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 Cornell University Library 
 DA 358.L52L68 1904 
 
 History of Queen E'gffilllimftailiSB^ 
 
Cornell University 
 Library 
 
 The original of this book is in 
 the Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924027985328 
 
Reprint of 
 " LEYCESTERS COMMONWEALTH " 
 
 1641 
 
HISTORY 
 
 OF 
 
 QUEEN ELIZABETH, AMY ROBSART 
 
 AND 
 
 THE EARL OF LEICESTER 
 
 BEING A REPRINT 
 
 OF 
 
 "LeyeesteFs Commonwealth" 
 
 I 6 4 I 
 
 " No scandal about Queen Elizabeth I hope." — The Critic. 
 
 Edited by 
 FRANK J. BURGOYNE 
 
 librarian of the 
 Lambeth Public Libraries 
 
 LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. 
 
 39 PATERNOSTER ROW. LONDON 
 
 NtW YORK AND BOMBAY 
 
 1904 
 
 M 
 

 KA'^a-^^Q 
 
 TRUSLOVE AND BRAY, PRINTERS, WEST NORWOOD, LONDON, S.E. 
 
 , M C\ i\ ' \ 
 
DEDICATED TO 
 
 SIR EDWIN DURNING-LAWRENCE, 
 Bt., M.P., 
 
 OF 
 
 KING'S RIDE, ASCOT. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 THE historical work here reproduced throws 
 considerable light upon the life of Robert 
 Dudley, Earl of Leicester, and the political history 
 of the reign of Queen Elizabeth. The book was 
 printed on the Continent in 1584. Where, is unknown, 
 but probably at Antwerp. It was first published 
 under the title " Copie of a Leter Wryten by a 
 Master of Arte of Cambrige to his friend in 
 London." The interest excited by its issue was 
 considerable. In 1585, the year following its pub- 
 lication, it was translated into French under the 
 title Discours de la vie abominable, ruses, trahisons, 
 . . . et autres tres iniques conversations desquelles a 
 use le my Lorde de Lecestre ; and a Latin version 
 was also published at Naples in the same year, 
 entitled Flares Calvinistici decerpti ex vita Roberti 
 Dudlei, comitis Leicestria. 
 
 These editions, although printed on the Continent, 
 
viii. Introduction. 
 
 must have had a considerable circulation in England, 
 for the Queen in Council on June 20th, 1585, found 
 it necessary to repudiate the assertions contained in 
 the work. In a letter addressed to the Magistrates 
 of Cheshire, she writes : — 
 
 "Her Highness not only knoweth to assured certainty 
 the books and libels against the said Earl to be most 
 malicious, false and scandalous, and such as none but an 
 incarnate devil himself could dream to be true." 
 
 There is no doubt that careful watch was kept 
 for the book at the various ports, and many copies 
 were seized and destroyed. This led to extensive 
 copying of the work in England and its circulation 
 in manuscript ; there being many more contemporary 
 manuscript copies now in existence than copies of 
 the printed book. Anthony Wood never saw a 
 copy of the first issue, and writes respedling it, that 
 he thought it was first printed in 1600; and the 
 great colledlor Thomas Grenville wrote in a manu- 
 script copy, now preserved in the British Museum,' 
 
 ' Additional MSS., 33,739. 
 
Introduction. ix. 
 
 " I never heard of more than one copy having been 
 in print of this first edition, so carefully was it 
 suppressed." 
 
 The book has been described^ as 
 
 " one of the most inveterate and scurrilous libels which, 
 the religious dissensions of the times, prolific as they 
 were, had produced. . . . In its pages everything 
 was raked together which the tongue of scandal had 
 uttered to the disparagement of the exalted statesman 
 whom it strove to overwhelm with obloquy, and where 
 that was silent the imagination of the writer was not 
 slow in filling up the void, and in supplying materials 
 which were characterized by all the venom and rancour 
 that the most ruthless hatred could suggest." 
 
 In its pages Leicester is depidted as an inhuman 
 monster. He is accused of attempting to gather in 
 his hands the reins of government, by filling all 
 offices of trust about the Queen with his friends. 
 He is full of "dissimulation, hypocrisy, adultery, 
 falsehood, treachery, rebellion, treason, cowardice, 
 atheism, and what not." He is said to be unscru- 
 pulous in his methods, and to have pradtised the 
 
 ' Miscellaneous Works of Sir Philip Sidney, 1893, p. 38. 
 
X. Introduction. 
 
 Italian art of poisoning upon many who stood 
 between him and his ambitions. 
 
 It is in this book that the tragic story of the 
 death of his wife, Amy Robsart, was first related 
 and the Earl charged with her murder — a crime that 
 the generally accepted opinion of the time attributed 
 to him. Ashmole in his "Antiquities of Berkshire" 
 states that "when Dr. Babington, the Earl's chaplain, 
 did preach the funeral sermon, he tript once or twice 
 in his speech, by recommending to their memories 
 that virtuous lady so pitifully murdered, instead of 
 saying pitifully slain." The event is also alluded to 
 in the play, " The Yorkshire Tragedy," 1608, where 
 a husband kills his wife by throwing her downstairs, 
 and says 
 
 " The surest way to charm a woman's tongue 
 Is, break her neck — a politician did it." 
 
 An indignant answer to the "Commonwealth" 
 was penned by Leicester's nephew, Sir Philip Sidney. 
 It is charadleristic of the writer and his times that 
 he does not attempt to answer any of the charges 
 
Introduction. xi. 
 
 made against his uncle, but confines himself to the 
 vindication of the lineage of his maternal ancestors ! 
 
 The authorship of the work has never been 
 settled. At the time of publication, and for some 
 years afterwards, it was attributed to Robert Parsons, 
 the Jesuit Missionary and controversialist, so much so 
 that it was colloquially termed by his contemporaries, 
 "Father Parsons' Greencoat." This was in allusion 
 to the somewhat unusual colour of the binding and 
 edges of the book. It is interesting to note that 
 one of the two copies preserved in the British 
 Museum, still retains the colour upon its edges. 
 The second copy (the Grenville) has, however, been 
 recently rebound, and mirabile di6lu, the edges have 
 been carefully gilt, and this distinctive feature of the 
 work destroyed. 
 
 Walpole wrote that' "It was pretended that 
 [Lord Burleigh] furnished the hints for that com- 
 position [Leicester's Commonwealth] to Parsons the 
 Jesuit. This assertion was never proved : it ought 
 
 1 Catalogue of the Royal and Noble Authors of England, p. 65, 
 vol. ii., 1806. 
 
xii. Introduction. 
 
 to be before it deserves any credit. Leicester was 
 a bad man, but would that justify Cecil in employing 
 one of his mistress's bitterest enemies to write against 
 one of her ministers ? " 
 
 A letter has been preserved in the manuscript 
 colledlions of William Cole, now in the British 
 Museum, in which the authorship of the book is 
 discussed. It is addressed to the Rev. Dr. Mosse, 
 at Gray's Inn, and signed C. A. Internal evidence 
 is adduced to prove that Parsons could not have 
 written the work, and Dr. Mosse notes upon the 
 back of the letter that 
 
 " Parsons . . . many years after the death of 
 L[eicester] denies himselfe to be author of it. . . . 
 In short the author is very uncertain, and for any 
 thing that appears in it, it may as well be a Protestant's, 
 as a Papist's. I sh'' rather think it the work of some 
 subtle courtier, who, for safety got it printed abroad, 
 and sent into England under the name of Parsons." 
 
 The bibliography of the book is short and simple. 
 As has already been stated, it was first printed in 
 1584, in a small odlavo of 202 pages. A modern 
 type facsimile of the title is given on the next page. 
 
THE 
 
 COPIE OF A 
 
 LETER,VVRYTEN BY A 
 
 MASTER OF ARTE OF CAMBRIGE, 
 
 TO HIS FRIEND IN LONDON, CON- 
 
 cerningfometalke paft of late between two vvor- 
 
 f hipful and graue men .about the prefent state,and 
 
 feme procedinges of the Erie of Leycefter and 
 
 his friendes in England. 
 
 CON CRY V ED, SPOKEN 
 
 and puhlyfhed vvyth moft earneft protej- 
 tation of al duetyful good vvyl and affe- 
 6lion, tovvardes her moft excellent Ma. 
 and the Realm, for vvhofe good onely it is 
 made common to many. 
 
 lob. Cap. 20. Verf. 27. 
 
 Reuelabunt coeli iniquitatem eius, & terra confurget 
 
 aduerfus eum. 
 
 Theheauens f hal reueile the wicked mans iniqui- 
 tie, and the earth f hal ftand vp to beare vvitnes 
 agaynft hym. 
 
 Anno m. d. lxxxiiii. 
 
 Note. — There is an ornamental border around the title and 
 the date, in the original. 
 
xiv. Introduction, 
 
 The book was not reprinted until 1641, when 
 one edition in quarto and two in small odtavo were 
 printed. It is now impossible to say why this sudden 
 rush of popularity occurred during that stormy 
 year, but the reprint excited the animosity of the 
 Government, and an attempt was made to suppress 
 the work. There has been preserved in the Public 
 Record Office, a letter to the Wardens of the Com- 
 pany of Stationers, dated October 13, 1641, in which 
 the writer, Edward Nicholas, states : — 
 
 " I hear there is now printing at one Dawson's, a 
 printer in Thames Street, a book called Leicester's 
 Commonwealth, which I am told is very scandalous to 
 divers of the Lord's ancestors, and a book unfit to be 
 divulged. ... I pray give order forthwith to stay 
 the printing or dispersing of any of those books until 
 the Lords of Parliament or the Lords of the Council 
 shall meet." 
 
 The small odlavo edition of 1641 was twice issued, 
 the first issue consisting of 194 pages, and has the 
 first word spelt " Leycesters." For the second issue 
 a new title-page was printed and the first word is 
 spelt " Leicesters," and the sentence " whereunto is 
 
Introduction. xv. 
 
 added Leicester's Ghost " is inserted. The poem 
 " Leicester's Ghost " is placed at the end of the 
 " Commonwealth," and is separately paged from 
 I to 34. A quarto edition of the poem was also 
 printed in 1641 and is occasionally found bound up 
 with the quarto editions of the " Commonwealth." 
 
 The work was reprinted by Dr. Drake in 1706 
 in an o6lavo volume, and a second edition was issued 
 during the same year. The editor ignored the issues 
 of 1641 and states that he printed from a manuscript 
 copy. The title under which he issued the work was 
 "Secret Memoirs of Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester." 
 A third edition was issued in 1708 with the title 
 " The perfect pidture of a Favourite," and the same 
 book was re-issued dated 1721. 
 
 The edition here reprinted is the quarto of 1641, 
 which appears to be the most corre6t and agrees 
 with many of the manuscripts. 
 
LEYCESTERS 
 
 Common-wealth : 
 
 CONCEIVED, SPO- 
 KEN AND PUBLI- 
 SHED WITH MOST EAR- 
 neft proteftation of all Du- 
 
 tifull good will and affedion 
 towards this Realm, for whofe 
 good onely, it is made com- 
 mon to many. 
 
 Job the 20. verfe the 27. 
 
 The Heavens fhall reveale his iniquity, and the 
 Earth f hall rife up againft him. 
 
 Printed I 6 4 I. 
 
The Epistle Directory ; 
 
 To M. G. M. 
 
 In Gratious Street in London. 
 
 J~\EABE and loving friend, I received about tenne dayes 
 agone your letter of the 9, of this present : wherein 
 you demand and solicite againe the thing, that I so flatly 
 denied you, at my late being in your chamber : I meane, to 
 put in writing the relation which then I made unto you, of 
 the speech had this last Christmas in my presence, betweene 
 my right worshipfull good friend and patron, and his guest 
 the ould Lawyer, of some matters in our state and country. 
 And for that you presse mee very seriously at this instant, 
 both by request and many reasons, to yeeld to your desire 
 herein, and not onely this, but also to give my consent for 
 the publishing of the same, by such secret meanes as you 
 assure mee you can there find out : I have thought good to 
 confer the whole matter with the parties themselves, whom 
 principally it concerneth (who at the receipt of your letter 
 were not farre from mee :) And albeit at the first, I found 
 them averse and nothing inclined to grant your demand : 
 
 (3) 
 
yet after upon consideration of your reasons, and assurance 
 of secresie : (especially for that there is nothing in the same 
 contained, repugnant to charity or to our bounden duty to- 
 ward our most gratious Princes or Countrey, but rather for 
 the special good of them both, and for the forewarning of 
 some dangers imminent to the same) they have referred over 
 the matter to mee, yet with this Proviso, that they will know 
 nothing, nor yet yeeld consent to the publishing hereof, for 
 feare of some future flourish of the ragged Staffe to come 
 hereafter about their eares, if their names should breake 
 forth: which (I trust) you will provide, shall never happen, 
 both for their security, and for your owne. And with this 
 I will end, assuring you that within these five or six dayes, j 
 you shall receive the whole in writing by an other way and 
 secret meanes, neither shall the bearer suspe£l what hee 
 carrieth : whereof also I thought good to premonish you. 
 And this shall suffice for this time. 
 
The Preface of the Conference. 
 
 NOT long before the last Christmasse, I was re- scMay. 
 quested by a letter from a very worshipfull and 
 grave Gentleman, whose sonne was then my pupill in 
 Cambridge, to repaire with my said Scholar to a cer- 
 taine house of his neare London, and there to passe 
 over the Holy-dayes in his company : for that it was 
 determined that in Hillary tearme following, his said The occasion 
 sonne should bee placed in some Inne of Chancery, to feUnceTni 
 follow the study of the Common-law, and so to leave ""^^'i"?- 
 the Vniversity. This request was gratefull unto mee 
 in respedl of the time, as also of the matter, but 
 especially of the company. For that, as I love much 
 the yong Gentleman, my pupile, for his towardlines in 
 religion, learning, and vertue : so much more I doe 
 reverence his Father, for the riper possession of the 
 same ornaments, and for his great wisedome, experi- 
 ence, and grave judgement in affaires of the World that 
 doe occurre : but namely touching our owne Countrey, 
 wherein truly I doe not remember to have heard any 
 man in my life, discourse more substantially, indif- 
 ferently, and with lesse passion, more love and fidelity, 
 
 (5) 
 
The persons 
 and place of 
 this confer- 
 
 A temperate 
 Papist. 
 
 then I have heard him : Which was the cause that I 
 tooke singular delight to be in his company, and refused 
 no occasion to enjoy the same. Which also hee per- 
 ceiving, dealt more openly and confidently with mee, 
 then with many other of his friends, as by the relation 
 following may well appeare. 
 
 When I came to the foresaid House by London, 
 I found there among other friends, an ancient man 
 that professed the law, and was come from London to 
 keepe his Christmasse in that place, with whom at 
 divers former times I had beene well acquainted, for 
 that hee haunted much the company of the said Gen- 
 tleman my friend, and was much trusted and used by 
 him in matters of his profession, and not a little beloved^ 
 also for his good conversation, notwithstanding some 
 difference in religion betweene us. For albeit, thid 
 Lawyer was inclined to bee a Papist, yet was it with 
 such moderation and reservation of his duty towards 
 his Prince and Countrey and proceedings of the sameij 
 as hee seemed alwayes to give full satisfadlion in this 
 point to us that were of contrary opinion. 
 
 Neither did hee let to protest often times with great 
 affedlion, that as hee had many friends and kinsfolkc 
 of contrary religion to himselfe : so did hee love them 
 never the lesse for their different conscience, but leaving 
 that to God, was desirous to doe them any friendshif 
 
or service that hee could, with all affedlion, zeale, and 
 fidelity. Neither was hee wilfull or obstinate in his 
 opinion, and much lesse reprochfull in speech (as many 
 of them bee) but was content to heare whatsoever wee 
 should say to the contrary (as often wee did : ) and to 
 reade any booke also that wee delivered him, for his 
 instru6lion. 
 
 Which temperate behaviour, induced this Gentle- 
 man and mee, to affedl the more his company, and to 
 discourse as freely with him in all occurrents, as if hee 
 had beene of our owne religion. 
 
The Entrance to the Matter. 
 
 ONE day then of the Christmasse, we three retiring 
 our selves after dinner, into a large Gallery, for 
 our recreation, (as often we were accustomed to doe, 
 when other went to cards and other pastimes : ) this 
 Lawyer by chance had in his hand a little booke, then The Booke of 
 
 lusticc 
 
 newly set forth, containing A defence of the publique 
 justice done of late in England, upon divers Priests and 
 other Papistes for treason : Which booke, the Lawyer 
 had read to himselfe a little before, and was now 
 putting it up into his pocket ; But the Gentleman my 
 friend, who had read over the same once or twice in 
 my company before, would needs take the same into 
 his hand againe, and asked the Lawyer his judgement 
 upon the booke. 
 
 The Lawyer answered : That it was not evill uuiyer. 
 penned in his opinion to prove the guiltines of some 
 persons therein named in particular, as also to perswade 
 in generall, that the Papistes both abroad and at home, 
 who meddle so earnestly with defence and increase of 
 their religion (for these are not all, said he) doe conse- 
 quently wish and labour some change in the state : 
 
 (9) 
 
lO 
 
 Gentleman. 
 
 The Papists 
 praflizes 
 against the 
 state. 
 
 Lawyer. 
 
 but yet whether so farre forth, and in so deepe a 
 degree of proper treason, as here in this booke both 
 in generall and particular is presumed and inforced, 
 that (quoth hee) is somewhat hard (I weene) for you 
 or mee (in respedl of some other difference betweene 
 us) to judge or discerne with indifferency. 
 
 Nay truly said the Gentleman, for my part I thinke 
 not so, for that reason is reason in what religion 
 soever. And for my selfe, I may protest, that I beare 
 the honest Papist (if there bee any) no malice for his 
 deceived conscience, whereof among others, your selfe 
 can bee a witnesse : mary his Pradlizes against the 
 state, I cannot in any wise digest : and much lesse 
 may the Common-wealth beare the same (whereof 
 wee all depend,) being a sinne of all other, the most 
 heinous, the least pardonable. And therefore seeing 
 in this, you grant the Papist both in generall abroad, 
 and at home ; and in particular such as are con- 
 demned, executed and named in this booke to bee 
 guilty : how can you insinuate (as you doe) that there 
 is more presumed or enforced upon them by this booke, 
 then there is just cause so to doe. 
 
 Good Sir, said the other, I stand not here to 
 examine the doings of my superiours, or to defend the 
 guilty, but wish hartily rather their punishment that 
 have deserved the same. Onely this I say, for explica- 
 
II 
 tion of my former speech : that men of a different Two sorts 
 
 , . , , . , • J °' dealing 
 
 religion from the state wherem they hve, may bee said against the 
 to deale against the same state in two sorts : the one, 
 by dealing for the increase of their said different re- 
 ligion, which is alwayes either diredtly, or indireftly 
 against the state. (Diredtly) when the said religion Direaiy. 
 containeth any point or article direftly impugning the 
 said state, (as perhaps you will say that the Roman 
 Religion doth against the present state of England in 
 the point of Supremacy : ) and (Indireftly) for that indireaiy. 
 every different religion divideth in a sort and draweth 
 from the state, in that there is no man who in his heart 
 would not wish to have the chiefe Governour and state 
 to bee of his religion, if hee could : and consequently 
 misliketh the other in respedl of that : and in this kind, 
 not onely those whom you call busie Papists in England, 
 but also those whom we call hote Puritans among you, 
 (whose difference from the state especially in matters 
 of governement is very well knowne,) may bee called 
 all traytors, in mine opinion : for that every one of these 
 in deed, doe labour indireflly, (if not more) against the 
 state, in how much soever each one endevoureth to 
 increase his part or fadtion that desireth a Governour 
 of his owne religion. 
 
 And in this case also, are the Protestants in France 
 and Flanders under Catholique Princes : the Calvinists 
 
12 
 
 The state of 
 all SubjeAs, 
 in a state of 
 different re- 
 ligion. 
 
 The second 
 kind of trea- 
 son. 
 
 The applica- 
 tion of the 
 former ex- 
 ample. 
 
 (as they are called ; ) under the Duke of Saxony, who 
 is a Lutheran : the Lutherans under Casimere, that 
 favoreth Calvinists : the Grecians and other Christians 
 under the Emperour of Constantinople, under the Sophy, 
 under the great Chame of Tartary, and under other 
 Princes that agree not with them in religion. All which 
 Subjedls doe wish (no doubt) in their hearts, that they 
 had a Prince and state of their owne religion, in stead 
 of that which now governeth them : and consequently 
 in this first sense, they may bee called all traytors, and 
 every adl they doe for advancement of their said dif- 
 ferent religion (dividing betweene the state and them) 
 tendeth to treason : which their Princes supposing, doe 
 sometimes make divers of their adls treasonable or 
 punishable for treason. But yet so long as they breake 
 not forth unto the second kind of treason which con- 
 taineth some adluall attempt or treaty against the life 
 of the Prince, or state, by rebellion or otherwise : wee 
 doe not properly condemne them for traytors, though 
 they doe some adls of their religion made treason by 
 the Prince his lawes, who is of a different faith. 
 
 And so to apply this to my purpose : I thinke. Sir, 
 in good sooth, that in the first kind of treason, as well 
 the zealous Papist, as also the Puritans in England^i 
 may well bee called and proved traytors : but in the 
 second sort (whereof wee speake properly at this time) 
 
13 
 
 it cannot bee so precisely answered, for that there may 
 bee both guilty and guiltles in each religion. And as 
 I cannot excuse all Puritans in this point : so you 
 cannot condemne all Papists, as long as you take mee 
 and some other to bee as wee are. Gentleman. 
 
 I grant your distindlion of treasons to bee true, 
 (said the Gentleman,) as also your application thereof 
 to the Papists and Puritans (as you call them,) not to 
 want reason, if there bee any of them that mislike the 
 present state (as perhaps there bee :) all bee it for my 
 part, I thinke these two kinds of treasons, which you 
 have put downe, bee rather divers degrees then divers 
 kinds: wherein I will refer mee to the judgement of 
 our Cambridge friend here present, whose skill is more 
 in logicall distindlions. But yet my reason is this, that 
 indeed the one is but a step or degree to the other, not 
 differing in nature, but rather in time, ability or oppor- 
 tunity. For if (as in your former examples you have 
 shewed) the Grecians under the Turke, and other 
 Christians under other Princes of a different religion, 
 and as also the Papists and Puritans (as you terme 
 them) in England (for now this word shall passe be- 
 tweene us for distindlion sake,) have such alienation of 
 mind from their present regiment, and doe covet so 
 much a governour and state of their owne religion : 
 then no doubt but they are also resolved to imploy 
 
14 
 
 their forces for accomplishing and bringing to passe 
 
 their desires, if they had oportunity: and so being now 
 
 Two degrees in the first degree or kind of treason, doe want but 
 
 of treason. ° i , • i 
 
 occasion or abihty, to breake into the second. 
 
 Lawyer. True Sir, said the Lawyer, if there bee no other 
 
 cause or circumstance that may with hold them. 
 
 Gentleman. And what cause or circumstance may stay them I 
 
 pray you (said the Gentleman) when they shall have 
 ability and oportunity to doe a thing which they so 
 much desire ? 
 
 Lawyer. Divcrs causes (quoth the Lawyer) but especially 
 
 and above all other (if it bee at home in their owne 
 Country,) the feare of servitude under forraine na- 
 tions, may restraine them from such attempts : As wee 
 see in Germany that both Catholiques and Protestants 
 would joyne together, against any stranger that should 
 offer danger to their liberty. And so they did against 
 Charles the fifth. And in France not long agoe, albeit 
 the Protestants were up in armes against their King, 
 and could have beene content, by the helpe of us in 
 England, to have put him downe, and placed an other 
 of their owne religion : yet when they saw us once 
 
 France. scazed of Ncw-haven, and so, like to proceed to the 
 
 recovery of some part of our states on that side the 
 Sea, they quickly joyned with their owne Catholiques 
 againe to expell us. 
 
15 
 
 In Flanders likewise, though Monsieur were called Flanders. 
 thither by the Protestans, especially for defence of 
 their religion, against the Spaniard : yet wee see how 
 dainty divers chiefe Protestants of Antwerp, Gaunt, and 
 Bruges were, in admitting him, and how quick in expel- 
 ling, so soone as hee put them in the least feare of 
 subjedtion to the French. 
 
 And as for Portugall, I have heard some of the Portugaii. 
 chiefest Catholiques among them say, in this late con- 
 tention about their Kingdome : that rather then they 
 would suffer the Castilian to come in upon them, they 
 would bee content to admit whatsoever aids of a con- 
 trary religion to themselves, and to adventure whatso- 
 ever alteration in religion or other inconvenience might 
 befall them by that meanes, rather then endanger their 
 subjeftion to their ambitious neighbour. 
 
 The like is reported in divers histories of the xheoWha- 
 Grecians at this day, who doe hate so much the name Grecians S- 
 and dominion of the Latines : as they had rather to wesl^Latms. 
 endure all the miseries which dayly they suffer under 
 the Turke for their religion and otherwise : then by 
 calling for aid from the West to hazard their subjedtion 
 to the said Latines. So that by these examples you 
 see, that feare and horrour of externall subjedlion may 
 stay men in all states, and consequently also both 
 Papists and Puritans in the state of England, from 
 
i6 
 
 passing to the second kind or degeee of treason, albeit 
 they were never so deepe in the first, and had both 
 ability, time, will, and oportunity for the other. 
 
 Scholar. Here I presumed to interrupt their Speech, and 
 
 said : that this seemed to mee most cleare, and that 
 now I understood what the Lawyer meant before, when 
 hee affirmed, that albeit the most part of Papists in 
 generall might bee said to deal against the state of 
 England at this day, in that they deale so earnestly for 
 the maintenance and increase of their religion, and so 
 to incurre some kind of treason : yet (perhaps) not so 
 far-forth nor in so deepe a degree, of proper treason as 
 in this booke is presumed or inforced : though for my 
 part (said I) I doe not see that the booke presumeth or 
 
 Not all Pa- inforceth all Papists in generall to bee properly traytors, 
 
 traytors. ^ but onely such as in particular are therein named, or 
 that are by law attainted, condemned or executed : and 
 what will you say (quoth I) to those in particular. 
 
 Lauyer. Surely (quoth hee) I must say of these, much after 
 
 the manner which I spake before : that some here 
 named in this booke are openly knowen to have beene 
 in the second degreee or kind of treason: as Westmef' 
 land, Norton, Sanders, and the like. But divers others 
 
 The Priests (namely the Priests and Seminaries that of late have 
 
 and Semina- 
 
 ries that were Suffered,) ty SO much as I could see delivered and 
 
 sxccutcd 
 
 pleaded at their arraingements, or heard protested by 
 
17 
 
 them at their deaths, or gathered by reason and dis- 
 course of my selfe, (for that no forraine Prince or wise 
 councellor would ever commit so great matters of state 
 to such instruments :) I cannot (I say) but thinke, that 
 to the wise of our statej that had the doing of this 
 busines, the first degree of treason (wherein no doubt 
 they Avere) was sufficient to dispatch and make them 
 away : especially in such suspitious times as these are : 
 to the end that being hanged for the first, they should 
 never bee in danger to fall into the second, nor yet to 
 draw other men to the same : which perhaps was most 
 of all misdoubted. 
 
 After the Lawyer had spoken this, I held my peace, Gmtiman. 
 to heare what the Gentleman would answer : who 
 walked up and downe, two whole turnes in the Gallery, 
 without yeelding any word againe : and then staying 
 upon the sudden, cast his eyes sadly upon us both, and 
 said ; 
 
 My Masters, how so ever this bee, which indeed 
 appertaineth not to us to judge or discusse, but rather 
 to perswade our selves, that the state hath reason to 
 doe as it doth, and that it must often times, as well 
 prevent inconveniences, as remedy the same when they 
 are happened : yet for my owne part I must confesse 
 unto you, that upon some considerations which use to 
 come unto my mind, I take no small griefe of these 
 
 c 
 
l8 
 
 The consi- 
 derations. 
 
 differences among us (which you terme of divers and 
 different religions) for which wee are driven of necessity, 
 to use Disciph'ne towards divers, who possibly other- 
 wise would bee no great malefaftours. I know the 
 cause of this difference is grounded upon a principle 
 not easie to cure, which is the judgement and con- 
 science of a man, whereunto obeieth at length his will 
 and affedlion, whatsoever for a time hee may otherwise 
 dissemble outwardly. I remember your speech before 
 of the doubtfuU and dangerous inclination of such as 
 live discontented in a state of a different religion, 
 especially, when either indeed, or in their owne con- 
 ceipte, they are hardly dealt withall, and where every 
 mans particular punishment, is taken to reach to the 
 cause of the whole. 
 
 I am not ignorant how that misery procureth amity, 
 and the opinion of calamity, moveth affedtion of mercy 
 and compassion, even towards the wicked : the better 
 fortune alwayes is subjedl to envy, and hee that suf- 
 fereth, is thought to have the better cause, my ex- 
 perience of the divers raignes and proceedings of King 
 Edward, Queene Mary, and of this our most gratious 
 soveraigne hath taught mee not a little, touching the 
 A good wish, sequell of these affaires. And finally, (my good friends) 
 I must tell you plaine (quoth hee : and this hee spake 
 with great asseveration) that I could wish with all my 
 
 Misery mo- 
 veth mercy 
 
19 
 
 heart, that either these differences were not among us 
 at all, or els that they were so temperatly on all parts 
 pursued : as the Common-state of our Countrey, the 
 blessed raigne of her Majesty, and the common cause 
 of true religion, were not endangered thereby. But 
 now : and there hee brake of, and turned aside. 
 
 The Lawyer seeing him hold his peace and depart. Lawyer. 
 hee stepped after him, and taking him by the gowne 
 said merrily ; Sir, all men are not of your complexion, 
 some are of quicker and more stirring Spirits, and doe 
 love to fish in water that is troubled, for that they doe 
 participate the Black-moores humour, that dwell in 
 Guinea (whereof I suppose you have heard and seene The nature 
 also some in this Land) whose exercise at home is (as of'the^Gm'-^^ 
 some write) the one to hunt, catch, and sell the other, '"*""' 
 and alwayes the stronger to make money of the weaker 
 for the time. But now if in England we should live in 
 peace and unity of the state, as they doe in Germany, 
 notwithstanding their differences of Religion, and that 
 the one should not pray upon the other : then should 
 the great Fawcons for the Field (I meane the favorites 
 of the time) faile whereon to feed, which were an 
 inconvenience as you know. 
 
 Truly Sir, said the Gentleman, I thinke you rove cmtiman. 
 nearer the marke than you weene : for if I bee not 
 deceived the very ground of much of these broiles 
 
20 
 
 The Tyrant 
 of English 
 state. 
 
 Three differ- 
 ences of re- 
 ligion in 
 England. 
 
 Scholar. 
 
 The Earl of 
 LeycesUr. 
 
 Gentleman. 
 
 whereof wee talke, is but a very pray: not, in the minds 
 of the Prince or state (whose intentions no doubt bee 
 most just and holy) but in the greedy imagination and 
 subtile conceipt of him, who at this present in respeft 
 of our sinnes, is permitted by God, to tyrannize both 
 Prince and state : and being himselfe of no religion, 
 feedeth notwithstanding upon our differences in religion, 
 to the fatting of himselfe and ruine of the Realrae. 
 For whereas by the common distindlion now received 
 in speech, there are three notable differences of religion 
 in the Land, the two extreames, whereof are the Papist 
 and the Puritan, and the religious Protestant obtaining 
 the meane : this fellow being of neither, maketh his 
 gaine of all : and as hee seeketh a Kingdome by the 
 one extreame, and spoile by the other : so hee useth 
 the authority of the third, to compasse the first two, 
 and the counter-mine of each one, to the overthrow of 
 all three. 
 
 To this I answered : In good sooth Sir, I see now 
 where you are : you are fallen into the common place of 
 all our ordinary talke and conference in the university : 
 for I know that you meane my L. of Leicester, who is 
 the subjedl of all pleasant discourses at this day 
 throughout the Realme. 
 
 Not so pleasant as pittifuU, answered the Gentle- 
 man, if all matters and circumstances were well con- 
 
21 
 
 sidered, except any man take pleasure to jeast at our 
 owne miseries, which are like to bee greater by his 
 iniquity (if God avert it not) then by all the wicked- 
 nesse of England besides : hee being the man that by 
 all probability, is like to bee the bane and fatall destiny 
 of our state, with the eversion of true religion, whereof 
 by indiredl meanes, hee is the greatest enemy that the 
 Land doth nourish. 
 
 Now verily (quoth the Lawyer) if you say thus Lawyer. 
 much for the Protestants opinion of him, what shall I 
 say for his merits towards the Papists ? who for as 
 much as I can "perceive, doe take themselves little 
 beholding unto him, albeit for his gaine hee was some 
 yeares their secret friend against you : untill by his 
 friends hee was perswaded, and chiefly by the L. North Ti»e l. 
 
 '^ ' -' ■' Wort/ts policy. 
 
 by way of policy, as the said L. bosteth in hope, of 
 greater gaine, to step over to the Puritans, against us 
 both, whom notwithstanding it is probable, that hee 
 loveth as much, as hee doth the rest. 
 
 You know the Beares love, said the Gentleman, Gentleman. 
 which is all for his owne paunch, and so this Beare- 
 whelp, turneth all to his owne commodity, and for 
 greedines thereof, will overturne all if he bee not 
 stopped or mouzeled in time. 
 
 And surely unto mee it is a strange speculation, a strange 
 whereof I cannot pick out the reason (but onely that I ^^^ " * '°"' 
 
22 
 
 doe attribute it to Gods punishment for our sinnes) 
 than in so wise and vigilant a state as ours is, and in a 
 Countrey so well acquainted and beaten with such 
 dangers : a man of such a Spirit as hee is knowne to 
 bee, of so extreame ambition, pride, falshood and 
 trechery : so borne, so bred up, so nooseled in trejison 
 from his infancy, descended of a tribe of traytors, and 
 fleshed in conspiracy against the Royall bloud of King 
 Henries children in his tender yeares, and exercised 
 ever since in driftes against the same, by the bloud 
 and ruine of divers others : a man so well knowen 
 to beare secret malice against her Majesty, for causes 
 irreconcileable, and most deadly rancour against the 
 best and wisest Councellours of her highnesse : that 
 such a one (I say so hatefull) to God and man, and so 
 markeable to the simplest subjedl of this Land by the 
 publique insignes of his tyrannous purpose, should bee 
 suffered so many yeares without check, to aspire to 
 tyranny by most manifest wayes, and to possesse him- 
 selfe (as now hee hath done) of Court, Councell, and 
 Countrey, without controlement : so that nothing 
 wanteth to him but onely his pleasure, and the day 
 already conceived in his mind to dispose as hee list, 
 both of Prince, Crowne, Realme, and Religion. 
 Scholar. It is much truly (quoth I) that you say, and it 
 
 ministreth not a little marvaile unto many, whereof 
 
23 
 
 your worship is not the first, nor yet the tenth person 
 
 of accompt which I have heard discourse and com- 
 
 plaine. But what shall wee say hereunto ? there is no 
 
 man that ascribeth not this unto the singular benignity 
 
 and most bountifull good nature of her Majesty who The Queens 
 
 measuring other men by her owne Heroycll and Princely most excei- 
 
 sincerity : cannot easily suspedt a man so much bounden nTture° 
 
 to her grace, as hee is, nor remove her confidence 
 
 from the place, where shee hath heaped so infinite 
 
 benefites. 
 
 No doubt (said the Gentleman) but this gracious Gmtiman. 
 and sweet disposition of her Majesty is the true originall 
 cause thereof : which Princely disposition, as in her 
 highnesse it deserveth all rare commendation, so lieth 
 the same open to many dangers often times, when so 
 benigne a nature meeteth with ingrate and ambitious 
 persons : which observation perhaps, caused her Ma- 
 jesties most noble Grandfather and Father (two 
 renowned wise Princes) to withdraw some time upon 
 the sudden, their great favour from certaine Subjedls 
 of high estate. And her Majesty may easily use her 
 owne excellent wisedome and memory, to recall to 
 mind the manifold examples of perilous happes fallen Fearesthat 
 to divers Princes, by to much confidence in obliged of my Lor 
 proditours : with whom the name of a Kingdome, and ^"^ "''' 
 one houres raigne, weyeth more, then all the duty. 
 
24 
 
 Sir Francis 
 Walsingham. 
 
 Deepe dissi- 
 mulation. 
 
 obligation, honesty, or nature in the World. Would 
 God her Majesty could see the continual! feares that 
 bee in her faithfull Subjedls hearts, whiles that man is 
 about her noble person, so well able and likely (if the 
 Lord avert it not) to bee the calamity, of her Princely 
 bloud and name. 
 
 The talke will never out of many mouths and 
 minds, that divers ancient men of this Realme, and 
 once a wise Gentleman now a Councellour, had with a 
 certaine friend of his, concerning the presage and deepe 
 impression, which her Majesties Father had of the 
 House of Sir lohn Dudley, to bee the ruine in time of 
 his Majesties Royall house and bloud, which thing was 
 like to have beene fulfilled soone after (as all the World 
 knoweth) upon the death of King Edward by the said 
 Dudley this mans Father : who at one blow, procured 
 to dispatch from a possession of the Crown, all three 
 children of the said noble King. And yet in the 
 middest of those bloudy pradlizes against her Majesty 
 that now is and her sister (wherein also this fellowes 
 hand was so farre, as for his age hee could thrust the 
 same,) within sixteene dayes before King Edwards 
 death (hee knowing belike that the King should die) 
 wrote most flattering letters to the Lady Mary (as I 
 have heard by them who then were with her) promis- 
 sing all loyalty and true service to her, after the 
 
25 
 
 descease of her brother, with no lesse painted words, 
 then this man now doth use to Queene Elizabeth. 
 
 So dealt hee then with the most deare children of 
 his good King and Master, by whom hee had beene 
 no lesse exalted and trusted, then this man is by her 
 Majesty. And so deepely dissembled hee then when 
 hee had in hand the plot to destroy them both. And 
 what then (alas) may not wee feare and doubt of this 
 his Sonne, who in outragious ambition and desire of 
 raigne, is not inferiour to his Father, or to any other 
 aspiring Spirit in the World, but farre more insolent, 
 cruell, vindicative, expert, potent, subtile, fine, and fox- 
 like then ever hee was ? I like well the good motion 
 propounded by the foresaid Gentleman, to his friend at sitFrmUs 
 the same time, and doe assure my selfe it would bee """^ "'"' 
 most pleasant to the Realme, and profitable to her 
 Majesty to wit, that this mans adlions might bee called 
 publiquely to triall, and liberty given to good subje6ls, 
 to say what they knew against the same, as it was 
 permitted in the first yeare of King Henry the eight 
 against his Grandfather, and in the first of Queene 
 Mary against his Father : and then I would not doubt, 
 but if these two his Ancestors were found worthy to Edmund 
 leese their heads for treason : this man would not bee „'. Tr, j, 
 
 Robert Dudley. 
 
 found unworthy to make the third in kindred, whose 
 treacheries doe farre surpasse them both. 
 
26 
 
 Lawyer. After the Gentleman had said this, the Lawyer 
 
 stood still, somewhat smiling to himselfe, and looking 
 round about him, as though hee had beene halfe afeard, 
 and then said. My masters, doe you read over or 
 study the statutes that come forth ? have you not 
 heard of the proviso made in the last ParHament for 
 punishment of those who speake so broad of such men 
 as my L. of Leycester is ? 
 
 Gentuman. Yes, said the Gentleman, I have heard how that 
 
 my L. of Leycester was very carefuU and diligent at 
 
 The Law a- that time to have such a Law to passe against talkers : 
 hoping (belike) that his L. under that generall restraint 
 might lie the more quietly in harbour from the tempest 
 of mens tongues, which tatled busily at that time, of 
 divers his Lordship's adlions and affaires, which 
 perhaps himselfe would have wished to passe with 
 more secresie. As of his discontentment and prepara- 
 tion to rebellion, upon Monsieurs first comming into 
 the Land : of his disgrace and checks received in 
 Court : of the fresh death of the noble Earle of Essex: 
 and of this mans hasty snatching up of the widdow, 
 whom hee sent up and downe the Countrey from house 
 to house by privy wayeSj thereby to avoid the sight 
 and knowledge of the Queenes Majesty. And albeit 
 hee had not onely used her at his good liking before, 
 for satisfying of his owne lust, but also married and 
 
27 
 
 remarried her for contentation of her friends : yet 
 denied hee the same, by solemne oath to her Maiesty 
 and received the holy Communion thereupon (so good 
 a conscience hee hath) and consequently threatned most Aaions of 
 
 , . t, , . , , 1 J J Leycestey 
 
 sharp revenge towards all subjects which should dare whereof hee 
 to speake thereof: and so for the concealing both of no speech, 
 this and other his doings, which hee desired not to 
 have publike, no marvaile though his Lordship were so 
 diligent a procurer of that law for silence. 
 
 Indeed (said I) it is very probable that his Lordship Scholar. 
 was in great distresse about that time, when Monsieurs 
 matters were in hand, and that hee did many things 
 and purposed more, whereof hee desired lesse speech 
 among the people, especially afterwards, when his said 
 designements tooke not place. I was my selfe that 
 yeare not farre from Warwicke when hee came thither 
 from the Court a full Mal-Content, and when it was 
 thought most certainely throughout the Realm, that 
 hee would have taken armes soone after, if the marriage 
 of her Majesty with Monsieur had gone forward. The 
 thing in Cambridge and in all the Countrey as I rode, 
 was in every man's mouth : and it was a wonder to see 
 not onely the countenances, but also the behaviour, 
 and to heare the bold speeches of all such as were 
 of his fadlion. 
 
 My Lord himselfe had given out a little before at 
 
28 
 
 Leicester's pre- 
 paratives to 
 rebellion 
 upon Mon- 
 sieuTs mar- 
 riage. 
 
 To Sir Tho. 
 Lay ton. 
 
 L. Treasurer. 
 L. Chamber- 
 laine. 
 M. Comp- 
 troller. 
 
 Killingworth, that the matter would cost many broken 
 heads before Michelmasse day next; and my Lord of 
 Warwick had said openly at his table in Greenewich, 
 Sir Thomas Hennige being by (if I bee not deceived,) 
 that it was not to bee suffered (I meane the marriage) 
 which words of his once comming abroad (albeit mis- 
 liked by his owne Lady then also present) every 
 Serving-man and Common-companion, tooke then up 
 in defence of his Lordships part against the Queenes 
 Majesty. Such running there was, such sending and 
 posting about the Realme, such amplification of the 
 powers and forces of Casimere and other Princes, ready, 
 (as was affirmed) to present themselves unto his aid, 
 for defence of the Realme and Religion against stran- 
 gers : (for that was holden to bee his cause) such 
 numbring of parties and complices within the Realme, 
 (whereof himselfe shewed the Catalogue to some of 
 his friends for their comfort) such debasing of them 
 that favoured the marriage (especially two or three 
 Councellors by name, who were said to bee the cause 
 of all, and for that were appointed out to bee sharpely 
 punished to the terrour of all others :) such letters 
 were written and intercepted of purpose, importing 
 great powers to bee ready, and so many other things 
 done and designed, tending all to manifest and open 
 warre: as I began heartily to be afeard, and wished 
 
29 
 
 my selfe backe at Cambridge againe, hoping that being 
 there, my Scholars gowne should excuse mee from 
 necessity of fighting, or if not, I was resolved (by my 
 Lords good leave) to follow Aristotle, who preferreth 
 alway the Lyon before the Beare : assuring my selfe 
 withall, that his Lordship should have no better suc- 
 cesse in this (if it came to triall) then his Father had 
 in as bad a cause, and so much the more for that I 
 was privy to the minds of some of his friends, who 
 meant to have deceived him, if the matter had broken 
 out. And amongst other, there was a certaine Vice- sk rhomas 
 
 ° Hibbot. 
 
 president in the World, who being left in the roome 
 and absence of an other, to procure friends : said in a 
 place secretly not farre from Ludlow, that if the matter 
 came to blowes, hee would follow his Mistresse, and 
 leave his Master in the briars. 
 
 Marry Sir (quoth the Gentleman) and I trow many Gentleman. 
 more would have followed that example. For albeit I 
 know, that the Papists were most named and mis- 
 doubted of his part, in that cause, for their open 
 inclination towards Monsieur, and consequently for 
 greater discredit of the thing it selfe, it was given out 
 every where by this Champion of religion, that her 
 Majesties cause was the Papists cause, (even as his Leymters Fa- 
 Father had done in the like enterprise before him, terousPa- 
 though all upon dissimulation, as appeared at his 
 
30 
 
 The honour 
 and commo- 
 dities by the 
 marriage 
 with France, 
 
 death, where hee professed himselfe an earnest Papist:) 
 yet was there no man so simple in the Realme, which 
 discried not this Vizard at the first: neither yet any 
 good subjedl (as I suppose) who seeing her Majesty on 
 the one part, would not have taken against the other 
 part, what so ever hee had beene. And much more 
 the thing it selfe in controversie (I meane the marriage 
 of her Royall Majesty with the brother and heire 
 apparent of France,) being taken and judged by the 
 best, wisest and faithfulest Protestants of the Realme, 
 to bee both honourable, convenient, profitable and 
 needful!. Whereby onely, as by a most soveraigne, 
 and present remedy, all our maladies both abroad and 
 at home, had at once beene cured: all forraine enemies, 
 and domestical! conspirators, all differences, all dan- 
 gers, all feares had ceased together : France had beene 
 ours most assured : Spain would not a little have 
 trembled : Scotland had beene quiet : our competitors 
 in England would have quaked: and for the Pope hee 
 might have put up his pipes. Our differences in 
 religion at home, had beene either lesse, or no greater 
 then now they are, for that Monsieur being but a 
 moderate Papist, and nothing vehement in his opinions, 
 was content with very reasonable conditions, for him- 
 selfe and his strangers onely in use of their conscience 
 not unlikely (truly) but that in time hee might by 
 
31 
 
 Gods grace, and by the great wisedome and virtue of 
 her Majesty have beene brought also to embrace the 
 Gospell, as King Ethelbert an heathen was by noble Etheaert King 
 Queene Bertha his wife, the first Christian of our verted ^w. 
 
 r^ ,.,—,. dom. 603. 
 
 English Princes. 
 
 Vnto all which felicity, if the Lord in mercy should 
 have added also some issue of there royall bodies, (as 
 was not impossible, when first this noble match was 
 moved,) wee then (doubtles) had beene the most 
 fortunate people under heaven, and might have beene 
 (perhaps) the meane to have restored the Gospell 
 throughout all Europe besides, as our Brethren of 
 France well considered and hoped. 
 
 Of all which singular benefits both present and to 
 come, both, in Re and Spe, this Tyrant for his owne 
 private lucre (fearing lest hereby his ambition might be 
 restrained, and his treachery revealed) hath bereaved 
 the Realme, and done what in him lieth besides, to 
 alienate for ever and make our mortall enemy this 
 great Prince, who sought the love of her Majesty with 
 so much honour and confidence as never Prince the 
 like, putting twice his owne person to jeopardy of the 
 Sea, and to the perill of his malitious enviours here in 
 England, for her Majesties sake. 
 
 When you speake of Monsieur (said the Lawyer) Lawyer. 
 I cannot but greatly bee moved, both for these 
 
32 
 
 considerations well touched by you, as also for some 
 other : especially one wherein (perhaps) you will 
 thinke mee partiall, but truly I am not : for that I 
 speake it onely in respedl of the quiet and good of 
 my Countrey, and that is, that by Monsieurs match 
 with our noble Princesse, besides the hope of issue 
 (which was the principall) there wanted not also pro- 
 Toiierationin bability, that some union or little tolleration in religion, 
 unionTn^de- betwecnc you and us, might have beene procured in 
 Country. "'"^ this State, as wee see that in some other Countries is 
 admitted to their great good. Which thing (no doubt) 
 would have cut of quite all dangers and dealings from 
 forraine Princes, and would have stopped many devises 
 and plots within the Realme : whereas now by this 
 breach with France, wee stand alone as mee seemeth 
 without any great unition or friendship abroad, and our 
 differences at home grow more vehement and sharp 
 then ever before. Vpon which two heads, as also upon 
 infinit other causes, purposes, drifts and pretences, 
 there doe ensue dayly more deepe, dangerous and 
 desperate praftizes, every man using either the com- 
 modity or necessity of the time and state for his owne 
 purpose, especially, now when all men presume that 
 her Majesty (by the continuall thwartings which have 
 been used against all her marriage) is not like to leave 
 unto the Realme, that pretious Jewell so much and 
 
33 
 
 long desired of all English hearts, I meane the Royall 
 heires of her owne body. 
 
 Thwartings call you the defeating of all her Ma- Gentimm. 
 jesties most honourable offers of marriage ? (said the 
 other) truly in my opinion you should have used an 
 other word to expresse the nature of so wicked a fadl : 
 whereby alone, if their were no other, this unfortunate 
 man, hath done more hurt to his Commonwealth, then 
 if hee had murdered many thousands of her subjedts, 
 or betrayed whole armies to the professed enemy. I 
 can remember well my selfe, foure treatises to this 
 purposes, undermined by his meanes ; The first with Divers mar- 
 the Swethen King: the second with the Archduke of mI defeated. 
 Austria: the third with Henry King of France that 
 now reigneth : and the fourth with the brother and 
 heire of the said Kingdome. For I let passe many 
 other secret motions made by great Potentates to her 
 Majesty for the same purpose, but these foure are 
 openly knowen, and therefore I name them. Which 
 foure are as well knowen to have beene all disturbed by 
 this Dawes, as they were earnestly pursued by the 
 other. 
 
 And for the first three Suters, hee drove them Leycister de- 
 
 1 . ^ . - . , , . , . vises to drive 
 
 away, by protestmg and swearmg that himselfe was away aii Su- 
 contradled unto her Majesty, whereof her highnesse uai^st^ 
 was sufficiently advertised by Cardinall Chatilian in the 
 
34 
 
 first treaty for France, and the Cardinall soone after 
 punished (as is thought) by this man with poison. 
 But yet this speech hee gave out then, every where 
 among his friends both strangers and other, that hee 
 (forsooth) was assured to her Majesty and conse- 
 quently that all other Princes must give over their 
 sutes, for him. Whereunto notwithstanding, when the 
 Swethen would hardly give eare, this man conferred 
 with his Privado to make a most unseemely and dis- 
 loyall proofe thereof for the others satisfadlion, which 
 thing I am enforced by duty to passe over with silence, 
 for honour to the parties who are touched therein : as 
 also I am to conceale his said filthy Privado, though 
 worthy otherwise for his dishonestly to bee displayed 
 to the World : but my Lord himselfe, I am sure, doth 
 well remember both the man and the matter. And 
 albeit there was no wise man at that time who knowing 
 Leycester con- my L, suspedled uot the false-hood, and his arrogant 
 seifeof jmpu- affirmation touching this contradt with her Majesty, 
 *° ^' yet some both abroad and at home might doubt 
 
 thereof perhaps : but now of late, by his knowen 
 marriage with his Minion Dame Lettice of Essex, hee 
 hath declared manifestly his owne most impudent and 
 disloyall dealing with his soveraigne in this report. 
 Laxvytr. For that Tcport (quoth the Lawyer) I know that it 
 
 was common and maintained by many, for divers 
 
35 
 
 yeares: yet did the wiser sort make no accompt 
 thereof, seeing it came only from himselfe, and in his 
 owne behalfe. Neither was it credible, that her Ma- 
 jesty who refused so noble Knights and Princes as 
 Europe hath not the like : would make choise of so Thebasenes 
 meane a peere as Robin Dudley is, noble onely in two anceftors"^* 
 descents, and both of them stained with the Block, 
 from which also himselfe, was pardoned but the other 
 day, being condemned thereunto by law for his deserts, 
 as appeareth yet in publike records. And for the Anno i. r. 
 widdow of Essex, I marvaile Sir (quoth hee) how you ""^ 
 call her his wife, seeing the canon law standeth yet in 
 force touching matters of marriage within the Realme. 
 
 Oh (said the Gentleman laughing) you meane for cmtiman. 
 that hee procured the poisoning of her Husband, in his 
 journey from Ireland. You must thinke that Do6lor Do&or Dau. 
 Dale will dispence in that matter, as hee did (at his 
 Lordships appointment) with his Italian physitian 
 Dodtor lulio, to have two wives at once: at the least vio&or luUo. 
 wise the matter was permitted, and borne out by them 
 both publiquely (as all the World knoweth) and that 
 against no lesse persons then the Archbishop of TheArch- 
 Canterbury himselfe, whose overthrow was principally Ihrowfor not' 
 wrought by this Tyrant for contrarying his will, in so f^^S> l^- 
 beastly a demand. But for this controuersie whether suian''''^''^" 
 the marriage bee good or no, I leave it to bee tried 
 
36 
 
 The Lady 
 Sheffield now 
 Embassa- 
 desse in 
 
 France. 
 
 hereafter betweene my yong L. of Denbighe, and M. 
 Philip Sidney, whom the same most concerneth. For 
 that it is like to deprive him of a goodly inheritance if 
 it take place, (as some will say that in no reason it 
 can,) not onely in respeft of the precedent adultery 
 and murder betweene the parties : but also for that 
 my L. was contradted, at least, to an other Lady 
 before, that yet liveth, whereof M. Edward Diar and 
 M. Edmond Tilney both Courtiers can bee witnesses, 
 and consumated the same contradl by generation of 
 children. But this (as I said) must bee left to bee tried 
 hereafter by them which shall have most interest in the 
 case. Onely for the present I must advertise you, that 
 you may not take hold so exadlly of all my L. doings 
 in Womens affaires, neither touching their marriages, 
 neither yet their husbands. 
 
 For first his Lordship hath a speciall fortune, that 
 when hee desireth any womans favour, then what per- 
 son so ever standeth in his way, hath the luck to die 
 quickly for the finishing of his desire. As for example: 
 when his Lordship was in full hope to marry her Ma- 
 The death of jcsty, and his owne wife stood in his light, as hee 
 
 Leycesteys first . - 
 
 Lady & wife, supposed : hcc did but send her aside, to the house of 
 his servant Forster of Cumner by Oxford, where shortly 
 after shee had the chance to fall from a paire of staires, 
 and so to breake her neck, but yet without hurting of 
 
37 
 her hood that stood upon her head. But Sir Richard Sir RkhaH 
 
 . Vamey. 
 
 Varney who by commandement remained with her that 
 
 day alone, with one man onely, and had sent away 
 
 perforce all her Servants from her, to a market two 
 
 miles of, hee (I say) with his man can tell how shee 
 
 died, which man being taken afterward for a fellony in 
 
 the marches of Wales, and offering to publish the 
 
 manner of the said murder, was made away privily in 
 
 the prison. And Sir Richard himselfe dying about the 
 
 same time in London, cried pitiously, and blasphemed 
 
 God, and said to a Gentleman of worship of mine 
 
 acquaintance, not long before his death: that all the 
 
 Divels in Hell did teare him in peeces. The wife also 
 
 of Bald Buttler Kinsman to my L. gave out the whole BaUButtier. 
 
 fadl a little before her death. But to returne unto my 
 
 purpose, this was my Lords good fortune to have his 
 
 wife die, at that time when it was like to turne most to 
 
 his profit. 
 
 Long after this, hee fell in love with the Lady 
 Sheffield •vihova I signified before, and then also had hee 
 the same fortune to have her Husband die quickly Thesuspi- 
 with an extreame reume in his head (as it was given of°thei,ord 
 out ; ) but as other say, of an artificiall Catarre that ^*'-^'''*' 
 stopped his breath. The like good chance had hee in 
 the death of my Lord of Essex (as I have said before) 
 and that at a time most fortunate for his purpose: for 
 
38 
 
 The poison- 
 ing of the 
 Earle of 
 Essex. 
 
 The shifting 
 of a child in 
 Dame Lettice 
 belly. 
 
 The divers 
 operation of 
 poyson. 
 
 when hee was comming home from Ireland, with intent 
 to revenge himselfe upon my Lord of Leycester, for be- 
 getting his wife with child in his absence (the child 
 was a daughter and brought up by the Lady Shandoies, 
 W. Knooles his wife : ) my Lord of Ley hearing thereof, 
 wanted not a friend or two to accompany the Deputie, 
 as among other, a couple of the Earles owne servants, 
 Crompton (if I misse not his name) yeoman of his 
 bottels, and Lloid his Secretary entertained afterward 
 by my Lord of Leycester. And so hee died in the way 
 of an extreame Flux, caused by an Italian Recipe, as 
 all his friends are well assured : the maker whereof 
 was a Surgion (as is believed) that then was newly 
 come to my Lord from Italy. A cunning man and sure 
 in operation, with whom if the good Lady had beene 
 sooner acquainted and used his helpe, shee should not 
 have needed to have sitten so pensive at home and 
 fearefull of her husbands former returne out of the 
 same Countrey, but might have spared the yong child 
 in her belly, which shee was enforced to make away 
 (cruelly and unnaturally) for clearing the house against 
 the good mans arrivall. 
 
 Neither must you marvaile though all these died in 
 divers manners of outward diseases, for this is the 
 excellency of the Italian art, for which this Surgion and 
 D. lulio were entertained so carefully, who can make a 
 
39 
 
 man die, in what manner or shew of sicknesse you will ; 
 
 by whose instrudlions no doubt but his Lordship is 
 
 now cunning, especially adding also to these the coun- 
 
 sell of his Dodlor Bayly, a man also not a little studied "Do&or Bayiv 
 
 (as hee seemeth) in his art. For I heard him once my * y°"ser- 
 
 selfe in publique a6l in Oxford (and that in presence of 
 
 my Lord of Leycester if I bee not deceived) maintaine, 
 
 that poison might so bee tempered and given as it 
 
 should not appeare presently, and yet should kill the 
 
 party afterward at what time should bee appointed. 
 
 Which argument belike pleased well his Lordship and 
 
 therefore was chosen to bee discussed in his audience, 
 
 if I bee not deceived of his being that day present. So 
 
 though one die of a Flux, and an other of a Catarre, 
 
 yet this importeth little to the matter, but sheweth 
 
 rather the great cunning and skill of the Artificer. 
 
 So Cardinall Chatilian (as I have said before,) having Death of 
 accused my Lord of Leycester to the Queenes Majesty, chaunan. 
 and after that, passing from London towards France 
 about the marriage, died by the way at Canterbury of a 
 burning Fever : and so proved Dodlor Baylies assertion 
 true, that poison may bee given to kill at a day. 
 
 At this the Lawyer cast up his eyes to Heaven, and Scholar. 
 I stood somewhat musing and thinking of that which 
 had beene spoken of the Earle of Essex, whose case 
 indeed moved mee more then all the rest, for that hee 
 
40 
 
 Lea. 
 Honnies. 
 
 Mistresse 
 Draykot poi- 
 soned with 
 the Earle of 
 Essex. 
 
 was a very noble Gentleman, a great Advancer of true 
 Religion, a Patron to many Preachers and Students, 
 and towards mee and some of my friends in particular, 
 hee had beene in some things very beneficiall : and 
 therefore I said that it grieved mee extreamely to heare 
 or thinke of so unworthy a death contrived by such 
 meanes to so worthy a Peere. And so much the more, 
 for that it was my chance, to come to the under- 
 standing of divers particulars concerning that thing, 
 both from one Lea an Irish-man, Robin Honnies and 
 other, that were present at Penteneis the Marchants 
 house in Beveling upon the kay, where the Murder was 
 committed. The matter was wrought especially by 
 Crompton yeoman of the bottels, by the procurement of 
 Lloyd as you have noted before, and there was poisoned 
 at the same time and with the same cup (as given of 
 curtesie by the Earle) one Mistresse Ales Draykot a 
 goodly Gentlewoman, whom the Earle affedlioned 
 much, who departing thence towards her owne house, 
 (which was i8 miles of, the foresaid Lea accompanying 
 her, and wayting upon her,) shee began to fall sick 
 very grievously upon the way, and continued with 
 increase of paines and excessive torments, by vomiting, 
 untill shee died, which was the Sunday before the 
 Earles death, ensuing the Friday after, and when shee 
 was dead, her body was swolne unto a monstrous 
 
41 
 
 bignesse and deformity, whereof the good Earle hearing 
 the day following, lamented the case greatly, and said 
 in the presence of his Servants, Ah poore Ales, the cup 
 was not prepared for thee, albeit it were thy hard 
 destiny to tast thereof. 
 
 Yong Honnies also whose Father is Master of the 
 children of her Majesties Chappell, being at that time 
 Page to the said Earle, and accustomed to take the 
 tast of his drinke (though since entertained also among 
 other by my Lord of Leycester for better covering of 
 matter) by his tast that hee then tooke of the com- 
 pound cup, (though in very small quantity, as you 
 know the fashion is :) yet was hee like to have lost his 
 hfe, but escaped in the end, (being yong) with the losse 
 onely of his haire : which the Earle perceiving, and 
 taking compassion of the youth : called for a cup of 
 drinke a little before his death, and drunk to Honnies, 
 saying: I drinke to thee my Robin, and be not afeard, TheEarieof 
 for this is a better cup of drinke then that, whereof ^"TsPa? 
 thou tookest the tast when wee were both poisoned, ^'"''""'""""■ 
 and whereby thou hast lost thy haire and I must loose 
 my life. This hath yong Honnies reported openly in 
 divers places, and before divers Gentlemen of worship 
 sithence his comming into England, and the foresaid 
 Lea Irishman at his passage this way towards France, 
 after hee had beene present at the forenamed Mis- 
 
42 
 
 Gentleman. 
 
 Death of Sir 
 
 Nicholas 
 
 Throgmarton. 
 
 Sir Will. Cy- 
 cill now L. 
 Treasurer. 
 
 tresse Draykots death, with some other of the Earles 
 Servants, have and doe most constantly report the 
 same, where they may doe it without the terrour of my 
 Lord of Leycesters revenge. Wherefore in this mattep 
 there is no doubt at all, though most extreame vile 
 and intollerable indignity, that such a man should bee 
 so openly murdered without punishment. What 
 Noble-man within the Realme may bee safe if this bee 
 sufifered ? or what worthy personage will adventure his 
 life in her Majesties service if this shall bee his reward? 
 But (Sir) I pray you pardon mee, for I am somewhat 
 perhaps to vehement in the case of this my Patron and 
 noble Peere of our Realme. And therefore I beseech 
 you to goe forward in your talke whereas you left. 
 
 I was recounting unto you others (said the Gentle- 
 man) made away by my Lord of Leycester with like art, 
 and the next in order I thinke was Sir Nicholas Throg- 
 marton, who was a man whom my Lord of Leycester 
 used a great while (as all the World knoweth) to over- 
 thwart and crosse the doings of my Lord Treasurer 
 then Sir Will. Cicill, a man specially misliked alwayes 
 of Leycester, both in respefl of his old Master the 
 Duke of Somerset, as also for that his great wisedome, 
 zeale and singular fidelity to the Realme, was like to 
 hinder much this mans designements: wherefore under- 
 standing after a certaine time that these two Knights 
 
43 
 
 were secretly made friends, and that Sir Nicholas was 
 
 like to detedl his doings (as hee imagined,) which 
 
 might turne to some prejudice of his purposes: (haying 
 
 conceived also a secret grudge and griefe against him, 
 
 for that hee had written to her Majesty at his being 
 
 Embassadour in France, that hee heard reported at 
 
 Duke Memorances table, that the Queene of England 
 
 had a meaning to marry her Horse-keeper) hee invited 
 
 the said Sir Nicholas to a Supper at his house in 
 
 London and at Supper time departed to the Court, 
 
 being called for (as hee said) upon the sudden by her 
 
 Majesty, and so perforce would needs have Sir Nicholas 
 
 to sit and occupie his Lordships place, and therein to 
 
 bee served as hee was: and soone after by a surfeit 
 
 their taken, hee died of a strange and incurable vomit. 
 
 But the day before his death, hee declared to a deare 
 
 friend of his, all the circumstance and cause of his 
 
 disease, which hee affirmed plainely to bee of poison, 
 
 given him in a Salat at Supper, inveying most earnestly xhe poison- 
 
 against the Earles cruelty and bloudy disposition, wfcAotoLa 
 
 affirming him to be the wickedest, most perilous, and ^^'*'- 
 
 perfidious man under heaven. But what availed this, 
 
 when hee had now received the bait. 
 
 This then is to shew the mans good fortune, in 
 seeing them dead, whom for causes hee would not have 
 to live. And for his art of poisoning, it is such now 
 
44 
 
 The Lord 
 Chamber- 
 laine. 
 
 Monsieur 
 Simicrs. 
 
 The poison- 
 ing of the 
 Lady Lenox. 
 
 and reacheth so farre, as hee holdeth all his foes in 
 England and els where, as also a good many of his 
 friends in feare thereof, and if it were knowen how 
 many hee hath dispatched or assaulted that way, it 
 would bee marvailous to the posterity. The late Earle 
 of Sussex wanted not a scruple for many yeares before 
 his death, of some dramme received that made him 
 incurable. And unto that noble Gentleman Monsieur 
 Simiers, it was discovered by great providence of God, 
 that his life was to bee attempted by that art, and that 
 not taking place (as it did not through his owne good 
 circumspedlion,) it was concluded that the same should 
 be assaulted by violence, whereof I shall have occasion 
 to say more hereafter. 
 
 It hath been told me also by some of the Servants 
 of the late Lady Lenox, who was also of the bloud 
 Royall by Scotland as all men know, and consequently 
 little liked by Leycester: that a little before her death 
 or sicknesse, my Lord tooke the paines to come and 
 visit her with extraordinary kindnesse, at her house at 
 Hackney, bestowing long discourses with her in private: 
 but as soone as hee was departed, the good Ladie fell 
 into such a Flux, as by no meanes could bee stayed so 
 long as she had life in her body, whereupon both shee 
 her selfe, and all such as were neare about her, and 
 saw her disease and ending day, were fully of opinion, 
 
45 
 
 that my Lord had procured her dispatch at his being 
 there. Whereof let the Women that served her bee 
 examined, as also Fowler that then had the chiefe 
 doings in her affaires, and since hath beene entertained 
 by my Lord of Leycester. Mallet also a stranger borne, 
 that then was about her, a sober and zealous man in 
 religion, and otherwise well qualified, can say some- 
 what in this point (as I thinke) if hee were demanded. 
 So that this art and exercise of poisoning, is much 
 more perfefl with my Lord then praying and hee 
 seemeth to take more pleasure therein. 
 
 Now for the second point, which I named, touching 
 marriages and contrafts with Women : you must not 
 marvaile though his Lordship bee somewhat divers, Leycesun 
 variable and inconstant, with himselfe, for that accor- dealing with 
 ding to his profit or his pleasure, and as his lust and contraasand 
 liking shall vary (wherein by the judgement of all men, '°*'^"^s®^ 
 hee surpasseth, not onely Sardanapalus and Nero, but 
 even Heliogabalus himselfe : ) so his Lordship also 
 changeth Wives and Minions, by killing the one, deny- 
 ing the other, using the third for a time, and hee " 
 fawning upon the fourth. And for this cause hee hath 
 his tearmes and pretences (I warrant you) of Contradls, 
 Precontra6ls, Postcontrafts, Protrafts, and Retradls : 
 as for example : after hee had killed his first wife, and 
 so broken that contrafl, then forsooth would hee needs contraas. 
 
46 
 
 Precontrafts. 
 
 Post- 
 contrads. 
 
 Retrafl. 
 
 Protraa. 
 
 make himselfe Husband to the Queenes Majesty, and 
 so defeat all other Princes by vertue of his precontra(Jt. 
 But after this, his lust compelling him to an other 
 place, hee would needs make a postcontradl with the 
 Lady Sheffield, and so hee did, begetting two children 
 upon her, the one a boy called Robin Sheffield now 
 living, some time brought up at Newington, and the 
 other a daughter, borne (as is knowen) at Dudley Castle. 
 But yet after, his concupiscence changing againe (as it 
 never stayeth) hee resolved to make a retraft, of this 
 postcontraft, (though it were as surely done (as I have 
 said) as Bed and Bible could make the same) and to 
 make a certaine new, protradl, (which is a continuation 
 of using her for a time) with the Widdow of Essex. 
 But yet to stop the mouths of our criars, and to bury 
 the Synagogue with some honour, (for these two wives 
 Leyuiters two of Levcester, were merrily and wittily called his old and 
 
 Testaments. i , r 
 
 new Testaments, by a person of great excellency withm 
 the Realme) hee was content to assigne to the former a 
 thousand pounds in money with other petty considera- 
 tions, (the pittifullest abused that ever was poore 
 Lady) and so betake his limmes to the latter, which 
 latter notwithstanding, hee so useth (as wee see) now 
 confessing, now forswearing, now dissembling the mar- 
 riage : and hee will alwayes yet keepe a voyd place for 
 a new surcontraft with any other, when occasion shall 
 require. 
 
47 
 
 Now by my truth Sir (quoth I) I never heard nor Scholar. 
 read the like to this in my life : yet have I read much 
 in my time, of the carnality and licentiousnesse of 
 divers outragious persons, in this kind of sinne, as 
 namely these whom you have mentioned before : 
 especially the Emperour Heliogabalus who passed all 
 other, and was called Varius, of the variety of filth variusHeUo- 
 which hee used in this kind of carnality, or carnall his most in- 
 beastlinesse. Whose death was : that being at length 
 odious to all men, and so slaine by his owne Souldiers, 
 was drawen through the City upon the ground like a 
 dogge, and cast into the common privy, with this 
 Epitaph. Hie projeClus est indomitce & rabidce libidinis An Epitaph. 
 catulus. Here is throwen in, the Whelpe of unruly and 
 raging lust : which Epitaph, may also one day chance 
 to serve my Lord of Leycester (whom you call the 
 Beare-whelp,) if hee goe forward as hee hath begunne, 
 and die as hee deserveth. 
 
 But (good Sir) what a compassion is this, that 
 among us Christians, and namely in so well governed, 
 and religious a Common-wealth as ours is, such a riot 
 should bee permitted upon mens wives in a subjedl : a pittifuu 
 whereas wee read that among the very Heathens, lesse 
 offences then these, in the same kind, were extreamely 
 punished in Princes themselves, and that not onely in 
 the person delinquent alone, but also by extirpation 
 
48 
 
 of the whole family for his sake, as appeareth in the 
 Theextirpa- example of the Tarquinians among the Romans. And 
 
 tion of the '^ . ■* ° 
 
 Tarquinians. here also m our owne Realme, wee have registred in 
 An. dom. 959. Chronicle, how that one King Edwin above six hundred 
 yeares past was deprived of his Kingdome, for much 
 lesse scandalous fadls then these. 
 Gmiiman. I remember well the story (quoth the Gentleman) 
 
 and thereby doe easily make conjedlure, what difference 
 there is betwixt those times of old, and our dayes now: 
 seeing then, a crowned Prince could not passe un- 
 punished with one or two outragious adts, whereas now 
 a subjedl raised up but yesterday from the meaner sort, 
 The intoUer- rangeth at his pleasure in all licentiousnesse, and that 
 tiousnesse of with Security, void of feare both of God and man. No 
 carnality. mans wife Can bee free from him, whom his firie lust 
 liketh to abuse, nor their Husbands able to resist nor 
 save from his violence, if they shew dislike, or will not 
 yeeld their consent to his doings. And if I should 
 discover in particular how many good Husbands hee 
 had plagued in this nature, and for such delights, it 
 were intoUerable : for his concupiscence and violence 
 doe runne joyntly together, as in furious beasts wee 
 see they are accustomed. Neither holdeth hee any 
 rule in his lust besides onely the motion and suggestion 
 of his owne sensuality. Kindred, affinity or any other 
 band of consanguinity : religion, honour or honesty 
 
49 
 
 taketh no place in his outragious appetite. What hee 
 best liketh that hee taketh as lawfull for the time. So 
 that Kins-woman, allie, friends wife, or daughter, or 
 whatsoever female sort besides doth please his eye : 
 (I leave out of purpose and for honour sake tearmes 
 of kinred more neare) that must yeeld to his desire. 
 
 The keeping of the Mother with two or three of her 
 Daughters at once or successively, is no more with 
 him, then the eating of an Henne and her Chicken 
 together. There are not (by report) two Noble women 
 about her Majesty (I speake upon some accompt of 
 them that know much) whom hee hath not solicited by 
 potent wayes : Neither contented with this place of 
 honour, hee hath descended to seeke pasture among 
 the waiting Gentlewomen of her Majesties great 
 Chamber, offering more for their allurement, then I Money weii 
 
 ■ • Spent 
 
 thinke Lats did commonly take m Corinth, if three 
 hundreth pounds for a night, will make up the summe: 
 or if not, yet will hee make it up otherwise : having 
 reported himselfe (so little shame hee hath) that hee 
 offered to an other of higher place, an hundreth pound AnneVmiser. 
 lands by the yeare with as many Jewels as most 
 Women under her Majesty used in England : which 
 was no meane bait to one that used trafhque in such 
 marchandize : shee being but the leavings of an other 
 man before him, whereof my Lord is nothing squemish, 
 
50 
 
 for satisfying of his lust, but can bee content (as they 
 say) to gather up crummes when hee is hungry, even 
 in the very Landry it selfe, or other place of baser 
 quality. 
 The punish- And albeit the Lord of his great mercy, to doe him 
 
 ments of God . 
 
 upon Leyces- good, no doubt, if hee were revokeable, hath laid his 
 
 ter, to do him , , , . , . ... 
 
 good. hand upon him, in some chasticement in this World 
 
 by giving him a broken Belly on both sides of his 
 bowels whereby misery and putrifadlion is threatned to 
 him dayly: and to his yong Sonne by the Widdow 
 of Essex, (being Filius peccati) such a strange calamity 
 * ^'l®'?'}' °f *^^ falling sicknesse in his infancy,* as well may bee 
 
 ters shall be a witncsse of the Parents sinne and wickednesse, and 
 
 consumed, r i i i • .... • i ■ 
 
 and the seed of both their wastcd natures in iniquity : yet is this 
 bed shall bee man nothing amended thereby, but according to the 
 saithGod.— custome of all old adulterers, is more libidinous at 
 this day then ever before, more given to procure love 
 in others by Conjuring, Sorcery, and other such 
 meanes. And albeit for himselfe, both age, and nature 
 spent, doe somewhat tame him from the aft, yet 
 wanteth hee not will, as appeareth by the Italian 
 Leyusters Ointment, procured not many yeares past by his Sur- 
 gion or Mountibanck of that Country, whereby (as they 
 say) hee is able to move his flesh at all times, for 
 keeping of his credit, howsoever his inability bee other- 
 wise for performance : as also one of his Physitians 
 
51 
 
 reported to an Earle of this Land, that his Lordship 
 
 had a bottle for his Bed-head, of tenne pounds the Leycesters 
 
 "^ bottell. 
 
 Pint to the same effedt. But my Masters whether are 
 wee fallen, unadvised ? I am ashamed to have made 
 mention of so base filthinesse. 
 
 Not without good cause (quoth I) but that wee are scholar. 
 here alone and no man heareth us. Wherefore I pray 
 you let us returne whereas wee left : and when you 
 named my Lord of Leycesters Daughter borne of the 
 Lady Sheffield in Dudley Castle, there cam.e into my 
 head a pritty story concerning that affaire : which now 
 I will recompt (though somewhat out of order) thereby 
 to draw you from the further stirring of this unsavery 
 pudle, and foule dunghill, whereunto wee are slipped, 
 by following my Lord somewhat to farre in his paths 
 and ad^ions. 
 
 Wherefore to tell you the tale as it fell out: I grew 
 acquainted three Moneths past with a certaine Minister, 
 that now is dead, and was the same man that was used 
 at Dudley Castle, for complement of some sacred Cere- 
 monies at the birth of my Lord of Leycesters Daughter a petty de- 
 in that place : and the matter was so ordained, by the 
 wily wit of him that had sowed the seed, that for the 
 better covering of the harvest and secret delivery of 
 the Lady Sheffield, the good wife of the Castle also 
 (whereby Leycesters appointed gossips, might without 
 
52 
 
 An aA of 
 Atheisme. 
 
 Lawyer. 
 
 GtntUman. 
 
 Lawyer. 
 
 Gentleman. 
 
 Other suspition have accesse to the place) should faigne 
 herselfe to bee with child, and after long and sore 
 travell (God wot) to bee delivered of a cushion (as shee 
 was indeed) and a little after a faire Coffin was buried 
 with a bundell of cloutes in shew of a child : and the 
 Minister caused to use all accustomed prayers and 
 ceremonies for the solemne interring thereof: for which 
 thing, afterward, before his death hee had great griefe 
 and remorse of conscience, with no small detestation 
 of the most irreligious devise of my Lord of Leycester 
 in such a case. 
 
 Here the Lawyer began to laugh a pace both at 
 the devise and at the Minister, and said now truly if 
 my Lords contradls hold no better, but hath so many 
 infirmities, with subtilties, and by-places besides: I 
 would bee loth that hee were married to my Daughter, 
 as meane as shee is. 
 
 But yet (quoth the Gentleman) I had rather of the 
 two bee his wife for the time then his guest : especially 
 if the Italian Surgion or Physition bee at hand. 
 
 True it is (said the Lawyer) for hee doth not 
 poison his Wives, whereof I somewhat marvaile, 
 especially his first wife, I muse why hee chose rather 
 to make her away by open violence, then by some 
 Italian confortive. 
 
 Hereof (said the Gentleman) may bee divers reasons 
 
53 
 alleadged. First that he was not at that time so skil- The erst 
 
 ° _ reason why 
 
 full in those Italian wares, nor had about him so fit Leycester siev, 
 
 his wife by 
 
 Physitians and Surgions for the purpose : nor yet in violence, ra- 
 trueth doe I think that his mind was so setled then in poison, 
 mischiefe, as it hath beene sithence. For you know, 
 that men are not desperate the first day, but doe enter 
 into wickednesse by degrees, and with some doubt or 
 staggering of conscience at the beginning. And so hee 
 at that time might bee desirous to have his wife made 
 away, for that shee letted him in his designements, but 
 yet not so stony harted as to appoint out the particular 
 manner of her death, but rather to leave that, to the 
 discretion of the murderer. 
 
 Secondly, it is not also unlikely that hee prescribed The second 
 unto Sir Richard Varney at his going thither, that hee 
 should first attempt to kill her by poison, and if that 
 tooke not place then by any other way to dispatch her, 
 howsoever.^yrhis I prove by the report of old Dodlor Doaor Bayly 
 Bayly who then lived in Oxford (an other manner of 
 man then hee who now liveth about my Lord of the 
 same name) and was Professor of the Physick Ledlure 
 in the same Vniversity. This learned grave man 
 reported for most certaine, that there wa sapradlize in 
 Cwgtagfi-acno ng the consp iratours, tojiave^plsfined the 
 po ore L ady a little before shee was killed, which was 
 attemptedia-this orderT "" ————-- 
 
54 
 
 They seeing the good Lady sad and heavy (as one 
 that well knew by her other handling that her death 
 was not farre of) began to perswade her, that her 
 disease was aboundance of MelanchoUy and other 
 humours, and therefore would needs counsaile her to 
 take some potion, which shee absolutely refusing, to 
 doe, as suspefting still the worst : they sent one day, 
 A pradise (uuawares to her) for Dodlor Bayly, and desired him to 
 thei^ady"'"^ perswade her to take some little potion at his hands, 
 *^ and theyjwould send to fetch the same at Oxford upon 
 
 his 'prescription, meaning to have added also some- 
 what of their owne for her comfort as the Dodtor upon 
 just causes suspefted, seeing their great importunity, 
 and the small need which the good Lady had of 
 Physick, and therefore hee flatly denied their request, 
 misdoubting (as hee after reported) least if they had 
 poisoned her under the name of his Potion: hee might 
 after have beene hanged for a cover of their sinne. 
 Marry the said Doftor remained well assured that this 
 way taking no place, shee should not long escape 
 violence as after ensued. And the thing was so beaten 
 into the heads of the principall men of the Vniversity 
 of Oxford, by these and other meanes : as for that shee 
 was found murdered (as all men said) by the Crowners 
 inquest, and for that shee being hastely and obscurely 
 buried at Cumner (which was condemned above as not 
 
55 
 
 advisedly done) my good Lord, to make plaine to the 
 
 World the great love hee bare to her in her life, and 
 
 what a grief the losse of so vertuous a Lady was to 
 
 his tender heart, would needs have her taken up again 
 
 and re-buried in the Vniversity Church at Oxford, with 
 
 great Pomp and solemnity: That Doctor Babington my Dodior 
 
 Lords Chaplaine, making the publique funerall Sermon "'^ 
 
 at her second buriall, tript once or twice in his speech, 
 
 by recommending to there memories that vertuous 
 
 Lady so pittifully murdered, instead of so pittifully 
 
 slaine. 
 
 A third cause of this manner of this Ladies death, a third rea- 
 son. 
 may bee the disposition of my Lords nature : which is 
 
 bold and violent where it feareth no resistance (as all 
 
 cowardly natures are by kind) and where any difficulty 
 
 or danger appeareth, there, more ready to attempt all 
 
 by art, subtilty, treason and treachery. And so for that 
 
 hee doubted no great resistance in the poore Lady to 
 
 withstand the hands of them which should offer to breake 
 
 her neck: hee durst the bolder attempt the same 
 
 openly. 
 
 But in the men whom hee poisoned, for that they 
 
 were such valiant Knights the most part of them, as 
 
 hee durst as soone have eaten his scabard, as draw his 
 
 sword in publique against them : hee was inforced, (as 
 
 all wretched irefull and dastardly creatures are) to sup- 
 
56 
 
 plant them by fraud and by other mens hands. As 
 also at other times, hee hath sought to doe unto divers 
 other noble and valiant personages, when hee was 
 afraid to meet them in the field as a Knight should 
 have done. 
 
 His treacheries towards, the noble late Earle of 
 Sussex in their many breaches, is notorious to all Eng- 
 land. As also the bloudy pradlizes against divers 
 others. 
 
 But as among many, none were more odious and 
 misliked of all men, then those against Monsieur Smt'^w 
 a stranger and Ambassador : whom first hee pradlised 
 The intended to have poisoued (as hath beene touched before) and 
 Monsieur St- when that dcvise tooke not place, then hee appointed 
 dry"meanes! that Robifi Tider his man (as after upon his ale bench 
 hee confessed) should have slaine him at the Black-friars 
 at Greenewich as hee went forth at the garden gate: but 
 missing also of that purpose, for that hee found the Gen- 
 tleman better provided and guarded then hee expedled, 
 hee dealt with certaine Flushiners and other Pirates to 
 sinke him at Sea with the English Gentlemen his fa- 
 vourers, that accompanied him at his returne into France. 
 And though they missed of this praftize also, (as not 
 daring to set upon him for feare of some of her Majesties 
 ships, who, to breake off this designement attended by 
 speciall commandement, to waft him over in safety) yet 
 
57 
 
 the foresaid English Gentlemen, were holden foure 
 houres in chace at their comming back: as M. Rawley 
 well knoweth being then present, and two of the 
 Chacers named Clark and Harris confessed afterward 
 the whole designement. 
 
 The Earle of Ormond in like wise hath often de- The intended 
 
 , ... , . T 1 r T murder of the 
 
 dared, and will avowch it to my Lord of Leycesters Earieof 
 
 face, when so ever hee shall bee called to the same, that 
 
 at such time as this man had a quarrell with him and 
 
 thereby was likely to bee enforced to the field (which hee 
 
 trembled to thinke of) hee first sought by all meanes 
 
 to get him made away by secret murder, offering five 
 
 hundreth pounds for the doing thereof: and secondly 
 
 when that device tooke no place, hee appointed with him 
 
 the field, but secretly suborning his servant William miuam kuu- 
 
 Killegre to lie in the way where Ormond should passe, ^'^'' 
 
 and so to massaker him with a Calliver, before hee came 
 
 to the place appointed. "Which murder though it tooke 
 
 no effedl, for that the matter was taken up, before the day 
 
 of meeting: yet was Killigre placed afterward in her 
 
 Majesties privy Chamber by Leycester, for shewing his 
 
 ready mind, to doe for his Master so faithfull a service. 
 
 So faithfull a service (quoth I?) truly, in my opinion, scholar. 
 it was but an unfit preferment, for so facinorous a fadl. 
 And as I would bee loth that many of his Italians, or 
 other of that art, should come nigh about her Majesties 
 
58 
 
 Preoccupa- 
 tion of her 
 Majesties 
 person. 
 
 An ordinary 
 way of aspir- 
 ing by pre- 
 occupation of 
 the Princes 
 person. 
 
 Kitchen : so much lesse would I, that many such his 
 bloudy Champions should bee placed by him in her 
 highnesse Chamber. Albeit for this Gentleman in 
 particular, it may bee, that with change of his place in 
 service, hee hath changed also his mind and affedtion, 
 and received better instru6lion in the feare of the Lord. 
 
 But yet in generall I must needs say, that it cannot 
 bee but prejudiciall and exceeding dangerous unto our 
 noble Prince and Realme, that any one man whatsoever 
 (especially such a one as the World taketh this man to 
 bee) should grow to so absolute authority and com- 
 mandry in the Court, as to place about the Princes person 
 (the head, the heart, the Hfe of the land) what so ever 
 people liketh him best, and that now upon their deserts 
 towards the Prince, but towards himselfe: whose fidelity 
 being more obliged to their advancer then to their 
 soveraigne, doe serve for watchmen about the same, for 
 the profit of him, by whose appointment they were 
 placed. Who by their meanes casting indeed but 
 Nettes and Chaines, and invisible bands about that 
 person, whom most of all hee pretendeth to serve, he 
 shutteth up his Prince in a prison most sure, though 
 sweet and senselesse. 
 
 Neither is this art of aspiring new or strange unto 
 any man that is experienced in affaires of former time : 
 for it hath beene from the beginning of all governement 
 
59 
 
 a troden path of all aspirers. In the stories both Sacred 
 and Prophane, forraine and domesticall of all Nations, 
 Kingdomes, Countries, and States you shall read, that 
 such as meant to mount above others, and to governe 
 all at their owne discretion : did lay this for the first a compari- 
 
 , son. 
 
 ground and principle of their purpose : to possesse 
 themselves of all such as were in place about the prin- 
 cipal : even as hee who intending to hold a great City 
 at his owne disposition, not dareth make open warre 
 against the same: getteth secretly into his hands or 
 at his devotion, all the Townes, Villages, Castles, 
 Fortresses, Bulwarkes, Rampires, Waters, Wayes, 
 Ports and Passages, about the same, and so without 
 drawing any sword against the said City, hee bringeth 
 the same into bondage to abide his will and pleasure. 
 
 This did all these in the Romane Empire, who rose 
 from subjeiSls to bee great Princes, and to put downe 
 Emperours. This did all those in France and other 
 Kingdomes, who at sundry times have tyranized their 
 Princes. And in our owne Country the examples are 
 manifest of Vortiger, Harold, Henry of Lancaster, Richard 
 of Warwick, Richard of Gloucester, lohn of Northumber- 
 land and divers others, who by this meane specially, 
 have pulled downe their Lawful soveraignes. 
 
 And to speake onely a word or two of the last, for 
 that hee was this mans Father : doth not all England 
 
V as 
 
 60 
 
 The way of know, that hce first overthrew the good Duke of Somerset, 
 VnVe^Du^iey. by drawing to his devotion the very servants and friends 
 of the said Duke ? And afterward did hee not possesse 
 himselfe of the Kings owne person, and brought him to 
 the end which is knowen, and before that, to the most 
 shameful! disheriting of his owne Royall Sisters: and 
 all this, by possessing first the principall men, that were 
 in authority about him ? 
 
 Wherfore Sir if my Lord of Leycester have the same 
 plot in his head (as most men thinke) and that hee 
 meaneth one day to give the same push at the Crowne 
 by the House of Huntington, against all the race and 
 line of King Henry the seventh in generall which his 
 Father gave before him, by pretence of the House of 
 Suffolke, against the Children of King Henry the eight in 
 particular : hee wanteth not reason to follow the same 
 meanes and platforme of planting speciall persons, for 
 his purpose about the Prince for surely his Fathers 
 plot lacked no witty device or preparation, but onely 
 that God overthrew it at the instant : as happily hee may 
 doe this mans) also notwithstanding any diligence that 
 humane wisedome can use to the contrary. 
 Gmtuman. To this said the Gentleman : that my Lord oi Leycester 
 
 hath a purpose to shoot one day at the Diademe by 
 the title of Huntington, is not a thing obscure in it selfe, 
 and it shall bee more plainely proved hereafter. But 
 
6i 
 
 now will I shew unto you, for your instrudlion, how 
 well this man hath followed his Fathers platforme (or 
 rather passed the same) in possessing himselfe of all her 
 Majesties servants, friends, and forces, to serve his 
 turne at that time for execution, and in the meane 
 space for preparation. 
 
 First, in the privy Chamber, next unto her Majes- Leycesters 
 
 , ' . , power in the , 
 
 ties Person, the most part are his owne creatures (as prfvy cham- ^ 
 
 bcr. 
 
 hee calleth them) that is, such as acknowledge their 
 being in that place, from him : and the rest hee so over- 
 ruleth either by flattery or feare, as none may dare 
 but to serve his turne. And his raigne is so absolute 
 in this place, (as also in all other parts of the Court) as 
 nothing can passe but by his admission, nothing can 
 bee said, done, or signified, whereof hee is not par- 
 ticularly advertised : no bill, no supplication, no com- 
 plaint, no sute, no speech, can passe from any man to 
 the Princesse (except it bee from one of the Councell) 
 but by his good liking : or if there doe : hee being 
 admonished thereof (as presently hee shall :) the party 
 delinquent is sure after to abide the smart thereof. 
 Whereby hee holdeth as it were a lock upon the eares 
 of his Prince, and the tongues of all her Majesties 
 servants, so surely chained to his girdle, as no man 
 dareth to speake any one thing that may offend him, 
 though it bee never so true or behovefuU for her 
 Majesty to know. 
 
62 
 
 Leycestcr 
 married at 
 Wanstead; 
 when her Ma- 
 jesty was at 
 M. Stontrs 
 house 
 Dodtor 
 Culpepper, 
 Physitian 
 Minister. 
 
 V 
 
 No sute can 
 passe but by 
 Liycestir. 
 
 Read Polidon 
 in the 7 yeare 
 of King Rich- 
 ard I. and you 
 shall find this 
 proceeding of 
 certain about 
 that K. to bee 
 put as a great 
 cause of his 
 overthrow. 
 
 As well appeared in his late marriage with Dame 
 Essex, which albeit it was celebrated twice : first at 
 Killingworth, and secondly at Waensfead (in the pre- 
 sence of the Earle of Warwick, Lord North, Sir Francis 
 Knooles and others) and this exadlly knowen to the 
 whole Court, with the very day, the place, the witnesses, 
 and the Minister that married them together : yet no 
 man durst open his mouth to make her Majesty privy 
 thereunto, untill Monsieur Simiers disclosed the same, 
 (and thereby incurred his high displeasure) nor yet in 
 many dayes after for feare of Leycester. Which is a 
 subjedlion most dishonorable and dangerous to any 
 Prince living, to stand at the devotion of his subjedt, 
 what to heare or not to heare, of things that passe 
 within his owne Realme. 
 
 And hereof it foUoweth that no sute can prevaile in 
 Court, bee it never so meane, except hee first bee made 
 acquainted there with, and receive not onely the 
 thankes, but also bee admitted unto a great part of the 
 gaine and commodity thereof. Which, as it is a great 
 injury to the suter : so is it a farre more greater to 
 the bounty, honour and security of the Prince, by 
 whose liberality this man feedeth onely, and fortifieth 
 himselfe, depriving his soveraigne of all grace, thankes, 
 and good will of the same. For which cause also hee 
 giveth out ordinarily, to every suter, that her Majesty 
 
63 
 
 is nigh and parsimonious of her selfe, and very difficile 
 to grant any sute, were it not onely upon his incessant 
 solicitation. Whereby hee filleth his owne purse the 
 more, and emptieth the hearts of such as receive 
 benefit, from due thankes to their Princes for the sute 
 obtained. 
 
 Hereof also ensueth, that no man may bee preferred No prefer- 
 
 ■^ * , ments but by 
 
 in Court (bee hee otherwise never so well a deserving Leyuster to 
 
 ^ Leyctstrims. 
 
 servant to her Majesty) except hee bee one of Leycesters 
 faftion or followers : none can bee advanced, except 
 hee bee liked and prefered by him : none receive grace, 
 except hee stand in his good favour, no one may live 
 in countenance, or quiet of life, except hee take it, use 
 it, and acknowledge it from him, so as all the favours, 
 graces, dignities, preferments, riches and rewards, which 
 her Majesty bestoweth, or the Realme can yeeld: must 
 serve to purchase this man private friends, and favourers, 
 onely to advance his party, and to fortifie his fadlion. 
 Which faftion if by these meanes it bee great, (as indeed 
 it is : ) you may not marvaile, seeing the riches and 
 wealth, of so worthy a Common-weale, doe serve him 
 but for a price to buy the same. 
 
 Which thing himselfe well knowing, frameth his spirit Ltycesters 
 of proceeding accordingly. And first, upon confidence rnsdenc^ ^' 
 thereof, is become so insolent and impotent of his Ire 
 that no man may beare the same, how justly or 
 
 y 
 
64 
 
 unjustly so ever it bee conceived : for albeit hee begin 
 to hate a man upon bare surmises onely (as commonly 
 it falleth out, ambition being alwayes the mother of 
 suspicion) yet hee prosecuteth the same, with such im- 
 placable cruelty, as there is no long abiding for the 
 party in that place. As might bee shewed by the 
 examples of many whom hee hath chased from the 
 Court, upon his onely displeasure without other cause, 
 being knowne to bee otherwise, zealous Protestants. 
 As Sir Jerome Bowes, Master George Scot, and others 
 that wee could name. 
 ALiyusttr's To this insolcucy is also joyned (as by nature it 
 
 dealing. ^ followeth) most absolute and peremptory dealing in all 
 things whereof it pleaseth him to dispose, without 
 respedl either of reason, order, due, right, subordination, 
 custome, conveniency, or the like: whereof notwith- 
 standing Princes themselves are wont to have regard 
 in disposition of their matters : as for example among 
 the servants of the Queenes Majesties houshold, it is 
 an ancient and most commendable order and custome, 
 that when a place of higher roome falleth void, hee 
 that by succession is next, and hath made proofe of his 
 worthinesse in an inferiour place, should rise and pos- 
 sesse the same, (except it be for some extraordinary 
 cause) to the end that no man unexperienced or 
 untried, should bee placed in the higher roomes the 
 
65 
 
 first day, to the prejudice of others, and differvice of 
 the Prince. 
 
 Which most reasonable custome, this man contem- Breaking of 
 
 order in her 
 
 ning and breaking at his pleasure, thrusteth mto higher Majesties 
 
 , 1 !•! t • • !• household. 
 
 roomes any person whatsoever, so hee like his inclina- 
 tion or feele his reward : albeit hee neither bee fit for 
 the purpose, nor have beene so much as clarke in any 
 inferiour office before. 
 
 The like hee useth out of the Court, in all other Uycattn 
 places where matters should passe by order eleftion or aii order in 
 degreee : as in the Vniversities, in election of Scholars abroad!" ^'^^ 
 and heads of houses, in Ecclesiastical persons, for 
 dignities of Church, in Officers, Magistrates, Stewards 
 of lands, Sheriffes and Knights of the Shires, in Bur- 
 gesses of the Parliament, in Commissioners, Judges, 
 Justices of the peace, (whereof many in every shire 
 must weare his livery) and all other the like : where 
 this mans will, must stand for reason, and his letters 
 for absolute lawes, neither is there any man, magis- 
 trate, or communer in the Realme, who dareth not 
 sooner deny their petition of her Majesties letters, upon 
 just causes, (for that her highnesse is content after to 
 bee satisfied with reason) then to resist the commande- 
 ment of this mans letters, who will admit no excuse 
 or satisfadtion, but onely the execution of his said 
 commandement, bee it right or wrong. 
 
 E 
 
66 
 
 Lawyer. 
 
 A Ltyustrian 
 Common- 
 wealth. 
 
 Gentleman. 
 
 Leicester 
 called the 
 heart and life 
 of the Court. 
 
 To this answered the Lawyer, now verily (Sir) you 
 paint unto mee a strange paterne of a perfedl Potentate 
 in the Court : beUke that stranger, who calleth our 
 state in his printed booke Leycestrensem rempublicam, a 
 Leycestrian Common-wealth, or the Common-wealth 
 of my Lord of Leycester, knoweth much of these 
 matters. But to hold (Sir) still within the Court: I 
 assure you that by considerations, which you have laid 
 downe, I doe begin now to perceive, that his party must 
 needs bee very great and strong within the said Court, 
 seeing that hee hath so many wayes and meanes to 
 encrease, enrich, and encourage the same, and so strong 
 abilities to tread downe his enemies. The Common 
 speech of many wanteth not reason I perceive, which 
 calleth him the heart and life of the Court. 
 
 They which call him the heart (said the Gentleman) 
 upon a little occasion more, would call him also the 
 head : and then I marvaile what should bee left for 
 her Majesty, when they take from her both life, heart, 
 and headship in her owne Realme ? But the truth is, 
 that hee hath the Court at this day, in almost the 
 same case, as his Father had it, in King Edwards dayes, 
 by the same device, (the Lord forbid, that ever it come 
 fully to the same state, for then wee know what ensued 
 to the principall :) and if you will have an evident 
 demonstration of this mans power and favour in that 
 
67 
 
 place : call you but to mind the times when her 
 Majesty upon most just and urgent occasions, did 
 with-draw but a little her wonted favour and coun- 
 tenance towards him : did not all the Court as it were, 
 mutiny presently ? did not every man hang the lippe ? 
 except a few, who afterward paid sweetly for their mirth, a demonstra-v 
 
 ^ ' ^ _ •' tion of Leyces- 
 
 were there not every day new devises sought out, that *'" tyrannie 
 
 , . , . in the Court. 
 
 some should bee on their knees to her Majesty, some 
 should weepe and put finger in their eyes : other should 
 find out certaine covert manner of threatning: other 
 reasons and perswasions of love : other of profit : other 
 of honour : other of necessitie ; and all to get him 
 recalled back to favour againe ? And had her Ma- 
 jesty any rest permitted unto her, until! shee had 
 yeelded and granted to the same. 
 
 Consider then (I pray you) that if at that time, in 
 his disgrace, hee had his fadtion so fast assured to 
 himself: what hath he now in his prosperity, after so 
 many yeares of fortification ? wherein by all reason hee Leycnter pro- 
 hath not beene negligent, seeing that in policy the first totmeinX 
 point of good fortification is, to make that fort im- ^erlglfn^^' 
 pregnable, which once hath beene in danger to bee 
 lost. Whereof you have an example in Richard Duke 
 of Yorke, in the time of King Henry the sixt, who being 
 once in the Kings hands by his owne submission, and 
 dimissed againe (when for his deserts, hee should have 
 
68 
 
 Leycesters 
 puissance in 
 the privy 
 Councell. 
 
 suffered : provided after, that the King should never 
 bee able to over-reach him the second time, or have 
 AnnoRegni3i. him in his power to doe him hurt, but made himselfe 
 strong enough to pull downe the other with extirpation 
 of his family. 
 
 And this of the Court, houshold and Chamber of 
 her Majesty. But now if wee shall passe from Court 
 to Councell, wee shall find him no lesse fortified but 
 rather more : for albeit the providence of God hath 
 beene such, that in this most honourable assemblie, 
 there hath not wanted some two or three of the wisest, 
 gravest, and most experienced in our state, that have 
 seene and marked this mans perillous proceedings from 
 the beginning, (whereof notwithstanding two are now 
 disceased, and their places supplied to Leycesters good 
 liking :) yet (alas) the wisedome of these worthy men, 
 hath discovered alwayes more, then their authorities 
 were able to redresse: (the others great power and 
 violence considered) and for the residue of that bench 
 and table, though I doubt not but there bee divers, who 
 doe in heart detest his doings (as there were also, no 
 doubt among the Councellours of King Edward, who 
 misliketh this man's Fathers attempts, though not so 
 hardy as to contrary the same :) yet for most part of 
 the Councell present, they are knowne to bee so 
 affe^ed in particular, the one for that hee is to him a 
 
 L. Keeper. 
 L. Chamber 
 laine. 
 
69 
 
 Brother, the other a Father, the other a Kinsman, the 
 other an allie, the other a fast obh'ged friend, the other 
 a fellow or follower in fadlion, as none will stand in the 
 breach against him : none dare resist or encounter his 
 designements : but every man yeelding rather to the 
 force of his flow, permitteth him to pearce, and passe 
 at his pleasure, in whatsoever his will is once setled to 
 obtaine. 
 
 And hereof (were I not stayed for respeft of some 
 whom I may not name) I could alledge strange ex- 
 amples, not so much in affaires belonging to subjedls 
 and to private men, (as were the cases of Snowden Matters 
 forrest, Denbigh of Killingworth, of his faire Pastures ^ou^ncenire 
 fowly procured by Southam, of the Archbishop of w/nueft'° 
 Canterbury, of the L. Barkley, of Sir lohn Throgmarton, ^'y'"''"- 
 of Master Rdbinson and the like ;) wherein those of the 
 Councell that disliked his doings, least dared to oppose 
 themselves to the same ; but also in things that apper- 
 taine diredlly to the Crowne and dignity, to the State 
 and Common-weale, and to the safety and continuance 
 thereof. It is not secure for any one Councellour, or 
 other of authority, to take notice of my Lords errours or 
 misdeeds, but with extreame perill of there owne ruine. 
 
 As for example: in the beginning of the rebellion Leyce^un 
 in Ireland, when my Lord of Leycester was in some ^'th'the"'^^ 
 disgrace, and consequently, as hee imagined but in Ynimd''^^ 
 
70 
 
 Acteon's case 
 now come in 
 England. 
 
 Salvalour 
 slaine in bis 
 bed. 
 
 fraile state at home, hee thought it not unexpedient, 
 for his better assurance, to hold some inteUigence also 
 that way, for all events, and so hee did : whereof there 
 was so good evidence and testimony found, upon one of 
 the first of accompt, that was there slaine (as honour- 
 able personages of their knowledge have assured mee) 
 as would have beene sufficient, to touch the life of any 
 subjeft in the land, or in any state Christian, but onely 
 my Lord of Leycester: who is a subjedl without sub- 
 jedlion. 
 
 For what thinke you ? durst any man take notice 
 hereof, or avouch that hee had seene thus much? 
 durst hee that tooke it in Ireland, deliver the same 
 where especially hee should have done? or they who 
 received it in England, (for it came to great hands,) use 
 it to the benefit of their Princes and Country? No 
 surely : for if it had beene but onely suspedted, that 
 they had seene such a thing, it would have beene as 
 dangerous unto them as it was to Acteon to have seen 
 Diana and her Maidens naked : whose case is so 
 common now in England as nothing more, and so doe 
 the examples of divers well declare : whose unfortunate 
 knowledge of to many secrets, brought them quickly 
 to unfortunate ends. 
 
 For wee heare of one Salvatour a stranger, long 
 used in great Mysteries of base affaires and dishonest 
 
71 
 
 adlions, who afterward upon what demerit I know not) 
 sustained ahard fortune, for being late with my Lord 
 in his study, well neare untill midnight, (if I bee 
 rightely informed) went home to his Chamber, and 
 the next morning was found slaine in his bed. Wee 
 heare also of one Doughty, hanged in hast by Captaine ^^'^s^'Jy^ 
 Drake upon the Sea, and that by order (as is thought) Drake. 
 before his departure out of England, for that hee was 
 over privy to the secrets of this good Earle. 
 
 There was also this last Summer past, one, Gates The story of 
 
 "■ . Gates hanged 
 
 hanged at Tiborne, among others, for robbing of Car- at nborne. 
 riers, which Gates had beene lately Clarke of my Lords 
 Kitching, and had layed out much money of his owne, 
 (as he said) for my Lords provision, being also other- 
 wise, in so great favour and grace with his Lord as no 
 man living was thought to bee more privy of his secrets 
 then this man, wherupon also it is to bee thought, 
 that hee presumed the rather to commit this robbery, 
 (for to such things doth my Lords good favour most 
 extend:) and being apprehended and in danger for the 
 same, hee made his recourse to his honour for, protec- 
 tion, (as the fashion is) and that hee might bee borne 
 out, as divers of lesse merit had beene by his Lordship, 
 in more heinous causes before him. 
 
 The good Earle answered his Servant and deare 
 Privado curteously, and assured him, for his life, how 
 
72 
 
 soever for utter shew or complement the forme of Law 
 might passe against him, But Gates seeing himselfe 
 condemned, and nothing now betweene his head and 
 the halter, but the word of the Magistrate which might 
 come in an instant, when it would bee too late to send 
 to his Lord : remembring also the small assurance of 
 his said Lords word by his former deahngs towards 
 other men, whereof this man was too much privy: 
 hee thought good to sollicite his case also by some 
 other of his friends, though not so puissant as his 
 Lord and Master, who dealing indeed, both diligently 
 and eflfeftually in his affaire, found the matter more 
 difficult a great deale than either hee or they had 
 imagined : for that my Lord of Leycester, was not 
 onely not his favorer, but a great hastener of his 
 death under hand ; and that with such care, dihgence, 
 vehemency, and irresistable meanes, (having the Law 
 also on his side,) that there was no hope at all of 
 escaping : which thing when Gates heard of, hee easily 
 beleeved for the experience hee had of his Masters 
 good nature, and said, that hee alwayes mistrusted 
 the same, considering how much his Lordship was in 
 debt to him, and hee made privie to his Lordships 
 foule secrets, which secrets hee would, there presently 
 have uttered in the face of all the World, but that hee 
 feared torments or speedy death, with some extraor- 
 
73 
 
 dinary cruelty, if hee should so have done, and there- 
 fore hee disclosed the same onely to a Gentleman of 
 worship, whom hee trusted specially, whose name I 
 may not utter for some causes (but it beginneth with 
 H.) and I am in hope ere it bee long, by meanes of a 
 friend of mine, to have a sight of that discourse and 
 report of GMes, which hitherto I have not seene nor 
 ever spake I with the Gentleman that keepeth it, 
 though I bee well assured that the whole matter passed 
 in substance as I have here recounted it. 
 
 Whereunto I answered, that in good faith it were scholar. 
 pitty that this relation should bee lost, for that it is tus relation 
 very like, that many rare things bee declared therin, serve here-^^ 
 
 ., . , 1 ' , ^^ rr • after for an 
 
 seemg it is done by a man so privy to the aflaires addition in 
 themselves, wherein also hee had beene used an in- editfon°of 
 strument. I will have it (quoth the Gentleman) or '^^'^ ''°°''^- 
 els my friends shall faile mee, howbeit not so soone as 
 I would, for that hee is in the West countrey that 
 should procure it for mee, and will not returne for cer- 
 taine months, but after I shall see him againe, I will 
 not leave him untill hee procure it for mee, as hee 
 hath promised Vv^ell (quoth I,) but what is become of 
 that evidence found in Ireland under my Lords hand, 
 which no man dare pursue, avouch, or behold. 
 
 Truly (said the Gentleman) I am informed that it Gmticman. 
 lieth safely reserved in good custody, to bee brought 
 
74 
 
 'he deck re- 
 erved for 
 .eycester. 
 
 .eycesters 
 )uissant vio- 
 ence with 
 he Prince 
 lerselfe. 
 
 forth and avouched, when so ever it shall please God 
 so to dispose of her Majesties heart, as to lend an 
 indifferent eare, as well to his accusers, as to himselfe, 
 in judgement. 
 
 Neither must you thinke, that this is strange, nor 
 that the things are few, which are in such sort reserved 
 in deck for the time to come, even among great per- 
 sonages, and of high calling, for seeing the present 
 state of his power to bee such, and the tempest of his 
 tyrannie to bee so strong and boisterous, as no man 
 may stand in the rage therof, without perill, for that 
 even from her Majesty her selfe, in the lenity of her 
 Princely nature, hee extorteth what he designeth, 
 either by fraud, flattery, false information, request, 
 pretence, or violent importunity, to the overbearing of 
 all, whom hee meaneth to oppresse : No marvaile then 
 though many even of the best and faithfuUest subjefls 
 of the Land, doe yeeld to the present time, and doe 
 keepe silence in some matters, that otherwise they 
 would take it for duty to utter. 
 
 And in this kind, it is not long sithence a worship- 
 full and wise friend of mine told mee a testimony in 
 secret, from the mouth of as noble and grave a Coun- 
 cellour, as England hath enjoyed these many hundreth 
 yeares : I meane the late Lord Chamberlaine, with 
 whom my said friend being alone at his house in 
 
75 
 London, not twenty dayes before his death, conferred TheEarieof 
 
 ' ■' ■' . ' Sussex h\s 
 
 somewhat familiarly about these and like matters, as speech of the 
 
 Earle of Ley- 
 
 with a true Father of his Countrey and Common- cester. 
 wealth : and after many complaints in the behalfe of 
 divers, who had opened their griefes unto Councellours, 
 and saw that no notice would bee taken therof : the 
 said noble man, turning himselfe somewhat about from 
 the water (for hee sate neare his pond side, where hee 
 beheld the taking of a pike or carpe) said to my frend : 
 It is no marvaile (Sir) for who dareth intermeddle 
 himselfe in my Lords affaires ? I will tell you (quoth 
 hee) in confidence betweene you and mee, there is as 
 wise a man and as grave, and as faithfull a Coun- 
 cellour, as England breedeth, (meaning thereby the 
 Lord Treasurer) who hath as much in his keeping of The Lord 
 
 . . . . BurghUy. 
 
 Leycesters owne handwriting, as is sufficient to hang 
 him, if either hee durst present the same to her Ma- 
 jesty, or her Majesty doe justice when it should bee 
 presented. But indeed (quoth hee) the time per- 
 mitteth neither of them both, and therefore it is in 
 vaine for any man to struggle with him. 
 
 These were that noble mans words, whereby you 
 may consider whether my Lord of Leycester bee strong 
 this day in Councell or no : and whether his fortifica- 
 tion be sufficient in that place. 
 
 But now if out of the Councell, wee will turne but 
 
76 
 
 Leycisters 
 power in the 
 Countrey 
 abroad. 
 
 Yorke Earle 
 of Huntington. 
 
 Parwick. 
 
 The Lord 
 Huttsden. 
 
 our eye in the Countrey abroad, wee shall find as good 
 fortification also there, as wee have perused already in 
 Court and Councell : and shall well perceive that this 
 mans plot, is no fond or indiscreet plot, but excellent 
 well grounded, and such as in all proportions hath his 
 due correspondence. 
 
 Consider then, the cheife and principall parts of 
 this land for martiall affaires, for use and commodity 
 of armour, for strength, for opportunity, for liberty of 
 the people, as dwelling farthest of from the presence 
 and aspedl of their Prince, such parts (I say) as are 
 fittest for sudden enterprises, without danger of inter- 
 ception ; as are the North, the West, the Countries 
 of Wales, the Hands round about the land, and sundry 
 other places within the same : Are they not all at this 
 day at his disposition ? are they not all (by his procure- 
 ment) in the onely hands of his friends and allies ? or 
 of such, as by other matches, have the same complot 
 and purpose with him ? 
 
 In Yorke is president, the man that of all other is 
 fittest for that place, that is, his nearest in affinity, his 
 dearest in friendship, the head of his fadlion, and open 
 competitor of the Scepter. In Barwick is Captaine, 
 his Wives uncle, most assured to himselfe and Hunt- 
 ington, as one who at convenient time, may as much 
 advance their designements, as any one man in 
 England. 
 
11 
 
 In Wah$ the chiefe authority from the Prince, is in y^aUi. 
 his owne brother in law : but among the people, of sir umfy 
 
 Sidney. 
 
 naturall affedlion, is in the Earle of Pembrooke : who xheEarieof 
 both by marriage of his sisters daughter is made his 
 ally, and by dependence is knowne to bee wholly, at 
 his disposition. 
 
 The West part of England is under Bedford, a man The west, 
 wholly devoted to his and the Puritans fadlion. fori. 
 
 In Ireland was governour of late the principall in- The Lord 
 strument appointed for their purposes : both in respedl '^' 
 of his heat, and afFedlion toward their designments, as 
 also of some secret discontentment, which hee hath 
 towards her Majesty and the state present for certaine 
 hard* speaches and ingrate recompences, as hee pre- 'Her Majesty 
 tendeth : but indeed for that hee is knowne to bee of for strickmi 
 nature fyrie, and impatient of stay, from seeing that °Forte^ut) cax- 
 Common-wealth on foote, which the next competitours wretc'™ 't^t 
 for their gaine, have painted out to him and such fo^^(^j. {JJ^ 
 others, more pleasant then the Terrestriall Paradise JlfleTserv^ce 
 it selfe. J' Lieth) ^s 
 
 hee said, hee 
 
 This then is the He£lor, this is the Ajax appointed ;^°"'<^ ''^^ '° 
 
 ' J r c be revenged. 
 
 for the enterprise, when the time shall come. This 
 must bee (forsooth) an other Richard of Warwick, to 
 gaine the Crowne for Henry the ninth of the House of 
 Yorke : as the other Richard did put downe Henry the 
 sixt of the House of Lancaster, and placed Edward the 
 
78 
 
 • In Scotland 
 or elswhere, 
 against the 
 next inheri- 
 tours or pre- 
 sent posses- 
 sor. 
 
 Sir lohn 
 Parotte. 
 
 Sir Edward 
 Horsey. 
 Sir Giorge 
 Carew. 
 
 Sir Amias 
 Paiilet. 
 Sir Thomas 
 Layton. 
 
 fourth, from whom Huntington deriveth his title: there- 
 fore this man is necessarily to bee entertained from 
 time to time, (as wee see now hee is) in some charge 
 and martiall adlion, to the end his experience, power, 
 and credit may grow the more, and hee bee able at the 
 time to have souldiers at his commandement. And for 
 the former charge which held of late in Ireland, as this 
 man had not beene called away, but for execution of 
 some other secret purpose,* for advancement of their 
 designements : so bee well assured that for the time to 
 come, it is to bee furnished againe with a sure and fast 
 friend to Leycestev and to that fadlion. 
 
 In the He of Wight I grant that Leycester hath lost 
 a great friend and a trusty servant by the death of 
 Captaine Horsey, but yet the matter is suppHed by the 
 succession of an other, no lesse assured unto him then 
 the former, or rather more, through the band of affinity 
 by his wife. The two Hands of Gersey and Germey 
 are in the possession of two friends and most obliged 
 dependents. The one, by reason hee is exceedingly 
 addicted to the Puritane proceedings : the other, as 
 now being joyned unto him by the marriage of Mistres 
 Besse his wives Sister, both Daughters to Sir Francis, 
 or (at least) to my Lady Knooles, and so become a 
 rivale, companion and brother, who was before (though 
 trusty) yet but his servant. 
 
79 
 
 And these are the chiefs Keyes, Fortresses and 
 Bulwarkes, within, without and about the Realme, 
 which my Lord of Leycester possessing, (as hee doth,) 
 hee may bee assured of the body within: where not- 
 withstanding (as hath beene shewed) hee wanteth no 
 due preparation for strength : having at his disposition 
 (besides all aydes and other helpes specified before) 
 her Majesties horse, and stables, by interest of his HerMajes- 
 owne office : her Armour, Artillery and Munition, by HeArmour, 
 the office of his brother the Earle of Warwick. The rnd"artiiiery. 
 Tower of London and treasure therein, by the depen- The Tower, 
 dence of Sir Owin Hopton his sworne servant, as ready 
 to receive and furnish him with the whole (if occasion 
 served) as one of his predecessours was, to receive his 
 Father in King Edwards dayes, for the like effed, 
 against her Majesty, and her Sister. 
 
 And in the City of London it selfe what this man at a union. 
 pinch, could doe, by the helpe of some of the principall 
 men, and chiefe leaders, and (as it were) Commanders sir Rowland 
 of the Commons there, and by the bestirring of Fleet- '^ '' ' 
 wood his madde Recorder, and other such his instru- Maddef/w/- 
 ments: and also in all other Townes, Ports, and Cities 
 of importance, by such of his owne setting up, as he 
 hath placed there to serve his designements, and 
 justices of peace with other, that in most Shires doe 
 weare his livery, and are at his appointment : the 
 simplest man within the Realme doth consider. 
 
8o 
 
 Scholar. 
 
 My Lord of 
 Huntingtons 
 preparation 
 at Ashby. 
 
 Killingworth 
 Castle. 
 
 Whereunto if you adde now his owne forces and 
 furniture, which hee hath in Killingworth Castle, 
 and other places, as also the forces of Huntington in 
 particular, with their friends, followers, allies, and 
 Compartenors : you shall find that they are not behind 
 in their preparations. 
 
 For my Lord of Huntingtons forwardnesse in the 
 cause (said I) there is no man, I thinke, which maketh 
 doubt : marry for his private forces, albeit they may 
 bee very good, for any thing I doe know to the contrary, 
 (especially at his house within five and twenty miles 
 of Killingworth, where one told mee some yeares past, 
 that hee had furniture ready for five thousand men :) 
 yet doe I not thinke, but that they are farre inferiour 
 to my Lord of Leycester who is taken to have excessive 
 store, and that in divers places. And as for the Castle 
 last mentioned by you, there are men of good intelli- 
 gence, and of no small judgement, who report, that in 
 the same, hee hath well to furnish, ten thousand good 
 souldiers, of all things necessary both for horse and 
 man, besides all other munition, armour, and artillery, 
 (whereof great store was brought thither under pretence 
 of triumph, when her Majesty was there, and never as 
 yet carried back againe) and besides the great aboun- 
 dance of ready Coine, there laid up (as is said) sufficient 
 for any great exploit to bee done within the Realme. 
 
8i 
 
 And I know that the estimation of this place was 
 such, among divers, many yeares agoe : as when at a 
 time her Majesty lay dangerously sick, and like to die, 
 3it Hampton Court, a certaine Gentleman of the Court, Ralph Lane. 
 came unto my Lord of Huntington, and told him, that 
 for so much as hee tooke his Lord to bee next in suc- 
 cession after her Majesty, hee would offer him a meane The offer and 
 of great helpe, for compassing of his purpose, after the ^;tt»^ao°tt° 
 decease of her Majesty which was, the possession of 
 Killingworth Castle (for at that time these two Earles 
 were not yet very friends, nor confederate together) 
 and that being had, hee shewed to the Earle the great 
 furniture and wealth, which thereby hee should possesse 
 for pursuite of his purpose. 
 
 The proposition was well liked, and the matter 
 esteemed of great importance, and consequently re- 
 ceived with many thankes. But yet afterward her 
 Majesty by the good providence of God, recovering 
 againe, letted the execution of the bargaine : and my 
 Lord of Huntington having occasion to joyne amity 
 with Leycester, had more respedl to his owne com- 
 modity, then to his friends security, (as commonly in 
 such persons and cases it falleth out) and so discovered 
 the whole device unto him, who forgat not after, from 
 time to time, to plague the deviser by secret meanes, 
 untill hee had brought him to that poore estate, as all 
 
 G 
 
82 
 
 the World seeth : though many men bee not ac- 
 quainted with the true cause of this his disgrace and 
 bad fortune. 
 Lawyer. To this answcrcd the Lawyer : In good faith (Gen- 
 
 tlemen) you open great mysteries unto mee, which 
 either I knew not, or considered not so particularly 
 before, and no marvaile, for that my profession and 
 exercise of law, restraineth mee from much company 
 keeping : and when I happen to bee among some that 
 could tell mee much herein, I dare not either aske, or 
 heare if any of himselfe beginne to talke, least after- 
 ward the speech comming to light, I bee fetched over 
 the coals (as the proverbe is) for the same, under 
 pretence of an other thing. But you (who are not 
 suspefted for religion) have much greater priviledge in 
 such matters, both to heare and speake againe, which 
 men of mine estate dare not doe : Onely this I knew 
 before, that throughout all England my Lord of 
 The preroga- Leycestev is taken for Dominus fac totum: Whose excel- 
 Lordofz,«y- leucy abovc others is infinite, whose authority is 
 absolute, whose commandement is dreadfull, whose 
 dislike is dangerous, and whose favour is omnipotent. 
 
 And for his will, though it bee seldome law, yet 
 alwayes is his power above law : and therefore wee 
 Lawyers in all cases brought unto us, have as great 
 regard to his inclination, as Astronomers have to the 
 
83^ , 
 
 Planet dominant, or as Sea-men have to the North- 
 Pole. 
 
 For as they that saile, doe diredl their course, ac- teycnter 
 cording to the situation and direction of that starre directory to 
 which guideth them at the Pole ; and as Astronomers theTr'^cUents 
 who make prognostications, doe foretell things to 
 come, according to the aspedl of the Planet dominant, 
 or bearing rule for the time : so wee doe guide our 
 Clients barke, and doe prognosticate what is like to 
 ensue of his cause, by the aspedl and inclination of 
 my Lord of Leycester. And for that reason, as soone as 
 ever wee heare a case proposed, our custome is to aske, 
 what part my Lord of Leycester is like to favour in the 
 matter (for in all matters lightly of any importance, 
 hee hath a part) or M^hat may bee gathered of his in- 
 clination therein :^ arid accordirig to that wee give a 
 ghesse, more or lesse, what end will ensue. 
 
 But this (my Ma:sters) is from the purpose : and 
 therefore returning to ydiir former speech againe, I 
 doe say, that albeit I was not privy before to the par- 
 ticular provisions of iriy Lord and his friends, in such 
 and such places : yet seeing him accompted Lord 
 generall over all the whole Realme, and to have at his 
 commandement, all these severall commodities and 
 forces pertaining to her Majesty which you have men- 
 tioned before, and so many more as bee in the Realme, 
 
84 
 
 and not mentioned by you (for in fine, hee hath all :) 
 I could not but accompt him (as hee is) a potent 
 Prince of our state, for all furniture needfuU to defence 
 or offence, or rather the onely Monarch of our nobility, 
 who hath sufficient of himselfe to plunge his Prince, 
 if hee should bee discontented, especiall for his 
 aboundance of money, (which, by the wise, is tearmed 
 the Sinewes of Martiall adlions) wherein by all mens 
 Leycesters jvL^^Snents, hec is better furnished at this day, than 
 money. cvcr any subject of our land, either hath beene here- 
 
 tofore, or lightly may bee hereafter, both for bankes 
 without the Realme, and stuffed coffers within. Inso- 
 much that being my selfe in the last Parliament, when 
 the matter was moved, for the grant of a Subsidie, 
 after that, one for her Majesty had given very jD[ood 
 reasons, why her highnesse was in want of money, and 
 consequently needed the alliance of her faithfull sub- 
 The saying of jedls therein, an other that sat next mee of good ac- 
 «ieShire° compt Said in mine eare secretly : these reasons I doe 
 L^t^rs well allow, and am contented to give my part in 
 money. money : but yet, for her Majesties need, I could make 
 
 answere as one answered once the Emperor Tiberius 
 in the like case and cause: Abunde ei pecuniam fore, 
 si a liberto suo in societatem reciperetur ; that her Ma- 
 jesty should have money enough, if one of her servants 
 would vouchsafe to make her highnesse partaker with 
 
85 
 
 him : meaning thereby my Lord of Leycester, whose 
 treasure must needs in one respedt, bee greater, then 
 that of her Majesty ; for that hee layeth up whatsoever 
 hee getteth, and his expenses he casteth upon the purse 
 of his Princes. 
 
 For that (said the Gentleman) whether hee doe or GentUman. 
 no, it importeth little to the matter : seeing both that 
 which hee spendeth, and that he hordeth, is truly and 
 properly his Princes Treasure : and seeing hee hath so 
 many and divers wayes of gaining, what should hee The infinite 
 make accompt of his owne private expences ? if he gaining that/ 
 lay out one for a thousand, what can that make him '^"' "'' 
 the poorer ? hee that hath so goodly lands, possessions, 
 Seigniories and rich offices of his owne, as hee is 
 knowne to have : hee that hath so speciall favour and 
 authority with the Prince, as hee can obtaine whatso- Sutes. 
 ever hee listeth to demand : hee that hath his part and 
 portion in all sutes besides, that passe by grace, or els 
 (for the most part) are ended by law: hee that may 
 chop and change what lands hee listeth with her Lands. 
 Majestie, dispoile them of all their woods and other 
 commodities, and rack them afterward to the utter- 
 most penny, and then returne the same, so tenter- 
 stretched and bare-shorne, into her Majesties hands 
 againe, by fresh exchange, rent for rent, for other lands 
 never enhansed before : he that possesseth so many 
 
M 
 
 Licenses. gainefull licenccs to himselfe alone of wine, oyles, cui- 
 rar^ts, cloath, velvets, with his new office for licence of 
 alienation, most pernicious unto the Common-wealth, 
 as hee useth the same, with many other the like, which 
 -were sufficient to enrich whole Townes, Corporations, 
 Countries, and Common-wealths: hee that hath the 
 art^ to. make gainefull to himselfe every offence, dis- 
 pleasiire" and falling out of her Majesty with Kini, and 
 every angry countenance cast upon him: hee that 
 hath his share in all offices of great profit and holdeth 
 an absolute Monopolie of the same : hee that dis- 
 poseth at his will Ecclesiastical livings of the Realme, 
 maketh Bishops,, none, but such as will doe reason, 
 or of his Chaplaines whom hee listeth, and retaineth 
 to himselfe so much of the living as liketh him best: 
 he that sweepeth away the glebe from so many bene- 
 fices throughout the land and compoundeth with the 
 person for the rest. Hee that so scoureth the Vniver- 
 sity and CoUedges where hee is Chancellor, and selleth 
 both headships and Schollars places, and all other 
 offices, roomes and dignities, that by art or violence 
 may yeeld money : hee that maketh title to what land 
 or other thing hee please and driveth the parties to 
 
 Oppressions, compound for the same: hee that taketh in wholfe 
 Forests, Commons, Woods, and Pastures to himselfe. 
 
 Rapines. Compelling the tenants to pay him new rent, arid what 
 
 Falling out 
 with her Ma- 
 jesty. 
 
 0£Sces, 
 
 Cleargy. 
 
 Benefices. 
 
 Vniversity. 
 
8? 
 
 hee cesseth : hee that vexeth and oppresseth whom- 
 soever hee list, taketh from any what hee list, and 
 maketh his owne claime, sute, and end as hee list: hee 
 
 that selleth his favour with the Prince, both abroad in Princes fa- 
 vour. 
 forraine Countries, and at home, and setteth the price 
 
 thereof what himselfe will demand : hee that hath and 
 
 doth all this, and besides this, hath infinite presents Presents. 
 
 dayly brought unto him of great valew, both in Jewels, 
 
 Plate, all kind of Furniture and ready Coine: this 
 
 man (I say) may easily beare his owne expences, and 
 
 yet lay up sufficiently also to weary his Prince when 
 
 needs shall require. 
 
 You have said much Sir, (quoth the Lawyer) and Lawyer. 
 
 such matter as toucheth neerely both her Majesty and 
 
 the Common-wealth : and yet in my conscience if I 
 
 were to plead at the barre for my Lord : I could not 
 
 tell which of all these members to deny. But for that 
 
 which you mention in the last part, of his gaining by Uycesttrs 
 
 her Majesties favour, both at home and abroad : by^he^Ma- 
 
 Touching his home-gaine it is evident, seeing all that J*^"«*^*^°"''A 
 
 hee hath is goten onely by the opinion of her 
 
 Majesties favour towards him : and many men doe 
 
 repaire unto him, with fat presents, rather for that 
 
 they suppose, hee may by his favour doe them hurt, 
 
 if hee feele not their reward, then for that they hope 
 
 hee will labour any thing in their affaires. 
 
88 
 A pretty You remember (I doubt not) the story of him, tha 
 
 story. „ , . , 
 
 ofiered his Prince a great yearely rent, to have but thi 
 favour onely, that hee might come every day in ope 
 audience, and say in his eare, God save your Majestif 
 assuring himselfe, that by the opinion of confidenc 
 and secret favour, which hereby the people woul 
 conceive to bee in the Prince, towards him, hee shoul 
 easily get up his rent againe double told. Wherefore 
 my Lord of Leycester receiving dayly from her Majesti 
 greater tokens of grace and favour then this, am 
 himselfe being no evill marchant, to make his own 
 bargaine for the best of his commodities : cannot bu 
 gaine exceedingly at home by his favour. 
 Leycesters And for his Lucre abroad upon the same cause, 
 
 forraine gain . , . , . 
 
 by her Ma- leave to Other men to conceive, what it may bee, si 
 ^^^ ' ^ ' thence the beginning of her Majesties raigne, the time 
 whereof and condition of all Christendome hath been 
 such, as all the Princes and Potentates round abou 
 us, have beene constrained at one time or other, to su 
 to her hignesse for ayd, grace, or favour : in all whicl 
 sutes, men use not to forget (as you know) the partie 
 most able by their credite, to further or let the same. 
 In particular onely this I can say, that I hav 
 heard of sundry French-men, that at such time as th 
 treaty was betweene France and England, for th 
 re-delivery of Callis, unto us againe, in the first year 
 
89 
 
 of her Majesties raigne that now is, when the French- 
 men were in great distresse and misery, and King 
 Philip refused absolutely to make peace with them, 
 except Callis were restored to England (whether for 
 that purpose hee had now delivered the French hos- 
 tages:) the French-men doe report (I say) that my 
 Lord of Leycester stood them in great stead at that Leycesuys 
 
 r , ■ ■■/,•, • • bribe for 
 
 necessity for his reward, (which you may imagine was betraying of 
 not small, for a thing of such importance,) and became 
 a suter, that peace might bee concluded, with the 
 release of Callis to the French ; which was one of the 
 most impious fadls, (to say the truth), that ever could 
 bee devised against his Common-wealth. 
 
 A small matter in him (said the Gentleman) for in Gmtiman. 
 this hee did no more, but as Christ said of the Jewes : 
 that they filled up the measure of their Fathers sinnes. 
 And so if you read the story of King Edwards time, 
 you shall find it most evident, that this mans Father Leycesters 
 before him, sould BuUoigne to the French by like BtaMgne^ 
 treachery. For it was delivered up upon composition, 
 without necessity or reason, the five and twenty of 
 April, in the fourth yeare of King Edward the sixt, 
 when hee (I meane Duke Dudley) had now put in the 
 Tower the Lord Protedlour, and thrust out of the Arundeia.M 
 
 Southampton 
 
 Councell whom hee listed: as namely the Earles of put out of the 
 
 - Councell by 
 
 Arundell and Southampton and so invaded the wh^e d. Dudley. 
 
go 
 
 government himselfe, to sell, spoile and dispose at his 
 pleasure. Wherefore this is but naturall to my Lord 
 of Leycester by discent, to make marchandize of the 
 state, for his Grandfather Edmund also, was such a 
 kind of Copesman. 
 Lauyer. An cvill race of Marchants for the Common-wealth 
 
 (quoth the Lawyer) but yet, Sir, I pray you (said hee) 
 expounde unto mee somewhat more at large, the 
 nature of these licences which you named, as also the 
 changing of lands with her Majesty, if you can set it 
 downe any plainer: for they seeme, to bee things of 
 excessive gaine : especially his way of gaining by 
 offending her Majesty, or by her highnesse oifence 
 towards him, for it seemeth to bee a device above all 
 skill or reason. 
 LeycKtm Not SO (quoth the Gentleman) for you know that 
 
 ing out with cvery falling out must have an attonement againe, 
 ajesy. ^j^g^g^f j^gg being sure by the many and puisant 
 meanes of his friends in Court, as I have shewed 
 before, who shall not give her Majesty rest untill it bee 
 done: then for this attonement, and in perfedt recon- 
 ciliacon on her Majesties part, she must grant my 
 Lord some sute or other, which hee will have alwayes 
 ready provided for that purpose, and this sute shall 
 bee well able to reward his friends, that laboured for 
 his reconcilement, and leave also a good remainder for 
 
91 
 
 himself. And this is now so ordinary a pradlize with 
 him, as all the Realm observe th the same, and dis- 
 daineth that her Majesty should bee so unworthily 
 abused. For if her highnesse fall not out with him 
 as often as hee desireth to gaine this way, then hee 
 picketh some quarrell or other, to show himselfe dis- 
 contented with her, so that one way or other, this 
 gainefull reconciliation must bee made, and that often 
 for his commodity. The like art hee exerciseth in 
 inviting her Majesty to his banquettes and to his 
 houses, where if she come, shee must grant him in 
 sutes, ten times so much as the charge of all amount 
 unto : so that Robin playeth the Broker in all his 
 affaires, and maketh the uttermost penny of her 
 Majestie every way. 
 
 Now for his change of lands, I thinke I have beene Gentleman. 
 reasonable plaine before: yet for your fuller satis- 
 fadlion, you shall understand his further dealing 
 therein, to bee in this sort. Besides the good lands, 
 and of ancient possession to the Crowne, procured at 
 her Majesties hand, and used as before was declared : 
 he useth the same trick for his worst lands, that hee Leycesters 
 
 fraudulent 
 
 possesseth any way, whether they come to him, by change of 
 extort meanes and plaine oppression, or through main- her Majesty 
 
 whcrcbv hcc 
 
 tenance & broken titles, or by cousenage of simple hath notably 
 Gentlemen, to make him their heire or by what hard theCrwIe. 
 
92 
 
 title or unhonest meanes so ever, (for hee praftizeth 
 store of such and thinketh little of the reckoning:) 
 after hee hath tried them likewise to the uttermost 
 touch, and letten them out to such as shall gaine but 
 little by the bargaine : then goeth hee and changeth 
 the same with her Majesty for the best lands hee can 
 pick out of the Crowne, to the end that hereby hee 
 may both enforce her Majesty to the defence of his 
 bad titles, and himselfe fill his coffers with the fines 
 and uttermost commodity of both the lands, 
 Leycesters His licences doe stand thus : first hee got licence 
 
 licenses 
 
 for certaine great numbers of cloaths, to bee trans- 
 ported out of this land, which might have beene an 
 undoing to the Marchant subjedt, if they had not re- 
 deemed the same with great summes of money: so 
 that it redounded to great dammage of all occupied 
 about that kind of commodity. After that hee had 
 the grant for carrying over of barrell staves and of 
 some other such like wares. Then procured hee a 
 Monopolie, for bringing in of sweet wines, oyles, cur- 
 rants, and the like : the gaine whereof is inestimable. 
 Hee had also the forfeit of all wine that was to bee 
 drawne above the old ordinary price : with licence to 
 give authority to sell above that price ; wherein 
 Captaine Horsey was his instrument, by which meanes 
 it is incredible what treasure and yearely rent was 
 gathered of the Vintners throughout the land. 
 
93 
 To this adde now his licence of silkes and velvets, Siikesand 
 
 Velvets. 
 
 which onely were enough to enrich the Major and 
 Aldermen of London, if they were all decayed (as often 
 I have heard divers Marchants afifirme.) And his 
 licence of alienation of lands, which (as in part I have The Tyran- 
 
 ... , , . nicall licence 
 
 opened before) serveth him not onely to excessive of alienation, 
 gaine, but also for an extreame scourge, wherewith to 
 plague whom he pleaseth in the Realm. For seeing 
 that without this licence, no man can buy, sell, passe, 
 or alienate, any land that any wayes may bee drawne 
 to that tenure, as holden in chiefe of the Prince : (as 
 commonly now most land may) hee calleth into ques- 
 tion whatsoever liketh him best, bee it never so cleare : 
 and under this colour, not onely enricheth himselfe 
 without all measure, but revengeth himselfe also, where 
 hee will, without all order. 
 
 Heare the Lawyer stood still a pretty while, biting Lawyer. 
 his lip, as hee were astonished, and then said ; Verily I 
 have not heard so many and so apparant things or so 
 odious, of any man that ever lived in our Common- 
 wealth. And I marvaile much of my Lord of Leycester, 
 that his Grandfathers fortune doth not move him Edmund 
 much, who lost his head in the beginning of King " ^^' 
 Henry the eights dayes, for much lesse and fewer 
 offences, in the same kind, committed in the time of 
 King Henry the seventh; for hee was thought to bee 
 
94 
 
 Edmund Dud- 
 leis booke 
 written in 
 the Tower. 
 
 Gmtleman. 
 
 the inventour of these poolings and molestations, 
 wherewith the people were burthened, in the latter 
 dayes of the said King. And yet had hee great pre- 
 tence of reason to alleaged for himselfe : in that these 
 exadlions were made to the Kings use, and not to. his,^ 
 (albeit no doubt) but his owne gaine was also there. 
 Master Stow writeth in his Chronicle, that in the time 
 of his imprisonment in the Tower, hee wrot a notable 
 booke, intituled The tree of Common-wealth, which 
 booke, the said Stow saith, that hee hath delivered to 
 my Lord of Leycester many yeares agone. And if the 
 said booke bee so notable as Master Stow affirmeth : I 
 marvaile, that his Lord in so many yeares, doth not 
 publish the same, for the glory of his ancestors ? 
 
 It may bee (said the Gentleman) that the secrets 
 therein contained, bee such, as it seemeth good to my 
 Lord, to use them onely himselfe, and to gather the 
 fruit of that tree into his owne house alone. Forif ;the 
 tree of the Common-wealth in Edmund Dudleis booke, 
 bee the Prince and his race: and the fruits to bee 
 gathered from that tree, bee riches, honours, dignities, 
 and preferments : then no doubt, but as the writer 
 Edmund was cunning therein : so have his two followers, 
 lohn and Robert, well studied and pradtized the same, 
 or rather have, exceeded and farre passed the authour 
 himselfe. The one of them gathering so eagarly, and 
 
95 
 
 with such vehemency, as hee was like to have broken 
 downe the maine boughes for greedinesse : the other 
 yet plucking and heaping so fast to himselfe and his 
 friends, as it is and may bee, most justly doubted, that 
 when they have cropped all they can, from the tree left 
 them bv their Father Edmund (I meane the race of The sup- 
 
 ■' 111 planting of 
 
 King Henry the seventh :) then will they plucke up the the race of 
 
 ,, , /-ii Henry the 7. 
 
 Stemme it selfe, by the rootes, as unprohtable : and 
 
 pitch in his place another Trunke (that is the line of The inserting 
 
 •^ r \ ^ 01 Huntington. 
 
 Huntington) that may begin to feed anew, with fresh 
 fruits againe, and so for a time content their appetites, 
 untill of gatherers, they may become trees, (which is 
 their finall purpose) to feed themselves at their owne 
 discretion. 
 
 And howsoever this bee, it cannot bee denied, but 
 that Edmund Dudleis brood, have learned by this booke, Edmuni Dui- 
 and by other meanes, to bee more cunning gatherers, more'i^unning 
 then ever their first progenitor was that made the ' *" "°^^' *' 
 booke. First for that hee made profession to gather to 
 his Prince (though wickedly) and these men make 
 demonstration, that they have gathered for themselves : 
 and that with much more iniquity. Secondly, for 
 that Edmud Dudley though hee got himselfe neare 
 about the tree, yet was hee content to stand on the 
 ground, and to serve himselfe from the tree, as com- 
 modity was offered ; but his children not esteeming 
 
96 
 
 Northumber- 
 land and Lry- 
 cester with 
 their Prince 
 will not bee 
 ruled. 
 
 Lawyer. 
 
 Gent'eman. 
 
 Leycester 
 Master of art 
 and a cun- 
 ning Logitio- 
 
 that safe gathering, will needs mount aloft upon the 
 tree, to pull, croppe, and riffle at their pleasure. And 
 as in this second point the Sonne John Dudley was 
 more subtile, then Edmund the Father : so in a third 
 point, the Nephew Robert Dudley is more crafty then 
 they both. For that, hee seeing the evill successe of 
 those two that went before him, hee hath provided 
 together so much in convenient time and to make 
 himselfe therwith so fat and strong, (wherein the other 
 two failed) as hee will never bee in danger more, to bee 
 called to any accompt for the same. 
 
 In good faith Sir (quoth the Lawyer) I thanke you 
 heartily, for this pleasant discourse upon Edmund 
 Dudleis tree of Common-wealth. And by your opinion, 
 my Lord of Leycester is the most learned of all his 
 kindred, and a very cunning Logitioner indeed, that 
 can draw for himselfe so commodious conclusions, out 
 of the perillous premisses of his progenitors. 
 
 No marvaile (quoth the Gentleman) for that his 
 L. is Master of Art in Oxford, and Chancelour besides 
 of the same Vniversity, where hee hath store (as you 
 know) of many fine wits and good Logitioners at his 
 commandement ; and where hee learneth not onely the 
 rules and art of cunning gathering : but also the very 
 practize (as I have touched before) seeing there is no 
 one Colledge, or other thing of commodity within that 
 
97 
 
 place, where hence hee hath not pulled, whatsoever 
 
 was possibly to bee gathered, either by art or 
 
 violence. 
 
 ' Touching Oxford (said I) for that I am an Vniver- Schoiuy. 
 
 sity man my selfe, and have both experience of Cam- 
 
 biidge, and good acquaintance with divers students of 
 
 the other University : I can tell you enough, but in 
 
 fine all tendeth to this conclusion, that by his Chan- Leycesters 
 
 abusing and 
 
 cellorship, is cancelled almost all hope of good m that spoiling of 
 Vniuersity : and by his proteftion, it is like soone to 
 come to destrudlion. And surely if there were no 
 other thing, to declare the oddes and difference betwixt 
 him, and our Chancellour, (whom hee cannot beare, for The Lord 
 that every way hee seeth him, to passe him in all 
 honour and vertue) it were sufficient to behold the 
 present state of the two Vniversities, whereof they are 
 heads and governours. 
 
 For our owne, I will not say much, lest I might cmhrUge. 
 perhaps seeme partiall : but let the thing speake for it 
 selfe. Consider the fruit of the Garden, and thereby 
 you may judge of the Gardiners diligence. Looke 
 upon the Bishopricks, Pastorships, and Pulpits of 
 England, and see whence principally they have received 
 their furniture for advancement of the Gospell. And 
 on the contrary side, looke upon the Seminaries of 
 Papistry at Rome and Rhems, upon the Colledges of 
 
 H 
 
98 
 
 Jesuists, and other companies of Papists beyond the 
 seas, and see where-hence they are, especially, fraught. 
 The Priests and Jesuists here executed within the 
 land, and other that remaine either in prison, or abroad 
 in corners : are they not all (in a manner) of that 
 Vniversity ? I speake not to the disgrace of any good 
 that remaine there, or that have issued out thence into 
 the Lords Vineyard : but for the most part there, of 
 this our time, have they not either gone beyond the 
 seas, or left their places for discontentment in Religion, 
 or els become serving men, or followed the bare name 
 of Law or Physick, without profiting greatly therein, 
 or furthering the service of God's Church or their 
 Common-wealth ? 
 
 And where-hence (I pray you) ensueth all this, but 
 by reason that the chiefe Governour thereof is an 
 Atheist himselfe, and useth the place onely for gaine 
 and spoile ? for here-hence it commeth, that all good 
 The disorders Order and discipline is dissolved in that place, the 
 the wldTed-''^ fervour of study extinguished : the publique Ledures 
 chanc°enour'' abandoned (I meane of the more parte:) theTavernes 
 and Ordinary-tables frequented : the apparell of stu- 
 dents growne monstuous : and the statutes and good 
 ordinance, both of the Vniversity and of every Col- 
 ledge and Hall in private, broken and infringed at my 
 Lords good pleasure, without respedl either of oath, 
 
99 
 
 custome, or reason to the contrary. The heads and 
 officers are put in and out at his onely discretion : and 
 the Schollars places either sould, or disposed by his 
 letters, or by these of his servants and followers : 
 nothing can bee had there, now, without present mony : 
 it is as common buying and selling of places in that 
 Vniversity, as of horses in Smithfield ; whereby the 
 good and vertuous are kept out, and companions thrust 
 in, fit to serve his Lord afterward, in all affaires that 
 shall occurre. 
 
 And as for leases of farmes. Woods, Pastures, Leases. 
 Personages, Benefices or the like, which belong any 
 way to any part of the Vniversity, to let or bestow, 
 these, his Lord and his Servants have so fleesed, 
 shorne, and scraped already, that there remaineth, 
 little to feed upon hereafter : albeit hee want not still 
 his spies and intelligencers in the place, to advertise 
 him from time to time, when any little new morsell is 
 offered. And the Principall instruments, which for Leycesten 
 this purpose, hee hath had there before this, have '°='™'"«°'=' 
 beene two Physitians Bayly and Ctdpeper, both knowne 
 Papists, a little while agoe, but now just of Galens 
 religion, and so much the fitter for my Lords humour : 
 for his Lordship doth alwayes covet, to bee furnished 
 certaine chosen men about him, for divers affaires: as 
 these two Galenists for agents in the Vniversity: Dee 
 
100 
 
 and Allen (two Atheistes) for figuring and conjuring: 
 
 lulio the Italian and Lopas the Jew, for poisoning, and 
 
 for the art of destroying children in Womens bellies : 
 
 • At DigUes Vermis for murdering ; Digbies for *Bawdes : and the 
 
 house in ,, , 
 
 Warwickshire like in Other occupations which his Lordship exer- 
 
 Dame Lettice . , 
 lay, and some Ciseth. 
 
 peeces^of Wherefore to returne to the speech where wee 
 
 p easure. began : most cleare it is, that my Lord of Leycester 
 hath meanes to gaine and gather also by the Vni- 
 versity, as well as by the Country abroad. Wherin 
 (as I am told) hee beareth himselfe so absolute a 
 Lord, as if hee were their King, and not their Chan- 
 cellour : Nay farre more then, if hee were the generall 
 and particular founder of all the CoUedges and other 
 houses of the Vniversity : no man daring to contrary 
 or interrupt the least word or signification of his will, 
 but with his extreame danger : which is a proceeding 
 more fit for Phalaris the Tyrant, or some Governour 
 in Tartary, then for a Chancellour of a learned Vniver- 
 sity. 
 Lawyer. To this answered the Lawyer, for my Lords wrath, 
 
 towards such as will not stand to his judgement and 
 opinion, I can my selfe bee a sufficient witnesse : who 
 having had often occasion to deale for composition 
 of matters, betwixt his Lordship and others, have 
 seen by experience, that alwayes they have sped best, 
 
lOl 
 
 who stood lest in contention with him, whatsoever The periii of \ 
 
 standing with 
 
 their cause were. For as a great and violent river, Leycesterin 
 
 , . . , ■ 1 1 ... any thing. 
 
 the more it is stopped or contraned, the more it riseth 
 and swelleth bigge, and in the end, dejedleth with more 
 force the thing that made resistance : so his Lordship 
 being the great and mighty Potentate of this Realme, 
 and accustomed now to have his will in all things, 
 cannot beare to bee crossed or resisted by any man, 
 though it were in his owne necessary defence. 
 
 Hereof I have seene examples, in the causes of 
 Snowden forrest in Wales, of Denbighe, of Killingworth, 
 of Drayton and others : where the parties that had 
 interest, or thought themselves wronged, had beene 
 happy, if they had yeelded at the first to his Lordships 
 pleasure, without further question : for then had they 
 escaped much trouble, charges, displeasure, and vexa- 
 tion, which by resistance they incurred, to their great 
 
 / J *i /• 1-r *Pooremen 
 
 rume, (and *losse of life to some) and in the end were resisting 
 faine also to submit themselves unto his will, with inciosureat 
 farre worse conditions, then in the beginning were were hanged 
 offered unto them, which thing was pittifull indeed to sure^b?'^^" 
 behold, but yet such is my Lords disposition. authority. 
 
 A noble disposition (quoth the Gentleman,) that I Gentleman. 
 must give him my Coat if hee demand the same, and 
 that quickly also, for feare least if I staggar or make 
 doubt thereof, hee compell me to yeeld both coat and Tyranny 
 
102 
 
 doublet in penance of my stay. I have read of some 
 such Tyrants abroad in the World : Marry their end 
 was alwayes according to their life, as it is very like 
 that it will bee also in this man, for that there is small 
 hope of his amendment, and God passeth not over 
 commonly such matters unpunished in this life, as well 
 as in the life to come. 
 
 But I pray you Sir, seeing mention is now made of 
 the former oppressions, so much talked of throughout 
 the Realme, that you will take the paines, to explaine 
 the substance thereof unto mee : for albeit in generall, 
 every man doth know the same, and in heart doe detest 
 the Tyranny thereof : yet wee abroad in the Countrey, 
 doe not understand it so well and distinftly as you that 
 bee Lawyers, who have scene and understood the 
 whole processe of the same. 
 Lawyer. The case of Killingworth and Denbigh, (said the 
 
 Lawyer) are much alike in matter and manner of pro- 
 ceeding though different in time place and importance. 
 TheLordship For that the Lordship of Denbigh in North-wales, being 
 Ind Leisters givcn unto him by her Majesty a great while agoe at 
 usedlherein. the beginning of his rising, (which is a Lordship of 
 singular great importance, in that Countrey, having (as 
 I have heard) well neere two hundred worshipfull 
 Gentlemen free-holders to the same :) the tenants of 
 the place considering the present state of things, and 
 
103 
 
 having learned, the hungry disposition of their new 
 Lord : made a common purse of a thousand pounds, to 
 present him withall, at his first entrance. Which 
 though hee received (as hee refuseth nothing.) Yet 
 accompted hee the summe of small effedl for satisfac- 
 tion of his appetite : and therefore applied himselfe, 
 not onely to make the uttermost that hee could by 
 leases, and such like vi'ayes of commodity : but also 
 would needs enforce the freeholders, to raise their old 
 rent of the Lordship, from tv^^o hundreth and fifty 
 pounds a yeare or thereabouts (at which rate hee had 
 received the same in guift from her Majesty,) unto 
 eight or nine hundreth pounds by the yeare. For that 
 hee had found out (forsooth) an old record, (as hee 
 said) whereby hee could prove, that in ancient time 
 long past, that Lordship had yeelded so much old rent: 
 and therefore hee would now enforce the present 
 tenants, to make up so much againe upon their lands, 
 which they thought was against all reason for them to 
 doe : but my Lord perforce, would have it so, and in 
 the end compelled them to yeeld to his will, to the 
 impoverishing of all the whole Countrey about. 
 
 The like proceeding hee used with the tenants The.. 
 
 about Killingworth, where hee receiving the said Lord- tfj"^^d 
 ship and Castle from the Prince, in guift of twenty ^^-^p^^c 
 foure pounds yearely rent or there about, hath made ^^^'^- 
 
 manner 
 
104 
 
 it now better then five hundreth by yeare : by an old 
 record also, found by great fortune in the hole of a 
 wall as is given out (for hee hath, singular good luck 
 alwayes in finding out records for his purpose) by 
 vertue whereof, hee hath taken from the tenants, round 
 about, their Lands, Woods, Pastures, and Commons, 
 to make him selfe Parkes, Chaces, and other commo- 
 dities therewith, to the subversion of many a good 
 family, which was maintained there, before this de- 
 vourer set foot in that Countrey. 
 The case of But the matter of Snowden Forest, doth passe all 
 
 Sttowdett , 
 
 forest most the rest, both for cunning and cruelty : the tragedy 
 whereof was this hee had learned by his intelligencers 
 abroad, (wherof hee hath great store in every part of 
 the Realme) that there was a goodly ancient Forest in 
 North-wales, which hath almost infinite borderers about 
 the same : for it lieth in the middest of the Countrey, 
 beginning at the Hils of Snowden (wherof it hath his 
 name) in Carnarvan-shire, and reacheth every way to- 
 wards divers other shires. When my Lord heard of 
 this, hee entered presently into the conceit of a singular 
 great pray: and going to her Majesty, signified that 
 her highnesse was often times abusd, by the incroching 
 of such as dwelt upon her Forests, which was necessary 
 to bee restrained : and therefore beseeched her Majesty, 
 to bestow upon him the incrochments onely, which hee 
 
105 
 
 should bee able to find out, upon the forest of Siiowden, 
 which was granted. 
 
 And thereupon hee chose out Commissioners fit for 
 the purpose, and sent them into Wales, with the like 
 commission, as a certaine Emperour was wont to give 
 his Magistrates, when they departed from him to 
 governe, as Suetonius writeth : Scitis quid velim & quibus AnoMTyran- 
 opus habeo. You know what I would have, and what I mission, 
 have need of. Which recommendation, these Com- 
 missioners taking to heart, omitted no diligence in 
 execution of the same : and so going into Wales, by 
 such meanes as they used, of setting one man to accuse 
 another: brought quickly all the Countrey round about 
 in three or foure shires, within the compasse of forest 
 ground : and so entred upon the same, for my Lord of 
 Leycester. Whereupon, when the people were amazed : 
 and expedled what order my Lord himselfe would take 
 therein ; his Lord was so farre of from refusing any 
 part of that, which his Commissioners had presented 
 and offered him : as hee would yet further stretch the a ridiculous 
 Forest beyond the Sea, into the lie of Anglesey, and Uonof «ces- 
 make that also within his compas and bounder. "'"'^ '"'"'"■ 
 
 Which when the commonalty saw, and that they 
 profited nothing, by their complaining and crying out 
 of this Tyranny : they appointed to send some certaine 
 number of themselves, to London, to make supplication 
 
io6 
 
 to the Prince: and so they did : Choosing out for that 
 purpose a dozen Gentlemen, and many more of the 
 Commons of the Countrey of Llin, to deale for the 
 whole. Who comming to London and exhibiting a 
 most humble supplication to her Majesty for redresse 
 of their oppression: received an answere by the pro- 
 curement of my Lord of Leycester, that they should 
 have justice, if the commonalty would returne home to 
 their houses, and the Gentlemen remaine there, to 
 sollicite the cause. Which as soone as they had 
 yeelded unto, the Gentlemen were all taken and cast 
 into prison, and there kept for a great space, and after- 
 ward were sent downe to Ludlow, (as the place most 
 eminent of all these Countries) there to weare papers 
 of perjury, and receive other punishments of infamy, 
 for their complaining : which punishments notwith- 
 standing, afterward upon great sute of the parties and 
 their friends, were turned into great fines of money, 
 A singular which they were constrained to pay, and yet besides to 
 agree also with my Lord of Leycester for their owne 
 landes, acknowledging the same to bee his, and so to 
 buy it of him againe. 
 
 Whereby not onely these private Gentlemen, but 
 all the whole Countrey there about, was and is (in a 
 manner) utterly undone. And the participation of this 
 injury, reacheth so farre and wide, and is so generall 
 
I07 
 
 in these parts : as you shall scarce find a man that 
 commeth from that coast, who feeleth not the smart 
 thereof: being either impoverished, beggered, or ruin- 
 ated thereby. 
 
 Whereby I assure you that the hatred of all that ^^J;^"'^^,^ 
 Countrey, is so universall and vehement against my ^^^f^'° 
 Lord: as I thinke never thing created by God, was so 
 odious to that Nation, as the very name of my Lord 
 of Leycester is. Which his Lordship well knowing, I 
 doubt not, but that hee will take heed, how hee goe 
 thither to dwell, or send thither his posterity. 
 
 For his posterity (quoth the Gentleman) I suppose Cmtimian. 
 hee hath little cause to bee solicitous : for that God 
 himselfe taketh care commonly, that goods and honours 
 so gotten and maintained, as his bee, shall never 
 trouble the third heire. Marry for himselfe, I confesse 
 (the matter standing as you say) that hee hath reason 
 to forbeare that Countrey, and to leave of his building 
 begunne at Denbigh, as I heare say hee hath done. 
 For that the universall hatred of a people, is a perilous The end of 
 matter. And if I were in his Lordships case, I should ''^y''*"''- 
 often thinke of the end oi Nero: who after all his glory, Ntro. 
 upon fury of the people was adjudged to have his head 
 thrust into a Pillory, and so to bee beaten to death, 
 with rods and thonges. 
 
 Or rather I should feare the successe of Vitellius, vueUius. 
 
io8 
 
 the third Emperour after Nero, who for his wickednesse 
 and oppression of the people, was taken by them at 
 length, when fortune began to faile him, and led out 
 of his palace naked, with hookes of Iron fastened in 
 his flesh, and so drawne through the Citie with infamy, 
 where, loden in the streets with filth and ordure cast 
 upon him, and a pricke put under his Chinne, to the 
 end hee should not looke downe or hide his face, was 
 brought to the banke of Tyber, and there after many 
 hundred wounds received, was cast into the River. So 
 implacable a thing is the furour of a multitude, when it 
 is once stirred, and hath place of revenge. And so 
 heavy is the hand of God upon Tyrants in this World, 
 when it pleaseth his divine Majesty to take revenge of 
 the same. 
 
 I have read in Leander, in his description of Italy, 
 
 how that in Spoleto (if I bee not deceived) the chiefe 
 
 City of the Countrey of Vmbria there was a strange 
 
 A most terri- Tyrant : who in the time of his prosperity, contemned 
 
 ble revenge • • i 
 
 taken upon a all men, and forbare to injury no man, that came 
 within his clawes : esteeming himselfe sure enough, 
 for ever being called to render accompt in this life, and 
 for the next hee cared little. But God upon the sudden 
 turned upside down the wheele of his felicity, and cast 
 him into the peoples hands : who tooke him, and 
 bound his naked body upon a planke, in the market 
 
log 
 
 place, with a fire and iron tonges by him : and then 
 made proclamation, that seeing this man was not 
 otherwise able to make satisfadion, for the publique 
 injuries that hee had done : every private person 
 annoyed by him, should come in order, and with the 
 boat burning tonges there ready, should take of his 
 flesh so much, as was correspondent to the injury 
 received, as indeed they did untill the miserable man 
 gave up the ghost, and after to: as this authour 
 writeth. 
 
 But to the purpose : seeing my Lord careth little 
 for such examples, and is become so hardy now, as 
 hee maketh no accompt to injury and oppresse whole 
 Countries and Commonalties together : it shall bee 
 booties to speake of his proceedings towards particular Leycesiers 
 
 , . oppression of 
 
 men, who have not so great strength to resist, as a particular 
 multitude hath. And yet I can assure you, that there '"^"^ 
 are so many and so pittiful things published dayly of 
 his Tyranny in this kind : as doe move great com- 
 passion towards the party that doe suffer, and horrour 
 against him, who shameth not dayly to offer such 
 injury. 
 
 As for example : whose heart would not bleed to 
 heare the case before mentioned, of Master Robinson Master 
 of Staffordshire : a proper yong Gentleman, and well 
 given both in Religion and other vertues, Whose Father 
 
no 
 
 died at Newhaven in her Majesties service, under this 
 mans brother the Earle of Warwick : and recommended 
 at his death, this his eldest Sonne, to the special! pro- 
 teftion of Leycester and his Brother, whose servant also 
 this Robinson hath beene, from his youth upward, and 
 spent the most of his living in his service. Yet not- 
 withstanding all this, when Robinsons lands were in- 
 tangled with a certaine Londoner, upon interest for his 
 former maintenance in their service, whose title my 
 Lord of Leycester (though craftily, yet not covertly) 
 under Ferris his cloak, had gotten to himselfe : hee 
 ceased not to pursue the poore Gentleman even to 
 imprisonment, arraignment, and sentence of death, for 
 greedines of the said living : together with the vexation 
 of his brother in law Master Harcourt and all other 
 his friends, upon pretence, forsooth, that there was a 
 man slaine by Robinsons party in defence of his owne 
 possession against Leycesiers intruders, that would by 
 violence breake into the same. 
 
 What shall I speake of others, whereof there 
 would bee no end ? as of his dealing with Master 
 Richard Lee for his Manor of Hooknorton (if I faile not 
 in the name : (with Master Ludowick Grivell, by seeking 
 to bereave him of all his living at once, if the drift had 
 George witnty. taken place? with George Witney, in the behalfe of 
 Sir Henry Leigh, for inforcing him to forgoe the Con- 
 
 Master 
 
 Harcourt. 
 
 Master 
 Richard Lee. 
 
 Ludowick 
 Grivell. 
 
Ill 
 
 trollership of Woodstock, which hee holdeth by patent 
 
 from King Henry the seventh ? With my Lord Barckley Lord BarkUy. 
 
 whom hee enforced to yeeld up his lands to his brother 
 
 Warwick, which his ancestors had held quietly for 
 
 almost two hundreth yeares together ? 
 
 What shall I say of his intollerable Tyranny upon 
 the last Archbishop of Canterbury, for Doctor Julio his Archbishop 
 sake, and that in so fowle a matter? Upon Sir John sir/o'/m ""^ 
 Throgmarton, whom hee brought pittifully to his grave '^'"'"S'"'"'""'- 
 before his time, by continuall vexations, for a peece of 
 faithfull service done by him to his Countrey, and to 
 all the line of King Henry against this mans Father, 
 in King Edward and Queene Maries dayes ? Vpon 
 divers of the Lanes for one mans sake of that name La„e. 
 before mentioned, that offered to take Killingworth 
 Castle? upon some of the Giffords, and other for Throg- afford 
 martons sake? (for that is also his Lords disposition, for 
 one mans cause whom hee brooketh not, to plague a 
 whole generation, that any way pertaineth, or is allied 
 to the same:) his endlesse persecuting Sir Drew sxtOnw 
 Drewry, and many other Courtiers both men and ''"""'■ 
 women? All these (I say) and many others, who 
 dayly suffer injuries, rapines and oppressions at his 
 hands, throughout the Realme, what should it availe 
 to name them in this place : seeing neither his Lord 
 careth any thing for the same, neither the parties 
 
112 
 
 The present 
 state of my 
 Lord of 
 Leycister. 
 
 Ltycesters 
 
 Wealth. 
 
 Leyusters 
 Strength. 
 
 Leyceslers 
 Cunning. 
 
 Leycesters 
 disposition. 
 
 agrieved are like to attaine any least release of afflic- 
 tion thereby, but rather double oppression for their 
 complaining. 
 
 Wherefore, to returne againe whereas wee began, 
 you see by this little, who, and how great, and what 
 manner of man, my Lord of Leycester is this day, in 
 the state of England. You see and may gather, in 
 some part, by that which hath beene spoken, his 
 wealth, his strength, his cunning, his disposition. His 
 Wealth is excessive in all kind of riches for a private 
 man, and must needs bee much more, then any body 
 lightly can imagine, for the infinite wayes hee hath 
 had of gaine, so many yeares together. His Strength 
 and power is absolute and irresistable, as hath beene 
 shewed, both in Chamber, Court, Councell, and Coun- 
 trey. His Cunning in plotting and fortifying the same, 
 both by Force and Fraud, by Mines and Contermines, 
 by Trenches, Bulwarkes, Flankers and Rampiers: by 
 Friends, Enemies, Allies, Servants, Creatures, and 
 Dependents, or any other that may serve his turne : is 
 very rare and singular. His Disposition to Cruelty, 
 Murder, Treason and Tyranny : and by all these to 
 Supreame Soveraignty over other: is most evident and 
 cleare. And then judge you whether her Majesty that 
 now raigneth (whose life and prosperity, the Lord in 
 mercy long preserve,) have not just cause to feare, 
 
113 
 
 in respedt of these things onely : if there were no other 
 other particulars to prove his aspiring intent besides ? 
 
 No doubt (quoth the Lawyer) but these are great Lawyer. 
 matters, in the question of such a cause as is a 
 Crowne. And wee have scene by example, that the 
 least of these foure, which you have here named, or 
 rather some little branch contained in any of them, 
 hath beene sufficient to found just suspition, distrust Causes of just 
 
 . . J feare for her 
 
 or jealousie, in the heads of most wise Prmces, towards Majesty, 
 the proceedings of more assured subjedls, then my 
 Lord of Leycester, in reason may bee presumed to bee. 
 For that the safety of a state and Prince, standeth not 
 onely in the readines and hability of resisting open 
 attempts, when they shall fall out : but also (and that 
 much more as Statistes write) in a certaine provident 
 watchfulnesse, of preventing all possibilities and likeli- 
 hoods of danger of suppression : for that no Prince 
 commonly, will put himselfe to the courtesie of an 
 other man (bee hee never so obliged) whether hee shall 
 retaine his Crown or no : seeing the cause of a King- 
 dome, acknowledgeth neither kindred, duty, faith, 
 friendship, nor society. 
 
 I know not whether I doe expound or declare my 
 selfe well or no, but my meaning is, that whereas every 
 Prince hath two points of assurance from his subject, 
 the one, in that hee is faithfull and lacketh will, to 
 
114 
 
 A point of 
 necessary 
 policy for a 
 Prince. 
 
 SchoUar. 
 
 annoie his soveraigne : the other, for that hee is weake 
 and wanteth ability, to doe the same : the first is 
 alwayes of more importance than the second, and 
 consequently more to bee eyed and observed in pol- 
 icy ; for that our will may bee changed at our pleasure, 
 but not our ability. 
 
 Considering then, upon that which hath beene said 
 and specified before, how that my Lord of Leycester, 
 hath possessed himselfe of all the strength, powers and 
 sinewes of the Realme, hath drawne all to his owne 
 direftion, and hath made his party so strong as it 
 seemeth not resistable : you have great reason to say, 
 that her Majesty may justly conceive some doubt, for 
 that if his will were according to his power, most 
 assured it is, that her Majesty were not in safety. 
 
 Say not so, good Sir (quoth I) for in such a case 
 truly, I would repose little upon his will, which is so 
 many wayes apparant, to bee most insatiable of am- 
 bition. Rather would I thinke that as yet his ability 
 serveth not, either for time, place, force, or some other 
 circumstance : then that any part of good will should 
 want in him : seeing that not onely his desire of sover- 
 aignty : but also his intent and attempt to aspire to the 
 same, is sufficiently declared (in my conceit) by the 
 very particulars of his power and plots already set 
 downe. Which, if you please to have the patience, to 
 
115 
 
 heare a Schollars argument, I will prove by a Principle 
 of our Philosophy. 
 
 For if it bee true which Aristotle sayeth, there is no ApWiosphi- 
 
 call argument 
 
 agent so simple m the World, which worketh not for to prove lo-- 
 
 ii'ii-iii «J,tosintentof 
 
 some iinall end, (as the bird buildeth not her nest but soveraignty. 
 to dwell and hatch her yong ones therein :) and not 
 onely this : but also that the same agent, doth alwayes 
 frame his worke according to the proportion of his 
 intended end : (as when the Fox or Badger maketh a 
 wide earth or denne, it is a signe that hee meaneth to 
 draw thither great store of pray:) then must wee also 
 in reason thinke, that so wise and politick an agent, 
 as is my Lord of Leycester for himselfe, wanteth not his 
 end in these plottings and preparations of his : I meane 
 an end proportionable in greatnesse to his prepara- 
 tions. Which end, can bee no lesse nor meaner then 
 Supreame Soveraignty, seeing his provision and furni- 
 ture doe tend that way, and are in every point fully 
 correspondent to the same. 
 
 What meaneth his so dilligent besieging of the The prepara- 
 Princes person ? his taking up the wayes and passages cester^ declare 
 about her ? his insolency in Court ? his singularity in end. '" ^° ^ 
 Councell ? his violent preparation of strength abroad ? 
 his enriching of his Complices ? the banding of his 
 fadlion, with the aboundance of friends everywhere ? 
 what doe these things signifie (I say) and so many 
 
ii6 
 
 other, as you have well noted and mentioned before : 
 but onely his intent and purpose of Supremacy ? 
 What did the same things portend in times past in 
 his Father, but even that which now they portend in 
 the Sonne. Or how should wee thinke, that the Sonne 
 hath an other meaning in the very same adlions, then 
 had his Father before him, whose steps hee followeth. 
 How the I remember I have heard, often times of divers 
 
 Duke of . 
 
 Northumber- ancient and grave men m Cambridge, how that in King 
 bled his end. Edwurds dayes the Duke of Northumberland this mans 
 Father, was generally suspedled of all men, to meane 
 indeed as afterward hee shewed, especially when hee 
 had once joyned with the house of Suffolke, and made 
 himselfe a principall of that fadlion by marriage. But 
 yet for that hee was potent, and protested everywhere, 
 and by all occasions his great love, duty and speciall 
 care, above all others, that hee bare towards his Prince 
 and Countrey : no man durst accuse him openly, untill 
 it was to late to withstand his power : (as commonly it 
 falleth out in such affaires) and the like is evident in my 
 Lord of Leycesters adlions now (albeit to her Majesty; 
 I doubt not, but that hee will pretend and protest, as 
 . his Father did to her Brother,) especially now after his 
 open association with the fadlion of Huntington : which 
 no lesse impugneth under this mans proteftion, the 
 whole line of Henry the seventh for right of the 
 
117 
 
 Crowne, then the House of Suffolke did under his 
 Father the particular progeny of King Henry the eight. 
 
 Nay rather much more (quoth the Gentleman) for Gentleman. 
 that I doe not read in King Edwards raigne, (when the 
 matter was in plotting notwithstanding) that the 
 House of Suffolke durst ever make open claime to the The boidnes 
 
 . -r, , TT r rr J- • of the titles 
 
 next succession. But now the House of Hastings is of Clarence. 
 become so confident, upon the strength and favour of 
 their fautors, as they dare both plot, pradtise, and 
 pretend, all at once, and feare not to set out their 
 title, in every place, where as they come. 
 
 And doe they not feare the statute (said the Lawyer. 
 Lawyer) so rigorous in this point, as it maketh the 
 matter treason to determine of titles ! 
 
 No, they need not (quoth the Gentleman) seeing Gmtieman. 
 their party is so strong and terrible, as no man dare The abuse of 
 accuse them : seeing also they well know, that the forsUen^cein 
 procurement of that statute, was onely to endanger cession^ ^""^ 
 or stop the mouths of the true Successours, whiles 
 themselves, in the meane space, went about under- 
 hand, to establish their owne ambushment. 
 
 Well, (quoth the Lawyer) for the pretence of my Lawyer. 
 Lord of Huntington to the Crowne, I will not stand 
 with you, for that it is a matter sufficiently knowne 
 and seene throughout the Realme. As also that my 
 Lord of Leycester is at this day, a principall favourer 
 
Ii8 
 
 Two excuses 
 alleadged by 
 Leycesters 
 friends. 
 
 Gentleman. 
 
 and patron of that cause, albeit some yeares past, hee 
 were an earnest adversary and enemy to the same. 
 But yet I have heard some friends of his, in reasoning 
 of these matters, deny stoutly a point or two, which 
 you have touched here, and doe seeme to believe the 
 same. 
 
 And that is, first, that howsoever my Lord of 
 Leycester doe meane to helpe his friend, when time 
 shall serve, yet, pretendeth hee nothing to the Crowne 
 himselfe. The second is, that whatsoever may bee 
 ment for the title, or compassing the Crowne after her 
 Majesties death, yet nothing is intended during her 
 raigne. And of both these points they alledge reasons. 
 
 As for the first, that my Lord of Leycester is very 
 well knowne to have no title to the Crowne himselfe, 
 either by discent in bloud, alliance or otherwayes. 
 For the second, that his Lord hath no cause to bee a 
 Male-content in the present government, nor hope for 
 more preferment, if my Lord of Huntington were King 
 to morrow next, then hee receiveth now at her Majesties 
 hands : having all the Realme (as hath beene shewed) 
 at his owne disposition. 
 
 For the first (quoth the Gentleman) whether hee 
 meane the Crowne for himselfe, or for his friend, it 
 importeth not much : seeing both wayes it is evident, 
 that hee meaneth to have all at his owne disposition. 
 
119 
 And albeit now for the avoidine; of envy, hee give it whether 
 
 ° ° Leycester 
 
 out, as a crafty Fox, that hee meaneth not but to meanethe 
 
 . Crowne sin- 
 
 runne with other men, and to hunt with Hunhngton cereiyfor 
 
 . , . . Huntington 
 
 and other hounds m the same chase ; yet it is not or for him- 
 unlike, but that hee will play the Beare, when hee 
 commeth to deviding of the pray, and will snatch the 
 best part to himselfe. Yea and these selfe same per- 
 sons of his traine and fadlion, whom you call his friends, 
 though in publique, to excuse his doings, and to cover 
 whole plot, they will and must deny the matters to 
 be so meant : yet otherwise they both thinke, hope 
 and know the contrary, and will not stick in secret to 
 speake it, and among themselves, it is their talke of 
 consolation. 
 
 The words of his speciall Councellour the Lord The words 
 North, are knowne, which hee uttered to his trusty North, to"^ 
 Pooly, upon the receipt of a letter from Court, of her ^^^'" ^''°'^' 
 Majesties displeasure towards him, for his being a 
 witnesse at Leycesters second marraige with Dame 
 Lettice (although I know hee was not ignorant of the 
 first) at Wanstead : of which displeasure, this Lord 
 making far lesse accompt then, in reason hee should, of 
 the just oifence of his soveraigne, said: that for his i'oo;>' told this 
 owne part hee was resolved to sinke or swimme with lermine. 
 my Lord of Leycester: who (saith hee) if once the 
 Cards may come to shuffling (I will use but his very 
 
120 
 
 The words of 
 Sir Thomas 
 Layton bro- 
 ther in law to 
 my Lord. 
 
 The words 
 of Mistresse 
 Anne West 
 sister unto 
 this holy 
 Countesse. 
 
 owne words) I make no doubt but hee alone shall 
 beare away the Bucklers. 
 
 The words also of Sir Thomas Layton to Sir Henry 
 Nevile, walking upon the Tarresse at Windsor are 
 knowne, who told him, after long discourse of their 
 happy conceived Kingdome, that Ihee doubted not but 
 to see him one day, hold the same office in Windsor, 
 of my Lord of Leycester, which now my Lord did hold 
 of the Queene. Meaning thereby the goodly office of 
 Constableship, with all Royalties and honours belonging 
 to the same, which now the said Sir Henry exerciseth 
 onely as Deputy to the Earle. Which was plainely to 
 signifie, that, hee doubted not but to see my Lord of 
 Leycester one day King, or els his other hope could 
 never possibly take effedl or come to passe. 
 
 To the same point, tended the words of Mistresse 
 Anne West Dame Lettice Sister, unto the Lady Anne 
 Askew in the great Chamber, upon a day when her 
 Brother Robert Knowles had danced disgratiously and 
 scornefully before the Queene in presence of the 
 French. Which thing for that her Majesty tooke to 
 proceed of will in him, as for dislike of the strangers 
 in presence, and for the quarrell of his sister Essex ; it 
 pleased her highnesse to check him for the same, with 
 addition of a reproachfull word or two (full well de- 
 served) as though done for dispite of the forced 
 
121 
 
 absence, from that place of honour, of the good old 
 Gentlewoman (I mitigate the words) his Sister. Which 
 words, the other yonger twigge receiving in deepe 
 dudgen, brake forth in great choler to her fore-named 
 companion, and said, that shee nothing doubted, but 
 that one day shee should see her Sister, upon whom 
 the Queene railed now so much (for so it pleased her 
 to tearme her Majesties sharp speech) to sit in her 
 place and throhe, being much worthier of the same, for 
 her qualities and rare vertues, then was the other. 
 Which undutifuU speech, albeit, it were over heard and 
 condemned of divers that sat about them : yet none 
 durst ever report the same to her Majesty : as I have 
 heard sundry Courtiers affirm, in respect of the revenge 
 which the reporters should abide at my Lord of Ley- 
 cesters hands, when so ever the matter should come to 
 light. 
 
 And this is now concerning the opinion and secret 
 speechs of my Lords owne friends, who cannot but 
 utter their conceipt and judgement in time and place 
 convenient, whatsoever they are willed to give out 
 publikely to the contrary, for deceiving of such as will 
 believe faire painted words, against evident and mani- 
 fest demonstration of reason. 
 
 I say reason, for that if none of these signes and 
 tokens were, none of these preparations nor any of 
 
122 
 
 Three argu- these speeches and deteftions, by his friends that know 
 
 merits of _ ^ ' -^ 
 
 Leycesters his heart ; yet in force of plaine reason, I could 
 
 meaning for "^ 
 
 himseife alleadgc unto you three arguments onely, which to any 
 Huntington, man of intelligence, would easily perswade and give 
 satisfadlion, that my Lord of Leycester meaneth best 
 and first for himseife in this sute. Which three argu- 
 ments, for that you seeme to bee attent. I will not 
 stick to runne over in all brevity, 
 TheBrst And the first is the very nature and quality of 
 
 argument the ... . t ■/ 
 
 Nature of ambition it selfe, which is such, (as you know) that it 
 
 ambition. • \ •/ / 
 
 never stayeth, but passeth from degree to degree, and 
 the more it obtaineth, the more it coveretb, and the 
 more esteemeth it selfe, both worthy and able to 
 obtaine. And in our matter that now wee handle, even 
 as in wooing, hee that sueth to a Lady for an other, 
 and obtaineth her good will, entereth easily into con- 
 ceipt of his owne worthines thereby, and so commonly 
 into hope of speeding himseife, while hee speaketh for 
 his friend: so much more in Kingdomes; hee that seeth 
 himseife of power to put the Crowne of an other mans 
 head, will quickly step to the next degree which is, to 
 set it of his owne, seeing that alwayes the charity of 
 such good men, is wont to bee so orderly, as (according 
 to the precept) it beginneth with itselfe first. 
 
 Adde to this, that ambition is jealous, suspitious, 
 and fearefull of it selfe, especially when it is joyned 
 
123 
 
 with a conscience loaden with the guilt of many 
 crimes, whereof hee would bee loth to bee called to 
 accompt, or bee subjedl to any man that might by 
 authority take review of his life and adlions, when it 
 should please him. In which kind, seeing my Lord of 
 Leycester hath so much to encrease his feare, as before 
 hath beene shewed by his wicked dealings ; it is not 
 like, that ever hee will put himselfe to an other mans 
 courtesie, for passing his audi6l in particular reckon- 
 ings, which hee can no way answer or satisfie : but 
 rather will stand upon the grosse Summe, and generall 
 Quietus est, by making himselfe chiefe Auditour and 
 Master of all accompts for his owne part in this life, 
 howsoever hee doe in the next ; whereof such humours 
 have little regard. And this is for the nature of 
 ambition in it selfe. 
 
 The second argument may bee taken from my The second 
 Lords particular disposition ; which is such, as may z.ef"«to"'' 
 give much light also to the matter in question ; being §rspo';itio'n. 
 a disposition so well liking and inclined to a Kingdome, 
 as it hath beene tampering about the same, from the 
 first day that hee came in favour. First by seeking Leycesters 
 openly to marry with the Queenes Majesty herselfe, flS'pIr forf 
 and so to draw the Crowne upon his owne head, and ^'''S^°"'^- 
 to his posteritie. Secondly, when that attempt tooke 
 not place, then hee gave it out, as hath beene shewed 
 
124 
 
 I meane the 
 noble old 
 Earle of 
 Pembrookt. 
 
 The unduti- 
 full devise of 
 NatUTall 
 issue, in the 
 statute of 
 succession. 
 
 before, how that hee was privily contradled to her 
 Majesty (wherein as I told you his dealing before for 
 satisfadlion of a stranger, so let him with shame and 
 dishonour remember now also, the spedlacle hee 
 secretly made for the perswading of a subjedl and 
 Councellour of great honour in the same cause) to the 
 end that if her highnesse should by any way have 
 miscarried, then hee might have entituled any one of 
 his owne brood, (whereof hee hath store in many 
 places as is knowne) to the lawfull succession of the 
 Crowne, under colour of that privy and secret mar- 
 riage, pretending the same to bee by her Majesty: 
 wherein hee will want no witnesses to depose what hee 
 will. Thirdly, when hee saw also that this devise was 
 subjeft to danger, for that his privy contradl might bee 
 denied, more easily, then hee able justly to prove the 
 same, after her Majesties discease: hee had a new fetch 
 to strengthen the matter and that was to cause these 
 words of {Natuyall issue) to bee put into the statute of 
 succession for the Crowne, against all order and 
 custome of our Realme, and against the knowne 
 common stile of law, accustomed to bee used in 
 statutes of such matter : whereby hee might bee able 
 after the death of her Majesty to make legitimate to 
 the Crowne, any one bastard of his owne by any of so 
 many hacknies as he keepeth, affirming it to bee the 
 
125 
 
 Naturall issue of her Majesty by himselfe. For no 
 other reason can bee imagined why the ancient usual 
 words of, Lawfull issue should so cunningly bee changed 
 into Naturall issue ; Thereby not onely to indat^er our 
 whole Realme with new quarrels of succession but also 
 to touch (as farre as in him lieth) the Royall honour 
 of his soveraigne, who hath beene to him but to 
 bountifull a Princesse. 
 
 Fourthly, when after a time these fetches and de- 
 vises, began to bee discovered, hee changed streight 
 his course, and turned to the Papists, and Scottish 
 fadtion, pretending the marriage of the Queene in 
 prison. But yet after this againe, finding therein not 
 such successe as contented him throughly, and having 
 in the meane space a new occasion offered of baite : 
 hee betooke himselfe fiftly to the party of Huntington : 
 having therein (no doubt) as good meaning to him- 
 selfe, as his Father had by joyning with Suffolke. 
 Marry yet of late, hee hath cast a new about, once 
 againe, for himselfe in secret, by treating the marriage 
 of yong Arbella, with his Sonne intitled the Lord 
 Denbigh. 
 
 So that by this wee see the disposition of this man The marriage 
 bent wholly to a scepter. And albeit in right, title and ° 
 discent of bloud (as you say) hee can justly claime 
 neither Kingdome nor Cotage (considering either the 
 
126 
 
 The third 
 argument. 
 The nature 
 of the cause 
 itselfe. 
 
 The nature 
 of old recon- 
 ciled enmity. 
 
 basenesse or disloyalty of his Ancestours:) if in respedt 
 of his present state and power, and of his natural! 
 pride, ambition, and crafty conveyance received from 
 his Father : hee hath learned how to put himselfe first 
 in possession of chiefe rule, under other pretences, and 
 after to devise upon the title at his leasure. 
 
 But now to come to the third argument : I say 
 more and above all this, that the nature and state of 
 the matter it selfe, permitteth not, that my Lord of 
 Leycester should meane sincerely the Crowne, for Hun- 
 tington, especially seeing there hath passed betweene 
 them so many yeares of dislike and enmity : which, 
 albeit, for the time and present commodity, bee covered 
 and pressed downe : yet by reason and experience wee 
 know, that afterward when they shall deale together 
 againe in matters of importance, and when jealousie 
 shall bee joyned to other circumstances of their aftions: 
 it is impossible that the former mislike should not 
 breake out in farre higher degree, then ever before. 
 
 As wee saw in the examples of reconciliation, made 
 betwixt this mans Father and Edward Duke of 
 Somerset, bearing rule under King Edward the sixt : 
 and betweene Richard of Yorke, and Edmund Duke of 
 Somerset, bearing rule in the time of King Henry the 
 sixt. Both which Dukes of Somerset, after reconcilia- 
 tion with their old, crafty and ambitious enemies, were 
 
127 
 
 brought by the same to their destruction soone after. 
 Whereof I doubt not, but my Lord of Leycester will 
 take good heed, in joyning by reconciliation with 
 Huntington, after so long a breach : and will not bee so 
 improvident, as to make him his soveraigne, who now 
 is but his dependent. Hee remembreth too well the 
 successe of the Lord Stanley who helped King Henry 
 the seventh to the Crowne : of the Duke of Buckingham, 
 who did the same for Richard the third : of the Earle 
 of Warwick, who set up King Edward the fourth and 
 of the three Percies, who advanced to the Scepter King 
 Henry the fourth. All which Noble men upon occa- 
 sions that after fell out : were rewarded with death, by 
 the selfe same Princes, whom they had preferred. 
 
 And that not without reason as Siegnior Machavell The reason of 
 
 ° Machavell. 
 
 my Lords Councellour affirmeth. For that such 
 Princes, afterward can never give sufficient satisfaction 
 to such friends, for so great a benefit received. And 
 consequently, least upon discontentment, they may 
 chance doe as much for others against them, as they 
 have done for them against others : the surest way is, 
 to recompence them, with such a reward, as they shall 
 never after bee able to complaine of. 
 
 Wherefore I can never thinke that my Lord of 
 Leycester will put himselfe in danger of the like successe 
 at Huntingtons hands : but rather will follow the plot 
 
128 
 
 The meaning 
 of the Duke 
 of Northum- 
 berland with 
 Suffolhe. 
 
 South-house. 
 
 Latvyer. 
 
 The meaning 
 of the D. of 
 Northumber- 
 land towards 
 theD of 
 Sufolhe. 
 
 of his owne Father, with the Duke of Suffolke, whom 
 no doubt, but hee meant onely to use for a pretext and 
 helpe, whereby to place himselfe in supreame dignity, 
 and afterward whatsoever had befallen of the state, the 
 others head could never have come to other end, then 
 it enjoyed. For if Queene Mary had not cut it off, 
 King lohn of Northumberland, would have done the 
 same in time, and so all men doe well know, that were 
 privy to any of his cunning dealings. 
 
 And what Huntingtons secret opinion of Leycester is 
 (notwithstanding this outward shew of dependence) it 
 was my chance to learne, from the mouth of a speciall 
 man of that hasty King, who was his Ledger or Agent 
 in London ; and at a time falling in talke of his Masters 
 title, declared, that hee had heard him divers times in 
 secret, complaine to his Lady {Leycesters Sister) as 
 greatly fearing that in the ende, hee would offer him 
 wrong, and pretend some title for himselfe. 
 
 Well (quoth the Lawyer) it seemeth by this last 
 point, that these two Lords, are cunning praftisioners 
 in the art of dissimulation : but for the former whereof 
 you speake, in truth I have heard men of good dis- 
 course affirme, that the Duke of Northumberland had 
 strange devises in his head, for deceiving of Suffolke 
 (who was nothing so fine as himselfe) and for bringing 
 the Crowne to his owne family. And among other 
 
129 
 
 devises it is thought, that hee had most certaine inten- 
 tion to marry the Lady Mary himselfe, (after once hee 
 had brought her into his owne hands) and to have 
 bestowed her Majesty that now is upon some one of 
 his children (if it should have beene thought best to 
 give her life,) and so consequently to have shaken of 
 Suffolke and his pedegree, with condigne punishment, 
 for his bold behaviour in that behalfe. 
 
 Verily (quoth I) this had beene an excellent scholar. 
 Stratageme, if it had taken place. But I pray you 
 (Sir) how could himselfe have taken the Lady Mary 
 to wife, seeing hee was at that time married to an 
 other ? 
 
 Oh (quoth the Gentleman) you question like a Gentleman. 
 Schollar. As though my Lord of Leycester had not a 
 wife alive, when hee first began to pretend marriage to 
 the Queenes Majesty. Doe you not remember the 
 story of King Richard the third, who at such time as 
 hee thought best for the establishing of his title : to 
 marry his owne Neece, that afterward was married to 
 King Henry the seventh, how hee caused secretly to 
 bee given abroad that his owne wife was dead, whom The practise 
 all the World knew to bee then alive and in good tSioi 
 health, but yet soone afterward shee was scene dead his wife"^ 
 indeed. These great personages, in matters of such 
 weight, as is a Kingdome, have priviledges to dispose 
 
I30 
 
 of Womens bodies, marriages, lives and deaths, as 
 shall bee thought for the time most convenient, 
 A new And what doe you thinke (I pray you) of this new 
 
 Triumvirat . . •' 11 
 
 betweene Triumvirat SO lately concluded about Arbella? (for so 
 
 LeycesteVf 
 
 Talbot, and must I Call the Same, though one of the three persons 
 
 theCountesse , _,. , ^.. . ^ , , 
 
 oi Shrewsbury, bee no Vtr, but, Vtrago ;) I meane of the marriage 
 betweene yong Denbigh and the little Daughter of 
 Lenox, whereby the Father in Law, the Grandmother 
 and the Vncle of the new designed Queene, have con- 
 ceived to themselves a singular triumphant raigne. 
 But what doe you thinke may ensue hereof? is there 
 nothing of the old plot of Duke lohn of Northumberland 
 in this ? 
 
 La<iytr. Marry Sir (quoth the Lawyer) if this bee so, I dare 
 
 assure you there is sequell enough pretended hereby. 
 And first no doubt, but there goeth a deepe drift, by 
 the wife and sonne, against old Abraham (the Husband 
 and Father) with the well lined large pouch. And 
 secondly, a farre deeper by trusty Robert against his 
 best Mistresse : but deepest of all by the whole Crew, 
 
 Huntington, agaiust the designements of the hasty Earle : who 
 thirsteth a Kingdome, with great intemperance, and 
 seemeth (if there were plaine dealing) to hope by these 
 good people to quench shortly his drought. 
 
 But either part, in truth, seeketh to deceive other : 
 and therefore it is hard to say where the game in fine 
 will rest. 
 
131 
 
 Well howsoever that bee (quoth the Gentleman) I Gentleman. 
 am of opinion, that my Lord of Leycester, will use both 
 this nradtize and many more, for bringing the Scepter The sleights 
 
 ^ "^ oi Leycester lor 
 
 finally to his owne head : and that hee will not onely bringing au 
 imploy Huntington to defeate Scotland, and Arbella to 
 defeate Huntington: but also would use the marriage 
 of the Queene imprisoned, to defeate them both, if 
 shea were in his hand : and any one of all three to 
 dispossesse her Majesty that now is : as also the 
 authority, of all foure to bring it to himselfe ; with 
 many other fetches, flinges and friscoes besides, which 
 simple men as yet doe not conceive. 
 
 And howsoever these two conjoyned Earles, doe ScambUng 
 
 /• 1 • 1 ^ 1 t ^ betweene 
 
 seeme for the time to draw together, and to play booty : Leycester and 
 
 TC'- 1 1 -111 •! 1 Huntington 
 
 yet am 1, oi opinion, that the one will beguile, the at the upshot. 
 
 other at the upshot. And Hastings for ought I see, 
 
 when hee commeth to the scambling, is like to have no 
 
 better luck by the Beare, then his Ancestour had once 
 
 by the Boare, Who using his helpe first in murdering 
 
 the Sonne and Heire of King Henry the sixt, and after Rkhard 
 
 in destroying the faithfull Frends and Kinsmen of King t^l^faZ. 5. 
 
 Edmard the fift, for his easier way to usurpation : made 
 
 an end of him also in the Tower, at the very same 
 
 day and houre, that the other were by his counsell 
 
 destroyed in Pontfret Castle. So that where the Goale 
 
 and price of the game is a Kingdome : there is neither 
 
132 
 
 faith, neither good fellowship, nor faire play among the 
 Gamesters. And this shall bee enough for the first 
 point : (viz) what good my Lord of Leycester meaneth 
 to himselfe in respedle of Huntington. 
 2. That the Touching the second, whether the attempt bee 
 
 conspirators " . , . . 
 
 meaneinher purposed in her Majesties dayes or no, the matter is. 
 
 dayes. much lesse doubtfuU, to him that knoweth or can 
 
 imagine, what a torment the delay of a Kingdome is, 
 to such a one as suffereth hunger thereof, and feareth 
 that every houre may breed some alteration, to the 
 prejudice of his conceived hope. Wee see often times 
 that the child is impatient in this matter, to expeft the 
 natural! end of his parents life. Whom, notwith- 
 standing, by nature hee is enforced to love: and who 
 also by nature, is like long to leave this World before 
 him : and after whose discease, hee is assured to 
 obtaine his desire : but most certaine of dangerous 
 event, if hee attempt to get it, while yet his parent 
 liveth. Which foure considerations, are (no doubt) of 
 great force to containe a child in duty, and bridle his 
 desire : albeit sometimes not sufficient to withstand 
 the greedy appetite of raigning. 
 
 Foure con- But what shall wee think, wheren one of these foure 
 
 considerations doe restraine? where the present Pos- 
 sessor is no parent ? where shee is like by nature, to 
 out-live the expedlor ? whose death must needs bring 
 
133 
 
 infinite difficulties to the enterprise ? and in whose 
 life time the matter is most easie to bee atchieved, 
 under colour and authority of the present Possessor ? 
 shall wee thinke that in such a case the ambitious 
 man, will overrule his owne passion, and leese his 
 commodity. 
 
 As for that, which is alleaged before, for my Lord 
 in the reason of his Defenders : that his present state 
 is so prosperous, as hee cannot expedl better in the a thing 
 next change whatsoever should bee: is of small mo- noted In ° 
 ment, in the conceipt of an ambitious head, whose eye m"n! '°"^ 
 and heart is alwayes upon that, which hee hopeth for, 
 and enjoyeth not: and not upon that which already 
 hee possesseth, bee it never so good. Especially in 
 matters of honour and authority, it is an infallible rule, 
 that one degree desired and not obtained, afflidleth 
 more, then five degrees already possessed, can give 
 consolation : the story of Duke Human, confirmeth this 
 evidently, who being the greatest subjedl in the World 
 under King Assuems, after hee had reckoned up all Histor.5. 
 his pompe, riches, glory and felicity to his friends, yet 
 hee sayed, that all this was nothing unto him, untill 
 hee could obtaine the revenge, which hee desired, upon 
 Mardocheus his enemy : and hereby it commeth 
 ordinarily to passe, that among highest in authority, 
 are found the greatest store of Mal-contents, that most 
 doe endanger their Prince and Countrey. 
 
134 
 
 The Fercies. 
 
 The two 
 
 Neviks. 
 
 Leycesteis 
 hatred to her 
 Majesty. 
 
 The evill 
 nature of 
 ingratitude. 
 
 When the Percies tooke part with Henry of Boling- 
 brooke, against King Richard the second their lawfull 
 soveraigne : it was not for lack of preferment : for they 
 were exceedingly advanced by the said King, and 
 possessed the three Earledomes of Northumberland, 
 Worcester, and Stafford together, besides many other 
 office and dignities of honour. 
 
 In like sort, when the two Neviks, tooke upon them, 
 to joyne with Richard of Yorke, to put downe their 
 most benigne Prince King Henry the sixt : and after 
 againe in the other side, to put downe King Edward 
 the fourth : it was not upon want of advancement : 
 they being Earles both of Salisbury and Warwick, and 
 Lords of many notable places besides. But it was 
 upon a vaine imagination of future fortune, whereby 
 such men are commonly led : and yet had not they 
 any smell in their nostrels, of getting the Kingdome 
 for themselves, as this man hath to prick him forward. 
 
 If you say that these men hated their soveraigne, 
 and that thereby they were led to procure his destruc- 
 tion : the same I may answere of my Lord living, 
 though of all men hee hath least cause so to doe. But 
 yet such is the nature of wicked ingratitude, that where 
 it oweth most, and disdaineth to bee bound : there 
 upon every little discontentment, it turneth double 
 obligation into triple hatred. 
 
135 
 
 This hee shewed evidently in the time of his little 
 disgrace, wherein hee not onely did diminish, vilipend, 
 and debase among his friends, the inestimable bene- 
 fites hee hath received from her Majesty, but also used 
 to exprobate his owne good services and merits, and 
 to touch her highnesse with ingrate consideration and 
 recompence of the same, which behaviour together 
 with his hasty preparation to rebellion, and assault of 
 her Majesties Royall person and dignity, upon so small 
 a cause given : did well shew what mind inwardly hee 
 beareth to his soveraigne, and what her Majesty may Leyusters 
 expeft, if by offending him, shee should once fall within he?^^es°ty 
 the compasse of his furious pawes : seeing such a LVafsgrace"^ 
 smoke of disdaine could not proceed, but from a firie 
 furnace of hatred within. 
 
 And surely it is a wonderfull matter to consider 
 what a little check, or rather the bare imagination of 
 a small overthwart, may worke in a proud and dis- 
 dainefull stomack. The remembrance of his marriage The causes of 
 missed, that hee so much pretended and desired with ^Si" 
 her Majesty doth stick deeply in his breast and stirreth SS.'''' 
 him dayly to revenge. As also doth the disdaine of 
 certaine checkes and disgraces received at sometimes, 
 especially that of his last marriage ; which irketh him 
 so much the more, by how much greater feare and 
 danger it brought him into, at that time, and did put 
 
136 
 
 The force of 
 
 female 
 
 suggestions. 
 
 his Widow in such open phrensie, as shee raged many 
 moneths after against her Majesty, and is not cold 
 yet : but remaineth as it were a sworne enemy, for 
 that injury, and standeth like a friend or fury at the 
 elbow of her Amadis, to stirre him forward when occa- 
 sion shall serve. And what effedl such female sugges- 
 tions may worke, when they find an humour proud and 
 pliable to their purpose : you may remember by the 
 example of the Duchesse of Somerset, who inforced her 
 Husband to cut off the head, of his onely deare 
 Brother, to his owne evident destrudlion for her con- 
 tentation. 
 
 Wherefore, to conclude this matter without further 
 
 dispute or reason : saying there is so much discovered 
 
 meant in time in the case as there is: so great desire of raigne, so 
 
 of her . . ^ . . 
 
 Majesty. great impatience of delay, so great hope and habiliity 
 of successe, if it bee attempted, under the good for- 
 tune and present authority of the competitours : seeing 
 the plats bee so well laid, the preparation so forward, 
 the favorers so furnished, the time so propitious, and 
 so many other causes conviting together : seeing that 
 by differring, all may bee hazarded, and by hastening, 
 little can bee indangered, the state and condition of 
 things well weyed ; finding also the bands of duty so 
 broken already in the conspiratours, the causes of mis- 
 like and hatred so manifest, and the solicitours to 
 
 An evident 
 conclusion 
 that the 
 execution is 
 
137 
 
 execution, so potent and diligent, as women, malice 
 and ambition, are wont to bee ; it is more than pro- 
 bable, that they will not leese their present commodity, 
 especially seeing they have learned by their Archi-tipe 
 or Proto-plot which they follow (I meane the con- Anerrourof 
 spiracy of Northumberland and Suffolke in King Edwards now to bee 
 dayes) that herein there was some errour committed at the Sonne, 
 that time, which overthrew the whole, and that was, the 
 differring of some things untill after the Kings death, 
 which should have beene put in execution before. 
 
 For if in the time of their plotting, when as yet 
 their designments were not published to the World, 
 they had under the countenance of the King (as well 
 they might have done) gotten into their hands the two 
 Sisters, and dispatched some other few affaires, before 
 they had caused the yong Prince to die : no doubt, but 
 in mans reason the whole designment had taken place : 
 and consequently it is to bee presupposed, that these 
 men (being no fooles in their owne affaires) will take 
 heed of falling into the like errour by delay : but rather 
 will make all sure, by striking while the iron is hot, as 
 our proverbe warneth them. 
 
 It cannot bee denied in reason (quoth the Lawyer) Lawyer. 
 but that they have many helpes of doing what they 
 list now, under the present a favour, countenance and 
 authority of her Majesty, which they should not have 
 
138 
 
 after her highnesse discease : when each man shall 
 remaine more at liberty for his supreame obedience, by 
 reason of the statute provided for uncertainty of the 
 next successor ; and therefore I for my part, would 
 rather counsell them, to make much of her Majesties 
 life : for after that, they little know what may ensue, or 
 befall their designements. 
 Gmtiiman. They will make the most thereof (quoth the Gentle- 
 
 man) for their owne advantage, but after that, what is 
 like to follow, the examples of Edward and Richard the 
 second, as also of Henry and Edward the sixt, doe 
 sufficiently fore-warne us : whose lives were prolonged, 
 untill their deaths were thought more profitable to the 
 Her Majesties coHspiratours, and not longer. And for the statute you 
 to"rve the ' spcakc of , procurcd by themselves, for establishing the 
 tume!"^**°"" incertainty of the next true successour (whereas all our 
 former statutes were wont to bee made for the declara- 
 tion and certainty of the same) it is with Proviso, (as 
 you know) that it shall not endure longer, then the 
 life of her Majesty, that now raigneth : that is, indeed, 
 no longer then untill themselves bee ready to place an 
 A prociama- other. For then, no doubt, but wee shall see a faire 
 
 tion with , . . , , 
 
 halters. proclamation that my Lord of Huntington is the onely 
 
 next heire : with a bundle of halters to hang all such, 
 as shall dare once open their mouth for deniall of the 
 same. 
 
139 
 
 At these words the old Lawyer stepped back, as Lawyer. 
 somewhat astonied, and began to make Crosses in the Papisticaii 
 ayre, after their fashion, whereat wee laughed, and then 
 hee said : truly my Masters I had thought that no 
 man had conceived so evill imagination of this statute, The statute 
 
 ,. , • 1 T 1 °^ concealing 
 
 as my selie : but now I perceive that I alone am not the heire 
 malitious. For my owne part, I must confesse unto ^P^"*" ' 
 you, that as often as I read over this statute, or thinke 
 of the same (as by divers occasions many times I doe) 
 I feele my selfe much greeved and afflidled in mind, 
 upon feares which I conceive what may bee the end 
 of this statute to our Countrey, and what privy mean- 
 ing, the chiefe procurers thereof might have for their 
 owne drifts, against the Realme and life of her Majestie 
 that now raigneth. 
 
 And so much more it maketh mee to doubt, for 
 that in all our records of law, you shall not find (to my 
 remembrance) any one example of such a devise, for 
 concealing of the true inheritour : but rather in all 
 ages, states, and times (especially from Richard the Ruhard going 
 first downeward) you shall find statutes, ordinances, S,^^,„ 
 and provisions, for declaration and manifestation of cuftomeby 
 the same, as you have well observed and touched ^^p^^^"'- 
 before. And therefore this strange and new devise. °°teth^«,a 
 
 mncf n J L lo.oi Richard 
 
 must needs have some strange and unaccustomed i^e second 
 meanmg: and God of his mercy grant, that it have nextheTrl 
 not some strange and unexpeded event. 
 
140 
 
 Thedangerof In sight of all men, this is already evident, that 
 
 our Countrey " i i ■ 
 
 by concealing nevcr Countrev in the World, was brought into more 
 
 the next , r • i • 
 
 heire. apparent danger of utter rume, then ours is at this 
 
 day, by pretence of this statute. For where as there is 
 no Gentleman so meane in the Realme, that cannot 
 give a gesse more or lesse, who shall bee his next 
 heire, and his tenants soone conjedlure, what manner 
 of person shall bee their next Lord : in the title of our 
 noble Crowne, whereof all the rest dependeth ; neither 
 is her Majesty permitted to know or say, who shall 
 bee her next successor, nor her subjedls allowed to 
 understand or imagine, who in right may bee their 
 future soveraigne : An intolkrable injury in a matter 
 of so singular importance. 
 
 For (alas) what should become of this our native 
 Countrey, if God should take from us her most excel- 
 lent Majesty (as once hee will) and so leave us desti- 
 
 Great in-- tute upon the sudden what should become of our 
 lives, of our states, and of our whole Realme or 
 government ? can any man promise himselfe, one day 
 longer of rest, peace, possession, life or liberty within 
 the land, then God shall lend us her Majesty to raigne 
 over us ? Which albeit, wee doe and are bound to 
 wish that it may bee long : yet reason telleth us, that 
 by course of nature, it cannot bee of any great con- 
 tinuance, and by a thousand accidents it may bee 
 
 conveniences. 
 
141 
 
 much shorter. And shall then our most noble Com- 
 monwealth and Kingdome, which is of perpetuity, and 
 must continue to our selves and our posterity, hang 
 only upon the life of her highnesse alone, well 
 strucken in yeares, and of no great good health or 
 robustious and strong complexion. 
 
 I was within hearing some six or seven yeares agoe, 
 when Sir Christopher Hatton, in a very great assembly, ^^l^n^'"^'"' 
 made an eloquent oration (which after I wene was put oration, 
 in print) at the pardoning and delivery of him from 
 the gallouse, that by errour (as was thought) had dis- 
 charged his peece upon her Majesties Barge, and hurt 
 certaine persons in her highnesse presence. And in 
 that oration hee declared and described very effec- 
 tually, what inestimable dammage had ensued to the 
 Realme, if her Majesty by that or any other meanes 
 should have beene taken from us. Hee set foorth 
 most lively before the eyes of all men, what division, 
 what dissension, what bloodshed had ensued, and what 
 fatall dangers were most certaine to fall upon us, when- 
 soever that dolefull day should happen : wherein no 
 man should bee sure of his life, of his goods, of his wife, 
 of his children : no man certaine whether to flie, whom 
 to follow, or where to seeke repose and protedlion. 
 
 And as all the hearers there present did easily 
 grant that hee therein said truth and farre lesse then 
 
142 
 
 Intollerahle 
 treasons. 
 
 might have beene said in that behalfe, things standing 
 as they doe : so many one (I trow) that heard these 
 words proceed from a Councellour, that had good 
 cause to know the state of his owne Countrey : entred 
 into this cogitation what punishment they might de- 
 serve then, at the whole State and Common-wealths 
 hands, who first by letting her Majesty from marriage, 
 and then by procuring this statute of dissembling the 
 next inheritour : had brought their Realme into so 
 evident and inevitable dangers ? for every one well 
 considered and weighed with himselfe, that the thing 
 which yet onely letted these dangers and miseries set 
 downe by Sir Christopher, must necessarily one day 
 faile us all, that is, the life of her Majesty now present : 
 and then (say wee) how falleth it out, that so generall a 
 calamity as must needs overtake us ere it belong (and 
 may, for any thing wee know to morrow next) is not 
 provided for, as well as foreseene. 
 
 Is there no remedy, but that wee must willingly 
 and wittingly runne into our owne ruine ? and for 
 the favour or feare of some few aspirours, betray our 
 Countrey and the bloud of so many thousand inno- 
 cents, as live within the land ? 
 The miseries Por tell mce (good Sirs) I pray you, if her Majesty 
 her Majesties should die to morrow next (whose life God long pre- 
 
 death . 
 
 serve and blesse,) but if shee should bee taken from 
 
143 
 
 us, (as by condition of nature and humaine frailty shee 
 may) what would you doe ? which way would you 
 looke? or what head or part, knew any good subjedl 
 in the Realme to follow ? I speake not of the con- 
 spiratours, for I know they will bee ready and resolved 
 whom to follow : but I speake of the plaine, simple and 
 well meaning subject, who following now the utter letter 
 of this fraudulent statute, (fraudulent I meane in the 
 secret conceipt of the cunning aspirours : ) shall bee 
 taken at that day upon the sudden, and being put in a 
 maze by the unexpeded contention about the Crowne, 
 shall bee brought into a thousand dangers, both of 
 body and goods, which now are not thought upon, by 
 them who are most in danger of the same. And this 
 is, for the Common-wealth and Countrey. 
 
 But unto her Majesty, for whose good and safety, 
 the statute is onely pretended to bee made, no doubt, 
 but that it bringeth farre greater dangers, then any The danger 
 devise that they have used besides. For hereby under Ma^elty by 
 colour of restraining the claimes and titles of true '>^^^=*^'""' 
 successours, (whose endeavours notwithstanding, are 
 commonly more calme and moderate then of usur- 
 pers,) they make unto themselves, a meane to forster 
 and set forward their owne conspiracy without con- 
 trolement : seeing no man of might may oppose him- 
 selfe against them, but with suspition, that hee meaneth 
 
144 
 
 to claime for himselfe. And so they being armed, on 
 the one side, with their authority and force of present 
 fortune, and defended, on the other side, by the pre- 
 tence of the statute : they may securely worke and plot 
 at their pleasure, as you have well proved before that 
 they doe. And whensoever their grounds and founda- 
 tions shall bee ready, it cannot bee denied but that 
 her Majesties life, lieth much at their discretion, to 
 take it, or use it, to their best commodity : (and there 
 is no doubt, but they will,) as such men are wont to 
 doe in such affaires. Marry one thing standeth not in 
 their powers so absolutely, and that is, to prolong her 
 Majesties dayes or favour towards themselves, at their 
 pleasures : whereof it is not unlike but they will have 
 due consideration, least perhaps upon any sudden 
 accident, they might bee found unready. 
 Gentleman. They have good care thereof I can assure you, 
 
 (quoth the Gentleman) and meane not to bee pre- 
 vented by any accident, or other mishap whatsoever : 
 they will bee ready for all events : and for that cause, 
 The hastning they hasten so much their preparations at this day, 
 spiratourT morc then ever before : by sending out their spies and 
 solicitours every-where, to prove and confirme their 
 friends : by delivering their Common watch-word : by 
 complaining on all hands of our protestants Bishops 
 and Clergy, and of all the present state of our irre- 
 
145 
 
 formed religion, (as they call it:) by amplifying onely 
 the danger of Papists and Scottish fa<aion : by giving 
 out openly that now her Majesty is past hope of 
 Childbirth, and consequently seeing God hath given 
 no better successe that way in two Women one after 
 the other: it were not convenient (say they) that an 
 other of that sexe should ensue : with high commenda- 
 tion of the Law Salick in France, whereby women are 
 forbidden to succeed. Which speech though in shew, 
 it bee delivered against the Queene of Scots and other 
 of King Henry the seventh his line, that discend of 
 Sisters : yet all men see that it toucheth as well the 
 disabling of her Majesty, that is present, as others to 
 come : and so tendeth diredlly to Maturation of the 
 principall purpose, which I have declared before. 
 
 Here said I, for the rest which you speake of, be- schoiiar. 
 sides the Watch-word, it is common and every where The Watch- 
 treated in talke among them : but yet for the Watch- contpfra-^^ 
 word it selfe (for that you name it) I thinke (Sir) many 
 know it not, if I were the first that told you the story, 
 as perchance I was. For in truth I came to it by a 
 rare hap (as then I told you) the thing being uttered 
 and expounded by a Baron of their owne fadtion, to 
 an other Noble man of the same degree and religion, 
 though not of the same opinion in these affaires. And 
 for that I am requested not to utter the second, who 
 
 tours. 
 
146 
 
 told it mee in secret, I must also spare the name of the 
 first : which otherwise I would not, nor the time and 
 place where hee uttered the same. 
 
 Lawyer. ^o this (said the Lawyer) you doe well in that: but 
 
 yet I beseech you, let mee know this Watch-word (if 
 there bee any such) for mine instrudlion and helpe, 
 when need shall require. For I assure you that this 
 Gentlemans former speech of halters hath so terrified 
 mee, as if any should come and aske or feele my incli- 
 nation in these matters, I would answer them fully to 
 their good contentment, if I knew the Watch-word, 
 whereby to know them. For of all things, I love not 
 to bee hanged for quarrels of Kingdomes. 
 
 schoUar. The Watch-word is, (said I) Whether you bee setled 
 
 or no ? and if you answere yea, and seeme to understand 
 the meaning thereof: then are you knowne to bee of 
 their faction, and so to bee accompted and dealt with- 
 all for things to come. But if you staggar or doubt in 
 answering, as if you knew not perfeftly the mistery (as 
 the Noble man my good Lord did, imagining that it 
 had beene meant of his religion, which was very well 
 knowne to bee good and setled in the Gospell) then are 
 you discried thereby, either not to bee of their side, or 
 
 A great els to bcc but a Punie not well instrufted, and con- 
 sequently, hee that moveth you the question, will 
 presently breake of that speech, and turne to some 
 
 Are you setled ? 
 
 mistery. 
 
147 
 
 other talke, untill afterward occasion bee given to per- 
 swade you, or els instrud you better in that affaire. 
 
 Marry the Noble man, whereof I spake before, 
 perceiving by the demanding, that there was some 
 mistery in covert, under the question : tooke hold of 
 the words, and would not suff"er the propounder to slip 
 away (as hee endevoured) but with much intreaty, 
 brought him at length, to expound the full meaning 
 and purpose of the riddle. And this was the first 
 occasion (as I thinke) whereby this secret came abroad. 
 Albeit afterwards at the publique communions, which 
 were made throughout so many shires, the matter 
 became more common: especially, among the strangers 
 that inhabite (as you know) in great numbers with us 
 at this day. All which (as they say) are made most 
 assured to this faftion, and ready to assist the same 
 with great forces at all occasions. 
 
 Good Lord (quoth the Lawyer) how many misteries Lawyer. 
 and secrets bee there abroad in the World, whereof 
 wee simple men know nothing and suspedl lesse. This 
 Watch-word should I never have imagined : and for 
 the great and often assemblies under pretence of Com- Assemblies at 
 munions, though of themselves and of there owne 
 nature, they were unaccustomed, and consequently 
 subjeft to suspition : yet did I never conceive so farre 
 foorth as now I doe ; as neither of the lodging and 
 
 commumons. 
 
148 
 
 Strangers entertaining of so many strangers in the Realme, 
 Land. whereof our Artizans doe complaine every where. But 
 
 now I see the reason thereof, which (no doubt) is 
 founded upon great policy for the purpose. And by 
 this also I see, that the house of Huntington, presseth 
 farre forward for the game, and shouldreth neare the 
 goale to lay hands upon the same. "Which to tell you 
 plainely, liketh mee but a little: both in respedt of the 
 good will I beare to the whole line of King Henry, 
 which hereby is like to bee dispossessed ; as also for 
 the misery, which I doe foresee, must necessarily ensue 
 The periii of upon our Countrey, if once the chalenge of Huntington 
 iiHunUngms take place in our Realme. Which challenge being 
 piaM.^ ^ * derived from the title of Clarence onely in the House 
 of Yorke, before the union of the two great Houses : 
 raiseth up againe the old contention; betweene the 
 families of Yorke and Lancaster, wherein so much 
 English bloud was spilt in times past, and much more 
 like to bee powred out now, if the same contention 
 should bee set on foot againe. Seeing that to the con- 
 troversie of titles, would bee added also the controversie 
 of Religion, which of all other differences is most 
 dangerous. 
 Gentleman. Sir (quoth the Gentleman) now you touch a matter 
 
 of consequence indeed, and such as the very naming 
 thereof, maketh my heart to shake and tremble. I 
 
149 
 
 remember well, what Philip Cominus setteth downe in 
 his history of our Countries calamity, by that conten- 
 tion of those two Houses, distinguished by the red rose Jh^e^r^rose 
 and the white : but yet both in their armes might white, 
 justly have borne the colour of red with a firie sword 
 in a black field to signifie the aboundance of bloud and 
 mortality, which ensued in our Countrey, by that most 
 wofuU and cruell contention. 
 
 I will not stand here to set downe the particulars, 
 observed and gathered by the foresaid author, though 
 a stranger, which for the most part hee saw himselfe, 
 while hee lived about the Duke of Burgundy and King 
 Lewes of France of that time: namely the pittifuU 
 description of divers right Noble men of our Realme, 
 who besides all other miseries, were driven to begge ThemUery 
 openly in forraine Countries, and the like. Mine owne by the 
 
 . ,. . ,. ^ ^ rr • • contention 
 
 observation in reading over our Countrey attaires, is betweene 
 sufficient, to make mee abhorre the memory of that laLL*^. 
 time, and to dread all occasion, that may lead us to 
 the like in time to come : seeing that in my judgement, 
 neither the Civill warres of Marius and Silla, or of 
 Pokpey and CcBsar among the Romanes, nor yet the 
 Guelphians and Gibilines among the Italians, did ever cueiphians 
 worke so much wo, as this did to our poore Countrey. ^^ GtiiK»«. 
 Wheren by reason of the contention of Yorke and 
 Lancaster were foughten sixteene or seventeene pitched 
 
15° 
 
 Edward 
 Plantaginet 
 Earle of 
 Warwick. 
 
 The Battell 
 by Tadcaster 
 on Palme 
 Sunday, 
 An. 1460. 
 
 fields, in lesse then an hundreth yeares. That is, from 
 the eleventh or twelfth yeare of King Richard the 
 second his raigne (when this controversie first began 
 to bud up) unto the thirteenth yeare of King Henry 
 the seventh. At what time by cutting off the chiefe 
 title of Huntingtons house, to wit, yong Edward Planta- 
 ginet Earle of Warwick, Sonne and Heire to George 
 Duke of Clarence ; the contention most happily was 
 quenshed and ended, wherein so many fields (as I have 
 said) were foughten, betweene Brethren and Inhabi- 
 tants of our owne nation. And therein, and otherwise 
 onely about the same quarrell, were slaine murdered 
 and made away, about nine or tenne Kings Sonnes, 
 besides above fourty Earles, Marquesses, and Dukes 
 of name : but many more Lords, Knights, and great 
 Gentlemen and Captaines : and of the Common-people 
 without number, and by particular conjedlure very 
 neare two hundred thousand. For that in one Battell 
 fought by King Edward the fourth, there are recorded 
 to bee slaine on both parts, five and thirty thousand 
 seven hundreth and eleven persons, besides other 
 wounded and taken prisoners, to bee put to death after- 
 warde, at the pleasure of the Conquerour : at divers 
 Battels after, ten thousand slaine at a Battell. As in 
 those of Barnet and Tukesbury, fought both in one 
 yeare. 
 
151 
 
 This suffered our afflidled Countrey in those dayes, 
 by this infortunate and deadly contention, which could 
 never bee ended, but by the happy conjundtion of those 
 two houses together, in Henry the seventh : neither 
 yet so (as appeareth by Chronicle) untill (as I have 
 said) the state had cut of, the issue male of the Duke 
 of Clarence, who was cause of divers perils to King 
 Henry the seventh, though hee were in prison. By 
 whose sister the fadlion of Huntington at this day, doth Thedangerof 
 
 , . , . ... - Huniingtons 
 
 seeke to raise up the same contention againe with larre ciaime, to the 
 greater danger both to the Realme and to her Majesty her^Mafe°ty.° 
 that now raigneth, then ever before. 
 
 And for the Realme it is evident, by that it giveth 
 roome to strangers, Competitours of the House of 
 Lancaster ; better able to maintaine their owne title by 
 sword, then ever was any of that linage before them. 
 And for her Majesties perrill present, it is nothing hard 
 to conjedlure : seeing the same title in the foresaid 
 Earle of Warwick was so dangerous and troublesome 
 to her Grandfather (by whom shee holdeth) as hee was 
 faine twice to take armes in defence of his right, against 
 the said title, which was in those dayes preferred and 
 advanced by the friends of Clarence, before that of 
 Hejtry : as also this of Huntington is at this day, by his 
 faaion, before that of her Majesty though never so 
 unjustly. 
 
152 
 
 Lawyer. 
 
 How 
 
 Huntington 
 maketh his 
 title before 
 her Majesty. 
 
 • The most 
 oiHunti'igions 
 Ancestours 
 by whom hee 
 maketh title, 
 attainted of 
 treason. 
 
 The infamous 
 device of K. 
 Bichard the 
 third allowed 
 hyHuntinqton. 
 
 Touching Huntingtons title, before her Majesty 
 (quoth the Lawyer) I will say nothing : because in 
 reason, I see not by what pretence in the World, hee 
 may thrust himselfe so farre foorth : seeing her Majesty 
 is descended, not onely of the House of Lancaster: 
 but also before him most apparently, from the House 
 of Yorke it selfe, as from the eldest daughter of King 
 Edward the fourth, being the eldest brother of that 
 House. Whereas Huntington claimeth onely, by the 
 daughter of George Duke of Clarence the yonger 
 brother. Marry yet I must confesse that if the Earle 
 of Warwicks title, were better then that of king Henry 
 the seventh (which is most false, though many at- 
 tempted to defend the same by sword :) then hath 
 Huntington some wrong at this day, by her Majesty. 
 Albeit in very truth, the *attaints of so many of his 
 Ancestours by whom hee claimeth : would answere 
 him also sufficiently, in that behalfe, if his title were 
 otherwise allowable. 
 
 But I know besides this, they have an other fetch 
 of King Richard the third, whereby hee would needs 
 prove, his elder brother King Edward to bee a Bastard : 
 and consequently his whole line as well male as female 
 to bee void. Which devise though it bee ridiculous, 
 and was at the time when it was first invented : yet, 
 as Richard found at that time a Doftor Shaw, that 
 
153 
 
 shamed not to publish and defend the same, at Paules ^^J- 
 Crosse in a Sermon : and lohn of Northumberland my 
 Lord of Leycesters Father, found out divers Preachers 
 in his time, to set up the title of Suffolke, and to 
 debase the right of King Henries daughter both in 
 London, Cambridge, Oxford and other places, most ap- 
 parently against all law and reason : so I doubt not, 
 but these men would find out also, both Shames, Sands, 
 and others, to set out the title of Clarence, before the 
 whole interest of King Henry the seventh and his 
 posterity, if occasion served. Which is a point of a point to be 
 importance to bee considered by her Majesty albeit Majesty, 
 for my part, I meane not now to stand thereupon, but 
 onely upon that other of the House of Lancaster, as I 
 have said. 
 
 For as that most honourable, lawfull, and happy 
 conjundlion of the two adversary Houses, in King xhejoyning 
 Henry the seventh and his wife, made an end of the houses, 
 shedding of English bloud within it selfe, and brought 
 us that most desired peace, which ever since wee have 
 enjoyed, by the raigne of their two most noble issue : 
 so the plot that now is in hand, for the cutting of, the 
 residue of that issue, and for recalling back of the 
 whole title to the onely House of Yorke againe : is like 
 to plung us deeper, then ever in civile discord, and to 
 make us the bait of all forraine Princes : seeing there 
 
154 
 
 PortueM °^ ^^^ among them at this day, some, of no small power 
 (as I have said) who pretend to bee the next heires by 
 the house of Lancaster : and consequently, are not like 
 to give over or abandon their owne right, if once the 
 doore bee opened, to contention for the same, by dis- 
 annulling the Line of King Henry the seventh : wherein 
 onely the keyes of all concord remaine knit together. 
 
 And albeit I know well that such as bee of my Lord 
 of Huntingtons party, will make small accompt of the 
 title of Lancaster, as lesse rightfull a great deale then 
 that of Yorke (and I for my part meane not greatly to 
 avow the same, as now it is placed, being my selfe no 
 favourer of forraine titles : ) yet indifferent men have to 
 consider, how it was taken in times past, and how it 
 may againe, in time to come, if contention should 
 The old arise : how many Noble personages of our Realme did 
 the House of offer thcmselves to die in defence thereof : how many 
 oaths and lawes were given and received throughout 
 the Realme for maintenance of the same, against the 
 other House of Yorke for ever : how many worthy 
 Kings were crowned, and raigned of that House and 
 race, to wit, the foure most Noble Henries, one after an 
 other, the fourth, the fift, the sixt, and the seventh : 
 who both in number, governement, sandlity, courage, 
 and feates of armes, were nothing inferiour (if not 
 superiour) to those of the other house and line of Yorke, 
 after the division betweene the families. 
 
155 
 
 It is to bee considered also, as a speciall signe of 
 the favour and affedlion, of our whole nation unto that 
 family: that Henry Earle of Richmond though discend- "'"Z^f^^'^j^ 
 ing but of the last Sonne, and third wife of lohn of 
 Gaunt Duke of Lancaster was so respedted, for that 
 onely by the universall Realme : as they inclined 
 wholly, to call him from banishment, and to make him 
 King, with the deposition of Richard, which then ruled 
 of the House of Yorke, upon condition onely, that the 
 said Henry should take to wife, a daughter of the con- 
 trary family : so great was in those dayes, the affeftion 
 of English hearts, towards the line of Lancaster, for the 
 great worthinesse of such Kings as had raigned of that 
 race, how good or bad so ever their title were : which I 
 stand not heare at this time to discusse, but onely to 
 insinuate, what party the same found in our Realme 
 in times past, and consequently, how extreame dan- 
 gerous the contention for the same may bee hereafter : 
 especially, seeing that at this day, the remainder of 
 that title, is pretended to rest wholly in a stranger. The Line of 
 whose power is very great. Which wee Lawyers are 
 wont to esteeme as a point of no small importance, for 
 justifying of any mans title to a Kingdom. 
 
 You Lawyers want not reason in that Sir (quoth I) schoiur. 
 howsoever you want right : for if you will examine the 
 succession of governements, from the beginning of the 
 
156 
 
 World unto this day, either among Gentile, Jewe, or 
 The sword of Christian People, you shall find that the sword hath 
 
 great force to l > j 
 
 justifie the beene alwayes better than halfe the title, to get, estab- 
 Kingdome. lish, or mamtaine a Kingdome : which maketh mee the 
 more apalled to heare you discourse in such sort of 
 new contentions, and forraine titles, accompanied with 
 such power and strength of the titlers. Which cannot 
 bee but infinitely dangerous and fatall to our Realme, 
 if once it come to adlion, both for the division that is 
 like to bee at home, and the variety of parties from 
 abroad. For as the Prince whom you signifie, will not 
 faile (by all likelihood) to pursue his title with all 
 forces that hee can make, if occasion were offered: so 
 Great reasou of state and pollicy will enforce other Princes 
 
 dangers. 
 
 adjoyning, to let and hinder him therein what they 
 can : and so by this meanes shall wee become luia 
 and l&rael among our selves, one killing and vexing the 
 other with the sworde : and to forraine Princes wee 
 shall bee, as the Hand of Salamina was in old time to 
 the Athenians and Megarians : and as the Hand of 
 Cicilia was afterward to the Grecians, Carthaginians, 
 and Romans: and as in our dayes, the Kingdome of 
 Naples hath beene to the Spaniards, French men, Ger- 
 mans, and Venetians; That is, a bait to feed upon, 
 and a game to fight for. 
 
 Wherefore, I beseech the Lord, to avert from us all 
 
157 
 
 occasions of such miseries. And I pray you Sir, for 
 that wee are fallen into the mention of these matters, 
 to take so much paines as to open unto mee the ground 
 of these controversies, so long now quiet, betweene 
 Yorke and Lancaster : seeing they are now like to bee 
 raised againe. For albeit in generall I have heard 
 much thereof, yet in particular, I either conceive not, 
 or remember not, the foundation of the same : and 
 much lesse the state of their severall titles at this 
 day, for that it is a study not properly pertaining unto 
 my profession. 
 
 The controversie betweene the Houses of Yorke Lawyer. 
 and Lancaster (quoth the Lawyer) tooke his aftuall 
 beginning in the issue of King Edward the third, who The begin- 
 died somewhat more then two hundred yeares agone : controversie 
 
 ■' ° betwixt York 
 
 but the occasion, pretence or cause of that quarrell, a.nd Lanmstir. 
 began, in the children of King Henry the third, who 
 died an hundred yeares before that, and left two Sonnes, 
 Edward who was King after him, by the name of 
 Edward the first, and was Grandfather to Edward the 
 third; and Edmond, (for his deformity called Crooke- Edmond 
 back) Earle of Lancaster and beginner of that house, beginner of 
 whose inheritance afterward in the fourth discent, fell Lancaster. 
 upon a Daughter named Blanch, who was married to Blanch. 
 the fourth Sonne of King Edward the third, named 
 John of Gaunt, for that hee was borne in the City of lohn of camt. 
 
Lancaster. 
 
 Gaunt in Flanders, and so by this his first wife, hee 
 became Duke of Lancaster and heire of that house. 
 And for that his Sonne Henry of Bolingbrooke (after- 
 ward called King Henry the fourth) pretended among 
 other things, that Edniond Crookeback, great Grand- 
 father to Blanch his mother, was the elder Sonne of 
 King Henry the third, and unjustly put by the in- 
 heritance of the Crowne, for that hee was Crookebacked 
 How the and deformed : hee tooke by force, the Kingdome from 
 was first Richard the second, Nephew to King Edward the third 
 the^Hous^of by his first Sonne, and placed the same in the house of 
 Lancaster, where it remained for three whole discents, 
 untill afterward, Edward. Duke of Yorke descended of 
 lohn of Gaunts yonger brother, making claime to the 
 Crowne by title of his Grandmother, that was heire to 
 Lionel Duke of Clarence, lohn of Gaunts elder Brother : 
 tooke the same by force from Henry the sixt, of the 
 House of Lancaster, and brought it back againe to the 
 House of Yorke : where it continued with much trouble 
 in two Kings onely, untill both Houses were joyned 
 together in King Henry the seventh and his noble issue. 
 Hereby wee see how the issue of lohn of Gaunt 
 Duke of Lancaster, fourth Sonne to King Edward the 
 third, pretended right to the Crowne by Edmond 
 Crookebacke, before the issue of all the other three 
 Sonnes of Edward the third, albeit they were the elder 
 
159 
 
 Brothers, whereof wee will speake more hereafter. 
 
 Now lohn of Gaunt though hee had many children, The issue of 
 
 John of Gaunt. 
 
 yet had hee foure onely, of whom issue remaine, two 
 Sonnes and two Daughters. The first Sonne was 
 Henry of Bolingbrooke Duke of Lancaster, who tooke 
 the Crowne from King Richard the second, his Vnkles 
 Sonne, as hath beene said, and first of all planted the 
 same in the House of Lancaster : where it remained 
 in two discents after him, that is, in his Sonne Henry 
 the fift, and in his Nephew Henry the sixt, wh9.'^^-s 
 afterward destroyed together with Henry Prii^ce of 
 Wales, his onelie Sonne and heire, and consequently 
 all that Line of Henry Bolingbrooke extinguished, by 
 Edward the fourth of the House of Yorke. 
 
 The other Sonne of lohn of Gaunt, was lohn Duke Thepedegree 
 of Somerset by Katherin Sfinsford, his third wife : which the 7"^ ""^ 
 lohn, had issue an other lohn, and hee, Margaret his 
 Daughter and Heire, who being married to Edmond 
 Tydor Earle of Richmond, had issue Henry Earle of 
 Richmond, who after was named King Henry the 
 seventh, whose Line yet endureth. 
 
 The two Daughters of lohn of Gaunt, were married The two 
 to Portugall and Castile : that is, Philip borne of SS'Io 
 Blanch, Heire to Edmond Crookebacke, as hath beene S,"!"^' ^°^ 
 said, was married to lohn King of Portugall, of whom 
 IS descended the King that now possesseth Portugall, 
 
i6o 
 
 and the other Princes which have or may make title to 
 the same : and Katherin borne of Constance Heire of 
 Castile, was married back againe to Henry King of 
 Castile in Spaine, of whom King Philip is also de- 
 scended. So that by this, wee see, where the re- 
 mainder of the House of Lancaster resteth, if the Line 
 of King Henry the seventh were extinguished : and 
 Forraine what pretext forraine Princes may have to subdue us, 
 
 titles. .. *,.,.^. ., 
 
 if my Lord of Huntington either now or after her 
 Majesties dayes, will open to them the doore, by 
 shutting out the rest of King Henries Line, and by 
 drawing back the title to the onely House of Yorke 
 againe : which hee pretendeth to doe, upon this that I 
 will now declare. 
 The issue of King Edward the third, albeit hee had many 
 
 King Eiwari , ., , ° . , .„ , r , ■ • 
 
 the 3. children, yet five onely will wee speake of, at this time. 
 
 Whereof three were elder then lohn of Gaunt, and one 
 yonger. The first of the elder, was named Edward the 
 black Prince, who died before his Father, leaving one 
 onely Sonne named Richard who afterward being King 
 and named Richard the second, was deposed without 
 issue, and put to death by his Cosin germain, named 
 Henry Bolingbrooke Duke of Lancaster, Sonne to John 
 of Gaunt as hath beene said, and so there ended the 
 Line of King Edwards first Son. 
 
 King Edwards second Sonne, was William of 
 Hatfield that died without issue. 
 
i6i 
 
 His third Sonne, was Leonell Duke of Clarence, 
 whose onely Daughter and Heire called Philip, was 
 married to Edmond Mortimer Earle of March : and 
 after that, Anne the Daughter and Heire Mortimer, was 
 married to Richard Plantaginet Duke of Yorke, Sonne 
 and Heire to Edmond of Langley the first Duke of 
 Yorke; which Edmond was the fift Sonne of King 
 Edward the third, and yonger Brother to lohn of 
 Gaunt. And this Edmond of Langley may bee called Two Edmonds 
 
 r , 1 the two 
 
 the first beginnner of the House of Yorke : even as beginners of 
 Edmond Croockback the beginner of the House Lancaster. Houses of 
 
 This Edmond Langley then, having a Sonne named Yorke. 
 Richard, that married Anne Mortimer sole Heire to 
 Leonell Duke of Clarence, joyned two Lines and two 
 Titles in one : I meane the Line of Leonell and of 
 Edmond Langley, who were (as hath beene said) the 
 third and the fift Sonnes to King Edward the third. 
 And for this cause, the child that was borne of this 
 marriage, named after his Father Richard Plantaginet 
 Duke of Yorke, seeing himselfe strong, and the first 
 line of King Edward the thirds eldest Sonne, to bee 
 extinguished in the death of King Richard the second : 
 and seeing William of Hatfield the second Sonne dead 
 Hkewise without issue : made demand of the Crowne 
 for the House of Yorke, by the title of Leonell the third The ciaime 
 Sonne of King Edward. And albeit hee could not y"rft"*° 
 
 M 
 
1 62 
 
 The issue of 
 King Edward 
 the fourth. 
 
 The Duke of 
 Clarence 
 attainted by 
 Parliament. 
 
 Huntingtons 
 title by the 
 Duke of 
 
 Clarence. 
 
 obtaine the same in his dayes, for that hee was slaine 
 in a Battell against King Henry the sixt at Wakefield : 
 yet his Sonne Edward got the same, and was called by 
 the name of King Edward the fourth. 
 
 This King at his death left divers children, as 
 namely two Sonnes, Edward the fift and his brother, 
 who after were both murdered in the Tower, as shall 
 bee shewed : and also five Daughters : to wit Elizabeth, 
 Cicily, Anne, Katherine, and Briget. Whereof, the first 
 was married to Henry the seventh. The last became a 
 Nunne, and the other three, were bestowed upon divers 
 other husbands. 
 
 Hee had also two Brothers : the first was called 
 George Duke of Clarence, who afterward upon his 
 deserts (as is to bee supposed,) was put to death in 
 Callis, by commandement of the King, and his attainder 
 allowed by Parliament. And this man left behind him 
 a Sonne named Edward Earle of Warwick, put to death 
 afterward without issue, by King Henry the seventh, 
 and a Daughter named Margaret, Countesse of Salisbury, 
 who was married to a meane Gentleman named Richard 
 Poole, by whom shee had issue Cardinall Poole that died 
 without marriage, and Henry Poole that was attainted 
 and executed in King Henry the eight his time (as also 
 herselfe was) and this Henry Poole left a Daughter 
 married afterward to the Earle of Huntington, by whom 
 
1 63 
 
 this Earle that now is maketh title to the Crowne. 
 And this is the effedl of my Lord of Huntingtons title. 
 
 The second Brother of King Edward the fourth, 
 was Richard Duke of Glocester, who after the Kings King mdmrd 
 death, caused his two Sonnes to bee murdered in the 
 Tower, and tooke the Kingdome to himselfe. And 
 afterward hee being slaine by King Henry the seventh 
 at Bosworth-field, left no issue behind him. Wherefore 
 King Henry the seventh descending as hath beene 
 shewed of the House of Lancaster, by John of Gaunts 
 last Sonne and third Wife, and taking to wife Lady The happy 
 Elizabeth Eldest Daughter of King Edward the fourth of"he°two° 
 of the House of Yorke : joyned most hapyily the two °"^^ 
 Families together, and made an end of all controversies 
 about the title. 
 
 Now King Henry the seventh had issue three The issue of 
 Children : of whom remaineth posterity. First, Henry the°fe^nth. 
 the eight, of whom is descended our soveraigne, her 
 Majesty that now happily raigneth, and is the last that 
 remaineth alive of that first Line. Secondly, hee had 
 two Daughters : whereof the first named Margaret, was The Line 
 married twice, first to lames King of Scotland from sla™ by°^ 
 whom are diredly discended the Queene of Scotland &''' 
 that now liveth and her Sonne : and King lames being 2^".^° 
 dead, Margaret was married againe to Archibald Douglas '^^ ^■ 
 Earle of Anguish : by whom shee had a Daughter 
 
164 
 
 named Margaret, which was married afterward, to 
 
 Mathew Steward Earle of Lenox, whose Sonne Charles 
 
 Steward, was married to Elizabeth Candish Daughter to 
 
 the present Countesse of Shrewsbury, and by her hath 
 
 ^rbeiia. left his onely Heire, a little Daughter named Arbella, 
 
 of whom you have heard some speech before. And 
 
 this is touching the Line of Scotland, descending from 
 
 the first and eldest Daughter of King Henry the 
 
 seventh. 
 
 The Line and The second Daughter of King Henry the seventh 
 
 Supihe by Called Mary, was twice married also : first to the King 
 
 Daughter to of France by whom shee had no issue : and after his 
 
 the seventh, death to CharUs Brandon Duke of Suffolke, by whom 
 
 shee had two Daughters, that is, Francis, of which the 
 
 Children of my Lord of Hartford doe make their 
 
 claime : and Elenore by whom the issue of the Earle 
 
 of Darby pretendeth right, as shall bee declared. For 
 
 that Francis the first Daughter of Charles Brandon by 
 
 the Queene of France, was married to the Marquesse 
 
 of Dorset, who after Charles Brandons death was made 
 
 Duke of Suffolke in right of his Wife, and was beheaded 
 
 in Queene Maries time, for his conspiracy with my 
 
 The issue of Lord of Levccsters Father. And shee had by this man 
 
 Francis, eldest ' 
 
 Daughter three Daughters : that is, lane, that was married to my 
 
 ia Charles ° ' ' , "^ 
 
 BrandottDuke Lord of Leycesters Brother, and proclaimed Queene 
 after King Edwards death, for which both shee and 
 
i65 
 
 her husband were executed : Katherim the second 
 Daughter, who had two Sonnes, yet living, by the 
 Earle of Hartford: and Mary the third Daughter, 
 which left no Children. 
 
 The other Daughter of Charles Brandon by the Jf^f^^/J^^^ 
 Oueene of France called Elenor, was married to George daughter to 
 Clifford Earle of Cumberland, who left a Daughter by Brandon. 
 her named Margaret, married to the Earle of Darby, 
 which yet liveth and hath issue. And this is the title 
 of all the House of Suffolke, descended from the second 
 Daughter of King Henry the seventh, married (as hath 
 beene shewed) to Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolke. 
 And by this, you see also how many there bee, who 
 doe thinke their titles to bee sat before that of my 
 Lord of Huntingtons, if either right, law, reason, or 
 consideration of home affaires may take place in our 
 Realme: or if not, yet you cannot but imagine how 
 many great Princes and Potentates abroad, are like 
 to joyne and buckle with Huntingtons Line for the 
 preeminence: if once the matter fall againe to conten- 
 tion by excluding the Line of King Henry the seventh 
 which God forbid. 
 
 Truly Sir (quoth I) I well perceive that my Lords Schoiiar. 
 turne is not so nigh as I had thought, whether hee Huntington 
 exclude the Line of King Henry, or no. For if hee other ti^^ 
 exclude that, then must hee enter the Cumbat with 
 
1 66 
 
 forraine titlers of the House of Lancaster : and if hee 
 exclude it not, then in all apparance of reason and in 
 Law to (as you have said) the succession of the two 
 Daughters of King Henry the seventh (which you 
 distinguish by the two names of Scotland and Suffolke) 
 must needs bee as clearely before him and his Line, 
 that descendeth onely from Edward the fourth his 
 Brother: as the Queenes title that now raigneth is 
 before him. For that both Scotland, Suffolke, and her 
 Majesty doe hold all by one foundation, which is, the 
 union of both Houses and Titles together, in King 
 Henry the seventh her Majesties Grandfather. 
 Geiuuman. That is truc (quoth the Gentleman) and evident 
 
 enough in every mans eye : and therefore no doubt, 
 but that as much is meant against her Majesty if 
 occasion serve, as against the rest that hold by the 
 same title. Albeit her Majesties state (the Lord bee 
 praised) bee such at this time, as it is not safety to 
 pretend so much against her, as against the rest, what- 
 soever bee meant. And that in truth, more should 
 bee meant against her highnesse, then against all the 
 rest, there is this reason : for that her Majesty by her 
 present possession letteth more their desires, then all 
 
 The policy of ^, ,.,,/• t-. .. t 
 
 the Con- the Tcst together with there future pretences. But as l 
 the deceiving have Said, it is uot Safety for them, nor yet good policy 
 Majesty. to declare openly, what they meane against her Ma- 
 
1 67 
 
 jesty : It is the best way for the present, to hew downe 
 the rest, and to leave her Majesty, for the last blow 
 and upshote to their game. For which cause, they 
 will seeme to make great difference at this day, be- 
 tweene her Majesties title, and the rest, that descend 
 in likewise from King Henry the seventh : avowing the 
 one, and disallowing the other. Albeit, my Lord of 
 Leycesters Father, preferred that of Suffolke, when time 
 was, before this of her Majesty, and compelled the 
 whole Realme to sweare thereunto. Such is the vari- 
 able policy of men, that serve the time, or rather, that 
 serve themselves, of all times, for their purposes. 
 
 I remember (quoth I) that time of the Duke, and Schoiiay. 
 was present my selfe, at some of his Proclamations for 
 that purpose. Wherein my Lord his Sonne that now 
 liveth: being then a doer, (as I can tell hee was:) I 
 marvaile how hee can deale so contrary now : pre- 
 ferring not onely her Majesties title before that of Le}'cesters_ 
 Suffolke (whereof I wonder lesse because it is more "^^ 
 gainefull to him,) but also another much further of. 
 But you have signified the cause, in that the times are 
 changed, and other bargaines are in hand of more 
 importance for him. Wherefore leaving this to bee 
 considered by others, whom it concerneth, I beseech 
 you. Sir, (for that I know, your worship hath beene 
 much conversant among their friends and favourers) to 
 
i68 
 
 Gintlfman. 
 
 Barres 
 pretended 
 against the 
 claime of 
 Scotland and 
 Suffolke. 
 
 Against the 
 Queens of 
 Scotland and 
 her Sonne. 
 
 Against 
 Arbella. 
 
 tell mee what are the barres and lettes which they doe 
 alleadge, why the House of Scotland and Suffolke de- 
 scending of King Henry the seventh his Daughters, 
 should not succeed in the Crowne of England after her 
 Majesty, who endeth the Line of the same King by 
 his Sonne : for in my sight the matter appeareth very 
 plaine. 
 
 They want not pretences of barres and lets against 
 them all (quoth the Gentleman) which I will lay 
 downe in order, as I have heard them alledged. First 
 in the Line of Scotland there are three persons as you 
 know that may pretend right : that is, the Queene and 
 her Sonne by the first mariage of Margaret, and Arbella 
 by the second. And against the first marriage I heare 
 nothing affirmed : but against the two persons proceed- 
 ing thereof, I heare them alledge three stops : one, for 
 that they are strangers borne out of the land, and 
 consequently incapable of inheritance within the same : 
 another, for that by a speciall testament of King 
 Henry 8. authorized by 2. severall Parliaments they 
 are excluded : the third for that they are enemies to 
 the religion now received among us, & therfore to be 
 debarred. 
 
 Against the second marriage of Margaret with 
 Archibald Douglas, whereof Arbella is descended, they 
 alledge, that the said Archibald had a former wife at 
 
1 69 
 
 the time of that marriage, which lived long after : & so 
 neither that mariage lawful, nor the issue therof legiti- 
 mate. 
 
 The same barre they have against all the house 
 and Line of Suffolk, for first they say, that Charles 
 Brandon Duke of Suffolke, had a knowen wife alive 
 when he married Mary Queene of France, and conse- 
 quently, that neither the Lady Frances nor Elenor, 
 borne of that marriage, can be lawfully borne. And 
 this is all, I can heare them say against the succession 
 of the Countesse of Darby descended of Elenor. But Against 
 
 Darby. 
 
 against my Lord of Hartfords children, that come from 
 Frances the eldest daughter, I heare them alledge 
 two or three bastardies more besides this of the first 
 marriage. For first, they affirme that Henry Marquesse Against the 
 Dorset, when he married the Lady Frances, had to wife Hartford. 
 the old Earle of Arundels sister, who lived both then 
 and many yeares after, and had a provision out of his 
 living to her dying day : whereby that marriage could 
 no way be good. Secondly, that the Lady Katherine 
 daughter to the said Lady Frances, by the Marques 
 (by whom the Earle of Hartford had his children) was 
 lawfully married to the Earle of Pembroke that now 
 liveth, & consequently, could have no lawfuU issue by 
 any other during his life. sly. that the said Katherine 
 was never lawfully maried to the said Earle of Hart- 
 
lyo 
 
 Sckolkr. 
 
 Leicesters 
 dealing with 
 the house of 
 Suffolke. 
 
 ford, but bare him those children as his Concubine, 
 which (as they say) is desined and registred in the 
 Archbishop of Canterburies court, upon due examina- 
 tion taken by order of her Majesty that now reigneth, 
 and this is in effedl so much as I have heard them 
 alledge, about these affaires. 
 
 It is much (quoth I) that you have said, if it may 
 be all proved, Marry yet by the way, I cannot but 
 smile to heare my Lord of Leicester allow of so many 
 bastardies now upon the issue of Ladie Frances, whom 
 in time past, when lane her eldest daughter was married 
 to his brother, he advanced in legitimation before both 
 the daughters of King Henry the eight. But to the 
 purpose : I would gladly know what grounds of veritie 
 these allegations have, and how far in truth they may 
 stoppe from inheritance : for indeed I never heard 
 them so distindlly alledged before. 
 
 Whereto answered the Gentleman, that our friend 
 the Lawyer could best resolve that, if it pleased him to 
 speake without his fee : though in some points alledged 
 every other man (quoth he) that knoweth the state and 
 common governement of England, may easily give his 
 judgement also. As in the case of bastardie, if the 
 matter may be proved, there is no difficulty, but that 
 no right to inheritance can justly be pretended: as 
 Forrain birth, also (perhaps) in the case of forraine birth, though in 
 
 Gentleman. 
 
 Bastardy. 
 
171 
 
 this I am not so cunning : but yet I see by experience, 
 that forreiners borne in other lands, can hardly come 
 and claime inheritance in England, albeit, to the con- 
 trary, I have heard great and long disputes, but such 
 as indeed passed my capacity. And if it might please 
 our friend here present to expound the thing unto us 
 more clearely : I for my part would gladly bestow the 
 hearing, and that with attention. 
 
 To this answered the Lawyer. I will gladly, Sir, Lawyer. 
 tel you my mind in any that it shall please you 
 demand: and much more in this matter wherein by 
 occasion of often conference, I am somewhat perfeft. 
 
 The impediments which these men alledge against 
 the succession of K. Henry the 8 his sisters, are of 
 two kindes, as you see : The one knowen and allowed 
 in our law, as you have well said, if it may bee proved : 
 and that is bastardie : whereby they seeke to disable Bastardies 
 all the whole Line and race of Suffolke: as also Arbella, *^^ " ^ °^^' 
 of the second and later house of Scotland. Whereof it 
 is to small purpose to speake any thing here : seeing 
 the whole controversie standeth upon a matter of fa6l 
 onely, to be proved or improved by records and wit- 
 nesses. Onely this I will say, that some of these 
 bastardies, before named, are rife in many mens 
 mouths, and avowed by divers that yet live : but let 
 other men looke to this, who have most interest 
 
172 
 
 The impedi- 
 ments against 
 Scotland three 
 in number. 
 
 A protesta- 
 tion. 
 
 Touching 
 the first 
 impediment 
 of forraine 
 birth. 
 
 therein, and may bee most damnified by them, if they 
 fall out true. 
 
 The other impediments, which are alleadged onely 
 against the Queene of Scots and her Sonne, are in 
 number three, as you recite them : that is, forraine 
 birth. King Henries Testament and Religion : whereof 
 I am content to say some what, seeing you desire it : 
 albeit there bee so much published already in bookes 
 of divers languages beyond the sea, as I am informed, 
 concerning this matter, as more cannot bee said. But 
 yet so much as I have heard passe among Lawyers 
 my betters, in conference of these affaires : I will not 
 let to recite unto you, with this Proviso and Protesta- 
 tion alwayes, that what I speake, I speake by way of 
 recitall of other mens opinions : not meaning my selfe 
 to incurre the statute of affirming or avowing any 
 persons title to the Crowne, whatsoever. 
 
 First then touching forraine birth, there bee some 
 men in the World that will say, that it is a common 
 and general rule of our law, that no stranger at all may 
 inherit any thing, by any meanes, within the Land: 
 which in truth I take to bee spoken without ground, in 
 that generall sense. For I could never yet come to 
 the sight of any such common or universall rule : and 
 I know, that divers examples may bee alleadged in 
 sundry cases to the contrary : and by that, which is 
 
173 
 
 expresly set downe in the seventh and ninth yeares of 
 
 King Edward the fourth, and in the eleventh and 
 
 foureteenth of Henry the fourth, it appeareth plainely 
 
 that a stranger may purchase lands in England, as An Alien may 
 
 also inherite by his Wife, if hee marry an inheritrix. 
 
 Wherefore this common rule is to bee restrained from 
 
 that generality, unto proper inheritance onely: in which The true 
 
 sense I doe easily grant, that our Common law hath against 
 
 A.li6ns 
 
 beene of ancient, and is at this day, that no person 
 borne out of the allegiance of the King of England 
 whose Father and Mother were not of the same 
 allegiance at the time of his birth, shall bee able to 
 have or demand any heritage within the same allegi- 
 ance, as heire to any person. And this rule of our 
 Common law is gathered in these selfe same words of 
 a statute made in the five and twentieth yeare of King The statute 
 Edward the third, which indeed is the onely place of Edward 
 effedl, that can bee alleadged out of our law against Maxima is 
 the inheritance of strangers in such sense and cases, as ^^ 
 wee now treat of. 
 
 And albeit now the Common law of our Countrey, Reasons why 
 doe runne thus in generall, yet will the friends of the tit?e is''noV 
 Scottish claime affirme, that hereby that title is nothing Maxfma^ *^ 
 let or hindred at all towards the Crowne : and that for aC 
 divers manifest and weighty reasons : whereof the 
 principall are these which ensue. 
 
174 
 
 The first 
 reason. 
 
 The rule of 
 thirds. 
 
 Tenant by 
 courtesie. 
 
 Division 
 
 among 
 
 daughters. 
 
 Executors. 
 
 First it is common, and a generall rule of our 
 English lawes, that no Rule, Axiome, or Maxima of 
 law (bee it never so generall) can touch or bind the 
 Crowne, except expresse mention bee made thereof, 
 in the same : for that the King and Crowne have great 
 priviledge and prerogative, above the state and affaires 
 of subjedts, and great differences allowed in points of 
 law. 
 
 As for example, it is a generall and common rule 
 of law, that the wife after the decease of her husband, 
 shall enjoy the third of his lands : but yet the Queene 
 shall not enjoy the third part of the Crowne, after the 
 Kings death : as well appeareth by experience, and is 
 to bee scene by Law, Anno 5. and 21. of Edward the 
 third : and Anno 9. and 28. of Henry the sixt. Also it 
 is a common rule, that the Husband shall hold his 
 wives lands after her death: as tenant by courtesie 
 during his life, but yet it holdeth not in a Kingdome. 
 
 In like manner, it is a generall and common rule, 
 that if a man die seased of Land in Fee simple, having 
 Daughters and no Sonne : his lands shall bee devided 
 by equall portions among his Daughters : which 
 holdeth not in the Crowne : but rather the eldest 
 Daughter inheriteth the whole, as if shee were the 
 issue male. So also it is a common rule of our law, 
 that the executour shall have all the goods and chattels 
 
175 
 
 of the Testatour, but yet not in the Crowne. And so 
 in many other cases which might bee recited, it is 
 evident that the Crowne hath priviledge above others, 
 and can bee subjedl to rule, bee it never so generall, 
 except expresse mention bee made thereof in the same 
 law : as it is not in the former place and a statute 
 alleaged: but rather to the contrary, (as after shall bee 
 shewed) there is expresse exception, for the prerogative 
 of such as descend of Royall bloud. 
 
 Their second reason is, for that the demand or The 2 reason. 
 
 The Crowne 
 
 title of a Crowne, cannot m true sense bee compre- no such 
 hended under the words of the former statute, forbid- as is meant in 
 ding Aliens to demand heritage within the allegiance 
 of England : and that for two respedls. The one, for 
 that the Crowne it selfe cannot bee called an heritage 
 of allegiance or within allegiance, for that it is holden 
 of no superiour upon earth, but immediately from God 
 himselfe : the second, for that this statute treateth 
 onely and meaneth of inheritance by descent, as Heire 
 to the same, (for I have shewed before that Aliens 
 may hold lands by purchase within our Dominion) and 
 then say they, the Crowne is a thing incorporate and The Crown a 
 descendeth not according to the common course of ''°'p°''^''°°- 
 other private inheritances : but goeth by succession, as 
 other incorporations doe. In signe whereof, it is evi- 
 dent, that albeit, the King bee more favoured in all his 
 
176 
 
 doings then any common person shall bee : yet cannot 
 hee avoid by law his grants and letters patents by 
 reason of his nonage (as other infants and common 
 heires under age may doe) but alwayes bee said to bee 
 of full age in respect of his Crowne : even as a Prior, 
 Parson, Vicar, Deane, or other person incorporate 
 shall bee, which cannot by any meanes in law bee said, 
 to bee within age, in respedt of their incorporations. 
 
 Which thing maketh an evident difference in our 
 case, from the meaning of the former statute : for that 
 a Prior, Deane, or Parson, being Aliens and no Deni- 
 zens ; might alwayes in time of peace, demand lands 
 in England, in respedt of their corporations, notwith- 
 standing the said statute or common law against 
 Aliens, as appeareth by many booke cases yet extant : 
 as also by the statute made in the time of King Richard 
 the second, which was after the foresaid statute of King 
 Edward the third. 
 The third The third reason is, for that in the former statute 
 
 reason. 
 
 The Kings it selfe, of King Edward, there are excepted expresly 
 
 issu6 cxccotcd * ■* 
 
 byname. from this gencrall rule. Infantes du Roy, that is, the 
 Kings offspring or issue, as the word Infant doth 
 signifie, both in France, Portugall, Spaine, and other 
 Countries : and as the latin word Liberi (which an- 
 swereth the same) is taken commonly in the Civill law. 
 Neither may wee restraine the french words of that 
 
177 
 statute Infantes Dv Roy, to the Kings children only Libetonm. f. 
 
 de verb. sign. 
 
 of the first degree (as some doe, for that the barren- 
 nesse of our language doth yeeld us no other word for 
 the same) but rather, that thereby are understood, as 
 well the Nephewes and other discendants of the King 
 or blood Royal, as his immediate children. For it 
 were both unreasonable and ridiculous to imagine, that 
 King Edward by this statute, would goe about to dis- 
 inherit his owne nephewes, if hee should have any 
 borne out of his owne allegiance (as easily he might at 
 that time) his sonnes being much abroad from Eng- 
 land, and the blacke Prince his eldest sonne having 
 two children borne beyond the seas : and consequently, 
 it is apparent, that this rule or Maxime set downe 
 against Aliens is no way to be stretched against the 
 descendants of the King or of the blood Royall. 
 
 Their fourth reason is, that the meaning of King The fourth 
 Edward and his children (living at such time as this The Kings 
 statute was made) could not be, that any of their '°^*""'^' 
 linage or issue might be excluded in law, from inherit- 
 ance of their right to the Crowne, by their forreine 
 birth wheresoever. For otherwise, it is not credible 
 that they would so much have dispersed their own 
 blood in other countries, as they did : by giving their 
 
 Jii^. -1, AT- . The matches 
 
 daughters to strangers, and other meanes. As Leonel of England 
 the kings third sonne was married in Millan : and lohn forrainers. 
 
 N 
 
178 
 
 of Gaunt the fourth sonne gave his two daughters, 
 Philip and Kathenm to Portugall and Castile : and his 
 neice loan to the King of Scots : as Thomas of Wood- 
 stocke also the youngest brother, married his two 
 daughters, the one to the King of Spaine, and the 
 other to Duke of Brittaine. Which no doubt (they 
 being wise Princes, and so neere of the blood Royal) 
 would never have done : if they had imagined that 
 hereby their issue should have lost all clayme and 
 title to the Crowne of England: and therefore it is 
 most evident, that no such barre was then extant or 
 imagined. 
 Thefift Their fift reason is, that divers persons borne out 
 
 reason. _ _ *• 
 
 Examples of of all English dominion and allegiance, both before 
 
 forrainers ,.,,,.,, 
 
 admitted. the conqucst and since, have beene admitted to the 
 succession of our Crowne, as lawful! inheritors, without 
 any exception against them for their forraine birth. 
 As before the conquest is evident in young Edgar 
 Etheling borne in Hungarie, and thence called home to 
 inherit the Crowne, by his great Vncle King Edward 
 the Confessor, with full consent of the whole Realme, 
 the Bishop of Worcester being sent as Ambassadour to 
 fetch him home, with his father named Edward the 
 out-law. 
 
 And since the conquest, it appeareth plainly in 
 King Stephen and King Henry the second, both of 
 
 Flores hist. 
 An. 1066. 
 
179 
 
 them borne of English dominions, and of Parents, that 
 at their birth, were not of the English allegiance : and 
 yet were they both admitted to the Crowne. Young 
 Arthur also Duke of Bretaigne by his mother Constance 
 that matched with Geffray King Henry the seconds 
 Sonne, was declared by King Richard his Vncle, at his poi. m. 15. 
 departure towards lenisalem, and by the whole Realme, 120s. 
 for lawful] heire apparent to the Crowne of England, 
 though he were borne in Britaine out of English allegi- 
 ance, and so he was taken and adjudged by all the 
 world at that day : albeit after King Richards death, 
 his other Vncle lohn, most tyrannously took both his Kiagjoim 
 kingdome and his life from him. For which notable * ^'^^°*' 
 injustice he was detested of all men both abroad and 
 at home : and most apparently scourged by God, with 
 grievous and manifold plagues, both upon himselfe and 
 upon the Realme, which yeelded to his usurpation. 
 So that by this also it appeareth, what the pradlice of 
 our countrey hath beene from time to time in this case 
 of forraine birth : which pradtice is the best Interpreter 
 of our common English law : which dependeth es- 
 pecially, and most of all, upon custome: nor can the 
 adversary alleage any one example to the contrary. 
 
 Their sixt, is of the judgement and sentence of 
 King Henry the seventh, and of his Councell : who 
 being together in consultation, at a certaine time about 
 
i8o 
 The sixt the manage of Margaret his eldest daughter into Scot- 
 
 reason 
 
 The judge- land: some of his Councell moved this doubt, what 
 
 pient and 
 
 sentence of should ensuc, if by chance the Kings issue male should 
 seventh. faile, and so the succession devolue to the heires of 
 the said Margaret, as now it doth ? Whereunto that 
 wise and most prudent Prince made answer : that if 
 any such event should be, it could not be prejudiciall 
 to England, being the bigger part, but rather bene- 
 ficiall : for that it should draw Scotland to England : 
 that is, the lesser to the more : even as in times past it 
 hapned in Normandy, Aquitane, and some other Pro- 
 vinces. Which answer appeased all doubts, and gave 
 singular content to those of his Councell, as Polidore 
 writeth, that lived at that time, and wrote the speciall 
 matters of that reigne, by the Kings owne instrudtion. 
 So that hereby wee see no question made of King 
 Henry or his Counsellors touching forraine birth, to let 
 the succession of Lady Margarets issue : which no 
 doubt would never have beene omitted in that learned 
 assembly, if any law at that time had been esteemed or 
 imagined to barre the same. 
 
 And these are sixe of their principalest reasons, to 
 prove, that neither by the words nor meaning of our 
 common lawes, nor yet by custome or pradlice of our 
 Realme, an Alien may be debarred from claime of his 
 interest to the Crowne, when it falleth to him by right- 
 
i8i 
 full descent in blood and succession. But in the par- The seventh 
 
 '^ reason. 
 
 ticular case of the Queene of Scots and her sonne, The q. of 
 
 ** Scots and her 
 
 they doe adde another reason or two : thereby to prove sonne no 
 them in very deed to be no Aliens. Not onely in re- 
 spedl of their often and continuall mixture with English 
 blood from the beginning (and especially of late, the 
 Queenes Grandmother and husband being English, 
 and so her sonne begotten of an English father) but 
 also for two other causes and reasons, which seeme in 
 truth of very good importance. 
 
 The first is, for that Scotland by all English men, 
 (howsoever the Scots deny the same) is taken and 
 holden as subjeft to England by way of Homage : 
 which many of their Kings, at divers times have ac- 
 knowledged : and consequently, the Queene and her 
 sonne being borne in Scotland, are not borne out of the 
 allegiance to England, and so no forrainers. 
 
 The second cause or reason is, for that the fore- 
 named statute of Forrainers in the five and twenty 
 yeare of King Edward the third, is intitled of those that 
 are borne beyond the seas. And in the body of the same 
 statute, the doubt is moved of children borne out of 
 English allegiance beyond the seas : whereby cannot 
 be understood Scotland, for that it is a peece of the 
 continent land within the seas. And all our old 
 Records in England, that talke of service to be done 
 
l82 
 
 The second 
 in) pediment 
 against the 
 Q. of Scots. 
 and her son 
 which is K. 
 Henrv the 
 eight his 
 Testament. 
 
 within these two-countries : have usually these latine 
 words, Infra quatuor maria, or in French, deins lez 
 quatre mers, that is, within the foure seas : whereby 
 must needs be understood as well Scotland as England, 
 and that perhaps for the reason before mentioned, of 
 the subjection of Scotland by way of Homage to the 
 Crowne of England. In respedl whereof it may be, 
 that it was accounted of old, but one dominion or 
 allegiance. And consequently, no man borne therein 
 can be accounted an Alien to England. And this shall 
 suffice for the first point, touching forraine Nativity. 
 
 For the second impediment objedled, which is the 
 Testament of King Henry the eight, authorized by 
 Parliament, whereby they affirme the succession of 
 Scotland to bee excluded : it is not precisely true that 
 they are excluded, but onely that they are put back 
 behind the succession of the house of Suffolke. For in 
 that pretended Testament (which after shall be proved 
 to be none indeed) King Henry so disposeth, that after 
 his owne children (if they should chance to die with- 
 out issue) the Crowne shall passe to the heires of 
 Frances, and of Elenore, his neices by his younger 
 sister Mary Queene oi France: and after them (deceas- 
 ing also without issue) the succession to returne to the 
 next heires againe. Whereby it is evident, that the 
 succession of Margaret Queene of Scotland his eldest 
 
i83 
 
 sister, is not excluded : but thrust back only from their 
 due place and order, to expedl the remainder, which 
 may in time be left by the younger. Whereof in mine 
 opinion doe ensue some considerations against the 
 present pretenders themselves. 
 
 First, that in King Henries judgement, the former Forrain birth 
 pretended rule of forraine birth, was no sufficient im- ment in the 
 pediment against Scotland : for if it had beene no k. Hmry the 
 doubt, but that he would have named the same in his ^'^ ' 
 alleaged testament, and thereby have utterly excluded 
 that succession. But there is no such thing in the 
 Testament. 
 
 Secondly, if they admit this Testament, which xhesucces- 
 allotteth the Crowne to Scotland, next after Suffolke : Scotland next 
 then, seeing that all the house of Suffolke, (by these judgement 
 mens assertion) is excluded by Bastardie : it must competitors. 
 needs follow, that Scotland by their owne judgement is 
 next, and so this Testament will make against them, 
 as indeed it doth in all points most apparently, but 
 only that it preferreth the house of Suffolke, before 
 that of Scotland. And therefore (I thinke Sir) that 
 you mistake somewhat about their opinion in alleaging 
 this Testament. For I suppose, that no man of my 
 Lord of Huntingtons fadlion, will alleage or urge the 
 testimonie of this Testament : but rather some friend 
 of the house of Suffolke in whose favour, I take it, that 
 it was first of all forged. 
 
184 
 
 Gentleman. It may be (quoth the Gentleman) nor will I stand 
 
 obstinatly in the contrary : for that it is hard, some- 
 time to judge of what faftion each one is, who dis- 
 courseth of these affaires. But yet I marvell (if it 
 were as you say) why Leicesters father after King 
 Edwards death, made no mention thereof in the favour 
 of Suffolke, in the other Testament which then he 
 proclaymed, as made by King Edward deceased, for 
 preferment of Suffolke before his owne sisters. 
 Law. The cause of this is evident (quoth the Lawyer) 
 
 The Duke of for that it made not sufficiently for his purpose : which 
 lands driit. was to dismhcrit the two daughters of King Henry 
 himselfe, and advance the house of Suffolke before them 
 both. 
 Gentleman. A notable change (quoth the Gentleman) that a 
 
 title so much exalted of late by the father, above all 
 order, right, ranke, and degree : should now be so 
 much debased by the sonne, as though it were not 
 worthy to hold any degree, but rather to be troden 
 The mutable under foot for plaiue bastardie. And you see by this, 
 
 dealing of the . . , . , t , 1 1 r 1 1 
 
 house of how true It IS which I told you before : that the race 
 of Dudlies are most cunning Merchants, to make their 
 gaine of all things, men and times. And as wee have 
 seene now two testaments alleaged, the one of the 
 Kings father, and the other of the Kings sonne, and 
 both of them in prejudice of the testators true succes- 
 
 Dudley. 
 
i85 
 
 sors: so many good subie6ls begin greatly to feare, that 
 wee may chance to see shortly a third testament of 
 her Maiesty for the intituling of Huntington, and extir- 
 pation of King Henries bloud, and that before her 
 Majesty can thinke of sicknesse : wherein I beseech 
 the Lord I bee no Prophet. But now (Sir) to the 
 foresaid Will and Testament of King Henry ; I have 
 often heard, in truth, that the thing was counterfeit, or 
 at the least not able to bee proved : and that it was 
 discovered, rejedled, and defaced in Queene Maries 
 time : but I would gladly understand what you 
 Lawyers esteeme or judge thereof. 
 
 Touching this matter (quoth the Lawyer) it cannot Lawyer. 
 bee denied, but that in the twenty and eight, and xheauthority 
 
 ,, . . J • , r Tjr. TT • . and occasion 
 
 thirty and sixt yeares of Kmg Hennes raigne, upon of King 
 consideration of some doubt and irresolution, which testament, 
 the King himselfe had shewed, to have about the 
 order of succession in his owne children, as also for 
 taking away all occasions of controversies in those of 
 the next bloud : the whole Parliament gave authority 
 unto the said King, to debate and determine those 
 matters himselfe, together with his learned Councell, 
 who best knew the lawes of the Realme, and titles 
 that any man might have thereby : and that whatso- 
 ever succession his Majesty should declare as most 
 right and lawfull under his letters patents sealed, or by 
 
1 86 
 
 The Kings 
 Testament 
 forged. 
 
 The first 
 reason. 
 Injustice 
 and im- 
 probability. 
 
 his last will and testament rightfully made and signed 
 with his owne hand : that the same should bee received 
 for good and lawfull. 
 
 Vpon pretence whereof, soone after King Henries 
 death, there was shewed a will with the Kings stamp at 
 the same, and the names of divers witnesses, wherein 
 (as hath beene said) the succession of the Crowne, 
 after the Kings owne children, is assigned to the 
 Heires of Frances and of Elenor, Neeces to the King, 
 by his yonger sister. Which assignation of the 
 Crowne, being as it were a meere guift in prejudice 
 of the elder sisters right (as also of the right of 
 Frances and Elenor themselves, who were omitted in 
 the same assignation, and their Heires intituled onely) 
 was esteemed to bee against all reason, law, and 
 nature, and consequently not thought to proceed from 
 so wise and sage a Prince, as King Henry was knowne 
 to bee ; but rather, either the whole forged, or at 
 leastwise that clause inserted by other, and the Kings 
 stamp set unto it, after his death, or when his Majesty 
 lay now past understanding. And hereof there wanteth 
 not divers most evident reasons and proofes. 
 
 For first, it is not probable or credible, that King 
 Henry would ever goe about, against law and reason, 
 to disinherite the line of his eldest sister, without any 
 profit or interest to himselfe : and thereby, give most 
 
i87 
 
 evident occasion of Civill warre and discord within the 
 Realms, seeing, that in such a case of manifest and 
 apparent wrong, in so great a matter, the authority of 
 Parliament, taketh little efifeft, against the true and 
 lawfull inheritour: as well appeared in the former 
 times and contentions of Henry the sixt, Edward the 
 fourth, and Richard the third : in whose raignes, the 
 divers and contrary Parliaments made and holden, 
 against the next inheritour, held no longer with any 
 man, then untill the other was able to make his owne 
 party good. 
 
 So likewise, in the case of King Edward the third The example 
 
 ' . r . "' France. 
 
 his succession to France, in the right of his Mother, 
 though hee were excluded by the generall assembly 
 and consent of their Parliaments : vet hee esteemed 
 not his right extinguished thereby : as neither did other 
 Kings of our Countrey that ensued after him. And for 
 our present case, if nothing els should have restrained 
 King Henry, from such open injustice towards his 
 eldest sister : yet this cogitation, at least, would have 
 stayed him : that by giving example of supplanting his 
 elder sisters Line by vertue of a testament or pretence 
 of Parhament : some other might take occasion to dis- 
 place his children by like pretence : as wee see that 
 Duke Dudley did soone after, by a forged testament 
 of King Edward the sixt. So ready Schollars there 
 
1 88 
 
 are to bee found, which easily will learne such Lessons 
 of iniquity. 
 The second Secondly, there bee too many incongruities and 
 
 Incongruities indignities in the said predented Will to proceed from 
 indignities, such a PHnce and learned Councell as King Henries 
 was. For first what can bee more ridiculous, then to 
 give the Crowne unto the Heires of Frances and Elenor, 
 and not to any of themselves ? or what had they 
 offended that their Heires should enjoy the Crowne in 
 their right and not they themselves ? What if King 
 Henries children should have died, whiles Lady Francis 
 had beene yet alive ? who should have possessed the 
 Kingdoms before her, seeing her Line was next ? and 
 yet by this testament shee could not pretend her selfe 
 Adrian stokes, to obtaine it. But rather having married /4(fm« Sto^^s 
 her Horsekeeper, shee must have suffered her Sonne 
 by him (if shee had any) to enjoy the Crowne : and so 
 Adrian of a serving man and Master of horses, should 
 have become the great Master and Protedlour of Eng- 
 land. Of like absurdity is that other clause also, 
 wherein the King bindeth his owne Daughters to 
 marry, by consent and diredlion of his counsell, or 
 otherwise to leese the benefit of their succession : but 
 yet bindeth not his Neices Daughters, to wit, the 
 Daughters of Francis and Elenor (if that they had any) 
 to any such condition. 
 
1 89 
 Thirdly, there may bee divers causes and argu- 
 
 The third 
 reason. 
 
 ments alleadged in law, why this pretended will is not "^^"^^^ ^^^^ 
 authenticall : if otherwise, it were certaine that King wiuisnot 
 
 authenticall. 
 
 Henry had meant it : First, for that it is not agreable 
 to the mind and meaning of the Parliament, which 
 intended onely to give authority, for declaration and 
 explication of the true title : and not for donation or 
 intricating of the same, to the ruine of the Realme. 
 Secondly, for that there is no lawfull and authenticall 
 Copy extant thereof, but onely a bare inrolement in 
 the Chancery, which is not sufficient in so weighty an 
 affaire^: no witnesse of the Privy Councel or of Nobility 
 to the same: which had beene convenient in so great a 
 case (for the best of the witnesses therein named, is 
 Sir John Gates, whose miserable death is well knowne : ) 
 no publike Notary : no Probation of the will before 
 any Bishop, or any lawfull Court for that purpose : no 
 examination of the witnesses : or other thing orderly 
 done, for lawfull authorizing of the matter. 
 
 But of all other things this is most of importance : The 
 
 ,, , ^, „. , . , , , -. , , disproving of 
 
 that the Kmg never set his owne hand to the foresaid the wiii by 
 
 Will, but his stamp was put thereunto by others, either 
 
 after his death, or when hee was past remembrance: 
 
 as the late Lord Paget in the beginning of Queen The Lord 
 
 Maries dayes, being of the Privy Gouncell, first of all ^"^''^ 
 
 other discovered the same, of his owne accord, and 
 
I go 
 
 Sir Edward 
 Montague. 
 
 William 
 Clarke. 
 
 A meeting 
 together 
 about this 
 matter of the 
 nobility. 
 
 upon meere motion of conscience, confessing before 
 the whole Councell, and afterward also before the 
 whole Parliament, how that himselfe was privy there- 
 unto, and partly also culpable, (being drawen thereunto, 
 by the instigation and forcible authority of others : ) 
 but yet afterward upon other more godly motions 
 detested the device : and so of his ov/ne free will, very 
 honorably went and offered the discovery thereof to the 
 Councell. As also did Sir Edward Montague, Lord 
 chiefs justice, that had beene privy and present at the 
 said doings, and one William Clarke, that was the man 
 who put the stamp unto the paper, and is ascribed 
 among the other pretensed witnesses, confessed the 
 whole premisses to bee true, and purchased his pardon 
 for his offence therein. Whereupon Queene Mary and 
 her Councell, caused presently the said inrolement, 
 lying in the Chancery, to be canceled, defaced and 
 abolished. 
 
 And sithence that time in her Majesties dayes that 
 now liveth about the ii. or 12. yeare of her raigne, (if 
 I count not amisse) by occasion of a certaine little 
 booke spred abroad at that time, very secretly, for 
 advancing of the house of Suffolke, by pretence of this 
 Testament : I remember well the place where the late 
 Duke of Norfolke, the Marquesse of Winchester (which 
 then was Treasurer) the old Earles of Arundell and 
 
igi 
 
 Penbrooke that now are dead, with my Lord of 
 Penbrooke that yet liveth, (as also my Lord of Leycester 
 himselfe if I bee not deceived) with divers others, met 
 together upon this matter : and after long conference 
 about the foresaid pretensed will, and many proofe^ 
 and reasons laid downe, why it could not bee true or\ 
 authenticall : the old Earle of Penbrooke protesting that 
 hee was with the King in his Chamber from the first 
 day of his sicknesse unto his last houre, and thereby 
 could well assure the falsification thereof: at length it 
 was moved, that from that place they should goe, with 
 the rest of the Nobility, and proclaime the Queene 
 of Scotland heire apparent in Cheapside. Wherein my My Lord of 
 Lord of Leycester (as I take it) was then as forward as againe"^ 
 any man els : how bee it, now, for his profit, hee bee douWe. 
 turned aside, and would turne back againe tomorrow 
 next, for a greater commodity. 
 
 And albeit, for some causes to themselves best 
 knowne, they proceeded not in the open publishing 
 of their determination at that time : yet my Lord of 
 Penbrooke now living, can beare witnesse that thus 
 much is true : and that his Father the old Earle at The oid Eari 
 that time, told him openly before the other Noblemen, admraMon,* 
 that hee had brought him to that assembly and place, ws'so^iT/yet 
 to instru6t him in that truth, and to charge him, to *""°^' 
 witnesse the same, and to defend it also, with his 
 
192 
 
 The third 
 Impediment 
 of Religion. 
 
 Princes of 
 Germany. 
 
 sword (if need required) after his death. And I know 
 that his Lordship is of that honour and nobility, as 
 hee can not leave of easily the remembrance or due 
 regard of so worthy an admonition. And this shall 
 suffice for the second impediment, imagined to pro- 
 ceed of this supposed Testament of King Henry the 
 eight. 
 
 As for the third impediment, of religion, it is not 
 generall to all : for that onely one person (if I bee not 
 deceived) of all the Competitours in King Henries line, 
 can bee touched with suspition of different religion, 
 from the present state of England. Which person 
 notwithstanding (as is well knowne) while shee was in 
 governement in her owne Realme of Scotland, per- 
 mitted all liberty of conscience, and free exercise of 
 religion, to those of the contrary profession and 
 opinion, without restraint. And if shee had not : yet 
 do I not see, either by prescript of law, or practise of 
 these our times, that diversity of religion, may stay just 
 inheritours from enjoying their due possessions, in any 
 state or degree of private men : and much lesse in the 
 claime of a Kingdome : which alwayes in this behalfe 
 (as hath beene said before) is preferred in priviledge. 
 
 This wee see by experience, in divers Countries 
 and parts of the World at this day : as in Germany, 
 where among so many Princes, and so devided in 
 
193 
 
 religion as they bee : yet every one succeedeth to the 
 
 state, whereto hee hath right, without resistance for 
 
 his religion. The examples also of her Majesty that Quene Mary. 
 
 now is, and of her sister before, is evident : who being Elizabeth. 
 
 knowne to bee of two different inclinations in religion, 
 
 and the whole Realme devided in opinion for the 
 
 same cause : yet both of them at their severall times 
 
 with generall consent of all, were admitted to their 
 
 lawfull inheritance : excepting onely a few *traytours • The D«iWs 
 
 •'_'-' ■' _ ■' _ Monsieur. 
 
 against the former, who withstood her right as also in 
 her, the right of her Majesty that is present, and that 
 not for religion (as appeared by their owne confession 
 after) but for ambition and desire of raigne. Mon- 
 sieur,the Kings brother and heire of France, as all the 
 World knoweth, is well accepted, favored and admitted 
 for successour of that Crowne, by all the Protestants 
 at this day of that Countrey, not withstanding his 
 opinion in religion knowne to bee different. And I 
 doubt not, but the King of Navarre or Prince of Condy, King of 
 in the contrary part, would thinke themselves greatly Prince of 
 injuried by the state of France, which is different from ^'^^^' 
 them in religion at this day, if after the death of the 
 King that now is and his brother without issue, (if 
 God so dispose) they should bee barred from inherit- 
 mg the Crowne, under pretence onely of their religion. 
 My Lord of Huntington himselfe also, is hee not 
 
194 
 
 My Lord of 
 Hiiniittgtons 
 religion. 
 
 The title of 
 those which 
 ensue the 
 Queene of 
 
 Scots. 
 
 SchoUar. 
 
 The yong 
 King of 
 Scotland. 
 
 knowne to bee of a different religion from the present 
 state of England ? and that, if hee were King to 
 morrow next, hee would alter the whole governement, 
 order, condition, and state of religion, now used and 
 established, within the Realme ? 
 
 But as I said in the beginning, if one of a whole 
 Family, or of divers Families, bee culpable, or to bee 
 touched herein : what have the rest offended thereby ? 
 will you exclude all, for the mislike of one ? And to 
 descend in order : if the first in King Henries line, 
 after her Majesty may bee touched in this point, yet, 
 why should the rest hee damnified thereby ? The 
 King of Scotland her Sonne, that next ensueth (to 
 speake in equity) why should hee bee shut out for his 
 religion ? And are not all the other in like manner 
 Protestants, whose discent is consequent, by nature, 
 order, and degree ? 
 
 For the yong King of Scotland (quoth I) the truth 
 is, that alwayes for mine owne part, I have had great 
 hope and expedtation of him, not onely for the con- 
 ceipt which commonly men have of such Orient 
 youths, borne to Kingdomes : but especially for that 
 I understood from time to time, that his education was 
 in all learning, princely exercises and instrudlion of 
 true religion, under rare and vertuous men for that 
 purpose. Whereby I conceived hope, that hee might 
 
195 
 
 not onely become in time, an honourable and profit- 
 able neighbour unto us, for assurance of the Gospell 
 in these parts of the World : but also (if God should 
 deprive us of her Majesty without issue) might bee a 
 meane by his succession to unite in Concord and 
 Governement, the two Realmes together, which here- 
 tofore hath beene fought, by the price of many a 
 thousand mens bloud, and not obtained. 
 
 Marry yet now of late (I know not by what meanes) 
 there is begun in mens hearts a certaine mislike or 
 grudge against him, for that it is given out every where 
 that hee is inclined to bee a Papist, and an enemy to 
 her Majesties proceedings. Which argueth him verily, 
 of singular ingratitude, if it bee true, considering the 
 great helps and protedlion which hee hath received 
 from her highnesse ever sithence hee was borne. 
 
 And are you so simple (quoth the Gentleman) as Gentleman. 
 to beleeve every report that you heare of this matter ? 
 know you not, that it is expedient for my Lord of 
 Leycester and his fadlion, that this youth, above all The device to 
 other, bee held in perpetuall disgrace with her Majesty Mlre^'sly^ with 
 and with this Realme ? You know, that Richard of S7°«i!2°^ 
 Glocester had never beene able to have usurped as hee 
 did, if hee had not first perswaded King Edward the 
 fourth to hate his owne Brother the Duke of Clarence, 
 which Duke stood in the way, betweene Richard and 
 
196 
 
 The 
 
 intollerable 
 proceedings 
 of certain 
 Ministers in 
 Scotland 
 against their 
 King by 
 subordination 
 of his enemies 
 in England. 
 
 the thing, which hee most of all things coveted. That 
 is, the possibility to the Crowne, and so in this case is 
 there the like device to bee observed. 
 
 For truly, for the yong King of Scotlands religion, 
 it is evident to as many as have reason, that it can bee 
 no other of it selfe but inclined to the best : both in 
 respeft of his education, instrudtion, and conversation, 
 with those of true religion : as also by his former 
 Adlions, Edidls, Governement, and private behaviour, 
 hee hath declared. Marry these men whose profit is 
 nothing lesse, then that hee or any other of that race 
 should doe well : doe not cease dayly by all secret 
 wayes, drifts, and molestations possible, to drive him 
 either to mislike of our religion, or els to incurre the 
 suspition thereof, with such of our Realme, as other- 
 wise would bee his best friends : or if not this : yet for 
 very need and feare of his owne life, to make recourse 
 to such other Princes abroad, as may most ofifend or 
 mislike this state. 
 
 And for this cause, they suborne certaine busie 
 fellowes of their owne crew and fadlion, pertaining to 
 the ministery of Scotland, (but unworthy of so worthy 
 a calling) to use such insolency towards their King and 
 Prince, as is not onely undecent, but intollerable. For 
 hee may doe no thing, but they will examine and dis- 
 cusse the same in Pulpit. If hee goe but on hunting, 
 
197 
 
 when it pleaseth them to call him to their preaching : 
 if hee make but a dinner or supper, when, or where, 
 or with whom they like not : if hee receive but a 
 coople of horses or other present from his friends or 
 kinsmen beyond the seas ; if hee salute or use cour- 
 teously any man or messenger which commeth from 
 them (as you know Princes of their nobility and 
 courtesie are accustomed, though they come from 
 their enemies, as often hath beene seene and highly 
 commended in her Majesty of England : ) if hee deale 
 familiarly with any Ambassadour which liketh not 
 them : or finally if hee doe say, or signifie, any one 
 thing whatsoever, that pleaseth not their humour : they 
 will presently, as seditious tribunes of the people, ex- 
 clame in publique, and stepping to the Pulpit where 
 the word of the Lord onely ought to bee preached : 
 will excite the commonalty to discontentation, invey- 
 ing against their soveraigne with such bitternesse of 
 speech, unreverend tearmes, and insolent controle- 
 ments, as is not to bee spoken ; Now imagine what 
 her Majesty and her grave councell would doe in 
 England, if such proceedings should bee used, by the 
 Cleargy against them. 
 
 No doubt (quoth I) but that such unquiet Spirits sMUr. 
 should bee punished in our Realme. And so I said of 
 late to their most reverend and worthy Prelate and 
 
igS 
 
 Sir Patrick 
 A damson 
 Archbishop 
 of Saint 
 Andnwes. 
 
 Gentleman. 
 
 Primate the Archbishop of Saint Andrewes, with whom 
 it was my luck to come acquainted in London, whither 
 hee was come by his Kings appointment (as hee said) 
 to treate certaine affaires with our Queene and Coun- 
 cell. And talking with him of this disorder of his 
 ministery, hee confessed the same with much griefe of 
 mind, and told mee, that hee had preached thereof 
 before the King himselfe, detesting and accusing divers 
 heads thereof, for which cause, hee was become very 
 odious to them and other of their fadlion, both in 
 Scotland and England. But hee said, that as hee had 
 given the reasons of his doings unto our Queene: so 
 meaneth hee shortly to doe the same unto Monsieur 
 Beza, and to the whole Church of Geneva, by sending 
 thither the Articles of his and their doings. Protest- 
 ing unto mee that the proceedings and attempts of 
 those fadtious and corrupt men, was most scandalous, 
 seditious and perilous, both to the Kings person, and 
 to the Realme : being sufficient indeed, to alienate 
 wholly the yong Prince from all aflfedlion to our re- 
 ligion, when hee shall see the chiefe Professours 
 thereof, to behave themselves so undutifuUy towards 
 him. 
 
 That is the thing which these men, his competi- 
 tours, most desire (quoth the Gentleman) hoping 
 thereby, to procure him most evill will and danger, 
 
199 
 
 both at home and from England. For which cause Treasons 
 
 ° plotted 
 
 also, they have pradlized so many plots and treacheries against the 
 
 , . ... , . King of Sfo^j. 
 
 with his owne subjects against him : hoping by that 
 
 meanes, to bring the one in distrust and hatred of the 
 other, and consequently the King in danger of de- 
 struftion by his owne. And in this machination, they 
 have behaved themselves so dexterously, so covertly 
 used the mannage and contriving hereof, and so 
 cunningly conveyed the execution of many things : as 
 it might, indeed, seeme apparent unto the yong King, 
 that the whole plot of treasons against his Realme and 
 Person, doth come from England, thereby to drive him 
 into jealousie of our state, and our state of him : and 
 all this for their owne profit. 
 
 Neither is this any new device of my Lord of 
 Leycester, to draw men for his owne gaine, into danger 
 and hatred with the state, under other pretences. For 
 I could tell you divers stories and stratagemes of his 
 cunning in this kind, and the one farre different from 
 the other in device : but yet all to one end. I have a 
 friend yet living, that was towards the old Earie of 
 Armdell, in good credit, and by that meanes had 
 occasion to deal with the late Duke of Norfolke in his 
 chiefest affaires before his troubles. This man is wont 
 to report strange things from the Dukes owne mouth, 
 of my Lord of Leycesters most treacherous dealing 
 
200 
 
 Leycesters towards him, for gainins of his bloud, as after ap- 
 
 cunning > o o j- 
 
 device for peared : albeit the Duke when hee reported the same, 
 
 overthrowing , ,, , . 
 
 the Duke of mistrustcd not so much my Lords mahce therem. 
 But the summe of all, is this in effedl : that Leycester 
 having a secret desire, to pull downe the said Duke, to 
 the end that hee might have no man above himselfe, 
 to hinder him in that which hee most desireth : by a 
 thousand cunning devises drew in the Duke to the 
 cogitation of that marriage with the Queene of Scot- 
 land, which afterward was the cause or occasion of his 
 ruine. And hee behaved himselfe so dexterously in 
 this drift, by setting on the Duke on the one side, and 
 
 The intrapping him on the other : as ludas himselfe never 
 
 impudency of '^ -^ ° 
 
 Judas. played his part more cunningly, when hee supped with 
 
 his Master, and set himselfe so neere, as hee dipped 
 his spoone in the same dish, and durst before others 
 aske, who should betray him ? meaning that night, to 
 doe it himselfe, as hee shewed soone after supper, when 
 hee came as a Captaine with a band of conspiratours, 
 and with a courteous kisse delivered his person, into 
 the hands of them, whom hee well knew to thirst after 
 his bloud. 
 
 The very like did the Earle of Leycester with the 
 Duke of Norfolke for the art of treason, though in the 
 parties betrayed there were great difference of inno- 
 cency. Namely, at one time, when her Majesty was 
 
20I 
 
 at Basing in Hampshire, and the Duke attended there 
 to have audience, with great indifferency in himselfe, 
 to follow or leave off his sute for marriage : (for that 
 now he began to suspedl, Her Maiesty liked not 
 greatly thereof:) my Lord of Leicester came to him, J/'lJPj^^^^to 
 and counselled him in any case to persevere and not to the puke of 
 relent, assuring him with many oaths and protesta- 
 tions, that Her Majesty must and should be brought 
 to allow thereof, whether she would or no, and that 
 himselfe would seale that purpose with his blood. 
 Neither was it to be suffered that Her Maiesty should 
 have her will herein ; with many other like speeches to 
 this purpose : which the Duke repeated againe then 
 presently to my said friend : with often laying his 
 hand upon his bosome, and saying ; I have here which 
 assureth me sufficiently of the fidelity of my Lord of 
 Leicester; meaning not only the foresaid speechs, but 
 also divers letters which he had written to the Duke 
 of that efiedl, as likewise he had done to some other 
 person of more importance in the Realme ; which 
 matter comming afterward to light, he cousened most Leicest. 
 
 iiiTiyr- 11-1 r i cousenage of 
 
 notably her Maiesty, by shewmg her a reformed copie the Queene. 
 of the said Letter, for the letter it selfe. 
 
 But now how well hee performed his promise, in 
 dealing with her Majesty for the Duke, or against the 
 Duke in this matter, her Highnesse can best tell, and 
 
202 
 
 The Duke of 
 Norfolkes 
 flying into 
 Nor/olke. 
 
 Machivilian 
 Sleights. 
 
 Lekesters 
 devices for 
 the overthrow 
 of Sir 
 Christopher 
 Hatton. 
 
 the event it selfe shewed. For the Duke being ad- 
 mitted soone after to Her Majesties speech, at an 
 other place, and receiving a far other answer then hee 
 had in hope conceived upon Lekesters promises : re- 
 tyred himselfe to London, where the same night follow- 
 ing hee received letters both from Leycester, and Sir 
 Nicholas Throgmorton, upon Lekesters instigation (for 
 they were at that time both friends and of a fadlion) 
 that he should presently flee into Norfolke as hee did, 
 which was the last and finall complement of all 
 Lekesters former devices, whereby to plunge his friend 
 over the eares in suspition and disgrace, in such sort, 
 as he should never be able to draw himselfe out of the 
 ditch againe, as indeed he was not, but died in the 
 same. 
 
 And herein you see also the same subtile and 
 Machivilian sleight, which I mentioned before, of 
 driving men to attempt somewhat, whereby they may 
 incurre danger, or remaine in perpetuall suspition or 
 disgrace. And this pradlice hee hath long used, and 
 doth daily, against such as he hath will to destroy. 
 As for example : What say you to the device he had 
 of late, to intrap his well deserving friend. Sir Chris- 
 topher Hatton, in the matter of Hall his Priest, whom 
 hee would have had Sir Christopher to send away and 
 hide, being touched and detefted in the case of 
 
203 
 
 Ardent, thereby to have drawne in Sir Christopher 
 himselfe, as Sir Charles Candish can well declare, if 
 it please him, being accessary to this plot, for the 
 overthrow of Sir Christopher. To which intent and 
 most devihsh drift pertained (I doubt not) if the matter 
 were duly examined, the late interception of letters in 
 Paris from one Aldred of Lyons then in Rome, to Henry 
 Vmpton, servant to Sir Christopher, in which letters. Sir 
 Christopher is reported to be of such credit and speciall 
 favour in Rome, as if hee were the greatest Papist in 
 England. 
 
 What meaneth also these pernitious late dealings Lekesten 
 
 devices 
 
 against the Earle of Shrewsbury, a man of the most against the 
 ancient and worthiest Nobility of our Realme ? what shrewibury. 
 meane the pradlises with his nearest both in bed and 
 blood against him ? what meane these most false and 
 slanderous rumours cast abroad of late of his disloyall 
 demeanures towards her Majesty and his countrey, 
 with the great prisoner committed to his charge ? Is 
 all this to any other end, but only to drive him to some 
 impatience, and thereby to commit or say something 
 which may open the gate unto his mine ? Divers 
 other things could I recite of his behaviour towards 
 other noble men of the Realm, who live abroad in 
 their countries much iniured and malcontented by his 
 insolencie : albeit in respedl of his present power they 
 
204 
 
 Leicesiers 
 contempt of 
 the ancient 
 Nobility of 
 England. 
 
 Lawyer. 
 
 New men 
 most con- 
 temptuous. 
 
 Duke Dudlies 
 est at the 
 Earle of 
 Arundel. 
 
 dare not complaine. And surely it is strange to see, 
 how little account hee maketh of all the ancient 
 Nobility of our Realme : how he contemneth, derideth 
 and debaseth them : which is the fashion of all such as 
 mean to usurpe, to the end they may have none who 
 shal not acknowledge their first beginning and ad- 
 vancement from themselves. 
 
 Not only Vsurpers (quoth the Lawyer) but all 
 others who rise and mount aloft from base lynage, 
 bee ordinarily most contemptuous, contumultuous, & 
 insolent against others of more antiquity. And this 
 was evident in this mans father, who being a Bucke 
 of the first head (as you know) was intolerable in con- 
 tempt of others : as appeareth, by those whom hee 
 trode downe of the Nobility in his time : as also by his 
 ordinary jests against the Duke of Somerset and others. 
 But among other times, sitting one day at his owne 
 table (as a Counsellor told me that was present) hee 
 tooke occasion to talke of the Earle of Arundel whom 
 he then had not only removed from the Counsell, but 
 also put into the Tower of London, being (as is well 
 knowne) the first and chiefest Earle of the Realme. 
 And for that the said Earle, shewed himselfe somewhat 
 sad and affiidled with his present state (as I marvel 
 not, seeing himselfe in prison, and within the compasse 
 of so fierce a Bears pawes) it pleased this goodly 
 
205 
 
 Duke, to vaunt upon this Earles misery, at his owne 
 table (as I have said) and asked the noble men and 
 Gentlemen there present, what Crest or Cognizance 
 my Lord of Arundel did give? and when every one 
 answured, that he gave the white Horse : I thought so 
 (quoth the Duke) and not without great cause : for as 
 the white Paulfrey when hee standeth in the stable, 
 and is well provendred, is proud and fierce, and ready 
 to leape upon every other horses back, still neying and 
 prauncing, and troubling all that stand about him : but 
 when hee is once out of his boat stable, and deprived 
 a Httle of his ease and fat feeding, every boy may ride 
 and master him at his pleasure : so it is (quoth he) 
 with my Lord of Arundel : Whereat many marvelled 
 that were present, to heare so insolent speech passe 
 from a man of judgement, against a Peere of the 
 Realme, cast into calamity. 
 
 But you would more have marvelled (quoth the Gentleman. 
 Gentleman) if you had seene that, which I did after- The most 
 ward, which was the most base and abjedl behaviour bel^^iour of 
 of the same Duke, to the same Earle of Arundel at fn^adv^rst-" 
 Cambridge, and upon the way towards London: when ^°'^'""^^- 
 this Earle was sent to apprehend and bring him up, as 
 prisoner. If I should tell you how hee fell downe on 
 his knees, how he wept, how he besought the said 
 Earle to be a good Lord vnto him, whom a little 
 
206 
 
 before he had so much contemned and reproached: 
 you would have said, that himselfe might as well be 
 compared to this his white Paulfrey as the other. 
 Albeit in this, I will excuse neither of them both, 
 neither almost any other of these great men, who are 
 so proud and insolent in their prosperous fortune, as 
 they are easily led to contemne any man, albeit them- 
 selves be most contemptible of all others, whensoever 
 their fortune beginneth to change: and so will my 
 Lord of Leicester be also, no doubt at that day, though 
 now in his wealth he triumph over all, and careth not 
 whom, or how many hee offend and injure. 
 
 schoihr. Sir therein I beleeve you (quoth I) for wee have 
 
 had sufficient tryall already of my Lords fortitude in 
 
 Leicestershasc advcrsity. His basc and abiedl behaviour in his last 
 
 adversity^' disgrace about his marriage, well declared what he 
 would doe, in a matter of more importance. His 
 fawning and flattering of them, whom he hated most : 
 his servile speeches, his feigned and dissembled teares, 
 
 Lekesien are all vcry well knowne : Then Sir Christopher Hatton, 
 
 deceiving of , , . . , 
 
 Sir CAns/o- must uccds be mforced, to receive at his hands the 
 
 pheY Hattott. 
 
 honourable and great office of Chamberlainship of 
 Chester, for that he would by any means resign the 
 same unto him, whether he would or no: and made 
 him provide (not without his charge) to receive the 
 same, though his Lordship never meant it, as after 
 
207 
 
 well appeared. For that the present pange being past, 
 it liked my Lord to fulfill the Italian Proverbe, of such 
 as in dangers make vowes to Saints : Scampato il 
 pericolo, gabbato il Santo, the danger escaped, the Saint 
 is deceived. 
 
 Then, and in that necessity, no men of the Realme 
 were so much honoured, commended and served by 
 him, as the noble Chamberlaine deceased, and the 
 eood Lord Treasurer yet living: to whom, at a certaine a pretty shift 
 
 , , . „ r , 1 1 ,• • °f my Lord 
 
 time, hee wrote a letter, in all fraud and base dissimu- Leicester. 
 lation, and caused the same to bee delivered with 
 great cunning in the sight of her Maiesty ; and yet so, 
 as to shew a purpose that it should not be seen : to 
 the end, her Highnesse might the rather take occasion 
 to call for the same and reade it, as she did. For 
 Mistris Frances Haward (to whom the stratagem was 
 committed) playing her part dexterously, offered to 
 deliver the same to the Lord Treasurer, neere the 
 doore of the with-drawing Chamber, hee then comming 
 from Her Majesty. And to draw the eye and attention 
 of her Highnesse the more unto it, shee let fall the 
 paper, before it touched the Treasurers hand, and by 
 that occasion brought her Majesty to call for the same : 
 Which after she had read and considered the stile, 
 together with the metall and constitution of him that 
 wrote it, and to whom it was sent : Her Highnesse 
 
208 
 
 Her Majesties 
 speech of 
 Leicester to 
 theTreasurer. 
 
 Gentleman. 
 
 The danger 
 of her 
 Majestie by 
 oppression of 
 the favourers 
 of the 
 Scottish title. 
 
 A Similie 
 true. 
 
 could not but breake forth in laughter, with detestation 
 of such absurd and abiedl dissimulation : saying unto 
 my Lord Treasurer there present : my Lord beleeve 
 him not, for if hee had you in like case hee would play 
 the Beare with you, though at this present hee fawne 
 upon you never so fast. 
 
 But now, Sir, I pray you goe forward in your 
 speech of Scotland, for there, I remember you left off, 
 when by occasion wee fell into these digressions. 
 
 Well then (quoth the Gentleman) to returne againe 
 to Scotland (as you move) from whence wee have 
 digressed: most certaine and evident it is to all the 
 world, that all the broyles, troubles, and dangers pro- 
 cured to the Prince in that countrey, as also the 
 vexations of them, who any way are thought to 
 favour that title in our owne Realme, doe proceed from 
 the drift and complot of these conspirators. Which 
 besides the great dangers mentioned before, both 
 domesticall and forraine, temporall, and of religion, 
 must needs inferre great jeopardy also to Her Maiesties 
 person and present reigne, that now governeth, through 
 the hope and heat of the aspirors ambition, inflamed 
 and increased so much the more, by the nearnesse of 
 their desired pray. 
 
 For as souldiers entred into hope of a rich and 
 well furnished Citie, are more fierce and furious, when 
 
209 
 
 they have gotten and beaten downe the Bul-workes 
 round about : and as the greedy Burglarer that hath 
 pearsed and broken downe many wals to come to a 
 treasure, is lesse patient of stay, stop and delay, when 
 hee commeth in sight of that which he desireth, or 
 perceiveth only some partition of wane-skot or the 
 like, betwixt his fingers and the cofers or money bags : 
 so these men, when they shall see the succession of 
 Scotland extinguished, together with all friends and 
 favourers thereof, (which now are to Her Majesty as 
 Bulwarkes and Walles, and great obstacles to the 
 aspirors) and when they shall see only Her Majesties 
 life and person, to stand betwixt them and their fiery 
 desires, (for they make little account of all other 
 Competitours by King Henries line : ) no doubt, but it 
 will be to them a great pricke and spurre, to dispatch 
 Her Maiesty also : the nature of both Earles being well 
 considered, whereof the one killed his own wife (as Earieof 
 hath beene shewed before) onely upon a little vaine 
 hope of marriage with a Queene, and the other being Earie of 
 so farre blinded and borne away, with the same furious "" "'° '"'' 
 fume, and most impotent itching humour of ambition : 
 as his owne mother, when she was alive, seemed 
 greatly to feare his fingers, if once the matter should 
 come so neere, as her life had only stood in his way. 
 For which cause, the good old Countesse, was wont to 
 
 p 
 
210 
 
 The old 
 Countesse of 
 Hjintingtons 
 speech of her 
 Sonne. 
 
 Lawyer. 
 
 Nearnesse in 
 competitors 
 doth incite 
 them to 
 adventure. 
 
 Henry Buling- 
 brook after 
 King Henry 
 the fourth. 
 
 Richard duke 
 of Glocester 
 after King 
 Richard the 
 third. 
 
 pray God (as I have heard divers say) that she might 
 die before Her Majesty, (which happily was granted 
 unto her) to the end that by standing in her sonnes 
 way (who shee saw to her griefe, furiously bent to 
 weare a Crowne : ) their might not some dangerous 
 extremity grow to her, by that nearnesse : And if his 
 owne mother feared this mischance, what may her 
 Majesty doubt, at his and his companions hands, when 
 she only shall be the obstacle of all their unbridled 
 and impatient desires ? 
 
 Cleare it is (quoth the Lawyer) that the nearnesse 
 of aspirours to the Crowne, endangereth greatly the 
 present possessors, as you have well proved by reason, 
 and I could shew by divers examples, if it were need. 
 For when Henry Bullingbrooke, Duke of Lancaster saw, 
 not only Richard the second to be without issue, but 
 also Roger Mortimer, Earle of March, that should have 
 succeeded in the Crowne, to bee slaine in Ireland : 
 though before (as is thought) hee meant not to usurpe, 
 yet seeing the possibility and neere cut that he had : 
 was invited therewith to lay hands of his Soveraignes 
 blood and dignity, as he did. The like is thought of 
 Richard, Duke of Glocester, that he never meant the 
 murder of his nephewes, until he saw their father dead, 
 and themselves in his owne hands : his brother also 
 Duke of Clarence dispatched, and his only sonne and 
 heire Earle of Warwicke, within his owne power. 
 
211 
 
 Wherefore, seeing it hath not pleased Almighty 
 God, for causes to himselfe best knowne, to leave unto 
 this noble Realme, any issue by her most excellent 
 Majesty, it hath beene a point of great wisdome in 
 mine opinion, and of great safety to Her Highnesse 
 person, state, and dignity ; to preserve hitherto, the l^^^^f^^ 
 line of the next Inheritors by the house of Scotland, her Majesty 
 
 -' in conserving 
 
 fl meane both the mother and the son) whose deaths the next 
 
 ^ heires of 
 
 hath beene so diligently sought, by the other com- scotimii. 
 petitours, and had beene long ere this atchieved, if 
 her Majesties owne wisedome and Royall clemency 
 (as is thought) had not placed speciall eye upon the 
 conservation thereof, from time to time. Which 
 princely providence, so long as it shall endure, must 
 needs be a great safety and fortresse to Her Majesty, 
 not onely against the claimes, ayds, or annoyance of 
 forraine Princes who will not be so forward to advance 
 strange titles, while so manifest heires remaine at 
 home, nor yet so willing (in respeft of policy) to helpe 
 that line to possession of the whole Hand : but also 
 against praflices of domesticall aspirours (as you have 
 shewed) in whose affaires no doubt but these two 
 branches of Scotland are great blocks, as also special 
 Bulwarkes to her Majesties life and person ; seeing (as 
 you say) these copartners make so little account of all 
 the other of that line, who should ensue by order of 
 succession. 
 
212 
 
 The King of Marry yet of the two, I thinke the youth of Scot- 
 
 Scotlands , , , , , . r i • 
 
 destruaion land be of much more importance tor their purpose, to 
 importance be made away, both for that he may have issue, and is 
 conspirators, like in time to be of more ability, for defence of his 
 mothers. ownc inheritance : as also for that hee being once dis- 
 patched, his mother should soone ensue, by one sleight 
 or other, which they would devise unwitting to Her 
 Majesty : albeit, I must needs confesse, that her High- 
 nesse hath used most singular prudence for prevention 
 thereof : in placing her restraint with so noble, strong, 
 and worthy a Peere of our Realme, as the Earle of 
 The Earle of Shrewsbury is : whose fidelity and constancy being 
 graced by the nothing pliable to the others fadlion, giveth them 
 compel ors. ^:^^^Yq conteutatiou. And for that cause, the world 
 seeth, how many sundry and divers devices they have 
 used, and doe use daily to slaunder and disgrace him, 
 and thereby to pull from him his charge committed. 
 Gentleman. To this the Gentleman answered nothing at all, 
 
 but stood still musing with himselfe, as though he had 
 conceived some deepe matter in his head : and after a 
 little pause he began to say as foUoweth. 
 
 I cannot truly but much marvaile, when I doe 
 
 compare some things of this time and government, 
 
 eye that her with the doiugs of former Princes, progenitors to Her 
 
 ancestors had Maicsty. Namely of Henry the seventh, and Henry 
 
 teraiiiine. the eight: who had so vigilant an eye to the laterall 
 
213 
 
 line of King Edward the fourth by his brother of 
 Clarence, as they thought it necessary, not only to 
 prevent all evident dangers that might ensue that way, 
 but even the possibilities of all perill : as may well 
 appeare by the execution of Edward Earle of Warwicke Persons 
 
 6X6CUt6d of 
 
 before named, Sonne and heire to the said Duke of the House of 
 
 Clarence, and of Margaret his Sister Countess of Salis- 
 
 bury, with the Lord Henry Montague her Sonne, by 
 
 whose Daughter the Earle of Huntington now claimeth. 
 
 All which were executed for avoiding of inconveniences, 
 
 and that at such times, when no imminent danger 
 
 could bee much doubted, by that Line, especially by 
 
 the latter. And yet now when one of the same House 
 
 and Line, of more ability and ambition, then ever any 
 
 of his Ancestours were, maketh open title and claime 
 
 to the Crowne, with plots, packs, and preparations to 
 
 most manifest usurpation, against all order, all law, 
 
 and all rightfull succession : and against a speciall 
 
 statute provided in that behalfe : yet is hee permitted, 
 
 borne out, favored, and friended therein : and no man 
 
 so hardy, as in defence of her Majestie and Realme, to 
 
 controle him for the same. 
 
 It may be, that her Majesty is brought into the The example 
 same opinion of my Lord of Huntingtons fidelity, as cJs"l.f' 
 lulius Cesar was of Marcus Brutus, his dearest obliged ^«s"^"<=ti°°- 
 friend : of whose ambitious practises, and aspiring. 
 
214 
 
 when Ccssar was advertised by his careful! friends: hee 
 answered, that hee well knew Brutus to bee ambitious, 
 but I am sure (quoth hee) that my Brutus will never 
 attempt any thing for the Empire, while C(^sar liveth : 
 and after my death, let him shift for the same among 
 others, as hee can. But what ensued ? Surely I am 
 loth to tell the event, for ominations sake, but yet all 
 the World knoweth, that ere many moneths passed, 
 this most Noble and Clement Emperour, was pittifully 
 murdered by the same Brutus and his Partners, in the 
 publique Senate, when least of all hee expefted such 
 treason. So dangerous a thing it is, to bee secure in a 
 matter of so great sequell, or to trust them with a 
 mans life, who may pretend preferment or interest, by 
 his death. 
 
 Wherefore, would God her Majesty in this case, 
 might bee induced, to have such due care and regard 
 of her owne estate and Roy all person, as the weighty 
 moment of the matter requireth : which containeth the 
 blisse and calamity of so Noble and worthy a King- 
 dome, as this is. 
 Too much I know right well, that most excellent natures are 
 
 confidence r i rr r i- i- i 
 
 very perilous alwayes furthcst oflt from diffidence m such people, as 
 proves love, and are most bounden by duty : and so 
 it is evident in her Majesty. But yet surely, this con- 
 fidence so commendable in other men, is scarse allow- 
 
215 
 
 able often times in the person of a Prince : for that it 
 goeth accompanied with so great perill, as is inevitable 
 to him that will not suspeiSl principally when dangers 
 are foretold or presaged, (as commonly by Gods 
 appointment they are, for the speciall hand hee holdeth 
 over Princes affaires,) or when there is probable con- 
 jedlure, or just surmise of the same. 
 
 Wee know that the forenamed Emperour Ccesar, 
 had not onely the warning given him of the inclination 
 and intent of Brutus to usurpation, but even the very 
 day when hee was going towards the place of his 
 appointed destiny, there was given up into his hands a 
 detedlion of the whole treason, with request to read the 
 same presently, which hee upon confidence omitted to 
 doe. Wee read also of Alexander the great, how hee The example 
 
 ,-,.,,, , , ■ of Alexatider 
 
 was not onely lorbidden by a learned man, to enter the great, 
 into Babylon (whether hee was then going) for that foretold Ms 
 there was treason meant against him, in the place, but ^"^^'^' 
 also that hee was foretold of Antipaters mischievous 
 meaning against him, in particular. But the yong 
 Prince having so well deserved of Antipater could not 
 bee brought to mistrust the man that was so deare unto 
 him : and by that meanes was poisoned in a banquet, 
 by three Sonnes of Antipater, which were of most 
 credit and confidence in the Kings Chamber, 
 
 Here, truly, my heart did somewhat tremble with scMicr. 
 
2l6 
 
 Late 
 executions. 
 
 Gentleman. 
 
 feare, horrour, and detestation of such events. And I 
 said unto the Gentleman, I beseech you, Sir, to talke 
 no more of these matters, for I cannot well abide to 
 heare them named : hoping in the Lord, that there is 
 no cause, nor ever shall bee, to doubt the like in 
 England: specially from these men who are so much 
 bounden to her Majesty, and so forward in seeking 
 out and pursuing all such, as may bee thought to be 
 dangerous to her Majesties person, as by the sundry 
 late executions wee have seene, and by the punish- 
 ments every way of Papists, wee may perceive. 
 
 Truth it is (quoth the Gentleman) that justice 
 hath beene done upon divers of late, which contenteth 
 mee greatly, for the terrour and restraint of others, of 
 what se6l or religion soever they bee : And it is most 
 necessary (doubtles) for the compressing of parties, 
 that great vigilance bee used in that behalfe. But 
 when I consider, that onely one kind of men are 
 touched herein : and that all speech, regard, doubt, 
 distrust, and watch, is of them alone ; without reflexion 
 of eye upon any other mens doings or designements : 
 when I see the double diligence, and vehemency of 
 certaine instruments, which I like not, bent wholly 
 to rayse wonder and admiration of the people, feare, 
 terrour, and attention, to the doings, sayings, and 
 meanings of one part or fadlion alone, and of that 
 
217 
 
 namely and onely, which these conspiratours esteeme f//^^^|°^** 
 for most dangerous and opposite to themselves : I am P^^'=^'"|^Pf„ 
 (believe mee) often tempted to suspe6l fraud and oneiy. 
 false measure : and that these men deale, as Wolves 
 by nature in other Countries are wont to doe : Which 
 going together in great numbers to assaile a flock of 
 sheepe by night, doe set some one or two of their 
 company upon the wind side of the fold a farre ofif, who 
 partly by their sent and other bruteling which of pur- 
 pose they make, may draw the dogges and shepheards 
 to pursue them alone, whiles the other doe enter and J^^ orison 
 slay the whole flock. Or as rebels that meaning to °^j^°g^^^3 
 surprise a Towne, to turne away the Inhabitants from 
 consideration of the danger, and from defence of that 
 place, where they intend to enter : doe set on fire some 
 other parts of the Towne further off, and doe sound a 
 false alarme at some gate, where is meant least danger. 
 
 Which art, was used cunnindy by Richard Duke of Richard Duke 
 Yorke in the time of King Henry the sixt, when hee to 
 cover his owne intent : brought all the Realme in doubt 
 of the doings of Edmond Duke of Somerset, his enemy. 
 But lohn of Northumberland, Father to my Lord of DukQ Dudley. 
 Leycester, used the same art much more skilfully, when 
 hee put all England in a maze and musing of the 
 Prote6lour and of his friends : as though nothing 
 could bee safe about the yong King, untill they were 
 
2l8 
 
 suppressed : and consequently, all brought into his 
 
 owne authority, without obstacle. I speake not this, 
 
 to excuse Papists, or to wish them any way spared 
 
 A good rule wherein they offend : but onely to signifie that in a 
 
 of policy. ■' r n • 1_ • • 
 
 Countrey, where so potent factions bee, it is not safe, 
 to suffer the one to make it selfe so puissant by pur- 
 suite of the other : as afterwards the Prince must 
 remaine at the devotion of the stronger : but rather as 
 in a body molested and troubled with contrary humours, 
 if all cannot bee purged, the best Physick is, without 
 all doubt, to reduce and hold them at such an equality: 
 as destrudlion may not bee feared of the predominant. 
 To this said the Lawyer laughing, yea marry Sir. 
 I would to God, your opinion might prevaile in this 
 matter : for then should wee bee in other tearmes, 
 then now wee are. I was not long since, in company 
 of a certaine honourable Lady of the Court, who, after 
 some speech passed by Gentlemen that were present, 
 of some apprehended, and some executed, and such 
 like affaires : brake into a great complaint of the pre- 
 sent time, and therewith (I assure you) moved all the 
 hearers to griefe (as women you know are potent in 
 stirring of affedlions,) and caused them all to wish that 
 her Majesty, had beene nigh to have heard her words, 
 of a certaine I doe wcll remember (quoth shee) the first douzen 
 Court" ^ yeares of her highnesse raigne, how happy, pleasant. 
 
219 
 
 and quiet they were, with all manner of comfort and 
 consolation. There was no mention then of fadlions 
 in religion, neither was any man much noted or re- 
 jefted for that cause : so otherwise his conversation 
 were civill and courteous. No suspition of treason, no 
 talke of bloudshed, no complaint of troubles, miseries 
 or vexations. All was peace, all was love, all was joy, 
 all was deHght. Her Majesty (I am sure) tooke more 
 recreation at that time, in one day, then she doth now 
 in a whole weeke : and wee that served her highnesse, 
 enjoyed more contentation in a weeke, then wee can 
 now in divers yeares. For now, there are so many 
 suspitions, every where, for this thing and for that : 
 as wee cannot tell whom to trust. So many melan- 
 cholique in the Court, that seeme male-contented : so 
 many complaining or suing for their friends that are 
 in trouble : other slip over the Sea, or retire themselves 
 upon the sudden : so many tales brought us of this or 
 that danger, of this man suspedted, of that man sent 
 for up, and such like unpleasant and unsavery stuffe : 
 as wee can never almost bee merry one whole day 
 together. 
 
 Wherefore (quoth this Lady) wee that are of her 
 Majesties traine and speciall service, and doe not onely 
 feel these things in our selves, but much more in the 
 griefe of her most excellent Majesty, whom wee see 
 
220 
 
 More 
 
 moderation 
 wished in 
 matters of 
 faction. 
 
 The speech 
 of a Courtier. 
 
 This perill of 
 divisions and 
 fa<5tions in a 
 Common- 
 wealth. 
 
 dayly molested herewith (being one of the best natures, 
 I am sure, that ever noble Princesse was indued with 
 all ; ) wee cannot but mone, to behold contentions 
 advanced so farre foorth as they are: and wee could 
 wish most hartily that for the time to come, these 
 matters might passe with such peace, friendship and 
 tranquility, as they doe in other Countries : where 
 difference in religion breaketh not the band of good 
 fellowship, or fidelity. And with this in a smiling 
 manner, shee brake off : asking pardon of the com- 
 pany, if shee had spoken her opinion, over boldly, like 
 a woman. 
 
 To whom, answered a Courtier, that sat next her: 
 Madame, your Ladiship hath said nothing in this 
 behalfe, that is not dayly debated among us, in our 
 Common speech in Court, as you know. Your desire 
 also herein is a publique desire, if it might bee brought 
 to passe : for there is no man so simple, that seeth not, 
 how perilous these contentions and divisions among 
 us, may bee in the end. And I have heard divers 
 Gentlemen, that bee learned, discourse at large upon 
 this argument : alleaging old examples of the Athenians, 
 Lacedemonians, Carthagenians, and Romans, who re- 
 ceived notable dammages, and destruction also, in the 
 end, by their divisions and fadtions among themselves : 
 and specially from them of their owne Cities and 
 
221 
 
 Countries, who upon faftions lived abroad with For- 
 rainers ; and thereby were always as fire-brands to 
 carry home the flame of Warre, upon their Countrey. 
 
 The like, they also shewed by the long experience 
 of all the great Cities and States of Italy : which by 
 their factious and forusciteSj were in continuall gar- 
 boile, bloudshed and misery. Whereof our owne 
 Countrey hath tasted also her part, by the odious 
 contention betweene the Houses of Lancaster and 
 Yorhe : wherein it is marvailous to consider, what 
 trouble a few men oftentimes, departing out of the 
 Realme, were able to worke, by the part of their fadtion 
 remaining at home (which commonly encreaseth to- 
 wards them that are absent,) and by the readines of 
 forraine Princes, to receive alwayes, and comfort such, 
 as are discontented in an other state : to the end, that 
 by their meanes, they might hold an ore in their neigh- 
 bours bote ; Which, Princes that are nigh borderers, 
 doe alwayes, above all other things most covet and 
 desire. 
 
 This was that Courtiers speech and reason, whereby 
 I perceived, that as well among them in Court, as 
 among us in the Realme and Countrey abroad, the 
 present inconvenience and dangerous sequell of this The 
 our home dissension, is espied : and consequently sequeii of 
 most EngUsh hearts inclined to wish the remedy or our Realme. 
 
222 
 
 Gentleman. 
 
 Examples of 
 tolleration 
 in matters of 
 Religion. 
 
 Germany. 
 
 prevention thereof, by some reasonable moderation, or 
 re-union among our selves. For that the prosecution 
 of these diflferences to extremity, cannot but after 
 many wounds and exulcerations bring matters finally 
 to rage, fury and most deadly desperation. 
 
 Whereas on the other side, if any sweet qualifica- 
 tion, or small tolleration among us, were admitted : 
 there is no doubt, but that affaires would passe in our 
 Realme, with more quietnes, safety and publique weale 
 of the same, then it is like it will doe long : and men 
 would easily bee brought, that have English bowels, 
 to joyne in the preservation of their Countrey, from 
 ruine, bloudshed, and forraine oppression, which des- 
 peration of fadlions is wont to procure. 
 
 I am of your opinion (quoth the Gentleman) in 
 that, for I have seene the experience thereof, and all 
 the World beholdeth the same at this day, in all the 
 Countries of Germany, Polonia, Bcemland, and Hungary : 
 where a little bearing of the one with the other, hath 
 wrought them much ease, and continued them a peace 
 whereof all Europe besides, hath admiration and envy. 
 The first douzen yeares also of her Majesties raigne, 
 whereof your Lady of the Court discoursed before, 
 can well bee a witnesse of the same : Wherein the 
 commiseration and lenity that was used towards those 
 of the weaker sort, with a certaine sweet diligence for 
 
223 
 
 their gaining, by good meanes, was the cause of much 
 peace, contentation, and other benefit to the whole 
 body. 
 
 Wee see in France, that by over much pressing of The breach 
 
 and re-union 
 
 one part onely, a fire was inkindled not many yeares againe in 
 since, Hke to have consumed and destroyed the whole : 
 had not a necessary molification beene thought upon, 
 by the wisest of that King's Councell, full contrary to 
 the will and inclination of some great personages, who 
 meant perhaps to have gained more by the other. And 
 since that time, wee see what peace, wealth and re- 
 union, hath insued in that Countrey, that was so 
 broken, dissevered and wasted before. And all this, 
 by yeelding a little in that thing, which no force can 
 master, but exulcerate rather, and make worse : I 
 meane the conscience and judgement of men in mat- 
 ters of religion. 
 
 The like also I could name you in Flaunders, where Flanders. 
 after all these broyles and miseries, of so many yeares 
 warres (caused principally by too much streyning in 
 such affaires at the beginning) albeit, the King be never 
 so stria-laced, in yeelding to publike liberty, and free 
 exercise on both parts : yet is he descended to this at 
 length (and that upon force of reason) to abstain from 
 the pursuite and search of mens consciences, not onely 
 in the townes, which upon composition hee receiveth, 
 
224 
 
 Moderation 
 impugned 
 by the 
 conspirators, 
 
 Cicero. 
 
 Cateline. 
 
 but also where hee hath recovered by force, as in 
 Tornay, and other places : where I am informed that 
 no man is searched, demanded, or molested for his 
 opinion or conscience, nor any aft of Papistry or con- 
 trary religion required at their hands : but are per- 
 mitted to Hue quietly to God and themselves, at home 
 in their owne houses ; so they perform otherwise, their 
 outward obedience and duties to their Prince and 
 countrey. Which only qualification, toUerance, and 
 moderation in our Realme (if I be not deceived, with 
 many more that be of my opinion) would content all 
 divisions, fadlions, and parties among us, for their 
 continuance in peace : be they Papists, Puritanes, 
 Familians, or of whatsoever nice difference or sedlion 
 besides, and would be sufficient to retaine all parties, 
 within a temperate obedience to the Magistrate and 
 governement, for conservation of their countrey : which 
 were of no small importance to the contentation of Her 
 Majesty, and weale publike of the whole kingdome. 
 
 But what should I talke of this thing, which is so 
 contrary to the desires and designments of our puis- 
 sant Conspirators ? What should Cicero the Senator 
 use perswasions to Captaine Cateline, and his crew, that 
 quietnesse and order were better then hurleburlies ? 
 Is it possible that our Aspirours will ever permit any 
 such thing, cause, or matter, to be treated in our state, 
 
225 
 
 as may tend to the stability of Her Majesties present 
 government. No surely, it standeth nothing with their 
 wisedome or policie : especially at this instant, when 
 thev have such opportunity of following their owne The 
 
 . ,, . . t 1 • 1 1 Conspirators 
 
 anions in Her Majesties name, under the vizard and opportunity, 
 pretext, of her defence and safety : having sowed in 
 every mans head, so many imaginations of the dan- 
 gers present both abroad and at home : from Scotland, 
 Flanders, Spaine and Ireland : so many conspiracies, 
 so many intended murders, and others so many con- 
 trived or conceived mischieves : as my Lord of Leicester 
 assureth himselfe, that the troubled water cannot bee 
 cleared againe, in short space, nor his baits and lines 
 laid therein, easily espied : but rather, that hereby ere 
 long, hee will catch the fish he gapeth so greedily 
 after : and in the meane time, for the pursute of these 
 crimes, and other that daily he will find out, himselfe 
 must remaine perpetuall Didlator. 
 
 But what meaneth this so much inculcating of 
 troubles, treasons, murders, and invasions ? I like 
 not surely these ominous speeches. And as I am out 
 of doubt, that Leicester the caster of these shadowes, 
 doth looke to play his part, first in these troublesome 
 affaires : so doe I heartily feare, that unlesse the 
 tyrranie of this Leicestrian fury be speedily stopped, 
 that such misery to Prince, and people (which the 
 
 Q 
 
226 
 
 Lord for his mercies sake turne from us) as never 
 greater fell before to our miserable countrey : is farre 
 nearer hand then is expedled or suspedled. 
 
 And therefore, for prevention of these calamities, to 
 tell you plain ely mine opinion (good Sirs) and therwith 
 to draw to an end of this our conference (for it waxeth 
 late : ) I would thinke it the most necessary point of 
 uicesur all for Her Majesty to call his Lordship to account 
 to account, among other, and to see what other men could say 
 against him, at length, after so many yeares of his sole 
 accusing and pursuing of others. I know and am very 
 well assured, that no one adl which Her Majesty hath 
 done since her comming to the Crowne (as she hath 
 done right many most highly to be commended) nor 
 any that lightly Her Majesty may doe hereafter, can 
 be of more vtilitie to Her selfe, and to the Realme, or, 
 more gratefull unto her faithfull and zealous subiedls 
 then this noble adl of Justice would bee, for tryall of 
 this mans deserts towards his countrey. 
 
 I say it would be profitable to Her Maiestie, and to 
 the Realme, not only in respedl of the many dangers 
 before mentioned, hereby to bee avoyded, which are 
 like to ensue most certainely, if his courses be still 
 permitted: but also, for that Her Maiesty shall by this, 
 deliver Her selfe from that generall grudge and griefe 
 of mind, with great dislike, which many subiedts, other- 
 
227 
 
 wise most faithfull, have conceived against the exces- 
 sive favour shewed to this man so many yeares, without 
 desert or reason. Which favour, he having used to the 
 hurt, annoyance and oppression both of infinit severall 
 persons, and the whole Common-wealth (as hath beene 
 said:) the griefe and resentiment thereof, doth redound 
 commonly in such cases, not onely upon the person 
 dilinquent alone, but also upon the Soveraigne, by 
 whose favour and authority hee offereth such iniuries, 
 though never so much against the others intent, will, 
 desire, or meaning. 
 
 And hereof we have examples of sundry Princes, in 
 all ages and countries ; whose exorbitant favour to 
 some wicked subieft that abused the same : hath beene 
 the cause of great danger and ruin : the sinnes of the 
 Favourite, being returned, and revenged upon the 
 Favourer. As in the Historie of the Grecians is de- 
 clared, by occasion of the pittifull murder of that wise The death of 
 and victorious Prince Philip of Macedonie, who albeit, o/llacJoww, 
 that he were well assured to have given no offence of fhereo"^^ 
 himselfe to any of his subjedls, and consequently 
 feared nothing, but conversed openly and confidently 
 among them : yet, for that hee had favoured too much 
 one Duke Attalus, a proud and insolent Courtier, and 
 had borne him out in certaine of his wickednesse, or 
 at least, not punished the same after it was detedted 
 
228 
 
 and complayned upon : the parties grieved, accounting 
 the crime more proper and hainous on the part of him, 
 who by office should doe iustice, and proteft other, 
 then of the Perpetrator, who foUoweth but his owne 
 passion and sensuality; let passe Attains, and made 
 their revenge upon the blood and life of the King 
 Pausanias. himselfe, by one Pausanius, suborned for that purpose, 
 in the marriage day of the Kings owne daughter. 
 
 Great store of like examples might be repeated, 
 out of the stories of other countries, nothing being 
 more usuall or frequent among all nations, then the 
 afflidlions of Realmes and kingdomes, and the over- 
 throw of Princes and great Potentates themselves, 
 by their too much affedlion towards some unworthy 
 particular persons : a thing indeed so common and 
 ordinary, as it may well seeme to be the specialest 
 Rock of all other, whereat Kings and Princes do make 
 their shipwracks. 
 
 For if wee looke into the states and Monarchies of 
 all Christendome, and consider the ruines that have 
 bin of any Princes or Ruler within the same : wee 
 shall find this point to have beene a great and prin- 
 cipal! part of the cause thereof : and in our owne state 
 and countrey, the matter is too too evident. For 
 whereas, since the conquest wee number principally, 
 three iust and lawfull Kings : to have come to 
 
229 
 
 confusion, by alienation of their subjeds : that is, ^'°f °' 
 
 Edward the second, Richard the second, and Henry the overthrowne 
 
 . by too much 
 
 sixt, this only point of too much favour towards wicked favouring of 
 
 , , . - . , _. . 1, some parti- 
 
 persons, was the chiefest cause of destruction in all cuiamen. 
 
 three. As in the first, the excessive favour towards k. Edward 2. 
 
 Peter Gaveston and two of the Spencers. In the second, k. RUkard 2. 
 
 the like extraordinary, and indiscreet affedlion towards 
 
 Robert Vere, Earle of Oxford, and Marquesse of Dubline, 
 
 and Thomas Mowbray, two most turbulent and wicked 
 
 men, that set the King against his owne Vncles and 
 
 the Nobility. 
 
 In the third (being a simple and holy man) albeit, k. Henry 6. 
 
 no great exorbitant affeftion was scene towards any, 
 
 yet his wife, Queene Margarets too much favour and 
 
 credit (by him not controled) towards the Marques of 
 
 Suffolke, that after was made Duke, by whose instindl 
 
 and wicked counsell, she made away first the noble 
 
 Duke of Glocester, and afterward committed other 
 
 things in great preiudice of the Realme, and suffered 
 
 the said most impious & sinfull Duke, to range & make 
 
 havocke of all sort of subiedls at his pleasure (much 
 
 after the fashion of the Earle of Leicester now, though 
 
 yet not in so high and extreme a degree : (this I say 
 
 was the principal! and originall cause, both before God 
 
 and man, (as Polidore well noteth) of all the calamity Pol. m. 25. 
 
 and extreme desolation, which after ensued both to the *"'' '^"^'" 
 
230 
 
 King, Queene, and their only child, with the utter 
 extirpation of their family. 
 
 And so likewise now to speak in our particular 
 case, if there be any grudge or griefe at this day, any 
 mislike, repining, complaint or murmure against Her 
 Majesties government, in the hearts of her true and 
 faithfull subiedls, who wish amendment of that which 
 is amisse, and not the overthrow of that which is well : 
 (as I trow it were no wisdome to imagine there were 
 none at all : ) I dare avouch upon conscience, that 
 either all, or the greatest part thereof, proceedeth from 
 this man : who by the favour of her Maiesty so aflidleth 
 her people, as never did before him, either Gaveston, or 
 Spencer, or Vere, or Mowbray, or any other mischievous 
 Tyrant, that abused most his Princes favour within 
 our Realme of England. "Whereby it is evident, how 
 profitable a thing it should bee to the whole Realme 
 how honourable to Her Maiestie, and how gratefull to 
 all her subiedls, if this man at length might be called 
 to his account. 
 Lttivyer. Sir (quoth the Lawyer) you alleage great reason, 
 
 and verily I am of opinion, that if her Majesty knew 
 but the tenth part of this, which you have here spoken, 
 as also her good subiedts desires and complaint in this 
 behalfe : shee would well shew, that Her Highnesse 
 feareth not to permit iustice to passe upon Leicester, or 
 
231 
 
 any other within her Realme, for satisfadlion of her 
 people, whatsoever some men may thinke and.report to 
 the contrary, or howsoever otherwise of her owne mild 
 disposition, or good affedlion towards the person, shee 
 have borne with him hitherto. For so wee see, that 
 wise Princes can doe at times convenient, for peace 
 and tranquillity, and publike weale: though contrary 
 to their owne particular and peculiar inclination. 
 
 As to goe no further, then to the last example 
 named and alleaged by your selfe before : though 
 Queene Margaret the wife of King Henry the sixt, had 
 favoured most unfortunately many yeares together, 
 William Duke of Suffolke (as hath beene said) whereby The 
 he committed manifold out-rages, and affli6led the "^Twimm 
 Realme by sundry meanes: yet shee being a woman of sufftm. 
 great prudence, when she saw the whole Communalty 
 demand justice upon him for his demerites, albeit shee 
 liked and loved the man still : yet for satisfadion of 
 the people, upon so generall a complaint : she was 
 content, first to commit him to prison, and afterward 
 to banish him the Realme : but the providence of God 
 would not permit him so to escape : for that hee being 
 incountred, and taken upon the Sea in his passage, hee 
 was beheaded in the ship, and so received some part of 
 condigne punishment for his most wicked, loose, and 
 licentiousjife. 
 
232 
 
 And to seeke no more examples in this case, and 
 wee know into what favour and speciall grace Sir 
 Edmond Dudley my Lord of Leycesters good Grand- 
 father was crept, with King Henry the seventh, in the 
 latter end of his raigne : and what intollerable wicked- 
 nesse and mischiefe hee wrought against the whole 
 Realme, and against infinite particular persons of the 
 same, by the polings and oppressions which hee prac- 
 tised : whereby though the King received great tem- 
 porall commodity at that time, (as her Majesty doth 
 nothing at all, by the present extortions of his 
 The Nephew:) yet for justice sake, and for meere com- 
 
 of Edmond passiou towards his afflidled subjedls, that complained 
 
 Dudley, . ....... . - 
 
 grievously of this iniquity: that most vertuous and 
 wise Prince King Henry, was content to put from him, 
 this lewd instrument, and devilish suggestour of new 
 exadlions : whom his Sonne Henry, that insued in the 
 Crowne, caused presently before all other businesse, to 
 bee called publiquely to accompt, and for his deserts to 
 leefe his head : So as where the interest of a whole 
 Realme, or common cause of many, taketh place : the 
 private favour of any one, cannot stay a wise and 
 godly Prince, (such as all the World knoweth her 
 Majesty to bee) from permitting justice to have her 
 free passage. 
 Omtuman. Truly it should not (quoth the Gentleman) for to 
 
333 
 
 that end were Princes first eledled, and upon that ^h'pri^Ms 
 consideration doe subjedls pay them both tribute and were^chosen 
 obedience: to bee defended by them from injuries and receive 
 
 "^ J J • • obedience. 
 
 oppressions, and to see lawes executed, and justice 
 exercised, upon and towards all men, with indifferency. 
 And as for our particular case of my Lord of Leycester, 
 I doe not see in right and equity, how her Majesty 
 may deny this lawfull desire and petition ot her people, 
 For if her highnesse doe permit and command the 
 lawes dayly to passe upon thieves and murderers, 
 without exception, and that for one fadl onely, as by 
 experience wee see : how then can it bee denied in this 
 man, who in both kinds hath committed more enormous 
 afts, then may bee well recounted. 
 
 As in the first, of theft, not onely by spoiling and Li^ctscrs 
 oppressing almost infinite private men : but also whole 
 Townes, Villages, Corporations, and Countries, by 
 robbing the Realme with inordinate licences, by de- 
 ceiving the Crowne, with racking, changing and im- 
 bezeling the lands, by abusing his Prince and soveraign 
 in selling his favour both at home and abroad : with 
 taking bribes for matter of justice, grace, request, 
 supplication, or whatsoever sute els may depend upon 
 the Court, or of the Princes authority : with setting at 
 saile and making open market, of whatsoever her 
 Majesty can give, doe, or procure, bee it spirituall or 
 
234 
 
 Leycesters 
 murders. 
 
 temporall. In which sort of traffique, hee committeth 
 more theft, often times in one day: then all the 
 way-keepers, cut-purses, cousiners, pirats, burglares, 
 or other of that art in a whole yeare, within the 
 Realme. 
 
 And as for the second, which is murder, you have 
 heard before somewhat said and prooved : but yet 
 nothing, to that which is thought to have beene in 
 secret committed upon divers occasions at divers times, 
 in sundry persons, of different calling in both sexes, by 
 most variable meanes of killing, poisoning, charming, 
 inchanting, conjuring and the like: according to the 
 diversity of men, places, oportunities and instruments 
 for the same. By all which meanes, I thinke, hee 
 hath more bloud lying upon his head at this day, 
 crying vengeance against him at Gods hands and her 
 Majesty, then ever had private man in our Countrey 
 before, were hee never so wicked. 
 
 Whereto now, if wee add his other good behaviour, 
 as his intollerable licentiousnesse in all filthy kind and 
 manner of carnality, with all sort of Wives, Friends 
 if wee add his injuries and dis- 
 honours, done hereby to infinite: if wee add his 
 treasons, treacheries and conspiracies about the 
 Crowne ; his disloyall behaviour and hatred against 
 her Majesty, his ordinary lying, and common perjuring 
 
 A beape of 
 Leycesters 
 enormities 
 that would 
 bee ready at 
 the day of his 
 
 triaii. and Kmswomen 
 
235 
 
 himselfe, in all matters for his gaine, both great and 
 small ; his rapes and most violent extortions upon the 
 poore ; his abusing of the Parliament and other places 
 of justice, with the Nobility and whole communalty 
 besides ; if we add also his open injuries which hee 
 offereth dayly to religion, and the Ministers thereof, 
 by tithing them, and turning all to his owne gaine : 
 together with his manifest and knowne tyranny prac- 
 tized towards all estates abroad, throughout all Shires 
 of the Kingdome : his dispoyling of both the Vniver- 
 sities, and discouraging of infinite notable wits there, 
 from seeking perfeftion of knowledge and learning, 
 (which otherwise were like to become notable) 
 especially in Gods word (which giveth life unto the 
 soule,) by defrauding them of the price and reward 
 proposed for their travaile in that kind, through his 
 insatiable Simoniacall contradls: if I say, wee should 
 lay together all these enormities before her Majesty, 
 and thousands more in particular, which might and 
 would bee gathered, if his day of triall were but in 
 hope to bee granted. I doe not see in equity and 
 reason, how her highnesse sitting in throne, and at the 
 Royall Sterne, as shee doth, could deny her subjedls 
 this most lawfull request : considering, that every one 
 of these crimes apart, requireth justice of his owne 
 nature : and much more all together ought to obtaine 
 
236 
 
 Schollar. 
 
 Her Majesties 
 tender heart 
 towards the 
 Realme. 
 
 Gentltman. 
 
 Leycesiers 
 desire, that 
 men should 
 think her 
 Majesty to 
 stand in feare 
 of him. 
 
 the same, at the hands of any good and godly 
 Magistrate in the World. 
 
 No doubt (quoth I) but that these considerations, 
 must needs weigh much with any zealous Prince, and 
 much more with her most excellent Majesty ; whose 
 tender heart towards her Realme and Subjedls, is very 
 well knowne of all men. It is not to bee thought also, 
 but that her highnesse hath intelligence of divers of 
 these matters alleaged, though not perhaps of all. But 
 what would you have her Majesty to doe ? perhaps the 
 consultation of this affaire, is not, what were con- 
 venient, but what is expedient : not, what ought to bee 
 done in justice, but what may bee done in safety. 
 You have described my Lord before to bee a great 
 man, strongly furnished and fortified for all events. 
 What if it bee not secure to bark at the Beare that is 
 so well britched ? I speake unto you but that which I 
 heere in Cambridge and other places, where I have 
 passed : where every mans opinion is, that her Majesty 
 standeth not in free choise to doe what herselfe best 
 liketh in that case, at this day. 
 
 I know (said the Gentleman) that Leycesters friends 
 give it out every where, that her Majesty now, is their 
 good Lords prisoner, and that shee either will or must 
 bee diredled by him for the time to come, except shee 
 will doe worse : Which thing his Lordship is well 
 
237 
 
 contented should bee spred abroad, and believed, for 
 two causes : the one to hold the people thereby more 
 in awe of him self e, then of their Soveraigne : and 
 secondly to draw her Majestic indeed by degrees to 
 feare him. For considering with himselfe what he 
 hath done : and that it is impossible in truth that ever 
 Her Majesty should love him again, or trust him after 
 so many treacheries, as he well knoweth are come to 
 Her Highnesse understanding : hee thinketh that he 
 hath no way of sure standing, but by terrour, and 
 opinion of his puissant greatnesse ; whereby hee would 
 hold Her Majesty, and the Realme in thraldome, as 
 his father did in his time before him. And then for 
 that he well remembreth the true saying, Mains custos Cutro in 
 diuturnitatis, metus : he must provide shortly that those 
 which feare him, be not able to hurt him : and conse- 
 quently you know what must follow, by the example 
 of King Edward, who feared Duke Dudley extremely, 
 for that hee had cut off his two Vncles heads, and the 
 Duke tooke order that hee should never live to re- 
 venge the same. For it is a setled rule of Machivel, a rule of 
 which the Dudleis doe observe : That, where you have observed by 
 once done a great injury, there must you never forgive. 
 
 But I will tell you (my friends) and I will tell you 
 no untruth, for that I know what I speake herein, and 
 am privie to the state of my Lord in this behalfe, and 
 
238 
 
 of mens opinions and affeftions towards him within the 
 Leycest.sitoog Realmc. Most cettaine it is, that he is strong by the 
 Majesties present favour of the Prince (as hath been shewed 
 before) in respedt whereof, hee is admitted also as 
 chiefe patron of the Huntington fadlion, though neither 
 loved, nor greatly trusted of the same : but let her 
 Majesty once turne her countenance aside from him 
 in good earnest, and speake but the word only, that 
 justice shall take place against him : and I will under- 
 take with gaging of both my life and little lands that 
 God hath given me, that without sturre or trouble, or 
 An offer made any danger in the world, the Beare shall be taken to 
 tying the Her Majesties hand, and fast chained to a stake, with 
 mouzel cord, collar and ring, and all other things 
 necessary: so that Her Majesty shall baite him at her 
 pleasure, without all danger of byting, breaking loose, 
 or any other inconvenience whatsoever. 
 
 For (Sirs) you must not thinke, that this man 
 holdeth any thing abroad in the Realme but by vio- 
 lence, and that only upon her Majesties favour and 
 countenance towards him. Hee hath not any thing of 
 his owne, either from his ancestors, or of himselfe, to 
 stay upon, in mens hearts or conceits : he hath not 
 Leicester ancient nobility, as other of our Realme have, wherby 
 
 what he , 
 
 receiveth mens affcdlions are greatly moved. His father lokn 
 ancestors. Dudky was the first noble of his line : who raysed and 
 
239 
 
 made himselfe bigge by supplanting of other, and by 
 setting debate among the NobiHty : as also his Grand- 
 father Edmond, a most wicked Promoter, and wretched 
 Petifoger, enriched himself by other mens ruines : both 
 of them condemned Traytors, though different in 
 quality, the one being a Cousener, and the other a 
 Tyrant, and both of their vices conioyned, colledted, 
 and comprised (with many more additions) in this man 
 (or beast rather) which is Robert, the third of their 
 kinne and kind. So that, from his ancestors, this 
 Lord receiveth neither honour nor honesty, but only 
 succession of treason and infamy. 
 
 And yet in himselfe hath hee much lesse of good, 
 wherewith to procure himselfe love or credit among 
 men, then these ancestors of his had ; he being a man 
 wholly abandoned of humane vertue, and devoted to 
 wickednesse, which maketh men odible both to God 
 and man. In his father (no doubt) there were to bee 
 seene many excellent good parts, if they had beene 
 ioyned, with faith, honesty, moderation, and loyaltie. 
 For all the world knoweth, that he was very wise. The 
 valiant, magnanimous, liberall, and assured friendly ofTw«if°" 
 where hee once promised : of all which vertues, my father.'* 
 Lord his sonne, hath neither shew nor shadow, but 
 only a certaine false representation of the first, being 
 crafty and subtile to deceive, and ingenious to wicked- 
 
24© 
 
 nesse. For as for valour, he hath as much as hath 
 a mouse : his magnanimity, is base sordidity : his 
 liberality, rapine : his friendship, plaine fraud, holding 
 only for his gaine, and no otherwise, though it were 
 bound with a thousand oaths ; of which he maketh as 
 great account, as hens doe of cackling, but only for 
 his commodity; using them specially, and in greatest 
 number, when most hee meaneth to deceive. Namely, 
 if he sweare solemnely by his George, or by the eternall 
 God, then be sure it is a false lye : for these are obser- 
 vations in the Court : and sometimes in his owne 
 lodging ; in like case his manner is to take up and 
 sweare by the Bible, whereby a Gentleman of good 
 account, and one that seemeth to follow him (as many 
 doe that like him but a little) protested to me of his 
 knowledge, that in a very short space, he observed him, 
 wittingly and willingly, to be forsworne sixteene times. 
 The This man therefore, so contemptible by his ances- 
 
 of Leist. if tors, SO odiblc of himselfe, so plunged, overwhelmed, 
 turne but her and defamed in all vice, so envied in the Court, so 
 from him. detested in the countrey, and not trusted of his own 
 and dearest friends ; nay (which I am privie to) so 
 misliked and hated of his owne servants about him, 
 for his beastly life, nigardy, and Atheisme (being never 
 scene yet, to say one private prayer within his Chamber 
 in his life) as they desire nothing in this world so 
 
241 
 
 much as his ruine, and that they may be the first, to 
 lay hands upon him for revenge. This man (I say) 
 so broken both within and without, is it possible that 
 Her Majesty, and her wise Councell should feare ? I 
 can never beleeve it ; or if it be so, it is Gods permis- 
 sion without all cause, for punishment of our sinnes : 
 for that this man, if hee once perceive indeed that they 
 feare him, will handle them accordingly, and play the 
 Beare indeed : Which inconvenience I hope they will 
 have care to prevent, and so I leave it to God, and 
 them ; craving pardon of my Lord of Leicester for my 
 boldnesse, if I have beene too plaine with him. And 
 so I pray you let us goe to supper, for I see my ser- 
 vant expefting yonder at the gallerie doore, to call us 
 downe. 
 
 To that, said the Lawyer, I am content with all Lawyer. 
 my heart ; and I would it had beene sooner, for that The end and 
 I am afraid, lest any by chance have over-heard us from the 
 here since night. For my owne part, I must say, that 
 I have not beene at such a conference this seven 
 yeares, nor meane to be hereafter, if I may escape 
 well with this ; wherof I am sure I shall dreame this 
 fort-night, and think oftner of my Lord of Leicester, 
 then ever I had entended : God amend him and me 
 both. But if ever I heare at other hands of these 
 matters hereafter, I shall surely be quak-britch, and 
 
242 
 
 thinke every bush a theefe. And with that, came up 
 the Mistris of the house, to fetch us downe to supper, 
 and so all was husht, saving that at supper a Gentle- 
 man or two began againe to speake of my Lord, and 
 that so conformable to some of our former speech (as 
 indeed it is the common talke at tables every where) 
 that the old Lawyer began to shrink and be appaled 
 and to cast dry lookes upon the Gentleman our friend, 
 doubting least something had beene discovered of our 
 conference. But indeed it was not so. 
 
 FINIS. 
 
PIA ET VTILIS MEDITATIO, 
 
 desumpta ex libro lobi. Cap. 20. 
 
 fJOC scio a principio, ex quo positus est homo super 
 terram, quodlaus impiorum, brevis fit, ex gaudium 
 hipocritcB ad instar pun6li. Si ascendent usq ad caelum 
 superbia eius, et caput eius nubes tetigerit : quasi sterqui- 
 linium in fine perdetur, et qui eum viderant, dicent, ubi 
 est? velut somnium avolans non invenietur, transiet sicut 
 visio noSiurna. Oculus qui eum viderat, non videbit, neq ; 
 ultra intuebitur eum locus suus. Filii ejus atterentur 
 egestate, & manus illius reddent ei laborem suum. Ossa 
 ejus implebuntur vitiis adolescentice eius, & cum eo in 
 pulvere dormient. Panis eius in utero illius; vertetur in 
 fel aspidum intrinsecus. Divitias quas devoravit, e. vomet, 
 & de ventre illius extrahet eas Deus. Caput aspidum 
 surget, & occidet eum linguam vipm. Luet qucB fecit 
 omnia, nee tamen consumetur. luxta multitudinem adin- 
 ventionum suarum, sic & sustinebit. Quoniam confringens 
 nudabit pauperes : domum rapuit, & non cedificavit earn : 
 nee est satiatus venter eius, & cum habuerit quce concupierit, 
 possidere non poterit. Non remansit de cibo eius, & prop- 
 terea non permanebit de bonis eius. Cum satiatus fuerit, 
 
 (243) 
 
Pia et utilis meditatio, &c. 
 
 arSlabitur, cBStuabit, & omnis dolor irruet super eum. 
 Vtinam impleatur venter eius, ut imitat in eum (Deus) 
 iram furoris sui, & pluat super ilium bellum suum. Fugiet 
 arma ferrea, & irruet in arcum cereum. Gladius eduStus 
 & egrediens de vagina sua, & fulgurans in amaritudine 
 sua : Omnes tenebrace absconditce sunt in occultis eius. 
 Devorabit eum ignis qui nan succenditur, affligetur reliSlus 
 in tabernaculo suo. Apertumerit germen domus illius, de- 
 trahetur in die furoris dei. Hcec est pars hominis impii, a 
 deo, & kcereditas verborum eius a domino. 
 
 (244) 
 
A GODLY AND PROFITABLE 
 MEDITATION, 
 
 taken out of the 20 Chapter of the Booke 
 of Job. 
 
 THIS I know from the first, that man was placed The 
 upon earth, that the praise (or applause) given "^^ 
 to wicked men, endureth but a little, and the joy of an His 
 hypocrite, is but for a moment. Though his pride His 
 were so great as to mount to heaven, and his head 
 should touch the skies : yet in the end shall hee come His 
 to perdition as a dung-hill, and they who beheld him 
 (in glory before) shall say, where is hee ? he shall bee 
 found as a flying dreame, and as a phantasie by night 
 shall fade away. The eye that beheld him before, 
 shall no more see him, not yet shall his place (of 
 honour) ever more behold him. His children shall bee His 
 worne out with beggary, and his owne hands shall re- 
 turne upon him his sorrow. His (old) bones shall bee His 
 replenished with the vices of his youth, and they shall 
 sleepe with him in his grave. His bread in his belly. His 
 
 (24s) 
 
A Godly and profitable meditation, &c. 
 
 His 
 
 restitution 
 
 His 
 punishment 
 
 His 
 wickednesse, 
 
 shall be turned inwardly into the gaule of Serpents. 
 The riches which hee hath devoured, hee shall vomit 
 foorth againe, and God shall pull them foorth of his 
 belly. Hee shall suck the head of Cocatrices, and the 
 (venemous) tongues of adders shall slay him. Hee 
 shall sustaine due punishment for all the wickednesse 
 that hee hath committed, nor yet shall hee have end 
 or consumation thereof. Hee shall suffer according to 
 the multitude of all his wicked inventions. For that 
 by violence hee hath spoiled the poore, made havock 
 of his house, and not builded the same. His wombe 
 is never satisfied, and yet when hee hath that which 
 hee desired, hee shall not bee able to possesse the 
 same. There remaineth no part of his meat (for the 
 poore:) and therefore there shall remaine nothing of 
 his goods. When his belly is full, then shall hee begin 
 to bee straitened, then shall hee sweat, and all kind of 
 sorrow shall rush upon him. I would his belly were 
 once full, that God might send foorth upon him the 
 rage of his fury, and raine upon him his warre. Hee 
 shall flie away from iron weapons, and runne upon a 
 bow of brasse. A drawne sword comming out of his 
 skabard shall flash as lightning in his bitternesse. All 
 darknesse lie hidden for him in secret : the fire that 
 needeth no kindling shall devoure him, and hee shall 
 His posterity, bee tormented alone in his tabernacle. The off-spring 
 
 His griefe. 
 
 His affliAion. 
 
 His 
 damnation. 
 
 (246) 
 
A Godly and profitable meditation^ &c. 
 
 of his house shall bee made open, and pulled downe, 
 in the day of Gods fury. This is the portion of a 
 wicked man from God, and this is the inheritance of 
 his substance from the Lord. 
 
 FINIS. 
 
 TRUSLOVE & Bray, Printers, West Norwood, London, S.E.