CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY GIFT OF Anonymous "''llMliramiMtellNiSte^^^^ New Haven olin 3 1924 029 457 122 The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924029457722 -i^^ >«. HISTORY koaXH CHURCH IN NEW HAVEN HISTORY NORTH CHURCH IN NEW HAVEN, FllOM ITS FORMATION IN MAY, 1742, DURING THE GREAT AWAKENING, TO THE COMPLETION OF THE CENTURY IN MAY, 1848. IN THKEE SERMONS. SAMUEL W. S. BUTTON, PASTOR OF THE CHURCH. NEW HAVEN: A. H. MALTBY, GLEBE BUILDING. 1842. NEW II A V PRINTED BY E L. BAMLEN- At a meeting of the Church of the United Society, in New Haven, June 26, 1842— Resolved, That Deacon Nathan Beers, Deacon Charles Bostwick, Deacon William S. Jarman, Hon. David Daggett, Hon. Simeon Bald- win, and Titus Street, Esq., be and hereby are appointed a Committee to express the thanks of this Church to Rev. S. W. S. Dutton, its pastor, for his valuable discourses on its history, and to request a copy, that they may be printed. Reverend and Bear Sir — We, the Committee above named, with great pleasure communi- cate to you the above vote of the Church of the United Society, and in their name thank you for your three discourses, containing the interest- ing history of the Church from its origin to the close of a century, and request a copy thereof for publication. Accept, dear sir, the assurances of our great respect and esteem. Nathan Beers, Charles Bostwick, William S. Jarman, David Daggett, Simeon Baldwin, TiTTTs Street, Eev. S. W. S. Dutton. >■ Committee. Dear Brethren — I am grateful that my feeble eiforts to illustrate the origin and his- tory of our Church have been so favorably received. I send you a copy of the discourses, according to your request. They contain facts, brought to light, many of them, at some expense of time and labor, a record of which should be made before the knowledge of them is lost. An imperfect record is better than none. I have added much informa- tion in the notes, which for obvious reasons I preferred to introduce in that form rather than in the body of the discourses. The authors from whom I have derived information, are generally referred to in the notes. In the investigation of matters of which no history has been written, and of many of which it was difficult to find traces in the memory of the living, I have received important assistance from various individu- als, among whom I would gratefully mention Rev. Leonaed Bacon, Prof. KiNGSLEY, and Hon. Simeon Baldwin. I send you these discourses, in the hope that they may add one to many memorials of the righteous, and the many illustrations of the care and goodness of God towards his people. Very respectfully and affectionately yours, S. W. S. Button. Deacon Nathan Beers, Deacon Charles Bostwick, 'i Deacon William S. Jakman, Hon. David Daggett, > Committee. Hon. Simeon Baldwin, Titus Street, Esq. ) SERMON I. ORIGIN AND FORMATION OF THE CHURCH. 1 Samuel, xii, 7. — Now, therefore, stand still, that I may reason with you before the Lord, of all the righteous acts of the Lord, which he did to you and tcf your fathers. A HUNDRED years have passed away since the forma- tion of this Christian church, and this is the first Sab- bath in the second century of its existence.* How it had its origin in a wonderful outpouring of the Holy Spirit ; through what trials and difficulties a merciful God carried it forward, making it an evangelical light amid great rehgious declension and defection and formalism ; what instrumentalities He has here employed and blessed from generation to generation to keep alive, on its sacred altar, the incense of prayer and praise, and in the hearts of its members the flame of love and faith and zeal ; how He has increased this church with the increase of God, multiplying its members, and making it a mother of churches ; in short, His gracious acts toward you and your fathers, it is my duty and privilege to declare, and your duty and privilege to hear. When men write the biography of an indwidual, they usually give some account of his parents and ancestry. * The church was organized on the 7th of May, 1742, (old style.) Adding eleven days for the difference in style, the centennial anniver- sary is the ISth of May, 1842. In giving a history of this church, I should deem it neces- sary to give some account of its parent, the first church in New Haven, and of the character of those vfho laid, and of those who for a century built upon, the foundations of this community, were it not that I find that labor done to my hand, in the full, accurate, and eloquent historical discourses of the present- pastor of that church, which were delivered four years since, after the two hundredth anniversary of the formation of that church, and for which he deserves the gratitude of every son of the New Eng- land, and especially of the New Haven, Puritans. For a century that church, which is coeval with the colony, though in common with most of the churches in New England, it had gradually declined in spiritual pros- perity, had yet enjoyed internal peace under the minis- trations of its three first pastors, Rev. John Davenport, Rev. Nicholas Street, and Rev. James Pierpont, and du- ring the first twenty years of the ministry of Rev. Joseph Noyes. At the close of that period a difficulty arose, which resulted in the formation of this church, and some years after, of this society. Its first public manifestation, so far as the records show, was in December 28th, 1741, when the following memorial was presented at the soci- ety's meeting, signed by thirty eight men. " To the First Society in the town of New Haven : — Whereas we, the subscribers, have, by long and sorrow- ful experience, found, that the preaching and conduct of the Rev. Mr. Noyes has been in great measure unprofit- able to us, and that we have also reason to think that he differs from us in some points of faith, we desire, (not as we hope out of any prejudice to the persons of Mr. Noyes and pur brethren and friends of the society, to whom we heartily wish all good,) that they would allow us, and others that may incline to join with us, to draw off from them in charity, wishing to be a distinct society, that we may put oxirselves under the best advantage to worship God, under such means, as he in his good provi- dence may allow and we hope will bless, for our spiritual good and edification."* In order rightly to understand and appreciate the char- acter of this transaction, and of those which followed it on one side and the other till this church was formed, and in short, th^ distinctive character of this church and its founders, we must briefly consider the condition and character of the churches and ministry, and some of the peculiar events, of that period. In the beginning of the eighteenth century, from 1700 to 1735, we find, that religion in New England was in a very low condition. It had degenerated into lifeless formalism, like a tree whose bark and external form are complete, but whose heart and strength have decayed. The distinction between those who served God and those who served him not, was passing, and had in a great measure passed, away. There were multitudes in the churches, who professed to be, not converted or pos- sessed of experimental religion, but only speculative be- * Records of the First Society. This memorial was signed by Gid- eon Andrews, Caleb Tuttle, Joseph Mix, Caleb Bradley, Joseph Bur- roughs, David Austin, Jacob Turner, Caleb Andrews, Enos Tuttle, Obadiah Munaon, Stephen Johnson, Samuel Cook, Timothy Mix, Sam- uel Horton, Thomas Punderson, Junr., Joseph Sackett, Hez. Beecher, Jos. Mix, Junr., Enos Thompson, John Bull, Caleb Hotchkiss, Junr., Benjamin Woodin, Caleb Bull, Timothy Jones, Benjamin Wilmott, Dan- iel Turner, Stephen Austin, Thomas Wilmott, Abraham Thompson, Mercy Ailing, David Punderson, Enos Ailing, Jabez Sherman, Amos Tuttle, Thomas Leek-, Ezekiel Sanford, Timothy Ailing, Amos Peck. Uevers, or at most to be taking steps preliminary to con- version. The ministry also, though it contained many, who, both in secret and public places, bewailed the prev- alent and growing declension, and earnestly longed and prayed for a refreshing and reformation from the pres- ence of the Lord, yet, by general acknowledgment, in- cluded in its ranks some unconverted men, as will always be the fact when religion has for any length of time the form without the power.* It included also a much greater number, whose preaching, instead of being evan- gelical in sentiment, and plain and pungent in style and manner, was either obscure, or non-committal, or silent, or erroneous upon the peculiar doctrines of Christianity, especially upon the doctrines of human depravity and regeneration by the Spirit of God — preaching, which, instead of unfolding and enforcing the nature and neces- sity, for all men, of conversion, or a radical change in moral character, and addressing all unconverted men as guilty and inexcusable enemies of God, exposed every moment to eternal death, and bound at once to repent and believe in Christ, discoursed chiefly upon topics of a lifeless morality, and conveyed the impression, that men * " The door having been, professedly as well as really, opened for persons without piety to enter the church ; as a very natural con- sequence, there soon ceased to be any let or hindrance to their enter- ing the ministry. And there is painful evidence that, previous to 1740, many of this description did enter the ministry. ' They were grave men, in speculation evangelical, or moderately so;, and performed their customary ministerial duties with regularity : but their preaching lacked point, and earnestness, and application ; their devotional ser- vices were without warmth and unction ; their labors were not blessed of the Holy Spirit ; their people slumbered ; the tone of religious feel- ing and sentiment was sinking ; and true godliness seemed fast retiring from the land.' " Wisner's Hist. Old South Church, who were regular in external conduct, and in attendance upon public worship, were doing on. the whole very well — about all that could be expected, or that they were able to perform. As a natural consequence church discipline was neglected, and loose and immoral practices were fast pervading the community and invadmg the church.* This great and general declension from the soundness of faith, the eminence of piety, and the strict and uni- versal morality of the Puritan founders of these New England communities, was not sudden, but the gradual and sure result of causes, the chief of which was in op- eration from the first. The venerated men who settled New England, made a great advance upon the civil and religious liberty of their native land, and planted the germs of that entire separation between church and state, in which we now rejoice. Instead of having one consolidated church, gov- erned by a priesthood appointed by the civil government or by patrons, having all its matters of doctrine and dis- cipline determined and established ultimately by the civil power, and having no redress when oppressed or invaded by corruption, they established many churches, independ- ent of each other, electiag their own pastors, and gov- erning themselves in^ matters of doctrine and discipline according to rules determined by representatives of their own choice. That they went so far in sundering church and state, in an age when an entire separation of church and state had never existed, is matter of wonder and * Abundant proof of these statements respecting the low state of religion in the country, may be found in Prince's Christian History, Vol. I, 94, and II, 375 ; Trumbull's Hist of Conn., Vol. I, p. 298, and II, p. 135 ; Wisner's History of Old South Church in Boston, pp. 40, 41, 42 ; Tracy's Great AwaJcening, pp. 4 — 9. 2 10 gratitude. They should be admired for going so far towards liberty, rather than blamed for going no farther. Still, it had been fortunate for their country, had they gone farther. They established a union — a union far less compact and oppressive than existed and now exists in England, but still a real union — ^between church and state. Congregationalism was established by law. All the people were taxed for its support, and in Massachu- setts, and in the colony of New Haven, no man could have any share in the administration of the civil govern- ment or give his vote in any election, unless he was a member of one of the churches.* This, latter provision was most disastrous in its effect upon the purity and power of religion. It made the churches virtually the state, and as the natural result, in the course of a little more than half a century, formalism and worldUness' in a great degree congealed the piety and corrupted the * In 1631, at the second General Court held after the commence- ment of the colony of Massachusetts Bay, an order was made, " that for the time to come, none should be admitted to the freedom of the body politic, but such as were church members." " This most extra- ordinary law," says Hutchinson in his History, " was in fact continued in force until the dissolution of the charter government, (which was in 1785,) though it was repealed in appearance after the restoration of king Charles the second." See Wisner's History of the Old South Church in Boston, p. 4. In the colony of New Haven, in June, 1639, this regulation was adopted, " that church members only shall be free burgesses, and that they only shall choose magistrates and officers among themselves, to have power of transacting all the public civil affairs of the plantation ; of making and repealing laws, dividing inher- itances, deciding differences that may arise, and " doing all things and businesses of like nature." See Kingsley's Historical Discourse, p. 25. This regulation continued in force till 1665, when the colony of New Haven was united with the colony of Connecticut : in which latter colony this regulation never existed. 11 purity of those churches. At the first settlement of the country the gospel rule, of admitting to the churches those only who give evidence of a change of heart, uni- versally prevailed. All those therefore who gave no such evidence were, according to the law, excluded from civil offices, and from the exercise of the elective franchise. These, who at first were few,* as one generation passed away and another came on, rapidly increased and grew very uneasy, desiring the civil privileges and honors of church-members^ and soon there was a strong party who claimed, that all persons baptized in infancy, whether regenerate or not, should be treated as members of the church, (except that they should not be admitted to the Lord's table,) and should be permitted, on owning the the covenant, as it was called,t to offer their children for for baptism and thus introduce them into the privileges of church-members. Some were for receiving all persons of a regular hfe to full communion in the churches, on their making a profession of religion, without any inquiry * The number of those, at the first, who were not members of the church, was greater than has been generally supposed. Hutchinson gives evidence, that there were in Massachusetts, "many from the beginning." According to his account, in 1646, sixteen years after the commencement of the Massachusetts colony, the number of those not connected with the churches in Plymouth and Massachusetts was so great, that they petitioned the General Courts of both colonies, and prepared petitions to the British Parliament, praying, as they say, in behalf of " thousands,^'' that Jhe disabilities under which they labored might be removed. See Hutch. I, 145 — 149, and 451. t That is, on professing their belief in an evangelical creed, and solemnly promising a formal observance of religious duties. It was generally understood, that this covenanting was merely formal. They who could covenant heartily were admitted to the Lord's supper, ox to " full communion" as it was termed. 12 as to a change of heart, and some were for going still farther, and insisted that all who had been members of churches in England, or had been members of regular ecclesiastical parishes there, and supported the public worship, should be allowed to enjoy the privileges of members in full communion, in the churches here.* On this subject parties began to be formed, and ran high ; and in June, 1657, about twenty years from the first set- tlement of the country, a general council, composed of delegates from the churches of Massachusetts and Con- necticut, convened by the General Courts of those colo-, nies, decided, that all baptized persons ought to be con- sidered members of the church, under its discipline, and entided to all its privileges, except a participation in the Lord's supper. In 1662, the General Court of Massachusetts appointed a synod of all the ministers of that colony, which, with many dissenting voices, con- firmed the decision of the council. The rule, thus re- commended, though strenuously opposed,t came ere long * See Trumbull, I, 297, 298, 299. + " This wide and pernicious departure from the primitive gospel discipline of the New England churches," was vigorously opposed by some of their ablest ministers. " The Eev. Charles Chauncey, Presi- dent of Harvard College, Mr. Increase Mather of Boston, Mr. Mather of Northampton, and others, were warmly in the opposition." Presi- dent Chauncey and Mr. Increase Mather, published against the decision of the synod, and so did the Rev. John Davenport, then minister of New Haven, whom the author of the ft^gnalia styles " the greatest of the anti-synodists." Mr. Increase Mather afterwards changed his opin- ion, and published two treatises in favor of the result of the synod. Mr. Davenport, partly on account of his opposition to this innovation, was called, though upwards of seventy years of age, to be pastor of the First Church in Boston. His election and installation was deemed a triumph of the anti-synodists in that church,- and resulted in a seces- 13 into general practice, and obtained the appropriate name of the Half-way covenant. Not many years after, the custom of receiving unregen- erate persons to the Lord^s supper began, and, after the able and excellent Stoddard of Northampton publicly and widely advocated it on the ground that the Lord's sup- per is a converting ordinance, increased rapidly, till it became quite extensive, though never, I believe, as ex- tensive as the half-way covenant practice.* Thus it sion of twenty eight brethren, who with others were formed into the church which is now called the Old South. See Wisner's History of Old South Church, p. 6 ; and Bacon's Historical Discourses, p. 140. * The practice of admitting unconverted persons to the communion, though not publicly advocated till 1707, was quite extensive for many years previous. Wisner, in his H!istory of the Old South Church, thus ^eaks of its prevalence and effects : " The practical result, every one sees would be, that, if the innovation already made (i. e. the half-way covenant) were not abandoned, another would speedily be introduced. And such was the fact. Correct rporal deportment, with a profession of correct doctrinal opinions, and a desire for regeneration, came to be regarded as the only qualification for admission to the communion. This innovation, though not as yet publicly advocated by any, there is conclusive proof, had become quite extensive in practice previously to 1679. The proof is the fact, that one of the measures earnestly re- commended by the " Reforming Synod" in 1679, was a return to the ancient strictness in admitting persons to the Lord's supper. Thus was abandoned, by the New England churches extensively, that prin- ciple, viz. ' that particular churches ought to consist of regenerate per- sons,' — the letting go of which soon after the apostolic age, a distin- guished writer (John Owen) has affirmed and proved ' was the occa- sion and means of introducing all that corruption in doctrine, worship, order and rule, which ensued, and ended in the great apostasy.' And in this instance, the same effects soon began to appear. The churches soon came to consist, very considerably, in many places, of unregen- erate persons — of those who regarded themselves and were regarded by others, as unregenerate. The standard of religious profession was 14 was, that the formalism, and worldliness, and corruption in doctrine to which I have adverted, took possession of the churchj and permitted corruption in morals and prac- tice to mvade the community. It was because a union of church and state made it necessary for worldly men, in order to obtain civil liberty, to break into the hallowed en- closure of the church of God. Thus disastrous to reli- gious and social welfare, must ever be a union of eccle- siastical and civil power. It casts religion under the feet of popular freedom in her onward and irresistible march. It corrupts and enslaves the church ; and by formaUsm and laxity and defection, makes " the light of the world" almost as dark as the world itself.* greatly lowered ; and of course vital religion itself came to be contin- ually less and less regarded ; the close and pungent preaching of the first ministers would not be endured, and it gradually ceased ; and thP sanctifying and converting energy of the Holy Spirit was withdrawn." * The union between church and state existed more extensively, and continued longer, and has therefore proved more disastrous in its re- sults in Massachusetts than in Connecticut. Says Dr. Wisner, in the History of the Old South Church, p. 71 : — " Let us be careful, how- ever, to secure, and diffuse, and transmit to posterity the instructive lesson furnished by the result of their experiment. It was an experi- ment of the influence of a union between church and state, made in circumstances the most favorable for the church that have ever yet ex- isted. The churches of Massachusetts were all originally uncorrupt and scriptural in doctrine and discipline, and composed of eminently pious men, who lived, and were ready to sacrifice every thing, for the kingdom of Christ, and whose wisdom has been the admiration of the candid of all succeeding generations. These wise and holy men es- tablished all our early civil and ecclesiastical institutions, with the ex- press design of making every thing contribute to the preservation and purity and extended influence of the churches. And now in less than two hundred years, what is the result > Not only has a flood of error come in, and desolated the portion of their heritage which our pious fathers cultivated with the greatest care, and made the college which 15 Another cause of the religious and moral declension of those times, too important to be passed over in silence, and too important also to be noticed so briefly as the limits of the occasion render necessary, was, a kind of theology, which for many years had more and more pre- vailed — a theology, which denies man's natural ability to obey God's command to repent and beUeve in Christ, and consistently with that denial, hesitates to urge upon him immediate reconciliation to God as a practicable duty ; virtually tells him, that he is not to blame for being im- penitent ; and directs him to read the Bible, pray, attend the sanctuary, in fine, do what was then called "using the means of grace," and be orderly and moral in out- ward conduct, as all he can do, or be expected to do. •they devoutly consecrated ' to Christ and his church,' the principal instrument of maintaining and diffusing that error, but the churches themselves have been declared, by judicial decisions having all the force of law, to have no legal rights or existence independent of the civil corporations — the towns or parishes with which they are con- nected." " The only circumstance," say these decisions, " which gives a church any legal character, is its connexion viith some regu- larly constituted society.'''' "A church cannot subsist without some religious community to which it is attached." " As to all civil pur- poses, the secession of a whole church from a parish would be an ex- tinction of the church ; and it is competent to the members of the parish to institute a new church, or to engraft one upon the old stock, if any of it should remain ; and this new church would succeed to all the rights of the old in relation to the parish. Mass. Term Eeports, XVI, 504. Such is the result of a union between church and state, in cir- cumstances the most favorable for the church that have ever yet ex- isted ! When will the professed followers of Christ learn the full im- port of that declaration, ' My kingdom is not of this world.' When will the churches of Christ learn to rely only on themselves and their king? .Then, and not till then, • will he accomplish for them all that he hath promised." 16 This sort of theology laid a consistent foundation for the half-way covenant system. For it was plain, that men ought not to be deprived of civil privileges for want of repentance and faith, when repentance and faith were beyond their power. It led also to the conclusion that the Lord's supper was one of the "means of grace" which they were " to use" in order to receive conversion. On the other hand, the half-way covenant system, and its kindred practice of admitting unregenerate persons to the Lord's supper, reacted upon and extended this sort of theology, filling the church with unconverted members, who hked the opiates to conscience of such a theology, and introducing, as there is reason to believe, some un- converted men into the ministry. It was disastrous to religion indirectly, by leading to the practices of admit- tmg unregenerate persons to partial, and fuU, standing in the church, and directly, by leading men to think that they were guiltless — to feel at ease — while living out of Christ and in rebellion against God. Another cause of the decline of piety, which I will barely mention, was the frequent warfare of the colonists with the Indians, and the necessity of constant and anxious vigil- ance, in order to keep their dearly bought privileges from the grasp of the rapacious ministers of English tyranny. Such excitement and agitation are unfavorable to religious prosperity. It was in a period of such laxity of religious opinion and of ecclesiastical order and discipline, and consequent declension in spirituality and morals, that the Rev. Mr. Noyes, the fourth pastor of the ancient church in New Haven, had been educated, and had formed his style of doctrine and preaching and measures. There is no reason, that I can find, to question — what some of his warmest 17 opposers denied — his piety. There is also no reason to doubt, that his preaching, both as to doctrine and style and manner, was such as does not tend, in any high degree, to the conviction and conversion of sinners, or the edification and spirituality of Christians. Dr. Trumbull, a historian of undoubted credit, whose sympathies however, it should be remarked, were with those who opposed Mr. Noyes, says of him, "though he had the gift of prayer, and was edifying in that part of worship, yet he was unanimating and unpopular in hie preaching. His zealous and Calvinistic hearers did not consider him, as so faithfully and plainly preaching the doctrines of human depravity, of regenera- tion by the supernatural influences of the divine Spirit, and of its absolute necessity that men might be saved, of effectual calling and justification by faith only, as a minister of the gospel ought by all means to do. They did not conceive him, as making proper distinctions between true and false religion, and preaching m such a manner, as had a tendency to show to hypocrites and secure sinners their danger and misery. From the manner of his preaching, especially on sacramental occasions, suspicions arose that he did not hold the real divinity of the Savior."* President Clap accused him of being an Arrainian.t Mr. Bacon says of his preaching, "that it was dry in style, dull in delivery, and at the best non-committal in respect to those ever litigated doctrines,' which are the grand objective motives of Christian piety."} The truth, so far as we can * Trumbull, II, p. 340. t Bacon's Historical Discourses, p. 233. I Bacon's Hist. Disc, p. 229. "The preaching of the pastor, the Rev. Joseph Noyes, was far from being of a popular character ; and besides it was thought to be of doubtful orthodoxy." See sketch of the Histoiy of Yale College, in the American Quarterly Register, by Prof. Kingsley. 3 18 now ascertain it, is, that he was dull and dry in style and manner ; that, while he professed a Calvinistic creed, he was very sparing in doctrinal discussion, and when he entered upon it, left his hearers in doubt and suspicion as to his real belief; that he was infected with the errors of that age respecting conversion, exhorting his hearers, not immediately to repent — which he believed they could not do — ^but to outward order and good works and diligent use of the means of grace, in which course of action they might gradually experience a change of heart ; addressing his hearers, not as for God or against him, and applying the searching tests of character to assist them to decide on which side they stood, but in a manner which led them to suppose, that they were in a promising condition, so long as they were regular in outward duties and religious forms ; in fine, a preacher who would not greatly disturb the ease and security of lukewarm Christians or impeni- tent sinners. As we look back to the state of that church, and of the churches throughout New England, at that period, it is manifest to us, that nothmg would have saved the churches and ministry from sinking into apostacy, except that won- derful visitation of the reviving Spirit of God, which makes the middle of the last century memorable in the annals of this country, and of the Christian church — the revival of 1740, which has generally been styled "the Great Awakening." As this revival, in connexion with the character of Mr. Noyes' ministry, was the cause of the origin of this church it would bei appropriate for me to enter somewhat at length into its nature and history. But the theme is a great one. The limits of these discourses will permit me to speak of 19 it only so far, as is necessary to elucidate the origin and distinctive character of this church.* In the year 1 735, there was a general revival of religion in Northampton, of which Mr., afterwards President Edwards, who was then the minister of that place, has given an account in his " Narrative of Surprising Conver- sions." He says, " Th^re had been, for two or three years, an increasing sobriety and seriousness on the part of the young in that place, but about the commencement of that year, a great and earnest concern about the great things of religion and the eternal world, became universal in all parts of the town, and among persons of all degrees and all ages. From day to day, for many months together, might be seen evident instances of sinners brought out of darkness into marvellous light."t This "refreshing from the presence of the Lord" was not confined to North- ampton, but was manifest in its blessed effects in many towns in Massachusetts and New Jersey, and in still more in Connecticut. Mr. Edwards mentions a revival in New Haven that year, of which he had received an account by letter from Mr. Noyes.J From 1735 to 1740, there was a declension in religion ; but the good fruits of the revival were very manifest. In the year 1740, the Rev. George Whitefield, with whose fame my hearers are familiar, came to this country the second time, having two years before visited the colony of Georgia. He preached in Philadel- phia, New York, and in many places in New Jersey, to the great admiration of listening thousands, and soon passed on to the southern colonies, where he preached for * I would refer my readers to the History of the Great Awakening, by Rev. Joseph Tracy — a very able and interesting work. t Edwards' Works, Lond. ed., p. 348. J Edwards' Works, p. 349. 20 several months, amid much excitement, and much opposi- tion from his own denomination, and with great success in the conversion of souls. Having been invited by several eminent ministers and laymen to New England, where a general revival had already commenced, he sailed from Charleston, and arrived in New England on the Sabbath, September 14th. He found the people of New England anxiously awaiting his arrival, and ready to be moved by him. He preached in Newport, where he landed, and in Bristol, and passed on to Boston. He was there received with great attention, and his preaching was to great num- bers, and with great immediate effect, and followed by a general revival in that city, hitherto unaffected in the recent awakening. Having remained in Boston over three weeks, he went on to Northampton, to visit Mr. Edwards, and the scene of the revival of 1735, and thence to New Haven, tarrying a while and preaching with great effect in various towns on the way. He arrived at this place on the 23d of October, having preached that day to thousands at Mid- dletown and Wallingford. Here he was entertained at the house of Mr. James Pierpont, who was afterwards a leader in the formation of this church. As the legislature of the colony was in session, he remained till Sabbath evening, preaching once on Friday afternoon, twice on Saturday, and twice on the Sabbath, besides expounding at his lodgings and conversing with individuals, and had the pleasure of seeing numbers daily impressed. Several min- isters waited on him, with whose pious conversation he was much refreshed. Among these was the Rev. Jedediah Mills of Ripton, " a dear man of God," says Whitefield, "who talked like one who was no novice in divine things." In one of his sermons, "he spoke very closely to the stu- dents of the dreadful ill consequences of an unconverted 21 ministry. Mills and some other ministers rejoiced in spirit." This Mr. Mills was one, as we shall see hereafter, who favored this church, and of the select council which install- ed its first pastor. Probably this visit was the commence- ment of the revival in this place. While he was here, persons were daily impressed; and four months afterwards, we hear of a " great and general awakening" in the Col- lege, which probably was in connection with a revival in the town.* Trumbull says that Connecticut was more remarkably the seat of the work, than any part of New England or of the American colonies, and that in the years 1740^1-2, it had pervaded, m a greater or less degree, every part of the colony. He mentions several "reverend gentlemen who most favored the work, while others op- posed it." But "the most zealous" of which "were the Rev. Messrs. Jedediah Mills, Benjamin Pomeroy, Eleazar Wheelock and Joseph Bellamy ;" all of whom, it is to be remarked by us, were the advisers of this church, preached to it, and were of the council which installed its first pastor. The preaching of Whitefield and these men, insisted chiefly on those great doctrines, on which Mr. Noyes was either non-committal or pointless or en-oneous : especially the doctrines of human depravity; of the necessity of re- generation by the Spirit of God, in order to be in heart or works acceptable to God ; of the obligations of sinners to repent at once, pressing into the kingdom of God; and their abominable character and conduct in the sight of God, and their dreadful danger, while impenitent. The differ- ence between their doctrines and preaching and Mr. Noyes', must have been seen and painfully felt by those who were zealous in religion. It is no wonder, that * The materials for this sketch of Whitefield's visit, I find in Tracy's " Great Awakening," and in Trumbull — principally in the former. 22 Christians in a reviral, who had heard Whitefield and those whom I have mentioned, some of whom were better preachers, in some respects, than Whitefield^* with their hearts full of desire for the conversion of sinners, should have considered preaching so poorly adapted to that end as Mr. Noyes' "unprofitable," and wished and determined to seek for themselves, that of a different character. It is probable, also, that Mr. Noyes manifested some of that opposition to the revival and to its zealous promoters, which he exhibited very strongly two years afterwards, when he joined with the ministers of the New Haven As- sociation in thanking the legislature for their persecuting laws against the friends of the revival, and still later, in voting to exclude Whitefield from the pulpits of Connec- ticut, as he did from his own pulpit.t There can be no doubt, that from the time of Whitefield's first visit to this place, if not long before, there was a dissatisfaction with Mr. Noyes, which only needed a favorable opportunity to manifest itself. Such. an opportunity soon occurred. In September, 1741, about a year after Whitefield's visit, there came to this place Rev. James Davenport. He was one of the imitators of Whitefield, and like all imitators, especially of such men, more successful in copying his faults than his excellencies. Previous to 1740, he had been esteemed a pious, sound, and faithful minister. But * Their preaching was better than Whitefield's for the purposes of instruction — in clear, discriminating and correct views of divine truth • but far inferior for the purposes of popular impression — in fervor of feeling and in attractive and powerful oratory': in which probably, he has never been surpassed. t Indeed, Trumbull says, in accounting for the separation, that Mr. Noyes " appeared wholly unfriendly to the religious awakening and concern in the country, and to the zealous and experimental preachers by whom it was promoted." Vol. II, p. 340. 23 being constitutionally liable to enthusiastic impulses, and affected, as it afterwards appeared, by a disease which in- creases excitability and exposes to insanity under exciting causes, his mind lost its balance, and he commenced an itinerating career through the churches, of extravagance and confusion. His enthusiasm, and that kind of elo-' quence which usually accompanies enthusiasm, his repu- tation for piety, and his great apparent consecration to and communion with God, gave him great power over excita- ble and zealous mifids. "He gave," says Trumbull, "an unrestrained liberty to noise and outcry, both of distress and joy, in time of divine service. He promoted both with all his might, raising his voice to the highest pitch, together with the most violent agitations of body. With his un- natural and violent agitations of body, he united a strange singing tone, which mightily tended to raise the feelings of weak and undiscerning people, and consequently to heighten the confusion among the passionate of his hear- ers. It was his manner, when a number had cried out, and there had been great agitations of body, to pronounce them tokens of divine favor, and what was still worse, he would declare those who were the subjects of those out- cries and agitations, to be converted, or that they had come to Christ. He was further the great encourager, if not the first setter up, of public exhorters, not restricting them according to the gospel rule of brotherly exhortation, but encouraging any who were reputed to be lively, zeal- ous Christians, to exhort publicly, in full assemblies, and with ministerial assurance and authority, though altogether raw and unskillful in the word of righteousness."* In July, 1741, he left his pastoral charge in Southold, Long Island, and came to Stonmgton, where he preached with * Vol. II, p. 160. 24 "great success, one hundred being awakened, as was thought, under his first sermon. He passed through, many towns in the eastern and southern part of Conmec- ticut, preaching with great effect and confusion, and freely examining his brethren in the ministry, and publicly con- demning those who did not manifest^ in his view, right doctrinal opinions and sufficient zeal in the revival, as unconverted men. He arrived at New Haven about the beginning of September. Here, on account of his descent from the venerated founder of the first church. Rev. John Davenport, and his alliance, through his mother, who was a native of New Haven, with several prominent families, and his reputation for uncommon sanctity and usefulness, he was favorably received, and for a time admitted to Mr. Noyes' pulpit. Very soon, however, displeased with Mr. Noyes' ways of thinking and acting with reference to the revival, he began to denounce him, in conversation and public prayer, as an unconverted man, a wolf in sheep's clothing, and a destroyer of souls. Mr. Noyes therefore had a meeting of his friends at his house on the Lord's day, the 21st of September, and desired Mr. Davenport to give the reasons for his abuse of him. Mr. Davenport in reply gave several reasons, which were most of them very frivolous, and none of them any proof against Mr. Noyes' piety. Neither Mr. Noyes nor Mr. Davenport were satisfied, and Mr. Davenport beginning to pray for Mr. Noyes, and Mr. Noyes forbidding him, the meetuig broke up in confusion.* After this, Mr. Noyes forbade him admission to his pulpit, and we hear no more of Mr. Davenport in New Haven. From this time, doubt- less, there began to be an organized opposition to Mr. Noyes, and parties began to be formed, and to run * F6r an account of this meeting, see Bacon's Hist. Disc. p. 214. 25 high, which probably then, and certainly ere long, took the forms, the one of hostility and the other of friendship, to the^evival, and the names of New and Old Lights ; Mr. Noyes and his friends on the one side, and his opposers and their adherents on the other. At the next society's meetbg, which was on the 28th of December, about three months after Mr. Davenport's visit, the petition for a division of the society was pre- sented, which I read in the beginnmg of this discourse. That Mr. Davenport was not the cause of this division, but that it lay farther back in dissatisfaction with the un- profitable character of Mr. Noyes' ministry — a dissatis- faction excited perhaps, certainly strengthened, by the evangelical and awakening preaching, and the stirring scenes, of the revival, is very evident from the preceding narrative. That a man, whose course was such as that of Davenport, should have been the occasion, or afforded the opportunity, of organizing that dissatisfaction, was un- fortunate for the founders of this church. They were called for a time " Mr. Davenport's party," and some of his ill reputation, perhaps even now in some minds, ad- heres to them. We should however consider, that, till within two or three months before Mr. Davenport came to New Haven, he had been known only as an able and judicious and highly useful minister ; that Whitefield, whom he had seen, greatly admired, and now imitated, had himself freely denounced ministers who did not come up to what he deemed the right standard of doctrme and zeal and measures, as unconverted men, made the dreadful consequences of "an unconverted ministry" a a frequent theme of public discourse, and was known to give heed to religious impulses, and to value, highly "outcries and bodily agitations;" and that Davenport 4 26 came hither with the highest recommendations from those whom zealous Christians honored as the most able pro- moters of the revival. " Whitefield had publicly eutegized him," says one of Davenport's apologists,* " and had de- clared in -conversation, that he never knew one keep so close a walk with God as Mr. Davenport. Mr. Tennent (one of the revered names of that memorable period) affirmed Mr. Davenport to be one of the most heavenly men he was ever acquainted with. Mr. Pomeroy, who is well acquainted with both, thinks he doth not come one whit behind Mr. Whitefield, but rather goes beyond him for heavenly communion and fellowship with the Father and with his son Jesus Christ. Mr, Parsons of Lyme, and Mr. Owen of Groton, (worthies of that day,) very highly commend him for holiness. In brief, there is not one minister in all Connecticut, that is zealously affected in the good cause of God at this day, but instead of slighting him is apt to think more highly of him than we ought to think of men, and to receive him almost as if he was an angel from heaven." — " This," says another,! " is the statement of an honest partizan, so far as a partizan can be honest ; not false, but too highly colored. Dav- enport had undoubtedly produced wonderful effects, and collected a large tribute of veneration." We should re- member also that many ministers, at that day, who were esteemed very judicious friends of the revival, approved and rejoiced in " outcries and bodily agitations." Jona- than Edwards, than whose authority none was then, or is now greater, said, "when I see them (outcries and * Rev. Andrew Croswell of Boston, in a pamphlet published July 16th, 1742. t Tracy's Great Awakening, from which, with some abbreviation, I quote the above testimony. 27 bodily agitations) excited by preaching- the important truths of God's word, I do not scruple to speak of them, and rejoice in them, and to bless God for them, as prob- able tokens of God's presence and the success of preach- ing. I confess that when I see a great crying out in a congregation, in the manner that I have seen it when those things are held forth to them, which are worthy of their being greatly affected by, I rejoice in it more than in an appearance of solemn attention, and a show of af- fection by weepiag ; and that, because when there have been those outcries I have found from time to time a greater and much more ejtcellent effect. To rejoice that the work of God is carried on calmly, is in effect to re- joice that it is carried on with less power, or that there is not so much of the influence of God's Spirit."* Con- sidering these things, we shall not wonder that the early founders of this church were influenced by Davenport, or deem them deserving of severe censure, especially, as it appears, tliat they did not approve of his extreme measures. The writerf who is chiefly relied on for the account of his conduct in New Haven, and who certainly had strong prejudices against the friends of the revival, says, " that few or none of his greatest admirers underr take peremptorily to justify these things ; but they have conceived such an extraordinary opinion of his holiness and success, as that they seem to suppose, that he has some extraordinary assistance, or commission to do that which may not be done by any other man." I have now endeavored with fairness, to set before you the means of judging of the motives and conduct , * Thoughts on the Revival, p, 394. Lend, edition, t Dr. Chauncey of Boston. 28 of the thirty eight men, who 'petitioned the society, in very respectful and proper language, for permission to draw off and form a distinct society by themselves. Re- specting this petition, the present pastor of the First Church well remarks: "To uS at this day, it seems per- fectly obvious, that the only wise or reasonable course in regard to such a memorial, and indeed the only course consistent with the principles of religious freedom, was either to take such measures as might conciliate the pe- titioners, and overcome their prejudices, or if that seemed impracticable, to grant them their request at once."* The society however acted otherwise. Their record says, "A question beings proposed to the society, whether they would do any thing with respect to the above memorial, it was resolved in the negative." The petitioners since they had, before the presentation of this memorial, had repeated conversations with Mr. Noyes on their grievances, and after much pains to obtain satisfaction, had been unable to obtain any, either in private conversation, or by his preaching in public, drew articles of charge or grievance, and presented them to Mr. Noyes, desiring that they might be communicated to the church and society, and soliciting a mutual council (i. e. a council chosen mutually by the parties) to hear and give advice in their difficulties.f Mr. Noyes told them that the church, having adopted the Saybrook Platform, belonged to the Consociation, and could have no council but the Consocia- tion of the ministers of the county and delegates from their churches. The ministers and churches of the county were almost all opposed to the revival, and of course it was supposed that they would be inclined to favor Mr, Noyes, * Bacon's Hist. Disc, p. 218. + TrumbuU, II, p. 340. 29 rather than his opposers. For this reason,* doubtless, the complainants did not wish to go to the Consociation, whose decision at that time, was considered judicial and fined. For the same reason, doubtless, Mr. Noyes wished that the case should go to the Consociation. The complain- ants declared that the church was originally independent,* had never adopted the Saybrook Platform, was still inde- pendent, and not subject to a judicial body, such as the Consociation had grown to be. The church records were referred to, and »o vote of the church adopting the Say- brook Platform could be found ; and this it was claimed, was decisive proof that the church was still independent. On the other hand, the well known facts, that the former pastor of the church, Mr. Pierpont, was a leading member of the synod that formed the Platform, and indeed the principal author of that instrument; and that the church was present by its pastor and delegate, in the council which had approved the Platform, and formed the Conso- ciation for the county; and had uniformly sent delegates from year to year to the Consociation — these facts were adduced as evidence that the church was not independent, * A consociated church, is one which is connected with the Consocia- tion, (a council composed of the pastors and messengers of the churches within certain local limits — in Connecticut within a county or half a county,) to which an appeal may be taken from its decisions, ancf which must be its council, whenever there is occasion for a'council. Whether the decisions of the Consociation ase judicial and Jinal, or only advisory, is a question, respecting which, there has been difference of opinion, and which at different periods, has been differently decided. The gen- eral opinion at the present day is that its decisions are only advisory. An independent church, is one which is not connected with, a Conso- ciation, or any standing council ; but may, whenever, according to the customs of Congregational churches, it has occasion for a council, select a council without any regard to geographical limits. 30 but consociated. The petitioners persisted in their denial, whereupon Mr. Noyes put the question to the church, whether they were consociated, and on taking the vote, excluded the petitioners from voting. Of course, it was decided that the church was consociated. The complain- ants, then, considering their grievances greatly aggravated, and declaring that Mr. Noyes and his friends, by voting in the Saybrook Platform, had "divested them of their ancient ecclesiastical privileges," and formed themselves into another church than that with which they (the complain- ants) were in covenant, drew off, affirming that they were the church on the original foundation : and proceeded to take the benefit of the Act of Toleration, which allowed persons, on qualifying themselves by taking a prescribed oath before a magistrate, to organize themselves as a religious congregation, dissenting from the established wor- ship of the colony ; though it did not free them from taxation by the society from which they dissented.* They then professed their desires to have their grievances heard * That Act was passed May, 1708, and is as follows : > " An Act for the ease of such as soberly dissent from the way of wor- ship and ministry, established by the laws of this government. " It is enacted and ordained by the Governor, Council and Representa- tives, in General Court assembled, and by the authority of the same, for the ease of such as soberly dissent from the way of worship and ministry established by the ancient laws of this Government, and still continuing, that if any such persons shall at the County Court of that County they belong to, qualifie themselves according to an Act made in the first year of the late King William and Queen Mary, granting liberty of worshippmg God, in a way separate from that which is by law established, they shall enjoy the same liberty and privilege in any place within this colony, without any let, hindrance and molestation whatever. " Provided always, that nothing herein, shall be construed to the pre- judice of the rights and privileges of the churches by law established in 31 by a mutual councD, i. e. a council mutually agreed on by the parties. But Mr. Noyes would not consent. They therefore called a council of their own, consisting of Rev. Messrs. Samuel Cooke, John Graham, Elisha Kent, and Joseph Bellamy, from the eastern district of Fairfield county. These ministers met in New Haven on the 5th day of May, 1742, at the house of Mr. Samuel Cooke. They took into consideration the request of brethren James Pierpont, Capt. James Talmadge and Lieut. Jos. Mix, ^ ♦ this Government, or to the excusing any person from paying any such minister, or town dues, as are now, or shall hereafter be due from them." Acts and Laws of his Majesty's Colony of Connecticut in New England. New London edition, 1715, p. 134. The Act of Parliament, to which reference is made in this colonial Act, and on which this colonial Act is founded, is thus spoken of by Blackstone : " The penalties (for dissenting from the wbrship of the church of England) are all of them suspended by the statute 1st of Wm. & Mary, Stat. I, Ch. 18, for exempting their Majesties' protestant sub- jects, dissenting from the church of England, from the penalties of certain laws," commonly called the Toleration Act ; which exempts all dissenters (except papists and such as deny the Trinity) from all penal laws relating to religion, pj-ovided they take the oaths of allegiance and supremacy (or make a similar affirmation, being Qualcers) and subscribe the declaration against popery, and repair to some congregation regis- tered in the Bishop's Court or at the Sessions, the doors whereof must be always open : and dissenting teachers are also to subscribe the thirty- nine articles, except those relating to church government and infant baptism. Thus are all persons who will approve themselves no papists or oppugners of the Trinity, left at full liberty to act as their conscience shall direct them in the matter of religious worship. But by Statute 5, Geo. I, Ch. 4, no mayor or principal magistrate, must appear at any dissenting meeting with the ensigns of his office, on pain of disability to hold that, or any other office : the legislature judging it a matter of pro- priety, that a mode of worship set up in opposition to the national, when allowed to be exercised m peace, should be exercised also with decency, gratitude and humility." ' Blackstone, Comm. Book IV, Chap. 4. ' 32 asking advice as to their ecclesiastical difficulties, and having searched the records of the church, and deliberated on the questions presented to them, drew up the result to which they arrived, in the form of resolutions;* the amount of which is, that since Mr. Noyes and his friends had, by secluding the complainants, and voting in a conformity with the Saybrook Platform, divested the complainants of their ancient ecclesiastical liberties and privileges, and thus really formed another church, they (the council) would proceed on the next day, publicly and solemnly, not to set apart the complainants as a second church, but to re-estab- lish them as the original church on the original foundation. "Accordingly," here I quote substantially from the church records, "the next day was attended as a day of solemn fasting and prayer. Two sermons were delivered ; one in the forenoon by Mr. Graham, and the other in the afternoon by Mr. Bellamy. At the same time, eighteen brethren and twenty-five sisters, forty-three in the whole,t subscribed the confession of faith and church covenant,! which had been used in the ancient church of New Haven, from the * See Chh. Eecords. t Their names are as follows : — Brethren. Samuel Thompson, James Pierpont, Gideon Andrews, James Talmadge, Nathaniel Sherman, Caleb Bradley, Joseph Burroughs, Hezekiah Beecher, Stephen Johnson, Phil- ip Rexford, Zuriel Kimberly, Joseph Mix jun., Samuel Horton, Stephen Austin, Enos Ailing, David Punderson, Joseph Mix,, Timothy Mix. Sisters. Margaret Mansfield, Sarah Pierpont, HannahTalmadge, Mary Thompson, Anna Eexford, Susannah Cook, Lydia Burroughs, Rebecca Sherman, ^Esther Sherman, Thankful Bradley, Phebe Andrews, Aniia Mix, Damaris Mix, Ruth Mansfield, Thankful Punderson, Mary Mix, Hannah Tuttle, Anna Jones, Elizabeth Dorman, Syble Gilbert, Abigail Horton, Dorothy Tuttle, Sarah Horton, Mary English, Abigail Munson. I See a copy of this confession of faith and church covenant in the Appendix. 33 beginning; and on their being distinctly read, publicly and expressly gave their assent and consent to them. They also publicly declared and covenanted, in the following manner, namely : Whereas, in addition to other grievances too tedious and unnecessary here to enumerate, of which we would not willingly perpetuate the memory, a consid- erable part of the First Church in New Haven have lately, (viz. on the 25th of January last,) under the conduct of their present pastor, voted a conformity to the Saybrook Platform, and in consequence of it, (to show more plainly the design of said vote,) at the same time, by their vote, carried to the standing Consociation of this county a com- plaint against sundry members of said church, thereby owning a judicial and decisive authority in the said stated Consociation, contrary to the known fundamental principle and practice of said church, time out of mind, which has always denied any judicial or decisive authority under Christ, vested in any particular persons or class, over any particular Congregational church, confederated as this ; We the subscribers, members of said church, firmly ad- hering to the Congregational principles and privileges on which the said church was founded, and hath stood un- shaken from the beginning, through successive generations, until the 26th day of January last, being by the said inno- vations hereunto necessitated, apprehend ourselves called of God, in company, to vindicate our ancient rightful powers and privileges, and to put ourselves into a proper capacity for the enjoyment thereof, upon the ancient footing : And for that purpose, do now, under the conduct of Divine Providence, humbly sought, by fastmg and prayer, assume a church state of the gospel, on the ancient basis of that church, whereof we stood members in fact, as well as of right, until the unhappy period above mentioned, wherein 5 34 the pastor and a number of the brethren with hinij'^went off from the ancient foundation as aforesaid. ■-■■-.' > "And we with all affection, invite others, the members of said church, who do or may see just cause of grievance at said innovations, to join with us in asserting our ancient rightful powers and privileges broken in upon. • "We solemnly declare our belief in the Christian religion, as contained in the sacred Scriptures, and with such a view thereof, as the confession of faith hath exhibited, which is hereunto annexed, fully agreeing, in substance, with the confession of faith owned by said church, time out of mind; heartily resolvmg to conform our lives unto the rule thereof, that holy reUgion, as long as we. live in this world. We solemnly renew a religious dedication of ourselves to the Lord Jehovah, who is the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit; and avouch him this' day to be our God, our Father, our Savior, our Leader, and receive Him as our portion forever. We give up ourselves anew to the blessed Jesus, who is the Lord Jehovah, and adhere to Him, as the head of his people in the covenant of grace, and rely on Him as our prophet, priest, and king, to bring us unto eternal blessedness. We renewedly acknowledge our everlasting and indispensable obligations to glorify our God, in all the duties of a godly, sober, and righteous life; and very par- ticularly in the duties of a church state, as a body of people associated for an obedience to Him, in all ordinances of the gospel; and we therefore depend on His gracious assistance, for our faithful discharge of the , duties thus incumbent on us. We desire and intend,, and with de- pendence on His promised and powerful grace, we engage anew to walk together as a church of our Lord Jesus Christ, in the faith and order of the gospel, so far as we shall have the same revealed unto ug, conscientiously 35 attending the public worship of God, the sacraments of the New Testament, the disciplme of His kingdom, and all His holy institutions in common with one another, and watch- fully avoiding sinful stumbling-blocks and contentions, as becometh a people, whom the Lord hath bound up together m the bundle of life. At the same time, we do also present our offspring with us unto the Lord, purposing with His help, to do our part in the methods of religious education, that they may be the Lord's. And all this we do, flying to the blood of the everlasting covenant for the pardon of our many errors, praying that the glorious I,ord, who is the great Shepherd, would prepare and strengthen us for every good work, to do His will, working in us that which will be well pleasing to Him, to whom be glory, for ever and ever. Amen." ' None, I think, can fail to notice the solemnity, the deep, fervent and evangelical piety, and entire consecration to God, which breathe through this covenant. "Upon these solemn transactions, the Rev. Mr. Cooke, in his own name, and in the name of the ministers and churches composing the council, owned them as a true church of Christ, and declared his readmess, on the desire of said church, to assist them as such." Thus my brethren was this church organized, or, as its first members claimed, re-established. After the lapse of a hundred years we can look at this separation impartially ; and thus looking, two things are to us very obvious. 1. That the ostensible cause of separation, professed in the result of the council, was not the real one, viz. that the church had voted a conformity with the Say- brook Platform. The dissatisfied party had petitioned for hberty to withdraw, and form a distinct society, on 36 the ground of the unprofitableness to them of Mr. JVoyes' preaching and his difference from them in faith. Besides, it is quite evident, that the church was conformed to the Saybrook Platform. True, there is no record of any vote to that effect. But, considering the imperfection of the records, that fact is not proof to the contrary. On the other hand, the former pastor of the church, Mr. Pierpont, viras the principal author, and warmly in favor of the Platform. The church was represented by its pastor and delegate in the council, which recommended that instrument, and formed the Consociation for this county. The church had uniformly acted as a conso- ciated church, by sending delegates to the Consociation. These facts to an impartial mind are sufficient evidence, that the church had adopted the Saybrook Platform. In denying this, and asserting the contrary, the first foun- ders of this church and their council were undoubtedly mistaken. From the first however there had been two constructions of the Platform, as to the power of the Con- sociation. One, the strict or Presbyterian construction, affirmed, that the Consociation (which was a standing council of ministers and delegates from the churches in a county) was a judicial tribunal, to which all church difficulties might be carried, and from which there was no appeal. The other, the liberal or Congregational con- struction, was, that the Consociation was an advisory body, merely, whose results were binding only by the moral influence of a wise and dignified body.* The * " The first Consociation of this county, convened at Branford, April, 1709, (a few months after the Saybrook agreement, at which were present some of the compilers of the articles of discipline,) on the request of some churches present, declared it as their sense, that the articles were no more than a recognition of the obligations which 37 former, or strict construction, had, in the time of Mr. Noyes, become established in the Consociation of New Haven county. Of this fact, that such was the construc- tion of the power of the Consociation, the members of the church opposed to Mr. Noyes probably had not been distinctly aware ; at least, they had not been distinctly aware of the edge of this construction. They had had no difficulties to settle, and therefore no occasion to know much about Consociation. For a long time, they had been at peace, iind moreover asleep ; and now when they had a difficulty to settle by the Consociation, they awoke, to find that their Congregational liberty had vanished in a construction, and that they were under the power of a stated council, as strict and arbitrary as a presbytery. Still, I must have more confidence m human nature, even when renewed, than I have, did I not believe, that, if the ministers of this Consociation had been m, favor of the revival, and sympathizing Avith the friends of the revival in this place, instead, of being, as they almost all were, opposed to the revival, and therefore in sympathy, not with them, but with Mr. Noyes, they (the first foun- ders of this church) never would have thought of de- nying either the conformity of the church to the Plat- form, or the strict construction of the Platform. Parties, and even religious parties, are apt to be in favor of a strong government when it is on their side, and opposed to it, when against their side. And those, who find ar- bitrary power bearing hard on themselves, are they, who the gospel of Christ brings distinct societies of Christians under, to afford each other mutual advice and assistance when desired. Till this explanation was made by the ministers, the delegates from the churches would not consent to receive the Platform." Dr. Dana's Cen- tury Discourse. 38 are the first to oppose it. This, by the way, is an instruc- tive lesson to men, both in church and statBj as to the usefulness of minorities. If the first founders of this church had said, that a con- struction of the Platform had grown into power and prev- alence, which made their form of government widely diflfer- ent from that which they supposed they were under, they would have stated the truth ; and this would have been a valid ground of complaint, though not perhaps oi separation. But to put the cause of their separation, as they did, on the ground that the church had voted in a mode of government to which it had never conformed, was to place their cause on ground which was not accordant with fact, and there- fore indefensible. For the council of ministers to have declared the imperfections of Mr. Noyes' ministry a suffi- cient cause of separation, powerful as was the influence of Mr. Noyes and his friends in the town and county, would have been a proceeding very irritating and unpopular. Under the pressure of this reason, probably, they chose to place the matter (correctly, as they doubtless thought) on a different ground. Of the act of Mr. Noyes in excluding his opposers from the vote, on the question whether the church was con- formed to the Saybrook Platform, I need not speak. It speaks for itself. Probably he considered them a party in the case. But on that question no one was on trial. If his opposers were a party in a case, which was to be affected by the decision of that question, so were his friends. And so was he,' who exercised the important power of excluding them in a body from the vote. 2. It is equally obvious, that the real cause of the separation, was love for the distinguishing doctrines of the gospel, particularly the doctrmes of human depravity, the 39 necessity of regeneration by the Spirit of God, and jus- tification by faith ; love for plain, earnest, and pungent preaching of those and kindred doctrines ; and love for the revival of religion.* Such was not Mr. Noyes' preaching. He was opposed to the revival and the ex- perimental preachers by whom it was promoted ; and his church were fast uniting with him in that opposition. The first members of this church felt bound, therefore, peaceably and in charity, as they say, to withdraw, and form a distinct society, that they might put themselves un- der better advantages to worship God and secure their own spiritual edification. And who is there at this day, who will not say that they did essentially right 7 Doubt- * That I am right in this and the preceding remark will appear from the following extract from the church records. Feb. 20, 1758. Voted and agreed. That the platform of church discipline, agreed upon by a synod met at Cambridge, 1648, (i. e. the platform on which the independent churches stand,) as it has been the discipline made use of in this church, be still used as the rule of our discipline ; notwithstanding we are fully of opinion, that different sen- timents, about the conveniency or expediency of such circumstantial forms and modes of discipline, where the Essentials of it are pre- served, and the great doctrines of the gospel and vital piety are main- tained, constitute no just cause of separation, or breach of union in Worship, Ordinances, or Administrations, and we do declare, that if any of us should be called by Divine Providence to settle in any Church under an Association or Presbytery, where all the great doctrines of the gospel, were plainly, powerfully, and generally preached, and vital piety maintained, we should make no division, separation, or difficulty, on account of any circumstantials of discipline ; and we freely de- clare, that the great and principal design which we have had in view in all the transactions peculiar to our Society, has been, and still is, to preserve and maintain the great doctrines of the gospel, and to have them plainly and powerfully preached to, and entertained by us, and our posterity to the latest generation. Passed unanimously in the affirmative. 40 less they committed errors and extravagances, as did many good men under the preaching of Davenport, and even under that of Whitefield. But they were right in the position which, in the face of great difficulties, and opposi- tion, and burdens, and self-denial, they took and maintamed; and they deserve and will receive the liianks of later gen- erations, who understand better than did that generation, the ways of God's Spirit. They were, in this place, the friends of the revival ; and that, when the ancient church and its pastor, and the faculty and corporation of the col- lege, indeed almost all the influence and power of the place, together with the strong political and ecclesiastical government of the county and colony, were strenuously opposed to that revival. They went hand in hand, as our records show, with Bellamy, and Pomeroy, and Wheelock, and Mills, and others, whose names are embalmed in the history of that wonderful " refreshing from the presence of the Lord," and will ever be fragrant among the churches of Connecticut : and, God being on their side. He that was for them being greater than those who were against them, they ultimately triumphed. The foundations of this church, my brethren, are love of evangelical doctrine, of ecclesiastical liberty, of revivals of religion. Such ever be its superstructure. SERMON II. HISTORY OF THE CHURCH FROM ITS FORMATION TO THE PRESENT TIME. Psalm Ixxvii, 11, 12, 13. — I will remember the works of the Lord; surely I will reigember thy wonders of old. I will meditate also of all thy works, and talk of thy doings. Thy way, O God, is in the sanctuary. In a previous discourse, I have given an account of the origin of this church, and of the peculiarities of the times in which it had its origin, so far only as seemed necessary to elucidate the distinctive character of itself and its founders. The council which formed or re-established the church, left Mr. Graham, one of their number, to preach to them for a time, and advised them to apply to a convention of ministers, who were expected to meet at Wethersfield the next week, for advice as to some suitable person to be improved by them as a preacher. They accordingly applied to this convention, and were advised to the Rev. Mr. Wheelock,* of Lebanon, an able, judicious, and elo- quent friend of the revival, as a suitable person to assist • Dr. Trumbull in his history thus characterizes Mr. Wheelock : " Mr., afterwards Doctor and President, Wheelock, was a gentleman of a comely figure, of a mild and winning aspect, his voice smooth and harmonious, the best, by far, that I ever heard. He had the entire command of it. His gesture was natural but not redundant. His preaching and addresses were close and pungent, and yet winning be- 6 42 them in their ministerial affairs. Upon this advice, on the 17th of May, by Mr, James Pierpont, their messen- ger, they requested Mr. Wheelock to make them a visit, and employ his m,inisterial labors among them for a time, and vi^ith some aspect to a future fixed improvement there, if Providence should open the v»,y for it. In com- pliance with this request, Mr. Wheelock came on the 3d of June, and continued with them about a month, preach- ing, presidmg in their . meetings, and admitting mem- bers to full communion. But, as he was peaceably set- tled in an important place, and greatly esteemed and beloved by his people, and highly useful in the east- ern part of the State, he thought it his duty to remam there.* At this time, about two months from the formation of the church, such additions had been made to it, that the number of its members was between seventy and eighty. After Mr. Wheelock's departure, the church mvited Mr. Graham and Mr. Bellamyt to preach to them by turns. yond almost all comparison, so that his audience would be melted even into tears before they were aware of it." Vol. II, p. 158. Dr. Whee- lock was the founder and first president of Dartmouth College. * Church records, and Trumbull, Vol. II, p. 344. + Dr. Trumbull thus gives the character of Mr. Bellamy as a preacher : "Mr., afterwards Dr. Bellamy, was a large and well built man, of a commanding appearance ; had a smooth strong voice and could fill the largest house without any unnatural elevation. He possessed a truly great mind, generally preached without notes, had some point of doc- trine commonly to establish, and would keep close to his point untilfce had sufficiently illustrated it ; and then in an ingenious, close, and pun- gent manner, he would make the application. When he felt well, and was animated by a large and attentive audience, he would preach in- comparably. Though he paid little attention to language, yet when he became warm and was filled with his subject, he would from the native 43 At the outset, and for many years, the church had to struggle with great difficulties. The act of toleration, of which they had availed themselves, only gave them the liberty of worshiping by themselves. It did not exempt them from taxation for the support of Mr. Noyes. So that their pecuniary burden was great. This, however, was slight, compared with the violent opposition which they met from the opposers of the revival, the Old Lights, as they were called. These were very numerous, and powerful, in Gennecticut, embracing many of the leading ministers, and generally the magistrates and principal gendemen. They employed all their art and power to suppress the revival, and to keep all ministers from abroad, who favored it, out of the colony, and to confine all, who favored it in the colony, to their own pulpits. The Old Light party was especially strong and active in New Haven county ; and the powerful influence of the First Church and its pastor, and of the President and Corporation of the College,* and of the AsBociationf of vigor of his soul, produce the most commanding strokes of eloquence, making his audience alive. There is nothing to be found in his wri- tings, though a sound and great divine, equal to what was to be seen and heard in his preaching. His pulpit talents exceeded all his other gifts. It is difficult for any man, who never heard him, to form a just idea of the force and beauty of his preaching." Vol. II, p. 159. * Mr. Cooke was called to account before the corporation, of which he was a member, for assisting in the formation of this church, and found it expedient, such was the feeling against him, to resign his seat. College records. + Dr. Trumbull says; " Of all the ministers and churches in the colony, those of the county of New Haven, manifested the greatest opposition to the work, which was carried on in the religious revival, and adopted the nlost severe and tyrannical measures to suppress it" See Vol. II, p. 262. 44 the county, leagued with the government of the com- monwealth, was brought to bear upon this infant and feeble church.* A short time — two or three weeks — after the church was formed, the legislature of the colony, doubtless urged by ecclesiastical influence, especially from this county, passed a law, which would prevent them from employing any mmister, without the consent of the pastor and the majority of the First Society. According to that law, if any ordained or licensed preacher should preach, or ex- hort, within the limits of any parish, without the consent of the pastor and majority of that parish, if he was from without the colony, he was to be arrested, and carried out of the colony as a vagrant. If he was from within the colony, he was to be deprived of his salary, and that without any trial, simply, upon information, whether true or false, lodged by any person with the clerk of his parish. This law also provided, that if any person not licensed to preach, should exhort, within the limits of any parish, without the consent of the pastor and majority of that parish, he might for every such offense be bound to keep the peace, by any assistant or justice of the peace, in the penal sum of one hundred pounds.f For this law, the Association of New Haven county, in their meeting in September, 1742, expressed their thanks to the legislature, and prayed that it might con- tinue in force.! * See Trumbull, Vol. II, p. 344. + See this law in Trumbull, Vol. II, p. 163. X See Trumbull, Vol. II, p. 165, note. Dr. Trumbull says that this law, in part at least, had its origin in the Consociatien of New Haven county. 45 Under this law, a fiiinister, as judicious and distin- guished as Mr. Pomeroy of Hebron, was twice arraigned before the legislature of the colony, and obliged to pay costs of prosecution, and bound to keep the peace in a penal sum of fifty pounds, and deprived of his lawful salary for seven years.* Under this law. Rev. Samuel Finley, afterwards President of Princeton College, and whose name is familiar to all who have read the eloquent contrast by Dr. John Mason, between the death of David Hume and thait of Samuel Finley, was arrested, and carried out of Connecticut as a vagrant, for preaching to a seceding church in Milford.f He returned very soon, and preached to this church ; when he was again arrested, and transported as a vagrant.}: He returned, and preached again to this church ; when the legislature, on representation that he greatly disquieted and disturbed the people, passed an additional act, providing, that every person, transported under the former act, should pay the costs «f his transportationg ' and if he should return again, and offend in the same way, that it should be the duty of any assistant or justice of the peace, to bind him to peaceable behavior in the penal sum of one hundred pounds. § * Trumbull, Vol. II, p. 167, and 175. + Ibid, Vol. H, p. 177. J See the History of the Great Awakening, by Jos. Tracy, p. 307. I have been informed by one of our citizens, that he has often heard his father say, that Mr. Finley was carried out of town on Monday, and that on the previous Sabbath, he was taken, by the officer of justice to Mr. Noyes' church, and made to sit in the aisle. The object probably was to expose him as an offender against the laws, and to give him the privilege of hearing prayer and preaching, especially designed for his benefit. § See Trumbull, Vol. II, p. 174 : also Great Awakening, p. 307. 46 The Association of New Haven county also, took up the matter of Mr. Finley's preaching in Milford and New Haven, and formally resolved that no member of the Presbytery of New Brunswick (a New Light presbytery) should be admitted into any of their pulpits, till satisfac- tion had been made for Mr. Finley's preaching within their bounds.* On the 18th of the next January, as we learn from the records of the County Court, the church applied to that Court through a committee, requesting that Mr. James Sproutf a preacher, might be permitted to take oaths, and make subscription, accordihg to the Act of Toleration, in order that he might be allowed to preach to them, and was refused. This seems to have been the only attempt to have a stated ministry after the enactment of the above law, for five or six years. They knew, probably, that they should be refused the privilege of hearing any man of their choice. At the same session at which^bis extraordinary law was enacted, the Assembly advised the faculty of the College, to take all proper care to prevent the students from imbibmg any of the prevailing errors ; and that those who would not be orderly, should be expelled. Accordingly, the students were forbidden to attend the meetings of this chtirch : and it was, partly, for his once disobeying this prohibition, in order to hear Rev. Gilbert Tennent * Trumbull, II, p. 263. Great Awakening, p. 308. + This Mr. Sprout, was graduated at Yale College, in 1741, and was afterwards settled over the fourth society in Guilford, and then over a Presbyterian church in Philadelphia — a distinguished preacher and a D. D. This refusal was, as it appears to me, contrary to the Act of Toleration — illegal oppression. 47 of New Jersey, that David Brainerd was expeUed from College.* In 1743, the Assembly, "in order to suppress enthu- siasm," as was said, repealed the Act of Toleration of which the founders of this church had availed themselves when they seceded : so that thereafter, no class of men could be permitted to separate from the established churches, and worship according to the dictate of their consciences, unless leave should be granted, by special act of legislature: and moreover, it was intimated in the act of repeal, that congregationalists or presbyterians, who should apply for such leave, would meet with no indul- gence from the Assembly.! These persecuting laws, (which were by no means a dead letter,) like oil poured on the fire, increased the extravagance and error, and disorder, which had begun to alloy the blessed effects of the revival — extravagance and error and disorder, resultmg from the previous low state of religion, the prevailmg ignorance as to the distin- guishing traits of genuine and false religious experience, and from the unfortunate encouragement given by some leading friends of the revival, particularly Whitefield and * See Edwards' Life of Brainerd. t Tracy, in his History of the Great Awakening, in referring to the repeal of this Act, says — "It (the Act of Toleration) provided that such as soberly dissented from the prevailing worship and belief, might, on taking certain oaths required in the English Act of Toleration, be exempt from taxation for the support of the ministers from whom they dissented." This is a mistake — the Act exempted no one from taxation for the support of the established order of worship. It only exempted sober dissenters, on their taking the prescribed oaths, jfrom the penalties of non-conformity — permitted them to worship in their own way. They were still taxed for the support of the ministers from whom they dissented. See the Act itself, note to p. 30. 48 Edwards, to "outcries and bodily agitations" — extrava- gance and error and disorder, far surpassing any that has been witnessed in modern awakenings, and which were at length so great among a class of people called Separatists;* and so wide-spread and lasting ia their evil effects, that for a half century, sober-mmded people feared and shunned revivals, as only another name for scenes of confusion and evil. That these extravagances ever prevailed to any considerable extent, among the members of this church, I can find no evidence.! * For an account of the Separatists and their extravagances, see Trumbull, Vol. II. Some of their churches became Baptist, and yet exist : but most of them soon became extinct. They were most numer- ous in the eastern part of this State. + Chauncy in his work on the revival, gives a letter from a friend in New Haven, which speaks of " visions and trances which have befel sundry persons in this place." The letter gives an account of two young women who fell into a trance at " a conference meeting, or pri- vate fast, kept by a member of the New Light party." They were exceedingly filled with zeal, and their affections raised very high — were in some degree deprived of their bodily strength, yet able by turns to pray and speak to the unconverted. They remained thus, that night and the next day. The next evening, as they were walking the street, they were both so overpowered by something or other, that they fell down, unable to walk ; and so continued for some time, lying in the street, like persons dead or asleep. They partially recovered, and were taken into a house, and remained for about a week, " in a sort of extasie" — either lying as though in sleep, or uttering extatic expres- sions of joy, of the love of Christ, of love to Him, of concern for souls and the like ; or praying with great earnestness ; or warning and ex- horting the great numbers who came to see them — making strange declarations, as, that they had heen to Heaven, had seen the look of life, the names of many persons of their acquaintance written in it, had seen the seats of the Messed, and their own seats empty, Sj-c. §ee Chauncy, p. 128. This is the chief record to be found of extravagances among the members of this church. 49 Another embarrassment of this church, was the want of a suitable place of public worship. Their meetings, for some years, were held in the house of Mr. Timothy Jones.* Early in 1744, they began their preparations to erect a house of worship, upon the lot on the southeast comer of Elm and Church streets, having been refused permission to place it (where the house of the First Society was) on the public square. The alienation and hostility which had grown up between the two churches, and the excitement which agitated ^e community, when it was known that the new meeting house was to be raised, have no parallel in these times.f The First Society sent a committee to remonstrate against the raising of the^ house, declaring it very hurtful to their society and a public nuisance, and * This house is now standing on the northwest corner of State and Court streets. t The following facts will illustrate this remark. The father of one of the deacons of this church, was deacon of the First Church. The child of the son died. The father in a written note declined to attend the funeral, because the son belonged to the " New Light" church. After the frame of the new meeting house was prepared to be raised, the long sticks of timber were cut in two, in the night. They were replaced by others, over which the New Lights kept guard every night. The hostility between the two parties was kept alive and aggravated, by the collection, by force of law, of the tax upon the seceders for the support of Mr. Noyes. Many went to gaol rather than pay it — among others, deacon Samuel Bishop and John Mix. It is pleasant to note the contrast between the state of feeling tJien^ and now, in the two churches, toward each other. Their fellowship now, could hardly be more complete. Uniting in the service of Sab- bath evening, in sacramental lectures, and the monthly concert of prayer, and in the various benevolent operations of the day, both churches and pastors, see eye to eye, and walk together in beautiful and delightful harmony. 7 50 desiring those engaged in it forthwith to desist.* They also appointed a committee to tdie advice, and represent to the honorable General Assembly, the doings of the Sep- aratists, as the members of this church were called, (in case they did not desist,) and to prosecute them in the law, if it should be thought advisable. How long it was ere the house was so far completed, as to be ready for public worship, I have been unable to ascertain.! From the time Mr. Wheelock left the church in July, 1742, to 1761, there were no church records kept; and as no society had as yet been formed, there were of course no society records — my information is derived from other sources. So far as I can learn from these sources, the laws to which I have referred, together with the in- fluence of the magistracy of this place, and the ministry of this place and vicinity, had their designed effect on this * When the builders and their assistants were in the act of raising one side of the frame, this remonstrance was read ; the reading so diverted the attention of the men employed, that the part of the frame which they were raising, came down with a great crash : whereupon the Old Lights cried out, that the Lord was evidently against the building of the house. The frame however was raised on that same day. f This meeting house stood on the spot now occupied by the block of elegant houses owned by Mr. St. John. Its front was upon Elm street. In 1764, it was enlarged, at the expense of individuals wanting seats. An addition, sixteen feet in width, was built on the westerly side — ^the roof of the addition joining the old part at right angles. A steeple, sixteen feet square, was also built in front of the new part. By this addition, the front of the building. was changed from Elm to Church street ; and the west front was brought, by means of the steeple, out to the street. The steeple indeed encroached on the side walk. From its color it was called " the Blue Meeting House." 51 church, depriving its members of any such stated preach- ing as would be in accordance with their views. Sometime in the spring or summer of 1 746, Whitefield passed through this place, and (in accordance with a recommendation from the General Association of the state, that he be not admitted to the churches,) being excluded from Mr. Noyes' pulpit, he preached from a platform in the street, in front of Mr. James Pierpont's house, to an immense congregation on the green.* Three years after this time, in 1748, owing to the great increase of those who were judicious friends of the revival — on the one hand aoknowledgmg and rejoicing in its wide-spread blessings, the renewmg of the churches, and the conversion, as was estimated, of thirty or forty thousand souls in New England alone, and on the other hand, testifying against and restraining its extrava- gances—and owing also to that reaction, which is sure to follow persecution, in a community which enjoys any degree of freedom, the influence of the magistracy and the Assembly, was less hostile to the New Lights. Indeed the New Lights were becoming politically formi- dable. Encouraged by this state of things, this church made an attempt, the first for many years, to have a stated minister. In order, the more effectually to provide for his support, as they could not yet hope to procure an incor- poration from the legislature, they formed a society by voluntary compact; embodying themselves, by solemn deed, regularly signed, sealed and attested, as they express it, into "church state and distinct religious society * See Bacon's Hist. Disc, p. 223. 52 and congregation." This compact was signed by sixty men and one woman.* On the second Monday in March, about two weeks after the society was formed, they voted as a society, unanimously, "to invite and call the Rev. Mr. John Curtiss, to the pastoral office and work of the ministry among them, correspondent with what the church had some time before done, and also, that they would annually yield an honorable support to the Rev. Mr. John Curtiss, so long as he continued their minister, and they respect- ively continued under his ministry."! It does not appear that Mr. Curtiss was ordained as pastor of the church and society. He continued to act as pastor for about two years. All that I can learn of * The following is an extract from the compact. " We and our ad- herents having before our eyes, the glory of God, and the advancement of the kingdom of our Lord and only Savior Jesus Christ ; the reforma- tion of religion within ourselves, and our religious society to which we belong, in doctrine, worship, government and discipline, according to the will of God made manifest to us in his holy scriptures, according to the godly in former generations, and according to the laudable ex- ample of our venerable and pious progenitors ; having been embodied into church state, and distinct religious society and congregation among ourselves by mutual consent heretofore : " Now for the preservation of said religious society, by voluntary compact, and setting up and maintaining the public worship of God therein, and for the promotion of the godly ends aforesaid : We cov- enant and agree, bind, and firmly oblige ourselves, our heirs &c. to be, and continue to be one society ex pacto in all respects, and to all the good ends that the ecclesiastical societies are, by the laws of the colony enabled to act, by their vote and suffrage." For this compact in full, see Society Records. f Which honorable support, was afterwards defined to mean, .£350, old tenor, a dwelling house, forty loads of wood, and the avails of occa- sional contributions. 53 him, is, that he came from the eastern part of the state, and that he was an acceptable preacher. Of his history, after he left this place, I can learn nothing. On the 11th of March, 1751, the committee of the church, having heard that the Rev. Samuel Bird had been dismissed from the church in Dunstable, Mass., by advice of one of the council for his dismission, invited him to visit this church, which he did in the month of May following. Some time in the month of June, he was unanimohsly in- vited by the church, with the unanimous concurrence of the society, to .become their pastor. He gave them encourage- ment', that he would comply with their invitation, provided that their difficulties with the ancient church could be re- moved. Accordingly, for the removal of these difficulties, a council was called, which convened at this place in Sep- tember.* This council having considered the difficulties, said that the request for advice was reasonable; but as their number was small, consisting of the pastors and dele- gates of five churches, they advised to invite additional members, and adjourned to the 15th of October. In the mean time, the members of this church, that there might be no obstacle to reconciliation on their part, sent to Mr. Noyes and the First Church, a confession,t acknowledg- * This council consisted of Rev. Messrs. Philemon Robbins, Joseph Bellamy, Eleazar Wheelock, Samuel Hopkins, and Benjamin Pomeroy, with their churches. t This confession is as follows : — " To the Rev. Joseph Noyes, pastor of a church of Christ in New Haven. To be communicated. Reverend and beloved — We, the subscribers, who, some years since, withdrew from the public preaching of the word and ordinances in said church, for reasons which we then thought to be just, weighty, and rea- sonable, which we delivered in writing to said pastor, to be communi- cated, and which causes we do still think to be just, weighty, and rea- sonable. As to those of you who do not think as we do, we would 54 ing the informality of their secession, and condemning that informality, together with whatever of heat and bitterness of spirit had appeared in any of them, and asking forgive- ness therefor: which confession, so far as appears, received" no notice. On the 15th of October, the council convened again, consisting of the pastors and delegates of thirteen church- es. It included all those of whom Trumbull makes hon- • orable mention, as the most zealous and laborious friends of the revival, and some who are still greatly distinguished as theologians.* endeavor to entertain charitable thoughts of, notwithstanding, and desire the same candor from you ; remembering that the great God alone is lord of the conscience ; and that both you and we must stand or fall at his impartial tribunal. Nevertheless, considering the public relation we st09d in with you, our brethren, we should have exhibited to the pastor, in writing, the articles of our grievances, to be published to you, and after waiting a reasonable time, he neglecting his duty, should have complained to some neighboring church or churches for relief, before withdrawing from your fellowship and communion ; which conduct would have been our duty ; neglect whereof we do readily condemn ; together with all heat and bitterness of spirit, that has at any time appeared in any of us toward you, or any of you, as being offensive to God, and unbecoming to Christians, for which we ask your forgiveness ; begging an interest in the prayers of all God's children, that we may behave for the future, as becometh the gospel of Christ. Upon the whole, we think, that afterwards, we used all possible endeavors to bring matters to a proper issue ; but not succeeding, we thought it to be for the glory of God, the peace of our own souls, and for our edifi- cation, to be with others, a distinct society. We conclude, wishing you all needed blessings." * The council consisted of the following ministers, with delegates from their churches, viz. John Graham, Jedediah Mills, Philemon Bob- bins, Daniel Humphreys, Ebenezer White, Eleazar Wheelock, Benja- min Pomeroy, Benajah Case, Joseph Bellamy, Samuel Hopkins, James Sprout, Jonathan Lee, and John Searle. 55 The General Assembly were then in session in New Haven ; and having learned from the growing power of the New Lights, that it was expedient to favor rather than per- secute them, and seeing that the case involved the peace and welfare, not only of New Haven, but of the whole colony, sent to the ecclesiastical council a formal vote, ad- vising that the case should be heard by a mutual council. Accordingly, a committee* was appointed to wait on Mr. Noyes, to learn whether he would comply with the advice of the honorable Assembly; but Mr. Noyes, ac- cording to the account of the committee, using several evasions, and refusing to promise, the council proceeded to the examination and installation of Mr. Bird ; advising, however, that the church should always stand ready to join Mr. Noyes and his church, in calling a mutual coun- cil for the settlement of difficulties.! * Consisting of Rev. Messrs. Mills, Wheelock, and Bellamy, with several of the delegates. t For a more minute account of the transactions of the council, the church, and Mr. Noyes, see Church Records, or Trumbull, II, p. 347, or Bacon's Hist. Disc, p. 225. Mr. Bird's salary was fixed at ^700 old tenor ; the value of the pound being settled at 52 shillings to the dollar, making ^£700 equal to $250. The society also voted him i£l,000, old tenor, settlement money. They gave him, moreover, the house and lot which had been returned by Mr. Curtiss, on condition that he should pay for what had been laid out upon it after Mr. Curtiss' departure, amounting to ^1,000. This house is still standing in Elm street, and is owned by Mr. Northrop, grand-son of Mr. Bird. It appears by a vote of the society, that in 1755, old tenor had de- preciated to 72 shillings to the dollar. On the 1st of October, 1753, the following vote was passed, " That the committee for the time being, shall hereafter have power to call a meeting of this society, by sending a drum about the First Society in New Haven, to make proclamation at the corners, at the least, of the middle square, (the two greens,) that the members of the Tolerated Society in New Haven, are desired to meet," &c. 56 - Mr. Bird was bora at Dorchester in Massachusetts, March 27th, 1724; was ordained pastor of a church in Dunstable, on the Merrimack river, some time in 1748, where he continued between two and three years. He was twenty-seven years of age when he was installed over this church. His form and manner were command- ing, his voice powerful, his elocution handsome and im- pressive, his sentiments evangelical. He was of course a popular preacher ; and his settlement greatly accelerated the growth of the church and society. About four years after the installation of Mr. Bird, it was apparent that soon the members of Mr. Bird's con- gregation, who had been retained and taxed as members of the First Society, would be a majority in that society.. And the Old Lights, who had refused to let the New Lights go, so long as they could govern them, and tax them for the support of a mmister whom they did not hear, now, when the New Lights were fast becoming the stronger and governing party in the society, began to feel as though they should be very glad to get rid of them. On the other hand, the New Lights, who in the days of their weakness, petitioned for, permission to go out empty- handed, now, in the time of their approaching power, re- fused to go without an equal portion of the property both of the society and the church. In February, 1755, the society voted, "humbly to re- quest the General Assembly to disenable the dissenters and their adherents from voting in the society, or to set them off from the society." Against this request, the members of this church and their friends protested, and the request was not granted. Two years after, in January, 1757, a request was again sent to the General Assembly, to divide them mto two dis- 67 tinct societies, and in order that such division might be made according to preferences, that Uberty should be given to all the inhabitants, to enrol themselves under the gen- eral names of Mr. JVoyes' party, and Mr. Bird^s party. Immediately after sending this request, the enrolment was eiFected, and the result of it vpas, that Mr. Noyes' party numbered 111, Mr. Bird's party, 212. The request of the society was not acted upon at the May session of the Assembly, but continued tUl the ses- sion in October. -In June, there was an adjourned meet- ing of the society, at which the members of this church and their adherents, being a strong majority, began to ex- ercise their power, at the expense of the Old Lights. In that and two or three successive meetings, they withdrew the request for a division, called Mr. Bird to be the minis- ter of the First Society, appointed the meeting house of this church as the place of public worship for that society on the Sabbath, received Mr. Bird's acceptance, voted him a salary, and for reasons stated, desired Mr. Noyes to de- sist from ministerial labor, and voted to make no farther provision for his support. They also made, in the name of Mr. Bird's adherents, a proposal to the Old Lights to divide the society, on condition of a division of the prop- erty of the church and society, by arbitrators mutually chosen ; which proposal was very properly rejected, they having no just claim to the property of the chwch.* About * The proposal to divide in this* manner the property of the society ■merely, would have been entirely fair. The peculiar property of the First Church, as they had left that church, they could hot justly claim. It was not unnatural, however, for them to suppose, that a portion of the little property of the church was a small indemnity for fifteen years of unjust taxation. 8 58 a year after these proceedings, the parties mutually agreed to request a division of the society by the Assembly, and to leave all questions of difference to be decided by their wisdom. The Assembly complied with this request, making Mr. Noyes' adherents the "First Society," and Mr. Bird's adherents the "White Haven Society," and dividing the property of the original society between them equally.* The distinguished men, who assisted in forming this church, and who, for years, had a watchful eye over it, had taken strong ground, with Edwards, against the half-way covenant. They imparted their principles on this subject to this .church ; which, for the first eighteen years, permitted none to come to the Lord's supper, or to receive baptism for their children, except on profession of savmg faith. But in the records for the year 1760, I find the following: " Voted and determined, by a great majority, that the in- fants of such as own the covenant,t (being civil and moral persons,) shall be admitted to baptism." The introduction of this old and corrupt practice, laid the foundation of a future division in the society, as we shall see hereafter. In December, 1767, Mr. Bird requested a dismission, on account of his ill health. Accordingly, he was dismissed, by a council, on the 19th of January, 1768, in good and regular standing, and with the expression, by the church and society, of their " grateful sense of his great and emi- nent services." * For this Act of Assembly, and the exact terms of division, see Soc. Records. On the 7th of February, 1760, the society proceeded for- mally to settle Mr. Bird. His salary was fixed at ,£90, lawful money, and 20 cords of wood, half walnut and half oak. + For this half-way covenant, see Appendix. 59 Mr. Bird, who was at his dismission forty four years of age, continued to make New Haven the place of his residence ; preaching occasionally, and acting for a time under an appointment as chaplain in the revolutionary army. He died, at the age of sixty years, on the 3d of May, 1784, of inoculation for the small pox, and was buried at midnight.* Mr. Bird was a man of sincere and zealous piety, and, as I have already said, of commanding appearance, pow- erful voice, handsome and impressive elocution, and evan- gelical sentiments. He was not educated at college,t and was more distinguished for his popular elocution, and effective exhibition of plain doctrines and practical sub- jects, than for severe study or profound reasoning.^ This society was greatly prospered under his ministry, so that it became much the largest in the town, and was under the necessity of enlarging its house of worship, which was done in the year 1764.§ From the forma- tion of the church to the close of Mr. Bird's ministry, a * Dr. Stiles' Lit. Diary. + The only colleges in the country at the time Mr. Bird entered the ministry were Harvard, William and Mary's, and Yale, and his name does not appear on the catalogues of either of these institutions. j: Dr. Trumbull says, Vol. II, p. 350 : " Mr; Bird was a popular man, made a manly appearance, spoke well, and had a very great tal- ent, especially in speaking at the grave on funeral occasions." Dr. Stiles in his Lit. Diary, in noting his death, makes this single re- mark, " He was a man of religion." Mr. Bird married for his first wife, Mable, daughter of Hon. Jen- ner, of Charlestown, Mass., who died early, leaving one child, a son. His second wife was Sarah, daughter of John Prout, Esq., of New Haven, who had twelve children. One of these was the second wife of Deac. Levi Ives, and died in the summer of 1838. Another was the mother of Mr. K. E. Northrop of this place. § See note to p. 50. 60 space of twenty six years, two hundred and three united with the church,> of which, as nearly as I can ascertain from imperfect records, forty three were those who were constituted the church in 1742; seventy eight joined them previous to Mr. Bird's installation, and eighty two during his ministry. On the 28th of November, 1768, the society concurred with a vote of the church,* of September 16th, in calling Mr. Jonathan Edwards, who for some time had been preachmg among them, to be their pastor; which call he accepted on the 14th of the next month. Mr. Edwards was the siecond son, and ninth child of Jonathan Edwards, of Northampton, one of the brighest names, as to intellectual and moral excellence, in the history of the church. His mother was Sarah Pierpont, the daughter of Rev. James Pierpont, pastor of the First Church in New Haven, and aister of Mr. James Pier-r pont, one of the founders of this church. She is rep- resented as a most beautiful, intelligent, and accomplished lady, and (what was more important in every relation, and especially in relation to her children,) a rare example of early piety, and in after life, as a Christian and Christian mother, as near a perfect model as is often seen on earth.t * This is the true Congregational mode. In calling a minister the church acts first, votes the call, and the society concurs. In this society this order has, through inadvertence probably, been inverted. In giv- ing invitations to settle for some years past, the society has acted first and the church concurred. This is not as it should be ; and has by some councils been esteemed an error of such importance, that they have refused to ordain the individual thus called, until it was rectified;; For obvious reasons, the church should have the prominent part in call- ing a minister. t Whitefield, during his visit to New England, went to Northampton and spent two days with Mr. Edwards. He says, " he felt wonderful sat- 61 Under the care of such parents, his childhood must have been moulded by the happiest influences. When he was six years old his father removed with his family* to Stockbridge, as a missionary to the Indians, who were then almost the sole inhabitants of the place. Here he could have few advantages out of his father's family. Constantly asspciating with the Indians, he became very skillful in their language, which he retained through life. When he was in his tenth year, his father sent him, on what was then a 4nost difficult and dangerous journey, to the Six Nations, that he might learn their language, and be qualified for a missionary to them. There he re- mained about a year, till by the dangers of the French war, he was obliged to return, which he did in the depth of winter. The endurance of these early hard- ships evinces great courage and fortitude in one so young, and had, doubtless, an important influence in the forma- tion of his character. In January, 1758, his father removed to Princeton, having been appointed President of the College in that place. During the next nine months, both his parents isfaction in being at the house of Mr. Edwards. He is a son himself, and hath also a daughter of Abraham for his wife. A sweeter couple I have not yet seen. Their children were dressed, not in silks and satins, but plain, as becomes the children of those who in all things ought to be examples of Christian simplicity. She is a woman adorned with a meek and quiet spirit, and talked so feelingly and solidly of the things of God, and seemed to be such a help-meet to her husband, that she caused me to renew those prayers which for some months I have put up to God, that he would send me a daughter of Abraham to be my wife. I find upon many accounts, it is my duty to marry. Lord, I de- sire to have no choice of my own. Thou knowest my circumstances." Tracy, from whose " Great Awakening" I quote this, adds, " He had not yet learned, if he ever did, that God is not pleased to make such ' sweet couples' out of persons who have no choice of their own." 62 were removed by death, the father in March, the mother in October. Thus, at the age of twelve, were his earthly prospects clouded by affliction and poverty. But with that firmness and perseverance which had been formed by early hardship, he determined to go forward in ob- taining a liberal education.' Aided somewhat by family friends, he entered Princeton College, and was gradua- ted in September, 1765, at the age of twenty years. It was during his college course, and in a time of general awakening in Princeton, in the summer of 1 763, that he was deeply impressed with a sense of his lost condition as a sinner, and his need of salvation through a crucified Redeemer, and obtained hope of reconciliation to God through Jesus Christ. His diary at this time evinces the thoroughness and heartiness of his consecra- tion to God's service. He was awakened, and through divine grace brought to repentance, under the impressive preaching of the Rev. Dr. Finley — the same man who was carried out of the colony of Connecticut as a va- grant, for preaching to this church. Soon after leaving college, Mr. Edwards commenced the study of divinity with Rev. Dr. Bellamy, the friend and correspondent of his father, and whose name has been brought to your notice in connexion with the origin and difficulties of this church. In about a year, he was licensed to preach by the Litchfield Association, and soon was appointed a tutor in Princeton College. A few months after taking that station, he was ap- pointed professor of languages and logic in the same institution, which appointment he declined. One who knew him well,* speaking of this period of his life, says : * Rev. Dr. Yates, Professor in Union College during the presidency of Dr. Edwards. 63 "The name of Jonathan Edwards was associated with great literary and religious attainments in the estimation of those who in his day had been connected with the college in New Jersey." He was a tutor at Princeton for two years. During this time he occasionally preached in his vacations to this society, and, after Mr. Bird's dismission, was employed to supply the pulpit, till he was invited to assume the pastoral office. Mr. Edwards, in common with his father, and with those who in that day were called " New Divinity men," was strenuously opposed to the half-way covenant, and probably made its renunciation by the church a condi- tion of his acceptance of their call. It appears from the church records, that after their presentation, and before his acceptance, of their call, the church voted to abolish the half-way covenant practice. On this account, princi- pally, and, partly, on account of dissatisfaction at the dismissal of Mr. Bird,* a protest against Mr. Edwards' ordination was sent in to the council which met for the purpose of inducting him mto office, signed by sixty eight persons. The council, however, after serious de- liberation, proceeded to ordain him on the next day, the 5th of January, 1769.t In these days, to settle a pastor * Though the only reason given by Mr. Bird for requesting a dis- mission was his ill health, yet it is evident that a considerable part of the society desired his dimission independently of that reason. It is also evident, that a part of the society wished his continuance, and were dissatisfied at his dismission. t The salary agreed on at Mr. E.'s settlement was ,£100 lawful money, the use of a dwelling house, and a supply of fire wood. The society purchased for his use the house ncm owned and occupied by Judge Baldwin, in Church street, between Wm and Wall streets. Af- 64 in the face of so large a minority, would be considered a most hazardous and unwise experiment. Probably it would have been so considered then, in ordinary cir- cumstances. But Mr. Edwards was considered by the members of the council, a man of uncommon talents and promise, and they hoped therefore that when once set- tled, he would unite the congregation. But they did not fully understand independent Congregationalists, who had already taken one lesson in the art of secession. During the next eight months, several attempts at re- conciliation,* were made by the parties. The opposition were told to try for a colleague. They proposed Mr. Bird, but Mr. Edwards' friends would not accept this proposal. After hearing Mr. Edwards a few Sabbaths, the opposition were still more dissatisfied, and the two parties appointed committees of conference. The committee of the opposi- tion, proposed Mr. Fish (of Stonington) as colleague. The committee of Mr. Edwards' adherents, refused to accept this proposal, unless Mr. Fish would agree to preach the same doctrines with Mr. Edwards, and they would bind themselves to be content with Mr. Edwards half the time. Nothing, therefore, was accomplished by the conference; and the next month, September 4th, 1769, the opposition at a full meeting, resolved unanimously, to "go off and worship by themselves." They met in the State House, until their new meeting house was finished : which was in December of the following year, about eighteen months after their decision to secede. terwards, in 1783, the society conveyed the absolute property of the house to Mr. Edwards, in consideration of £250, and that he would relinquish all legal claim^a greater salary than £100 per annum. * See Records of Fair Haven Society. 65 That house stood on the ground now occupied by the house in which. we are assembled.* In June, 1771, they were constituted a church, with the name of the Fair Haven Church, by the Rev. Jedi- diah Mills and Rev. Benjamin Pomeroy: one of whom was of the council, which formed the White Haven church, and both, of the council which installed Mr. Bird. That church of course adopted the half-way covenant.t * I find in Dr. Stiles' Diary and Journal, the following : — " I meas- ured the brick meeting house, 72J feet long and 50 feet wide, so equal to an area of 3600 feet. . I measured Mr. Edwards' (the White Haven,) 60 feet square, 3600 square feet area. Mr. Mather's (the Fair Haven,) said to be of the same dimensions with Mr. Whittlesey's. So all three nearly equal. + There is a discrepancy, more apparent 'than real, as to the number of persons who opposed Mr. Edwards, between the Records of the Fair Haven and White Haven churches. The White Haven Records say, " Upon examination of the list of the rateable estate given in to the council, it appeared, so far as we could learn, that of the aggrieved, there were but about twenty five lawful voters, and that the proportion as to interest of all the aggrieved, was less than one fourth of the rate- able estate in said Society." Minutes of the Council. On the other hand, the council, which, two years after, constituted the Fair Haven church, say in their minutes, " We, the subscribers, being desired by a number that dissented from the church and society of White Haven, to the number of about seventy male members, mostly heads of families ; considering the character and circumstances of the aggrieved, that there is a comfortable prospect of their maintain- ing the worship and ordinances of Christ among them ; considering also, the encouragement their brethren and the venerable council that ordained the Rev. Mr. Edwards, gave them of setting them ofi", if upon trial they found they could not be edified, or contented under his min- istry, &c. &c., are of opinion that they ought to be set apart as a distinct church and congregation by themselves," &c. There must have been in the opposition, nearly seventy men-^this is not contradicted. On the other hand, that only twenty five of these 9 66 This secession greatly weakened the White Haven society, and left only eleven male members in the church. Still, however, the society was as large as any in the town,* and by the secession was left in peace.t Mr. were lawful vpters, is not contradicted. Perhaps a large part, eis often happens, had neglected the proper measures for being enrolled as voters. * In 1782, more than ten years after this, and when the Fair Haven church had greatly increased, Dr. Stiles gives the number of the sev- eral congregations as follows : — Rev. Mr. Whittlesey's 900, Eev. Mr. Edwards' 800, Rev. Mr. Mather's 950, Rev. Mr. Hubbard's (Episcopal) 250, Yale College, 220. + To show the changes which have been made respecting singing, I copy the following from the White Haven church records : Jan. 31, 1771. A proposal was made to the church to introduce the custom of singing in public worship, mihout reading the line as Jias hitherto been the custom. Subject deferred to next sacramental lecture. It was also proposed at the same time, that the church would fix upon a number of tunes which should be sung and no other, which was voted, and a committee appointed to report tunes accordingly. At the next lecture, the above proposals were considered and indefinitely postponed. In October, of the same year, the following was entered on the society's record : " Voted that those persons who are singers in this congregation, be desired to sit in the gallery together." This probably was the first formation of a regular choir. In November of the same year, at the church meeting, the proposal as to the selection of tunes was again made, and a committee appointed to select tunes. At an adjourned meeting, that committee reported thirty five tunes, and were directed to select out of those thirty, and to arrange the said thirty tunes into proper order under six different heads or classes, and it was voted that these tunes be sung hereafter, generally in that order, five on a Sabbath for six Sabbaths, and then to begin again, and so on in continued rotation. j The committee reported the following tunes, in the following order : 1st Sabbath, Old Savoy, Little Marlboro', Nomure, St. Helena, Bangor; 67 Edwards labored with unwearied diligence. He confined his labors, however, principally to his study and the pulpit ; thinking, as did his father, that he could be more usefully employed there, than in pastoral visitation : (for which labor, he did not think himself very well qualified.) He was considered, (as undoubtedly he was,) the ablest advocate of what in those times was called, "New Divinity," and which was then as unpleasant in the eyes of the old Calvinists of the stamp of Dr. Stiles, as has been New Divinity or New Haven Theology, in the eyes of many in these latter days.* 2d Sabbath, Windsor, Bath, Guilford, Plymouth, Wantage ; 3d Sab- bath, Angel's Hymn, Isle of Wight, Bethesda, New York, Worksop ; 4th Sabbath, 100 New, Bedford, Southwell, Low Dutch, Wendover ; 5th Sabbath, St. Martin's, All Saints, Landaff, 25th Psalm tune, Staf- ford ; 6th Sabbath, Dalston, Winchester, Broomsgrove, New Fiftieth, Putney. In January 10, 1773, a joint committee of the church and society was appointed to agree on regulations for singing in public worship ; which reported March 31st, 1774, that the number of tunes should henceforth be twenty five (passed by a great majority) ; and that, according to their opinion, it would be best to go into the practice, which obtains in so many other places, of singing without reading each line of the psalm by itself, (passed in the afiirmative.) * Evidence of this is abundant, in Dr. Stiles' Lit. Diary. The following are samples. Speaking of Mr. Timothy Jones, an eminent merchant in this place, and a member of this church, he says, " After the death of Mr. Pierpont, he never was blest with a ministry to his evangelical taste. Dr. Owen, Dr. Doddridge, Dr. Mather, Mr. Pem- berton, and President Edwards, were divines to his taste. He never could abide New Divinity. He loved the Puritan doctrines, without those innovations which make God most holy and blessed, the inten- tional Author of all moral evil, the Devil of the universe." " I received a letter from the Rev. Mr. Hopkins, of Newport, wherein he says, speaking of the state of religion, ' Every thing is 68 After a ministry of more than twenty five years, he was dismissed by an ecclesiastical council at the mutual request of himself and the society. The reason given dark and discouraging here with respect to the all-important interest. The people are going on from bad to worse ; — Neither your people or mine, are disposed to attend public worship constantly, except a few individuals. There is but little encouragement to preach where there is so little attention, and so very little concern about any thifag invisible.' " Eemark 1. Very lamentable is the state of religion in Newport, and partly that they will not attend public worship. But, 2. One oc- casion of this negligence, is Brother Hopkins'' New Divinity. He has preached his own congregation almost away, or into indifference. He has fifty or sixty or more families of his own congregation in town, and might easily command a good assembly, if his preaching was as accepta- ble as his moral character. My congregation in town, are seventy or eighty families, and would gladly attend such preaching as Dr. Owen's or Dr. Doddridge's, or preachers of far lower abilities, provided they were ejusdem farina with the first Puritan divines. 3. Although New Divinity preachers collect some large congregations, in some parts, yet their preaching is acceptable not for the new tenets, but for its containing the good old doctrines of grace, on which the New Gen- tlemen are very sound, clear and full- In other parts, where the neighboring ministers generally preach the old Calvinistic doctrines, the people begin to be tired with the incessant inculcation of the unin- telligible and shocking new points, especially that an unconverted man had better be killing his father and mother, than praying for converting grace ; that true repentance implies a willingness and desire to be damned for the glory of God ; that we are to give God thanks, that he has caused Adam to sin, and involved all his posterity in total depravity, and that Judas betrayed, and the Jews crucified Christ ; that the children of none but communicants are to be baptized, &c. ; that the churches and ministers, are so corrupt and Laodicean, and have so intermixt with the world, that the New Divinity, churches and ministers, cannot hold communion with them, but must, and do, recede, and sequester themselves." Frequently in his Journal, he speaks of " the Eurekas of New Divinity." It is evident from the testimony of Dr. Stiles, that the New Divinity men of that day, seriously intended to divide the Congregational churches into two denominations. 69 by the society was, that they were unable to support their minister. All parties, the church, the society, and the council, united m the most ample testimonials to his faithfulness and his abilities. He left them, earnestly and tenderly commending them in his farewell discourse, to God and the word of his grace. During his ministry, ninety six were admitted to the church. This would not be considered good success in ministerial labor in these days ; but those times were peculiar. The* great revival, owing to the wildness and extravagance of its injudicious friends, and still more to the opposition and persecution of its enemies, was followed by a lamentable reaction, and declme of vital piety. Revivals were in discredit, and almost unknown for half a century, and meetings for prayer were disrep- utable. His ministry was, moreover, the period of the excitements, agitations, alarms, anxieties, temptations, and corrupting influences, which preceded, accompanied, and followed the war of the Revolution.* In about nine months after his dismission, Mr. Edwards was again settled in Colebrook in Litchfield county; where he preached to an affectionate and united people, till he was elected, in May, 1799, to the presidency of Union College. His presidency was terminated in two years, by his death, which occurred on the 1st of August, 1801. His last words, when the hand of death was on him, were : " It becomes us cheerfully to submit to the will of God. He is wise and gracious. He orders every thing for * He was an ardent friend and fearless advocate of the Revolution. See his sermon on " Submission to Rulers." 70 the best. The blood of Christ is my only ground of hope."* My limits forbid any thing more than an outline of his character. In person he was slender, erect, and somewhat above the ordinary stature. His complexion was dark ; hisfea- tures, bold and prorament ; his hair, raven black ; and his eye, remarkably keen and intelligent. His Christian char- * " His remains were interred in the Scotch Presbyterian church- yard in Schenectady. His funeral, according to his own desire, was conducted with as little parade and expense as was decent, and the ex- penditure which would have been required by custom and fashion, on the occasion, was, by his direction, given to the poor." " The year after Dr. Edwards was settled at New Haven, he was married to Miss Mary Porter, daughter of the Hon. Eleazar and Mrs. Sarah Porter, of Hadley, Mass. She was a lady every way worthy of his highest confidence and friendship, and of his warmest affection. By her he had four children, three of whom survived him, and two of whom are still living. (Mrs. Hoyt, of New Haven, and Mrs. Chapin, wife of Rev. Dr. Chapin, of Eocky Hill, Ct.) Mrs. Edwards was drowned in June, 1782. She was out with her husband in a chaise, several inniles from home, when he left her to give direction to some laborers in his employ, at a little distance ; she riding forward alone, and intending on her return to call for him. But on coming back, she allowed the horse to drink at a watering place by the road side, on the margin of a small river ; and he pressing forward into the deep water, drew the chaise suddenly down a steep precipice. (The place" is in what is now called Whitneyville, on the Hamden road, just above the Whitney ville bridge.) Mrs. Edwards was thrown out of the carriage, and remained under water more than an hour, before she was discov- ered. Every effort was made to resuscitate her, but without success. She was universally beloved in life, and lamented in death by all her •acquaintance. The second wife of Dr. Edwards, was Miss Mercy Sabin, daughter of Mr. Hezekiah and Mrs. Mercy Sabin, of New Ha- ven. He was married to her December 18, 1783, and she survived him quite a number of years." Memoir of Dr. E. 71 acter was marked by humility, simplicity, and great con- scientiousness and firmness. His piety, though he was not stoical, was manifested more in steadfast principle than in emotion. His sympathies for the afflicted and suffering, however, were strong. He took an especial interest in the abused African race. His sermon on the injustice and impolicy of the slave trade and of slavery, would be call- ed by many, in these days, not only abolitionism, but in- cendiarism.* As a student, he was very diligent ; usually rising at four o'clock to commence his studies, and im- proving every moment in study, that was not required for some necessary relaxation or business.! * " But after all," says he, in this sermon, which was delivered in 1791, and published by request, "this whole objection, (viz. it is not safe to manumit the negroes ; they would cut our throats ; they would endanger the peace and government of the state,) if it were ever so entirely founded on truth ; if the freed negroes would probably rise against their masters or combine against government, rests on the same ground as the apology of the robber, who murders the man he has , robbed. Says the robber to himself, ' I have robbed this man, and now if I let him go he will kill me, or he will complain to authority, and I shall be apprehended and hung : I must therefore kill him. There is no other way of safety for me.' The coincidence of this reasoning, and that of the objection under consideration, must be manifest to all. And if this reasoning of the robber Jae inconclusive ; if the robber have no right on that ground to kill the man whom he hath robbed ; neither have the slaveholders any more right to continue to hold their slaves. If the robber ought to spare the life of the man robbed, take his own chance, and esteem himself happy if he can escape justice ; so the slaveholders ought immediately to let their slaves go free, treat them with the utmost kindness, by such treatment endeavor to pacify them with respect to past injuries, and esteem themselves happy if they can compromise the matter in this manner." — Works of Pres. Edwards the younger, Vol. 11, p. 96. + Dr. Edwards was, throughout his life, an accurate and thorough classical scholar. Judge Baldwin informs me, that when he was a tutor 72 His sermons were plain, direct, often remarkably point- ed, and usually upon doctrinal subjects. Most of them were extemporaneous, their outline only being committed in Yale College, the Faculty, as their number was small, used to request the assistance, at their semi-annual examinations, of Dr. Edwards ; which, from his friendship for literature and the college, he was very willing to afford. In these examinations he was quite thorough and strict ; often interposing his " hand recte" (not correct). The students on one occasion, not liking as the college phrase goes, " to he screwed," expressed their dissatisfaction with the Dr.'s mode of examination, by " scraping." " Very well," says he, " young gentlemen, you may take your course, I shall pursue inine ;" and screwed them tighter and tighter, till they concluded that their wisest course was, to be still. They gave him, however, the name of " Old liaud recfe," by which he afterwards went among the students. The following anecdote, told me by. one of our aged men, illustrates a trait in the character of Dr. Edwards. President Washington, when passing through this part of the country, spent a Sabbath in New Haven. Appointment was made by or for him, to attend the Episcopal church in the forenoon, and the White Haven church in the afternoon. Some of Dr. Edwards' people who were desirous (as often happens in similar cases) that their minister should do credit to himself and them, by preaching what is flippantly called " a crack sermon," took care that he should know of the appointment. In the afternoon a great multitude followed Washington to the White Haven church. When Dr. Edwards rose to deliver his discourse, much to the disappointment of those who were desirous of a specially great sermon, he gave out this text, " Train up a child in the way he should go, and when he is old he will not de- part from it," and observed — " In speaking from these words I shall direct my remarks principally to the children in the galleries." He had designed that discourse for that afternoon, and doubtless thought that the services of the sanctuary of the King of kings should not be changed on account of the entrance of an earthly magistrate. Probably Washington respected him much more than he did the minister in Rhode Island, who in similar circumstances preached a sermon, the object of which was to compare Washington as the deliverer of his country, with Christ as the Redeemer of the world. 73 to paper. But so clear was his mind, so full of thought, profound, well defined, digested, and arranged, that he would discuss without hesitation or mistake, and with mas- terly logic, subjects the most intricate and abstruse. His delivery was rather rapid, yet clear and distinct. He ad- dressed himself more to the understanding and con- science, than to the feelings. He had too little imagination, he was too argumentative and philosophical, or metaphysi- cal, and dwelt too largely on controverted points, especial- ly the controverted points of Calvinism, to be emmently popular, or very interesting to the larger part of a congre- gation. As a preacher of profoundly theological sermons, he was almost nnrivalled ; and on occasions of ordination, when such sermons are often expected, no man, probably, of his day, was more frequently sought. As a theologian, he stood in the very first rank. He was patient, vigorous, and independent in investigation. He was remarkable for great penetration and clearness, for accurate discrimination and great comprehension. He was profoundly skilled in the philosophy of the mind; and in reasoning, he defined accurately his terms and his posi- tions; assumed premises which were always clear, and generally self-evident, and marched to his conclusions by a logic that was irresistible. In sentiment, he was, in gen- eral, a Calvinist, in particular, a " Hopkinsian ;" indeed, the founder of the Hopkinsian school, more, perhaps, than Hopkins himself. He made very decided improvements on Calvinism ; and ranked himself among the New Divinity men, rather than among the Calvinists.* He was, so far * Dr. Stiles says : — " Eev. Mr. Edwards of New Haven, tells me that there are three parties in Connecticut, all pleased with- my eleva- tion to the presidency of Yale College; (this was in 1T77:) viz. Ar- 10 74 as I can learn, the first to state and defend those more rational and philosophical, as well as more scriptural views of the Monement, which are now generally adopted through New England, and by a large part of the Presby- terian church in the United States. He strenuously insist- ed on man's complete natural ability to obey the law of God, as a necessary ground of his obligation to such obe- dience; and on this ground, pressed upon sinners the duty of immediately commencing that obedience, by turning to God. Some of his philosophical and theological views are, doubtless, extreme, and have been, and will yet be, improv- ed by others, as those of his predecessors were by him. Still, theology, as a science, is indebted to him for great advances. He superintended, while in Connecticut, the theological studies of a number of young men, some of whom were afterward highly distinguished; and thus, more, perhaps, than by his preaching and writing, contributed to mould the theology of Connecticut and New England.* Dr. Edwards has often been compared with his father. President Edwards. (I call the one Dr. and the other President, to distinguish them from each other, though they were both presidents.) " It is seldom that a son has such a father, and it is still more rare that such a father leaves behind him a son so worthy of his Uneage."t minians, who he said were a small party ; the New- Divinity Gentle- men, of whom he said he was called one, who were larger, he said, but still small ; and the main body of the ministers, which he said were Cahinistic. * Dr. Edwards's works have recently been published in two large octavo volumes, together with a sketch of his life, by his grandson, Eev. Tryon Edwards, of Rochester, for which labor the theological world owe him many thanks. To that sketch I am chiefly indebted for the facts which I have stated in this brief notice. t Chris. Spec, for Jan. 1823. 75 They were alike in the structure of their minds, and in the mode of their intellectual operations. There was also a striking similarity in the actions and events of their lives. "The name, education, and early employments of both were alike. Both were pious in their youth ; were distin- guished scholars ; and were tutors for equal periods in the colleges where they were respectively educated. Both were settled in the ministry as successors to their maternal grandfathers ; both were once dismissed, and again setded in retired places? where they had leisure to study, and pre- pare and publish their works. Both were removed from these stations, to become presidents of colleges ; and both died shortly after their respective inaugurations, the one in the fifty-sixth, the other in the fifty-seventh year of his age ; each having preached on the first Sabbath of the year of his death, on the text, ' This year thou shaJt die.' "* As a preacher, the son was undoubtedly inferior to the father. He had little of that powerful imagination, which, united with strong feelings and vigorous intellect, made his father one of the most impressive and efiective preachers that ever spoke the words of life to dying men. As a theologian, however, he was, so far as I am capa- ble of judging, fully equal to his father, if not superior. He made some decided improvements on his father's the- ology ; as he ought, standing on his father's shoulders. He was, in discussion, more clear, both in thought and style, and equally acute and logical. Dr. Emmons was accus- tomed to say, that " the senior President had more reason, than his son ; but the son was a better reasoner than his father ;"t and this, perhaps, is near the truth. I have * Memoir of Dr. Edwards. t Emmons' Works^ Vol. I, p. 135, of Memoir. 76 dwelt long, considering the limits of these discourses, on the character of Dr. Edwards, because, by this generation, he is not known ; nor, indeed, is he known by the genera- tion that is passing off the stage, by his written works, as he must be, in order to be appreciated. We must now go back, from the year 1796, to the other branch, the Fair Haven church, which we left just formed, in the year 1771. From the time of their secession, in September, 1769, till February, 1773, they had no settled minister. Their pulpit was supplied, chiefly, by Mr. Bird, their former pas- tor, who, with his family, worshiped with them. On the 3d of February, 1773, Mr. Allyn Mather was ordained as their minister. Mr. Mather was born in Windsor, in this state, in the year 1747. He graduated at Yale College, in 1771, in the same class with Henry Dag- gett, afterward one of the leading men in that church. As Mr. Mather left no pubhshed works, and no writ- ten notice of his character is to be found, and as the records both of that church and society are very imper- fect, I am dependent for my knowledge of him entirely on the recollections of those few surviving contempora- ries of his who knew him. He was feeble in health, having had an affection of the lungs and a cough from his first settlement. He was devotedly piom, desiring to be spent for the honor of God and the spiritual good of his people. They would often come to him on the Sabbath, I am told, and, on account of his apparent feebleness, urge him not to preach. But he usually de- nied their solicitations, saying, that he wished to proclaim the riches of Christ, and preferred to die in his pulpit. He had few of the graces of oratory, and did not excel in profound investigation, or doctrinal discussion. But he 77 was plain and practical in his choice of subjects and in his mode of treating them ; earnest, affectionate, tender, and winning in his manner ; and pathetic, touching, and persuasive in his appeals. He excelled in pastoral labor, so far as he was able to perfomi it, and was exceedingly beloved by his people. About eight years after his ordi- nation, he was obliged by the disease of his lungs, to suspend his labors. He went to a southern clime and spent the winter, and came back much improved in health. But the hopes of his friends were raised only to be disappointed. In about a year he was prostrated again. He went to Savannah to spend the winter ; and there died on the 12th of November, 1784, at the age of thirty seven. His memory is still fragrant among the few survivors who knew him. His ministry of eleven years was uncommonly successful for those times. Du- ring that ministry he admitted seventy to the church.* For three years the church was without a pastor — till November 9th, 1786, when Mr. Samuel Austin was or- dained its minister. ' * I find in Dr. Stiles' Lit. Diary, the following note. — " Dec. 12, Lord's Day, P. M. I preached at Rev. Mr. Mather's meeting, a fune- ral sermo