing in it from its very commencement tiiat did not savour of Erasmus, nor was there anything in it that did not serve to manifest your piety and learning ; but I especially noted the passages that affected me, where you say, " I do not know whether they who translate my books into Spanish do it from love of me ; but this I do know, they excite much ill-will against me." Up to this time I have seen no book of yours done into Spanish, save only the Enchiridion Militis Christiani, by myself, which all conciir in saying has not been translated discreditably. This work has gained such applause, brought such credit to your name, and has proved so useful to our Christian people, that there is no other booh of our time which may be compared with the Enchiridion" for the extent of its circulation, since it is to be found in the hands of all. There is scarcely an individual in the Court of the Emperor, an inhahitant of our cities, a member of our Churches or Convents, nay, nor even an hotel or country inn, that has not a copy of the Enchiridion op Erasmus in Spanish. The Latin version was read previously by a few who understand the Latin language ; but its fuU merit was not perfectly perceived even by these, but the Spanish is now read by aU without distinction, and this short work has made the name of Erasmus a household word in circles where previously it was unknown and had been imheard ' " Dialogo de la LeBgua " (tenido Madrid Afio de 1860, p. 178, which is azia el A. 1533). the ed. I have used. 42 LIFE OF JUAN DB VALDES. But enough of this. Now, for the love I bear you, I judge it right to suggest that you introduce into your little book, entitled the Exomologesu, at least some small compliment to auricular confession, and that you should commend it with somewhat more earnestness, in order that as the above- mentioned work, which is now agreeably received by aU good and learned men, so with the suggested addition it may satisfy the unlearned who now speak evil of it. Farewell. You personally reflect honour on letters. Palencia, 27 November, 1527. Erasmus, I am, with much jealousy for your reputation, Alfonso Fernandez, Archdeacon of Aloor. Sucli being tlie notoriety thus given to the writings of Erasmus^ and sucli tlie clamour of tlie friars in opposition to their circulation among the people in their own language, Don Alfonso Manrique, the Cardinal Archbishop of Seville and Inquisitor- General, could not do less than have them examined. But, as he was a friend of Erasmus, he sought to get men appointed as censors who as theologians were then reputed the wisest in Spain. Retaining the president's seat in the commission, he appointed the Archbishop of the Canary Islands, domiciled in the Peninsula, vice- president, and he assembled numerous theologians, who resided in various districts, summoning them by a circular letter, dated the 14th April, to meet on Ascension-day. Sandoval says that there were thirty-two convoked, but Llorente says : " I find only eleven worthy of notice — viz., Alonzo de Cordoba, D.D., an Augustine of the Sorbonne in Paris, a surrogate professor at Salamanca, the author of various works ; Francisco de Victoria, a Dominican monk, a doctor of the Sorbonne, pro- fessor at Salamanca, author of various works, and brother of Pedro de Victoria, the opponent of Erasmus ; Alfonso de Oropesa, professor at Salamanca, author of various works, and afterwards Inquisitor; Juan Martinez Silicco, a famous theologian of Salamanca, a scholar of the Upper College of St. Bartholomew, author of various works, and subsequently Cardinal Archbishop of Toledo ; Pedro de Lerma, Doctor of the Sorbonne, author of various works, first Chancellor of the University of Alcala, and after- wards professor at Paris, to which he returned in order to escape the dungeons of the Inquisition, persecuted by certain scholastic theologians, who did not know Hebrew or Greek ; Peter Ciruelo, Doctor of the Sorbonne, scholar of the Upper College of St. Ildefonso of Alcala, author of various works, a Prebendary of Segovia, and Canon- magistral of Salamanca ; Alonzo Virues, a Benedictine monk, the author of va-rious works, who came to be Bishop of the Canary Islands, much persecuted by. the Inquisition, with reference to which he wrote that which will be CENSOES OF THE WEITINGS OF ERASMUS. 43 read when we treat of his case; Dionisio Vazquez, an Augustine friar, Doctor of the Sorbonne, professor at the University of Alcala, chaplain to the Pope, and so humble that he declined the appointments of Archbishop of Mexico and of Bishop of Palencia ; Nicholas Castillo, a Franciscan friar, author of a volume of sermons ; Luis Nunez Ooronel, a scholar of the Montaigu College at Paris, professor at the Sorbonne, chaplain to Charles V., and, in the opinion of Erasmus, a consummate theologian — an opinion enunciated prior to this period, in his work, " A Paraphrase upon the Gospel of St. Matthew;" Miguel Carrasco, a Doctor of Alcala, a scholar of the Upper College of San Ildefonso, at that time confessor of the Archbishop of Toledo ; and Luis Cabeza de Vaca, formerly tutor to Charles V., and actually Bishop of the Canary Islands, Vice-president of the Junta, and successively Bishop of Salamanca and of Palencia, who, whilst in this diocese, declined his nomination as Archbishop of Santiago."^ The following members of the commission were also personal friends of Alfonso Vald^s, whom, he himself constdted respecting the " Dialogo de Lactancio" : — Dr. Coronel, Pedro de Lerma, Chancellor of the University of Alcala, and Dr. Carrasco. No exertion was spared to induce the Pope to silence the clamf)ur of the friars against Erasmus. The Grand Chancellor, Gattinara, in all likelihood by the hand of Alfonso Valdes, wrote to Juan Perez,* the Emperor's Charge d' Affaires at Rome, to procure a brief from the Pope for this purpose. In a dispatch, dated the 26th of June, 1527, Juan Perez writes: — I asked the Pope for a brief to the Archbishop of Seville [Don Alonzo Manrique, Cardinal Inquisitor-General] that should impose sUenoe on ' Llorente'a " Historia de la Inqui- commentaries by Juan de Valdfe, vising sioion," vol. iii. chap. xiii. art. i. pp. 5-9. the author's own MS. All the above Ed. Barcelona, 1835. works bear the imprint of Venena. " Juan Perez de Pineda was an Anda- Beza, in his " loones," praises him for lusian, bom about the year 1500, at his numerous writings. From Greneva MontiUa, a town famous for its wines, he removed to Basle. When Casiodoro He was secretary to the Spanish em- de Eeyna was printing his translation bassy at Rome in 1527, residing there of the Bible there — 1567-9 — falling Ul of during the memorable sack of the city, fever, he owed his life, as he says, under He had to ransom himself from the Providence, to his countryman, Juan soldiery. Ketuming to his country, he Perez, who received him, his wife, and was placed over the College of Doctrine four children, into his own house, and at Seville, an endowed school for the nursed him into health, enabling him to education of the nobility. It is con- finish the labour upon which his heart jectured that he left Spain about the was set. Juan Perez removed later in year 1551, and went to Geneva, where, lite to Montargis, where he died at an in 1556 and 1557, he printed a Spanish advanced age. MoCrie, "History of Catechism, a translation of the New the Progress and Suppression of the Testament, and the Psalms ; he also Keformation in Spain." " Bpistola Con- printed there the Epistle to the Ro- solatoria," by Juan Perez. Notice pre- mans and the First of Corinthians, with fixed, ed. 1848. 44 LIFE OF JUAN DE VALDES. those who attacked the works of Erasmus ; for the Grand Chancellor, Mercuric de Gattinara, had written to me to do so at the time ot Ms ae- parture, and his Holiness instructed me that I should ask it by torm ot a memorial to Cardinal Santicuatro, which I did. I shall press for it and if the brief he obtained, I shall send it to Secretary [AlonzoJ Valdfe, to whom the Grand Chancellor desired that I should transmit it. And in another letter of tlie 1st of August in the same year, 1527, he writes : — Herewith I transmit to the Secretary Vald&, the Brief which I ad- vised your Majesty should be sent to the Archbishop of Seville, imposing silence, under pain of excommunication, upon those who should speak against the works of Erasmus, forasmuch as they contradict those of Luther.' The Board held its sittings during two months, and was then dissolved by the plague, before the censors had succeeded in arriving at that harmony of views neces- sary to concur in a judgment. Erasmus wrote various letters expressing his hopes that he should come well out of it.' The Council (of Inquisition) subsequently had the works called the " Colloquies," the "Laus Morise," and the "Para- phrase," examined, which resulted in their prohibition. In more recent times some other works of Erasmus have been prohibited, and the Inquisition have decreed that all this author's works are to be read with caution, which censure involved the supposition that they favoured Lutheranism, though he combats it frequently in the most direct manner. " Whose lot so unfortunate as mine ? " he was wont to say. " The Lutherans persecute me as a Papist, and the Catholics as a Lutheran ! so that a dispassionate person can scarcely fail of truth which lies between them, but which the athletes on either side, in the heat of opposition, fail to see. I seek truth, and find it at times in Catholic propositions, and at times in those of the Protestants. Is a heretic one who is always in the wrong?" ''What frenzy!" exclaimed his friend Juan Luis Vives, the Valencian. " We hve in difficult times, in which we can neither speak nor be silent without danger." ' Llorente, vol. iv. cap. xxi. art. ii. ' Epist. DCCCXXXIV. DCCCCVII. paragraph 6, pp. 82-83. Ed. Barce- DCCCCX. lona, 1835. OOEONATION OF CHAELES V. 45 Letter of Alfonso de Yald^s to Pedro Martir Anglbeia, on the Coronation of Charles V. as Emperor of Germany. [Referred to in page 29, and the note.] Alfonso Valdfe greets his friend Pedro Martir. God grant it may be to our welfare and prosperity, our Emperor has just been crowned King of the Eomans, with such pomp and with such universal applause, that you may believe me when I state that he alone has far outdone all the triumphal processions of the Romans. Were I to attempt to describe to you, in detail, the legions of soldiers and knights with whom the Emperor made his entry into Aix-la-Chapelle, the magnificent retinue of courtiers of all ranks, the armed German hosts, the sound of the clarions, the beating of drums and other warlike instruments, the decorations in gold, silver, and precious stones, and the personal carriage of the Emperor himself, — not only would it be difficult to me, but possibly wearisome to you. For which reason, I shall only communicate to you in this letter those things which I judge worthy of being known. At first it was rumoured that the plague was ravaging Aix-la-ChapeUe, where similar solemnities are wont to be celebrated, and on this account it was proposed to fix upon some other site for them. But the Emperor, like a brave spirit, making light of all suspicion of the plague, would not be crowned elsewhere than at Aix-larChapelle, in order that he might not seem to treat this most ancient city injuriously, and taking leave of the Infant Fernando at Louvaine, he proceeded directly to Aix-la-Ohapelle himself. But the Electors, who awaited the Emperor's arrival at Cologne, when they heard of his coming, came also to Aix-la-Chapelle to treat of the ceremonies and other necessary things in connection with the coronation, which had been proclaimed for the 23rd of October, although some opposed, saying that the Emperor neither ought, nor could be crowned, save on a feast day. This scruple, however, was disposed of by the authority of the Bishop of Liege, within whose diocese that city is situate. For he gave orders that the day upon which the solemnity should be celebrated, should ever hence- forth be observed within that province as the feast day of St. Severino. Finally, things having been duly arranged, the three Archbishops Electors of Mentz, Cologne, and Treves, presented, according to usage, the decree of election to the municipal authorities, that they might know that the king, who was about to come, had been duly elected. Then, at mid-day, the Archbishops Electors, together with the Elector of the Palatinate, set forth with great pomp to meet the Emperor ; but the other Electors, to wit, the King of Bohemia and the Duke of Saxony, as also the Marquis of Brandenburg, although they did not assist at the coronation, sent their representatives, with the amplest powers. Saluting the Emperor with due reverence, they introduced themselves according to their order, so that the Archbishop of Cologne, as conservator, went at the Emperor's right, and the Archbishop of Mentz at his left, whilst the Arch- bishop of Treves, together with the Palatine and the Orator of Branden- burg, preceded the Emperor. Zodo Papense, the Vice-Marshal of the Empire, likewise bore the sword of state. I'he Orator of Bohemia was the only one who walked in order behind the Emperor ; behind him went the Cardinal of Sedan, the Arch- bishop of Saltzburg, and the Archbishop of Toledo. For the Orators of the other princes would not assist, saying that their places were already filled by the Electors. Whilst the precedence of the assistants was dis- posed of by the Lord of Iselstein, the Senators of the city received the usual oath from the Emperor. 46 LIPE OF JUAN DE VALDES. Then, a difference having arisen heWeen the Archbishop of Juliers and the Saxons, it was settled in this manner : that the Archbishop of Juhers, as advocate of the province, should enter the city and pass directly through it to the other side ; and that the Saxon, as Marshal of the Empire, should remain within the city at the head of the army. At the gate of the city, the Emperor in armour worshipped the cross, and kissed the head of Charlemagne, and dismounted from his horse, which the guards of the gate kept as their due perquisite. From thence the Emperor was led to the celebrated and ancient church of St. Mary. The Emperor mounted another horse, which he gave, according to custom, to the Marshal of Cologne, but not without dispute upon the part of the clergy, who chal- lenged this horse as belonging to them. The coronation was celebrated next day in the following order. The Emperor was introduced into the temple by the Archbishops Electors, he of Cologne going first as Consecrator, and singing, with the choir, the Te Dewm laudamus. He likewise began the Mass as they call it. Before the Deacon chanted the Gospel, all prostrate, the choir implored the in- tercessions of the Saints. The Archbishop of Cologne then addressed the Emperor in these terms. " Vis sanctam fidem Catholicis viris traditam tenere et operibus justis servare?" " WiU you hold the holy Faith, delivered to Catholics, and maintain it by righteous works T' To which the Emperor replied, " Volo." " I will." " Vis Sanctis Ecclesiis Bcclesiarumque ministris fidelis esse tutor et defensor ? " " WlU you be the faithful guardian and defender of the holy churches, and of their ministers ? " He answered, " Volo." " I wiU." " Vis regnum tibi k Deo concessum secundum justitiam prsedecessorum tuorum regere et efflcaoiter defendere ? " " WiU you govern and effectively defend the kingdom which God grants to you, conformably to the justice of your predecessors ? " He answered, " Volo." " I will." " Vis jura Regni, Imperiique, ac bona ejus dispersa injuste, conservare et recuperare, ac fideliter in usus Regni, Imperiique dispensare?" "Will you conserve and recover the rights of the Kingdom and Empire, together with its unjustly dissipated property, and administer them faithfully for the use of the Kingdom and Empire ? " He replied, " Volo." " I wiU." " Vis pauperum et divitum, viduarum et orphanorum sequus esse judex et pins defensor ? " " WiU you be a just jndge and pious defender of the poor and of the rich, of the widow and of the orphan 1 " He answered, " Volo." " I will." " Vis sanctissimo in Christo Patri Domino Eomano Pontifici, et sacrae Eomanae Ecclesife subjectionem debitam et fidem reverenter exhibere 1 " " Will you reverently exhibit the due subjection and faith to the most holy Father and Lord in Christ, the Roman Pontiff, and to the holy Roman Church 1 " He answered, " Volo." « I will." These affirmations haviag been made, the Archbishops of Mentz and of Treves led the Emperor to the high altar, where the Emperor promised, taking his oath, that he woiild execute, to the utmost of his ability, all that he had asseverated. Then the Archbishop of Cologne, with his face to the people, said, first in Latin and then in German : " Vultis tali Principi ac Rectori vos subjicere, ipsiusque Kegnmn firmare, fide stabilire, ac jussionibus illius obtemperaxe 1 " " Will you subject yourselves to such a Prince and Ruler, strengthen his kingdom, stablish it by fidelity, and obey his oommaTid^i 1 " To which aU shout, " Fiat, Fiat, Fiat ! " " Be it so. Be it so ! " CORONATION OP CHARLES V. 47 Tlien the Archbishop of Cologne anointed the Emperor, saying, " Ungo te, in Eegem, oleo sanctifioato, in nomine Ptitris, et Filii, et Spiritus Sancti. Amen." " I anoint thee, as King, with consecrated oil, in the name of the Father, of the Son, aiid of the Holy Ghost. Amen." The Archbishops of Mentz and of Treves conduct the anointed King to the Sacristy, and having invested him with the Imperial ornaments of Charlemagne, they reconduct him from the Sacristy. To him, already seated, the three Archbishops unitedly deliver the sword of Charlemagne, saying to him, "Accipe gladium per manus Episcoporum, ut per eum sequitatem exerceas, iniquitatem destmas, Ecclesiam protegas, ac falsos Christianos oppugnes." " Receive, by the hands of the Bishops, the sword, that with it thou mayst exercise justice, destroy injustice, protect the Church, and assail false Christians." _ Then the Archbishop of Cologne alone gave the Emperor the golden ring, and Eegal vestments, and sceptre, saying, " Accipe virgam virtutis atque sequitatis, qua inteUigas diligere pios et terrere reprobos." " Eeceive the wand of virtue and equity, wherewith thou mayst learn how to love the pious, and to terrify the wicked." Which things done, the three Archbishops conjointly placed the royal crown upon his head, the golden one, and not the iron one as is vulgarly imagined, saying, " Accipe ooronam regiam." "Accept the royal crown." And finally they conduct the King, anointed and crowned, to the stone seat of Charlemagne, preserved with the greatest care, seated on which the Archbishops Electors offer the Emperor their felicitations upon his Eegal dignity. The Emperor conferred upon all the secular princes and nobles, who were round about him, the insignia of the order of knighthood. Whilst these things were doing, and during the solemnity, the Imperial insignia were in the keeping of the following personages. The Count of Limburg, the great Cupbearer, had the Crown ; the Count Palatine, the Grand Marshal, the Orb ; Zodo Papense, the Vice-Marshal of the Empire, the Sword ; and the Count of Zorn, the Imperial Chamberlain, the Sceptre. The religious ceremony terminated, they conducted the Emperor, clad in his imperial robes, to the Senate-house, to the Hotel de ViHe, where there were separate tables prepared, one for each of the electors, even for those who were absent, and others for other German princes ; and likewise other tables for the Senators of Cologne, Frankfort, Nuremberg, and Aix-la-Chapelle. Each of the Electors discharged his peculiar functions at the banquet. The Count of Limburg, the Imperial Cupbearer, poured out the first glass to the Emperor. The Count Palatine, or Grand Marshal of the Empire, served the first dish at the imperial table. And Zodo Papense, the Vice- Marsha,l, staff in hand,' preceded the Grand Marshal. This magnificent and most sumptuous banquet being over, the Emperor returned to the Church of St. Mary, and from thence they reconducted him to his palace. Thus you have the Emperor anointed and crowned. Should you, in your turn, have anything good happen amongst you, do not feel it tedious to communicate it to us. — Farewell. j , / Alfonso de Vald^s.' 1 ^l,*^ '"^ . Aix-LvChapeUe, 25th October, A.D. 1520. j ^^T^"^/ ^ 1 Letter DCXCIX [page 3S9 of the Elzevir edition.] ^ ''^ Tt^i 48 LIFE OF JUAN DE VALD:fis. CHAPTER III. Alfonso be Valdes returned from Germany with tlie Em- peror^in 1522, to Spain ; his twin-brotlier Juan also retarned from Rome after the death of Adrian VI., 1523^ and hence- forth became attached to the Spanish court as a gentleman or knight in the Emperor's train. This allowed of the con- stant intercourse of the two brothers, whose dispositions were as much assimilated by their moral qualities, as their physical frames were by their natural birth. The most important events were startling Europe with astonishment. The battle of Pavia, in 1521, had delivered the French king an unconditional captive into the power of his rival. New combinations in Italy arose in consequence ; the Pope, heretofore an ally of the Emperor, with his ac- customed tergiversation, formed a new alliance among the ItaUan states as well as with France and England, to check the increasing ascendancy of the Spanish power in Italy. This combination led eventually to advance the very object which it was designed to prevent. In vain Castiglione, the Pope's nuncio at the court of Madrid, endeavoured to im- press his counsels on the advisers of Charles ; the Pope's tortuous policy came to a fatal issue for himself in the disastrous capture and sack of the Eternal City. The rigorous captivity of Francis I. at Madrid, and the severe conditions of his ransom, had agitated the whole European mind against Charles, and a paroxysm of scandal was called forth by the captivity of the so-called Vicar of Jesus Christ. The Em- peror's Council, led by Mercurino Gattinara, the most accom- plished statesman of that period in Europe, issued a series of official documents, chiefly relating to recent events, in vin- dication of the character of Charles and the Spanish policy. Alfonso de Valdes, being Latin Secretary to the Emperor, under the direction of the Chancellor prepared the docu- ments for general publication, and caused them to be printed under official authority. This is clearly shown by the follow- ing title of one of them : — "A narrativeof the news from Italy, extracted from letters which the Em- peror s Generals and Commissioners have written to His Maiesty, relating to the victory over the King of France, and to other events which there occurred (alia acaecidas). Seen and corrected by His Highness, the Grand Chancellor and His Majesty's Council." It concludes thus • The Lords of DOCUMENTS IN VINDICATION OF CHAELES V. 49 his Majesty's CouneU directed me, Alfonso de Valdfe, Secretary to his Highness the Grand Chancellor, to cause the present narration to be printed.' Alfonso db Vald^s. Another of these official publications is deserving of notice : — " A short Eeply from the most invincible Emperor of the Eomans, Charles the Fifth, and Catholic king of the Spains, to two letters of Clement VII., the Eoman Pontiff, in which he appeals from the Pontiff himself, and demands the convocation of a general and universal council, with some other letters and public documents. Of which a catalogue will be found on the next sheet. With the Imperial Privilege. Colophon : Printed at Alcala de Henares by Michael de Eguia. In the year M.D.XXVII. and on the 10th day of April." Thirty-six folio leaves. ^ The Pope^s nuncio at Madrid, Castiglione, endeavoured, but in vain, to prevent their publication. " The Lord Chan- cellor Gattiuara," writes Castiglione to Rome, " has caused the Apology of the King of France, and his reply [to it] to be priated with a thousand other things, which occurred and were referred to ; they have printed likewise the conditions of the confederacy, and I beUeve also the answer to the Brief wherein his Holiness alleged the reason of the war; also certain letters from the most Christian King [Francis I.] to the Electors of the Empire, and the answer, together with some other similar things, which I wished to prevent being puhlished, hut ivas unable to do so,"^ ' "Relaciou de las nuevas de Italia norvm omniv Concilii oongregationem sacadas de las cartas que los capitanes y cvm nonnvUis aliia litteris, atqve actis comisario del Emperador y Rey nuestro publicis. Qvorvm catalogvm in proxi- seftor han esoripto 5, su Majestad : ass£ ma pagina invenies. Cvm privilegio de la victoria contra el Eey de Francia imperiali. Colophon ; Impressum est como de otras cosas aM acaeoidas : vista Compluti, per Miohaelem De EguJa. y oorregida por el senor gran Chanciller Anno MDXXVII. die decimo Mensis 6 consejo de su Majestad Los Aprilis, 36 leaves in folio. Seflores del consejo de su Majestad, In the British Museum and Bodleian mandaron & mi, Alonso de Valdfe, secre- Libraries are various editions, with tario del illustre seflor gran Chanciller, titles slightly varied from the above, que ficiese imprimir la presente rela- which was the first and official edition cion." for Spain. Compluti, 1527. Basil s. a. Alfohso de Vaid^b. Antwerp, 1527, 8vo. Dresden, in Ger- man, 1529, 4to. In French, in MS. A tract of 8 leaves 4to., without date (British Museum). And Moguntia, 1527, or place of printing. Note 1, p. 18, in 4to., with an imperial licence, signed an Article by the Marques P. J. Pidal, AlphonsusValdesius,probablyth6 official de Jium de ValdH y de si es el autor edition for Germany. delDi&logo de Iocs Lenguxis, in "Eevista ^ II sig. Cancelliero .... ha fatto Hispauo- Americana." Entrega 1, 1848. stampare 1' Apologia del Re di Francia e ' Inviotissimi Romanorvm Impera- la sua Eisposta con miUe altre delle cose toris Caroll hvivs nominis qvmti, ac passate e trattate ; medesimamente si Hispaniarvm Eegis Catholioi, ad Dto stampano i Capitoli della Lega, e credo dementis septimi Pontificis Eomani ancora la risposta del Breve, dove S. breviaresponsiOjinqvaabipsoPontiBce SantitS, allegava le cause della guerra ; appellat : petitqve generalia ohristia- medesimamente certe lettere del Chns- E 50 LIFE OF JTJAN DB VALDES. Besides these publications, wMcli were strictly political, and put forth under the Chancellor by official authority of the Government, in opposition to the endeavours of the Pope's nuncio to suppress them, Alfonso and Juan afterwards drew up, on their own account, two treatises, rather religious than political, yet having the same object in view — ^namely, the justification of the Emperor's course of poUcy. One of them related to the detention of the King of France, the other to the Pope, his ally ; both of them combining with the narrative of political events the inculcation of the highest sentiments of moraUty, designed to promote a thorough reformation of religion in the Catholic Church. In these the hand of Juan may be clearly traced in the reUgious parts, by their coinci- dence with the sentiments and style of his later and ex- clusively religious writings. We cannot doubt that both the brothers were concerned in the plan and compo- sition of these tracts. The primary aim and pohtical purpose would be Alfonso's, for which he would furnish the documentary proofs and supply the arguments ; while Juan, more at leisure, and with a mind more devoted to sacred subjects, arranged the materials and made the rehgious application of the whole. They are therefore to be attri- buted to him as literary productions, although, from Alfonso's more prominent position, they were at the time assigned exclusively to his pen. He felt it honourable and convenient not to fisavow the authorship in order to shield his brother, his own high official position being security for himself, as was shown in the attack made upon him by the Pope's nuncio; and this proved sufficient so long as the Grand Chancellor lived. These two treatises, cast into the form of dialogues, are no less remarkable for their truthful illustration of contemporary history, than for their chaste elegance of style and graceful turns of wit and argument ; and, being written in the purest Spanish of the age, are regarded as classical by well-informed scholars of the present day. One writer goes so far as to say that they ought to be reckoned amongst the best in Spanish literature, not merely for their scope and object, but for their purity, wit, and elegance of language, the pecuharities of which appear to have been attentively studied by Cer- vantes, and to have been transferred into his writings. In this study Cervantes had Garcilaso de la Vega, the poet, tianissimo agli Blettori del Imperio e Di Valledolit alii XVIII di Marzo la risposta, e aloun' altre tai cose, alle MDXXVII.—Serassi Lettere del B quail 10 averei Toluto rimidiare, «/ar cA« Castigliono. Pad ova' 1769 71 vnl ii n' non si puhlicassero, ma non ho potuto. 144. ' '""'■'> '"i- "■ F' DIALOGUE OF MBECUEY AND GHAEON. 51 for his forerunner, who enjoyed the additional advantage of personal intercourse with Juan de Vald^s at Naples. The dialogues are entitled — I. — ^Dialogue of Mercury and Charon; in which, besides much that is pleasing, and at the same time edifying, are related incidents that occvu-red in the war from the year 1521 up to the time that the cartels of defiance of the kings of France and England were sent to the Emperor in the year 1528. II. — Dialogue which especially treats of the events that happened at Rome in the year 1527. To the glory of God and the welfare of all Christendom.^ Although actually second in the order of compositionj we may, in the first place, direct attention to the Dialogue between Mercury and Charon, being that which treats of affairs relative to France and England between 1521 and ] 528. We cannot help remarking that in all the writings of Juan de Vald^s, in which he deals with historical events, and deduces moral lessons from them, there are not only the veracity and good sense which characterize every work of a sterling author, but elucidations which clearly manifest his diligence and fidehty in the investigation and verification of facts. In proof of this, let it suffice to allude to the manner in which he judges Cardinal Wolsey in this dia- logue," from which it appears that the Cardinal had first deceived the Emperor in money matters, and after that his sovereign Henry VIII., he himself being the only guilty party in framing a forged cartel of defiance. Wolsey was weU known in England, but throughout the rest of Europe, Valdes' judgment against Wolsey, doubtless, to most people appeared utterly groundless ; for it would not be believed that a minister would have dared to send a cartel of defiance to the Emperor Charles V. by the public and chivalrous agency of a king-at-arms without his sovereign's command. The fact, however, that Wolsey carried out, in his foreign relations of the country, his own arrogant and self-interested schemes rather than the wishes of his king and his coun- ' I.— Dialogo de Mercurio y Caron : Dos Dialogos esoritos por Juan de enqueaUendedemuchascosaagraoiosaa Valdbs, ahora cuidadosamente reim- y de buena doctrina : se ouenta lo que presos. " Valdessio Hispanus Soriptore ha aoaeacido en la guerra desdel aQo de superbiat orbis." 8. 1. 1850, 8to. pp. xx. mill y Quinjentos y veynte y vno hasta & 484. . los desafios de los Reyes de Franoia y See "Life and Timea of Paleario, by Ynglaterra hecboa al Emperador en el M. Young, vol. i. p. 204--21S, ISbU, lor aflo de 1528, 4to. and 8vo. Gothic letter, an excellent analysis of the "Dialogo de 3 editions, a. 1. et a. Mercurio y Caron," dra,wn up with great II.— Dialogo: en que partioularmente judgment and disonmmation; for while setratan: las cosas acaecidas en Eoma it gives a sufficient view of the whole, el afio de MDSXVII. A gloria de Dios there is nothing m i* P/oli^ i"" *:^f°^„ y bien vniueraal de la EepubUoa chris- = Pages 29, 99, 124, 152, 179, 180, tiana. 4to. Gothic letter, s. 1. et a. 181-9. Both Dialogues have been reprinted : E 2 52 LIFE OP JUAN DE VALDES. ciUors, was certain ; and Vald^s, by recording his macMna- tions in the Dialogue at the very time of the occurrences, and at the risk of being disbelieved, shows the strength of his attachment to truth, and his resolution m assertmg it, even when opposed to popular opinion. In the preface to this Dialogue, Valdes declares that he wrote it to show that the Emperor was not the cause of the war ; and to enliven the tedium of the political narration, he had introduced Charon, the boatman of the Styx, and Mercury, the messenger of the gods, holding a conver- sation on the current affairs of the world, and questioning the souls of some of the actors in them as to their own part in those transactions. Mercury is introduced narrating the train of events. After the sack of Eome by the army of Charles V., in 1527, under the Constable Bourbon, the Emperor immediately sent a circular letter to all the European courts, one of them especially addressed to Henry VIII., which is given hteraUy in the text of the Dialogue by Valdfej his brother Alfonso, in his official capacity as Latin secretary to the Emperor, was its writer, and by him he was most probably supplied with all the other historical information. The conversation continues with the appearance of the Soul of a Councillor of the King of England. Charon puts the question: — Chaeon : What has this spirit to communicate ? Let us learn who it is, and what news it brings. Soul : I know what you want. I was Councillor to the King of Eng- land, and the news I bear is, that there our king has concerted with the King of Prance to make war miitedly against the Emperor ; and they have already sent to defy him. I deserve to be wall paid by you for the communication. Charon : You woiild — ^had we not known it before you. Soul : How is it possible that you can have known it before me, for I was present when it was determined ? Charon : As you were present, you will not object to tell us what motives induced your king to make war upon the Emperor, to whom he was bound so closely by services and friendship, and had no cause for enmity. Soul: He had but one motive. Charon : Only one ? Soul : I say that he had but one. Charon : What was that ? Soul : The avarice and ambition of a Cardinal whom he has about his person, and by whom he allows himseK to be swayed. Charon : The rascal ! A pretty cardinal, indeed ! Let us see what moved him to act thus. Was it love to the King of Prance ? or was it a grudge that he had against the Emperor 1 Soul : A curse for the love he has to the King of Prance, or anv mortal on earth, beyond what he thinks will benefit himself ' Charon : What do you say ? DIALOGUJO ABOUT WOLSBY. 53 Soul : It is so. Ohaeon : According to that, he must entertain some hostile feeling against the Emperor, which leads him to promote this war. Soul : Now, I tell you, you have hit the maik. Chaeon : Has he any motive for it ? Soul : Only one. Charon : What is that ? Soul : The Emperor is good and virtuous, and he himseKia the reverse; and, as you know, the wicked hate the good. Yet there is still one thing more : he never could prevail on the Emperor to get him made Pope by force. Charon : What ! did the Cardinal ever dare contemplate anything so infamous and abominable as that 1 Soul : Did he ever dare .' — I wonder what that is that he would not dare to perpetrate ! Charon : Well, tell us under what pretext does he seek to excite this hostile feeling and war. Mercury : Leave that point, Charon, for the present ; I will explain it to you in due order. Tell me, sinful Soul, did you give your voice in favour of undertaking and carrying on a war so unjust as this ? Soul : God knows how it grieved me to do so ; but I could not do otherwise, vmless I wanted to be turned out of the Council. Mercury : How so ? Soul : Because the man who contradicted the Cardinal's will would cease that very day to be member of the Council. Mercury : Would it not have been better for you to have been put out from it, and saved, than to come to hell, to be lost ? Soul : Yes ! but one's honour ! Mercury : As you preferred worldly honour to eternal life, you will have to pay here for making such an unlucky choice. Charon : Let the poor Soul go, Mercury ; and now tell me about the King of England. Mercury : I have abeady told you that in the year 1522, when the Emperor went to Spain, he made a treaty with the King of England. Charon : Well ! Go on ! Mercury : This treaty was carried out, until that English cardinal, on the death of Pope Adrian, earnestly pressed the Emperor that he would send his army to the walls of Rome, to compel and force the cardinals to elect him Pope. Charon : Is it possible ? Mercury : It was so. Charon : Again I say, the Vicars of Christ act outrageously if they cause themselves to be elected by dint of arms. Mercury : The Emperor never would consent to do it. Charon : God bless him ! Mercury : Mark what happened. Because the Emperor would not do it, aU kindly feelings upon the part of the Cardinal towards the Emperor were annihilated, and he conceived a deadly enmity against him, saying that he would make the Emperor repent of not havmg done it, though it should involve the downfall of England. Charon • What is it you teU me ? Was there ever such a thmg heard of ? And is not this King of England ashamed to aUow hmiself to be ruled by such a man as this 1 Mercury : He cannot know him. Charon : And does not the whole kingdom cry out ? Mercury : No one dare open his mouth. Charon : The King and the kingdom are very unfortunate ! Mercury : Then the Cardinal began to plot with the French to break 54 LIFE OF JTJAN DE VALD^S. off friendly relations with the Emperor. And haying broken them on various occasions, finaUy, in the year 1525, he negotiated a treaty with the King of France, whilst he was a prisoner in Spam. Then subsequently, when the King of France was liberated, he comnaenced war with the Emperor, and ia carrying it on was aided by the King of Jingland with money, both publicly and privately.' Wolsey sent, as in the name and by order of tlie King Ms master, thougli sucli an order had never been given, Thomas Bennett Clarenoieux, to bear a cartel of defiance to the Emperor, in conjunction with the French herald, teUiag the King at the same time that Clarencienx had gone of his own mind, without any instructions, to give the defiance. By way of apology to Mendoza, the Spanish ambassador ia London, Wolsey had the effrontery to afiBrm that the King was informed by the French ambassador that the envoys of both sovereigns had been put in prison at Madrid. When this was denied, he added, with most cruel audacity, that Clarencieux had made the defiance to the Emperor without the Kiag's commandment, only by the motion of the French ambassador to accompany the French herald, and for this presumptuous act he should suffer death at Calais upon his return. All this Mendoza wrote down and dispatched. His letters, providentially for Clarencieux, were opened and copied at Bayonne, as the post passed that way. "When Clarencieux was returning homeward, the captain of Bayonne," says Halle, " quietly showed to him the copy ' See "DosDialogos," 1850, p. 99 — 103. expressions complained of by Chajies V,, It was known at Madrid that Woleey which Wolsey had used to his ambas- openedtheSpanishambassador's letters; sadors. The Emperor himself was a and Dr. Sampson, the English ambas- "liar," who observed no manner of sador at Madrid, was obliged to apologize faith or promise; my Lady Margaret on behalf of Wolsey for his having done was ribald ; Don Fernando, his brother, BO. a child, and so governed; and the Duke For the Emperor's view of Wolsey, of Bom-bon, a "creature." The English see Letter CXXXIL of Ellis's "Third ambassadors endeavoined to extenuate Series of Original Letters,"' vol. ii. p. 12, the matter, but could not deny the written conjointly by the three ambas- words, sadors at Madrid. In addition to this general letter, whiohit The three ambassadors in Spain, was presumed the King of England would Bishop Tunstall, Sir Richard Wingfleld, read, two private ones preserved in the and Master Sampson, to Cardinal Wol- same vol. (fol. 58—60), one from Tunstall, sey, reporting their first audience with the other from Sir Eiohard Wingfield, the Emperor, who expresses his great both written in their own hands, and dissatisfaction at Wolsey's general de- bearing the same date as the general meanour. [MS._ Cotton, Vespasian, letter of June 2nd— entreating Wolsey, (^■^}\-^<^-°o,Ong.] _ "for the establishing of their master's Wolsey's occasional coarseness in his aflfair and the same of ours," to write to expressions, eyentowardsforeigaprinces, Charles V. Tunstall says, "YourGraoe's 13 smgularly illustrated m this letter ; plainUness is not so well taken as it is whence it would seem that negotiations w;orthy; wherefore it were as good to ^»?f.$'T' f^°'^-^ "lianoe of being im- give them good words for good words, peded by the violence of his temper, and keeping secret voiir thnno-Vits aa Tunstall, Wingfield, and Sampsonf in they do.'' ^ ^°" thoughts as the present letter, tell jointly the harsh HENM VIII. AND CARDINAL WOLSEY. 55 of the letters that the Emperor's ambassador had written." Dismayed, he went on, however, to Boulogne, when hearing again of his danger, instead of going to Calais, he stopped short at Boulogne, and immediately sailing from thence to Rye, arrived secretly at Hampton Court. Through Sir Nicholas Carew, Master of the Horse, he obtained an audience of Henry before Wolsey could be aware of his return. When he showed the three letters of instructions which the Cardinal had sent him, charging him to make the defiance, he then declared how courteously he had been treated by the Emperor, who already was well informed of the true circumstances ; and when he exhibited his chain of gold, valued at five hundred ducats, given him by the Emperor, the King exclaimed, as Foxe relates,^ " 0, Lord Jesus, he that I trusted most told me all these things contrary. Well, Clarentius, I will no more be so light of credence hereafter ; for now I clearly see that I have been made to believe the thing that was never done ; " and from that time forward the King never put any more con- fidence or trust in the Cardinal, although he continued near the person of the King for nearly eighteen months longer. From the preceding quotations, we find that Vald^s was well informed on the subject, and did not transgress the bounds of propriety when he inculpated Wolsey. It was both opportune and needful to condemn such perfidious proceedings when he composed a work of such a nature as the Dialogue of Mercury and Charon. Having shown the manner in which he deals with poli- tical character, to illustrate one purpose of this Dialogue, we here proceed to exhibit the tone of his moral and religious opinions repecting the various features of Spanish life, as they appeared before him in his own experience and from his personal knowledge. It is believed that in this way he portrays his own and his brother's individual ' sentiments in these his earliest writings ; and his later ones most consistently evince the same mental qualities. With the exception of the fact of marriage — for he lived unmarried — ^he here appears to give us a description of the circumstances of bis own Hfe : — Charon : Turn hither, soul ! wtere are you going ? . . . Soul : To heaven. Charon : 111 luck attend you, since you will pass over without my boat. I Foxe, vol, ii. p. 24S, ed. 1641. oG LIFE OP JUAN DE VALDES. Soul : It seema to me I shall do so. Charon : How, and why 1 Soul : Because Jesus Christ has so willed it. Ohaeon : Since I can get nothing else from you, at least I ask you to tell me how you lived on earth, now that you are about to enjoy boundless bliss. Soul : Although I would fain not have been detained at this time, yet I shall willingly satisfy your desire. You must know that when a youth, although I naturally loathed the vices, yet through bad companions I was held enslaved by them for many years. When I attained twenty years of age, I began to know myself, and to learn what it is to be a Christian ; and knowing that ambition is exceedingly opposed to the teachings of the New Testament, I then determined to renounce many vain thoughts that I had held as to the acquisition of great wealth, and I began to deride certain superstitions that I saw were rife among Christians ; &it I did not, on this account, lay aside vices that had become habitualj/*\A.t twenty-five years of age I began seriously to reflect on my manner of life, and on my abuse of the knowledge God had given me.^ And I reasoned thus : Either the doctrines of the New Testament are true, or they are not ; if they are true, is it not gross foUy for me to live as I am doing, in opposition to them ? If they are false, why do I impose on myself the numerous ceremonies and regulations observed by Christians ? Then God enlightened my mind ; and knowing the doctrines of the New Testament to be true, I determiaed to lay aside superstitions and vices in aU their forms, and to occupy myseH in foUovring out the former to the best of my poor ability, although friends and relatives placed immense obstacles in the way of my doing so. Some said that I was going mad, and others that I was about to turn monk, whilst I made sport for them aU. But, from love to Jesus Christ, I borp- it all patiently. ^ Charon : Did you not then enter the cloister ? Soul : No. Charon : And why ? Soul : Because I knew that the way in which monks live was not likely to suit me. I was told that the monks had seldom opportunity to sin, as compared with men living in the world, to which I replied, that sinful desire developed itself as fully inside a monastery as outside, and more- over, that sinJful man never wanted, let him be where he may, time and opportunities for being so, and that those persons who hold themselves far above all temptation frequently fall more heinously and more disgracefully. True it is that I was once inclined to turn monk to escape the indulgence of ambition ; but on going to confess myself to a monk, my personal friend, he told me that ambition was as prevalent among them as amongst men outside ; whereupon I determined not to change my garb. Charon : Did you converse with them ? Soul : Yes, with those in whom the image of Jesus Christ was seen to shme forth. Charon : Then yoix took orders ? Soul : Neither did I do that. Charon : And why did you not ? > Speaking: of books of ohivaliy, at that I ate my food with the books in rhf^l^i "ni^irsally and almost ex- my hand. And notice what a thing it " Ton ir^ fi^" l^T'f ^^''^vf ^^^V^ ^ ^. ''*™ ^ depraved taste ; for if I tSok Ten years the best of my hfe, which m hand a work translated from the I spent in palaces and courts, I did not Latin that was true Srv or aUea^t employ myself in more virtuous exer- whatwasheldas^n^Wwi^r ?«„„„» oises than in reading these lying ro- to read it''-^D^fln;n^» , ? f mances, in which I to?k so much relish, ed. Madrid 1860 plil ^ ^™^" ' DIALOGUE OP A SOUL AND CHARON. 57 SoTJL : Because I felt unwortliy to administer the most holy sacrament so frequently, and it pained me to have daily to pray siich long hours ; it appeared to me that my time would be better spent in trying to under- stand what others repeat as prayers, without understanding them, than to string psalms and prayei-s together, never heeding the sense of the one, or comprehending the others. Moreover, they told me that it was not weU to grant orders to a man who had not a benefice ; and knowing the strata- gems and lawsuits incident to ecclesiastical benefices, I wished to escape that labyrinth. Charon : What condition of life did you adopt ? Soul : I married. Charon : You brought endless troubles on yourself? Soul : They bring themselves into trouble who marry for outward beauty or for wealth ; but I disregarded these, and chose- a young woman of my own condition, with whom I lived very happily. If I desired anything, she expressed herself perfectly happy at my having it, and I did the same whenever she desired anything. Charon : Were there no diff'erences between you 1 SotTL : Occasionally, when, from a reciprocal desire to please each other, we were at a loss as to the best way of carrying it out. Charon : Such strife was but the maintenance of peace. Soul : Just so. Charon : Did you ever go on pilgrimage ? Soul : No ; because it seems to me that Jesus Christ manifests Himself everywhere to those who truly seek Him ; and because I saw many who returned from pilgrimage worse than when they set out. And it likewise appeared to me to be an act of foUy to seek at Jerusalem what I had within me. Charon : Then you did not think favourably of pilgrimages ? Soul : Though I did not think them profitable to myself, I commended and approved the holy purpose of some who were prompted to make them Charon : Did you hear Mass ? Soul : Without fail on Saints' days, and likewise on other days when disengaged. Charon : Did you fast ? Soul : When in health, I kept all the fasts appointed by the Church ; and I did so whenever I thought fasting conducive to the health of body or soul. Charon : And fasting voluntarily, did you eat meat ? Soul : Yes. Charon : How, whilst eating meat, did you fast ? Sorri,: Why not? since to attain the end I had in view meat was better than fish. Charon : Did you pray ? Soul : Constantly. Charon : How was that possible ? Soul : In aU places, and at aU times, I endeavoured to glorify Jesus Christ, both by works and words. And I held that to be prayer. Charon : Did you never ask anything of God ? Soul: I asked the pardon of my sins, and grace to persevere in His service, ever recognizing myself to be the greatest sinner in the world. Charon : Look now : was it not wrong to lie ? Did you not know that there were many others in the world who lived worse than you ? Soul : Yes ; but I likewise knew that had not God, of His infinite mercy, held me up by His hand, I should have done works far worse than any other man ; and for this reason I knew myself to be a greater sinner 58 LIFE OF JTTAN DE VALD^S. than others, attributing to God only whatever good there was in me, if indeed there was any. Charon : Did you never ask of God wealth or personal advantages ? Soul : No ; I only asked of Him that He should give me them, or deprive me of them, as He knew best, for His service, and the salvation of my souL Charon : Did you found either church or monastery 1 Soul : No ; for it appeared to me that, in the greater number of instances, this was done at the suggestion of ambition ; and what money I had to spend I preferred to distribute privately amongst the poor, where I saw evident need, rather than elsewhere. Charoit : In this manner the monks got but little out of you ? Soul : Quite true as to those whom I saw beyond want, and as to those who appeared to me to" beg for objects of luxury ; but I never failed to give of my substance to those whom I saw in need. Charon : Were you ever attached to the court of any prince ? Soul : Yes ; up to the time of my marriage. Charon : And could you whilst at court live virtuously 1 Soul: Why not? Charon : Because at the courts of princes the virtuous are ever maltreated and persecuted. Soul : Quite true as a general rule ; but it was my lot to live with a prince so virtuous, that he was ever ready to favour those who Uved virtuously ; and so it came to pass, that while in the courts of other princes there are many vicious and bad, in his there were many virtuous and good. For it is a well-established fact, that as is the prince so are the courtiers ; and as are the courtiers, so is the prince. Charon : See now : whilst at court, did you not encounter opposition to your designs ? Soul : Very often ; but I knew how to convert such incidents into opportunities for pushing on in the good way with greater determination. Charon : How so ? Soul : Suppose, for instance, that I saw an individual whose course in life was marked by hankering after riches, in contemplating him I learned to abhor riches. If I saw another amassing wealth, by fair means or foul, I felt inclined to renounce the possession of what I had. If I occasion- ally found myseK in company with dissolute women, I was seized with such a loathing to them, that what acted as poison on others, acted as a remedy on me. I discharged the duties of my office as a man should who felt himself placed in it, not to benefit himself, but for the welfare of society ; and in this way I seemed to have a certain influence on all who were about the court, and even on the prince himself. Chakon : How did you pass your time ? Soul : What leisure I had, after the discharge of my official duties, I occupied in reading good books, or in writing things which might benefit me whilst writing them, and benefit others whilst reading them. My relations and friends were not on this account less social, so that they could not think me a hypocrite, nor could they think it belonged to a good Christian to be a gloomy man. Charon : Did you not fear death ? Soul : The troubles and trials of life gave me much greater concern. Charon : Did you ever desire to die f Soul : I was always prepared to die when God should be pleased to summon me ; however, it was only on one occasion that I longed for it, and that was when I saw a Franciscan monk die with such iov and satis- laction that I would fain have followed him. DIALOGUE OP A SOUL AND CHAEON. 59 Charon : How did you bear the infirmities and trials that befell you ? SoTJL : I willingly accepted them, knowing that they came from the Lord's hand, and that He sent me them but for my greater weMkre. Charon : What remedy had you against pride? Soul : The recollection that I was mortal. Charon : And what against ambition 1 Soul : The recoUeetion of the trials they have to pass through who are in the highest stations, and how much more liable they are to fall. Charon : Did you never desire to be rich, iu order that you might, for Grod's sake, do good to many ? Soul: No. Charon : Why not ? Soul : I knew that God amply provides for the maintenance of His poor, and that He would never call me to account for that which He had not given me. Besides which, I knew the danger to which they expose themselves who seek riches Charon : Did you confess t Soul : I confessed myself to God daily ; and when I wished to take the most holy sacrament, if I felt my conscience burdened with any ofience against God, I confessed myself to a priest. Besides which, I confessed myself once a year, in order to comply with the requirements of the Church. Charon : Did you get many jubilees and indulgences ? Soul : Yes ; but I ever preferred to travel by the high road rather than by short cuts [or byways]. And such beiug my aim, my jubUeea and indulgences were resolutions to follow Jesus Christ's teachings, which appeared to me so truly a king's highway that a man could not err therein. Charon : Were you never reproved for this ? Soul : Frequently ; but I repKed, " Brethren ! take that way which appears to you the best, and let me take that which I prefer, since you see that it is not a bad one." Charon : I know that you could well take both. Soul : What you say is true ; but I kept my eye firmly fixed on Jesus Christ only. Charon : How did you die ? Soul: One day I found myself very iU, and, inwardly conscious that the hour had arrived in which I was to be liberated from the prison of this gross body, I sent for the curate of my parish, that he might confess me and give me the sacrament. Having done this, he asked me if I wished to make my will I told him that I had already made it. He asked me whether I would leave anything to his church, or to be distributed between the poor, and friars, and nuns. I replied that I had, when living, distri- buted what it appeared to me I had to dispose of, leaving my wife and children provided for, and that I would not pretend to ofi'er in service to God that of which I had already lost the enjoyment. He asked me how many double passing bells' I would have tolled, when I said that bells ' Matthew Paris observes that an- to bespeak the prayers of all good ciently the use of bells was prohibited Christians for a soul just depari^ing ; the in time of mourning ; at present, how- other, to drive away the evil spirits ever, the tolling of these forms one of which are supposed to stand near the the principal ceremonies of interment, bed of the dying, or about the house, Mabillon adds, that it was an ancient ready to seize their prey, or at least to custom to ring bells for persons about molest and terrify the soul in its pas- te expire, to advertise the people to sage. By the ringing of the bell — for pray for them. The passing bell, in- Durandus informs us that evil spirits deed, was rung for two purposes : one, are greatly afraid of bells — they were 60 LIFE OF JUAN DE VALDES. could not take me to heaven, and that the sexton, or bell-ringer, might do as he pleased. He asked me where I would be buried. I replied that I was conoemed that my soul should go to Jesus Christ, and that I cared but little for the body, and that they might bury it, if desired, in a ceme- tery. He asked me how many hired mourners I wished to attend my body, and how many wax tapers and cierges I wished to burn at my burial, and how many masses shoxdd be said on the day of my interment ; what ceremonies should be observed, and how many monthly masses should be said for my soul. I said to him, " Father, for God's sake, don't weary me with these things ; I leave the whole management of the affair to you ; do as you think best. As for myself, I fix my trust upon Jesus Christ alone. All I ask of you is to give me extreme unction." He said that had he not confessed me, he should have thought me a heathen or a pagan, because I attached so little importance to that which others held to be paramount. I satisfied him to the best of my ability, and at last he went away grumbliag. When the disease began to distress me, I east myself on the bed, begghig of all not to grieve, for I was only too happy to throw off this mortal body, and that I could in nowise consent that they should weep for me; and caUing my wife aside, I commended my children earnestly to her, and enjoined on them ever to be obedient to her, and earnestly pressed npon them all to persevere in that Christian charity and kindness of which I had set them an example. And knowing that my last hour was at hand, I asked them to bring me the extreme unction ; and having received that, they wanted to know whether they should send for two fnars who should help me to die properly. I begged that they might not be troubled on my account, for that as I had never given them aught to do for me when living, so neither would I when dying. They asked me whether I wished to die in the habit of St. Francis ; I replied, " Brethren, you know how careful I have ever been to deceive no one : why do you wish me now to seek to deceive God ? If I have lived like St. Francis, I am quite certain that Jesus Christ will receive me into heaven as He did St. Francis; and if my life has been unlike his, what shall it profit me to let this body be covered here with a garb like his 1 " It was then late, and I asked them aU to go to bed, save a friend, whom they might leave there to read to me such passages of Scripture as I might select, and especially the discourse which Jesus Christ addressed to His disciples at " the Last Supper," every word of which excited and inflamed within me a burning desire to reach His presence who had uttered them. On the morrow they placed a lighted candle in my hand, and I, having the psalm rehearsed which Jesus Christ recited when on the cross, and whilst hstening attentively to it, felt that my soul had begun to leave my body ; and exclaiming, " Jesus Christ, receive my sinful soul !" I escaped from the dungeon of the flesh. And I am now journeying to that place where Jesus Christ has promised His people that they shall enjoy His glory. Understand in this the recital of my manner of life and of death, and excuse me as unable to tarry longer.' But it was the Dialogue especially treating of tlie events that happened at Eome in the year 1527 (which is placed m the volume second in order^ though the first in composition) kept aloof ; and the soul, like a hunted rongeu when it thondreth, and when hare, gained the start, or had what grete tempeste and outrages of wether sportsmen call law. This dislike of happen, to the ende that the feinds spirits to bells is mentioned in the and wyoked spirytes shold be abashed "Golden Legend," by Wynkyn de and flee, and cease of the morynge of: Worde. " It is said the evil spirytes tempeste." thatbenintheregyonofthayre, doubte 'See " Dos Dialogos," por Juan de moche when they here the belles rongen : Vald«s, edition 1850, pp. 158-173. and this is the cause why the belles ben ' ^^ DIALOGUE ON THE SACK OP ROME. Gl that had the most important influence on the future fortunes of the brothers. It was composed about August of the year in which the sacking of Rome took place^ of which it treats, while the events were fresh upon everybody's tongue, and when the Chancellor Gattinara had just arrived at the Emperor's court at VaUadolid from Italy, full of the details of what had transpired there.* It was intended for private circulation only. The manuscript of it was care- fully considered. It was submitted to the judgment and revision of several members of the Emperor's Council — Matteo Aleman, his secretary ; Don Juan Manuel, who had been his resident at Eome j the Grand Chancellor, Mercu- rino de Gattinara; also to some of the most eminent theologians and professors — Pedro de Lerma, High Chan- cellor of the University of Alcala, uncle of Francisco de Enzinas, translator of the Spanish New Testament; Dr. Coronel, Secretary to the Inquisitor- General; and others distinguished for their learniag and enlightened sentiments, being chiefly those who favoured the writings of Erasmus. The scene of the Dialogue opens in the market-place of VaUadolid, between a young knight of the Emperor's court, named Lactancio, and his friend, the Archdeacon of Viso, just escaped from Home in the disguise of a soldier. They retire together to the church of San Francisco, to converse upon the stupendous events which had just taken place at Rome. The first part of the Dialogue ia directed to the vindication of the conduct and policy of the Emperor, showing the sacking of Rome to have been but a natural consequence of the vicious vacillating diplomacy of the Pope himself. In the second part Juan de Valdes endeavours to prove, by the mouth of his speaker, Lactancio, that the particular calamities which befell the Eternal City and the pontifical hierarchy were of a kind designed by Providence to be direct punishments and corrections of their pecuhar vices, ambition, avarice, superstition, idolatry, hypocrisy, and recklessness of the souls of men. To bring out the proof that the Pope and not the Emperor was to blame for the sacking of Rome, Lactancio thus draws out the arch- deacon to define what he considers to be properly the office of Pope : — Lactancio : In order that we may better understand each other as to the differences between the Pope and the Emperor, I beg you in the first place to tell me what are the functions of a Pope, and what are those of an Emperor, and to what end these dignities were instituted ? Archdeacon : To my mind the functions of the Emperor are to defend ' This shows that Valdes received from the highest and moat direct the particulars of what he wrote about, source. 62 LIFE OF JUAN DB VALD:fiS. his subjects, to preserve to them the greatest enjoyment of peace and justice, administering favour to the good and chastisement to the bad. Lact. : Well defined ; and what are those of the Pope 1 Arch. : It is very difficult to say ; for, if we regard the days of St. Peter, they would differ from those of the present time. Lact. : When I ask you for what end this dignity was instituted, be it understood that you have to express the will and intention of Him who instituted it. Arch. : To my mind it was instituted in order that the Chief Pontiff might expound sacred Scripture authoritatively; and that he might teach the people Christian doctrine, not only by words, but as a living exemplar ; and that he might continuously intercede for his Christian people with tears and prayers, and that he might have the supreme power of absolving those that had sinned upon their seeking conversion, and to declare those condemned who obstinately persevered in evil courses ; and that he should strive with sustained effort to uphold the greatest peace and concord amongst Christians; and finally, that we might yet have one here upon earth who should truly represent the life and holy habits of Jesus Christ our Redeemer, because the human heart is more readily attracted by deeds than by words. This is what I can gather from holy Scripture; if you know anything more, teU it. Lact. : This suffices for the present; only see to it that you do not forget it, for we shall occasionally need it hereafter. Arch. : It shall not be forgotten. Lact. : Then, if I clearly show you that the destruction of Rome has been brought about through the Emperor's performance of aU that to which you say yourself he is obliged, and through the non-performance upon the part of the Pope of that which he ought to have done, upon whom will you lay the blame ? Arch. : If you do this — which I do not believe you can — it is clear that it wUl attach to the Pope. Lact. : Tell me, then, since you say that the Pope was instituted in order that he should imitate Jesus Christ, which, think you, did Jesus Christ prefer — to maintain peace amongst His people, or to cause them to rise and embroil themselves in war ? Arch. : It is clear that the Author of Peace has nothing in greater abhorrence than war. Lact. : WeU, then, let us see. How can he be an imitator of Jesus Christ who foments war and dissolves peace ? Arch. : Such an one would be very far from imitating Him. But, with a view to what do you suggest this ? Lact. : That is for you to tell me; for, whilst the Emperor was engaged in defending his subjects, which it is his duty to do, the Pope took up arms against him, doing that which he ought not to do, and broke the peace, and excited fresh war in Christendom. The Emperor cannot be blamed for the iUs that followed, since he did what he ought to do; nor can the Pope be exculpated, since he did what he ought not to do, m breaking the peace and exciting war in Christendom. Arch. : What peace did the Pope break, or what war did he excite in Christendom ? Lact. : He broke the peace which the Emperor had made with the King of France, and he fomented the war in which we are now involved; whence, by the just judgment of God, the evH that has come upon him. Arch. : A fair narration; but where do you find that the Pope excited and stirred up war against the Emperor, after peace had been made with the King of France ? DIALOGUE ON THE SACK OP EOMB. 63 Lact. : Because that, immediately upon the King's liberation from prison, the Pope sent him a Brief, iu which he absolved him from the oath he made to the Emperor, in order that he might not be obliged to fulfi l what he had promised, and that he might more freely make war against the Emperor. Arch. : How do you know this ? You say this just as if you had been a privy conncillor of the Pope. Lact. : It is known in various ways; and, not to lose time, look at the beginning of the league which the Pope made with the King of France, and you will clearly see that the Pope was the promoter of it; and so true is it, that even the Pope himself confesses it. Now, does it appear to you that this was what a Vicar of Jesus Christ ought to have done ? You say that it was his duty to introduce peace where there was discord, whilst he sowed war amongst those who were agreed. You say it was his duty, by words and dee^, to teach the people the doctrine of Jesus Christ, and he taught them eve^hing at variance with it. You say it was his duty to intercede with God for his people, whilst he strove to destroy them. You say it was his duty to imitate Jesus Christ, whilst he laboured in everything to be unlike Him. Jesus Christ was poor and humble, whilst he, to increase a temporal rule which I know not how to characterize, set all Christendom in a blaze. Jesus Christ returned good for evil, whilst he returned evil for good in forming a league against the Emperor, from whom he had received so many benefits. I do not say this to injure the Pope, for I know well that it did not proceed from him, but that he was instigated to do so by evil councillors. Arch. : It being so, who is to blame for it ? Lact. : They who led bim to do so, and he Kkewise for having such bad people about him. Do you believe that, before God, a prince wiU be excused by casting the blame upon his councillors ? No, no ! Since God has endowed him with judgment, let him select worthy men to be members of his council, who shall rightly advise him; and if he take or desire to have unworthy ones, let him bear the blame; and if he have not judgment adequate to enable him to select suitable men, let him abdicate. Arch. : It is difficult to do what you require. Lact. : Difficult ! — how so 1 Is so great judgment needed 1 Tell me, what war is there so just that a Vicar of Jesus Christ ought to take it up against Christians, members of the same body of which Christ is the head, and he the Vicar ? Arch. : The Pope was perfectly justified in taking up this war against the Emperor — in the first place, because the Emperor had not sought his friendship ; and in the second place, because he had taken and usurped the duchy of Milan, despoiling the Duke Francisco Sforza of it;— seeing which the Pope feared lest some other day he should do the same to him, and strip bim of the territories of the Church. Therefore it was quite right and reasonable that the Pope took up arms against the Emperor, both to compel bim to reinstate the Duke of Milan in his dominions, and to secure the rule of the territories of the Church. Lact. : I am astonished that a man of such good judgment as yourself should have given utterance to anything so unreasonable as this. Let us see whether the Pope did so as the vicar of Christ or as Giulio de' Medici ? Arch. : Clearly he did it as Christ's Vicar. Lact. : Well, I say, even had the Emperor, against all right and reason, sought to deprive the Duke of Milan of aU his dominions, the Pope had nothing to do with it. Why should he interfere when he was not called in, and in a matter that was foreign to his office ? As though Jesus 04 LIFE OP JUAN DE VALDES. Christ had not set him an example to do the opposite, who, when requested that He should amicably divide an inheritance between two brethren, refused to do it ; setting His people an example that they should not interfere in matters so vile and base. And would you now_ have His Vicar interpose with arms between them, without having been invited by them to do so ? Where do you find that Jesus Christ appointed His Vicar to be a judge between secular princes; and, still further, the executive agent and stirrer up of war amongst Christians ? Would you see how far the man is from being the Vicar of Christ who excites war, see its fruits, and how contrary they are, not only to Christian doctrine, but even to human nature. AH animals are naturally provided with defensive and offensive arms ; but to man, as a creature come down from heaven, impersonating perfect concord, as an object that should here represent the image of God, He left him disarmed. It was His will there should prevail amongst men a harmony rivaUing that amongst the angels in heaven. Alas ! that we should now have become so excessively blind that, more brutish than the brutes themselves, we should kill each other. The beasts live at peace; we, worse than beasts, live at war. And if it be made a matter of research how men Kve in different countries, you shall find that in Christendom, which is [or rather, in the year 1530, was] but a nook upon the face of the earth, there is more war there than through- out the rest of the world. And we are not ashamed to call ourselves Christians ! And most frequently you vrill find that those persons excite it who ought to allay it. The Eoman Pontiff was bound, since he esteemed himself to be the Vicar of Christ ; the Cardinals were bound, as piEars of the Church ; the Bishops were bound, as pastors, to lay down their lives for their sheep, which Jesus Christ both practised and taught, saying, " Bonus pastor animam suam ponit pro ovibus suis," — " the good shepherd lays down his life for his sheep," — and especially since the revenues paid to the Pope and these other prelates are given in order that they may protect and defend their subjects to the best of their ability in the exercise of their pastoral office. And now, not to lose a scrap of reputation, they raise all Christendom in arms. Pretty charity, indeed ! Do I supply you with money to defend me, and do you therewith hire men to kOl, rob, and destroy me ? Where do you find that Jesus Christ com- manded His people to go to war ? Peruse all the gospels, peruse all the apostolic (canonical) epistles, you wiU find nothing but peace, concord, and unity, love and charity. When Jesus Christ was bom, the angels did not sound an alarm, but they sang " Gloria in excelsis Deo, et in terra pax, hominibus bona voluntas." (Luke, ii. 14.) " Glory to God in the highest, and on earth peace and goodwUl unto men." He gave us peace when He was born, and peace when He suffered martyrdom on the cross, How frequently did He enjoin peace and love upon His people! and, not even satisfied with this, He besought His Father that His people should be at one amongst themselves, as He with His Father. Could He seek greater conformity ? He moreover willed that those who should follow His doctrine should not dress differently from each other— that they should neither eat nor fast differently, nor have any outward difference, unless it were in their works of love. Now, how can he be a CMstian that does not observe this ? And if he be not a Christian, how shall he be the Vicar of Christ ? Where there is war, how can there be love ? And this being the principal token of our faith, are you satisfied for its head to go so wide of It ? It is no wonder if secular princes make war, since they as sheep follow their shepherd. If the head goes to war, the members must needs fight. I marvel that the Pope, who should be a mirror of all Christian virtues, and the pattern upon which we should all look— that having to DIALOGUE ON THE SACK OP ROME. 65 engage and maintain all in peace and concord, though at the peril of his own life, should seek to make war, to get and uphold things which Jesus Christ has commanded us to despise ; and that there should be found amongst Christians any one to help hira in a work so nefarious, execrable, and prejudicial to the honour of Christ. "What blindness is this ! We call ourselves Christians, and w>e live worae than Turks and brute beasts. If the Christian doctrine appear to us to be a farce, why do we not whoUy give it up ? that so, at least, we might not so frequently and deeply insult Him, from whom we have received so many benefits. But, since we know it to be true, and pride ourselves on being called Christians, and treat with contempt those who are not so, why do we not seek to be such in reality ? why do we Kve as if there were neither faith nor law amongst us ? The philosophers and wise men among the ancients, being Gentiles, despised riches ; and do you now wish that the Vicar of Christ make war for that which those blind pagans set at naught ? What wUl the people say, who know no more of Jesus Christ, save what they see in His Vicar ? But that those philosophers, who, to attain the highest good which they placed in virtue, despised worldly things, were much better than Jesus Christ, since they see His Vicar hungering after, and making war to acquire that which the former despised. You here see what honour is done to Jesus Christ by His Vicars ! you here see what honour' His ministers do Him — those who live by His blood. Oh blood of Jestis Christ ! so abused by Thy Vicars that this present one avails himseK of Thee to extort moneys, in order to slay men, to murder Christians, to destroy cities, to burn towns, to dishonour maidens, to mate so many widows, so many orphans, and such an accumulation of iUs as war brings in its train ! He that saw Lombardy, and even all Christendom, in former years in such great prosperity — such important and beautiful cities, such fine villas in their vicinity, such gaidens, such merry-makings, such pleasures, such pastimes! The peasants got in their harvests, pastured their flocks, and buUt them- selves dweUiugs ; citizens and nobles, every one in his sphere, freely enjoyed his property, his inheritance, increased his rents, and many shared them amongst the poor. And after this accursed war began, how many cities do we see destroyed, how many towns and buildings burnt and depopulated, ho'w many vineyards and orchards cut down, how many nobles, citizens, and peasants brought to squalid poverty ! How many wives will have lost their husbands, how many fathers and mothers their beloved children, how many girls their lovers, how many virgins their virginity, how many wives have been violated in theif husbands' presence, how many husbands killed in the presence of their wives, how many nuns have been dishonoured, and what multitudes of men have fallen through- out Christendom ! And, what is worse, what numbers of souls have been hurried to helL And we put up with it, as though it were a joke ! And the Vicar of Jesus Christ, not yet content with all this, when we were at peace, comes to excite us to a new war at the time that we had the enemies of our faith at the door, in order that we should lose, as we have lost, the kingdom of Hungary, in order that he might utterly destroy what remained of Christendom! And his agents, not content with making war like others, devise new kinds of cruelty. They have outdone Nero ; for neither Dionysius of Syracuse nor any subsequent tyrants, how- ever cruel they may have been, who up to this time have swayed the world, ever invented such cruelties as the papal army perpetrated on the partisans of the Colonna family, after the breach of the truce made with Don Hugo de Moncada; that two Christians should take a young lady of noble birth, a virgin, by the legs, and hold her naked, head down- wards, whilst a third should come with a halberd and cut her in halves GG LIFE OF JUAN DE VALDES. whilst living. Oh craelty ! oh impiety ! oh execrable flagitiousness ! What had that poor maiden done ? And what had those pregnant women done, whose bellies they ripped up with their cruel swords, taking the babe yet warm from the womb, they spitted it and roasted it before the unhappy mother's eyes ? Oh God, how wondrous that Thou shouldest suffer such horrors ! Oh, mortal ears, that ye should hear of them ! Oh, Chief Pontiff, that allowest such things to be done in thy name! Those innocent creatures, how could they have merited such treatment ? We curse Herod, who killed babes but newly born, but thou killest them before they are born. Let them at least be bom! Let them at least be baptized; surely thou wouldst not send their souls to perdition as weU as take away their lives ! What had those women done to deserve to die in such agonies, to see themselves disembowelled, and hear their children groan whilst roasting spitted at the fire 1 What had those unhappy fathers done, who died of grief at witnessing the sufferings of their children thus brought to an untimely end, and of their wretched mothers 1 What Jew, Turk, Moor, or Infidel will now ever wish to come to the faith of Jesus Christ, since our experience of His Vicar's works is such ? Which of them will ever serve or honour him ? And the Christians who know not Christian doctrine, what can they do but follow their pastor 1 And if every one should follow him, who wiU live amongst Christians ? Does it appear to you, sir, that this is the mode of imitating Jesus Christ? Does it appear to you that this is the mode of teaohuig Christian people! Does it appear to you that this is the proper mode of interpreting sacred Scripture ? Does it appear to you that this is the way of interceding by the Shepherd for his sheep ? Does it appear to you that these are the works of Jesus Christ 1 Does it appear to you that this dignity was instituted to the end that the Christian body should be destroyed by it ? 1 This portion of the apology for the Emperor concludes vsrith the inculpation of the Pope as the cause of that awful calamity. Archdeacon : I cannot answer you, for certainly on this head you have fulfilled your promise. I confess to you that I was greatly deceived with reference to it. Now I could wish that you would declare the causes why God has permitted the evils that have been perpetrated in Rome, for you say that they have redounded to the greater welfare of Christianity. Lactancio : Since I have been able to satisfy you on the first head, I think, with God's help, that I shall be better able to satisfy you on the second. The second part of the Dialogue, which treats of religious topicSj commences thus : — Lactancio :_ By way of accomplishing what I promised, you will in the first place admit that all the vices and all the wiles that the mahce of man could devise, were congregated in that city of Rome which you with great propriety call holy, because it ought to be so. Archdeacon : Certainly in that you are quite right. And God knows what I have always thought of it ; and what my heart felt to see that city, which in all reason should have been a virtuous model to the whole world, so full of vices, dishonest dealing, frauds, and flagrant knavery; to see that unblushing sale of offices, benefices, bulls, indulgences, and dis- ' See "Dos Difilogos," 1850, pp. 344-355. DIALOGUE ON THE SACK OP EOME. C7 pensations, that it seemed to be a mockery of the Christian faith ; and that the ministers of the Church had no care, save that of inventmg modes to extort money. The Pope had certain figures of the Apostles, which had been cast in gold : these he pawned, and then made an imposition to be paid by the issue of Bulls "pro redemfione Apostolorum," for the redemption of the Apostles ! I cannot imderstand how they can act in a manner so derogatory and prejudicial to their honour, without being ashamed of tliemselves. Lactanoio : All who return thence say the same. I was aware of this very thing myself when I was there. Now come, were your children. . . . Archdeacon : Don't insult me ! Lactancio : Pardon me ! for I had forgotten that you were a clergyman ; though there are many clergymen who do not reproach themselves because they have cMldren. But this was not said, save by way of example. Archdeacon : Well ; go on then. Lactancio : If your children had a very vicious master, and you saw that they were infected with his vices and evil habits, what would you do ? Archdeacon : I should frequently admonish him to amend ; and were he to refuse to do so, and had I authority or rule over him, I should correct him gently to make him amend, and afterwards by harsh means, if he would not do so by soft ones. Lactancio : Well, see, God is the father of us all, and He gave us the Eoman Pontiffs as masters, in order that we should learn from them, a,nd those who are attached to them, to live like Christians. And as the vices of the Eoman court were such that by them the children of God were infected with the same, for from the Eoman court they not only did not learn Christian doctrine, but a style of life most opposed to it, God, seeing that neither the Prophets, nor the Evangelists, nor the numbers of holy doctors who wrote in past ages reprehending the vices and commending the virtues, succeeded in inducing those who lived ill to be converted and to live like Christians, — God, I say, devised new modes of leading them to do that which they ought to have done. And in addition to many good teachers and preachers whom He sent in days gone by, He sent, in our time, that excellent man Erasmus of Rotterdam, who has written various works, exposing the vices and frauds of the Eoman court and of the whole ecclesiastical body with great eloquence, prudence, and modesty. It seems that what was said of them at Eome would at least have sufficed to have made those who lived tliere dissolutely amend. As this did not improve them at all, but on the contrary their vices and evil habits waxed worse daily, God deigned to employ another mode for their conversion, and per- mitted that mojik Martin Luther to rise up, who not only lost all shame with reference to them by publishing their vices in the most unsparing manner, but drew away many nations from obedi-ence to their prelates, so that if you would not be converted from a sense of shame, you might at least by the fear lest you should lose the revenues which you derived from Germany ; or from ambition, lest your sway should be so limited were Ger- many to remain, as it well-^iigh is now, beyond the pale of your authority. Archdeacon : Well, but this monk not only spoke iU of us, but he blasphemed God in a thousand written heresies. Lactancio : What you say is true ; but had you remedied what he at first most justly complained of, and had you not provoked him with your excommunications, possibly he might never have gone the length of writing the heresies which lie has written, and still writes ; nor would there have been that loss of bodies and souls in Germany which, owing to this, has been incurred. Archdeacon : Look, sir, this remedy could not have been obtained F 2 G8 LIFE OP JUAN DE VALDES. without a general Council, and it is said that it would not have done to hare it convoked at that time, because it would have ruined the whole ecclesiastical body ; so much so, that if the Council had been held at that time, we might all of us have gone directly to the poor-house, and the Pope himself along with us. Lactancio : How so ? Archdeacon : AU the States of the Empire presented a hundred grievances, which they say they suffered from the Apostolic See, and from many ecclesiastics, and they sought remedy in every instance. Lactancio : Then why did you not remedy them ? Archdeacon: We never intended tTiai. They said that the revenues of the Church, which had been given and instituted for the relief of the poor, should be so expended, and not in wars, nor upon vices, nor in pageants, as they are for the most part now expended. And they required that the people, and not the clergy, should have the administration of them. Moreover, they required that dispensations should not be granted for money, saying that the poor are the children of God as well as the rich, and that in granting dispensations for money, the poor, who, of right, ought to be the more privileged, are the more oppressed ; whilst the rich, on the contrary, are the privileged. Lactancio : Is it not so ? Indeed, I have been, and frequently am, so astonished tiiat I cannot express it. I see on the one hand that Christ commands poverty, and herein invites us to foUow His own most perfect example ; and, on the other hand, I see that from the majority of His min- isters we can obtain nothing without money. At baptism, money ! at confirmation, money ! at marriage, money ! for holy orders, money ! at confession, money ! at the sacrament, money ! They will not give extreme unction, unless for money ; they will not toU the bells, except for money; they will not bury you within the church, except for money ; you shall not hear mass during interdict, except for money ! So that Paradise appears to be closed to those who have no money. How is this, that the rich man is buried within the precincts of the church whilst the poor is buried in the churchyard ? that the rich is admitted into the church, whilst they slam the door in the faces of the poor ? that they make pubKc prayeis for the rich, whilst not a thought is entertained of the like on behalf of the poor ? If Jesus Christ willed that His Church should be more partial to the rich than to the poor, why did He counsel us to follow poverty ? Then, besides this, the rich man marries his first cousin or female relative, which the poor man cannot do, though it break his heart not to do it ; the rich man eats meat in Lent, the poor man does not, though fish is so dear that he can only look at it, and long for it ; the rich man gets indulgences by eight cart-loads at a time, which the poor man cannot do for want of money to pay for them. And you may find an infinite number of things of this sort. There are many who will tell you that to sei-ve God you must make a fortune wherewith to found churches and monasteries, to have many masses and many trentenaries said, to buy many wax tapers to bum upon your catafalque. Jesus Christ counsels me to despise and neglect all earthly things to follow Him, and you counsel me to seek them. You will render me very great service by teUing me what reason they have for acting as they do ; for may God so save me, as I neither know nor can attain to do so.' What, however, after all, were the vices of politicians,— fraud— treachery— lying— perjury— murder— crimes against ' See " Dos Didlogos," 1850, pp. 385-393. DIALOGUE ON THE SACK OF HOME. GO the property and persons of individuals, to the vices of the religious teachers, the theologians and clergy, from the heads of the Sacred College down to the humbler parish priests ! The vices of the body were augmented by the powers of a refined and spu-itual intellect. With them, the souls of men were the prizes played for, and their acquaint- ance with the game was inspired to higlier issues of evil by a knowledge of what was holy and good, which their hypo- crisy transformed into a science of moral tyranny, which brought a blight over the fairest flowers of paradise. What the state-craft of the age carried out upon the persons, the corruption of the hierarchy apphed to the souls of mankind. Tell me, says Vald^s, by the mouth of — Lactancio : Tell me, wMcli do you hold to be of greater value, a soul or a body ( Archdeacon : Beyond comparison — ^the soul. Lactancio : How many souls, then, have you sold in this world ? Archdeacon : How is it possible to sell souls ? Lactancio : Have you not read in the Apocalypse that, amongst other kinds of merchandise, souls are enumerated f He that sells a bishopric — he that sells a benefice with cure of souls — does not such a man sell the souls of his subjects 1 Archdeacon : What you say is most true. Certainly, these things never appeared to me to be correct ; nor that of collation to benefices, reserving a yearly charge, with a power of redemption upon the payment of so much per cent., which is a mere attempt to overreach God. Lactancio : In good sooth, an attempted self-deception. But how many souls have you seen disposed of in this mode, staked upon a throw of the dice ? Archdeacon : Innumerable. Lactancio : Now, you see, and from this day forth you wiU better perceive, your error, and you will not wonder that those soldiers who live by plunder should seU [ecclesiastical] officials, since you sold benefices ; nor bishops, since you sold bishoprics. And the one is by so much the graver offence than the other, as a soul is of more value than a body. On the contrary, you ought to be glad that they did not sell a cardinal. Archdeacon : Surely it sufficed that they were ransomed, and that their houses were compounded for, not one in Home escaping free. Lactaucio : You are unwfllingly reminded of the purses which you have emptied with your compositions ; but let it be no cause of wonderment to you if they now empty yours. Have you not read in Eev. xviii. 6, 7, 8 : "Reward her even as she rewarded you, and double unto her double according to her works ; in the cup which she hath fiUed, fill to her double. How much she hath glorified herself, and lived deliciously, so much torment and sorrow give her ; for strong is the Lord who judgeth her." What think you ? in very truth, these are God's judgments. Archdeacon : My flesh quakes whilst I listen to you. But teU me, to what end, or why, the loss of so much money? — for it is af&rmed that fifteen miUioiis of ducats barely represent the amount raised by ransoms and compositions during the sack of Rome. Lactancio : And do you call this loss 1 By my troth, I call it gain ! Archdeacon : Gain ! How so ? 70 LIFE OF JUAN DE YALDES. Lactancio : Because all the wealth of Christendom has for many years found its way to Rome, and has been consumed there ; and now the tide begins to turn. Aechdeacon : How is that ? Lactancio : The money that was got by suits, by commutations, by intrigues, by benefices, by reserved charges, by corruption, by first-fruits, by BuUs and by the dispatch of Bulls, by indulgences, by the confes- sionals, by compositions, by dispensations, by excommunications, by ana- thematizations, by fulminations, by aggravations and by re-aggravations, and even by canonizations and other similar exactions : these funds are now taken by the soldiers, as labourers, to spread them over the whole earth. Archdeacon : And what black labourers they are ! Just look : what profit could be incident to such destruction of that city, that Rome cannot be restored in fi.ve centuries ? Lactancio : God be pleased so to order it. Archdeacon : What ? Lactancio ; That Rome may never again become the seat of the vices that enslaved it, and that there never hereafter may reign there so little charity, love, and fear of God ! Archdeacon : Well, but the sacred palace, with those painted cham- bers and halls, how could they deserve to have suffered, what moved the greatest pity ? — for they were first turned into stables for horses, and then burnt. Lactancio : Assuredly so. Would it have been right that, the whole city being made to suffer, that part of it should have escaped where all the evU was devised 1 Archdeacon : But who shall tell how the church of the Prince of the Apostles, and aU the other temples and churches and monasteries of Rome, were treated and sacked — so that neither gold or silver, nor indeed any- thing else of value, was left them from the plunder and destruction of . those soldiers. And can it be possible that God should be pleased to have His own churches thus treated and sacked ? and that objects dedicated to His service should be plundered thus ? Lactancio : Now, look you, sir : this is a transaction so ugly and so bad that it necessarily appears evil to every one ; but if you will study it, there is such superstition in connection with these objects devoted to God, whereby the people are prejudiced, that it causes me no surprise that God permits this, and much more, in order that there be some limit set with reference to them. The merchant thinks that^ after he has amassed great riches, he shall be pardoned all the ills that he has done, and yet will do, if he build a church or a monastery, or if he should give a lamp, or a cup, or something of the sort, to some church or monastery ; and not only does he deceive himself in this, imagining that he does so for God, but in believing that to be done in His service, which is more frequently done out of ostentation, or from vain worldly glory, as is proved by the engraving of the arms of each giver upon the objects given, or upon the buildiag erected ; relying upon which, it appears to him no longer necessary that he should live like a Christian ; and though this be excessively wrong, they do not blush to countenance it who profit by it, never considering the injury thereby done to the Christian religion. Archdeacon : And how so an injury ? Lactancio : Does it not appear to you an injury, and a very great one too, that what many of the heathen attained to know of God by the mere light of nature, we Christians, taught by the same God, should remain Ignorant of ? They attained to know that it was not true service to God to offer Him anything in its nature perishable ; they attained to know that DIALOGUE ON THE SACK OF XiOME. 71 to God", as incorporeal, nothing could be presented as a principal offering, or as an object very grateful to Him, tliat was material. They held that he did not know what God is who thought that God delighted in possess- in;;; that which good and wise men did not wish to have, such, for instance, sui jewels and riches ; whilst we Christians are now so blind that we think God is greatly served by things corporeal and perishable. Archdeacon : Then you mean to say, that no service is rendered to God by erecting churches, nor the presentation of chalices and simUar articles ? Lactancio : I say that he more truly renders service to God who adorns his soul with the virtues He has commanded, in order that He may come and dwell in it — than he who builds a church, although it be made of gold and as large as that of Toledo, for God to dwell in, keeping Him by his vices banished from his soul, although his intentions were the best in the world. And I say that it is very wrong to suppose that God is pleased by my offering gold or silver, if I do so to get praise, or from any other vain motive. I say that we should render God better service were that which we give to HLs chiu?ches. His dead temples, diverted to the use of the poor, to relieve their wants, since we know that they are God's living temples. Archdeacon : Thus there would be neither churches nor ornaments for God's service. Lactancio: Would there be no churches? On the contrary, I think there would be many more ; for there being many good Christians, wherever any two or three of them were assembled in His name, then there would be a church. And, moreover, though the wicked should budd neither churches nor monasteries, do you think there would be no good men who would do so ? And let us note it, what is this world but a very beautiful church wherein God dwells ? What is the sun but a lighted taper for the illumination of the ministers of the Church ? What is the moon, what are the stars, but candles which burn in God's church ? Do you want any other church ? Does not the Apostle say, " the temple of God is holy, which temple are ye"? Do you want candles to light up this church? You have the Spirit, you have understanding, you have reason. Does it not occur to you that these candles are excellent ones ? Archdeacon : Yes ; but no one sees this. Lactancio : And you, have you seen God ? Mark, brother, since God is invisible, it is His wiU that He be chiefly honoured with things invisible. He does not accept heavy payments, nor is God satisfied with gold or silver ; He does not need such things, since He is Lord of all. He desires the heart. And would you see this ? Is not God almighty ? Were He to will it, could He not in one moment make a hundred thousand temples, richer and more sumptuous than that of Solomon ? '■ Valdes goes on to show in what manner, by the rapacity of the soldiery, avarice prepared its own punishment in the plunder of the clergy, the almost exclusive possessors of the wealth of Eome, and in the spoliation by the Germans of the relics and sacred treasures of the churches, by which the simple and superstitious people had been so long deluded and drained of their money. The Archdeacon, enumerating the horrors incident to the sacking of Rome, complains to Lactancio that the soldiers, having opened the sepulchres within the churches in order to plunder I Heo "Dos Diiiloyos," 1850, pp. 419-J2S. 72 LIFE OP JUAN DE VALDES. them, tlie stencli was such that nobody could enter the churches, to which his friend replies : — Lactancio : Considering what sums the clergy had received as burial fees, the stench ought not to be intolerable to them. Archdeacon : You jest ! Lactancio: Upon my life, I do not ; and to speak the truth, as the clergy are not ashamed to levy tribute on the dead, conduct held by the heathen to be most degrading, so neither do they blush to enter the churches to pray for them. Arohdbaoon : Well, you thought that you had disposed of all ; but, as the proverb runs, that which is the harder to justify yre defend last, and I have kept the gravest charge for the last. Lactancio : Well, bring it forward. Archdeacon: There were no relics they did not plunder, to tear away with sacrilegious hands the gold and silver in which they were enshrined. The most abominable spectacle that the world ever witnessed was to see those shameless wretches enter places which bishops, cardinals, nay, popes themselves, scarce presume to tread, and carry forth those heads and arms of the apostles and canonized saints. I know not what conse- quences may be brought upon Christendom by audacity and irreverence so abominable ! * Lactancio : This was rude ; but tell me, having got off the silver and gold, what did they do with the bones ? Archdeacon ; The Germans threw some of them into the cemeteries or burial-grounds ; they carried some to the palace of the Prince of Orange and of the other generals. But the Spaniards, as a nation more religious, carried aU to the palace of Giovanni d'Urbino. Lactancio : Were they thus despoiled ? Archdeacon : You scarce believe it ! I myself saw a basket-fuU of them in the residence of Giovanni d'Urbino. Lactancio : Let us see ; do you hold that to be the gravest fact ? Archdeacon : Clearly it is so. Lactancio : Come now: is not a living man of greater value than a hundred dead ones 1 Archdeacon : Yes. Lactancio : Then the death of the four thousand men of which you spoke was a matter much more grave than plundering the relics. Archdeacon : And how so ? Lactancio : For the relics are dead bodies, and the men were alive ; and you have admitted that one of these was worth a hundred of the other. Archdeacon : You are right ; but these bodies were holy, and those others not. Lactancio : So much the worse ; the souls of these saints feel nothing of the ill-treatment done to theu' bodies, for they are actually in bliss ; whilst these others experience the reverse ; for, dying in sin, they go to hel^ where both soul and body shall die together. Archdeacon : It is so ; but, nevertheless, it is shocking to witness in our days an audacity and an irreverence so great. Lactancio : What you say is most true. But mark you : God has not permitted this without cause, on account of the frauds that are practised with these relics to get money out of the simple; for many rehcs are to be found, which they wiU show you at two or three different places. At Dura, m Germany, they wiU show you the head of St. Anne, our Lord's grandmother, and they will show you the very same at Lyons, in France: It IS clear that they he either at one place or at the other, unless they DIALOGUE ON THE SACK OF EOME. 73 mean to say that our Lady had two mothers, or St. Anne two heads. And, it being a lie, is it not a great evil that they seek to delude the people, ajid present to their veneration the dead body of one who possibly died as a criminal on the gallows ? Now let us see : which do you hold to be the greater inconvenience, that the body of St. Anne be not discovered, or that they cause you to worship the body of some vulgar woman ? Archdeacon: I had rather that they found neither the one nor the other, than that they cause me to adore a sinner instead of a saint. Lactancio : Would you not prefer that the body of St. Anne, which they represent as being both at Dura and at Lyons, should be buried together in one vault, and should never be shown, than that they should deceive so many with one of them ? Archdeacon : Yes, most certainly. Lactancio : Well, you will find that there are numberless relics throughout the world in this predicament; and the loss would not be great were they not in existence. Would to God that He might remedy this Himself ! I have seen Our Lord's foreskin at Rome, at Burgos, and hke- wise at the church of Our Lady at Antwerp ; and the head of St. John the Baptist, at Rome, and at Amiens, in France. Then, as to the Apostles, were we to reckon them up, although they were but twelve, and that one of them has not been discovered, whilst another is in the Indies, yet we shall find more than twenty-four of them in different parts of the world. Eusebius writes, that the nails of the cross were three ; that St. Helena, the Emperor Constantine's mother, threw one into the Adriatic to allay a tempest ; that she had the second made into a helmet for her son ; and that of the third she made a bit for her horse : and now there is one at Rome, another at Milan, another at Cologne, another at Paris, another at Lyons, with numberless others. Again, were I to say, that if all the pieces of the cross which they pretend to show you throughcmt Christendom as parts of it, were collected together, they would make a cart-load, I should speak the truth. The teeth which Our Lord shed when a child exceed five hundred, reckoning only those which are shown in France as such ! Then, the Virgin Mother's milk, Mary Magdalen's hair, and St. Christopher's teeth, form relics innumerable. Now, beyond the uncertainty incident to these objects, it makes you blush to see what is pahned upon the people. I was shown the other day, in a very ancient monastery, the catalogue of the relics which they possessed, and saw represented there, amongst other things, "a bit of the brook Kedron .'" I asked whether it was water, or one of the pebbles of that stream, v/hich they had ; and they answered me, that relics were not to be a subject for jokes. There was another item : "eaith from the spot where the angel appeared to the shepherds;" and I dared not inquire what they imderstood by it. It would make you die of laughing were I to enumerate the other things, each rivaUing the other in absurdity and impiety which they are wont to represent themselves as possessing : as, for instance, a part of the Angel Gabriel's wing ; such as some of Magdalen's penitence ; the breath of the mule and of the ox ; the shadow of St. James's staff; of the feathers of the Holy Spirit ; of the robe of the Trinity; and of others similar to these more than can be reckoned. I will only add, that they showed me, a few days since, in a coUegiate church, one of St. Saviour's ribs. Whether there have been any Saviour save Jesus Christ, and whether He left any rib here or not, let them see to it. Archdeacon : It is, as you say, rather a subject for laughter than for tears. Lactancio ; Yau are right. But I come to other things which, whether 74 LIFE OF JUAN 13E VALDES. uncertain, or even if certain, are stum'bling-'bloo'ka to cause men to fall into idolatry, and to hold them in such veneration that even in Aix-la-Chapelle there are some old breeches which they say belonged to St. Joseph. They are only exhibited once in five years, when multitudes go to see them, as something divine. And we make them of such account, and hold them in such veneration, that if there are exhibited, within the same church, the slippers of St. Christopher in a golden recess on the one side, and the Holy Sacrament on the other, in comparison with which all relics are less than nothing, the people prostrate themselves preferentially before the slippers, rather than before the Holy Sacrament ; and though this be a great impiety, they who ought to rebuke it do not rebuke, but look on with much com- plaisance, because of the profit they make by the very subtle devices they have to that end invented. Now, what think you ? Which involves the greater inconvenience : — the total absence of relics upon earth, or that the public be thus befooled with them 1 ' Valdes tlius expresses his sentiments about the heathenish, abuse of the worship of images : — Archdeacon : May God so help me, as you have satisfactorily settled all my doubts. And it surprises me to see how blind we are in all these things that transpire outwardly, and how regardless, too, of what transpires inwardly. Laotancio : And, indeed, you have great cause for astonishment; for, in truth, there is the greatest reason to regret the erroneous notions which the people are led to entertain. How far we are from being Christians ! how opposed are our works to the doctrine of Jesus Christ ! how laden are we with superstitions ! And, according to my views, the whole proceeds from the pestilential avarice and pestiferous ambition which now reign among Christians more absolutely Jihan they ever previously did. Why, think you, is it stated that a wooden image goes on an expedition to liberate captives, and that when it returns it is all of a sweat, imless it be to allure simple- tons to make offerings to that image, which ofi'erings they who make that statement presently convert to their own use. They who thus practise delusions upon the people have not the fear of God before their eyes. As though the Virgin Mary were obliged, in order to liberate a captive, to take a wooden figure with her. The thing, being in itself absurd, is believed by the vulgar, upon the authority of those who declare it. And thus, others would have you believe that if you cause so many masses to be said, with so many candles, at the time of the second anguish, you shall find what you have lost. Sinful man that I am ! can you fail to see that some devilish machination is com- bined with that superstition ? Well, then, since there is such a com- bination, would it not be better that you should lose all you have in the world rather than allow anything so sacred to be blended with something so baleful? Of the same character are the names which you wear round your necks as charms attached to either man or beast, to avert death by fire or water, by the arms of adversaries, by enchant- ments, or by philters, as they are ordinarily called. I know not whence this excessive blindness has been introduced into Christendom, so that we have well-nigh fallen into heathenism. He that would honour a saint, let him labour to follow his sainWike virtues. We, nowadays, instead of doing so, hold buU-fights on his feast-day, and practise other levities. We say that we hold it devout to Idll four bulls upon St. Bai-. tholoniew's day, and that were we not to kill them we should have cause to fear that he would lay our vines waste with haU ! What greater ' See " Dos DiiClogos," 1850, pp. dil-iiS. DIALOGUE ON THE SACK OP HOME. 75 heathenism than this coiild you adduce ? AYhat different emotion do I expe- rience whether I kill four bulls as a devout act upon St. Bartholomew's day, or that I sacrifice four bulls to St. Bartholomew? I am not scandalized by the public recreation of the bull-fight, but to me it does appear pernicious that the public sho\ild think that they thereby rendered service either to God or His saints. Would you see another similar heathenism no less glaring than this ? Look how we have distributed amongst our saints the offices held by the gods of the heathen. The god Mars has been superseded by St. James and St. George, Neptune by St. Ehno, Bacchus by St. Martin, jEoIus by St. Barbara, Venus by the Magdalen. The duties of ^sculapius have been distributed amongst many : St. Cosmo and St. Damianus are put in charge of conmion diseases ; St. Roch and St. Sebastian of the plague ; St. Lucy of the eyes ; St. Apollonia of the teeth ; St. Agatha of teats ; whilst St. Anthony and St. Aloy patronize beasts ; SS. Simon and Judas perjurers ; St. Blasius those who sneeze. I know not to what these inventions and this repartition of offices tend, unless it be to give us a wholly Pagan character, to divert lis from that love to Jesus Christ which we ought to cherish for Him alone, by giving us the habit of asking that of others which, in truth. He alone can give us ; and hence it comes to pass that some think because they rehearse a mass of psalms, or handfuls of rosaries ; some because they don the habit of a Franciscan, or that of a Merced (which is a royal and military order for the liberation of captives) ; some because they do not eat meat on Wednesdays ; some because they dress in blue or orange, that they, forsooth, come short in nothing of being very good Christians : retaining, on the other hand, their envy, rancour, avarice, ambition, and other similar vices, as fully as though they had never heard tell what it is to be a Christian.' These extracts sufficiently express the nature of the Vidlogo de Lactancio. The precautions taken to fence it round with the pale of Romish orthodoxy were not suffi- cient for its protection. While only circulated privately^ in manuscriptj amongst the author^s friends^ the apostolic nuncio to the court of Spain^ Baldessar Castiglione, pro- cured a copy of itj after much diligence, through his secretary, as we may infer from Alfonso de Yaldes' own words. Having read it, he immediately denounced it, to- gether with the writer, to the Emperor, as at once hbellous to the person of the Pontiff, and profane and impious towards the Church. The Nuncio without doubt was angry at not having obtained previous notice of the departure of the imperial army to Rome, to give timely notice to his master, the Pope ; whereupon he plotted the ruin of the secretary Yaldes, of whom, as may well be imagined, he had requested information in a friendly and familiar manner, on account of their mutual affection, and prosecuting the same studies. But duty imposed silence upon the one in reference to that which the other unreasonably desired to learn from him. The Nuncio's denunciation coming to the ears of Alfonso, he hastened to avow himself the author of ' See " Dos Diaogos," 1850, pp. 460^64. 76 LIFE OF JUAN DE VALDES. the Dialogue^ because he had been informed that the Inquisition was about to proceed immediately against the person of his brother Juan, who held no public office; and thus the process was begun against them both. Alfonso, as a generous brother and co-operator in the object, did not deny the charge, knowing that Juan, being a private gentleman of the court, would be exposed to persecution, whilst he believed himself protected by his high official position, and hence desired to attract all the odium on himself rather than on his brother. Letter from the Secretary [Alfonso] Vaih^s to the Count Baldbssar Castiglionb, Nuncio in Spain. Most Eeverend and Illustrious Seijor, — Before I left this city for Valencia, your Reverence sent M. Gabriel, your secretary, to speak to me about a little work wbicb I wrote last year. I reported frankly to him what had occurred in the matter. This answer he afterwards told me had satisfied your Eeverence. It is indfcd true that I have not since read it, nor added to, nor erased anything in it, for my intention was not to publish it. Notwithstandiiig, from the want of fidelity which friends usually observe in similar cases, those to whom I have communicated it have practised so Kttle reserve about it, that more copies have been taken of it than I wished. Within these few days past, on the one hand M. Gabriel, and on the other Oliverjo, have with much pains sought to procure this Dialogue. In seeking to know their object, I have discovered what your Reverence is doing against me on account of this book, and that you have informed his Majesty that there are many things in it against the Christian rehgion, and against the decisions of councils approved by the Church ; and especially, that it asserts that it is right to take away, and to break, the images in the churches, and destroy the relics, and that your Reverence had spoken .to me about this, but that I would not retract. As in this and other things I feel my conscience quite clear, I cannot but complain of your Reverence, that you treat a thing of this kind with so much prejudice to my honour, while at the same time you profess to acknowledge me as your servant, a thing I should never have believed of your Reverence ; and that you say, besides, that you have often remon- strated with me, and that I stUl persist. Your Reverence knows very well that you have never spoken to me on this subject, but that of which you sent word byM. Gabriel. Indeed I do not know what perseverance or obstinacy your Reverence has seen in me ; but this is of Little moment. In saying that I speak against the decisions of the Church to the injury of images and relics, it is evident you have not seen the book ; for if you had seen it, I cannot believe that you would have said such a thing ; and I cannot but complain of your Eeverence for accusing a man by hearsay of being a heretic, whom you appear to consider as your servant. Not to waste many words, I am certain that your Eeverence has been very ill-informed; and for this reason I say that, if your Lordship complain of me because I speak against the Pope, I answer that the subject obliged me to do so. Desirmg to excuse the Emperor, I could not avoid accusing the Pope, of whose dignity, however, I speak as every good and faitliful Christian ought to speak; and the guilt which might be personally brought REPLY OF CASTIGLIONB TO VALDES. 77 home to him, I try as much as possible to wai'd off from liimsclf, and to cast it on his ministers. And if all this be not satisfactory, I confess to have gone somewhat too far; and to please your Lordship I am prepared to correct it, since, indeed, it caimot be suppressed. But if your Reverence mean to say that in this Dialogue there is anything contr.iry to the Christian religion and to the decisions of the Church, this would touch my honour too closely, and I entreat you to consider it well first, because I am ready to maintain that which I have written; and that your Lordship may not think me so pre- sumptuous as, perhaps, I have been described to you, it is well you should know'that, before I showed this Dialogue to others, Senor Juan Aleman saw it, then Don Juan Manuel, and afterwards the Chancellor, in order that, as prudent and sagacious men of business, they might correct and improve what they thought wrong. By the advice of Don Juan I altered two things. Not content with this, because it contained points relating to religion — and I neither am, nor presume to be, a theologian — I showed it to Dr. Coronel, who, after having read it twice, advised me to alter some things which, though not irreligious, might give rise to calumny. I showed it afterwards to the Chancellor of the University of Alcalsi, to the Master Miranda, to Dr. Carasco, and other distinguished theologians of that university, who praised it, and all desired to have a copy of it. Afterwards it was seen by Master Fray Alfonso de Vives, Fray Diego de Li Cadena, Fray Jn. Carillo, and finally by the Bishop Cabrero. They all praised and approved, and with one voice entreated me to print it, with offers to defend me against any one who ventured to blame it. But this I never wished to do, because I did not look at it in the same light as they did. Thus your Reverence may see that he who has so many and such distinguished sponsors might venture to assert that there are no errors in the work. I have given your Reverence this long account in order that, knowing all that has passed in this matter, you may proceed with more wariness and consideration. If, nevertheless, you determine to persist ia this action, I beg only one thing of your Reverence, that ypu will not on this account cease to consider me as your servant ; for, indeed, I should feel the contrary to be a great loss. For the rest, I have confidence in God and in my innocence that I shall in the end come out of it with more honour than disgrace. — I am your Reverence's very faithful servant, AiFOlfSO DE VAiD:fis.' This letter was written towards tlie end of August, 1528, at Madrid, before the court moved to Valencia. The reply of the Papal Nuncio : — Count Baldessae Castiglione to Secrbtaet Vald:6s. Senor Vald^s, — It appears right to me, being desirous of replying to your letter, to begin by discoursing of other matter, and to tell you of all that has occurred to me with reference to the subject upon which you address me. Hence I say that, whilst the court was at Burgos (from 20th October, 1527, until 20th February, 1528), friends of mine, and gentlemen, told me that you had composed a Dialogue, in which were many things derogatory to the Pope, and not very Christian. And because it appeared to me to be my duty to investigate the matter and to remedy it to the best of my abibty, I endeavoured to get a sight of the book containing this Dialogue, but could not. Afterwards I sought to do so at Valencia and at Monzon ; but with aU these efforts I could not get to see a copy of it, of which I felt glad; for, being unable to see it, I thought that it had been suppressed by your own orders, tha,t no one had a copy of ' "DiSlogo da la Lengua," Madrid, ano de 1860, pp. 9-15, 78 LIFE OP JUAN DE VALDES. it, and that you had withdrawn it from publication. But it has veiy recently been intimated to me here in Madrid, and that by ma,uy, that numerous copies of such a work had been taken, and that it was intended to print it for transmission to Italy, Germany, and various other countries; whilst aU who have spoken to me respecting it concur as to its bemg of the worst character, and th;it I have been culpably lukewarm in not denouncing a paper so scandalous to the Church and to the Pope, written, as it were, under my eye, and more especially as I hold office under h^ Holiness. The book at length fell into my hands, and I read it through. I have criticaUy examined it more than once, and it has excited that dis- pleasure which, in my opinion, all good men ought to feel, and especially those who profess to be true Christians, servants of the Pope and of the Emperor. And this I say yd. order to quash one of the two complaints against me in your letter, to wit, that I speak evil of your book upon hearsay, without having seen it. Then your other complaint against me is that I have informed the Emperor, and have said that there are many things in your book against the Christian religion and against the ratified decrees of CouncUs, and that I have said that I have spoken to you upon the subject, and that you would not retract. You also say that you cannot refrain from complaining of me, and say you never could have believed that, whilst I continued to treat you as an intimate personal friend, I could bring forward a matter so greatly to the prejudice of your honour. To this I reply that you ought to have believed that, if the respect which you owe me has not diverted you from an evil course, respect for you ought not to have diverted me from a good one, which I am impelled to take, both by office and duty ; moreover, I avow that I never intend to hold friendly relations with those who are not good men. But I discharged all the claims of friendship, and possibly more than I owed, when, as observed in your letter, I sent my secretary Gabriel to admonish you and to let you know that it had come to my ears that you were engaged in writing something not good, and degrading to the Pope; and that I begged you to consider it well, and not to do anything that would entail inconvenience on yourself. But, whether you relinquished your design or persevered in it, is to be seen by the work itself. Now, coming to your statement that, if I am prepared to affirm that there is aught in that Dialogue opposed to the Christian religion or to ecclesiastical decrees, forasmuch as this would touch your honour, I should fiist look well to it, for that you are ready to maintain all you have written, I answer and say that I have looked at it, and, after having well considered it, have told the Emperor that there are many sentiments in it utterly impious and opposed to the decrees of the Church, and that, beyond the prejudice thereby done to the Christian religion, you are specially injurious to the person of the Pope, for that you most unjustly seek to inculpate Mm falsely, for which you deserve severe chastisement. I have, moreover, suppUcated his Majesty to deign to read it, that he may know the truth of my statement. If this, therefore, be with you a ground of complaint, it gives me little concern ; for I know that aU good men who shall read your book win see that I am quite right, and wiU recognize in it your great malice and little prudence, combined with such confusion, that you your- self, not to say others, do not know what is intended to be conveyed by it, unless it be that, impelled by peculiar malignitv, you desired to spit forth venomous slanders mwardly cherished by you, thinking that the spirit of the times was such that even worse would be acceptable. And, because the mam object of your book is to speak evil of the Pope, which is apparent to every one, and you yourself confess it in your letter when you say that you exceeded the bounds of discretion in defamino- his Holiness, REPLY OP CASTIGLIONE TO VALDES. 79 being constrained to do so by the subject; I think that this alone may suffice to apprise any one that I had a legitimate cause to notify to the Emperor this fact and the character of the rest of -your book. And because evils never before heard of ■were practised in this sacking of Rome, among other modes of calumniating his Holiness employed by you, it appeared good to you to 'Say that the iUs wrought by the Pope and the Roman clergy greatly exceeded those done by the soldiery, and to insist upon it that they proceeded from papal guilt and by divine per- feiission, whilst you never suggest what might have been said in reproba- tion of the misconduct of the soldiers, unless it be that such is customary in warfare and a judgment of God, whilst the misconduct of the clergy was still worse. Thus, by your inordinate desire to aggravate the latter, which you would falsely attribute to the Pope and the Roman court, you commit yourself to the extent of impugning Divine worship. Christian rites and ceremonies, and of slandering all who reverence crucifixes, images of Christ and of our Lady, and the relics of Saints, and to excuse those who have laid waste Rome and have outraged the Church and the Pope; you praise incendiarism, havoc, torture, sacrilege, murder, bar- barity, and impiety. But, forasmuch as your purpose is so abhorrent to reason and opposed to God and nature, I think you never can have persuaded one good man, though you plume yourself highly upon your great eloquence, and glory in your faculty of distinguishing and recog- nizing every diversity of argument, notwithstanding you are but a youth. — " Didlogo de la Lengua," ed. 1860, pp. 17 -21. P.37.But assumingthatthe soldiers are impious and perfidious, lawless and without the fear of God, that many of them are heretics and Jews, and that men must bear this misfortune as they are able — yet that in the very palace of the Emperor, a prince so much the Christian, so very just and virtuous, there should be found a secretary who should dare to excuse acts of impiety so heinous, and to show^ himself so open an enemy of Christian rites and ceremonies, appeals to me a monstrosity so intolerable, that even when contemplatiog it I dare not credit it. And yet it is true that you are that monster, for you not only excuse it, but even praise it P. 39. If with reference to the sentiments expressed in the Dialogue you say that you do not commend the arguments employed by the disputants, I reply that the academical mode of treating a subject in dialogue is not unknown to us, and that we know that it was ever the habit of the Platonists to contradict, and not to affirm anything. But your style of writitig has not been so cautious, but that it is palpable which of the disputants' sentiments you adopt, and which that is in whose mouth you put a thousand foolish utterances, in order that they may be the more easily refuted ; and it appears that Laotancio's sentiments are yours, and that yours are Laotancio's ; and there will henceforth be no impropriety in changing youi name, and in calling you Laotancio. P. 42. For this reason I hold your argument to be analogous to the former ones, and to the doctrine you manifest a desire to follow, in which, indeed, there is, so to speak, a great odour of Lutheranism recognizable, and of the opinions of other heretics, who indeed were more lettered than you, but whose wills, probably, were not more depraved than yours. True it is, that you seek to cover and adorn your sentiments by writing the Dialogue in Spanish, and in disguised terms ; but, unable to sustain your dissimulation to the end, you say that God permitted Luther to act his part, softening down your malignant hypocrisy by the term "permission ;" and it would seem that you assign the blame attaching to Luther's works to God, whilst you are so incensed against the Pope for having excommuni- cated him, that you censure both the Pope and the prelates for it; &c. &c. 80 LIFE OF JUAX DE VALDES. P. 53. I hold myself greatly wronged by your supposing that I could tolerate either you, or any one else, in speaking so irreverently of the Pope as you have done, I being a Christian, and peculiarly his Holiness's servant; and marvel that you should ever have believed that I ought to hold yonr honour— which, as you were bom of Jewish parents, was lost before you were bom — in higher estimation than that of the Pope, than that of the Christian religion, and than my own personal honour. You say, likewise, you know not what obstinacy I can have seen in you, admitting that I sent my secretary Grabriel to request you to desist from following the cour^ upon which you had entered, which, whether you have done so, the hook itself testifies, concerning which (you state) I camiot be well informed. There is nothing in it that is not bad ; but truly I can be informed of your malevolence, of your attempt to deceive in this matter, and of your telling lies, which is your habit ; for, after having published the book, and having sent it into Gtermany, Portugal, and various other countries, you say you are willing to correct it ; and, combining ignorance with malignity, say, that you are prepared to do so, for my £ke, as if you would do me thjs pleasure from personal courtesy and kindness, and not because reason or duty demands it. Then, presently, you add, that yon will abide by what you have written. Now, see how well your abiding by what you have written agrees with your correction of it. But I wiD. not deceive you : I tell you that I shall again speak to the Emperor, and I am certain that his Majesty wiU so publicly rebuke you that every one will know that your sacrilegious pamphlet — for you style it a pamphlet — is published without his consent ; and we shall see whether the excuses you make will stand you in good stead ; and you will see that they who chastise you (the Inquisitors) will be better able, and with greater warrant, to say that justice has compelled them to expose that haughty arrogance which prompted you to declare that the subject of the work compelled yon mendaciously to calumniate hirn whom, as head of the Church, you, had you been a Christian, would have been obliged to honour and ob^ iis such. And were you bom under such evil stars, and were you formed by nature of a constitution so perverse that you camiot refraia from slander- ing and lying, from yielding to your instinct, declaring the fixed malignity of your heart, but which without utterance is visibly legible in the pale- ness of yonr pestilent countenance, and in those venomous eyes and forced smiles which ever seem to breathe treachery, you ought to take some less important person as your mark, and to do as they are wont who, exercising themselves for their amusement in archery, place their target in an unfrequented spot ; but you have placed yours where it seemed yon could do the greatest possible injury : all the arrows were aimed at the heart, which, probably glancirig off, will recoil on yourself. I hope this may suffice by way of reply to that part of your letter wherein yon state that the subject of the book compelled you to speak evil of the Pope. By way of conclusion to what I have said, I assert that it was wrong to take such a subject ; nor shonld you marvel if I have been unable to write without great irritation and vexation ; for it appears to me intolerable that such a vile worm as you should hare venom enough to presume to frustrate all the eflForts of those who aim at the pacification of Christendom, an object I desire beyond everything else on earth. P. 61. And since it has been your purpose to accuse and speak ill of the Pope, that intention can have proceeded from nothing else than the hatred you bear to the Christian religion ; but concerning this I shall cease to reason further, leaving you to justify yourself to God, and to those whose province it is to compel you to do so (viz., to the Inquisition). P. C2. I fear you are one of those who woiild not wish to see the REPLY OF OASTIGLIONE TO VALDES. 81 troubles of Christendom brought to a close ; and I .am at a loss to know- to what to attribute this, unless it be to your native bias. Truly, I do not think that God has permitted you to be what you are, that any good should spring from your malevolence, as you say He did in the instance of Lutlier. I trust you will be unable to accomplish your evil designs, and that as the Emperor has begun to raise Christianity from its ruins by the liberation of the Pope, so he wiU go on to serve Him, as an acknow- Jpdgment of the many favours he has received from Him ; and that his conduct will be such, that he shall be worthy to receive yet many greater ones, associated with such earthly glory as has never yet been attained by any prince. AYhUst you, with other malignant spirits, ministers of the devil, shall stajid by gnawing yourselves from hatred and envy at witness- ing aught good in the world. And forasmuch as you, having in your letter previously said that you do not know what doggedness or obstinacy I can have seen in you, affirm that you are prepared to maintain what you have written, it excites in me no wonder, that in addition to your other virtues you should stiU be most obstinate and determined ever to persist in evil, your actions corresponding with your utterances ; nor do I know the need of further witness with reference to the life of the person who excuses sacrileges, homicides, incendiarisms, and devastation ; who states that the destruction of Eome and of the Church is for the interest of Christianity, and commends those who have held the Pope and Cardinals so ignominiously imprisoned, that, it having at one time been feared that the Turks might do so, the minds of aU good Christians quaked. And since you are determined to maintain what you have written, my imagination attempts to realize who are to be the judges before whom you would fain prove that he who holds the Pope and Cardinals imprisoned is not only not exposed to excommunication, but merits high praise, and renders God great service, to whom aU Christendom owes a debt of obli- gation ; and that the canonist who does not acquiesce in it, shows but little judgment ; and that for this reason it is much better that the Pope remain in the Emperor's custody rather than elsewhere ; and that great evils will follow upon his liberation ; and that, in holding him prisoner, the prudent and wise, knowing that it is for the welfare of Christendom, will regard it as an act of consummate wisdom, and wiU praise his Majesty's prudence and virtue ; and that only the simple and ignorant, whose false judgment it is impossible to satisfy, will be they who will censure it ; so that, accord- ing to you, aU those persons who have petitioned the Emperor to liberate the Pope, and those who have been displeased at his imprisonment, and at the desolation of Eome and Italy, are all foolish and ignorant, judging falsely ; whilst the Emperor himself, who has listened to their prayer and felt displeasure, wiU be an ignoramus likewise. Do you not see, perfidious and impudent fellow that you are, that your blame attaches to all good men ? For I myself can swear that in this instance I have witnessed the tears of all the prelates and of all the distinguished men, and that indeed throughout Spain there has been public sadness and universal grief. And although I have received such honour and such acts of courtesy at the hands of this most excellent nation that I can never forget them, so that I shall ever hold myself to be as much a Spaniard as an Italian, nevertheless that which has brought me under greater obligation than all the rest, has been to witness the universal grief and compassion which high and low, men and women, nobles and peasants, poor and rich, and all classes have felt at the sacking of Rome and the calamities of the Pope ; whilst you, and some others like you, in a persecution so fierce that brutes without discourse of reason, wild beasts and the stones evinced sorrow, you alone, instead 82 LIFE OF JtlAN DE VALD^S. of compassion, which is the sole relief of the -WTetched, have with fresh cruelty desired to awaken hatred against the poor survivors of the de- struction hy fire of Rome and of the Church, and have repeated the guilty exclamation of those perfidious Jews who said to Pilate, in order to induce him to condemn our Saviour to death, " If thou let this man go, thou art not Cesar's friend," not only by saying, but by writing, that if the Emperor liberate the Pope he will be unable to justify himself, but that a very bad impression wxU be permanently wrought upon the minds of the people against him ; and that you know not what they wiU say of him, nor what account he will have to give to God himself, iu not having known how to avail himself of so good an opportunity of rendering service to G-od, and so memorable a benefit to Christianity. Do you not see yourself what injury is done the world by yoiu: being left upon the face of the earth ? What more atrocious words were ever uttered ? What more abominable counsel was ever given to a secular prince ? AVhat pestiferous tongue ever dared utter an expression so inhuman and brutish ? You, a new reformer of orders and Christian ceremonies, a new Lycurgus, a corrector of approved Holy Councils, and a new censor of men's morals, you say, let the Emperor reform the Church by keeping the Pope and Cardinals imprisoned, and that in so doing, he will not only do God service, but will also gain on earth immortal glory — do you 2 And you would induce him to do such an impious and heinous act — would you ? Comparing him to Jesus Christ, and saying that if he do so, men will ever afterwards say, Jesus Christ founded the faith and the Emperor Charles V. restored it ! Oh impudent blasphemer and hellish fiend ! have you dared to raise your eyes ? have you dared to present yourself to men ? are you not afraid that God should send down fire from heaven and consume you ? Do you not fear, lest the gloomiest spirits that people the abyss of hell should bear you away from earth ? Prepare yourself, then ; for divine justice does not leave such abominable crimes unpunished ; and beKeve that ravens wiU tear your malignant eyes out of your head, rather than for them ever to see such huge mischief as you desire ; and the accursed tongue, which you exercise as a firebrand on earth, shall rather be torn by dogs than that it ever induce the Emperor to do that which is not God's service. P. 68. I indeed beKeve that the clemency of the Pope and of the Emperor is such that, possibly, they will pardon you, as far as they are personally concerned, for the injury you have done them both in endea- vouring to cause them, and that without their fault, to be esteemed two of the most irreligious and cruel tyrants that ever existed ; but it is not right that the injury done to Christ and our religion be pardoned you by either of them. And even if they were wiUing to pass over your error without punishment, without consideration of a thing so vile as you are, believe that the people would not : the very stones wUl rise to stone you and" expel you from Spain; for this most Christian nation' hates and persecutes heretics, and there would be great inconsistency in discovering and chastising those who are so secretly, and then in tolerating those who are so publicly. Go, then, and carry this plague elsewhere ; go to Germany, where your Dialogue is gone before you to be your harbinger, where you will be heartOy welcomed by Luther and his followers ; and do not thrnk of infecting, like a scabby sheep, this whole flock of Christ, whose health is so well cared for by its Shepherd. And if you have hitherto been so cautious that your hypocritical devices have deceived those who might have suspected that the root of your ancestors' errors yet lived iu you, do not believe that, after your personal avowal, the ofScers of the INQUISITION will, by failure in their duty, show favour or DEATH OF OASTIGLIONE. 83 affection for you, who have in the beginning of your Dialogue called them Pharisees and bigots, saying you were well aware what false judgments they would form on this subject ; for I can tell you that they will form a correct judgment concerning you, and there will be manifested the revelation of your designs, and not the protection of Jesus Christ, of which you speak, for He does not protect His enemies, nor does He by His grace supply shortcomings where there is no rectitude of purpose ; nay, He smites them with the sword of justice. P. 70. And since you, moreover, say that the Spaniards to whom you write are so able and judicious that they can fathom anything, however difficult it may be, I believe that they wiU readily discover your malignity, and chastise it accordingly. And, since towards the close of your Dialogue you say to the Archdeacon that you wiU go to St. Benito to furnish you with religious arguments, I hold it to be significant of a San Benito that awaits you, garbed in which your life's tragedy wiU end. Madrid, October, 1528. (Signed) Baldessar Castiglione. Some palliation for the intemperate character of Casti- ghone^s Philippic may be found in the consciousness of the disastrous position to which he felt that his diplomatic affairs had arrived. He had seen his acknowledged talents, his diplomacy and counsel disconcerted iu Spain ; his credit with the Consistory of Rome ruined ; the Pope, his master, brought to the verge of dishonour in the sight of the Catholic world, and to ridicule among the German powers : and to his unsuccessful negotiations, rather than to the crooked ambition of the Church of Rome, Clement attri- buted the sacking of the metropolis of Christendom. "Exhausted, spiritless, afflicted, fallen," a disheartened and baffled ambassador, under the irritation of declining health, the suavity of the man of fine manners, the model "courtier" was no longer under the control of his better judgment; whilst death, he saw, was fast advancing to cover his bright and flattered career with undisguised disgrace. He died a few months afterwards, at Toledo, on the 13th of February, 1529, the year of the fall of Wolsey. From the first, Juan de Vald^s trusted less than his brother in the power of government to improve and reform Spain, the object which both brothers always yearned after, and for which they laboured. On this account Juan did not fetter himself with the pursuit of pubHc affairs of any kiad. Without the responsibihty of office, he found himself more at hberty than Alfonso to labour, speak, and write without restraint] and hence in the absence of his brother was entirely exposed to attack. This circumstance obHged him to leave his country; and, by directing his course to Naples, led to his acquaiutance with his well- known Italian friends, and subsequently to the production of the whole series of his strictly religious writings. a 2 84 LIFE OF JUAN DB VALDES. CHAPTER IV. The death of Oastiglione, wMch took place at Toledo, by no means freed the brothers Valdes from their impending danger. The anger of the friars and Romish party was fully aroused. Fortunately for them, the Emperor had fixed at this period to visit Bologna, to meet the Pope, arrange the affairs of Italy, and be crowned with the iron crown of Lombardy, and thence proceed to attend to the pacification of Germany. Alfonso, as his secretary, went with him ; and as he is now separated from his brother Juan, whom we shall hereafter find in Italy, it will be convenient to foUoW Alfonso's course until he disappears entirely from our view. On the 27th of July, 1529, the Emperor embarked' from Barcelona, and touching at Palamos, where he remained four days, he landed on the 5th of August at ViLlafranca, near Nice. At Genoa he was received with the acclamations due to the protector of its liberties. He honoured Doria with many marks of distinction, and bestowed on the RepubUc several new privileges. He was welcomed in the name of the Pope by four cardinals, with Parnese at their head, Continuiug his journey, he arrived at Piacenza on the 6th of September. The Protestant cities had begun to combine together. They resolved to send ambassadors to the Emperor, with the statement of their grievances embodied in a formal remon- strance, founded upon the resolutions of the Diet of Spires ; and appealed to a council or synod in Germany. At Piacenza they were introduced into Charles's presence by Mercurino Gattinara, Henry of Nassau, Alexander Schweisse, and Alfonso Valdes, on the 9th of September. Charles appointed the 12th for the audience, and requested them to draw up their demands in writing, and to be as short as possible. These demands he answered in writing with no little severity, and the ambassadors having their Remonstrance ready, gave it for presentation into the hands of Alexander Schweisse, the Emperor's interpreter, in presence of witnesses. At first he refused to take it ; at length he was induced • For the progress and- for the dates denoe of the Emperor Charles V.," 1852, of the Emperor's journey, we follow the pp. 494-6. Itinerary " in Bradford's " Corrospon- IXTEEVIEW OP CHAELES V. WITH THE POPE. 85 to carry it to the Emperor ; but^ returning in the afternoon, he brought word that the Emperor confined them to their lodgings under pain of life and goods. Michael Caden, of Nuremberg, one of the ambassadors, being accidentally- absent, was informed of the news by his servant, and imme- diately wrote an account of aU that transpired to the Senate of Nuremberg. The ambassadors were constrained to follow the court to Parma, where Grattinara received his nomination of cardinal, and where he was taken sick, not without doubts of the cause of his disorder, his duties pro tempore being trans- ferred to Granvelle, who there set them at liberty to return home, with the exception of Caden, who was commanded to stay, upon pain of death. Learning, however, from Granvelle's discourse, the danger he was in, he secretly hired horses, and posting first to Eerrara and then to Venice, reached his home in safety. The Senate of Nurem- berg gave notice to the Duke of Saxony, the Landgrave, and their associates, who, having consulted together, re- solved to hold a convention at Smalcalde about the latter end of November, which issued in the league for their common defence.' The Emperor proceeded to Bologna, the place fixed upon for his interview with the Pope. Clement was now on good terms with Charles ; his own favoured nuncio, CastigHone, had sunk to the grave, disgraced and dishonoured, under Clement's former policy, and he showed himself in haste to propitiate the Grand Chancellor, the successful adviser of Charles, his former enemy. At Parma, while yet on the way to Bologna, Gattinara had received his nomination of car- dinal — an elevation, however, which he enjoyed but for a very few months. How acceptable to Alfonso de Valdes had been the inclination of the scales of fortune ! The nuncio, his former Mend, through mutual love and admiration of polite letters, and lately his most exasperated enemy, disappointed and baflBled in his state craft, had been removed by death from the scene ! His patron, on the other hand, suc- cessful in all his views, into which he himself heartily entered, he saw elevated to the highest dignity which their opponent the Pope had in his power to confer. The humbled Pontiff awaited the Emperor at Bologna. Charles affected to unite in his public entry into that city the majesty which suited the imperial dignity with the humihty becoming an obedient son of the Church ; while at the head ' Sleidan's "History, of Beformation," translated by Bohun, 1689, book vii. 86 LIFE OP JUAN DB VALD^S. of twenty thousand veteran soldiers^ able to give law to all Italy, he knelt down to kisa the foot of that very Pope whom he had so lately detained a prisoner, and who now, with his own hands, placed the iron crown on his head at the festival of St. Matthias, February 24th, 1530.1 Qn the 21st of January the Emperor had sent letters into Germany to summon a Diet of the States, to meet at Augsburg the 8th of April, there to consult on the affairs of religion and the Turkish war. The Emperor remaiued at Bologna until the 22nd of March, 1530, during which time his father- confessor, Loaysa, the Bishop of Osma,^ received a cardinal's hat. While staying at Bologna, Alfonso received letters from Erasmus by the hands of Erancisco DUfo, an Andalusian, with whom he had been intimate at Ereiburg, and who was returning by way of Bologna into Spain. Dilfo at the same time was the bearer of a letter from Erasmus to another Valdes,^ one of Alfonso's brothers, with whose name we are yet unacquainted, whom Erasmus solicited to exercise the good offices towards him which the twin-brothers, owing to their absence from Spain, could no longer execute there : — Erasmus to Vald^s. There is nothing, my dear Vald&, that I do not owe to your hrother [Alfonso], who never ceases to love, benefit, and defend me in eveiythiag. Since your brother, whom I hope to see amongst us next spring, is absent [from Spain], it is right that you should there do the same for me as he did. I easily excuse you for not answering to my letters, provided that your love corresponds to mine, as I doubt not that it does, unless I am deceived in everything. I will not trouble you with any more, since the rest you will hear from Francisco Dilfo, who does not know how to separate himself from Spain, which is become so dear to him. Farewell. From Freiburg, in Brisgavia, on 13th January, 1530.^ Proceeding to Germany by way of Peschiera, Botzen, and Brixen, over the Brenner pass, the Emperor arrived the 4th of May, 1530, at Innspruck. Here Alfonso was suddenly deprived of his immediate friend and patron. The Grand Chancellor Gattinara, who had sickened at Parma, became ' Charles V. was the last of the ancient confesor [Garcia de Loaysa, Cardenal sovereigns crowned with the iron crown; Obispo de Osma.] Berlin: Wilhelm it remained as a relic at Milan until Besser, 1848." Smo. p. 226. Napoleon, anxious to connect bis dignity ° See " OX. Consideraziones de Juan with the recollections of the past, placed de Vald& por Luis de Usoz i Eio," 1863, it with his own hands upon his head, Apendize, p. 526. disdaining to receive it from the bishop. ' Erasmus, Epistolse, No. MXC. col. ^ Letters of Garcia Loaysa, Bishop of 1262, where it is addressed as to Alfonso Osma. "Cartas al Emperador Carlos V., de Valdfe, which from the sense is evi- escritas en los afios de 1530-32 por su dently an error. LETTER OF EEASMUS TO ALFONSO VALDES. 87 fatally ill^ and shortly after died, leaving vacant the presi- dency of the Coxincil and the Imperial seal. The conduct of aflfairs was committed to Nicholas Perrenot de Granvelle, who had studied at the University of Dole, where the late chancellor had been his instructor, who, early recognizing his talents, had introduced him into the Emperor's employ. This circumstance deeply affected Alfonso, combined as it was with the news of the death of his venerable father, Don Fernando de Valdes, Eejidor of Cuenca, in the same month of May, 1530. Erasmus, in his efforts to console him under his affliction, unites his consolations for both bereavements in the same letter : — Erasmus of Eotterdam to Alfonso Valdes. I caimot be otherwise than sympathetically affected at your lot, iny dear Valdfe, that you should at the same time suffer the double loss of your excellent father, and of Mercurino Gattinara, your patron, who loved you as a father does his son. But a man ought to maintain his mind un- disturbed by aught that can happen to it. The Lord has seen fit to lay His hand upon me too, and I am recovering but gradually ; for whilst the abscess was still suppurating, the surgeon applied strong plasters to the wound, which healed it, leaving, however, a certain hardness, which leads me to fear lest the evil should return. When my suffering was at its height, the only servant I had, for the other had been recalled to his own country, and who ever assisted me in my chamber and at meals, fell sick with the sweatiug sickness. But " it is the Lord, let Him do that which seemeth Him good." Faie ye well, my dear Valdfe, and after this tempest may you have a cabir. Indeed, nothing new has befallen you. You have lost your father ; yet this circumstance is of daily occurrence ; neither could Gattinara live for ever. In them you leant upon " a totter- ing wall" You know well that he who writes this is whoUy yours to command both actnaUy and prospectively ; I repeat it, fare you well.' Dated Friburg, July 9, 1530. Alfonso, notwithstanding the loss of his friend Gattinara, continued some time longer in the service of the Emperor; for he would be of equal use to the successor of the Chan- cellor as he had been to Gattinara, whom he directed, with respect to the internal affairs of Spain, not merely from his own intimate acquaintance with every circumstance, but also from information furnished through him to the Chancellor by his father, one of the principal movers of the party of progress which had been formed under the training of Angleria. From Innspruck, Charles proceeded by way of Munich to Augsburg, where a second Diet had been convened by him. Arriving on the evening of the 15th of June, he was occu- pied until the 23rd of November in the most important and memorable endeavours to adjust the demands of the Protest- ' Epist. MCXXII. col. 1298. 88 LIFE OP JUAN DE VALDKS. ant princes, who had determined to give precedence to the question of the settlement of religious differences, whilst he sought in some degree by these means to induce the G-erman powers effectually to oppose the progress of the Tiirks, who had taken Rhodes, then considered the bulwark of Christen- dom. Almost one-half of the Germanic body had revolted from the Romish see ; and eyen the provinces, that had not hitherto thrown off the papal yoke, were considerably weakened. Charles, now on good terms with the Pope, who dreaded and abhorred the thought of a General Council, and wished to crush the Protestants by force of arms, think- ing that their contumacy would also lessen the Imperial authority in Germany, was disposed to lay a less resolute hand upon them. The Protestants, however, would not recede from their demand for a General Council, which Charles himself was not unwilling to grant. His views were dif- ferent from those of the Pope, for he was becoming daily more sensible how obstinate and deep-rooted the existing evils were ; he had no objection to reconcile the Protestants, if possible, by less violent means, and considered the calling of a council as no improper expedient for that purpose. Alfonso de Valdes now proved himself an active promoter of peace and reconciliation. Upon the court's arrival at Augsburg, he took occasion, with Cornelius Schepper, his co-secretary, to seek a private interview with Melancthon, thinking that it would promote these objects to know exactly the points of controversy, and what the Protestants especially demanded. It was a memorable day in the history of Christian progress! "Alfonso [de Valdes], Spanish Chancellor [secretary] of his Imperial Majesty, as also Cornelius [Schepper] ," writes Spalatin, "have had some friendly conversations with Philip [Melancthon]. Valdes told him that the Spaniards had been given to understand that the Lutherans believed neither in God nor the Trinity, nor held Christ and the Virgin Mary in any estimation, so that they esteemed it a greater service to God to slay a Lutheran than to kill a Turk." " Melancthon," he writes, " spoke for along time with them, and explained the princi- ples of his party; but they came to no coaclusion, and maia- tained their own opinions." On Saturday, the 18th of June, " Alfonso told Melancthon that he had been in the morning with the Emperor, and that no opportunity so favourable to speak to his Majesty about him having occurred for a long time, he reported to him all the Lutheran articles, and how they believed there was nothing whatever in thom contrary to the Church. The Emperor had asked. What do they ALFONSO VALD^S AND MELANCTHON. 89 wisH about the monks'? and had charged him, Alfonso, to request of Melancthon that he should transmit to his Majesty a brief summary, drawn up without any prolixity, which Melancthon has done.* At the same time, he charged Alfonso to go to the Legate Oampeggio to talk the sub- ject over with him. This he has done, and the greatest obstacle to agreement more than anything else is the Mass; It appears, then, thanks to God, that affairs present some degree of hopefulness. The Emperor would willingly assist ; God has touched him." Another report, sent on the 21st of the same month, by the Nuremberg deputies at Augsburg, to their Burgomaster and Senate, serves to confirm and complete Spalatin's. It details, amongst other things, the following : — It is reported to us that Alfonso Valdiis, one of the principal secretaries of His Imperial Majesty, has summoned Philip Melancthon to him several times, and after having conversed with him on Lutheran matters, finally asked him to explain what the Lutherans really desire, and how the affair may be adjusted. That Melancthon had at once given him the informa- tion as well as he could in an offhand discourse, and as near as may be in the foUowing terms : that the Lutheran question was not so perplexed and unreasonable as might possibly have been represented to His Majesty, and that the chief existing differences were comprehended in the following articles : the Sacrament under two forms ; the marriage of the clergy and regulars ; the Mass ; and that the Lutherans could not approve of private Masses. If these points were conceded, he believed that aneans might be found to arrange all the others satisfactorily. That Alfonso [de Vald^s] had undertaken to report this information to His Imperial Majesty, and that he had sent an intimation to Melancthon on Saturday, the 18th June ; that His Majesty had graciously heard that report, which had not displeased him, and that he had charged Alfonso to communicate it to the Papal Legate. That having done this, the Legate likewise was not displeased nor shocked by the Sacrament in two kinds, nor by the marriage of priests and monks, but that he could not bring himself to allow the suppression of private Masses. That Alfonso had finally told Melancthon His Imperial Majesty required him to note in writing in the briefest manner possible the articles which the Lutherans desired, and to send them to Alfonso, and that then His Majesty would receive and weigh them. But His Majesty particu- larly desired that such summary should be couched in modest terms, concise yet comprehensive, so that he might hence derive a fresh and more powerful reason for treating about the terms of agreement and settlement of this dissension. That His Majesty besides thought it would be more advantageous to conduct this matter with quiet unobtrusiveness, without long and public audiences and disputations : for that such audiences and litigious disputations only tended to produce fresh causes of irritation, and by no means promoted unity. Melancthon, acceding to this request, engaged that he would reflect more deeply upon the matter, and would compose a summary. He desired to talk over the subject with Dr. Biiick and other learned men first ; then to make a draft of it to read tt) the Elector ; and if it appeared good and he thought it right, then to place it in Alfonso's hands. ' This summary is tho Auffsburg Conjestion, and owed its origin to the suggestion of A. de Valdfe. 90 LIFE OF JUAN I)B VALDES. The two most conciliatory men of the two parties, how- everj could not adjust differences of such magnitude. With reference to the same confession of faith, concerning which Luther, admiring and commending it, said, with his usual self-sufficiency, that he himself could not have drawn it up so circumspectly, MelancthOn writes to Joachim Oamerarius on the 26th of June : — I am so far from judging it to be more temperate than just, that, on the contrary, I fear exceedingly lest certain parsons should feel offended by our freedom. For Vald^s, the Emperor's secretary, saw it before it was pub- licly exhibited, and held it to be bitter, and in a form intolerable to its opponents. And both Vald^s and Melancthon were right. Alfonso de Valdes translated this fine confession of Melancthon's into Italian, at the Emperor's command, who said him- self : " Autant de langues on parle, autant de fois on est homme," — " a man multiplies himself by the number of languages he speaks ;" and who therefore, assuredly, must have highly esteemed this his secretary ! A httle work, entitled ''Pro religione Christiana res gestae in comitiis Augustae Yindehcorum habitis, anno Domini MDXXX.," iu which the licence, dated 6th November, 1530, countersigned A. Valdesius, is probably indeed a work of his own.^ Alfonso's name occurs under a Latin letter which the Emperor sent to the Swiss Catholic cantons after their victory at Cappel, in 1531, where Zwinglius was slain, on which Charles congi'atulated them, exhorting them to per- severe. Alfonso could not do otherwise than fulfil the Em- peror's commands by virtue of his office ; and it is known that Melancthon himself said, in 1529, "1 would rather die than stain our party by making common cause with Zwia- glius." And in the same year, after the colloquy of Marburg, he repudiated all brotherhood with those Swiss reformers whom he had in vain hoped to gain over to the German Lutheran party. And Alfonso was not a Protestant. Like Erasmus, he was not wanting in genius to soar with Luther ; like Erasmus, he would not separate himself from the sim- plicity and breadth of the Bible ; and, like Erasmus also, both he and his twin-brother remained within the pale of their ancient communion till their death. In 1531, Erasmus writes to Alfonso a letter full of affec- tion. " Beheve me," says he, ''•' there is no one living from ' For the whole of the part which dieoi Divine Considerazioni di Giovanni Alfonso de Vald& took in the Confession Valdesso," Halle, 1860, pp. 498 503. of Augsburg, we owe to the authorities This Appendix, which the doctor mo- carefully collected by Dr. Ed. Boehmer, destly calls .Sketches of -the Brothers of Halle, and to his learned notes in the Valdfe, deserves the careful study of any Appendix to his ed. of the " Cento e one who would write their biography. ALFONSO DE VALDifis. 91 wHom I receive a letter more gladly, or to whom I send one more willingly, thaai yom-self. It is unworthy/' continues he, " of your mind, the home of the Graces, to be contami- nated with envy, or to take offence at anything whatever." And after Alfonso had replied to him pleasantly, Erasmus, in a letter of the 29th August, beginning with " the quar- rels of lovers are the renewal of love," writes to him admiringly. " Had you not been born and suckled by the Graces themselves, amidst such spite from yelping curs, how ever could you have been able constantly to maintain your mind pure and sincere ?" He rejoices that his friend gives him hopes of soon seeing him and conversing with him. In October or November of 1531, Alfonso left the court, which was then at Brussels, probably to take some journey by order of the Emperor. It appears that in 1532 and in 1533 he was still in the Imperial service. He did not, however, embark with the Emperor for Spain, who left Genoa on the 9th April, 1533. He may either have re- mained in the service of the Emperor at Brussels, or have entered into that of Charles's brother, Ferdinand of Aus- tria. It could not have been a prudent thing for him to expose himself to the familiars of the Holy OfEoe in Spain, although his enemy, Castighone, had died before his de- parture; the Inquisitors never had forgiven or forgotten the Dialogue. And another cause of suspicion against him had been added since his departure, by the publication, in 1530, at Alcala de Henares, of Angleria's Epistles, in which two from him respecting Luther held a conspicuous place. This opinion, that he did not venture to return to Spain, is corroborated by a passage in the narrative of the imprison- ment at Brussels of Francisco de Enzinas, translator of the Spanish New Testament, 1543, and nephew to Pedro de Lerma. Writing to Melancthon himself, he says : ''There are none of us who did not know Alfonso de Valdes, the Em- peror's secretary, to be a good man. The satellites of the Holy Fathers could never endure his doctrine and authority. They laid such snares for him that if he had returned to Spain there would have been an end of him. They would have caused him to die a cruel death ; the Emperor himself could not have saved him.."' We are entirely ignorant of the subsequent events in his personal history, and the place and period of his death. With him seemed to come to an end the poKcy of the party of freedom, which had caused Spanish affairs to arrive at so ' Ch. Al. Campan's "MSmoires de Francisco de Enzinas" (Latin and French),, Bruxelles, 1863, tome ii. pp. 154-5. 92 LIEE OF JUAN DE VALDES. prosperous a promise. Mendoza, Angleria^ Fernando de Valdes, and Grattinara had passed away by death.^ and Alfonso, isolated from all his Spanish connections at least, retired from observation. The country party had become extinct in the fall of the Goinunidades by the death of Padilla and his magnanimous lady, and left no hereditary succession. At length its truly national principles died out also in the last representative of the popular rights. Two powers in the state became successively absolute, neither of which paid any deference to the people, who in all countries form the real basis of the common-weal — the Court and the Church. The latter was more oppressive than the former, because freedom of the mind became more enthralled than freedom of the person. Had the Court, a hundred years later, been triumphant in England over the Commons, the course of things in this country would in great measure have been the same as that which history informs us followed in Spain. The Commons of Spain, obliterated as a class, subjected to the exclusive rule of the privileged orders of the State, a vain and unsubstantial splendour, an universal weakness consum- mated by the heavier thrall of bigotry, resulted in the utter degeneracy of the nation. When Granvelle succeeded Gattinara in the conduct of affairs, he was not placed in the same position of Grand Chancellor. Charles now held no council of state — ^he took the administration under his own superintendence. In Spanish affairs he concerted with Francisco de los Covos, Grand Commendador of Leon ; and in the German, Burgun- dian, and foreign, with the two Granvelles, father and son, successively ; but he formed his own measures. This course was imitated and more exclusively carried out by his son, Philip II., surnamed "El prudente,'^ whose life is the strongest illustration of the saying, " the cunning are taken in their own craftiness." When Charles undertook to con- duct his own counsels, not by statesmen skQled in the affairs of the world, but by confessors, his concerns went on worse and worse ; and when Philip proceeded in the same direction, led by the advice of ecclesiastics instead of by the broader poUcy of statesmen, he brought on himself the scorn of Germany, with the ruin of his best provinces. The national Spanish policy had died out by the process of nature. Gattinara being removed by death, Charles changed his course, and lent himself to be led by his confessor and the Pope. Alfonso could not remain near his person, but would necessarily be removed to a distance, to con- LETTER OF ERASMUS TO JUAN DE VALDES. 93 ciliate both the Spanish and Eomish parties. Whether he was sent on a distant mission to Ferdinand in Austria, or removed in a more summary manner, for which amongst his many enemies — "the Saints of the world," the Spanish friars, the Inquisition, and the enraged partisans of Rome who could never forget or forgive the dialogue of its sacking — instruments would not be wanting either to suggest or execute, must now be left to conjecture. In that age, state policy, ecclesiastical interest, and fanaticism were capable of anything to gain their own pm'poses, and the suppression of a few papers might conceal the whole from history. We shall now pursue our relation more especially with reference to Juan, whom we have reason to believe left Spain for Italy about the time that his brother had em- barked with the Emperor for Germany, in February, 1529. He had previously been in correspondence with Erasmus, who, it appears, was early apprised of the danger threatening the brothers from the persecution attendant upon the pro- duction of the two Dialogues, and expressed his sympathy in a letter addressed to Juan, dated Basle, March 2 1st, 1529, which seems, from its concluding passage, to have been addressed to him in Italy. D. Erasmus to Juan db ValdiSs. How sensibly I feel, my dear Vald^s, to learn by your letter what great troubles and dangers bave afflicted you ; and yet, on the otber part, bow lively was my satisfaction to know that you had escaped the storm in safety, and already found yourself secure in port ! I greatly regret to behold Spain oppressed with so many evils. Oh that God would turn the hearts of kings to the love of peace ! Do not grieve, my dear youth, nor make apologies to me for your long silenoe. Always consider the letter I write to your brother as written to yourself, and I shaU always reckon his answer as yours, for in my view you are not merely twins, but I conceive you are rather one siogle person than two bodies. That you should hold a note so slightly written as mine, to be one of your chief literary jewels, I quite appreciate j and, on my side, my dear Juan, I sbaJl treasure with great esteem the memory of a mind so amiable and pure as yours in the depth of my heart. It cannot then be less grateful to me to know that there are so many good men in Spain who heartily love me. And on the other hand, it gives me pain that, in a country favoured with so many privileges, such nests of vicious hornets multiply, that, not to me alone, but to them also whom I love, they should cause such painful disturb- ance ; and I regret your share of it almost more than my own. From my heart I congratulate myself for you, and for as many Spaniards eis are like you, because I see that you consecrate aU your efforts and studies to the culture of letters, always aiming io promote sincere Christian piety, and to unite them to it, which has not been done by many among the Italians until now. What worth have learning and letters if they draw the mind away from religion ? Farewell.' Basle, 21st March, 1529. • Erasmus, Opera, Lugd. Bat. Epist. MXXX. col. 1165-6. 94 LIFE OF JUAN DE VALDE3. Juan de Valdes had gone from Spain to Naples, where lie formed acquaintance with various intelligent Italians in that city, with whom he entered into strict intimacy, and who took much dehght ia learning from him the niceties and graces of the Spanish language, then become fashionable amongst persons of rank and letters. After remaining there some few months, he passed on to Eome, where he enjoyed the society of Sepulveda, who was charmed with his likeness to his brother Alfonso in feature, and, what was no less remarkable, in his talents, learning, manners, and pursuits. Whilst there, he formed a collection of Spanish proverbs, and continued his correspondence with his friends at Naples by letters. " You must recollect,'" says one of them, called Martio in the Dialogue on Language, " that when you left this neighbourhood, two years ago, you promised all three of us that you would preserve and maintain our fiiendsMp by correspondence, and this you have done by your letters." These friends had agreed to communicate to one another every letter they might receive, and noticing various niceties of language about which they could not agree amongst themselves, they resolved that when he next appeared at Naples they would obtain his opinion. After two years' absence in Rome he came back to Naples. As soon as he had returned, they concerted a plan amongst themselves to attain their wishes, in this manner: — At a country viUa, situate upon the shore of the Bay of Naples, a party consistiag of two or three Italians and two Spaniards, named respectively Marcio, Coriolano, Torres Naharro,* Pacheco, and Valdes, being assembled, and, after .a morning passed in hearing Valdes discourse, as he was accustomed to do, upon subjects of his own selec- tion, determined that they would in the afternoon claim the Hke privilege to choose their discourse, and question him on the subject of their choice, which was the Spanish language, and that, in order to preserve the details of his instructions, they would place a practised writer in a secret place in the apartment, to take down notes of the whole conversation. The scheme succeeded, and they ultimately obtained the notes of the hidden reporter, which with much persuasion they induced Valdes to take home with ' BartolomS Torres de Naharro was he found it safe to withdra* to Naples, bom at Torres, near Badajos, on the Here he first pubUshed his works, borders of Portugal. He had been a chiefly dramas, in 1617, dedicated captive in Algiers, and visited Eome to Fernando D'Avalos, husband of after 1513, hoping to find favour with Vittoria Colonna. His verses are very Leo X. ^ He wrote the bitterest satire free, and were strictly expurgated by ou the vices of Eome, on which aocouut the Inquisition. DIALOGO DE LA LBNGUA. 95 him and correct. He did this, preserving the form and spirit of the conversation as it actually passed between them. This occasional conversation furnishes us after three hundred years with several minute and interesting particu- lars about himself. The speaker who planned and led the Dialogue would appear to be no other than Marco Antonio Magno, an Italian agent or procuratore to the Donna Giulia Gonzaga, Duchess of Trajetto. . Magno was one of Vald^s' most affectionate friends, and was bound by his avocations to know the Spanish language thoroughly, the force and compa;rative signification of which Vald^s, as a master, could give. Magno wished to translate the ideas of Valdes into Italian, as he states subsequently in his letter to his patroness when translating the " Alfabeto Cristiano " for her. It was a natural thing that he should contrive the Dialogue, the corrected manuscript^ of which is the work now known as the " Dialogo de la Lengua," a production of great beauty, in which wit and learning are charmingly blended with graceful turns of individual cha- racter, and which will be read with pleasure by every student of the Spanish language for its intelligence and discriminating good sense.- The beginning of the Dialogue tells its own story. Maetio. Valdes. Coriolano. Pacheco. Torres. Martio : Now the servants are gone to dinner, and we are left alone, let us resume, before any one comes to disturb us, the discourse which I begaji with you this morning. ValdjSs : I do not remember what you allude to. 1 For two hundred years the work ditions, p. 512, is confused. D. Cas- lay hidden in manuscript ; it was first siano Pellicer attributes it to Alfonso published by Don Gregorio Mayans, in Valdes. Various expressions in the 1737, as a second volume to other " Di^ogo de la Lengua" allude to treatises, under the general title of Juan's writings ; — '* I never in my life," " Origenes de la Lengua Espaflola," says Pacheco, speaking of Juan, *'saw Madrid, 1737, from an imperfect ma- a man more attached to writing ; at nuscript preserved in the National Li- home he is always, in fact, a St. Juan brary. Mayans adopted various omis- the Evangelist, pen in hand ; so that I sions and alterations, which have been believe he writes at night what he does restored and corrected with great by day, and in the day what he dreams care andnicety in an edition published at by night " (p. 16). This alludes to his Madrid, 1860, 8vo., having more than a name, Juan, and his Scripture studies. thousand corrections. The editor of And, again, Coriolano : **You did not this latter edition strongly advocates learn this Spanish bravado in St. Paul." the authorship of the work as by Juan Valdfe: "It is enough that I learnt it of de Valdfe, and gives at some length the St. Peter, and in Borne "(p. 149). Adouble reasons for his belief. See also the allusion to his Commentaries on Paul's Marques P. J. Pedal, in " Eevista Epistles, and to his certain residence Hispano-Amerioana," entrega i., 1848, in Rome in 1531, and probably to his pp. 18 — 30; Ticknor's "History of first residence there with Adrian VI. Spanish Literature," ed. 1863, vol. iiL = See Tioknor, " History of Spanish p. 459. The account of the Spanish Literature," vol. ii. p. 20, and note ed. translator of Tioknor, vol. ii., ad- London, 1863. 9G LIFE OF JUAN DE VALPES. Maetio : Do you not ? Do you not recollect that I told you that a laudable curiosity had been awakened in my mind with reference to the topic we had discussed, and upon which some days ago I would fain have conversed with you ? VALDjgs : Now indeed I do recall it ; but it had wholly escaped me. Maetio : Since we, to oblige and serve you, have discussed this morning a subject that you wished to have argued, and have fully replied to every question you put to us, it is but right that you, practising that courtesy and good breeding towards us which you show to all, and for which every one gives you credit, should entertain us in conversation this afternoon, by meeting and replying to the questions we shall put to you on the subjects that most interest us, just as we have done to those which you have put to us. Vald^s : Had your request been made less rhetorically, I should hare offered to obey you frankly ; but now, seeing that you have tricked it out with so many arguments, and fearing lest you seek to place me in some difficulty, I do not know how to reply, unless you first teU me in plain terms what you require of me. Maktio : We require in the first place that without seeking to know more you promise submission to our demands. Valdes : Trusting to your discretion, that you will ask nothing un- reasonable or improper, I promise to obey you. Martio : This does not satisfy me, and I want you to pledge your faifh to aU three of us that you will do so. Vai.d£s : What design have you in seeking to impose such strict obli- gations upon me ? Possibly you have conspired, aU three against one, in a plot para el Mohino ? WeU then, I say, come what may, I give you ray word that I will answer, to the best of my knowledge, every question you shall ask of me this afternoon. Are you satisfied ? Martio ; For my part, I am perfectly satisfied. CoRioLANO : As for me, I desire nothing more. Pacheco : WeU, as for myself, I needed nothing more than what was first promised. VAiD^s : Now then, begin your questions ; for I feel bewildered till I know what the mysteries are of which you require my solution. Martio : Mysteries ? how so, to you who well know them ? Vald^s : Be that as it may, settle it now ; for God's sake, say what you want ! Martio : Willingly. You must well recollect, that about the tunc you left this country for Rome, which is now two years ago, you promised us three that you would keep up and maintain our friendship by your correspondence, which you have done. Now you must know that when you had left we made the following arrangement : — that whichever of us should receive a letter from you he should communicate it to the others, and this we have done regularly, and have foimd it a great amusement, for the perusal called up in our minds the memory of our absent friend, and in the witty sayings and graceful expressions with which your- letters ever abound , we found matter for mirth and entertainment. Attentively noticing the happy and delicate expressions you employed when writing in the Spanish tongue (CastUian), we ever found subjects for conversation and argument ; for Don Pacheco, as a man born and bred in Spain, presuming to know the language as weU as any one else, and I, as a student, desiring both to know and write it, as well as to speak it, and Don Coriolano, as a thorough-bred courtier, seeking a perfect acquaintance with it, for in Italy, as you see, it is now held, both by ladies and by gentlemen, to be genteel and gallant to know how to speak Spanish, we have always found some- DIALOGO DE LA LENGUA. 97 thing to note in your letters, affecting orthography mid expression as well as style, and it happened that when we hit upon some things which we had not seen used by others, whom we held to be as good masters of Oastilian as yourself, we frequently came to close arguing, at one time upon certain things, and at another upon others, for we severally affected to be masters and not scholars. Now that we have you present, when you can explain what has struck us as being peculiar in your style, we beg it as a favour that you would fully answer our questions. To Sr. Pacheco the language IS vernacular, Sr. Coriolajio is a novice in it, and I myself am an amateur of it. Ym.v>^s: Had you said this before dinner, I should have doubted whether you spoke in earnest ; but remembering that it is after dinner, and believing, that whilst proving yourself a courtier, you desired to give a tone to the character of your entertainment, I make up my mind not to accept your statement as aught more than a fiction, and say, that if you wish to learn anything from me, you must lay pleasantry aside for a whUe, since you know, if I take up the affair you will but get from me what a highwayman gets when he attacks a footpad. CoRiQL. : Your mode of jesting appears to me capital; for you think by mere dexterity of play to release yourself from the obligation of your promise, and thus defraud us ; but you shall not escape us unless you first answer, in the fullest and amplest manner, every question we shall put to you, with reference to what, as you have been informed, really transpired in your absence, and concerning which we ask information from you. Vald^s :_ Do you wish me to speak out truthfully ? For after all I think you are joking with me. Pacheco : If you are not inclined to trust them, believe me that all they have said is simple truth. ValdiSs : But I could wish that it were simply false ; for what you desire is so extravagant that I can scarce believe you. Martio : It greatly surprises me, that it should appear strange to you to discuss your native tongue. Tell me, were the letters, with reference to which we now appeal to you, Latin, would you hold it extravagant that we should ask explanations in connection with them ? VAT.pfe : No, I should not, assuredly. Martio : Why not ? VALDfe : Because I learned Latin methodically and from books, and Castilian from habit. I could reply as to Latin by the method and from the books in which I studied ; but it is otherwise with Castilian, which I learned only in conversation, whence I am justified in regarding it as ex- travagant that you should call upon me to account for that with reference to wMeh there is no record at alL Martio : Were we to call you to account why others wrote differently from you, you would be right to decline doing so ; but when we ask you why you write differently from others, you decliue to answer. You cannot justifiably excuse yourself for so doing. Vald£s : If, indeed, what you say be so, I shall not cease to decline, for it appears to me an extravagant thing that you should seek to lose our time in discussing a subject so mean and so vulgar as petty points of grammatical nicety or mere elegance of expression ; a thing to my mind so alien to your disposition and judgment, that it would not be to your honour to discuss it were it indeed ever so palatable and grateful to me. Martio : I regret to hear you say so. What ! does it seem to you that, Bembo wasted his time when he wrote his work on the Italian, the Tuscan, language ? Vald^s : I am not sufficiently versed in the Tuscan tongue to judge 9S LIFE OF JUAN DE VALDES. whether he lost or gained ; this I can tell you, I have heard many say that his was labour lost. Martio : Those very persons who say so, I engage, gam, and that fre- quently, by what they caU " labour lost," whilst there are numbers who thmk otherwise, for they approve of his arguments : whence it may be inferred that we are all under obligation to illustrate and enrich our ver- nacula:r tongue, that which our mother spoke to us when we hung suckhngs on her bosom, and not that which is beaten into us with cane and birch, and which we learn from books. Have you not read what Bemho says on this? YAixita : Indeed I have, but we do not appear to me to be in the same predicament. Martio : Why not ? Do you hold the CastUian tongue to be less elegant or genteel than the Tuscan ? Vald^s : No, that I don't ! but at the same time I do hold it to be less elevated ; for I look upon the Tuscan as illustrated and enriched by Boocacio and Petrarch, who, as distinguished scholars, not only prided themselves upon writing books upon worthy subjects, but strove likewise that their style should be most appropriate and elegant ; and as you know, the Castdian language has never been illustrated by an author, who has written with such care and design as would be required by any one desiring to avail himself of his authority, who should seek to render a reason why he writes differently from others, or to reform the abuses at present discoverable in it. Martio : The more you are convinced of this, the greater reason have you to be ashamed that you have allowed, and do allow, a language so noble, so perfect, so genteel, and so ample, to suffer by your neglect. Vald]6s : You are quite right, but this does not concern me. Martio : How so 1 are you not a CastUian ? Vald^s : Assuredly I am. Martio : WeU then, how is it that this does not concern you ? Vald:6s : Because I am neither so versed in letters, nor so deeply read in science, as are many other CastUians, who might more fully do what you desire. Martio : Since they do not do it, and that you are not wanting in ability to do something, you ought not to excuse yourself for declining it For were you to achieve nothing else than to stir up others to do it, you would have done much : and how much more so now, when we do not ask you to write, but to speak ; and as you know the proverb says, " words and feathers are borne away by the wind." Pachboo : Do not, your word being pledged, constrain .us to press you so to do that which you perform so easily ; and so much the more since you have promised, and have no just cause of excuse for yourself, since what you say respecting the absence of authors to support you is inade- quate ; for you know that with reference to what you call orthography, and as to words, you can avail yourself of the authority of Antonio de Lebrija's glossary ; and as to style, of the work of Amadis de Gauk. ' Ttis extract is amply sufificient to stow the origin, the object, the playful manner, and good sense that pervade the whole of this vrork. In the course of the conversation Valdes thus discriminates between genius and judgment in writing,_ and furnishes his ovm estimate of several of tie best-written books of his time in Spanish. ' " Diflogo de la Lengua," edition 1860, pp. 1—9. DIALOGO DE LA LENGUA. 99 Vald^s : As to pvoso, I say that I have read but little of the books translated into Spanish ; for, seeing that I understood Latin and Italian, I care but little to occupy myself with Spanisli translations. But of the little that I have read, I feel as if I had seen two treatises, which, with reference to style, pleased me as being pure Castiliau, the rendering from the Latin being very elegant, and in the purest Spanish. One of these is "Boetius de Consolatione ;"' and forasmuch as there are two trans- lations of it, bear in mind that the one which I commend is that one which answers metre for metre, and prose for prose, and is addressed to the Count de Urena. Martio : What is the author's name ? VALD]fis : Good sooth, I do not recoUect ; but to my mind he was a man of lively genius and clear judgment. Pacheco : But tell me, pledging your honour, although it be alien to our subject, that which I have now long desired to know, what diiference do you make between Genius and Judgment ? VAT.pfe : Genius discovers what may be said, and Judgment selects from what Genius discovers, what is best, and then marehals it ; so that of the two qualifications of an orator, which are invention and disposition, which means order, the former is to be attributed to Genius, and the latter to Judgment. Pacheco : Think you that a man may be found, who, being well endowed with genius, wants judgment ; or who, having a sound judgment wants genius 1 Vald^s : They are without number, even amonffit those whom you know, and with whom you have daily intercourse. I can point you out several. Pacheco : Which do you hold to be the greater fault in a man, want of genius or want of judgment 1 ValdiSs : Had I to choose, I should prefer a man with but moderate genius and good judgment to one with moderate judgment and great genius. Pacheco : And why 1 YaIjD^s : Because men of great genius lose themselves in heresies and erroneous opinions through want of judgment. Man has no jewd to com- pare with that of a sound judgment. Martio : Dropping this topic, return to your books, and say, what is the other Spanish translation from the Latin which pleased you ? ^ Vaud^s : The " Enchiridion," ^ by Erasmus, which the Archdeacon of 1 "Diflogode la Lengua," ed. 1S60, Gothic let. Dedicated al . . . Seflor p. 176 : — don Juan Tellez Giron, -coude de vrena : "Libro de boecio seuerino intitulado seflor de penafiel." by the translator dela cosolaoion dela philosophia, agora Alberto de Aguayo. For an account of nueuamente traduzido de lati en cas- the translator, Fr. Alberto de Aguayo, tellano por estilo nQca ante visto e see Pellicer's Ensayo, p. 3. espafia. va el metro e coplas y la jjsa ' " Difilogo de la Lengua," ed. 1860, por medida." p. 178. On the last page : — " Fin del quinto " " Enquiridio o manual del Cauallero y vltimo libro de boecio seuerino canal- Ohristiano Compuesto pmero en Latin, lero y senador romano de la cosolacion per el EcelSte Famoso Varfi D. Erasmo natural, deo gratias. Anno domini Eoterodamo Dotor en sacra Teologia del vniuersalis redeptoris M.d-xvj. xv. iulij. Cosejo de su Majestad. Traduzido de etatis mee xlvij." followed by EI inter- alii en Castellano, y despues visto y prete al libro. And below :— aprouado por el muy lUustre y Reueren- "Fne impressoel psente libro de boecio dissimo Senor don Alonso Mannq Ar^o- seuerino por Jacobo crobergeraleman en bispo de SeuiUa : Inquisidor general la muy noble y opulgtissima cibdad de en estos Eeynos : y por los Sefiores de SeuiUa : en el mes de junio. Ailo del su consejo. Dirigido a muy illustre y Seflor de M.d.xviij. sm. 4to 68 folios Reuerendissimo Sefioria : y Impresso por H 2 100 LIFE OP JUAN DE VALDES. Aloor turned into Spanish, which I think might, in point of style, compete with the Latin. Maetio: If the Spanish style be not better as Spanish, than is the Latin as Latin, he achieved but little who turned it into Spanish. Vald:^s : It is impossible for you [an Italian], to allow that any one not being an Italian can have a good Latin style. Maetio : Have you read no other book, a translation into Spanish, that gratified you ? Vald:^s : If I have, I forget it. Maetio : Besides, I have heard say, that the " Pilgrim " and the " Courtier," " El Pelegrino " and " El Corfcesano," ' are both well done iato Spanish. Vald^s : I have not read them ; but believe me that I hold it to be far more difficult to turn a work well into Spanish than into any other language whatever, wholly irrespective of the language from wMch the translation shall be made. Maetio ; And why ? Vald]£s : Because the principal grace and elegance of the Spanish lan- guage consists in its metaphorical expressions ; the translator, restricting himself from adding to what he finds written in the language from which he translates, finds it most difficult to give in Spanish that grace and pohsh which he would give to his own original conception.' The Dialogue concludes with entreaties to Valdes to revise, and put into form, the short-hand notes made by the secreted amanuensis, and finally winds up with the same graceful modesty of character^ and in the same playful manner as it began. Vald:Ss : Then I will give you time to think upon it, and this day week, God wiUing, we wiU meet here again to settle this discussion. It is now time to return to Naples ; let our carriages be ordered, and may God's peace attend us ; this repast has cost me so dear that I am war- ranted in saying, that it has been in the sweat of my brow that I have eaten bread. Maetio : I do not concur with you in saying so, for you must confess that the discussion we have held here, though distasteful to you, has been profitable to us ; and but for fear of annoying you, I even thought of secretly introducing a short-hand writer, to record your observations upon the various topics, which were so numerous as to lead me to distrust my memory as to the recollection of them aU. Valdes : That you failed to do so, is your loss, and no fault of mine, is it? Maetio : Yes, you are to blame, and greatly so, because at the outset you needed so much pressing that, fearing you should take it amiss, I dared not do what I wished. Valdes : Your timidity was excessive, for what cause should I have had to take it amiss ? su mandado : En la insigne Universidad This was the edition upon which the de Alcala de Henares : En oasa de persecution of Erasmus's works began Miguel de Eguia. De segudo ImpressiS. in Spain. See the account in chapter En el Mes de Enero de M.D. y xxvij II. pp. 42-44. '*-n°'-"-D • •, • T ■, , ,., ■ T^® "Courtier" by Castiglione. Con Priuilegio Imperia . 4to. 147 The first edition in &)a»«sA was 1534, by leaves, Gothic letter. There are two Boscan. copies in tho library of the British ■■' " Diaiogo de la Lengua," 1860, Museum. pp. 176-178 DIALOGO DE LA LENGUA. 101 Martio : Because I hold you to be so fastidious, that if a mosquito fly- across your face nearer than it pleased you, you are annoyed by it. Vald^s : Well, you are so far right, that I seek too much to have things done to my liking ; and that I am unduly annoyed when a person whom I like either does or says anything that I dislike, and then I am so frank that I immediately express my feeling's undisguisedly. Tliis blemish my friends must needs overlook in me. Martio : It would be better, since you acknowledge it to be a blemish, to lay aside the habit. Valdes : Better, nay ; but do you not know that death is scarcely more painful than change of habit ? Martio : I know it right well ; but yet difference is to be made betwixt man and man. It is droU that you should wish your friends to tolerate in you that which you yourself hold to be a blemish, whilst you are unwilling to tolerate in them what you hold to be blemishes ! Values : In saying that differences are to be made betwixt man and man, you are right ; but, on the other hand, you are inconsiderate, for my blemish is more tolerable than those of others, because I recognize it ; and in the mean while there is hope that I shall correct it one day or other; and again, for this reason those of others are less tolerable than mine, because they do not recognize them, and in the mean while cannot correct them ; and thus I should fail as a friend in duty were I not to tell them of that which appears to me to be wrong. But it is of little importance ; let us be going, for it is late. Martio : It somewhat irritates you that, the subject not being fully settled, there still remains somewhat more for discussion. Valdi^s : What do you mean by that ? Martio : That you have been held in discussion by us who, striving to acquire a good style, have made you its arbiter, and we fear that in so doing we have caused you great annoyance. Valdes : What ? Martio : Now you will see. Aurelius, give me here youi manuscript. There you see the manuscript of all that you have said ; and I have such an opinion of him as a writer that he can justify all that he has written. Valdes : I am glad of it, and may God's blessing attend it ; but with this restriction, however, that you circulate it only amongst yourselves, and do not show it to others, for you see how wrong that would be. Martio : On the contrary, I see the benefit and not the harm, and contemplate putting it in the hands of all who may desire to see it, and even, if it appear to me right to do so, to print it. Valdi^s : That would be a pretty affair, indeed ! I cannot think that you wiU be guilty of such indiscretion as that. Pachego : Let us cease to beat about the bush ; it will be better to come to the point. I know Senor Valdds, and I know that he will rejoice in his friends asking plainly of him what they wish. And you, Valdfe, must know that we all ask it as a favour that you would take these minutes of our discourse, reduce them to order, and express them in good CastOian ; and you are authorized by these gentlemen to make them speak Spanish, though the conversation has been held in Italian. Martio : Nay, we beg you to do so, with all the earnestness we can use, and if you please, make this morning's conversation the first part of the work, and that of this afternoon the second. VALD:fis : Is this what you kept in reserve as a final result ? Adieu. Martio : Nay, we wOl not leave the spot, nor shall you, unless you first promise us that you will do what we ask of you. Pacheco : Do not force us to entreat it as for your life, since we know that you are not devoted to any other than similar engagements ; and we 102 LIFE or JUAN DE VALD^S. know that yon will lend it so good a colouring, and will so perform it, that it will do you, and ua, and the spot where we have met, honour. VALD:fis : It demands, as you see, great consideration ; let me well re- flect on it, and if it appear to me a thing to be done, and if I see that I may reasonably accomplish it, I promise you to do it. Martio : This is enough, and in the name of the three I accept the promise, and I now invite yon for this day week to hear what Seiior Coriolano shall find after mature reflection to say respecting the affinity existing between the Tuscan and tlie Latin languages. Mabtio : I have yet one thing to ask, promise me aU of you not to deny me it, whomever it may aflect. ValdiSs : I, for my part, promise it, for a crow cannot be blacker than his wings. Pachbco : I likewise promise it on mine. OoRioL. : Well, as to me, you already know that you command me at will. Martio : This is my request, that Seiior Pacheco (alias Torres) here engage his word to us, to work out in Spanish proverbs that which he says he has frequently contemplated doing. Pacheco : To avoid discussion, I agree to promise it, deferring however its execution untU I find a suitable locality and materials for carrying it out. ValdiSs : Which will never be realized ; but let it be when it may, what afl'air of mine is it 1 But that which more concerns me, hark ye, is that my horse be brought to the door. Let the horse go at his best pace, I shall not disturb the man who goes before me, nor shall I wait for him who tarries behind me.' In November, 1535, Charles V., after Bis African ex- pedition, came to Naples, where he was receiTed with the honours due to his m.ilitary success^ and in April of the following year passed on to Rome. Juan de Valdes went with him as a gentleman of his suite. The Em- perorj before leaving Naples^ issued on the 4th of February, 1536, a rigorous edict forbidding all intercourse with Lutherans^ or persons suspected of heresy, under pain of death and confiscation of property. The Viceroy,^ Don Pedro de Toledo, brother to the Duke of Alva, did not however rigidly enforce it. We do not find that it affected Valdes in the intercourse he carried on there with his friends. He had formed an acquaintance with Garcilasso de la Vega, the celebrated poet, who held a ' " Di^ogo de la Lengua," 1860, pp. notice, prefixed to the CX. Considera- 200-205. tioni, 1550, and in Pasqidllas extaticus, 2 Various writers, following one an- yet five years earlier, 1545, makes no other, assert that Juan de ValdSs mention of the circumstance. Simler, occupied the official post of Secretary and the writers who have followed him, to the Viceroy of Naples. We have have probably confounded the office of not, however, found any proof of this his brother, as secretary to the Emperor, opinion earlier than that of Simler, in with Juan's certain residence and death " Epitome Conradi Gesneri," Tignri, at Naples. Simler speaks of &cretarm 1.555, (o. Ill b. Jolmnnes Valdesins Regis, which could not refer tu office Secreiarius Itegis [Neapolitani]. But under a viceroy. Curione, who five years earlier, in his GAECILASSO DE LA VEGA. 103 command in the army^ and in 1536 perished in the flower of his age, before a petty fortress on the frontiers of Prance. Of the warrior who, to his bravery united the tenderness of the poet in the most harmonious language of his country, Valdes speaks in his Dialogue, "I am glad that this satisfies you, but I should rather wish to satisfy Garcilasso de la Vega with the other two gentlemen of the Emperor^s court whom I know." This was his opinion of Garcilasso^s nice judgment upon language. Critical readers of his graceful elegies and sonnets point out passages ' of pensive seriousness, derived from the influence of his ac- quaintance with Valdes. Garcilasso brought up the last detachment of Spanish troops to Eome. On Charles's departure from that city, Valdes returned again to Naples, where he finally settled for the short, yet perhaps the most important, period of his remaining years.*^ ' " Obras del Excelente Poeta Gar- "It happened about this time, that cilasso de la Vega." Ano 1612. Eclogue is in the year 1635, there came with I. fols. 41, 42. Eclogue II. fol. 83. Charles V. [from Naples] to Eome one " Elegia al Dvqve de Alua," fol. 21. Don Juan de Valdfe, a Spanish noble- ^ "Aocadde appresso, ciofe nel 1635, man. . . . He was, as the Cardinal of che con Carlo V. venne in Koma un Monreale, who remembered him, told D. Gio. ValdSs nobile Spagnuolo . . . me, of a fair countenance, very sweet Era cestui (mi disse il Card, di Monreale, manners, and soft and attractive speech ; che se lo recordaua) di bell' aspetto e di he professed a knowledge of languages dolcissime maniere, ed d'un parlare and of the Holy Scriptures. He was soave ed attratiTO ; faceva professione settled at Naples." Charles V. arrived di lingue e di sacra Sorittura, s' annidb at Naples from Tunis, Nov. 25th, 1635. in Napoli."- — A. Caracciolo, " Vita e Gesti di Paulo IV." MS. Idl LIFE OF J CAN DE VALDES. CHAPTER V. At Naples, Juan de Yaldes dcToted Mmself to study, and the improvement of his own moral and intellectual nature. His society was sought by such of the nobility as were most distinguished for piety and leamiag. Several of the most eminent preachers acknowledged their obligations to him for clearer views of Scripture doctrine, long after those obligations had been incurred. His religious teaching was of a private and individual character. It was attained by personal moral influence of a remarkable kind, by conver- sations and letters on special subjects and occasions. The circle which Valdes assembled around him consisted of clergy and laity, gentlemen and ladies. Amongst them may be mentioned the celebrated Petee Maetye Yeemilius, who, invited by Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury, after- wards exercised a great influence, not only at Oxford, but per- sonally by his friendship with the Bishops Eidley, Latimer, Ponet, Hooper, and Jewel,* upon our EngHsh Reformation. Peter Martyr preached at Naples nearly three years, 1538 — 1 541 . He lectured on the epistles of Paul to the Corin- thians in the church of S. Pietro ad Ara, where he drew upon himself particular observation by the manner in which he questioned the generally received doctrine of purgatory, when expounding the passage, " If any man build upon this foundation, gold, silver, precious stones, wood, hay, stubble If any man's work shall be burned, he shall suS'er loss ; but he himself shall be saved ; yet so as by fire." — 1 Cor. iii. 12 — 15. In this he may well have fol- lowed Valdes, who read and explained about the same time the same epistle ^ in his own house. Beenaedino Ochino di Sienna, the well known preacher, as early as 1536 delivered his eloquent sermons in the church of Giovanni Maggiore at Naples ; stirring the souls ' John Jewel, Bishop of Sahsbury, England," bnt died before he saw the passed the greatest part of his time, book he so much longed for in print. when in exile, with Peter Martyr in See life of John Jewel, appended CO Zurich, and it is said that his learning the " Apology," 1685. and conyersation were much improved ' "la Epistola de San Pablo a los by intercourse with him. Peter Martyr, Eomanos, i la I. a los CorintioB. in a letter of 24th August, 1562, written Ambas traduzidas i oomentadas por to him after his return to England, Juan de Valdes. Ahora fiehnente encourages Jewel to publish his well reimpreta,,. Aiio de 1^56. Corintios," known " Apology of the Church of pp. 58- 61. GALEOTA AND CTJSANO. 105 of tte crowds who attended to hear him by his new manner of interpreting Scripture, not by distinctions of scholastic philosophy, but in a spiritual sense and with a most fervid diction. Charles V., attracted to hear him when he visited Naples on his return from his African expedition, has him- self told us the impression the sermons made upon his mind, by his remark that the eloquence of Ochino might make the very stones shed tears.* Ochino came by invi- tation of Cranmer to England, and was stationed by him with Peter Martyr at Oxford. GiTJUO DA MiLANO, a professor of theology, who was thrown into the prison of San Gio. Bragela at Venice, where he printed a volume of sermons in Italian, and where Ochino also printed the earhest series of his own, by whose interference Giulio regained his hberty and founded a congregation at Puschiavo in the Grisons, which enjoyed his ministry nearly thirty years. He also laid the foundation of a number of churches in his neighbourhood.^ Fabio Mario Galeota, a Neapolitan gentleman, was a disciple of Juan de Valdes ; he was thrown into the prison of the Inquisition at Rome, and had the good fortune to escape on the memorable day of the 18th of August, 1559, when, on the death of Paul IV., the Roman populace attacked the dreaded institution. To him, Garcilasso, who knew him in the mutual society of Valdes at Naples, addressed the cele- brated ode, called the " Flower of Gnidus," and his thirty- fifth sonnet, begianing " Mario, el ingrato amor como testigo." Benedetto CrsANO, Peter Martyr's fellow student at Padua, with whom he applied himself with such zeal in the study of the Greek language that they' spent whole nights together ; the first rays of morning light appearing through the windows of the library, alone reminded them of the ' Antonio Castaldo in "Raccolta dell' poste da uno senio di Iddio alia conso- Istoria del Regno di Napoli," vol. vi. latione de fedeli frategli in Cbristo p. 66. Giesu Signore, e Saluatore nostro. ^ Giulio da Milano wrote under the Delia fede. Delia efficacia della fede. disguised name of Hieronjmo Savonese. Delle opere. De meriti. Delia charity. See " Catalogo," by Vergerio, 1549. Impossibile fe senza fe de piaoere k . The treatises from liis pen, which we Iddio. Pavlo agli Ebrei, cap. xi. (s. 1. have seen, are these : — et. a., 36 leaves, sm. 8vo., in Roman 1. Opere Christiane e Catholiohe di letter). Messer Hieronymo Savonese, A gloria In the Bodleian Library are : " Exhor- d'lddio, et vtUita de Christiani stam- tatione al Martirio di Giulio da Milano pate. Colophon : In Gineura, per riueduta et ampliata, s. 1. 1552," and Lorenzo Merlino e Fratelli. Nel " The XLIII. Sermon of M. Giulio of MD.XXXXIII. a li xxii. dl Nouembre MUane touchyng the Lordes Supper. Stampata (124 leaves, sm. 8vo., Italic Dedicated to the worshypfull mystres letter). Anne Carowe." 31 leaves, 4to. B.L. 2. Pie et Christiane opistole, com- 106 LIPJJl OP JUAN DE VALD6s, lapse of time. Thus they read the orators, philosophers, and best poets, and obtained that knowledge of the ori- ginals which enabled them to study the New Testament at the fountain head. GiovANNO MoLLio, of Montalcino, near Sienna, who filled the station of lecturer in the monastery of San Lorenzo at Naples. He read lectures chiefly on Paul's epistles, which were attended by monks of different convents, by many of the nobility, and by individuals of the episcopal order. LoEENZO EoMATTO, a Sicilian convert, who had not counted the cost, and fell away in the hour of persecution. GriAMBATTiSTA FoLENGO, the pious and learned Benedictine prior, of Monte Cassino, who, in his retreat of Albaneta, finished his admirable Commentary on the Psalms, in 1542, which abounds with sentiments similar to those in the writings of Flaminio, accompanied with severe strictures on the superstitious practices which the priests and friars recommended to the people. Giovanni Feancisco db Alots, named Caseeta, the inti- mate friend of Flaminio, a man richly endowed with learn- ing and property, and full of generous quahties. He intro- duced his noble kinsman, Galeazzo Oaeaccioii, the eldest son of the Marquis of Vico, to the sermons of Peter Martyr. He was so powerfully affected by them, that after receiving an eloquent letter of congratulation and encouragement from Marc Antonio Flaminio, he laid down his honours, and although he had a wife and family who refused to accom- pany him, left his beloved country and went into exUe for the love and liberty of the Gospel. Caserta, at a later period, testified the constancy of his convictions, by laying down his life rathei' than abandon them. In March, 1564, he, together with another nobleman, Giambernardino di Gargano d'Aversa, was beheaded and burnt in the market- place of Naples.^ Maec Antonio Flaminio, already distinguished as a Latin poet, who, having been in the suite of Cardinal Sauli, a lover of learning, and subsequently in that of the Datary Giberti, had come to Naples, in 1538, to re-establish his health. He remained there until December, 1540. He was a man after Valdes' own spirit. The letter' ' See the depositions before the In- di Giovanni Valdesso." Halle in Sas- quisition of the witnesses against him in sonia, 1860, pp. 599 603. an " inedited docum^tit" a.p'pen'ied to Dr, ^ "Lettere volgari di'diversi excel- E'i. Brehmer's valuable " Cenni Eiogra- lentissimi Hvomini." Libro seoondo. flci sui fratelli Giovanni e Alfonso di Viuezia, 1545, fol. 54-66. Flaminio's Valdesso," 1861, published by him with lotterto Galeazzo Caraociola is generally Le Cento e died Divine Considerazioni known; this letter, and also that ad- FLAMINIO AND CABNESECCHI. 107 he wrote to Theodorina Sauli, a lady belonging to a noble family in Genoa, if not as to the style, yet in the senti- ments and arrangement, harmonizes with the teaching of Vald(^s ; everywhere we find the warmest piety and purest morality, founded on Scriptural principles and enforced by the most evangelical motives. Jacopo Bonfadio, who followed Valdes with poetical enthusiasm. His charming and tender letter, lamenting his death, addressed to Carnesecchi, will be given hereafter, PiETKO Caenesecchi, the papal Prothonotary, secretary of Clement VII., of a distinguished Florentine family, whose ancestors sat in the Senate of the Eepublic, a man of elegant learning and refined manners, whose society was the charm of his friends. Cardinal Pole, writing of him to Cardinal Contarini, says, " The remainder of the day was spent in the holy and profitable society of Signer Carnesecchi and our Marc Antonio Flaminio. I call it profitable, because in the evening Marc Antonio gave me, and most of my family, a supper, ' of that bread which perishes not,^ in such a manner that I know not when I have felt greater consolation, or greater edification." ' Carnesecchi possessed an abbacy at Naples. He used the writings of Valdes and procured their publication. He was called to Rome, in 1 546, to defend himself against suspicions of holding erroneous sentiments. He rebutted all the imputations of his accusers, and returned to his abbey at Naples, where he then resided, enjoying the fairest repu- tation with the highest personages, as a man of great learning and unspotted integrity. In 1565 he was a second time brought to Eome, and on the 3rd of October, 1567, was burnt alive, and not beheaded according to Galuzzi. Nor did the influence of those who received the impulse frqm Valdes extend less to the women and common people than to the preachers of Naples and the Terra di Lavoro — Sessa, Capua, Caserta, Gaeta, &c., who listened with earnest- ness to the addresses of Marc Antonio Plaminio on the " Spiritual hfe," and of Francisco de Aloys at Caserta. Folengo, the Prior of Monte Cassino, describes the eSect of these addresses in these words: " We are here present at dressed to Carlo Gualteruzzi, in which of the persons who revised the" Beneficio he makes some just remarks upon the di Christo" (Benefit of Christ's Death) tendency of Thomas a Kempis's "Imi- in "its present form. It is certain that tation of Clirist," ai-e to be found in he wrote an apology in defence of it, McCrie's Appendix to his " History of which, it would appear, howerer, was the Eeformation in Italy." They are not printed. better read in the Italian, in which ' Poli "Epistote" III. 42, jil Card, language they were written, than in the Gasp. Contarini, di Viterbo, alii ix di Latin of Schelhom. flaminio was one Decembre, 1541. 108 LIFE OF JUAN DE VALDES. a most extraordinary spectacle ; we see women who would appear to have been born more prone to vanity than to serious reflection^ men untutored and soldiers, affected in such a manner by the knowledge of divine mysteries, that where ought is anywhere heard relating to 'per- fection of hfe,' it generally originates with them, this is indeed the golden age 1 Throughout my native Campania there is no preacher so learned but that he would become wiser and holier from converse with such women." The ladies, with whom Valdfe now associated at Naples, belonged to the higher ranks of society. Of those who embraced his scriptural doctrine we may in the first place name the noble Spanish lady Isabella Maneiqub da Bresegna,^ sister of a cardinal. She zealously laboured to promote evangelical faith, and when persecution arose at Naples, immediately after the death of Valdes, she resolutely withdrew to Zurich. She finally settled at Chiavenna, ia the Valtelline, preferring a life of retirement and poverty, with liberty of conscience, to the ease and opulence of Naples. To her Curione dedicated the first edition, 1557, of his Life of Olympia Morata, and Ochino his treatise on the Sacrament.^ CoNSTANZA d' Avalos, Duchessa di Amalpi, of a noble Spanish family, who, like many of the Italian ladies of this period, gave her mind to the love and study of poetry. A canzone of great beauty for its versification, elevated thought, and pious sentiment, written by her, is found ap- pended to the poetry of Vittoria Colonna, and is worthy of the place in which we find it. ViTTOEiA Colonna, Maechesana di Pescaea, daughter of Pabrizio Colonna, Grand Constable of Naples, the youthful widow of Perrante d' Avalos, Marquis of Pescara, Charles V.'s commander at the battle of Pavia. After the death of her husband, to whom she was romantically and devotedly attached, in the flower of her age, she dedicated her life to sacred studies, poetry, and retirement. Her sonnets,' com- ' It was an accusation against Came- Mulieris omnivm errdissima) Latina, etc. secclii, that "he was cognizant of a nd III. Isabellam Breseanam. Basileaj, provision of 100 crowns a year sent by 1558. 8vo a person friendly to Mm . . to Donna » "Tvtte le Rime della illvstriss. et Isabella Bnsegna [Isabella Mannque da eccellentiss. Signora Vittoria Colonna, ^risegnaj, a heretic, a fugitive at Marohesana di Pescara da r"? ■ ; ^°i^ afterwards at Chiavenna." Girolamo Rvscelli." Venetia, 1558, I rial of Carneseochi, by Richard II. iijh GibWngs,B.D.,p.21. " Dale tenebre oscure allume chiaro etP ■' S"]" i^«V ^«™''';'J™.° "1^ f '™?> Con pure alto pensier, ohe dolcemente ^/LJ^ % ■ ^^^' *'"'/> ''«'^''=^tf iii^ Dialogue, may tbiTiV it much too strict and rigorous, and as a reply to others to whom it may appear as mnch toj fiee and nngnarded : both classes forgetting that I did not discourse it with them, nor write it for them, but inthi your Ladyship, and /or your Ladjdiip; including, however, all such persons who, in your najne, and as an a^r entirely yottr own. may incline to make use and avail themselves of iL In return for the labour I have for several daj^ employed in writing this treatise. I desire from yonr Ladyship only two things. One is, that you may give to what you wiE here read no trust or behef fnrthex tlian as it appears and is made clear to t ou, that it has a foundation in the Sciip- tnx", and invites and leads you forward to that perfect Christian lore T^hieh is the mark by which Christ desires Tfi'j followers shoidd be ilis- tingnished from all other persons. The other thi^1g is : that yon make use of tbi'i Dialogue as children tise a grammar when they learn Latiii, in the manner of a Christian alphabet, in which you may learn the rudiments of Christian perfection, malriTig it your aim, the elements being attained, to leave the alphabet and apply your sold to thin'" more important, more excellent, more divine It is expedient that your Ladyship do as I say, as mnch for yonr own advantage as for my safety. Because if you do so, I stall not then have feUen into the error of those persons who sell their own writings and imaiinitions at the same price for which they barter Holy Scripture ; nor your Ladyship into the mistake, fer more hurtfid than beneficial, into which those persons fell who, with a pious simpJici^, apjif themselves to the mere writings of men, without looking for sometliiiig iff beyond them. It frequently happens to such persons that, firiHing in those writings the milk of rudimental doctrine, tiiey take so much relish in it that, peisnading themselves they can gain from it the hi^er conso- lations that belong to Christian perfection, they are cot careful to go ies- ward and se^k the aliment of the perfect CTiristian, which is to be fonnd in the Sacred Scriptures alone. Be.;-iase those only in some measure ac- commodate themselves to the capacity of their readers, who at first give the milk of the word, and afterwards present the stronger food to the mrae proficient for their nonxishment. Hence it arises tbit such petstns. depenini- upon men and always reading their writicgs, remain imperfect. 119 and yet frequently judge of and satisfy themselves that they have reached perfection. Now, desiring that your Ladyship may never judge yourself perfect, but that you may be so in reality, both in the view of God and of the world, I wish you not so to read this composition, nor to hold it in greater estimation than ought to be given to tho writings of one who, desii-ous to gratify you in this Christian object, only points out to you the way by which you may arrive at Christ Himself, and become united with Him. And I desire that your Christian intention may be to make Christ the peaceful possessor of your heart, in such a manner that He may absolutely and without contradiction rule and regulate aU your aifairs. And when your Ladyship shall have done this, believe me that you wiU not feel the want of anything whatsoever in this present Ufe that can give you entire contentment and repose. Because Christ Himself wUl dispose all things and provide the most pleasant banquets for you, even the knowledge of His Divinity, in which in quietness and confidence you shall lie down and slumber. And when I shall know and see that your Ladyship is in this glorious state, assured and certain of your spiritual progress, I shall not hesitate to believe that my intention in this work has been altogether a Christian one, and that your Ladyship has perused it with a mind, pure, humble, and discreet. May God, our Lord, make it suitable for your Ulustrious Ladyship's need, and for the object which I, as your most affectionate servant, per- petually desire ! Naples (1535). Juan de Vald^s. Tlie reader wilL apprehend the manner of the Dialogue from a few pages with which it commences. GlULIA GONZAGA. — JtJAN DE VaLD^S. GiULiA : I have so much confidence in our friendship, that I seem as if I could freely cormnunicate to you even those things that we scarcely dis- close to the ears of a confessor. Therefore, wishing now to impart to you some things more important to me than life itseK, I entreat you, if you have not more urgent business elsewhere, to listen attentively to what I wish to say to you. And if you think you cannot attend closely to me now, through having your thoughts engaged elsewhere, pray tell me ft-ankly, and if so, I can defer it to another day. Vald:^s : On the contrary, Signora, I receive as a favour whatever you command me ; and you know already that I have no business which can hinder me, especially in what relates to your service. GiuLiA : Now, setting aside all vain rhetoric and useless ceremony, which between us are quite superfluous, I wish you to know that I live almost continually so dissatisfied with myself, and in like manner with all things in the world, and so out of conceit with them, that if you saw my heart, I am sure you would pity me ; for in it you would find, if not confusion, at least inquietude and perplexity. And of these I have sometimes more, sometimes less, according to the nature of the circumstances that present themselves. But I never feel so much serenity of mind, that, wishing to come to a settlement with it, I can conclusively understand what it is that I would wish for, or what thing would satisfy it, or with what it would rest contented. Hence I cannot conceive what can now be offered to me, suificient to remove this my confusion of mind, appease my inquietude, and resolve this perplexity. Many years have I lived in the manner I describe, and during this time, as you know, various circumstances have happened to me suificient to disturb a tranquil spirit, much more a soul so disquieted and confused as mine. Besides this, you know, that when I ].20 LIFE OF JUAN DB VALDES. heard the first sermons from our preacher [Ochino], you persuaded me by your words that by means of this doctrine I should be able to tranquillize and settle my mind in peace ; but up to this tune I find it altogether the reverse of what I thought. And although I attribute this more to my own imperfections than to any defect in him, yet altogether it gives me pain to perceive that my hopes have not been realized. This_ disappoint- ment might be tolerable, yet the evil is that, instead of being cured of one infirmity, I have fallen into another without being released from the former. This is a most heavy and cruel contrariety, so much so that I feel so weajy and disgusted with myself,, that tears frequently come iato my eyes through not knowing what to do with myself or what to lean upon. The sermons of the preacher have produced this contrariety ia my , mind. Through them I see myself violently assailed, on one side by the fear of hell and the love of paradise, and on the other by the dread of people's tongues and the love of the world's honour. In this manner two kinds of fear and two of affection, or, to speak more correctly, two affections of fear and two different ones of love, are %hting within me, and have kept me such as I am for some days. If you could feel what I now feel, you might truly wonder how I can pass it off and conceal it as I do. This is what I find within me, and in this state, good and bad, which I have described as well as I know how, my affairs remain. Now, since you have shown so much affection and good-will as to aid me in my out- ward concerns,' I entreat you to be ready to assist and counsel me in these inward things, because I very well know that, if you are willing, you have more skOl to help me in these than in the others. Vald:^s : Say freely, Signora, all that you wish to ask of me, and you may be assured that I will always expend in your service all that I know and am able to do. GiuLiA : In such confidence I have entered into this conversation with you, in the first instance, in order that you may tell me from what cause you believe the confusion, doubt, and perplexity spring, which for so long a time I have felt in my mind, and whether you think they can be remedied, and what means can be used for the purpose. This said, you will tell me concerning the contradictions that have arisen in me after I heard these sermons ; whether it would be possible by any way to quiet my mind, either by assent, or really by resistance ; becausp this tempest of affections and appetites, of imagiaations and diversities of will, cannot be endured much longer ; and I wish you not to lose time with excusiog yourself by your usual, not to say feigned humility, which in such a case you are accustomed frequently to use. Yalb^s : On the contrary, without more reflection, I will at once make a beginning. Yet I wish you first to make me one promise. GiULiA ; What promise ? Valdj^s : It is this, that, if I make you truly comprehend from what cause your confusion, inquietude, and contradictions proceed, and show you the way by which you can be freed from them, you will give me your assurance and word that you wiU walk in it. GitJLiA : If in this manner I might be certain that you would do what you say, as I am certain that in such case I would do what you ask of me, I should already begin to quiet myself. Yald^b : Now, then, I hoJ)e, not so much from any s kin or sufficiency of my own as in the affection and willingness I have to serve you, and likevidse in your lively understanding and lucid judgment, and above all in the grace of God, that before I leave this place you shall not only learn what you wish, but you shall know and understand the way by which you ' She was at this time troubled with the suit by her daughter-in-law Isabella. THE " ALFABETO CHEISTIANO. 121 can free yourself from your former infirmity and its consequences. Be very attentive, Signora, oecause upon every single thing which I shall say to you, you can reply to me what may occur to you. GixjLiA : I win do so. Vald^s : Then, in order to understand, Signora, whence proceed the travail and confusion, which you say you have felt for so many years, I wish you would turn over in your memory how man is made in the image and likeness of &od. GiULiA : Let me understand what this image and lilceness of Ood is. VALD:fis : I wish rather that St. Paul may explain it to you, and thus you win understand it by what he says to the Colossians, where, admonish- ing them to speak the truth one to another, he counsels them to " put off the old man with his deeds, and to put on the New man, who is renewed in knowledge conformable to the image ajid lilceness of Him who created him."' And you will also understand it by what St. Paul again says to the Ephesians, reminding them, that by becoming Christians they have learned to put off the old man and to be renewed in the spirit and clothed with the New man, who is created in the image and likeness of God." From this it appears that, in whatever degree a man possesses and retains in himself the im/ige and likeness of God, in the same measure he sees and knows, understands and relishes spiritual things in a spiritual life and conversation. This truly known, and what objects you set before your mind well scrutinized, you will understand clearly how all the inquietude, all the travail, all the confusion you feel arise ; because your soul desires you to procure its restitution to the image of God to which it was created, and of which it appears you have deprived it. Submitting to your appetites, and persisting in crossing this image, you have put before it t. hirig s earthly and transitory, not by any means worthy of that excellence for which it was created. For this reason it cannot be satisfied or contented with any of these things. It seems to you that it knows not what it wishes for ; and hence you know not how to set before it that which it would desire. This state of mind that happens to you, ever befalls worldly persons who, having attained to a reflective intellect and clear judgment, knowing truly that their souls find not, nor ever can find, entire satisfaction in outward things, turn themselves to seek for it in things relating to the mind. Yet as the stipematural light, by which alon^ truth is discovered, seen, and known, is wanting to them, they go wandering in a labyrinth of appearances and opinions. And thus some seek happiness in one thing, some in another. I think it not worth while to refer here to examples, because this is not the point of your proposition. It is enough that you know this, that aU these persons deceive themselves, and can never shadow out, nor reach to the symbols of the things in which true happiness consists, who, if they had had a little of the light of faith, would most easily and with the grace of God have acquired it, and thus they would have quieted and pacified their souls. Do you now understand the cause whence your inquietude, confusion, and labour proceed ? GmLiA : Yes, very well VALDfe : Then you know that they may certainly be remedied, and that the remedy is in your own hands. GiULiA : In my hands ? Yald^s : Yes ! in your hands. Because whenever you determine your- self to do what I tell you, and which St. Paul tells you, respecting the renewing and restoring within you the image and Kkeness of Gfld, you will find peace, quiet, and repose of spirit. GiuLiA : And how must I do this ? > Col. jii. 9, 10. 2 Eph. iv. 22-24. 122 LIFE Of JUAN DE VALCiS. "V AT.n fe : By withdrawing from your mind perishable and transitory things, and by applying it to those that are stable and eternal ; not wish- ing nor endeavouring to feed it with corporeal things but spiritual, not nourishing it with worldly things but with celestial. And in this manner your spirit finding its proper aliment, and seeing itself clothed with the New man in the image and Klceness of which it was created, wiU always live content and cheerful. And here, in this present life, it will begin to taste of that felicity which it expects to enjoy for ever in the life eternal, because the happiness of man consists in his knowledge of God and of Christ shown by the light of faith, and in the union of the soul with Grod through faith, hope, and love. To this happiness only the true Christian can arrive. GiiTLiA ; I should well believe what you say, because, indeed, it appears founded in reason ; but as I know many persons who have cancelled the i7nad gave the Law to Moses, the people of Israel, who stood at the foot of the mountain, saw great lightnings and heard thunderings, so that they all trembled with fear and dismay. All say that these things signify the terror, alarm, and conflict of the affections which the Law generates in those minds to whom it is given. But with aU this, you, Signora, ought to know that the Law is very needful for you : since if you hfid not the Law, you would not have conscience ; and without conscience sin would not be known ; and if sin were not known, we should not humble ourselves ; and if we did not humble ourselves, we should not obtain grace ; and if we did not obtain grace, we should not be justified ; and not being justified, our souls would not be saved. And this I believe St. Paul means where he says, that the Law is as a schoolmaster or governor who leads and conducts us to Christ, although by means of faith we are justified.' Here you perceive the office of the Law. The Grospel executes the same office in those persons who receive it only as law. But in them who receive it as an ambassador or messenger of grace, its especial office is to heal the wounds made by the Law, to preach grace, peace, and remission of sins ; to calm and pacify the conscience ; to give strength to accomplish what the Law shows us to be the will of God, and by which the enemies of the soul are warred with, and by which ' GaL iii. 24. 124 LIFE OP JUAN DE VALD^S. they are overcome and beaten down to the ground. And thus Christ comes to them compassionate, humble, pacific, and full of love and charity, and not terrible and alarming like the Law. In this maimer the Law teaches us what we have to do, the Gospel gives us the spirit by which we are enabled to fulfil it. The Law inflicts the wound, the Gospel heals it ; and, finally, the Law slays, the Gospel gives life. I do not care to go on confirming this with the authority of the Sacred Scriptures, not to occupy the time. .... After this Valdes continues upon self-love and self- denial : — Valdes : The Preacher, Signora, by his sermons, has awakened in your remembrance what you already had conceived of heaven and hell, and has known so well how to picture it to you that the fear of hell makes you love heaven, and the love of heaven makes you dread heU. And in con- nection with showing you this, he tells you that you cajmot fly from hell except through the observance and keeping of the law and the doctrine of Christ. And as he declares this to you in a manner which it seems to you that you cannot perform without hazard of being whispered about, dis- esteemed, undervalued, and considered as contemptible by people of the world, the forethought of the future Mfe conflicting within you on one side, and on the other an unwillingness to bear the troubles of the present bfe, in this way the contradiction you feel is generated. All this is bom of the amor propria with which you love yourself. You fear heU for your own interest, you love heaven for your own interest, you fear the confusion of the world for your own interest, you love the glory and honour of the world for your own interest. Thus in everything you fear and love, if strictly noticed, you will discover yourself. GiuLiA : Then whom do you wish that I should find in my own things if not myself ? VALD^is : I wish that you should again find God, and not yourself, if you wish to be free from contradiction, confusion, inquietude, discontent, and a thousand other discomforts beside, from which you can never become freed ; but when you find God, you will find peace, serenity, quietness, content, cheerfulness, and courage, and such an infinitude of spiritual blessings that you wiU not know how to gather them. Now, if you wish to slight Him, and if you are wUling to deprive yourself of heaven and bind yourself to hell, through unwillingness to go a little out of yourself and enter into God — why, look you to it ! For myself, I assure you that there is nothing in the world that could give me equal satisfaction and content as to see you walk in this Christian path, because I know your mind so well inclined, I hold it certain that if you begin to take (Jehght in God, you will surpass in the victory of holiness many of those saints who are in heaven. GiULiA : Indeed I desire no other thing ; God knows my wishes. ValdiSs : Then why do you not take what you desire ? GiULiA : Because I do not know how to do so. VALD:fis : Force, force, Signora, is the only means the Gospel concern demands. And so Christ said : " Prom the days of John the Baptist until now the kingdom of heaven suffereth violence, and the violent take it by force." ' Thus if you wish to take the kingdom of heaven, do violence to yourself, and so you wiU fear nothing, because, as a Spanish lady of high rank said, although I think not upon this subject {Quien a si venae, A nadie term), " he who conquers himself fears no one." Giulia : Let us leave mere words ; the fact is, I indeed believe that all my confusion, my inquietude, and my contradiction of mind would cease ' Matt. xi. 12. THE "ALPABETO CHBISTIANO." 125 by entering upon the way of God ; and for tliis reason I would resolve to enter upon it immediately, but it seems to me so difficult to find, that I dare not set myself to seek it. VAUj^fis : What do you see that makes it so troublesome to find ? GiULiA : I see few who walk by that road. VAi:,D:fis : In this you are so far right, that few walk in it. But you should know that this does not arise so much from the difficulty of the way as from our own evil nature and imperfection. And because I desire to confirm you in this truth, I wish you to know that in the present Hfe you will discover five kinds of persons. Some there are who know not the way of God, neither wish to Iniow it, because they foresee that by walking in that way they must deprive themselves of their amusements and pleasures ; and these persons, although they do not speak it with the lips, yet from the heart they use the language that Job utters when describing the wickedness of the impious : " Depaort from us, for we desire not the know- ledge of thy ways." ' David says the same : " The fool hath said in his heart, there is no God," ' because in reality they wish that there were no Grod. You will find other persons who know the way of God, but, over- come by their affections and appetites, they do not conclusively determine to walk in it. Christ says of such : " The servant who knew his lord's will and did it not, shall be beaten with many stripes." ' And truly it is so also here ia this world. Such persons feel a continual remorse of conscience which keeps them discontented and without enjoyment. You will find another class of persons who desire and have the wish to learn and know the way of God, but being bound by the love of the things of this present life, and taking supreme delight in them, they are not willing to give them up, and thus they do not conduct themselves so that God should teach and show them His way. Satan directly sets before such persons certain deceptive paths, which he gives them to imderstand are the right paths, and they, blind with self-love, willingly yield them- selves to be deceived and injured, supposing that God guides them, whilst it is the devil who is leading them. Hence are invented superfluous cere- monies ; hence arise pernicious superstitions ; hence come false worships. God says of such persons by Isaiah : " They seek me daily, wishing to learn and know my ways, like people who have lived righteously and have not abandoned the justice and judgment of the Lord their God." '' You will find another class of persons who are willing to know the way of God and dispose themselves towards it. These hearing in their souls the voice of Christ which says : " Turn within you, ye who go wandering ; that is not the right path in which you are walking, for you cannot go by that to the kingdom of heaven." These turn within themselves, and per- ceiving that they wiU be lost, leave the road they are pursuing, and before they take any other covttse pray unto God that He would show them the true way. And this is their condition. Such persons are soon sensible of Christ, who says to them : " Whoever will walk by the true and certain way, let him deny himself, take up his cross, and follow Me,* imitating Me in what he can ;" and they are aware that in another place of Scripture He declares this to them : " Learn of Me, for I am meek and lowly of heart, [and ye shall find rest imto your souls."] ^ And thus they imme- diately enter by the way of denying their own wiU, and by the way of patience and -true humility. You will find some other persons who know the way of God and walk in it, some with more and greater fervency than others, yet in such a manner that neither the one nor the other go out of the way nor forsake ' Job xxi. 14. ^ Ps. xiv. 1. ' Luke xii. 47. ■* Isaiah Iviii. 2. 5 Matt. xvl. 24. s Matt. xi. 29. 126 LIFE OP JUAN DE VALDES. it. They ^o on well ; and these in truth are but few, as you say, Signoia, although they are not so few as you think, because their path being spiritual, they cannot be seen but by spiiitual sight, nor are they possibly known except by persons who walk by the same road. These live in continual care not to offend God ; and if at times they fall into any mortal sin through weakness, overcome by temptation, they turn immediately to God, confess their offence, and have no need of many preparations for the confession ; for, as David says, speaking of himself, their sin is ever before their eyes.' These very persons have some negligences and defects which are signs that their minds are not entirely mortified. Indeed their defects and negligences are often made to be the cause of their improvement, because they repent and humble themselves, and thus learn to mistrust themselves and to confide to God. For this reason St. Paul says, that " all things work together for good to them that love God ;"- and hence he says in another place, that there is nothing to bring condemnation to them, who, having entered upon this road, stand united to Christ Jesus by faith and love.' The first class of persons are the wicked ; the second, the blind ; the third, the unsteady ; the fourth, the prudent ; the fifth, the holy. In this manner you can see that if few persons walk by the Christian way, it is more through their impiety, blindness, and fickleness than through its difficulty ; and knowing this, you should have no fear of finding it. And since you, Signora, as I think, are one of the fourth sort of persons, set yourself to listen to the voice of ClirUt ; for He will put you forward in the true way. And consider it certain that directly you shall have entered upon it, you wiH feel no more confusion, in- quietude, travail, or perplexity ; in short, you will not feel any of those conflicts of mind, but, on the contrary, you wiU experience great peace, cheerfulness, satisfaction, and supreme content. GiUMA : Everything you tell me gives me satisfaction. And since I absolutely wish to enter upon this way, it remains for you to lead me by the hand, instructing me in those footsteps by which I believe you have yourself walked. VAT.nfe : I know not what more you wish to learn from me of that which the preacher tells you every day. GiULiA : I am weak and cannot make such resistance to my inclination as the preacher speaks of. VAi,D:fis : I already, in good part., understand you, Signora. What need have you to go by the branches ? "' I know well what you would wish. GnxLiA : TVhat incivility ! Since you know it, why do you not men- tion it ? ValdiSs : Because I waited for you to tell it with your own lips. GitJiiA : Do me this favour, then, since you know it, to mention it ; and if you divine it, I wiU teU you the truth without reserve. Vai,d£s : I am content with this. You, Signora, wish to be freed from the troublesome things that come and go through your imagination, and being convinced that this is the true way to free you from them, you wish me to show you some royal and ladyKke road by which you may be able to get to God without turning away from the world, and by which you can attain to inward humility without showing it outwardly ; by which you may possess the virtue of patience without the occurrence to you of 'Ps. K. 3. Dejemonos de andar per las ramas.— - Bom. viii. 28. ^ Horn. viiL 1. Difflogo de la Lengua, p. 203, ed. 1860. ■* An Italian and Spanish proverb >ised Let us come to the point let us cease ^y^^aXAis: andareperliramit Orig. : to beat about the bush. THE "ALFABETO OHRISTIANO." 127 what would exercise it ; by which you may despise the world, but in a maimer that the world may not contemn ; by which you may cJothe your soul with Christian vu-tues witliout despoUing the body of its accustomed ornaments ; by which you may nourish your soul with spuitual viands without depriving the body of its usual' banquets. You wish forsooth to appear good in God's sight without apppearmg ill in the eyes of the world ; and, in short, by this path you wish to be able to lead your religious life, but in a mode that no worldly person, however great the familiarity and intercourse he might have with you, could discover iu your life more than he at present knows. Have I divined your sentiments ? GiULiA : Very nearly ; or at least, if you have not divined them, you may say that you have gone to the turn of the mark. VALDfe : This is sufficient for me to warrant my saying that, according to my perception, you are more ready to free yourself from the conflict than you feel to assent to the verdict. GiULiA : Yet do you not always tell me that a bad compromise is better than a good verdict ?• VALDfe : Yes, I say so, but not in this case, in which the compromise is very dangerous, and terribly hurtfuL Know you not that Christ says, that we cannot serve the world and love God, or we must love God and despise the world 1^ . . . . Valdes lays great stress upon the necessity of knowing ourselves truly, and the continual exercise of self-exami- nation. O Signora ! of what importance it is that a person should know how to be acquainted with himself. I am sure that if we truly knew it, we should apply much more study and diligence to this than to any other object whatever. GitTLiA : In what does this importance consist ? VAT.nfe : In this, that if you do not know yourself, you can never cease to love yourself inordinately. And while you have this self-love you cannot love God. And whilst you do not love Him, you cannot do, say, or think anything that may be to His honour ; and not being to His honour, consider whether it would be to the advantage of your souL GiTJLiA : So might I know others as fuUy as I know myself. ValdiSs : And stUl in this, Signora, consists the deception ; that not knowing yourself, you think you do. I give you to know that he must be a very spiritual person who entirely knows himself. GiTJLiA : I believe it may be so. And since this knowledge is of so much importance, instruct me what I must do to know myself. Valdes : The ^rst thing you ought to do is to convince yourself that you do not know yourself. The second is to know indeed the necessity you have to know yourself. The third is, to pray God that He would open the eyes of your understanding, so that you may know yourself. The fourth, to occupy yourself a little every day in examining your affections and appetites which incline you to djsobey God. This inclination you must consider comes to you through original sin, and, therefore, you should hold it as the more pernicious, because it is natural to you, and so this causes you to love yourself vrtthout restraint, and to desire everything for yourselt Hence you will learn to trust not at all in yourself ; so wUl you live always above yourself. After this, you may run a little over your past life, and you will iind many defects, which wiU lead you to ' Proverb : Mas vale mala avenoncia in reference to Isabella's suit against que buena sentencia,— used by Yaldfe Giulia. - Matt. vi. 24. 128 LIFE OF JUAN DE VALDi^S. know what you are. You will discover, as David discovered, much inward iniquity and much rebellion against God. With him you will learn that every man is false and a liar ; that is to say, that he his an ill opinion of the things of God. You will know with Jeremiah, that the heart of man is perverse, and you wUl know what God says : that the imaginations of the thoughts of the human heart are evil continually,' and you wiU discover in yourself much ingratitude that you have had against God. Every time you examine, you wUl know on one side the blessings you have received from His hand, as well as the general ones that aU people in the world partake of, also the particular favours you enjoy, especially the benefit of the suflerings of Christ, and of your having been drawn to the knowledge of it, so that you possess and rejoice in it ; and on the other side, when you examine your actions, in all of which you have shown great ingratitude, by evU deeds, by having offended God who gave you the being you have, and who redeemed you by His most precious blood ; and by those acts that appear to you good, because you will under- stand how you did them, not through your love to God, but through love of yourself ; since you have been living, not in the love of God, but in the love of yourself. Such being the vice of ingratitude, it is so much the more abominable and vUe in you, because you have received probably more of the gifts of God in person and in mind than any other individual now living. Think, then, whether you have reason to stand ill with yourself, and to suspect every evil, and thus you will live always carefully watchful over yourself. It is proper that you enter every day into the knowledge of this defi- ciency and ingratitude, not to remain there, but to pass forward to another step. This wOl be self-abhorrence. To this you will readily come, because in proportion as you know yourself, the more wiU you abhor and suspect yourself of aU evil ; and although you wfll not entirely abhor yourself, you win at least lose the love you bear towards yourself. For this reason, as much more and better a thing is known that is evil in itself, so much more it is to be hated. I do not say that you should show your self- abhorrence by misusing your person, but by despofling your heart of its self-love, which is the greatest hindrance we have to grace, it being the case that we have no enemy so deadly as this ; for it is that which in every possible way and manner labours to separate us from God. Rather, it keeps us in so blind a state and so carried away by it, that we scarcely remember God ; and hence the prophet Micah says : " A man's enemies are those of his own house." ^ Therefore, Signora, if you wish to walk Hghtly along this Christian path, enter frequently into a knowledge of your own misery and weakness, and labour to banish this mortal enemy, self-love, from your breast. AJnd know for a certainty that, when this is driven out, the Holy Spirit wOl quickly, quickly come and dwell in you. And as you go on stripping your heart of self-love, you will go forward clothing it with the love of God. It is then proper that you advance very soon to another step. This is, that as you take a small portion of the day to enter into a knowledge of yourself, in order to come by this to dis- enamour yourself of yourself ; so, without dwelling long upon this, you take another portion of time to enter into acquaintance with God, in order thus to delight yourself with Him. Tliis you wiU readily come to, seeing that the more anything good in itself is known, so much the more it is loved. And that you should the more willingly enter into this knowledge, re- member what Christ says : " And this is life eternal, that they might know Thee the only true God, and Jesus Christ, whom Thou hast sent ;"^ and what ' Gen. vi. 5. ^ Micah vii. 6. 3 John xvii. 3. THE " ALFABETO OHEISTIANO. 129 tie wise man says, that the knowledge of God is perfect justification ; and that to know justification and the property (virtiC) of God is the root and foundation of inunortality. GiULiA : You take for granted that as I have not Icnown how to know myself, so I have less known how to understand God. Teach me how I can know Him. VALD:fis : There are three ways by which persons have arrived and do come to a knowledge of God. One is by the light of nature. This light the Gentile philosophei-s had, and this those people have at the present day, to whom Christ is not known. St. Paul spoke of this knowledge when he said that by the visible things of creation people come to a know- ledge of the invisible things of God.' And it is thus : that reflectiug on this mundane frame of things in which they behold so much that is excellent, they go on investigating and imagining what they do not see, and by the one and the other they arrive at the knowledge that God who made these things is omnipotent. And going on farther, to the consi- deration of the admirable providence with which He governs and regulates all things, in such a manner that one does not interfere with another — rather one assists and serves the others, — they arrive at the knowledge that God is supremely wise, and is, indeed, wisdom itself. Again, besides this, passing on to the consideration of the equality with which, without distinction, aU these blessings, earthly and celestial, are distributed to the people of the world, they know that God is supreme goodness. In this way people of the world, having only the light of nature, reading in the volume of created things, have known and do now know in God omni- potence, wisdom, and goodness. Another way to the knowledge of God is by sacred Scripture ; I mean by the Old Tesbunent, which gave a knowledge of God, but imperfectly, exhibiting Him as angry, cruel, and vindictive ; and therefore it calls Htni a God of vengeance, and Lord of hosts, and such similar severe names. In this manner the blind Hebrews knew God ; yet altogether it is a less obscure knowledge than that the Gentiles possessed, although they would yet serve as slaves, indeed they even now serve as such. The third way of knowing God is by Christ. This way is the certain, clear, and safe way ; this is the straight, royal and noble way. And be assured, Signora, that in knowing God through Christ consists the whole being of a Christian ; for to know God through Christ it is necessary first to know Christ Himself And because we cannot know Christ by the light of nature, nor by other human industry, if God does not internally illumine and open the vision of our souls, I say that this knowledge of God through Christ is supernatural knowledge, for which the special grace of God is necessary. And that it is the truth, that we cannot have the true know- ledge of God except through Christ, Christ Himself demonstrates, saying : " No man can come to Me, except the Eternal Father draw him." ^ And He shows it again by His answer to Peter, when Peter acknowledged Him to be the true Son of Gfod, saying to hiVn : " Blessed art thou, Simon, son of John, for this thou hast not gained by human reason, nor by the light of nature, but my Father who is in heaven has revealed it unto thee." ^ When we know God through Christ, we know Him as loving. Benign, merciful, compassionate, because we find in Christ love, benignity, mercy, and compassion. See here, Signora, three ways of knowing God, according to three different kinds of people who have had, and stiU have, a knowledge of God. And because the two first are not to your purpose, you wiU let them pass, and only exercise yourself in the third, which is, to know God through Christ. But in order that this exercise may be ' Eom. i. 20. = John vi. 44. = Matt. xvi. 17. K 130 LIFE OP JUAN DB VALD^S, profitable, it is proper that you should learn to know Christ, not by knowledge gained by custom, nor acquired by the intellect and human industry, but by the light of faith impired hy the Holy Spirit. It is needful for you in this manner to learn rightly to know Christ if you wish to come perfectly to know God through Christ. GiuLiA : I know not that I have anything to reply to you ; so plainly it seems to me that I know Christ well, if there be not some other secret cognizance to which I have not arrived. Vald:^s : Now this secret cognizance is what I said persons must come to by inspiration ; and therefore we should not think the public acknow- ledgment of Christ sufficient : an assassin or a traitor has such. St. John undeceives us, saying : " He that saith, I know Him, and keepeth not His commandments, is a Uar.'" GiTTLiA : You seem to me to straiten me greatly, and I feel it so much the more as I have nothing to answer you. Now then, for your Ufe, let us not lose time, but open a little to me the way by which I may enter into the true knowledge of Christ. Valdi^s : I will give you, Signora, some principles, by means of which, commending yourself to God, He will Himself reveal the rest to you. And so I say, since you already believe that Christ is truly God and truly man, as God, equal with His Eternal Father, and one and the same with Him, the true knowledge of Christ consists, Signora, in knowiug and con- sidering to what purpose the Son of God came into the world, and was made man ; why He suffered, and why He rose again. GiULiA : I wish to learn from you how you consider these three Vai,d£s : You may consider, Signora, that Christ came into the world to make satisfaction for original sin. Because this having been an infinite crime in respect to God, who was offended, it was necessary that the satis- faction should be infinite, and this could not be made except by God Himself, who is infinite ; therefore the Son of God, being made man, has made satisfaction for the sin of the first man, and together with his, for all the sins of aU persons who had been, were then, are now, and shall yet be ; and to them who forego the benefit of this propitiation it win be wanting by their own fault. Christ came to qualify men to be- come the sons of God. He came to show us the way to heaveiL He came to confound the pride of the flesh, and to preach humility of spirit. He came to destroy death. He came to break the power of the devil. He came to communicate with us of His own spirit, by which we might do the wUl of God ; for by the law alone had God before declared His wiU to us ; but the law did not give us the power by which we could fulfil it. He came to show us the love that His Eternal Father bears to the human race, which is most perfectly seen and known in Christ. And in short. He came to open to us the gates of Paradise, and to qualify us so that we might enter therein. Now considering these causes for which Christ came, think you whether you could acquire by any other means than by the Son of God made man, so many and such singular blessings 1 Besides this, when you wish to con- sider wherefore He suffered, Christ Himself shaU teach you, saying, Cwm exaltatus fuirro a terra omnia traha/m ad meipsum ; that is, " And I, if I be lifted up from the earth, wiU draw all things unto Me ;" as though He said : In order to uproot people from the things of this world, and enamour them with the things of life eternal, it is needful that I be crucified ; and saying in another place that it was necessary He should suffer on the cross, that all who believed in Him might be saved.' And know for a ' .John xi. i. ' Jolm xii. 32. 3 Luke xxiy. 46. THE "ALFABETO OHBISTIANO. 131 certainty that nowhere can we better know God thwi in Christ crucified. I can say yet more, that if the contemplation of Christ crucified does not disenamour you of the things of the world and enamour you of the things of God, you will be always miserably bound to created things. So mu3i so, that one of the reasons why I think St. Paul calls Christ the mediator between God and man' is, because we can neither know, believe, nor love God, but by contemplating Christ crucified ; who, suffering, made it sweet to suffer ; and euduring, made it easy to endure ; and being injuriously treated, made injuries sweet ; and dying, gave to death itself a relish. Do not these reasons appear to you most sufficient why Christ should have suffered ? Does it not seem to you that Christ has shown so much love in this as to satisfy us why we should disenamour ourselves of seK-love, and enamour ourselves with God ? But considering still further, you will find that Christ arose from the dead that we might arise with Him, as well in spirit in this life, as in body in the life eternal And the spiritual resurrection is when through dying to the Old man we come to be revived in the New man. This is the passing from death unto life ; and thus, as Christ through dying came to the resurrection, so we by denial of seK come to the neioness of Ufe. And this is what Christ says to Nicodemus : " Except a man be bom of water and of the Holy Spirit, he cannot enter the kingdom of God." ^ You wiU. consider also in Christ, that He ascended up on high to raise our souls to the contemplation of heavenly things. To these St. Paul invites us, saying : " If, brethren, ye are risen spiritually with Christ, seek those things which are above, where Christ sitteth on the right hand of His Eternal Father. Set your affection on things above, not on things on the earth." ^ And lastly, consider that Christ sent the Holy Spirit that we might be taught the truth of these things, that thereby all love of earthly things being banished, we might be inflamed with the love of spiritual things, and recover and restore within us that image of God to the likeness of which we were created. By these considerations, Signora, God aiding you, and favouring you with His grace, you may be enabled to come, little by Httle, to the perfect knowledge of God, And thus you will go on by it, loving God and loving Christ. In the same maimer you will go forward verifying in yourself those truths that you confess in the Creed, so that what you now confess through obedience, merely subjecting your intellect, you will then confess through experience. In this manner, that as joined with the first cog- nizance of God by the light of nature, which the Gentiles had, united with the knowledge gained of Him through the Scriptures of the Old Testament which the Jews have, a person can with truth say that he believes in one God, the Father, omnipotent Creator of heaven and earth ; so also and much better than they, after you have known Christ, and through Christ known God, and through God returning to know Christ [more fuUy], you will be able to say, or, to speak more correctly, you will say with truth, feeling in your soul that which you say, the same the others have said and confessed ; and passing beyond them, you will declare with truth that you believe in Jesus Christ, the Son of God, our only Lord. You will believe Him to be so because the love and obedience with which you know that Christ showed Himself most obedient to the wiU of God and aU the other divine perfections that you know to be in Christ, will certify you that Christ is the Son of Gtod ; and the sweetness and charity that you will behold in Christ will constrain you to hold Him alone as your absolute Lord. Ajud passing further in the truth, you will believe that He was conceived ' 1 Tim. ii. 5. = John iii. 5. = 1 Col. iii. 1-2. K 2 132 LIFE OF JUAN DE VALDES. by the operation of the Holy Spirit ; because the admirable perfection you wiU know to be in Christ will assure you that His generation, or con- ception, was not an ordinary occurrence, but truly the work of the Holy Spirit. After this, when you shall feel within your soul that, contrary to aU natural reason, suffering is sweet to you, affliction grateful, and the cross glorious, knowing truly that glory would not be found in trouble, nor honour in calumny, if Christ had not dignified both, then with living faith will you confess that Christ suffered under the presidency of Pontius Pilate. And when you shall have crucified and bmied with Christ your Old man with all his affections and appetites, you will not have any doubt in believing and confessing that Christ was crucified, dead, and buried. And when, passing further on, you feel the quickening of the New man, and by this you wiU see that you are raised with Christ, you will be constrained to confess that Christ Himself the third day rose from the dead. And when you shall see and feel that aU your desires are directed by the Spirit, and advancing on towards heaven, you wiU know that Christ already is in heaven, seated on the right hand of the Father, and thus you will confess it. Your soul at once inflamed with desire that the world may behold Christ glorified, since it already saw Him suffering, taking it for certain it must be so, you will confess that Christ must come to judge the living and the dead.' And because the Holy Spirit who dwells in you wiU open your eyes, you wOl recognize the same spirit in many other persons, agreeable to what David says : Qui tvinent te videbuiU me, et Imtabuntur : that is, " they that fear thee wiU see me and be glad ;"^ with the whole heart and a ready tongue you will confess the Holy Spirit. With the same knowledge you wiU believe the holy catholic Church and the spiritual communion of holy persons who are in it. Thus, you will truly know that Christ has here on earth a church universal, holy by participation with the holiness of Christ. Finally, when you shall feel and enjoy so much of the sweetness and love of Christ here in this world as is to be felt and enjoyed, taking this sense and enjoyment for an earnest of what you wiH yet have to feel and enjoy in the other life, to which you will expect certainly to go to rejoice perpetually with Christ, you wiU not hesitate to confess the Life Eternal. And now, when you possess such inward experience, yours will be living and true faith, because you will have the ex/pericnoe of it within you. Now, mark well, Signora, and consider the fruit you wUl gather from the knowledge of God through Christ. And considering that you wiU be a Christian in proportion as you have this knowledge of God by Christ lively in your soul, I am sure you wiU willingly forget so much of yourseff, entering into this divine cognizance ; in which you ought to enter many times a day if you wish to walk by this Christian path. I know not what more to say to you on this subject, except that I wish what has been abeady said may be used by you more as a way-mark, to point to the entrance of the knowledge of God and of Christ, than as an introduction into it, because the introduction must be made by the special gift and grace of God, which you ought always most affectionately to ask for, and when you so ask it of Him, I promise you that He will not deny you. GiDLlA : Great is the power of the word of God ! I say so because I assure you, of aU the arguments I have heard you use, there is none that so renewedly increases the desire I have to walk by this Christian path. Valdj^s : All these new resolutions you ought, Signora, to embrace, and ' 1 Cor. XV. 52. 2 Ps. cxix. 74. THE "ALPABETO CHBISTIANO. 133 acknowledge to come from the hand of God. And know that my words cannot be sufficient for this, if the Holy Spirit do not speah within you there (pointing to the heart), soliciting you. Now, because in nothing except in Christ can people entirely know and comprehend the love God bears to us, His mercy, His compassion, and His benignity ; for this reason I say, Signora, that the most certain way and the most royal road to come to a knowledge of God is to Icnow Him through Christ. And so Christ HimseK says : " I am the way, the truth, and the life," ^ and so the Eternal Father draws us to know Christ, and Christ leads us to know the Eternal Father, and we cannot come to God but by Christ ; and life eternal con- sists in knowing God, and in knowing Christ. Hence Christ Himself, speaking to His Eternal Father, says : "This is life eternal,that they should know Tliee, the true God, and Jesus Christ, whom Thou hast sent into the world." ^ .... " If," says Valdfe, " the will excites you to do, say, or think anything, in every instance test it. If the object suggested present itself in the guise of something bad, it must immediately be banished, whilst anything good must just as quickly be put in action. And if you find what is offered to your mind to be indifierent, think a little over it, and finding that more evil than good may come of it, let it alone ; or, finding that more good than evil may come, adopt it ; but be very careful that you do not deceive yourself, -for the devil frequently transforms himself into an angel of light, and often the flesh moves us, and we think it to be the Spirit. And if a thing be of such nature that it can be neither iH nor.good, and nothing more than a satisfaction to your wiU, to leave or take it is of little consequence ; yet it is quite true, it may be better to leave it, because in proportion as you deny your own will, you mortify it." .... Valdes does not think of transporting Giulia at once to perfection, but wishes her to arrive there by easy stages, neither wearied by haste, nor kept back by negHgence. Griulia breathes once more j she confesses her partiality to certaui idle pastimes, to lay which aside would, she fears, induce melancholy. Valdes repeats that she ought to lay these trifling things aside gradually, and that she would, the more she learnt to know divine things, also lose her taste for the former. " I see," says Giulia, gratefully, " you accommodate yourself to my weakness in order to save me from being discouraged.'^ Yaldes asks, " Does it appear to you that I do wrong ?" '"On the contrary, it appears to me that the mode in which you proceed is the best." " It appears good to you for this reason," says the Teacher, "because you are self-indulgent; but we won't discuss this. I wUl give you still greater license, Signora, in order that the difficulties which you wiU encounter on this road may not lead you to turn back. It is this, that if you are not able wholly to subdue your feelings and inclinations, so that you may be absolute mistress of yourself, at least so rule and moderate them that they be not your masters. The good Christian is not to seek to be passionless, but to rule I John xiv. 6. ' John xvii. 3. 134 LIFE OP JUAN DE VALD^S. his paasionB." The idea and image of Christian perfection, contrasted with her own imperfection, is the book which he would wish her to peruse constantly, and which would advance her more in one day than aU other books in a hundred years. Valdes thus defines prayer and the manner in which it should be exercised : — Prayer ia the raising of the mind to God, with desire to obtain what it asks of Him. The manner of prayer, and what should be asked for in prayer, are such as Christ taught us by St. Matthew : " And when thou prayest, thou shalt not do as the hypocrites, for they love to pray in the congregations of the people and in the comers of the streets, that they may be seen of men ; verily I say unto you, they have their reward. But thou, when thou prayest, enter into thy closet, and when thou hast shut thy door, pray to thy Father who is in secret ; and thy Father who seeth in secret shall reward thee openly." Christ teaches us by these words that our prayer should be private, as well to avoid vain glory, as- because the mind outwardly quiet, more easily quiets itself within. Aiid Christ imme- diately says : and " when, thou prayest, use not many words, as the gentiles do." ' Whence He shows that He wishes few words to be used, but much faith and affection, in prayer. Afterwards He says ; " In this manner, therefore, pray ye : Pater noster qui es m ccelis" &c? " Our Father who art in heaven," &c. In this He instructs us that we should not ask for vain or superfluous things in prayer, but for those only which seem to be necessary for the glory of God, for the salvation of the souls of our neighbours and of our own, and for the support of our life. Christ, m another place, teaches us how we ought to pray, saying : " And aU things whatsoever ye shall ask in prayer, believing, ye shall receive." ' So that in order for prayer to be right, it should be in private, with few words, with much desire, with true and just request, and with entire faith and confidence that God will give us what we shall ask of Him. Also Christ teaches us in another place that we should be importunate and per- severing in prayer. Yet because vocal prayer frequently kindles and elevates the mind to mental prayer, I would not wish yon, Signora, to oblige yourself to repeat a certain number of psahns or paternosters, in order that you may always stand at liberty ; for then, God sending to you some good inspiration in prayer, you may be able to dwell in it as long as you feel that your soul has the relish of it. GiuLiA : I cannot understand this unless you explain it by some example. VALD:fis : I mean to say that, when saying the Paternoster, you come to repeat advmiat regnum tuum, " thy kingdom come ;" and at that passage God shall show you the felicity the soul enjoys when God reigns within it, that you dwell in this consideration. In the same manner, when saying cor mundum crea in me, Deus, et spiritum rectum innova in visceribus meis, that is, " create in me a clean heart, God, and renew a right spirit within me," * you should feel that your heart begins to be warmed with desire for that purity, and your bosom begins to open, anxious that the Holy Spirit may be renewed in it ; without going on with the psabn, feed the fire of your heart with a thought of Christ crucified, and open wider the door of yora breast, that your heart may remain ' Matt. vi. 7. • 2 Matt. vi. 9. ' Matt. xxi. 22. ' Ps. li. 10. THE "ALFABETO CHfllSTIANO. 135 purified, and your bosom go filled with the Holy Spirit. You will do this, without being obliged to repeat a certain number of psalmatir of pater- nosters. Do you now vmderstand it ? GiutiA: Fully. .... Giulia asks Vald^s how she should dispense her alms. Vald^s : I shall give you no other rule than that of charity. Love God, and you will know how to dispense your alms. GnjLiA : I ask it because the Preacher' said one day, that according to the order of charity, we were more under obligation to our neighbour than to ourselves. Valdi^s : AYhat the Preacher said is that well-ordered charity begins from God, and that in Him persons learn it : both how they should love themselves, and how they should love their neighbour. And he said more — that he who lives in perfect charity frequently waives his own individual interest for the good of his neighbour. This we see in many passages of St. Paul, who says that charity seeketh not its own interest. As to distributing alms, St. Paul himself, without any dilferenoe, says, Facite bonum ad o-mnes, " Do good to all men ;" and wishing, in some respects, to come to particulars, he says, " but chiefly to the household of faith." Keeping to what Christ says : " He that receiveth a prophet in the name of a prophet, shall receive a prophet's reward ; and he who receiveth a righteous man in the name of a righteous man, shall receive a righteous man's reward."^ Does it appear to you that these are gifts to be forsaken ? Giulia : Rather, I have so much enjoyed to hear this, that I would die with pleasure to know some righteous person, to show him a thousand favours, and do him a thousand benefits, to be myself also righteous. Vat,T):^s : A pretty contradiction is this ! Do you not perceive that in this case you are moved by your own interest, and not as Christ desires, purely by. His love ? In short, I see, Signora, that you would be satisfied to do whatever God would command and wish of you, provided you take care of your love for yourself ; and I do not wonder, because there is nothing in the world more disagreeable for persons than to do force to themselves ; so much more in things belonging to the soul, where outward force and human labour are insufiicient. But, in short, willing or not willing, I assure you that you must give your love up to God. Giulia : What humiliation ! Vald:^s : Do you take it to be humiliating, Signora, that God having created you, in order that you should love Him, and having in so many modes and ways shown His love. He asks you to love Him ? GitTLiA : Let me put up with your answer. Yet if I were able to do it so readily, I promise you that I would not be slow to do it ; but it is necessary to come to this efiect through so many intricacies ; and to tell you the truth, I do not know how you mean this. Since God com- mands me to give Him all my love, why does He not make me certainly able always to do what I would wish for Him as easily as I could give Him this robe ? Vald^s : The impossibility, or, better to say, the difficulty comes to us from original sin. Giulia asks ValdeSj although the hour has become very- late, what is the nature of Christian liberty. ' Ochino ; Qiial sia Vordine rlella carilA. Prediche, terza parte, predioa Ixiv. od. 154.3. 2 Matt. x. 41. 136 LIFE OP JUAN DE VALDES. GiTTLiA : I remain indeed satisfied ; and if you tell me in two words about Cliristian liberty, I will then leave you to go with God ! VALD:fis : You know, Signora, that Christian liberty is a thing which, however much it is reasoned about, and however good the conduct be, can never be understood if it be not experienced ; so that you will know just so much of it as you experience it in your soul, and no more. If, there- fore, Signora, you desire to learn it, set yourself to experience it, and there win be no necessity that I should tell you about it. -But at all events, I wish to say this : that it appears, according to what St. Paul says, — " though I be free from aU, yet have I made myself servant unto all, that I might gain them aU for Christ," ' the liberty of the Christian is in the conscience ; for the real and perfect Christian is free from the tyranny of the law, from sin, and from death, and is absolute master of his affections and appetites. And on the other hand, he is the servant of all as to the outward man, because he is subject to serve the necessities of the body, to keep the flesh subject, and to serve his neighbours according to his power, either with his faculties, if gifted with them, or with good doctrine if that be added, and with the example of a good and holy life. So that such a Christian person is free as regards the spirit, acknowledging no other superior than God, and as to the body, he is slibject to everybody in the world for Christ's sake. YaldeSj according to his usual metlio'd of instruction, sums up the whole discourse by the followiug words : — You have already understood, Signora, whence has arisen the confusion of mind in which you have lived until now, and likewise the remedy that you can use for it. You have understood whence the contradiction arises that you felt within you after you heard the Preacher, and in what manner you can free yourself from it. I have depicted to you the idea of Christian perfection. I have shown you the steps by which you will begin to walk to Christ without being seen by the world. I have satisfied yofl of some doubts that have occurred to you. Lastly, you have understood in what Christian liberty consists. It now remains for you directly, directly from this night, to make proof of going in those steps that I have taught you. Therefore I desire that you would teU me in the morning what you think of them. And be careful that you always entreat God that He would guide and conduct you by His grace, without ever consenting to withdraw youpelf from Him. Because this is the way to arrive at Christian per- fection, and to enjoy Christian liberty, to which when you shall become united, you will be able with truth to say with the prophet David : Dominus regit me, et nihil mihi deerit. In loco pasquce ibi me collocamt ; that is, " The Lord is my shepherd, I shall not want. He maketh me to lie down in green pastures. He leadeth me beside the stiU waters," &c.^ Few were the years of the life of Valdes after the conver- sation of the Alfabeto Cheistiano, yet during the four, or at the most five of them, he presented to G-iuha his translation from the Greek of the Gospel according to Mat- thew, of the Psalms translated from the Hebrew, of the Epistle to the Eomans, also from the Greek, with a com- mentary; nor could she be unacquainted with his " Con- siderations" and his other writings, while they were in ' ^ Cor. ix. 19. ! Ps. xxiii. GIULIA GONZAGA. 137 manuscript. All those that we know of with certainty were also printed and circulated to some extent in Italy during her lifetime ; and^ as before said, it is to her agent ov procuratore, IMarco Antonio ]\Iagno, that we owe at least the translation from the Spanish manuscript of the " Alfabeto Christiano " into Italian, and consequentlj' its existence at the present time.' And what was the effect upon her mind of the rehgious instruction of Valdes ? This at least we know, that besides the superintendence of her nephew's education, she passed her time in visiting the sick in the hospitals, relieving them with her own hands ; in select society, avoiding the acquaint- ance of mere worldly persons ; and in the constant perusal of the Holy Scriptures," that volume of heavenly refresh- ment, " the aliment of the perfect," which Yaldes had re- quested her to substitute for his own writings. She left behind her a character eminent for the graces of her mind, for unspotted purity of life, in a city and in an age of un- restrained Hcense of morals, and for exalted piety carried out to the consistent practice of virtue — a character, we may readily believe, such as Valdes had marked out for her attainment. Its memory, therefore, for these quaUties, more than for the acknowledged beauty of her person and the distinction of rank and family, though receiving a lustre from them also, has come down to us in this later age, joined with liis who is now known, with greater cer- tainty than was apprehended before, to have been " at once her guide, and counseUor, and friend." * "Alfabeto Christiano che insegna la Sora speiide tuUo il tempo in vera via d'acquistare il lume dello Spirit© pert^r saidi, riuolgendoUScnltiire sacre Santo, I'Anno MD.XLVI." Translated con pvjro e sincero petto." M. Simon by Benjamin B. Wiffen, 1861. Only Fomari, in " La Spositione sopra 100 copies printed for publication. I'Orlando Furioso." In Firenze, 1549- 2 Ariosto, canto XLVI. "Ginlia 50, p. 764. Gonzaga ohe douunque ilpiede volge,etc. 138 CHAPTBE VI. EvEET English traveller who has visited Italy may be ex- pected to have seen Naples. No other spot in the world combines within the same compass so much natural beauty with so many objects of interest as the Bay of Naples. Its circuit from the Capo di Miseno to the Punta deUa Campa- nella is about 35 miles. At its opening between the islands of Ischia and Capri it is 14 miles broad ; and from its open- ing to its head at Portici it is 15 miles long. AU this is seen at one view^ surrounded by towns of classic memory, gardens, palaces, and ruins, with the islands of Procida, Ischia, and Capri bestudding the waters of this charming bay, in the most agreeable climate, and under the brightest of skies. The name by which it was anciently known was derived from the Siren Parthenope, expressive of its en- chanting influence j and — Still, as of yore, the setting sun declines O'er marble terraces and trellis'd vines ; Around lier beauteous bay the mountains bend, And glorious lights and balmy dews descend. At a part of the city now covered with a magnificent succession of palaces and villas, and including a fashionable drive of a mile and a half in extent, bounded towards the bay by shaded promenades amongst delicious gardens, laved by the murmuring waters, and, in the days of which we are writing, studded with a few villas set in verdure, — hes the quarter of Chiaja. Here Juan de Valdes had a country house,^ and here his friends resorted to hear him discourse upon sacred subjects. Some sHght and interesting allusions in the Didlogo de la Lengua give us an insight into the manner of his readings and conversations with these friends. He held frequent intercourse with them at his own residence in the city ; whilst his less-divided leisure was given to them at his country house. Here Valdes received on the Sunday a select number of his most intimate friends, and they passedthe day together in this manner : After breakfasting and enjoying themselves amidst the glories of the surround- ing scenery, they returned to the house, when he read some selected portion of Scripture and commented upon it, or ' See Bonfadio's letter to Carnesecchi, at pp. 177-8. vald:^s and his friends at OHIAJA. 139 some "Divine Considjieation " which had occupied his thoughts during the week — some subject on which he con- ceived that his mind had obtained a clearer illumination of heavenly truth. The themes proposed by him might well have been the Hundred and Ten ConsidekationSj occupying 110 Sundays^ or full two years, if followed up consecutively. After this they discussed the subject togetherj or discoursed upon Scripture, and upon points which Vald^s himself brought forward, until the hour for dinner. After dinner, in the afternoon, when the servants were dismissed to their own amusements, his friends, and not himself, proposed the subjects and led the conversation, and he had to discuss them agreeably to their desire. As they had been pleased to consecrate the morning according to his wishes, in the serious reading of the sacred Scriptures, the Booh of the Soul, or upon subjects like his "Divine Considerations," he in return devoted his acquirements to their gratification, on themes of their selection.* Such was the origin of the " Dialogo de la Lengua," a dialogue on the Spanish language, which occupied seven or more sittings, and was, in all pro- bability, much more copious than the text which has come down to us, and which furnishes us with these particulars. At nightfall, Valdes and his friends returned to the city.* The Sunday meetings may have continued four or five years. These Sabbaths of studious Christians, this exchange of subjects, this intercourse of thought between the pro- posers, the day, the pure elevation of mind they brought as it were with them, the situation, the beauty of the country, the transparent skies of a southern chmate, the low murmurs of the bay — would all be favourable to the pur- pose of Valdes ; and from these social meetings with his friends his purely religious works appear to have derived their origin and form. In this manner were produced the materials, rather spoken than written, of those excellent productions, brought afterwards into more exact shape, for the service, first of his own friends, then of theirs, and par- ticularly of Giulia Gonzaga. Valdes read the Old Testament in the Hebrew, from which he translated the Psalms. He translated also St. Paul's Epistles to the Romans and the 1st Epistle to the Corinth- ians from the Greek.^ He commented in a simple manner ' "DiSlogo de la Lengvia," ed. I860, Eomanos, i la La los Corintios, pp. 1, 2. ambas traduzidas i comentadas por 9n ^^^^°S° ^^^ la Lengua," ed. 1860, Juan de Valdfe. Ahora fielmente P' "05. reimpresas. Ano de 1856." "La Epistola de San Pablo a los 140 LIFE OF JUAN DB VALDES. upon the text, whicli he read in r^ular order in his own house to his friends.' Valdds begins these Commentaries by a general argument on the character of the Epistles, and the purpose the Apostle had in writing them; and it will be interesting to learn the nature of his religious sentiments on especial subjects, from his comments on various texts, by the manner in which he treats them. The Sceipttjees to be Undeestood by the Spieit with WHICH THEY WEEE WeITTEN. Eom. xvi. 25, 26, 27. Ei atitem, qui potens est, etc. " Now to Him that is of power to stabhsh you according to my Gospel and the preaching of Jesus Christ, according to the revelation of the mystery, which was kept secret since the world began, but now is made manifest, and by the Scriptures of the Prophets, according to the command- ment of the everlasting God, made known to all nations for the obedience of faith : to God only wise be glory through Jesus Christ for ever. Amen." The order of these -words iii the original Greek is confused, through their being intermixed one with another ; and they all are of great import, because almost the whole scope of the epistle is summed up in them. By " now to Eim that is of power to stablish," it is to be understood that God is able to confirm and establish in you His election and His calling, as if He should say, you are unable of yourselves, but God shall give you ability. By " according to my Oosjjel," I understand that St. Paul means that God is able to establish you in that which is preached, and it is afiirmed in the Gospel which I preach. And the preaching of Jesus Christ and my Oospel are synonymous. This same preaching of the Gospel is what is called the manifestation of the mystery. He means to say, God is able to establish you according to that which now is published, or made inanifest. So that what he, in the first instance, calls my Oospel, may be likewise called the preaching of Jesus Christ, and called the " manifestor tion of the myste/ry," or secret. By " since the world began," is to be under- stood all time anterior to the preaching of the Gospel. By " was Icept secret," is to be understood that there was, indeed, a Gospel, but that it had not been published to men, although, indeed, it had been revealed to some. As though a prince should issue an indulgence or general pardon to all the delinquents in his realm, but that he refrained from pubhshing it for a while, especially revealing it, however, to some individuals accepted by him. By that expression, " and by the Scriptures of the Prophets," it '"DiSlogodelaLengua." Madrid, 1860, Epistles as Peter Martyr. ... In p. xxiii. " II ValdSs leggeva in sua oasa that of Sessa and of Caserta, Flaminio I'istesse Epiatole che lee;geva P. Martire. delivered SermonsontheSpiritual Life." II Flaminio In quel di Sessa e di Caserta —Antonio Caraceiolo, " Vita e Gesti di faceva Sermoni di Vita Spirituale."— Paulo IV." British Museum, Harleiau ' ' Vald€a read in his own house the same MSS. No. 1763, f ol. 11 3 vto. COMMENTAEIES ON PAUL'S EPISTLES. 141 appears that he understands that this Gospel, this Indulgence or general pardon, was not only published in the time of Paul, but also in the Scriptures of the Prophets, although it was not understood, because the Scriptures had not been apprehended. For it ever is so, that Hie Scriptures never are understood, save by the same spirit with whieh they are u-ritten. By " aceording to the commandment," it seems to be understood that it was a Divine command that the Prophets should publish the Gospel, but in such manner that they should not be under- stood ; and that the Apostles shoidd publish it clearly and distinctly. By "for the obedience of faith," is to be imderstood that God gave this command with the intent that men, in obeying the Gospel, should exalt justification ; and obedience consists in man's subjugating his judgment, his reason, and his carnal prudence, and beheving what is said, published, and afiirmed on the part of God. By " made Tcnown to all nations" is to be understood that the preaching of the Gospel, of the Indulgence or general pardon, which Christ first, and the Apostles afterwards, announced to the world on the part of God, was already notorious, and manifested unto all nations. And by " to God the only wise," the reader is referred to that which is hereinbefore mentioned ; so that he may finally say, " to God only wise, ivho is of power to stablish you according to my Gospel, be gloi-y through Jesus Christ for ever and ever. Amen." This is aU the knowledge that I can attain at present of this Divine epistle, having availed myseH of my two books. Prayer and Consideration. These books have helped me, as far as Prayer has been aided by the Holy Spirit, and as far as Consideration has been helped by personal experience and daily reading. And I hold it for certain that, in proportion as the spirit has been, more fervent and the hope greater, the apprehension of St. Paul's words will have been more perfect, Prayer and Consideration having been more aided. And I hold it likewise for certain that the time will come in which I shall understand all this much better, and then I shall, to the glory of God, supply that wherein I have hitherto failed. — (Romans, pp. 302-305.) The Sceiptuebs not to be bead with Curiosity. 1 Cor. i. 17. Nov, in sapientia verbi, &c. "Not with wisdom of words^ lest the cross of Christ should be made of none effect." Here St. Paul begins to treat of another infirmity which it appears that these Corinthians had ; this was their esteem of the wisdom of the world. He goes on to speak against this infirmity in these first chapters, with the intent to eradicate and extirpate it from Christians, as being dangerous and pernicious, since it is always accompanied with curiosity and self- esteem, which in a Christian are two vices, so much the more hurtful because, at times, or rather, ahnost always, they assume the garb of zeal and piety. And this desire of knowledge, by the associations which it brings, is to such a degree pernicious and dangerous that, even in the reading of the holy Scriptures, it injures the mind when the reader is not very guarded, lest he should be guided by curiosity or seK-esteem. And I understand that a man reads the holy Scriptures with curiosity when he does so solely with the view of acquiring knowledge. And I under- stand that a man reads the holy Scriptures with self-esteem when he avails himself of his knowledge to talk about them and criticise them. And should some one ask me, " With what purpose may I then come to 142 LIFE OP JUAN DE VALD^S. read the holy Scriptures?" I shall answer him, "For the purpose of personal edification, reading them at times for your consolation under tribulation and affliction, and at other times to awaken in your mind fresh desires after God, and to conceive fresh views of spiritual and divine things ; and, again, in order that the same reading may be to you as a testhnony of what God shall give you inwardly to feel and know of your own soul." And one of the greatest advantages in reading the holy Scriptures is, that the man doing so ascertains the extent to which his feeHngs and experience concur with those of persons who possess the Holy Spirit. Hence he is confirmed in what he feels and in what he knows, and increases in the one and in the other, deriving the greatest satisfaction from both. It is tantamount to saying, I feel that Christ, slaying His body on the cross, slew that of all who are His members, for I feel mine to be dead, or almost dead, as is said in Rom. viL In reading that St. Paul said thus, I am confirmed in my own feelings ; they increase in me, and I enjoy them. In the same manner I know by experience that worldly wisdom, understanding thereby man's knowledge, the man being destitute of the Holy Spirit, is prejudicial to the Christian. Aud, reading those chapters wherein St. Paul recognized the same thing, I am confirmed in my own knowledge ; it is increased in me, and I enjoy it. I make this observation in order that it may be understood that a desire merely to loiow is injurious, and that even in holy things it is prejudicial. And, returning to St. Paul, I understand that, by the expression " not with wisdom of worch," he means to say, God sent me to ■ preach the Gospel ; and this with no ornate discourse blended with science and human wisdom ; and this, lest the cross of Christ should he made of none efl'ect, which would be made of none efieot were I to preach the Gospel after such fashion, for men would attribute the eifect of my preaching or evangelization, not to the efficacy which there is in the cross of Christ, but to the efficacy of my words. And I understand that the efficacy of the cross of Christ consists in men being brought to accept the righteousness of Christ for their own. They are effectively crucified with Christ, and are dead with Christ. They inwardly experience justification in peace of conscience. They experience death, both in body and mind, by the mortification of their affections and appetites, which are after the flesh and after the world. In proportion as their faith is progressively developed, so likewise is their incorporation into Christ effectively increased ; and, as their incorporation into Christ increases, so likewise does their peace of conscience increase with the progressive mortification of their affections and appetites. The expression " not with wisdom of words " is synonymous with " not with a learned discourse." The Greek word Ktvu>9y signifies "lest it be made void," and amounts to the same thing. By the expression " the cross of Christ " is to be understood the preaching of the cross of Christ, and under this word " cross " St. Paul understands all that savoured of humiliation and ignominy, of affliction, misery, and prostration in association with Christ (pp. 13-15). On Peeachejjs. Rom. X. 14, ] 5. Quomodo ergo invocahunt, etc. " How then stall they call on Him in whom they have not beHeved ? and how shall they believe in Him of whom they have not heard ? and how shall they hear without a COMMENTAEIES ON PAUL'S EPISTLES. 143 preacher? And how shall they preach except they be sent ? " I understand by these words that St. Paul tries to remove the error into which human wisdom might fall, deceived by what he had said, " that all who call on the name of Christ shall be saved," persuading itself that this invooation is an easy thing to any one who may desire it, and that, therefore, the salvation of man depends upon himself, and not on God. And, because this is directly contrary to what St. Paul has said in the preceding chapter, that it does not depend upon the wOl of man, but on the will of God, he goes on to say that man cannot call on Christ if he do not believe in Him, and that he cannot believe in Him if he have not heard speak of Him. And that he cannot hear speak of Christ if there be no one who preaches Christ to him; and that no man of the world can preach Christ if he be not sent of God to preach Christ ; this is the same as if he said, if he be no Apostle. Paul infers from all this, that since it is true that preaching is not efficacious if he who preaches be not sent of God to preach, it is also true that man cannot hear without a preacher, nor can he believe if he be not told what he has to believe, nor can he invoke Christ if he do not first believe ; it will also be true that they only wUl invoke Christ to whom God shall send preachers or apostles, who shall preach Christ to them. So that all the force of St. Paul's words consists in this, " except they be sent." Aaid, hence it is easy to understand why our preachers do not move the hearts of men, withdrawing them from the world to God, and separating them from themselves for Christ, and making them more readily accept the grace of the Gospel. The reason is because they are not sent, because they are not Apostles ; and that may be affirmed of them which God says by Jeremiah (xxiii. 21), " I have not sent these prophets, yet they ran ; I have not spoken to them, yet they prophesied." Here, likewise, it is to be understood that they who preach Christian things, not being Apostles of Christ, do not preach Christ, how- ever much they may use His name in the pulpit. But they preach them- selves, their own fancies and imaginations, that which they imagine and invent taking, Christ as their subject^; in the manner of those men who, making profession of other religions, tell their stories, each one taking as his subject the founder of his own religion. To preach Christ, it is necessary that the preacher be an Apostle, sent of God to preach Christ, he having accepted the righteousness of Christ. Those who have not accepted it do not understand it, and not understanding it, they are ill able to preach it, nor can they make their hearers understand it. Besides, a.U they may say wUl be opposed to it, because the human mind is incapable of receiving it. On Ministry. Eom. X. 16, 17. 8ed nort, omnes, etc. "But they have not all obeyed the gospel, for Esaias saith. Lord, who hath believed our report ? So, then, faith Cometh by hearing, and hearing by the Word of God." St. Paul means by this that the feet of those who preach the Gospel do not cease to be beautiful because all do not give credit to what is preached to them ; he means to say that the incredulity of some does not derogate 144 LIFE OE JUAN DE VALDES. from the dignity of those who are sent by God to preach, since the purpose of God is that those should believe to whom the good news is sent. This he proves from the authority of Esaias, who also says, that not all those who hear what is told them on the part ot God believe it ; but not on that account was his authority lessened. Whence I understand that St. Paul, employing that expression, our report, infers that man cannot believe unless he be told what it is he has to believe, and that the mere teUuig is inadequate, unless the individual telling him be inspired, moved, and sent by God to tell him it ; so that the whole transaction depends upon the mere wdl of God who inspires the speaker, instructing him what to say, and disposes the listener to hearken. I think that, in the expression " by the Word of God," St. Paul understands " by the word which I say," beiog inspired by God to speak it, and not by that which another has said, inspired of God, which is, indeed, the Word of God, inasmuch as he who spoke it speaks inspired by God. But it will not be the Word of God if I speak it, not being inspired of God to say it ; because, in order that it be the word of man, it is necessary that it should be spoken by man, so, in order to be the Word of God, it is necessary that it should be spoken by the Spirit of God through the mouth of him who announces it. Hence, the Apostles, the ministers of Christ, are called in the Holy Scriptures the mouth of God, because God speaks by them and in them. By this one may understand well what God speaks by Esaias (Iv. 11), " That the Word which goeth forth from His mouth shall not return unto ]Iim void, but that it shall accomplish that which He pleases." And hence we may understand how necessary it always is that, following the advice which Christ gave to His disciples, and which He gives to all of us, we should ask God that He would send amongst us persons who shall speak the words of God ; that they speak, being inspired, and not taught of men, speaking by I>imne experience, and not by human science (pp. 196, 197). Justification by Faith. Rora. viii. 10. 8i autem Ghrisius in vohis, etc. " But if Christ be in you, the body is indeed dead be- cause of sin, but the Spirit is life because of righteousness." If any one shall say, " By what shall I know whether I have the spirit of Christ or not, in order to be assured whether that which is affirmed he mine or not f St. Paul says, that it is known by the two effects it produces upon the man in whom it dwells ; of the which one is the death of the body through indwelling sin ; and the other is the life of the mind through righteousness (justification) by faith. So that where there are these two effects, there is the spirit of Christ ; and where they are not, there the spirit of Christ is not. And I undei-stand that he may have them in whole or in part who has begun to have them, and in whom they begin to make themselves felt. By the expression "because of sin," I understand him to mean to say that Christ slew the bodies of those who are His members, because of their subjugation to sin. So that, because their bodies, or their flesh, which is just" the same thing, are subject to sin, Christ slew them in His death. And by the expression " because of righteousness," I tliink he means you are quickened, because in believing you have been justified. Sin i^Tought the death of the body, and right- eousness works life, or the quickening of the mind. So that here by the COMMENTAEIES ON PAUL's EPISTLES. 145 spirit is to be understood the mind of man. They who in nowise expe- rience themselves to be dead in their bodies or in their flesh, nor quickened in their minds and in the spirit, are warranted in judging themselves to be aliens firom Christ, and from the effects of Christ's passion (p. 127). Justification by Faith. Rom. X. 3. Ig nor antes enim iustitiam, etc, " For they being ignorant of God's righteousness, and going about to estabhsh their own righteousness, have not submitted themselves unto the righteousness of God." This sentence is most divine, and most worthy to be considered in opposition to human wisdom, which ever aims at its own justification. For here St. Paul says, that for this reason the zeal of the Jews was not according to knowledge ; for being ignorant of God's righteousness, they sought to justify themselves by their works and by their virtuous life ; and thus they did not submit themselves to the righteousness of God. These words generally apply to all who aim at self-justification by their works ; and I understand that aU those who prize and esteem these works, to whom it seems that were they to be deprived of them, they would be deprived of their righteousness, — all such aim at being justified by them. This is the weakness of those who say, " entre cuero y came," between flesh and skin ; wherefore every Christian ought to be watchful to recognize it, and even to seek means and remedies wherewith to discover and heal it. Nay, it wiU be better for me to say, that every Christian ought always to suspect himself of this infirmity, and rest assured that he is more or less subject to it; hence he ought to view all his works with a distrustful eye, and those more especially which have the outward garb of goodness and piety. By the " righteousness of God " I understand that wherein God is most just and most perfect in Himself ; and they who are ignorant of the righteousness of God are not aware that the righteousness of man must be of the same exalted character, in order that man may be accepted of God as just ; whilst they who know the righteousness of God, know that the aggregate of the universal innocence with which a man might live in this present life, would not suflSce, in order that God should on this account accept him as just. Hence it is that they who are ignorant of God's righteousness go about to establish their own righteousness, to make it stable and firm, thinking and pretending to be held for its sake as righteous before God ; and whilst such are their thoughts and such are their aims, they do not submit themselves to the righteousness of God. And I understand that they submit themselves to the righteousness of God who, recognizing God's righteousness and confessing their own un- righteousness, renounce and condemn all their righteousnesses, and profess to be righteous only through God's free grace, who executed the rigour of His justice upon Christ, in order to assure aU those who should renounce and condemn their own righteousnesses, yielding themselves to God, that He accepts and holds them as just, on account of the justice which He executed upon Christ. And in this does man's submission and subjugation to the righteousness of God properly consist. So that all they who pre- tend to justify themselves by their works, by the very circumstance testify concerning themselves that they are ignorant how righteous God is. For if they knew it, they would despair of their abUity to justify themselves by their works, and would submit themselves to the righteousness of God. L 146 LIFE OP JUAN DB VALDBS. Whilst, on the other hand, they who have renounced their own righteous- nesses, testify conoeming themselves that they know how just God is ; and that, knowing it, they have despaired of themselves, and have placed their reliance on God, submitting themselves to the righteousness of God. And those who so remit themselves are accepted as righteous before God. From whence it may well be gathered that only the just know God as just ; and that only they are just who, renouncing their own righteous- nesses, submit themselves to the righteousness of God, because they alone are justiaed by the righteousness of Christ, which St. Paul was warranted in calling the ric/hteousness of God, because by it and with it God justifies us (pp. 183-185). On Baptism. Eom. X. 10. Corde enitii creditur, etc. " For with the heart man believeth unto righteousness, and with the mouth confession is made unto salvation." Confirming that which St. Paul has said, " thou shalt be saved," I under- stand why it is he says that, by the faith of the heart, man is justified before God, enjoying remission of sins and reconciliation with God ; ac- knowledging the righteousness of God, he renounces his own ; and sub- mittiag himself to the righteousness of God, claims to be just on account of that already executed upon Christ, understanding that God punished in Christ that which He had to punish in those whom He purposes to save. And this is the reason why, in order to obtain this salvation, man should confess with his mouth the faith he has in his heart. I understand this confession to relate to baptism, so that this of St. Paul corresponds with that of Christ, where He says, " He that beheveth and is baptized shall be saved." It is necessary that man should believe, and it is necessary that he should proclaim with his mouth the faith which he has in his heart, as well both for the Church, whose province it is to judge externally, as likevidse for each individual severally, forasmuch as confession of the mouth increases the faith of the heart. And thus it is that there will he some who believe rightly of Christ and the Gospel, and feehng that it is a dangerous thing, and that it is despised and esteemed as vile by men, will not dare to confess it, lest they should suffer that danger and that shame ; and thus suppressing their faith they wiU by degrees lose it. But if, not ashamed of Christ or of the Gospel, they boldly confess with the mouth what they have in their hearts, it will be seen that their faith will increase in proportion as their confession shall be more fervent, more animated, and more efficacious. So that faith in the heart is that which is mainly necessary, and confession with the mouth is necessary likewise. But these words of St. Paul are not to be understood so restrictedly as that it suffice to confess the Lord Jesus with the mouth without enter- taining Him in the heart ; nor that it suffice to believe with the heart in the resurrection of Christ, without confessing Him with the mouth. Neither is it to be understood that confession with the mouth without heartfelt faith suffices to salvation. But it is to be understood that God requires both these things— the heart and the mouth : the heart, in order that man may believe ; and the mouth, in order that he may confess what he believes. And by this faith and by this confession, God gives man two things — justification, because he believes with the heart, and salvation, because, by confessing with the mouth what he believes, he thereby forti- fies his faith and increases it. I mean to say, that by believing he enjoys OOMMENTAEIES ON PAUL's EPISTLES. Ul justification, and by confessing he enjoys salvation. It is, indeed, true that faith iu the heart fully suffices both for salvation and justification ; but tliis is when there is no necessity for confession with the mouth, and when a man cannot make it from some impediment that occurs to him, or from some other sufficient cause. And that this is so clearly appears from what Christ said, " He that believeth and is baptized shall be saved ;" and He added, " but he that believeth not shall be condemned." Where, not having added, " and he that shall not be baptized," it seems to be perfectly understood that not all those who are unbaptized shall be con- demned, but all unbelievers and infidels shall be condemned. And I have already said that the confession of the mouth belongs to baptism, because such confession is demanded at baptism. I will even say this, that St. Paul having said, " If thou shalt confess with thy mouth, and if thou shcdt believe imth thy heart, &c., and with thy mouth," &c., as if to give to every- thing its part — to faith, righteousness ; and to confession, salvation. But the result is the same ; for he that believes confesses, and he that is righteous obtains salvation (pp. 190-192). SUPEESTITION THE FeUIT OF SeLF-LOVE. 1 Cor. yiii. 12. Sic autein peccantes, etc. " But wten ye sin so against the brethren, and wound their weak conscience, ye sin against Christ." This is as if St. Paul should say : Since thus it is that Christ died to save him whom you condemn, or cause to perish, it follows clearly that sinning against the Christian, polluting or wounding his conscience, you come to sin against Christ HimseK, since you obstruct his work. Against the brethren he understands against Christians, and wounding their weak conscience, he understands making them do things by which they, having tender or weak consciences, consider themselves as lost or condemned. They whom we commonly call the superstitious and scrupulous, St. Paul calls the infirm or weak in faith and conscience. So that as superstitions and scruples are always founded in self-estimation and self-love, so also infirmity and weakness in faith have the same foundation. Wlien self- esteem is mortified and self-love uprooted, man is left free from supersti- tions and scruples, and is left strong and sound in faith and conscience. Whence we may rightly conclude that where there are superstitions and scruples, there is infirmity and weakness in faith, and there is also self- esteem and self-love (pp. 154-5). On Pukgatoet. 1 Cor. iii. 12, 13, 14. Si quis mitem sujpercedificat, etc. " Now if any man build upon this foundation gold, silver, precious stones, wood, hay, stubble, every man's work shall be made manifest ; for the day shall declare it, because it shall be revealed by fire, and the fire shall try every man's work of what sort it is." AH this St. Paul declares in reference to those who wrongly instructed the Christians of Corinth, threatening those teachers with the revelation which would be made of aU things, in the day of Judgment ; saying that L 2 148 LIFE OP JUAN DE YALDES. the brightness and fire of that day will give witness of the doctrine of every one of the workmen who labour in God's building. If it be good, and worthy of the foundation, it will stand the fire and be saved ; but if it be vaia and unworthy of the foundation, it will not resist the fire, and win perish. By gold, silver, and precious stones, I understand the good building, which consists in this, that he who builds upon faith in Christ, which is the foundation, builds up or promotes confidence in Gtod, for it promotes mortification of the affections and appetites ; it promotes con- tempt of the world and of self ; it promotes humility, patience, and endur- ance in tribulation and adversity ; it promotes imion with God, and union with Christ, and with the members of Christ, and love and peace with all men. By wood, hay, stubble, I understand the vain building. And be- cause I understand that although it be vain, it is stiU a building, I am certain that it does not consist in false doctrine contrary to the founda- tion, for then it would be no building ; but that it consists properly in vain devotions, lohich in themselves have no more reality or substance than what men give them, which are unworthy of the foundation, and therefore do not enlarge the building ; yet not being contrary to the foun- dation, they so far do not remove or overturn it. And by vain devotions I understand not those that are contrary to Christian truth, and are un- worthy of Christ, because both these destroy the foundation ; but the kind which neither increase the building nor demolish the foundation. By the expression "for the day shall declare it,'" St. Paul understood the day of Judgment, in which the works of aU God's labourers will be made mani- fest. And by the expression " it shall he revealed by fire," he means that in that day there shall be a fire which wUl discover and manifest the works of every workman. It consumes by its brightness, as weU as by its efficacy, and bums up all that is of wood, hay, stubble, purifying and refining all that is of gold, silver, and precious stones. So that St. Paul understands that the fire of the day of Judgment will light up the work of the labourers who have built upon the foundation of Christ that which is conformable to the foimdation ; and that the same fire will confound the work of the labourers who, on the same foundation, shall not have bmlt in conformity with the foundation. By the expression " the worh," he means the building. As to the quality of this fire that shall have this effect in tie day of Judgment, I refer it to the consideration of those persons who profess to understand it, and to give explanation of it, con- tenting myself with knowing that it will be fire which will have this effect (pp. 58-60). On Puegatoet. 1 Cor. iii. U, 15. 8i cuius opus manserit, etc. " If any man's work abide wMcli he hath built there- upon, he shall receive a reward. If any man's work shall be burned, he shall suffer loss : but he himself shall be saved, yet so as by fire." St. Paul having said that the fire of the day of Judgment will try that which God's labourers shaJl have wrought, which is the same as though he had said that which the servants have traded with by their talents, he proceeds to say what wiU be the consequence of the trial. And his opinion is that the workman, whose work, resisting the fire, shall be found solid and firm, will be rewarded by God ; and that, although the work- man whose work not resisting the fire shaU go off in smoke will not be COMMENTARIES ON PAUL's EPISTLES. 149 condemned by God, yet he will escape as one who escapes from fire. This, I understand, is the substance {sentmaia) of these words, which through being rather confused, have given cause to those who tried to understand them to say what they have. By the expression " If any man's work abide" he means, if there be any one whose work being gold, silver, or precious stones, shall remain safe and sound, resisting the fire, he shall be rewarded. And in the reward must be understood what I have previously said. These words " Every one. shall take his own reward," may have another meaning in the Greek, which is, that what is built up shall be rewarded ; as for me, I am more satisfied with what I have said, that the builder shall be rewarded. By " If any man's work shall be burned," I miderstand if there be any one whose work, through being wood, hay, stubble, cannot resist the fire, he will suffer damage, the work wiU suffer injury, or the buUding will be consumed or burned. And in the expres- sion, " HiiHself shall be saved," that is, the builder, I imderstand that St. Paul means what I have said, that he who builds wood, hay, stubble, is not a stranger to Christ, since he builds upon Christ, although he is far from making a good building, since he builds up the wood, hay, and stubble of vain devotions ; that, as I have said, consist in human opinions and fancies, in dreams and visions which pass away ; but the workman does not perish, being saved by faith in Christ. By " yet so as by fire," he means to say he is saved, but is as one who passes through the fire. So that it is the same as if he said, he shall be saved ; but, passing first through the file, his edifice shall be burnt. As when one having escaped from the hands of robbers, says, I have escaped, but as one who escapes from the hands of robbers, meaning thereby, with the loss and damage and detri- ment that they experience who escape from the hands of robbers. This is what I at present understand of the words of St. Paul, not prejudging or condemning what others may tuiderstand of them. And I shall rest in this explanation until I perceive a better one (pp. 60-61). The Holy Spirit. Si Unguis hominum, etc. 1 Cor. xiii. 1. " Thougli I speak with, the tongue of men and of angelsj and have not charity, I am become as sounding brass or a tinkling cymbal." The Apostle's design in all this is to console and animate the Corin- thians, who had not received those external gifts of the Holy Spirit which were usually bestowed upon believers. And he does this by showing that the man who possesses charity. Christian love, has attained to greater exceUeuce, and is in a better position, than another who possesses aU. the external gifts of the Holy Spirit, even though he have them in the highest possible perfection. And it is in this Christian love that the Apostle intends to set forth the more excellent way, which he told the Corinthians he would show them. By charity he understands the love (the afiec- tionate feeling) which the man who has accepted the grace of the Gospel cherishes towards God and Christ, and the things of God and Christ, loving God for Himself, and loving the thmgs of God, not on their own account, but for God's sake. I understand this love (this affectionate feeling) to be wrought in man by the Holy Spirit, whom he receives, and more abundantly by a growing faith. So that the measure of the Holy Spirit's influence within a man is determmed by the amount of the faith 150 LIFE OP JUAN DE VALDES. ■which the man has ; and the measure of the fervour of the love (of the affectionate feeling) within a man is determined by the amount of the Holy Spirit's influences which the man has operating upon him. Whence it is to be understood that, just as St. Paul attributes all this excellency to ' charity, he might have attributed it to faith, since there is no greater difference between them than between the root of a tree and the &uit of the same tree. Faith is the root, and the fruit is love. By the expression " Though I S2Jeah with the tongue of men and of angels" &c., it is to be understood that, though I attain the gifts of tongues in such perfection that, should I not only speak all the languages wmch all the men iu the world have spoken, but likewise speak all the tongues spoken by all the angels in heaven, yet if, with all this, I do not possess love, I am like sounding brass and like a tinkling cymbal, &c. ; for, as the metal and as the cymbal when emitting sound, neither feel nor enjoy any sound or tinkling which they give forth when exercised, so I, wanting charity (the love, the afi'ectionate feeling) shall neither feel nor enjoy that which I shall speak with the tongues. Whence I understand that it is charity (love, affectionate feeling) which gives taste and savour to the person who speaks of spiritual and Divine things. I mean to say that a man's taste for them is to be measured by the amount of his charity (his love, his affectionate feeling). And hence it comes to pass that men of the world have no taste for them, because they want charity ; they neither love God nor the things of God. And, as to the expression when he talks of " speaking with the tongues of angels," I understand this to be but a mode of heightening his argument (pp. 242-245). On Loye and Self-love. 1 Cor. xiii. 4-8. Gliarltas patiens est, etc. " Charity suflfereth long^ and is kind ; charity envieth not; charity vaunteth not itself; is not puffed up, doth not behave itself unseemly, seeketh not her own, is not easily provoked, thinketh no evil; rejoiceth not in iniquity, but rejoiceth in the truth; beareth all things, believeth all things, hopeth all things, endureth aU things ; charity never faileth." St. Paul understands that, by these tokens, one may know how much a man possesses of this charity [or Christian love] of which he here speaks ; which he understands that, as love proceeds from faith as heat proceeds from fire, so love produces these efiects, as the fruit is wont to proceed from the tree. Hence, one should consider that, if love proceeds from faith, and love^ produces the efl'ects which St. Paul here enumerates, and many others, similar to these, which he does not mention ; in the same manner unbehef proceeds from self-love, and from self-love proceed contrary efi^ects to those which St. Paul here mentions, and to others which he might have mentioned ; from which one may gather this conclusion, that, as much as a man has of faith and love, so much has he of these effects f 1^ 1 ■ ^^"^ ^'^^^ mentions ; and, as much as a man has of unbeUef and ot self-bve, so much has he of the effects which are contrary to those of love. The^si effect of love is to suffer long, enduring and tolerating the evd and injury which it receives from others. Self-love is impatient. iJie second effect is to he Icmcl. He means to say loving and pitiful, domg all COMMENTARIES ON PAUl's EPISTLES. 151 the good that it can. Self-love is unloying, cmel, hurtful. The third effect is not to he envious ; never to be sorry for, nor tliink ill of, the good of one's neighbour. Self-love is whoUy envious. The fourth effect is not to be insolent ; vaunteth not itself, scorning and depreciating one's neighbour. Self-love is associated with insolence. The fifth effect is that it is not puffed up with self-esteem, or estimating itself higUy. Self-love is presump- tuous and ambitious. The sixth effect is that it is not ashamed; nay, having turned its back on the world, it utterly disregards the shame of the world. Self-love more esteems the reg'ard of the world than the glory of God. Likewise, he may mean to say that love which is not ashamed is always careful to do and say the things which may not cause shame to any man on earth. Self-love holds it to be politeness to put to the blush whoever it can. The seventh effect is not to seek its own — not pursuing its own interest nor its own convenience — postponing its own to advance that of its neighbour. Self-love is interested, seeking always its own, and making the love of itself the first importance. The eighth effect is not to be easily in-ot'oled, however much men who are opposed to it may irritate and provoke it with ill-treatment. Self-love is all anger and revenge. The ninth eff'ect is that it thinks no evil, putting rather a good than an evil construction on aU that it sees and on what it hears, except when they are so evidently bad that no one can think well of them, but must think iU. Self-love thinks evil even of the things that can scarcely fail of a good construction. By the expression thinks no evil it may even be said does not attribute evd, does not impute a bad motive ; but all means the same thing. The tenth effect of love is that it rejoiceth not in iniquity, but is depressed by it, is grieved and saddened by it, seeing that men depart from what is just and virtuous. Self-love rejoices when others are wicked, because its own malice does not seem so bad, and its own goodness is more apparent. The eleventh effect is that love rejoiceth in the truth, is gladdened that men practise truth one with another in word and deed. Self-love is opposed to the truth, because it is opposed to God. The twelfth effect is that it beareth all things which men do and say against it without being disturbed ; and, if it be ruffled, does not avenge itself. Self-love bears with nothing. The thirteenth effect is that it believeth all things. This proceeds from the ninth efi'ect, which is to think no evil ; and hence it behaves what is told it : he means external and worldly things, because it believes as far as it experiences of spiritual things and of the things of God. Self-love, as it is always suspicious, thinking evil con- tinually, beheves nothing ; and, in short, doubts of everything. The fourteenth effect is that it hopeth all things, not hurrying itself in anything. Self-love always moves hurriedly, without knowing how to wait, but when it cannot do otherwise. The fifteenth effect is that it endureth all things ; and, ia fact, it is the same as what has been said in the first and in the twelfth effects, because to be longsuffering, to bear all things, and to endure all things is almost the same thing. St. Paul, having placed these effects as signs by which every one closely examining them may know how much he has of love and how much of self-love, propounds a marvel- lous property of love, saying, Love never faileth. Where it is generally understood that he means to say that love ever has wherein to exercise and practise itself ; Lu fact, it is a truth that love has this property. But 1 do not believe that St. Paul meant this property ; I should think he meant that love always maintains a steadfast course, and does not lose itself as self-love does ; which, however much it may la.bour and strive to maintain itself in a virtuous and holy career, can never do so for any length of time ; for, being opposed, it soon falls. I mean to say that I understand St. Paul to assert that the particular characteristic quality of 152 LIFE 01? JUAN DE VALDi^S. one who haa love is always to remain solid, iirm, and constant in piety and in justification, without ever falling away from them. Besides, from what follows, it appears that St. Paul intends to attribute this quality to love, and that it also remams and shall remain in the souls of those who are children of God, even to eternal life ; on which account he uses this expression. On Cheistian Loye. Here Valdes takes occasion to explain the highest degree of Christian love by the example of the natural and endeared aifection he felt towards his brother Alfonso, as being his twin by birth. Rom. xii. 9-13. Dilectio sine simulations, etc. " Let love be without dissimulation. Abhor that which is evil ; cleave to that which is good. Be kindly affectioned one to another, with brotherly love ; in honour preferring one another. Not slothful in business, fervent in spirit, serving the time {Kaip(^) ; rejoicing in hope j patient in tribu- lation ; continuing instant in prayer ; distributing to the necessities of saints ; given to hospitality." St. Paul, having assumed that the gifts of God are as varied in their character as the members of Christ's body vary amongst themselves, here lays down the Christian exercises and purposes in which they ought to resemble each other. In the first place, he insists that there be love, yet not like the love of the world, in which there is ever more dissimula^ tion than truth, but Kke that of God, which is sincere and pure. By " evil " he understands all that is opposed to Christian piety ; and by " good " he understands all that is conformable to and associated with piety. By the expression "preferring one another,^' he understands that Christians are not to hold back until they are honoured by other Chris- tians, ere they show others honour, but that they ought to anticipate them by showing honour first. The word honour, in the mouth of a Jew, may be synonymous with succour or relief to the needy. By the expression " not slothful in husiness" he understands that they ought not to be sloth- ful in aflairs which demand solicitude and diligence. By the expression "fervent in spirit," he understands that the minds of Christians ought to be fervent in spiritual things ; and this fervour consists in never being lukewarm to God, to Christ, or to evangelical duty, and m never yieldmg to personal apathy, but in ever warmly maintaining this solicitude and diligence. When he says " serving the time" (/caipw), he might mean turning opportunity to account ; and suggests that we should zealously avail our- selves of the circumstances offered us, in which we may evince our piety and our justice, developing them both in ourselves : no opportunity ought ever to be lost by the Christian, for a neglected one is tardily or never regained if once allowed to slip. In the expression " rejoicing in hope," he understands joyous assurance and grateful anticipation 'of the fulfilment of the promises. The expectation of fulfilment of man's promises is uncertain, and forasmuch as it is so, it causes afliiction and sorrow. But the expectation of the fulfilment of God's promises is sure, and as such it causes joy and rejoicing. By the expression " patient in tribulation," he understands that it is the Christian's duty, to show himself firm and con- stant in afiiictions, neither dejected nor weak, so that his mind is not to COMMENTARIES ON PAUl's EPISTLES. 153 be disturbed by afflictions ; and if they should disturb him, he is not to be so to the extent of fleeing from them ; for by tlieii- endurance his faith is increased, and thereby, consequently, both his righteousness and holiness are so likewise. He " contimies instant in prayer" who fixedly and steadily cherishes an inward desire to promote the glory of God, as also his neighbour's and his own salvation. This s^lstained desire is the Chris- tian's continuous prayer, who, as he eroe/r desires, prays n'ithout ceasing, and persevering in desu-e, perseveres in prayer ; and the mental prayer is that which God hears, as is said by the Psalmist in Psalm ix. They who do not desire do not pray. This " continuing instant in prayer " may also well be what St. Paul understands, and of which we read as having been practised by the primitive Church, observing a certain method of prayer, in which they were engaged for a long while, and which was pos- sibly a relic of Judaism. It appears from the Gospel history that Christ sought privacy in prayer, and that He persevered in it. Where St. Paul speaks of " distributing to the necessities of saints," he aUudes to alms and works of charity, but to Christians, whom he calls saints ; for if they are Christians, they are saints, and if they are not saints, they are not Christians. This is one of those passages in St. Paul from which it is to be gathered that the Christian has to exercise his charity in the first place, and prin- cipally, upon those who aie Christians, and amongst these, upon those who, being more exalted Christians, are more exalted saints. True it is that to the Christian who is regulated by the Spirit of God, there is no need to give him rules for the exercise of charity, for he has within himself the true and certain rule, which is the Holy Spirit. And I will say this, that the Christian in his love towards a true Christian, and towards a man who - is either no Christian at all or only a feigned one, ought to make the dif- ference which a man makes between a twin brother and another brother born before or after him. And I understand that as no one can feel the difference that there is between the love existing between tu-in brothers and the love existing between other brothers, but the individual who shall have had or has a twin brother and a brother or brothers born before or after him ; so neither can they feel the dift'erence which there is between the love of Christians amongst themselves, through the union which they have with Christ, and the love of other men ; but they only can do so who are united with Christ, for they alone realize this difference, and by them alone is it felt. They who were " given to hospitality " in the days of St. Paul, received under their roofs those poor Christians who fled from the persecution of men from one place to another ; and in such seasons this hospitaUty was much needed ; for persecutors were numerous, but the persecuted were stiU more so. The mere appellation of Christian then involved persecution ; now, indeed, that a man is not persecuted, because he styles himself a Christian — nay, but when that title is prized and esteemed, persecution no longer being public, the persecuted do not flee from place to place. There are, indeed, persecutors and persecuted, but not on account of a man's avowing himself a Christian, but on account of his leading a Christian life, his following Christ as his pattern, and " walking even as He walked," as St. John expresses himself (1 John ii. 6). This is not pubhc but secret persecution, and much more severe than that above spoken o£ Thus the persecuted, because they need no longer flee persecution, do not need the hospitality formerly practised ; but they do need to be helped and succoured in other ways (pp. 247-251). At this period of Valdes' life he seemed to direct all his finished studies to the edification of Giulia Gonzaga. His 154 LIFE OP JUAN" DB VALDES. method of training her mind he clearly explains in a beau- tiful epistle prefixed, like that to the Alfabeto Christiano, to the copy of his Commentary on Eomans, which he tran- scribed for her with his own hand. He had previously sent her the Psalms, translated from the Hebrew into Spanish ; and at a later period he sent her his translation from the Greek of the Gospel of Matthew, with a commentary. Epistle of Juan de VALD:fis to the Most Illustrious Ladt, SiGNORA Donna Giulia Gonzaga. I am persuaded, most illustrious Signora, that by the constant perusal of the Psakns of David, which I sent to you last year, translated from Hebrew into Spanish, you will have formed in yourseljf a mind, pious, confiding iu God, and referring all things to God, such as David's was. Desirous now, that proceeding onwards you. may form in yourself a mind perfect, firm, and constant in things belonging to the Gospel of Christ, such as St. Paul had, I send you these Epistles of St. Paul, translated from the Greek into Spanish. By the continual reading of them, I am certain that you wO make great progress in spiritual edification. But this will only be, provided you read them in order to form and establish your mind, according as St. Pauls was formed and established, and not for the purpose of vain knowledge or curiosity, as some MKreUgious per- sons do, who think to put an obligation upon God by setting themselves to read St. Paul, like those who, being Spaniards, would think to compli- ment a Greek emperor by speaking to him in Greek. I wish to impress this upon you, that you should so far imitate David as you know that he imitated God ; and that you should copy St. Paul so far as you know that he imitated Christ. This I mention, because it concerns you to become very much like Christ and very much like God, striving to recover that image and likeness of God, in conformity to which the first man was created. And I am not satisfied that you should think to regain this, having only David and St. Paul before you as patterns. Because at best that would happen to you which occurs to the painter, who, copying a portrait drawn by another painter, not only fails to attain to the truthfulness of nature, but does not even attain to the perfection of the picture from which he drew it, or, if he does so, it is as by a miracle. I say, then, that this does not satisfy me. Because I wish you to keep David and St. Paul in view a.s patterns only so long as your mind is not capable of taking Christ and God for your patterns. Endeavouring always to perfect yourself in what concerns piety, and in all that belongs to the Gospel, in such a manner that as your mind may become able to take Christ and God for patterns, you will come to draw your portrait accord- ing to the nature of the real image of Christ, and according to the very image of God ; so that your pictm-e may serve for a pattern to others, in a similar manner that the pictures of David and St. Paul now serve for patterns to you. ' And if what I say appear to you to be something new and not used in practice, know that it is not new, but that it is ancient, and was much practised, although, not being understood, it now appears to be new and not practised. That it was so appears from what St. Paul, writing to the Corinthians, tells them, that they are carnal, and not spiritual. He says to them, " Be ye imitators of me, as I also am an imitator of Christ ;" ' See at pp. 110, 111 the Sonnets of Bernardo Tasso to Giulia Gonzaga. EPISTLE OP VALDES TO GIULIA GONZAGA. 155 meaning, imitate me according as I imitate Christ. Here it must be understood that, had the Corinthians been spiritual, he would not have said to them, " Imitate me, draw your picture from that which I have drawn of Christ ;" but he would have said to them, as he said to the Ephesians, who were spiritual, " Be ye imitators of God, as dear children ; endeavour to recover the image and likeness of God, drawing it not from any man, but from God himself." It appears that Jesus Christ our Lord HiQiself had the same object, as in one part He says, " Learn of Me, for I am meek and lowly of heart ;" and in another, " Be ye perfect, even as your Father in heaven is perfect." You see here that in counselling you to di-aw the picture of the very image of Christ and of the very image of God, I tell you no new or impractised thing, but a thing ancient and practised by Christ Himself, and by His Apostle St. Paul. It remains that commending youreeK to God, you apply your mind to it. This you will do by imitating David so far as he imitated God, and was conformed to the image unilikeness of God, having drawn his picture from God him- self ; and imitating St. Paul so far as he imitated Christ, and was con- formed to the image and likeness of Christ, having drawn his picture from Christ himself. And do not rest here, but, passing onwards, consider that you have to imitate God, drawing your picture to the life from the very image of Christ, and the very image of God. And, therefore, in order to imitate Christ, and to draw your picture of Christ, the continual reading of the histories of Christ wiU be of much service to you ; for they have much eflfioacy, containing many of the deeds of Christ, and many of the words He spoke. In these I understand God shows much greater power, moving persons' hearts by them, mortifying them and re- newing them, than in any other that are found written. I think, by the favour of God, to furnish you with these from the Gospel, as I have already furnished you with those of David and St. Paul. And know most surely that, as by the reading of St. Paul, the won- derful effects of the Cross of Christ are known, seen, and felt ; so in the reading of the histories of Christ is wonderfully known, seen, and felt the very (Soss of Christ. And imder this word Cross I understand all that which was weakness and infirmity in Christ, as much in what He himself felt, enduring hunger and thirst, cold and heat, with aU the other incon- veniences to which our bodies are subject ; and in suiferiag affliction and anguish for things that He beheld amongst men and in men, and fearfully feeling death, as well in what He outwardly showed in that He was consi- dered to be a man low, base, and common, and was treated as such ; and as. a man scandalous and dangerous, and as such was crucified. I will accomplish what I say relative to the histories of Christ, when and how it may please the Divine Majesty. Meanwhile lose no time, endeavour every day to make yourself more like God, making use of reading the Psalms of David ; and more lite Christ, making use of the reading of St. Paul, in which you will also see the Cross of Christ, although not so clearly as in the Gospels. And because the reading of St. Paul being commonly held to be more difficult than that of the Gospels, it may appear strange to you that I have given you St. Paul before the Gospels; I wish you to know that, according to my apprehension, there is without doubt greater difficulty in the perfect understanding of the Gospels than of the Epistles of St. Paul. This I conceive proceeds from various causes, which would be long to enumerate here. I will only say this : that because I read in St. Paul the ideas and experiences of St. Paul ; and in the Gospels the many thoughts and experiences of Christ, I find so much greater difficulty in the perfect understanding of the Gospels than in the perfect under- standing of St. Paul, as I conceive that the thoughts and experiences of 166 LIJ?E OP JUAN DE VALDES. Christ were more exalted and more diyine than the ideas and experiences of St. Paul, not denying that, as to the general sense, and as to the style, the Gospels may be much more intelligible than St. Paul. But respecting this I reserve to speak more at large when it may please God that I come to translate the Gospels. In the translation I have wished to go very close to the letter, rendering it word for word as much as was possible for me to do so ; and even leaving the ambiguities found in the Greek, when the text might apply in one sense or another, where I have been able to leave it so in the Spanish. I have done this because in translating St. Paul I have not pretended to write my own conceptions, but those of St. PauL It is very true I have added some little words to the text where they appeared to me needful ; but some of them are understood in the Greek although they are not written, and others seem to be necessarily imderstood. All of these, as you will see, are marked, in order that you may know them for mine and use them as you please, whether you read them or not. Yet be advised, that as it is not well to make of little account what God by Himself may give you to understand in this reading, so neither is it weU for you to trust much to your own judgment, depreciating the judgment of others. It is not weU for you to undervalue your own, and it is worse for you to under- value that of others. In the explanations that I have written upon what I have translated, I have approached the mind of St. Paul as much as was possible for me, writing down his ideas, and not my own ; and if I have departed from them in anything, it has been through ignorance, and not wilfully. I shall most wUlingly; therefore, be glad to be corrected and improved in what may not have been correct, and chiefly in what might give birth to any scruple, however small, that may arise in any Christian mind soever. For although, as you are aware, my principal object in these writings has been to satisfy your desire, yet whilst desiring to make them of use to you, I wish at the same time to benefit all those persons who may read them, nor offend the lowliest of them aU in anything. This is my principal profes- sion, because I understand the Son of God made this profession in the present life, whom I, being a Christian, am obliged to imitate. Do not think that the Spanish wUl serve you to understand the words of the Latin which I put at the head of the explanations, because frequently they do not agree one with the other ; but consider that they only serve you more readily to understand what is the Latin to which the Spanish answers, and which, as I have said, is conformable to the Greek text, and not to the Latin, because St. Paul wrote in Greek, not in Latin. And because in certain cases you may wish to read the text of St. Paul without occupying yourself with my explanations, in order that you may do so with greater faoUity, I wish to inform you of some particulars which will open the way and render the knowledge of the mind of St. Paul more easy. I therefore tell you that by the word Gospel St. Paul means the proclamation of the good news, of the general pardon which is published throughout the world, affirming that God has pardoned all the sins of all men in the world, executing the severity of His justice for them all upon Christ. It was He who made known this general pardon in the world, and in His name aU those who make it known proclaim it, in order that men, moved by the authority of Christ, who is the Son of God, may be- lieve in the general pardon, and confiding in the word of God, may hold themselves as reconciled with God, and cease to seek after other means of reconciliation. Whence you should imderstand that God in this case has acted and contioues to act towards mankind like a prince, his subjects having rebelled, and through their rebellion fled the kingdom, who gives EPISTLE OF VALDllS TO GIULIA GONZAGA. 157 forth a general pardon, and sends it to be proclaimed by his son, in order that they may give credit to the pardon through the authority of the son, and thus confiding in the prince's word, they may return to the kingdom, desisting from endeavours to procure pardon of the prince in any other way or by any other means whatever. It is thus to be understood that they who believe Christ is the Son of God, and yet give no credit to the general pardon which He published, and is stiU publishing, not holding themselves reconciled with God, and going about seeking some other way of reconciliation, not trusting in that which Christ published, and in whose name it is stiU proclaimed, act just as the subjects of that prince do, who believing that he who publishes the general pardon is the prince's son, yet do not hold themselves forgiven, and therefore do not return to his kingdom.' And I vmderstand that neither wiU the prince to whom this occurs be satisfied as regards his intention in this, that he did not send his son except with the purpose that, being known as his son, he might be believed in what he declared ; nor does it appear that God is satisfied in His intention in those who, knowing Christ to be the Son of God, yet not relying upon what He proclaims on His part, do not hold themselves reconciled with God ; His intent being only satisfied in those who, knowing Christ as the Son of God, and confiding in what He proclaims on the part of God, consider themselves reconciled to God, and therefore as pious, just, and holy. It is very true that the knowledge they have that Christ is the Son of God, who yet do not feel reconciled to God, cannot properly be called hnowledge, being more properly opinion than knowledge. Because, if it were knowledge, it would produce in them the effect it pro- duces in others, assuring them of their reconciliation with God, and giving peace to their consciences. Besides this, you should know that, by the Letter St. Paul com- prehends all that a man does, thinks, and speaks without being inspired by God to it, although they may be things that other men have thought, said, and done, being inspired. And by the Spirit he comprehends all that a man does, thinks, and speaks, being moved and inspired by God to it. It was the Letter in St. Peter to separate himself from the con- versation of the Gentries in Antioch, not to scandalize the Jews ; and it was the Spirit in St. Paul that reproved him for it. Further : know that by Faith St. Paul intends the belief that a man gives to the general pardon which Christ published, and which is still published on the part of Christ, and in His name. And by Hope he means the patience and endurance with which the, believer expects the accomplishment of what he beUeves, without being weary of waiting, and without ceasing to endeavour after what he expects. And by Charity he signifies the most intimate affection with which the man who behoves expects and loves that which he beheves and waits for ; loving God and Christ, of whom and through whom he must gain what he beheves, expects, and loves, loving also all things that are of God and of Christ. You must know, besides, that, by the Ei&hteousness op God St. Paul means the perfection of God. Thus, when we wish to say of a man that he is perfect, we say that he is righteous, meaning that there is nothing in him that is not very good, and in effect wanting nothing. By the Grace op God he signifies the favour God shows to man, drawing him to accept the general pardon, supporting him and enriching him with other inward favours which are called graces, because God gives them gratuitously, without any regard to merit, and solely because it is His will to bestow. By the Gipt op God he chiefly means, having given us Christ, that the severity of His justice being ' See the " Hundred and Ten Considerations," Consid. XIII. 158 LIFE OF JUAN DE VALDES. executed upon Him, we might hold the general pardon as certain ; and he means in particular the exterior gifts of the Holy Spirit, which in St. Paul's time were abunrJantly communicated to them who helieved. By Sin he almost always means the inclination and appetite to sin which lires in man through natural and acquired depravity ; and I say almost always, because by sin he sometimes means the sacrifice for sin. By the Old MA2f he signifies man unregenerated and unrenewed by the Holy Spirit, and by the New Man he signifies man regenerated and renewed by the Holy Spirit. You should also know that, by the Flesh, by the Carnal Man, by the Body of Sin, and by the Law in the Members, he means the same as by the Old man, which is nature without the Holy Spirit. By the Law of God he intends that which God gave to the Hebrew people by Moses, which he sometimes calls the Law of Death, because its office is to condemn. At other times he calls it the Law of Sin, because it stirred up in man the inclination and appetite for sin. By the Law of THE Spirit he means faith. By Circumcision he means Judaism, and by the Uncircumoision he means the Gentiles. And lastly, under- stand by Christian Liberty he comprehends the degree, the being, and the dignity to which God brings the man who accepts the grace Oif the Gospel, and who, being regenerated, renewed, and made a child of God, is free and exempt from those things to which other men are subject, so far as he maintains himself in the state of regeneration and newness of life, and does not deprive himself of the filial relationship in which he is guided and governed by the Spirit of God. All this may serve you as a guide by which you may attain to many of the things you wiU read in St. Paul. And, because you may be surprised to see that St. Paul, setting hunself to reprehend certain vices in some of those persons to whom he writes, and warning them of those vices they ought to be on their guard against, mentions some that are shameful even in men of the world; and this appearing to you a strange thing for it to be necessary to warn Christians of such vices, while he does not touch upon the more inward vices, know then, that in St. Paul's time, because there were some who, imder a plea of Christian liberty, made licence for the flesh, and gave themselves up to sin and deoeitfulness, it was necessary that St. Paul should expressly treat upon that in which they most sinned. It was also necessary, at that period, to remedy in this manner those outward vices in Christian pro- fessors, because they did not look upon them as sinful, nor were they ashamed of them, through the false persuasion of Christian Kberty into which they fell, and through having given up the estimation of the world. In the same manner it is now necessary to correct the inward vices of Christian persons, who, abstaining partly for God's sake and partly for the world's sake from outward vices, fail to overcome the inward sins, in part because they do not know them as vices, and in part because the world holds the giving up of those vices as itself a vice. You wiU find in St. Paul some things which you wiU not feel in yourself, and you will find others you do not comprehend, and some others that will appear strange to you. It appears to me all these you ought to pass by, not being careful to weary yourself much in order to understand them, since the object for which you set yourself to read St. Paul is not to comprehend all St. Paul says, but to form your mind by that which God gives you to understand, and feel, and relish in St. Paul. I advise you also that, when you begin to read an Epistle, you fail not to read the argument written before it, because it throws much light on the whole Epistle. THE COMMENTAEIBS OF VALDES. ].59 But all these advices ai-e as nothing : there is yet another of more value Ihan all of them ; this is that, whenever you take St. Paul in hand, you c onmiend yourself to God, praying Him to send His Holy Spirit, who may guide you in this reading ; and seek to receive it by means of the only- begotten Son of God, Jesus Clirist our Lord, to whom be glory for ever. Amen.' Naples. Juan db Vald:4s. It may well be expected that Giulia Gonzaga should preserve the writings of one who had shown so much affec- tionate iaterest in her eternal well-being, and who had so greatly laboured to conduct her on the road towards Chris- tian perfection. Through years of personal danger she religiously kept them; making them, however, as Vald^s had requested, useful by their communication to her inti- miate friends. So much, indeed, had they been used before they came to the press, that Yaldes' countryman Juan Perez, when editing the Commentary on the Romans in his retreat at Geneva, mentions that the original came into his possession so worn from constant use since it had been written by the hand of the author himself, that he had found "great labour in restoring it to its first integrity, conformable to the intention of him who composed it, who certainly was a very learned man and truly a Christian ;" and he believed it had been brought to his hands by Divine Providence, without his thought or expectation, that so pious a work should be perpetuated for the future." ' Reformistaa Aniiguos Hspanoles. Tomo X. 1856. La Episiola a los Romanos, JEpiaixila Dedicatoria, p. Tii-xviii. ^ Al Chnstiano Lector, pp. 19, 20. ]G0 CHAPTER VII. The Hfndeed and Ten Consideeations of Juan de Valdes appear to have been his latest composition. They exhibit the most finished conceptions of his mind on the subjects of which they treat. In what manner the Sunday readings with his friends were conducted, of what nature were the subjects he delighted to expound to them, and his readiness to entertain their discussions, we have ah-eady described. We think that the manner in which many of the CX. Con- siderations conclude give evidence of the truth of thjs representation. Bach of them is a distinct piece, and if they are examined, it will generally be found that they wind up with a judicial summary, somewhat in this mode : — " From whence I am led to gather," Cons. Ixvii. " Two things I learn from this discourse,'^ Cons. Ixviii. " In all that has been said, I come to two conclusions," Cons. Ixxii. " Having understood how the union between God and man is made by love, and that love springs from the knowledge which man has of God, I come to this conclusion," Cons. Ixxiii. " From all this discourse, I am led to make this conclusion,^' Cons. Ixxvi., &c. It is not our purpose to analyze the Considerations, or to explain or defend any of their principles. Whatever might be said, the reader, having the volume before him, will form his own opinion ; and we are satisfied it should be so, know- ing that the author would be himself of this judgment. According to the .reader's own experience, rather than his knowledge, will he appreciate them. For the same reason we do not here reply to the censures of Calvin or Beza ; they have been ably answered by Dr. Ed. Boehmer,' in his edition of the original Italian. The claim to Valdes' high name, set up by the early anti-Trinitarians,' and repeated ' " Lo Cento e dieci Divine Considera- pressly declares that it remained whoUy zioni di Giovanni Valdesso, Halle in Sag- unaffected by any observation he had sonia, MDCCCLX." " Cenni Biografici ever made. And fourteen years later, sui Fratelli Giovanni e Alfonso di Val- when drawing up a biographical notice desso " 1861, pp. 583-592. See also Dr. of Vermigli, whom he praises as a faith- Ed. Boehmer's article on Valdfe in the fill disciple of Christ, he characterizes " Real-Encyldopadie fUr Theologie und Vermigli's meeting with Valdfe "as a Kirche," xvii. pp. 25-26, in which he blessed epoch in his career : mutually remarks, "It is surprising that Beza, agreed upon the vital points of true reli- notwithstanding that he disallows that gion, they jointly formed a Christian book [CX. Considerations] to rank as a Church in Naples." Valdfe died in pious one, still entertained such impres- 1540. sion of ValdSs' character, that he ex- Every person will be at once aware THE ex. CONSIDERATIONS. IGl through all the dictionaries, is utterly unfounded. With the exception of the CX. Considerations, they appear not to have, known his religious writings at all ; and we can only be surprised at their presumption in claiming him as one with themselves from one sentence in his works, and that illogicaUy wrested from its proper meaning. The reader will find the sentence referred to in Consideration CIX., and will form his judgment accordingly. The collection of these discourses was probably made from loose sheets, or, perhaps, even from notes or minutes taken down week by week, at the time when each Consideration was delivered. Neither have we any assurance that they are clothed in the exact expressions in which Valdes uttered them. They may be found tedious when read consecutively, by their mannerism ' and balancing of opinions, if we may so speak, or they may offend by the frequent recurrence of antithesis ; but if they were read in the textual language used by Valdes, iu the same order in which he uttered them, these objections would disappear, or would have a natural solution. It should likewise be borne in mind that if each one of these Consideeations be read at an interval equal or approximate to that which was interposed when they were first delivered, the tedium incident to such reading wiU be modified. The tenor of all of them presupposes, too, a mind in the reader somewhat attempered to that of the writer. Suman creeds did not come between him and Jesus Christ. It is evident that he desired that no formula of human construction should interpose between him and his Saviour in prescribing to him articles of faith. He sought in this Grreat Teacher all his instruction in the Chris- tian religion by means of his "two books, prayer and meditation." We may likewise say that he felt himself at the feet of a Master who was not human, but divine ; for he desired to arrive at the knowledge of the truth without that he who had pursued the hapless tion, and enjoying Christian justifica- Spaniard Serretus to a cruel and un- tion, he may gO to live and reign with timely death, could not be one in mind Jesns Christ our Lord." — Consid. with another Spaniard who wrote thus : LXXVI. and LXIX. "In which I apprehend that I ought to The more Christian temper of our guard myself as from fire, from perse- milder age will determine which spirit, cuting any Tnan in any manner pro- Calvin's and Beza's, or Valdes', most re- fessing thereby to serve God." Again, sembled that Master's whom they both " We ought never to distrust the salva- professed to love and follow. tion of man, so long as there is breath ' Yet this peculiar mannerism and in the body, ever hoping that God may balanced style assures to the reader the do that which He is able and wont to do, true authorship of his anonymous letting Himself be known, and showing pieces ; for when found even in a ti-ans- him Christ, in order that knowing he lation of a translation, as it were the may believe and love : and that believ- shadow of a shade, they show the form ing, he may enjoy Christian justifica- of their true original. M 162 LIFE OF JUAN DB VALDES. any alloy of error, and he expected to receive it by direct illumination from Him who teaches " as never man taught." He held that the mode of attaining truth was to hearken to Christ alone, forsaking all human teachers. In many pas- sages of the ex. CoNSiDEEATiONS, in his Dialogues, and in his Commentaries upon the Epistles, he depicts his personal condition and the progressive state of his mind, ever alert to receive his heavenly Master's instructions and to reject those of men ; and all this without defection from Christian unity, practically holding the latter to its fullest extent, fleeing as from fire from the accursed spirit of persecu- tion, from that odium theologicum, or spirit of faction, in matters of religion, which divides men into conflicting sects, and teaches them to hate each other, all defending ■ their equally fallible dogmas, whilst each arrogates to himself the authority of being hifallihle. Towards the close of the seventeenth century, Morhof, in his " Polyhistor," said of Juan de Valdes and his principal work, the CX. Consideeations : " He appears to us to be commendable for his writings in the highest degree. Those Considerations of his are full of piety, and evidently written with the taste of a purer theology than the common, so that there is no pontifical leaven to be found in them. And it is altogether wonderful that even in that age there were men concealed under papal darkness who profoundly fathomed the depths of religious mysteries. The book was one truly worthy of being turned into Latin or German ; it occasion- ally breathes so sympathetically with Arndt' that it would seem as though they spoke but with one mouth. It ever scrutinizes our actions very closely ; it evinces in its great discretion a true acquaintance with Christianity, and is on that account singularly to be commended." ^ The CX, CoNSiDEEATiONS certainly embrace the most varied religious subjects; they are ever sustained by the same practical sense, and are charged and supported with Scrip- tural illustrations. The great doctrines of Justification by Faith in Christ, and Sanctification by the agency of the Spirit, form the groundwork of all the rehgious writings of Valdes, and he especially inculcates them. Amongst the individuals to whom more particularly may be attributed the preservation of those writings of Juan de Valdes which have come down to us, we can with certainty point out Giulia Gonzaga and Pietro Carnesecchi. We have ' John Arndt's " True Christianity." = Mqrhofs " Polyhistor," Lubecse, 1747, torn. i. p. 996. PIETRO CAENESECOHI. 163 already mentioned the latter as one of the social circle who surrounded Valdes at Naples. After the death of Vald(5s, Carnesecchi succeeded to his place in the confidence of Giulia Gonzaga. One of his preferments was an abbey at Naples ; he possessed also an abbey in France, travelling between these places at his pleasure ; a liberty useful to him in those perilous times. He went by way of Florence or Venice, and occasionally by that of Geneva and Lyons. After the death of Clement VII., he retired to Naples, where he became intimate with Valdes, and was in that city, December, 1540, when he died; and if he did not himself receive his last confession, which is very probable, he at least knew what it was, for his commendation of it formed part of the accusation against him on his trial, in 1567, before the Inquisition at Eome. We fortunately possess the heads ^ of the accusation framed by the inquisitors, drawn from the original record, which supplies us with various important particulars. It charges him with having been, " before the year 1540, indoctrinated by the late Juan Valdes, a Spaniard ; Marc Antonio Flaminio, and Bernardino Ochino, of Sienna, and holding converse with them, and with Peter Martyr [Vermigh], with Galeazzo Caracciolo, and with many other heretics and those suspected of heresy, reading the book of the Beneficio di Clwisto, and writings of the said Valdes^' (pp. 3—7). "In the following year [Dec. 1541], at Viterbo, treating about the same and other heresies with Flaminio, Vittore Soranzo, Bishop of Bergamo, with Apollonio Merenda, and LuigiPriuh" (pp. 8-10). The accusation further charges against him "that after- wards, in Venice, he held communication with Pietro Paulo Vergerio, Bishop of Capo d'Istria, and with Lattantio Ragnone, of Sienna, the latter a disciple of Valdes." "And he recommended by letter to an Italian princess [Giulia Gonzaga] two heretical apostates, with as much ■ warmth of feeling as if they had been two Apostles, sent to preach the faith to the Turks, which apostates were desirous of opening a school [at Fondi] , in the territory of that lady, with the intention of making their tender little scholars learn some heretical catechisms" (pp. 11, 12). Again, " That, together with a person his accomplice, una fersona, tua complice [Giulia Gonzaga], he reprehended, and dis- approved of as scandalous and superfluous, the confession of ' " Report of the Trial and Martyrdom natures, an introduction, and illustrative of Pietro Carnesecchi," &c. Translated notes, by Richard Gibbings, B.D., of from the original MS., and edited with Trinity College, Dublin, &c. Dublin an Enghah translation, fao-similes of sig- and London, 1856. Now become scarce. M 2 164 LIFE OP JTJAN DE VALDES. tlie Oatliolic faith made at tlie close of his life by a person- age of high rank, in which, amongst other things, he acknowledged the Pope, and particularly him who was then in authority, to be the true Vicar of Christ and the successor of St. Peter; praising Valdes at the conclusion of his Hfe much more than the said personage" (pp. 21, 22) Again, " That he arranged to receive in Venice the pro- hibited pestiferous books and writings of the said Valdes from a personage, una persona, tua complice [Giuha Gronzaga], his accomplice, who had them in custody, in order to cause some of them to be printed and published, notwithstanding the prohibition issued by the Holy OflSce ; or at least that they might be removed from sight and secreted, teaching that it was not a siu to retain prohibited books, but an indifferent act according to the conscience ; pledging also to be a diligent conserver of them, and affirming it to be a greater sin, with regard to the soul, to burn them than to preserve them" (pp. 22, 23). And again, "1m the same manner, in the year 1564, he treated with that personage [Griulia Gonzaga], his accom- plice and conservatrix — conservatrice (fem.)' of the said writings and books ^ of Valdes, that they might be re- mitted to him at Venice by a safe mode, as well through the wish to preserve them as also to free that personage from the danger with which the keeping of them threatened her " (pp. 28, 29) . And finaUy, " That he held all the errors and heresies contained in that book, the Beneficio de Ghristo, and the false doctrine and institutions taught to him by the said Juan Valdes, his master" (p. 43). When Vergerio iinaUy withdrew from Italy, having had intercourse with Carnesecchi at Venice, in October, 1548, he carried with him the manuscript of the Italian trans- lation of Gento et died diuine Consider ationi, and got it printed and published, in May 1550, at Basle, with a prefa- tory commendation by Celio Secondo Curione.' When 1 It is to be remarked that in this and committed to her custody hj ValdSs place and in the former instances, where himself. See his Epistles to her. the words " una persona tiia complice, ^ By the year 1664 these works of tua conservatrice " are used in the ori- Valdfe had been printed — the Two Dia- ginal process, Mr. Gibbings translates logues in Italian at Venice ; the Alfa- them in the masculine ; they are, how- beto Christiano at the same place ; the ever, undoubtedly to be read as femi- CX. Considerations in Italian at Basle ; nine, and could appl^ to no other person the two Epistles, with Commentaries, than the Italian Princess, Giulia Gon- 1556 and 1557, in Spanish [at Geneva], zaga, whom we have sufScient and having the imprint of Venice ; and, we certain evidence to prove was in cor- may add also, the CX. Considerations respondence with CameSeoohi, and in French at Lyons, 1568. was the preserver of the works of " See Ciirione's Epistle at the com- ValdSs.and for whom many were written menoement of the CX. Considerations. LIST OF VALDfis' WOEKS. 165 Carneseccliij shortly afterwards, went to France, going and returning in ] 551-2, he passed through Lyons. In that city, and at Paris, and in the court, he introduced from Italy a book by Valdes, and presented it as a gift. The French translation of the Consider ationi was printed at Lyons in 1563, and again at Paris in 1565, for which his previous visits would seem to have prepared the way by his recommendation and introduction of copies of the edition in Italian. Carnesecchi is accused of having received letters from Lyons and Geneva, and of having, in 1564, arranged with a friend — tua complice et conservatrice, who was associ- ated with him as keeper of the books and writings of Valdes, that they should be sent by safe conveyance to Venice, being anxious as well to preserve them as to deliver that personage from the danger which threatened her from having them in her possession (pp.28, 29). The distinc- tion made between the writings and boohs, and the circum- stances respecting them, evidently show that Carnesecchi had a great interest in the care and possession of the manuscripts or " writings," and probably the Italian trans- lations, and that he diligently promoted the printing of them at Venice ; and it is scarcely to be doubted that he was also concerned in those editions which issued from Basle, Lyons, Paris, and Geneva. A LIST OF THE WOEKS OF VALDES. 1. Dialogo de Mercuric j Caron : en que aUende de muohas oosas graoiosas y de buena dootrina : se cuenta lo que ha acaescido en la guerra desdel ano de mill y Quinjentos y veynte y vno hasta los desafios delos Eeyes de Franoia y Ynglaterra hechos al Emperador en el ano de 1528, 4to. and 8vo., Gothic letter, Seditions ... ... ... ... ... ... 1529? • in German, 4to. Amherga, 1609. Frankfort, Svo. ... 1643 2. Dialogo : en que particularmente se tratan : las cosas acaecidas en Eoma : el ano de M.D.XXVII. A gloria de Dios y Men vniuersal de la Republica Christiana. 4to. G. L. 1529 ? 8to., 2 editions, s. d. et a. Koman letter, Paris, Svo. ... ... 1586 The Sacke of Eoome, Exsequuted by the Bmperour Charles' armies euen at the Natiuitie of this Spanish Kinge Philip. .... Translated latelie into the English toungue. .... London, 4to. B.L. 1590 Dos Dialogos escritos por Juan de Valdfe, ahora cuidadosa- mente reimpresos. " Valdesio Hispanus Scriptore superbiat orbis." 8vo. (BeformistasAntiguosEspanoles,T.iv.) Anode 1850 ' A version of the Di&logo de Mer- peum, 1844, p. 122. A copy in German, curio y Carrni from the Spanish into printed at Amberg, in Bavaria, bear- German, made, as it seems, shortly after ing the date of 1609, is in the Ducal the publication of the original, is pre- Library, Gotha. Both these are men- served in manuscript in the library of tioned by Dr. Edward Boehmer, in his Count Ortenberg, at Tambach, in Fran- ample notes to the CX. Consideratioui ; conia, 12 miles from Gotha : vedi Sera- ed. Halle, 1861, p. 490. 166 LIFE OF JUAN DB VALDES. Pve dialoghi. L'vno di Mercvrio, et Caronte : Nel quale, oltre molte cose belle, gratiose, et di buona dottrina, si raoconta quel, che acoade neUa guerra dop6 I'anno M.D.XXI., L'altro di Lattantio, et di vno Archideacono : Nel quale puntalmente si trattano le cose auenute in Roma nell' anno M.D. XXVII. Di Spagnuolo in Italiano con molta accura- tezza et tradotti, et reuisti. In Venegia. Con gratia, et privilegio per anni dieci. 8vo. Italic letter, 5 editions. And 1 ed. in Roman letter ... ... ... ... 1545 3. Dialogo de las Lenguas [written about 1533] in Gregorio Mayan's " Origines de la lengua Espanola," Tom. II. Madrid, 12mo. 1737 Dialogo de la Lengua (tenido azia el A. 1533) i publicado por primera vez el ano de 1737. Abora reimpreso conforme al MS. de la Biblioteca Naziondl, lioico que el Editor conoze. Por Apendize va una Carta de A. Valdfe. 8vo. Madrid. Ano de 1860 4. Alfabeto Christiano che insegna la vera via d'aoqvistare U Ivme deUo spirito santo. Stampata con gratia et priulegio. Sm. 8vo. (Venegia) I'Anno 1546 Tbe same text reprinted, with a Spanish and Bngbsh translation. (Seformistas Antiguos Espanoks, T. xv.) 8vo. London. 1861 The same in English only. 8vo. London. 1861 5. 'Modo di tenere neH' iusegnare nel predicare al pricipio deUa reHgione Christiana. A tract of 13 leaves, mentioned by Vergerio in " II Oatalogo," printed before 1549. Not discovered ... ... ... ... ... 1546? 6. 'Qual maniera si dourebbe tenere in formare i figliuoU de Christiani neUa Christiana religione. 1 leaf ; Vergerio. Printed before 1549. Not discovered ... ... ... 1546? 7. Le cento et dieci diuiue Considerationi del S. Giouani Valdesso : nelle quali si ragiona delle cose piu utiU, piu neoessarie, et piu perfette, della Christiana professione. 1 Cor. ii. 8vo. In BasUea. 1550 The same reprinted ; " con Cenni biografioi sui frateDi Giovanni e Alfonso Valdesso," and ample notes, 8vo. HaUe. 1861 ' Curione, in one of his letters, ac- Italian taken by Vergerio for Ms transla- cuses Vergerio of having taken a work tion had been composed by Vald€s, and of Valdfe', translated it into Latin, and that Vergerio used it without aoknow- passed it off for his own, under the lodgment of its author. The Latin of title of "Lac Spirituale." A copy of the Vergerio has been recently reprinted, Latin has been found in the Brunswick with remarks by the learned Editor, Library ; it was translated into German F. Koldewey : Lac spiritnaU, Instituiio and Pohsh. puerorum chrisiianorum Vergenana, edidit F. Koldewey, Brutisvigae, sumpti- Comparing it with Valdfe' manner of Ims Alfredi Brulm, 1864, 8to. pp. 32. writing, the style and method of treating The German version is in the University the subject appear too dissimilar to be Library, Gottiugen ; the Pohsh transla- a translation from Vald^s, at least in its tion has not been found, present form, although it contains sen- If this be not the work of Valdfe, it is timents similar to his. clearly the production of a writer of his P. P. Vergerio translated a tract from school, the Italian into Latin, which he oaUed The translation of Matthew, of the Lac spirituale. It is in the manner of Psalms, and Letters on particular points a catechism for the religious instruction of doctrine mentioned by himself, of youth, and contains many coinci- Acliaro, and Aviso sohre los Interpreles donees with the known writings of de la sagrada Escrilura, quoted by Valdgs. C. S. Curione said that the Llorente, appear to be irrecoverably lost. LIST OF VALD^S' WORKS. 167 ' In French, ... ... ... 8vo. Lyons 1563 And ... ... ... ... 12mo. Paris. 1565 In Dutch. Godsalighe Ajimerckingen uyt het Italiansche overgeset. A copy -vvas in the library of Zach. Conrad Uflfenbach at Frankfort. See Biblioth. Uffenbach. Francof. 1729. Tom. I. p. 914, No. 27. Not discovered ... 1565 In English. The Hundred and Ten Considerations of Signor John Valdesso. 4to. ... ... Oxford 1638 And 12nio. Cambridge 1646. Another translation. Svo. London 1865 Ziento i diez Consideraziones de Juan de Valdfe. Ahora pubU- cadas por primera vez en casteLLauo. "Valdesio Hispanus Scriptore superbiat orbis." 8to. {Iief.Ant.Esp.,T!.bi.)J^oAe 1855 Ziento i diez Consideraziones leidas i explioadas hazla el aSo de 1538 i 1539. Por Juan de Vald^s, conforme a un MS. Castellano esorito el A. 1558, existente en la bibhoteca de Hamburgo, i ahora publicado por vez primera con un fac- simile. Valdesio Hispanus scriptore superbiat orbis. 8vo. [Befonnistas Antiguos Espanoles, T. xvi.) Espana. Ano 1862 Ziento i diez Consideraziones de Juan de Vald^s. Primera vez publicadas en Castellano el A. 1855. Por Luis de Usoz 1 Eio, i ahora correjidas nuevamente con may6r cuidado. roy. 8vo. (Heformistas Antiguos Espanoles, T. xvii.) A£o de 1863 pp. xxxii. & 734. In addition to the text, this edition has various readings and an Appendix, 308 pages. 8. Comentario, o deolaraoion breve, y compendiosa sobre la Epistola de S. Paulo Apostol a los Romanes, muy saludable para todo Christiano. Compvesto por Ivan Valdesio pio y sincere Theologo. Kom. 1. En Venecia (Geneva), en casa de Juan PhUadelpho. Svo. ... ... ... ... 1556 9. Comentario o declaracion familiar, y compendiosa sobre la primera Epistola de san Paulo Apostol alos Coriathios, muy vtil para todos los amadores dela piedad Christiana, compvesto por Ivan W. pio y sincere Theologo. Psal. 119. En Venecia (Geneva), en casa de Juan Philadelpho. 8vo. ... 1557 La Epistola de San Pablo a los Eomanos i la 1. a los Corintios. Ambas traduzidas i comentadas por Juan de Vald^s. Ahora fielmente reimpresas. " Valdesio Hispanus Scriptore superbiat orbis." Svo. (BeformistasAntigvasEspanoles,'E.x.-jd.) A&ode 1856 ' There are some copies of the JFrenoh pages, and the thi'ee last leaves of Sig. translation of ie cento et died diuine 7i are reprinted, in order to omit the Considerazioni, Lyons, 1563, which colophon and date. A copy is found in bear the date 1601 ; they are, however, the Wolfenbiittel Libraj-y, and in St. only a spurious issue of that edition. Sepulchre's, Marsh's Library, Dublin. They have the following title ; — Les Calvin remonstrated with the printer. Divines Considerations et sainotes medi- Jean AgeroUes, at Lyons, against the tations de Jean de Val D'Esso, Gentil- publication of the Considerations. He homme Espaignol. Touchant tout ce issued them, however, with various qui est necessaire pour la perfection de qualifying notes. la vie chrestienne. Traduittes par It may be conjectured that the affair C. K. P. Beueues de nouveau, et rap- of Camesecchi, not long after the publi- tees par I'Aucteur. A Lyon. Par Pierre publisher, and induced him to withdraw Pieard, 1601. The title and the epistle the remaining copies from sale. They of C. S. Curione in the edition of 1563, were kept in stock and reappeared in eight leaves being omitted, are replaced this spurious form after the lapse of by a new title and preface of four leaves thirty-eight years, and the death of the only, thus leaving a hiatus of eight parties concerned. lUj LIFE OF JUAN DB VALDES. The "Beneficio di Ohristo "—Benefit of Christ's Death— a book now pretty well known by its modern reprints and the discussions^ both in this country and abroad, which have endeavoured to determine the authorship of it, has been attributed to Juan de Valdes. It is very clear that the earliest opinions on the subject tend to support this im- pression.' Certain it is that there are passages in it textuaUy similar to parts of the CX. Consideeations. The inquisitors at Rome were intimately acquainted with the circumstances relating to productions of this class ; they were active in discovering who were their individual authors ; and we find, in the original process of the Inquisition against Camesecchi, that before 1540 the book of the "Beneficio di Christo" is coupled with the writings of Juan de Valdes. It is there shown that Carnesecchi, coming from Naples in December, 1541, is accused of having discussed the "Beneficio" at Viterbo, with his friends there, who are known, on the occa- ' The Benefit of Christ by his saorifiee "Considerations" and the "Beneficio" and death may be said to form the bur- both use language so pecuUar, and yet so den of the CX. Considerations from be- much alike, that it may assist the reader ginning to end. The opening page of the to see them placed side by side here. CX. CONSIDEKATIONS. BENEFICIO DI ChBISTO. Molte volte ho deliberato intender La Sorittura santa dice, che Dio creo in che cosa propriaraente consista quello 1' homo ad imagine e similitudine sua, che dice la santa scrittura, che I'uomo facedolo quato al oorpo impassible, e fa create alia immagine e similitudine quanto all' animo iusto, uerace, pio, di Dio ; . . . La immagine e similitudine misericordioso, e santo. Ma poi che di Bio intendo che consiste nel sue pro- egli uinto dalla cupidita del sapere, prio essere, in quanto h impassibile ed mangio di qael pomo prohibit© da Dio, immortale, e in quanto h beuigno, mise- perdette quella imagine e similitu- ricordioso, giusto, fedele, e verace ; . . dine diuina, e diuento simile alle Questa immagine e similitudine di Dio bestie, e al demonic, che 1' hauea in- intende che perdette il prime uomo per gaunato, percioche inquanto all' animo non ubbidir a Dio, e cosi rimase passi- diuenne ingiusto, mendace, e cru- bile e mortale, rimase malvaggio, cru- dele, impio, e inimico di Dio, e in- dole, impio, infddele, e bugiardo, quanto al corpo diueto passibile, e Edition 1550, edited by Dr. Ed. suggetto a mille incomodi, e infirmita, Boehmer, 1860. ne solamente simile, ma anchora infe- riore a gli animali bruti. Edition 1543, edited by Dr. Babington, 1855. A. ii. It is to be borne constantly in mind "la esperienza, la quale that Valdes being deceased in 1540, the hanno solamente quelli che per done di allusions to this subject in the Considera- Dio e per beneficio di Christo hanno fede, tions had been expressed in his assera- speranza e caritSi, e cosi sonopii, santl e Mies several years before. giusti in Christo . . . ." TheConsiderationsXItl. andXXXIV. In the Commentary on Romans, pp. are written on this express subject. 74, 87, 117, 119, 153 ; and it is treated It is sprinkled, as it were, through- of in the Commentary on 1 Cor. p. 74, out Consid. XXXII. XL. LXV. LXXI. where the term occurs six times in the LXXV. LXXXVIII. XCIX. CVII. CX. page. The Beneficio di Christo is a favourite Dr. Boehmer, with his usual critical expression, to which his mind loved to sagacity, makes these references to the recear, and with which the latest sen- similarity of the two works under con- fence of the Considerations concludes sideration. THE "BT-INEFICIO DI OHRISTO." 169 sioiij to have been Marc Antonio Flaminio, Vittore Soranzo, Bishop of Bergamo, Apollonio Merenda, and Luigi Priuli. Laderchius, who drew his information from the process of the Inquisition against Carnesecchij absolutely attributes the work to Vald6s. The theory^ respecting its author, in the Spanish point of view, is, that it had its origin at Naples in the same way as the " Considerations ;" and it was simply in this manner : — Juan de Valdes, in his Sunday discourses, which we akeady have mentioned that he held with various friends in his country house at Chiaja, in Naples, occupying perhaps about ten Sundays calculating with reference to the ex. Considerations, communicated to them his medi- tations upon the subject of the benefit of Christ's death to Christians, its necessity and paramount utility ; that having extremely gratified all his hearers, one of them, who might be Marc Antonio Magno, or Carnesecchi, or probably Benedetto Cusano, monk of San Severino, immediately took them down, in the same way that the Layman wrote down the sermons of Tauler, which have been transmitted to us ; that this compilation was the first treatise of the Benefit of Christ, and which we owe to Valdes. And as it was a sub- ject of paramount interest and fertile in suggestions for every sincere Christian, the consideration of it was natural j and some one, the ablest of those enlightened Italians whom the persuasive force of Valdes as a sanctified instru- ment attracted to the tranquil and profound love of the Gospel, might amplify with his own reflections. Thus Paleario, thus Plaminio in his sermons on the spiritual life, or any other of them who might afterwards compose or preach other addresses on the subject of the " Benefit of Christ," to which Valdes first called the attention of many of them, who were united in those sacred meetings, conducted with- out formularies, without liturgy, without creeds or human symbols, giving them to experience the sweetest hours of Christian liberty [see Consid. XXXVI.], surrounded by the enchantments of earth and sea, refreshed by the moisture and motion of the air fragrant with flowers, which disposed their minds to love and tranquil enjoyment ; and who thus associated together, felt in their hearts the benefit of Christ still more than the benign influences of nature, which they tasted and rejoiced in. To them his voice seem'd mellowed to a sound More sweet than Virgil's on Italian ground j For every lesson, every turn he drew, Fell on the heart, and melted in like dew. ' Ziento i Diez Consideraziones. Ano de M.DCCCLXIII. Ap&dize, pp. 641-2. 170 CHAPTER VIII. In his national as well as his more strictly religious views, Juan de Valdes was, we think, one of the most advanced reformers of his time. If in a country there be no popularly constituted assembly, no recognized civil authority, to ac- credit and cherish individual freedom, and thereby prosper and uphold public usefulness ; and if irresponsible rulers, led by political wiles, tread public honour and public use- fulness under foot, — ^then the obligation devolves the more imperatively upon individuals to study the causes of such evils, and by public exposure of them to procure their remedy. This seems to have been what Juan de Valdes had principally in view in all the political portions of his works. In them he endeavours to promote a necessary reformation in points of faith and practice, because without this reformation every other remedy is illusory. He who does not examine what he believes, can never make any belief his own, or will never have any belief at all. Reh- gion can neither be learnt nor gained, like other branches of knowledge ; neither will a religion that is learnt and not inspired, ever produce a devoutness, which in its turn shall bring with it religious liberty, the only solid foundation of national political freedom. The recognition of the right and duty of personal religious conviction lies at the base of all social advancement. Without national piety and reli- gious liberty, even that intellectual amelioration which creates that material prosperity to which man ought to aspire, will never be attained. It does appear that deduc- tions like these occur to the student of Valdes without overstraining his expressions, and the reader will thus be led rightly to appreciate, by an elevated yet correct standard, the author and his writings. The inviolability of religious hberty is brought out in- controvertibly by Juan de Valdes ia the LXXVI. Consi- deration. He therein shows that religious persecution is the greatest of scandals or offences. He considers, in the first place, that it is impossible to live in this present life without giving offence, it being assumed that Christ himself gave offence, and was even called a stumbling-stone, because many stumbled at His humiliation and low estate. He says vald:^s on religious libeety. 171 that the "Saints of the 'world" in all ages stumbled at Christ, and at true Christians and their ways, just in pro- portion as these are more Uke to Christ. And he observes likewise, that the Saints of God are scandalized by the Saints of the world, in being falsely indoctrinated by them, in being persecuted by maltreatment, calumny, and death ; and they are thus driven to separate themselves from the Gospel and Christ. He observes also, that the " Saints of the world " scandalize or offend each other ; for it is matter for surprise if there be found one of them that approves of the manner of hving of another, worldly sanctity consisting in ceremonies and superstitious observances. And from this, and from much more that Valdes brings under considera- tion, he finally deduces thirteen main propositions, which all issue in proving the inviolabihty of religious Hberty, and the antichristian character of all persecution. In his com- ment on 1 Cor. XV. 9, he thus strongly condemns reH- gious persecution : — " One thing is here worthy of remark — ^that St. Paul rested his unworthiness to be called an Apostle on the ground that he had persecuted the Church of God, although, as he himself elsewhere says, he had not been aware that he erred in so doing. This serves to show us what evil they do who persecute others, and more espe- cially those who do so under the pretence of religion and piety ; and that we should understand that there is nothing more foreign to a Christian mind than persecution. It is proper that the Christian suffer, and so far as this is proper to him so much is it iynproper for him to persecute another." Valdes thought that every kind of rehgious persecution should be repugnant to our very nature. And it is better to have no profession at aU than to have one that denatu- rahzes man ; for grace perfects nature, but does not pervert and deprave it. It is a contradiction in terms to speak of being converted, meaning thereby, rendered so unnatural as to defend grace or reHgion by cruel and unequal laws; and to be exclusive in religion, putting force upon others, in order to compel them to be so, is to be irrehgiously reli- gious. How can a Christian be consistently intolerant ? It is inconceivable. And still less is it conceivable how a Christian, be he whom he may, can beheve himself em- powered to defend that which he holds to be religion, and which he calls " the cause of God," with coercive power, persecuting his neighbour, because he professes a different religious creed from his own. " The cause of God " is well defended by Himself, without human codes and idle words. He alone searches and knows the hearts of men, and weighs 172 LIFE OF JUAN DE VALD:fiS. their actions, not according to the external forms of their worship, but according to their motives, secretly impelled, yet openly known and manifest to Him alone. Such were the sentiments of Valdi^s, although remaining in the bosom of a Church under the control of a persecuting hierarchy. But he could not have found, had he sought for it, the ex- ternal form of any Church that was free from the like unhappy spirit. In the LIV. Consideration Valdes explains the mental process he pursued in the formation of his own rehgious views : — " That prayer and consideration are two very sure books, or interpreters, for the understanding of Holy Scrip- ture, and how a man ought to avail himself of them." He concludes his familiar Commentary on the Epistle to the Eomans by the same sentiment : — " This is what at present I can attain to, in the understanding of this divine epistle, having made use in it of my two books, which are Prayer and Consideration ; these have so much assisted me as Prayer has been aided by the Holy Spirit, and as much as Consi- deration has been assisted by my own experience and daily reading; considering it certain that when the Spirit was most fervent and hope the greatest, the understanding of the words of St. Paul would be most perfect, being then most aided by Prayer and Consideration ; and I am also sure that a time will come when I shall understand all this much better, and then I will supply what is now wanting." Thus he maintained his mind in a state of constant exercise and constant mental progress, his activity being tempered at the same time by a humiUty, of which he delighted to make a true confession. In a letter he wrote at a late period of his life, which Marc Antonio Magno has appended to the Alfabeto Ghristiano, perhaps written to himself, he writes in the same strain, yet more at length : — Whilst a man studies merely in the books of other men, he becomes acquainted with the minds of their authors, but not with his own. Now, as it belongs to a Christian's duty to know himself, to know the state of being that he possesses as a chUd of God through Christian regeneration, I am accustomed to say that a Christian's proper study shoiild be in his OWN BOOK. This rightly understood, know, then, that I am accustomed to caU my mind my book ; because in this are contained my opinions, both false and true. In this I discover my confidence and my diffidence, my faith and my unbelief, my hope and my negligence, my charity and my enmity. In this also I find my humility and my presumption, my meekness and my impatience, my modesty and my arrogance, my simple-mindedness and my curiosity, my resolution against the world and my deference to it, my firinness against myself and my own self-love. In this is found whatever I possess of good by the favour of God and of Christ, and whatever evil I have acquired by my natural depravity. This VALDlSs' OWN BOOK. 173 IS MT BOOK. In this I read at all hours and at all seasons, and there is no occupation whatever that interrupts this reading. Sometimes I occupy myself in examining the opinions I entertain upon Christian subjects — on what I base them, how I understand them, and how I feel them. At other times I set myself to examine what degree of confidence I have in the promises of God : how far I depend upon Him in all circumstances, and with what alacrity I put in practice what I know to be His wUl. I consider whether the Christian's faith has its efi&oaoy within me, causing me to change my natural disposition ; and whether the Christian life has made me change my former state and manners ; because such alteration is Christian renovation and regeneration. I enter at other times into a very strict account with myself, examining how far I love God and Christ ; whether I love Him more than myself ; and how far I love my neighbours, and whether I love them as weU as I love myself. If, then, I perceive that I am going forward, purely directed to the glory of God and of Christ, and to the spiritual and eternal good of my neighbours, I know that I go forward in love. This is the way I study in my own book. The fruit I gain from such perusal is, that I arrive at a much better know- ledge of what I am, and of what I am worth in myself, and what through God and through Christ ; and so I arrive at a more intimate knowledge of the iemfit to be received from Christ. And this is the consequence, that the more constantly I read in this my book, so much the more the life I have by the grace of God and of Christ grows within me, and that which I have as a son of Adam becomes less. When I wish to examine whether my opinions in the Christian faith are false or true, I go forward, com- paring them with those which I read those holy men held who wrote the sacred Scriptures. Reading the holy faith of those Christians of the primitive Church, who were acknowledged to be justified and sanctified in Christ and by Christ, I know my own faith and my unbelief, and ask of God that He wiU increase my faitL Considering, also, the modest and simple manner in which Christian people lived at the first pubbcation of the Gospel, having all things in common, and having no other thought than to know Christ crucified, I know my own modesty and simplicity, my arrogance and vain curiosity, and come to abhor all vanity, embracing simplicity of life. Finally, comparing my afiections and appetites with those I read of in the Holy Scriptures, I know well how lively or how dead they are ; and I desire to give them not a single day to live. In this manner Holy Scripture serves me the better to study mt own book, and the better to understand it. In this manner I comprehend whether my Christian life and my Christian self-denial correspond well or iU, little or much, with my Christian faith and profession. Thus I become a gainer of two things : one is, that I do not estimate myself by the opinion men have of me, whether good or iU, but by that which I entertain myself, always referring myself to the opinion which God has of me ; the other is, that I go on forming my mind, reducing it by the imitation of Christ and His saints to what I know to have been in Him and in them. I have said that mt book is mt mind, and in the study of it, when I examine what I have in it, the benefit I draw from it is, to know myself, and to know God and Christ. The same belongs to this study which belongs to all others you can pursue ; what at the first was dry and forbidding, when advanced to the middle becomes easy, and has some pleasantness in it, and in the end is most sweet and delicious. Besides, so much greater wiU be the enjoyment in this than in any other study, as the benefit resulting from it is greater, which you wUl find if you will make the trial.' ' " In wlMt manner ike Christian fruit he would draw from tlie study of shcmld study in his omi hooh, and what it, and how the Holy Scriptures serve ■ 174 LIFE OF JUAN DE VALDES. With a masterly power over his whole moral nature, Yaldes sought to apprehend truth through the just me- dium of feeling as well as reason. He brought an earnest affection for right wisdom to the bar of reason, and a well-regulated understanding, and tried it by the test of his experience and the declarations of the New Testament. When he found Scripture, experience, the heart and the understanding all concurring to elucidate the truth he sought to find, he delivered his mind to absolute trust in it, and at once gave it life by applying it to the conduct of life. This ought to remove the objection of mysticism from his writings and character ; and the same reason should remove it, as a charge, from a body of Christians in the present day, who, in consequence of carrying out their reasonable reHgious convictions into daily practice, have not inaptly been styled the most English of the English; that is, the most jft-actical, in these respects, of a nation eminently practical in all their purposes. And, after all, when more intimately considered, how can the religious relations, although clearly known to himself, between the spirit of a man and the Divine Spirit, in which relations the essential quality of real religion consists, be otherwise than mystical to others, who yet wear their own mystery, if they also have any essential religious sentiments ? To Valdes the internal word of inspiration was not mys- tical. He knew that the Word of God within — earnestly sought for, patiently believed in, and obediently comphed with — was also the highest reason ; and that its commands were practicable just in proportion to the degree of the reliance of faith reposed in them. The sacrifice offered by Abraham was as perfect and as practical as if he had actu- ally slain that darling son, whom he was called upon by the Divine Word to offer up without reserve. Neither did Valdes inculcate an ascetic life. He mixed with men and with their affairs, striving alike by his prac- tice and instruction to direct them to a foretaste of that true felicity in this hfe which they might hope to enjoy per- petually hereafter ; and in this also he was practical. In his Dialogue of the ''Alfabeto Christiano" he endeavoured to inculcate in the mind of Giuha Gonzaga such purity of in- tention and thought, such sacrifice of the mere distinctions of rank and honour, such quiet endurance of injury, such a manner of beholding Christ in God, and again God in Christ, as clearly shows that the religion of Valdes, that which in /lira as an interpreter or commentary/." to the " Alfabeto Christiano," fol. 71-76 A tract by Juan de Valdfe, appended of the Italian. CHARACTEE OP VALD^S, BY JUAN PEBEZ. 1V5 every man should be truly his own, his religion of the heart, was indeed the practical religion of the New Testament. It was so ia its spiritual meaning, in a sense more profound than the Apostles appear to have had during their Lord's ministry and presence whilst here upon earth, before His resurrection and ascension. And this brought Juan de Valdes to receive the doctrine of Justification by Faith, in an acceptation deeper and more intimate, although less demonstrative than that which Luther himself enunciated to reform Europe. This he taught to others in the manner of his Divine Master; in the dweUing-house, or walking by the way, or when, for those who had an ear to hear, he gave them to understand things of highest meaning by personal communication, explained by parables drawn from incidents familiar to their circumstances, and from objects within the range of their immediate observation. Vesuvius illustrated the earthquakes of mental agitation ; the passage from the Mole to Capri, the effect of the steadiness of faith; the common journey from Naples to Spain, the travel of life ; the disease of the skin, so well known iu the earlier ages, that the cure of interior evils cannot be effected by outward services ; the proverbs of the people, our conquest of our- selves ; and that a successful lawsuit may be more damaging than its failure. Juan Perez, Yalde s' pwn countrym an, who edited and pubUshed his Comm^SSries upon the Epistles to the Romans and 1 Corinthians,^ thus describes his character and dispq^ sition : — " He was very learned, and was truly a Christian. He was a thorough gentleman, noble and wealthy, and made his true nobility not to consist in having finer blood than others, but in being an imitator of Christ, and in obey- iag the laws of Christian knighthood^/ He renounced wordly nobility, to pursue the spiritual nobility of the sons of God. He gave himself to the study of sacred letters. So diligent was he in its pursuit, and conducted it to so good and direct a purpose for the glory of the Lord, that He Himself assisted his understanding and greatly prospered his labours therein. Valdes did not by this study pretend to be wiser than those whom the world appreciates, but to be a Christian, one whom God approves. He was not a speculative theologian, but a practical one, who carried out what he understood. He did not aspire to be considered a 'Juan Perez and his amanuensis taries. Thus he generally uses the Julian Hernandez were Andalusians. words muncko, muTichoSj for muchOj He has left signs of his provincial origin muchos, in the orthography of these Commen- 176 LIPE OP JUAN DE VALDES. literary man, but one who imbibed into his mind the habits of Ohristj and to appear like Him in his own manner of life, as he exemplified in the course of it. He was not a man who kept the understanding alone instructed, but he also held his will subjected and enamoured of the truth of what he understood. Thus he gained the title of a wise man, not, however, amongst those who were enchanted with their own opinions, but amongst those who were known of God. He suffered great troubles whilst he lived, in order to follow the footsteps of Christ ; the world treated him as the world usually treats those who take into their bosoms the obedience and love of the truth. Valdes followed his Lord and obeyed Him to the end of his days. . . It appears that Divine Goodness gave His faithful servant Valdes to the nobility and gentry of his nation to be as a glass, in which they might see and learn, to appreciate how to be truly noble hidalgos of that nobility which ends not in this life ; that they might view in him that generous knight [cabalUro) who, in order to follow Christ, gave up his own nobility and re- nounced all for Him."^ Valdes, as a reformer, entered less than almost any thoughtful man of his time into the battle of hierarchies. He was less a destroyer of error and evil, than a builder-up of truth and goodness. He left not himself the profession of the Church of Rome, nor incited others so to do. This was no part of his religion. He looked beyond her cere- monies and pompous ritual. Taking the New Testament for his standard, he fixed his view upon the things signified, not upon the symbols exhibited, being aware, to use his own words, how " outward ceremonies breed inward vices," and how the mind which is inclined to superstition is natu- rally inclined to persecution. The penetrating discrimina- tion of his mind when applied to his religious inquiries, frequently amounted to a moral anatomy of motives. Yet he made not theology, that is a doctrinal science of religion, his study, and therefore had not, in his more enhghtened years, to unlearn the sophistical formulas of the schools. He had the advantage of not having been brought up a priest, and was therefore not called upon to perform cere- monies in which he had no reliance. Had he been a priest, his conscience, like Martyr's and Ochino's, could not have allowed him to practise the rites in the sense in which the people received them ; and his principles brought to this ' "La Bpistola de San Pablo a los Romanos, i la I. a los Corintios," &o. Afto de 1856. Al Lector, pp. 27-29. {Reformistas Antiguos Espanoles, T. x.-xi.) CHAEACTEE. AND DEATH OP VALDKS. 177 test must have driven him to a more definite decision respecting them. The works written during the later years of his life ; viz.j the " Alfabeto Christiano/' the " Commentary on the Epistle to the Romans," ''On the 1st of Corinthians," and the " Hundred and Ten Considerations," a series of separate productions, have all four a uniformity of character, of con- sistency, and of religious purity ; and all of them are con- ceived in the same tone of humility and modesty, and in a truly evangelical spirit. The style of all manifests a mind serene, quiet, and self-possessed ; which, while it is highly active and progressive, is ever subjected to the authority of the Scriptures. The understanding and reason are found always guided hy the royal law of which the Apostle James speaks ; they are vigilant over the passions and affections. There is nothing in them showing iuconsideration, hesita- tion, or impatience ; nothing assuming or dogmatic. The feature of Valdes' mind that strikes us as the most singular for one born and nurtured in a southern clime, and amongst an imagiuative people, is its argumentative and logical structure. He endeavours in all he writes to prove his position by strict though not formal reasoning, and whenever his thoughts assume a playful turn, they take the form of wit rather than of fancy. He seemed to possess more of the Saxon or Teutonic element than is common to his countrymen : this is shown in its practical character, in its love of rational liberty, in its love of religious freedom, and in its exemption from superstition, the thrall of a tyran- nous imagiaation applied to religion. In person, Valdes was spare in body, of fair and pleasing countenance, of sweet and courteous manners, of soft and wiuning speech, clear and logical in discourse, active, and diligently studious. He was unmarried and of unblemished Hfe. He died at Naples, about middle age, ia the year 1640, greatly beloved and honoured by his numerous friends, whose sentiments are represented in the well-known letter of Jacomo Bonfadio to Camesecchi, written shortly after the event.i Jacomo Bonfadio to Monsignoe, Oarnesecchi. I have heard by letter from M. Marc' Antonio Plaminio that your fordship has had a very severe fever, which has brought you near to death, and that now you are not out of bed, although you' are out of danger. I have felt, as I ought, the greatest uneasiness ; and reflecting in myself how temperate you are to all things, and with what regularity you order '" Letters Tolgarididiversinobllissimi letter of Bonfadio appeared in the first Huomini," Vinegia, 1544, fol. 32. The ed. 1.542. N 178 CHAEACTBE AND DEATH OV JUAN DE VALDES. your way of living, I can discover no other cause for your sickness than too fine a temperament, which shows its spirit to be divine. As the Romans preserved those statues which fell from the skies, may God pre- serve your lordship's life ; and He will do it, so that one of the brightest lights of Tuscan virtue may not be early extinguished upon earth. Let your lordship, then, under the direction of God, endeavour to improve your health, and to live with that cheerfulness with which you were accus- tomed when we were at Naples. Would that we were there now with that happy company ! I seem now to see you affectionately sigh for that country, and frequently call to your mind Chiaja and the charming Posilippo. Monsignor, let us confess the truth, Florence is all beautiful within and without — this cannot be denied ; yet the amenity of Naples, that situation, those shores, the perpetual spring there, show a higher degree of excellence. There nature appears to rule with unlimited sway, and everywhere presiding, smiles and rej oices. If you were now at the win- dow of that turret, so often praised by us, while the eyes were cast by turns all around those sunny gardens, and then stretched along the spacious bosom of that smiling sea, a thousand vital spirits would multiply about the heart. I remember yoiu: lordship said many times before leaving that you wished to return, and as often invited me there. May it please God that we may return. Yet, thinking on the other side, where shall we go now Signer Vald^s is dead ? This has truly been a great loss for us and the world, for Signer Vald^s was one of the rare men of Europe, and those writings he has left on the Epistles of Paul and the Psalms of David most amply show it. He was, without doubt, in his actions, his speech, and in all his conduct a perfect man. With a particle of his soul he governed his frail and spare body ; with the larger part, and with his pure understand- ing, as though almost out of the body, he was always raised in the con- templation of truth and of divine things. I sympathize with Messer Marc' Antonio [Magno ?], for he loved and admired him above all others. It seems to me. Signer, that when so many talents and so much learning and virtue are united in one mind, they make war upon the body, and seek to ascend as soon as they can together with the spirit, to that mansion from which it descended ; therefore it causes me no regret to have so few, for I might sometimes fear lest they should mutiny and leave me on earth like a fool. I would fain Hve if I could, and I exhort your lord- ship to do the same. Farewell. May our Lord give you that prosperity in life which you may desire. — From the Lago di Garda. (1541 ?) The remembrance of Vald^s inspired the tone of this charming letter, which, although frequently quoted, never loses its freshness or becomes familiar; like a strain of delightful and pensive music, that recurs with ever return- ing pleasure, because it has tempered the inward spirit to the charm of a divine melody arising within itself. The rehgious writings of Valdes, when they are apprehended and felt, bring the thoughts of the reader, in the same manner, within the compass of the quiet and well-adjusted harmony of his own tranquil and pervading mind, directed as it was by what may be called the essentially poetic sentiment and experience of the Life divine. Benjamin B. Wiefen. Near Woburn : 4th month, 1865. 179 TITLES OF THE EDITIONS OF THE ex. CONSIDERATIONS. 1 Title of the Italian Basilba ISfiO 2 OP THE Italian Hm,t,b 1860 3 OF THE Fkehch Lyon...,. 1563 4 OF THE FSENCH FARIS 156S 5 ....... Spueious Lton 1601 6 OF THE English Oxfobd 1638 7 OF THE English Cambeidoe 1646 8 OF THE English London 1865 9 of THE Spanish , 1855 10 op THE Spanish Lonbees 1863 11 OF THE Spanish, fhom the MS. of 1558, in the City Libhaey,^ Saububoh. Espana 1862 12 OF THE Spanish MS. in the City Libbaby, TTAMTtTJSGH 1558 13 OF the DtTTCH Not discovered ... 1566 N 2 180 [1] Le cento & dieci di uine Confiderationi del S. Giouani Valdeffo : nelle qua- li fi. ragiona delle cofe piu uti li, piu neceflariej^piu perfet te, della Chriftiana profefsione. /. Cor. II. Not vi ragionamo della perfettaja- p'tentia, non della fapient'ia di quejio mondo, ^c. In Baftlea, M. D. L. 181 [2] LE CENTO E DIECI DIVINE CONSIDERAZIONI DI GIOVAMI VALDESSO. HALLE IN SASSONIA. MDCCCLX. 182 [3] CENT ET DIX CON- SYDERATIONS DIVINES DE IAN DE VAL d'eSSO, Traduites premier ement^ d'Espai- nolen langueltalienne^^ de nou- ueau mifes en Franqois^par C. K. P. o S Q A LYON, Par Claude Senneton, M. D. LXIII. 183 [4] CENT m§)) ET DIX CON As^^ SYDERATIONS DIVINES DE IAN DE VAL d'ESSO. ^ >-, Traduites premierement, d'Ef- l ' '. r^^^^' paignol en langue Italienne, I -^-C-vX*'* & de nouueau miles en Francois, par C. K. P. A PARIS, Par Mathurin Preuoji^a Pefcu dcVenife^rue S. laques. 1565: 184 [5] Spurious title in some copies of the edition of Lyon of the year 1563. LES DIVINES CONSIDERATIONS, ET SAINCTES MEDITATIONS DE lEAN DE VAL D'ESSO Gentil-homme Efpaignol. Touchant toutce qui eft neceflaire, pour la per- fection de la vie Chreftienne. Traduittes par C. K. P. Reueuh de nouueau, l^ rapfortees fidelement a I'ExempIaire Efpaignol, isf amplifiees de la Table desprin- cipales matieres trainees par PAuileur. A LYON, Par Pierre Picard. 1601. 185 _^ [6] THE HUNDRED AND TEN CONSIDERATIONS OF SIGNIOR lOHN VALDESSO: TREATING OF THOSE things which are moft profitable, moft neceffary,andmoftperfe(3;in our Chriftian Profeffion. WRITTEN IN SPANISH Brought out of Italy by Vergerius, and firft fet forth in Italian at^o/f/by Ccelius Secundus Curio, Anno 1550. Afterward tranflated into French, and Printed atLions 1 563. andagain at Paris 1565. And now tranflated out of the Italian Copy into English, with Notes. Whcreunto is added an Epiftle of the Authors, oraPreface to his Divine Commentary upon the Romans. I. CoR. Z. Howbeit we/peak wijdomeamongftthemthat are per- fect, yetnot thewijdome of this world. OXFORD, Printed by Leonard Lichfield, Printer totheVniver(ity.yf»«.Z)o»?. 1638. 186 [V] og DIVINE eg * CONSIDERATIONS * c^a 0(53 ^ Treating $, ^ Ofthofe things •which are mojiprofi- * * tahle, moji necejfary, and moji * cjj perfe6i in our Chrijiian * ci53 trojeljion. ^ * <*> ^ OHN VaLDESSO. c43 <*» ** o5d cifo c^ cjQ I. Cor. 2,. 6. c^ <*) Howbeit we/peak wijdome amongft them <*! ^ that are perfect ; yet not the wijdome of ^ 6j3 this world. cija qjD oOo C$3 :^ c5o <*) C$3 CAMBRIDGE: c*. cj3 Printed for E. D. hy Roger Daniel^ Printer c^a *! to the Univerfity. 1646. <*> 187 LIFE AND WKITINGS m OF JUAN DE YALDES, otftertotsj 'FalUegso, SPANISH REFOEMEB IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY, BY BENJAMIN B. WIFFEN. WITH a 'STranslatton from t|)e Utalian OF HIS BY JOHN T. BETTS. Valdisio Hispanus SCBIPTORE SUPERBIAT ORBIS. Daniel Roger*. NoN MoBiTUBA. — Giulia Gonzaga's Motto, p. 11.2. ^ LONDON: BERNARD QUARITCH, 15 PICCADILLY. 1865. IThe right of Tranilation and Reproduction is relerved.^ 188 [9] ZIENTO I DIEZ CONSIDEEAZIONES DE JUAN DE VArSES. Ahora publicadas por primera vez en castellano, Valdgssio Hispanus Scbiptore superbiat Obbis (Dan. Roger. Epigr. in turn. Juelli. Humphr. Vita Juel. 4to. 1573.) ANO DE MDCCCLV. 189 [10] ZIENTO I DIEZ CONSIDERAZMES DE JUAN DE VALDES. PRIMERi VEZ PTJBLICADAS EN CA.STELLANO, EL A. 1865 LUIS DE USOZ I EIO AHOBA CORKEJIDAS NUEVAMENTE CON MAYOR CITIDADO. "VaLDESIO HlSPATTTTS SCHIPTOEE SITPEBBIAT OEBIS." Dan. Roger. Epigr. in turn, Juelli SuvvpTvr, Vita Juel, 4,to. 1573. ^ ANO DE MDCCCLXIII. 190 [11] ZIENTO I DIEZ COn^SIDERAZI09^E8 LEIDAS I EXPLICADAS HAZIA EL ANO DE 1538 I 1539. FOR JUAN DE VALDES. CONrORME A UN MS. CASTELLANO BSCRITO EL A. 1658 EXISTEHIE EN LA BIBLIOTECA DE HAMBUEGO, I ahora publicado por vez primera con vm facsimile. Valdesio Hispanus scriptore superbiat Orbis. ESPANA. A!VO MDCCCIXII. 191 [12] Title and Colophon of the Spanish Manuscript in the City Library of Ham- burg, written in 1558, printed in 1862. See N' M. ^ las ciento e diez consideragiones del Valdes, Traduzidas del ytaliano en Romange. Fin de las ciento y diez Considera qiones que se acabaron de trasladar en xxiiij de noujembre Am de MDLVIIj. A gloria de Dios y del hijo de Dios Jesu Xpo. n. s\ 192 [13] The Dutch Translation [by Adrian Hamsteed ?] 1565 HAS NOT BEEN DISCOVERED. ThEEE WAS A COPT IN THE Library of Zach. Conrad Uffenbach, FRAi«FORT, in 1729. It is entered in the printed Catalogue. 27. Jo Valdesii Godsalige AnmercMngen uyt het Italiansche overgeset (o) 1565 : 45. JUAN DE VALDES. PAET II. LONDON PHTNTBD BT BPOTTISWOODH AND 00. NEW-STREBT BQITAHE THE HUNDEED AND TEN CONSIDERATIONS OF JUAN DE VALDES. ©ranslatetf from tfie Italtan BY JOHN T. BETTS. ^ PREFACE. That the English versions of the ' CX. Divine Considerations' of Juan de Valdes have become rare ; that they are seldom attainable by purchase ; that they are but occasionally to be found in private hands, and that a sight of them is only to be ensured by a visit to the British Museum or our University libraries ; and that they are, besides, antiquated in style and uimecessarily obscure ; — these circumstances serve as plea and warrant for the present republication of them in a modern translation. That these Divine Considerations still continue to be highly prized by the pious and learned of other countries is proved by the recent republication and retranslation of the work into the language in which it was written. The Italian version of 1550, the editio princeps, has been recently republished by Dr. Ed. Boehmer, of Halle ; and there is a recent retransla- tion of it into Spanish, which has appeared in a handsome edition; Professor Schmidt, of Strasburg, has also retrans- lated it into French, although not yet printed ; whilst there is a German retranslation of it in progress, if it be not already finished. Of the English version, the first edition appeared at Oxford in 1638, in 4to; another was published at Cambridge in 1646, in 12mo. Nicholas Ferrar> the translator, for- warded his MS. to his friend George Herbert, of Bemerton, for his opinion and advice as to its publication. Herbert, having annotated it, returned it to Ferrar with the following 198 PKEFACE. excellent letter, which was prefixed to the first edition, and the reader will regard it as the most interesting and striking indication of the character of the work that could be ofiered. " George Hekbeet to his Fkiend Nicholas Fereak. " My deaee and deserting Brother, "Your Valdesso I now returne with many thanks, and some notes, in which perhaps you will discover some care, which I forbarenotin the midst of my griefes: first for your sake, because I would doe nothing negligently that you commit unto mee ; secondly for the Author's sake, whom I conceive to have been a true servant of Grod ; and to such, and all that is theirs, I owe diligence ; thirdly for the Churches sake, to whom by print- ing it I would have you consecrate it. You owe the Church a debt, and God hath put this into your hands (as he sent the fish with mony to S. Peter) to discharge it : happily also with this (as his thoughts are fruitfull) intending the honour of his servant the Author, who being obscured in his own country he would have to flourish in this land of light, and region of the Gospell, among his chosen. It is true there are some things which I like not in him, as my fragments will expresse, when you read them ; neverthelesse I wish you by all means to publish it, for these three eminent things observable therein : First, that God in the midst of Popery should open the eyes of one to understand and expresse so cleai'ely and excellently the intent of the Gospell in the acceptation of Christ's righteousnesse (as he sheweth through all his Consi- derations), a thing strangely buried, and darkened by the Adversaries, and their great stumbling-block. Secondly, the great honour and reverence, which he everywhere beares to- wards our deare Master and Lord, concluding every Consi- deration almost with his holy Name, and setting his merit forth so piously, for which I doe so love him, that were there nothing else, I would print it, that with it the honour of my Lord might be published. Thirdly, the many pious rules of PKEFACE. 199 ordering our life, about mortification, and observation of Grod's kingdome within us, and the working thereof, of which he. was a very diligent observer. These three things are very- eminent in the Author, and overweigh the defects (as I con- ceive) towards the publishing thereof, etc. "GEOEGE HERBEET. Bemeeton : Sept. 29 £1637]." Dr. Boehmer, who has been so variedly and so long engaged upon Valdes' works, and who has recently become his biographer in Herzog''s Real Encyklopaedie, prompted by veneration for our author, and knowing that the English translation of Valdes' GX. Considerations was in progress, wrote to the translator, and advised him ' to make it as simple in mode of expression as it is in the original, unabbreviated and unchanged,' and this advice has been studiously carried out ; so that, without obtruding his own ideas, the translator has endeavoured to render those of Valdes as faithfully as Valdes did those of St. Paul. In Valdes' letter of dedication to Giulia Gonzaga, prefixed to his translation of, and com- mentary upon, the Epistle to the Eomans, he says : ' I have desired to keep to the letter of the text, rendering it word for word as much as possible ; for wherever I found ambiguity in the Greek text, I left it in the Spanish — that is to say, I did so wherever the text was as susceptible of one mode of apprehension as of another. I have done this, because in translating St. Paul it has not been my aim to write my own conceptions, but those of St. Paul.' My friend Benjamin B. Wiffen, who is well known for his successful researches in connexion with the writings and life of Valdes, and who has assisted to bring to light various of his works supposed by distinguished scholars to have been utterly destroyed and lost — such, for instance, as Valdes' ' Alfabeto Christiano ' — has now, in the history of ' The Life and Writings of Juan de Valdes ' which is prefixed to this trans- lation of the ex. Divine Considerations, given extracts from his writings sufiiciently copious to enable the general reader 200 PEEFACB. to form a conception of the scope and character of works which cannot be easily obtained for perusal, because, though reprinted, this has chiefly been done not for the public at large, but in order to rescue them from total oblivion, by means of private circulation, and preservation in libraries. These works of Valdesso are, to use Milton's expression, 'the precious life-blood of a master-spirit,' — of an apostle, as it were, to the aristocracy of birth and intellect of his day ; whom the Inquisition and the Eoman Court feared and hated as an heresiarch, but who was acknowledged and honoured of the Holy Spirit to be the Father in Christ (1 Cor. iv. 15) of such personages as Giulia Gonzaga and Vittoria Colonna, of Peter Martyr Vermiglio and of Graleazzo Caraccioli. Peter Martyr Vermiglio, as Dean of Christ Church, Oxford, appointed by Cranmer interpreter of Holy Scripture, began his career at the University by expounding the First Epistle to the Corinthians — a book upon which Juan de Valdes had written a commentary — doing so, as Josiah Simler says, ' because therein are handled divers and many principal matters which served for the controversies of the time, in such sort that the doctrine of this epistle, if it be profitably and aptly read, may cure all the faults wherewith the sincerity of the Church is corrupted.' At the death of Edward VI., Peter Martyr Vermiglio, to escape the persecution of Mary, had to fly England, and filled Protestant chairs both at Strasburg and Zurich ; his friend and pupil. Bishop Jewel, sought safety in exile likewise, and during many years was received as a member in Peter Martyr's household, living at his table. The Zurich letters witness with what reverence both Archbishop Cranmer and Bishop Jewel held Peter Martyr as the master-spirit in Israel ; and can it be otherwise than deeply interesting to the English reader to study the sentiments of Juan de Valdes, who moulded the mind, in Evangelical doc- trine, of Peter Martyr, the arch-counsellor of the recognised founders of the English Church ? JOHN T. BETTS. THE ITALIAN EDITOE'S LETTER 'TO CHRISTIAN READERS.' Celio Secondo Curione, a servant of Jesus Christ, to all those who are sanctified by God the Father, and saved and called by Jesus Christ our Lord ; mercy, peace, and the love of G-od be multiplied to you. Behold, brethren, we do not here present you Boccacio's Cento Novelle, but the Hundred and Ten Considerations of Valdes, the importance of which I am about to declare to you. Many, both ancients and moderns, have written upon Christian topics, and some of them have done so better than others ; but it would possibly be difficult to find out the man who, since the days of our Lord's Apostles and Evangelists, has written better, more soundly, and more divinely than Juan Valdes. Certain it is that some of them have left gi'eat books, both ponderous and numerous ; but there are amongst them many that are but of little importance, not much cal- culated to promote Christian life, but charged with unprofit- able questions and philosophic disputations, from which thousands of inconveniences have sprung up in Christ's Church. And in order that it may be seen that what I say is true, I will here set forth some of those inconveniences, from which an estimate may easily be formed of the rest. Then, in the first place, because they have written such very great books, they have not been able to avoid lies, follies, and vanity ; for as the wise man says (Eccles. v. 7), ' Where there are many words there are also divers vanities.' Then these great writers have dragged all Scripture into doubt and disputation, 202 THE ITALIAN EDITOE S LETTER and have instituted a school where everything is called in question to such an extent that they have brought the doctrine of the Son of Grod and of His Apostles, and the infallible and most certain hope of eternal life, into utter uncertainty. But amongst the other inconveniences of which I am about to speak, this is not the least important : with their very exten- sive and almost infinite number of books, men have been led aside and alienated from the study of the truly Holy Scrip- tures, and from the contemplation of the simple truth ; and they have converted disciples of Christ into disciples of men ; and to such a pass are we come that greater and more implicit faith is given to those who are styled doctors, than to the simple doctrine of Christ, just as if Christ and His Apostles were not the true and eternal doctors and masters of the Church. This forsooth is the benefit, this the edification, which redounds to the Church of Grod from these huge volumes ! Our Lord Jesus Christ, to whom the salvation of His Church has been more dear than His own life, seeing this, has stirred up and awakened some, and has opened their eyes, who should by gentle stages bring back His sheep to the verdant and wholesome pastures of the Holy Scriptures, and to the pure, clear, and sweet fountains of the word of Grod. Here each one has striven according to the talent, that is to say, the gift received ; but it appears to me, and I hope that it will so appear to all who have a true taste of the doctrine of Christ, that this our author, in these his Divine Considera- tions, and in some other of his writings, has so well considered the duties of the Christian, and has enabled us all to do the same, that but very few can go beyond him. He, indeed has not written such great volumes, nor such worthless ones but his are small and few ; they are, moreover, pure, clear and truly divine. Many have written on the virtues, habits, and duties of a wise and good man, as Aristotle, Panstius, and Cicero, and amongst Christians Ambrose, and in this 'TO CHRISTIAN READERS.' '203 age Tommaso Venatorio;' hut no one of them has soared in his writings to such a height, nor demonstrated so power- fully, nor reasoned so sweetly, nor with such majesty, nor with such authority, nor with such grace, as our Valdes. This, this is ti'uly worthy to be called the book of Christian duties, the book of Christian demonstrations, and of truly divine speculations. It shows the origin, cause, progress, and end of every movement, of every action, of every event that is done imder heaven, whether of God or of the devil, whether of the pious man or the impious, and all these from clear, certain, and undoubted Scriptural principles, accompanied by such beautiful and appropriate examples, similitudes, compari- sons, divisions, and definitions, that unless we are extrava- gantly obstinate, and destitute of common sense, we must needs acquiesce in what it represents as being due to Grod, to self, and to our neighbour, and how great is the benefit of Christ, and what the advantage derivable from Christ's weakness and power. His humiliation and exaltation, our mortification and vivication, election and reprobation, and a thousand other beautiful and useful topics which admit of clear apprehension ; so that by being conversant with this book you will better understand all vital Scriptiu-al truths, than by means of the grand and ponderous commentaries of many authors. But for bringing to our knowledge and into our possession this great and heavenly treasure, we are all indebted to Maestro Pietro Paolo Vergerio, who was, in the course of Divine Providence, instrumental in causing it to be printed. Coming from Italy, and leaving a feigned bishopric to come to the true Apostolate to which he was called by Christ, he brought with him many beautiful compositions, and did as men are wont to do when either their own home is burnt down, or ^ Thomae Venatorii de Virtvte Christiana libri III. Praterea Index additus, prcBcipuas sententias complectens. Norinberg