lOMPLETTON i] ra,AYETJ-Eirs LiBRAir !■]•■• Chi'Ksi: ill i'' i luciiou :iihI mcnt. Til. and 111 RESERVED hff, by Mr I nj ;/ /lO J'.lOilli THE SOCIAL HISTOET or ^ THE PEOPLE OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES OP EISTGLA^D IN PAST CENTURIES; ILLUSTRATED IN REGARD TO THEIR HABITS, MUNICIPAL BYE-LAWS, CIVIL PROGRESS, ETC., FROM THE RESEARCHES OF GEOEGE ROBEETS, AUTHOR OP 'THE HISTORY OF LYME RESM," " LIFE OF THE DUKE OF MONMODTH," "DICTIONARY OK GEOLOGY," ETC. ETC. LONDON: LONGMAN, BROWN, GREEN, LONGMANS, & ROBERTS. 1856. The right of translation is resevved. London : Printed by Spottiswoode & Co., New-street* Square. TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE THOMAS BABINGTON MACAULAY, &c. &c. INTENDED TO IMPEOVE OXJR ACQUAINTANCE TVITH THE SOCIAL HISTOKY OP OUE COUNTET, IN WHICH FIELD HE HAS OBTAINED DISTINCTION; TO PEOTE SUGOESTIVp IN MANY WATS IN DETEEMINING WHETHEK THESE AKE OE HOT MANY INESTIMABLR ADTANTAGES ENJOYED BY THE MODEENS OTEE THEIR AKCESTOKS, IS, WITH SENTIMENTS OP QEATITIJDB AND RESPECT, DEDICATED THE AUTHOR. Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924027939101 PREFACE. The rare opportunity afforded me of access to archives abounding with new materials for local and general his- tory has furnished employment for the leisure of past years. Researches commenced in this new field disclosed many particulars of the former condition of our countrymen, the strictness of our borough magistrates, and the general state of provincial civilisation. These have been made available for the express correc- tion of a very general ignorance of our Social History that prevails. That great historian Thucydides remarked the existence of the same in Greece ; and explains this general weak- ness of mankind, arising from their receiving alike, with- out examination, from each other, the reports of past events, even though they may have happened in their own country. And he cites some remarkable examples of incorrect notions possessed by his countrymen, even of affairs of their own time. The same historian concludes with a remark found to be true in every age : — " With so little pains is the investigation of truth pursued by most men, that they rather turn to views already formed." How many whose attainments in several branches of knowledge are considerable, are totally misinformed about A 3 VI PREFACE. the past. Let us not judge that we have no more con- cern with this, except as it may furnish us with subjects of momentary interest to beguile a weary hour. No one can meet the present or counsel for the future without turning an attentive retrospect into the former condition and events of his country. The novelist and other wri- ters have created an ideal past, a fanciful conventionality which totally misleads. The object of these pages is to convey a faithful portraiture of bye-gone years, the condi- tion of our countrymen, their manners, and state of progress. While authenticating our former social condition, the insignificance of our boasted navy and shipping, and of our army, will appear in the clearest light. Our true great- ness in the present day then becomes manifest. In another chapter the insecurity of our coasts, owing to pirates, displays a remarkable state of things quite opposed to the opinion of our having always been masters of the seas. The ignorant of every age and country have shown great unwillingness to admit, and determination, carried even to the use of violence, to oppose novel means by which improvement was to be effected. New plans and manners of doing things have been judged to be wicked. Developments which were matured into what has been now proved to be the greatest of the benefits civilisation has ever conferred, will be found to have been received, not with inquiry, but with clamour and desecration. Pota- toes, our most valuable esculent, were branded by some as tending to produce leprosy ; and mobs connected that root with a form of religion, and cried, "No potatoes, no popery." Coaches were to cause the ceasing the breeding of hackneys. Spending time in the midst of the refine- ments of the metropolis was deemed by the learned pedant James I. as very prejudicial to the daughters of our gentry. If they were unmarried, the monarch affirmed PREFACE. VU they marred their marriages, and if married, they rnarred their reputations. The use of coal for smelting iron, when the woods began to fail, the ignorant took occasion to assail, and destroyed all the works. Wood was intended, they said, to smelt the metallic ores. But the spirit to resist all change, all progress, was possessed by too many of the higher class, as well as by the ignorant. Good Bishop Latimer preached up archery as a godly art ; but the bow has yielded the palm to Lancaster guns and the Minie rifle. Even the leading pure water through pipes into dwelling houses was loudly complained of as an evil, a robbing of the general public. But we need not mul- tiply examples. When the principles of scientific inven- tions and appliances of all kinds were understood only by a few, novel introductions were often not comprehended at all by the generality of persons. Too many cla- moured against the novelty without any consideration of its merits ; that it was new was sufficient to engage their opposition and enmity. Now that the meanest objects and Qiaterials of the world are made the subjects of analysis and investigation by the greatest minds, what is new begins to be received with some reference to its individual and intrinsic excellence or comparative worth. Mankind would not make progress while they agreed in concluding everything new was not only not good, but positively an abomination. Even so it obtained with legislation, manners, and many social matters. Their state and bearing yielded to the requirements of this changing world, and the new system become necessary was decried for a time as pregnant with evil. My illustrations have been sought among the middle and lower classes of borough towns, rather than among those of the metropolis. Royal progresses, and sumptu- ous entertainments, the doings of the king and the war- A 4 VIU PREFACE. rior, have been duly recorded in costly tomes, while the inferior condition of the mass of the population, and their poor mode of living, have been totally left out of sight. What prodigies has not the genius of some men com- passed within a few years ! They excite, and deservedly so, our admiration, that man, the highest of created beings, has attained to such a pitch of excellence. How many, however, view the results of this progress with widely different feelings. They clearly in their expres- sions imply, that man is too far in advance of what he should know and practise, and that he is guilty of pre- sumption, and that the Deity views with rival feeling the onward course of invention and science. So was Jupiter reported by the heathens to have been exposed to the aggression of the giants, when Pelion heaped upon Ossa anticipated the prodigies of modern philosophers. Once possessed with this dogma, all advance is viewed as a march to wage war with the divine intelligence. An old farmer said, God made the Old style ; man made the New. A Canadian, viewing a steamer ascending a rapid, burst into an exclamation of inquiry. Est ce que le hon Dieu permettra tout celaf Are there not many who would arrest the onward progress of man, as not only impious, but as tending to accelerate — and this in the way of punishment — the consummation of all things ? They make it to be man's great demerit that he has exalted the divine attribute Mind to a very great degree, and used with wondrous skill the materials of our globe, which, like the living members of the brute creation, were given for his use and convenience, and as an exercise for his in- telligence. Such was the case centuries ago. Old Stow pro- nounced that some who had indulged in the novelty of his day, — the building of towers to their houses, — had been visited by misfortune, as a punishment for their sinful- PREFACE. IX ness. This consisted in adopting an architectural novelty, and the necessary consequence, the being able to overlook their neighbours. The warmest friends of the past cannot be Wind to the wonderful discoveries of our day. But many of these they assert could well be dispensed with ; and they delight in contrasts unfavourable to the new state of things. Love itself, according to them, is become a tame affair, its poetry is turned into prose, and now-a-day forms an episode, rather than the great subject of life. Whereas in bye-gone years treat but of love, and straightways you had to encounter angels, gods, racks, furies, tortures, and to run through all the mazes of metaphorical confusion. Looking back upon the England of seventy years ago, it seems difficult occasionally to recognise our own country. My aim has not been directed to the setting the civilisa- tion of one era in contrast, or to array it against that of another. The subject may have induced a belief that this was so, for the remarkable features of the day are occa- sionally illustrated in juxtaposition. Many devoid of prejudice have concluded, after due deliberation, that the England of the Tudors, with its common rights, hospitality, and old usages, was a very good England, not exactly that we would bring back if we could, but prosperous and wisely organised by God's good providence, according to the possibilities of the time. Such persons repose much upon the adjustments that society possesses, which are complex, and not to be traced in all their ramifications. Allowing due weight for this working for good, we must arrive at the culminating point after all, — Does the Almighty allow our country- men to advance in the march of civilisation, using the word in its broadest sense, — in manners and customs, in laws and liberties, in everything that dignifies public and X PREFACE. domestic life ; or is it that a change only has taken place, and that no real improvement has been eflFected ? It surely will have been demonstrated in these pages that the whole country presents a wonderful example of amelioration and hope for the future. For wise pur- poses the Almighty employs his power : his ways are inscrutable. To discuss why Tudor reigns were less favoured than our beloved Sovereign's, or why the Divine Intelligence did not then effect, through man's instrumentality, the lengths to which material science has since arrived, but chose rather to leave us comparatively dark, would de- mand of us to anthropomorphise the Divinity and ques- tion his justice. Such is not the object of these pages. That the Almighty allows of a state of progress and amelioration, and moreover, that present times possess advantages over the past, is my firm belief. To what extent this is the case falls not within my province to determine. When aiming at conveying a true picture of an earlier England, should I experience the fate, let me adopt the language of Dr. Andrew Borde's distich : — After my conscyence I do wryte truly, Although that many men wyl say that I do lye. The collection from which this work has been written was commenced many years ago. To enumerate the con- tributors would savour of ostentation. A genuine love of the subject could alone have carried me through the expense and the toil. Patronage towards carrying on my researches I never experienced. I have met with courtesy which I trust has been reciprocated. May the result be considered satisfactory, and the offering accept- able. Pecuniary consideration is out of the question. The cost of travelling and making researches has been considerable. I have paid for inspection of some of the Records and Wills of my country as if the result were PREFACE. to be my success in an affair of thousands in a court of law, whereas I have only sought knowledge " rich with the spoils of Time." County historians, many venerable names had not access — without disparagement be it said — to many sources which have yielded to this work. To the plan and design of some of these, my subject, Social History, is quite foreign. The following list will indicate the sources of much new matter. Besides my own Collection, I have drawn from the following valuable sources : — I. The unexplored Archives of the borough of Lyme Regis. II. The Archives of Weymouth. III. The Sherren Papers, or part of the Archives of Weymouth, discarded under remarkable cir- cumstances, now the property of Mr. James Sherren, printer and bookseller, Weymouth. IV. The MSS. Diaries of Walter Yonge, Esq., of Colyton and Axminster, the property of the Author and of the British Museum. The Author's MS. has been since published by the Camden Society. V. Proceedings in MS. of the Dorset County Ses- sions between the years 1625 and 1637. Purchased by Mr. Thorpe, and inserted in his Catalogue 1847. [Extracts have been published by Mr. Thomas Hearn, of the Dorset County Chronicle Newspaper, under the signature of " Qui Quondam."*]] VI. Proceedings in MS. before the Magistrates of the borough of Dorchester, from 1654 to 1661. [* As above.] VII. The History of Castle Combe. Quarto. By XU PREFACE. the Right Honourable Poulett Scrope, M.P. ; privately pubhshed. VIII. Family Papers ; Church Registers, &c. IX. Collection of the late M. de Gerville, the French Antiquary. Her Majesty's State Paper Office. The British Museum Library, Harleian and Cotton MS., &c. The Bodleian Library. And other sources, such as County and Borough Histories, &c. While drawing from these sources, it has been my aim to seek Truth, " Time's daughter." Casual results have not been indicated, I trust, as the intended and legiti- mate ends ; nor occasional abuses as established customs, having no particular school of opinions or politics to serve or advocate. To enumerate those who have at any time aided in my researches would be just, though an onerous task ; but I mention with pleasure the Very Reverend the Dean of LlandaiF, J. Davidson, Esq., John Bruce, Esq., the Rev. Dr. Oliver, Sir Frederick Madden, British Mu- seum, R. Lemon, Esq., of H.M. State Paper Office, Mr. James Sherren, Bookseller, Weymouth, J. Waylen, Esq., and some worthies now lost to the world, M. de Gerville of Normandy, and Sir T. H. De-la-Beche. Many of the woodcuts have been executed by two young ladies, the Misses Eginton, of Perdiswell Cottage, near Worcester, daughters of the late celebrated painter on glass, and sisters of the late Mr. Harvey Eginton, the Elizabethan architect. Worthing, 1856. CONTENTS. Page An Account of Presents made to Great Men, and entertaining them in the West of England on many Occasions, together with the viands served at Table, &c. ; likewise the Manner of their Reception - - 1 Vails to Servants - 32 The early Visits of Stage-players 35 Early Shipping and Maritime Affairs - - - 45 The State of our South-western Coasts when infested with Pirates, early Naval Expeditions, Warfare waged by some of our Seaports against each other, &c. 67 The arming of Towns — Introduction of Ordnance — Mus- ters — Illegal Games - 100 The Behaviour of Soldiers upon the March and in Quarters - 123 Wounded Veterans pensioned by the Counties 126 Pilgrimage to St. Jago de Compostella - 127 The Importance of the Office of early Mayors - 141 A Litigious Person punished 143 A Discontented Politician suffers - 144 A Railer punished - 145 The Magistracy coerce and protect the Clergy - 145 Neighbouring Counties are restricted in their Intercourse by Ma- gistrates, as if they were of separate Realms - .146 Regulation of the Number of Attorneys-at-law, Practice 1 48 The Tumbrel, Pillory, Cucking-Stool, and other Borough Instru- ments of Punishment, &c. - - 1 50 Whipping - - 161 A County Gaol in the Reign of Charles the First - 1 70 Orders for the better Government of the Gaol and Mainprize of Dorchester - - I7I XIV CONTENTS. Page Rewards offered to the Prosecutors of Offenders - 177 The Treatment of Under-Tenants or Incomers — The Regu- lating the Population by restraining them from Marriage — Each Cottage to have Land attached - - 179 Tlie Shoemakers faulty in respect of their Leather - 185 Some mention of Apprentices - - 185 Parties of Irish wander about - 187 A Jury recommend a Censorship - 188 Abuses into which Gleaners of Corn fell - 189 The Prices of Articles of Food, &c. - - - 190 The Profit made by coining Corporation and Tradesmen's Tokens - - 203 An idle Woman falsely charging a Man with having promised her Marriage is punished - - 204 The fixing by the Magistrates the Wages of Artificers and Ser- vants, with a full Table of the Rates for the several Classes 205 Purchasing Corn ef great Men — Famine Prices - - 210 Mode of relieving great Want and Scarcity in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth ..... 212 The Hiring of Preachers — Early Sermons — Brawls and Legal Proceedings that ensued — The Progress of the Reformation in the Country 213 Music in the Service of our Churches soon after the Reformation — Choristers — Organs, &c. - - - - 231 The Sabbath Day — Punishments for Non-Observance of it exhibited in Absence from Church, &c., and Profanation of it in various Ways, &c. — Caps to be worn on Sundays, &c. 238 Collection of Money made for Geneva 250 Fish Diet, Licenses to eat Meat in Lent, &c. 250 Early Account of Gipsies - - 256 Medical Practice — Care of the Sick and of the Poor by the Mayor - 260 Sanitary Measures, the Neglect and Observance of — Dung- mixens in the Streets, &c. — The Streets straitened by sundry Erections - - 276 Precautions against the Spread of Sickness - 285 The Great Plague of the Reign of Edward III. - 293 Remarks upon Domestic Architecture, Materials, Price, &c. - 296 Oak Timber in the West of England, the Price, Labour about itj&c. — Notice of the Wooden -framed Houses, Healing-stones, &c. - - - 298 CONTENTS. XV Page Early Civil Engineering, particularly in respect of Marine Con- structions ... - 302 The subject extended to the transporting rocks from the shore of West Dorset and E. Devon, by means of casks, butts, vats, or tuns ._.-.. 308 The bringing in of a Supply of Water into Towns ; the Pitching and Paving of the Streets, Vfith Details of the Efforts made from the Reign of Henry VIII. to effect Local Improvements in the above Particulars - - 309 The Paucity of many Articles of great Convenience in daily Life - - - 316 Introduction of Luxuries — Chimneys — Pewter, &c. - 324 The Cobb Ale of Lyme Regis — The Puritans' Triumph over it — Church Ales, &c. - 341 A Word or two about Spoons, Knives, and Forks used at this Date - - 341 The Introduction of Coal into Domestic Use — Wood Stealing, Local Laws and Punishments of Pollers of Trees, Hedge- tearers, &c. - - - - 346 Security against Fire — Chimneys, Mantels, &c. 358 The Clothing Trade of the West of England, — a kind of Clo- thiers' Parliament ----- 364 Smuggling or Contraband Trade - - - 370 The Lace Trade, its Origin, early Introduction into West Dorset and South-east Devon ,• with particulars of the making Bone, Lyme, PiU, i. e. Pillow, or Honiton Lace - - - 376 A Postscript about Silk-throwing ■ - - 383 Private Lotteries for Houses and Estates . 383 Joy at hailing the Return of Spring - - 385 The Western Rebellion in the Reign of Edward VI. - 387 Profitable Use made of the Ore or Sea- Weed - 388 Inability to read or write - - . 390 No mention made of Painting — Chained Books 398 Particulars respecting the Board and Education of Young Per- sons of either Sex - . - _ 393 Wearing Arms - - . - . 408 Sumptuary Laws of Dress and Expenditure - 4,14 Cock-fighting and Cock-squailing - - - 421 Bowling-Greens - - _ - 433 The Manner of collecting Information from the Country on Emergencies by the Court, in early Reigns, illustrated - 424 XVI CONTEXTS. Page The Landing of the Pretender in the A\'est expected — Some Particulars of the Time - - - - 427 Several Kinds of Beverages used at various Periods of our History in the South-west of England - - - 429 Drinking when transacting Business - - - 448 Regulations for the Baking and Sale of Bread - - - 449 Beer, curious Local Orders, Laws, and Particulars respecting - 450 The stopping well-known Foot-paths - - 461 Merchant Adventurers' Petition to be allowed to continue to trade and kidnap on the Coast of Africa . - - - 466 The Payment of the Burgesses of Parliament formerly : their travelling Expenses^ &c. ... 468 Early Travelling in the South-west of England ; the Manner in which it was performed ; the Cost of a Journey on Horseback, and the Introduction of Stage Coaches, &c. - - - 480 The Post, and the Cost of JNIessengers to carry Letters before it was established — Newspapers - - - 506 Witchcraft and Superstitions Past and Present 522 The Ordeal by touching a Corpse ... 533 Skimmington Riding - - 534 Natural Phenomena attributed, through Superstition and Igno- rance of Physical Science, to Mysterious and Supernatural Causes - - - - 537 The Decay of old Mercantile Coast Towns, and their Revival as Watering Places — Altered Manners — Fossils and early Indications of Geology - 540 Miscellaneous Reminiscences - - 559 SOCIAL HISTORY, &c. &c. An Account of Presents made to Great Men, and entertaining them in the West of England on many Occasions, together with the Viands served at Table, 8fc. ; likewise the Manner of their Beception. Just as obtains with eastern manners in the present day, so according to established custom in this country, from very early time up to a century or little more ago, no approach to a great man, a magistrate, or courtier was ever made without the oriental accompaniment — a gift. Our early mayors were often suitors for favour, for counsel, for indulgence, and to excuse themselves and their burgesses from accusa- tions brought against them. They were never empty- handed ones. If a courtier or great country squire was solicited to undertake some troublesome business, a present of some delicacy that abounded perhaps where the applicants came from, or was freely imported thither, might appear to be without objection. A pottle of wine from Gascony, some " broad fish " and "shrimpis" from the south coast, might prove a courteous offering, proper and effective in winning good-will and stimulating the kind patron to energetic exercise of his interest on their behalf. It was not this simple mode of winning favour, but seeking the fountain of 2 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. justice and diverting the course of its streams, that calls for our animadversion. Presents made to ensure advantages not fairly merited, to exclude the really deserving, are the harbingers and handmaids of corruption. The highest bidder or giver too often gained the desired favour, or even right, that should have been granted without causing the applicant to experience — " What hell it is in suing long to bide.'' The favour of the officers of justice was bought with a a bribe at an early date. In a suit at law preferred by the lord of the manor of Castle Combe in Wiltshire, in 1427, 20d. was given to the undersheriff for procuring his friendship.* In a trial of Sir John Fastolf in 1453 there was paid, — £ s. d. For fee to a clerk to the Justice Telverton to be attorney for the Lord Fastolf - - - 18 Wine, beer, and pears for a refection to the Judge Tel- verton himself - - - - - 016 Breakfast to the jury after they had delivered their verdict 4 7 To the jury for a gift (regardo) for their expenses and la- bour, as well as to those who were brought as a "tales"* 2 5 In the twenty-second year of Edward IV. the mayor and common council of Bristol granted a yearly fee or pension of 40s. to Olyver King, the king's secretary, whilst he con- tinued in the office of secretary, and which doubtless was also " for the welfare of the town." A ready answer may be furnished to one who should inquire how the less opulent, not including those really defi- cient in means, could win the award of justice against such odds. The Mayor of Lyme, a. d. 1590, enters for wine and sugar given to Judge Anderson, 3s. id. In 1605 a calf was given to the sheriff, and two sheep given to the judges at the assizes holden at ^Nlarlborough.j" * History of the Manor of Castle Combe, by the Eight Hon. Poulett Sirope, M.P. f ^Vaylen's Hist, of Marlborough. BEIBES TO JUDGES. 3 In 1620 the Mayor of Lyme was directed to ride to the assizes, and there to invite Mr. Sergeant Ashlie to come thither, and to entertain him at the town charge, that hia advice may be had touching the charter. It was left to the mayor's discretion what gratuity he would give to the Lord Chief Baron and his men.* When a suit about Pentecostals was about to be tried at the assizes held at Chard in 1621, the corporation sent a purse to the judge, which cost 4*. The renewal of charters was the occasion of much dis- cussion in corporations. The consultation of lawyers and application to courtiers were attended with much expense. Our prudent west-country local legislators found that this system of treating and making presents could not be dis- pensed with. £ s. d. There was paid for entertaining of Sir Francis Ashley from Dorchester assizes - - - 1 10 Paid more for his horse-meat - - - 10 John Newell was paid for 36 yards of fine watered broad dowlas sent to Sir Francis Ashley - - 3 9 (Sir F. Ashley's dinner and supper at the mayor's house in 1625 are charged 13s. 4d.) The entertaining the judges by the mayor cost - 15 For the Lord Chief Baron's horses at Brewer's (Inn) f 1 2 While on the subject of bribery, additional facts will con- firm us in the opinion that the system was almost universal. Who can have forgotten the disgrace of Sir Francis Bacon, Lord Chancellor of England in 1621 ? It was currently re- ported of Sir John Bennett, a judge of the High Commission Court, that he would not only take bribes of both parties, plaintiff and defendant, but often shamefully beg them.f Sir Lionel Cranfield, Lord Treasurer, was arrested for taking bribes, two of 500/. for the customs, in 1623.$ The chan- cellors to the Bishops of Peterborough and Durham were questioned in Parliament, the former for having taken forty bribes ! | * Corp. Order Book. | Town Accompt Book, J The Diary of Walter Yonge. B 2 4 SOCIAL HISTOET OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. It was charged against Richard Tilley, Mayor of Bristol (16 Edward II.), that he required a present from every ship and boat coming to the quay, in addition to what was given to the constable. The ladies of great officers were infected with the pre- vailing disorder of their day; and turned their influence into the standard coin of the reahn. The Countess of Suffolk, wife of Thomas Howard, Earl of Suffolk, Lord High Treasurer of England, rendered herself very odious by her rapacity in extorting money from all persons who had any business to be dispatched at the Treasury. Both the countess and her husband were confined in the Tower, and fined 30,000Z. which was reduced to 7000Z. Even as with the fashions of a metropolis, so with its vices ; when these rage they travel down and spread through the provinces,, engage attention, and produce too often by no means bad imitations of the prototype. Fashionable vices are often found to bear a stamp that gives currency to them — the word metropolitan ensures a ready adoption. Mrs. Cotton, the lady of the Bishop of Exeter, is reported to have taken in 1610 a fee of lOZ. from a person "to speak for him." In 1646 two silver flagons were given to the recorder of Lyme which cost 24?., and two others of like value to Mr. Rose. ^Tien the judges rode the circuit the mayor entertained them on many occasions, as being the head of the corpora- tion, at the town charge. In 1587 the Mayor of Lyme enters for " The judges' diet, at their being here from the assizes, 30s. " In 1646 the judges were entertained four meals at a cost of IIZ. 10s., while their hosts paid likewise for their dis- tinguished guests' horse-meat 3Z. 17s. Being upon the subject of the visits (probably by invitation) of the judges, it may be in place to record that their entertainment in 1674-5 cost 15Z. ; in 1676-7 that of my " Lord Jones came to 16Z. and his men spent at two taverns 4Z. IDs." Let me add, for the sake of comparison, that the entertain- LATIMER S SERMON AGAINST BRIBERY. ment of the Dean of Sarum, when he visited his peculiar of L/yme, cost 51. In 1614 the corporation of Exeter paid the mayor of that city 51. towards the great expense he had been at in inviting the judges at the last assizes to dinner. * Jurymen were openly canvassed and solicited to serve their friends when acting as such. An example of this appears in the case of the E.ev. Giles Moore, who wrote the following letter in 1664 to a juryman, with intent to serve a parishioner : — " Sir, — Because I understand that you are the first and lead- ing man of the jury impannelled for John Wood of this parish, tanner, and my loving friend and neighbour, whose case is to be tried at these assizes, I shall desyre you therefore, as for his owne, so for my sake alsoe, to doe him all lawful favour you may thereon, and to the best of your judgment to serve him therein, whom for your kindnesse therein shewne to him, you wiU find him no less thankful, than you wiU find your friend and servant " Giles Mooee." f Corruption could require no more effectual process than such personal applications. Each juryman was, by a com- promise of principle, to lay up obligation for his future benefit ; others were to become corrupt in their turn ; and thus a reciprocity of corrupt practices was to be established. An opinion hastily set up, that bribery was customary and therefore somewhat excusable, is now exploded. Latimer preached against the corruption of receiving bribes in his usually nervous strain : — " ' They all love bribes.' Bribery is a princely kind of thieving. They wiU be waged by the rich, either to give sentence against the poor : or to put ofi" the poor man's causes. This is the noble theft of princes and of magistrates, — they are bribe-takers. Now-a-days they call them gentle rewards : let them leave their colouring, and call them by their Christian names bribes : Omnes diligunt munera. ' All the princes, aU the judges, all the priests, aU the rulers, are bribers.' What ? were all the magis- trates in Jerusalem, all bribe-takers ? None good ? No doubt there were some good." f * Published in Western Times, 1849. t Sussex Archaeol. Coll. % Vol. i. p. 1-23. E 3 G SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. And in another sermon we have this anecdote : — " Cambyses was a great emperor, such another as our master is ; lie had many lord-deputies, lord-presidents, and lieutenants under him. It is a great while ago since I read the history. It chanced he had under him, in one of his dominions, a briber, a gift-taker, a gratifier of rich men ; he followed gifts as fast as he that followed the pudding, a hand-maker in his oifice, to make his son a great man; as the old saying is, 'Happy is the child whose father goeth to the devU.' The cry of the poor widow came to the emperor's ear, and caused him to flay the judge quick, and laid his skin in his chair of judgment, that all judges that should give judgment afterward, should sit in the same skin. Surely it was a goodly sign, a goodly monument, the sign of the judge's skin : I pray God we may once see tlie sign of the skin in England." * Justice Hale carried his scruples regarding presents to an extent which exposed him to ridicule from some, and to the imputation of Pharisaical uprightness from others. Thus the Dean and Chapter of Salisbury, having a case to try before him on the Western Circuit, he insisted on being allowed to pay for the six sugar-loaves which, according to long esta- blished custom, they presented to him. The acceptance of bribes was common, says ]Mr. Macaulayfj but never other- wise than as a thing which was disapproved or discoun- tenanced by all good men. The practice of etrennes is abolished in France. See " ^Madagascar," a poem by Sir "William Davenant, quoted by Lord Campbell in his " Life of Lord Keeper Coventry:" — " Then reconcile the rich for gold-fring'd gloves. The poor for God's sake, or for sugar-loaves.'' The triumphant exposure and punishments of corrupt bribe-takers on a grand scale belongs to the close of the seventeenth century. In 1695 Sir John Trevor, the Speaker of the House of Commons, was compelled to put the question himself that he should be expelled. A bill for securing the right application to poor orphans of freemen of * Yol.i. p. 130. t Essay in the Edinburgh Review. BRIBERY IN PARLIAMENT. 7 London of funds belonging to them could not be carried without purchasing the support of influential members and of the Speaker himself at a bribe for the latter of 1000 guineas ! Sir Thomas Cook, the governor of the East India Com- pany, paid 167,OOOZ. in one year for bribes to members of the House, of which Sir Basil Firebrace took for his share 40,000?. Corruption was universal, therefore deemed venial. These remarks upon bribery and corruption cannot be better wound up than by giving a letter from Thomas Lord Howard, who had been Mayor of Weymouth, to Mr. William Pytt, a diligent promoter of the interests of that borough. The noble writer viewed the system in a business- like way. Before moving in the matter desired, he counted the cost ; and formidable did it appear. A great commercial undertaking could not better have been weighed over. The great outlay required to be made was certain : the success doubtful. Without the outlay failure was certain. Thus, at Lyme, to receive lOOZ. for the yearly maintenance of the Cobb, a national work, 68?. went in fees and treating ! Thomas Lord Howard to Mr. William Pytt. 1581. "Mr.Pyt, — I have forborn to write to you and the residue, hop- ing still to have sent news to your likings; but hereunto I cannot by any means possible bring it to pass, for these many great causes are lets to my labours. First, for doing anything in the Parlia- ment House at the present it was impossible; for when I should have bestowed chargeable sums of money in framing bills, in rewarding them that should speak favourably on them, in gratify- ing the Speaker and other men of authority, then should I look for a good passage of the bill by reason that Sir Christopher Hatton's countenance and credit would work against it, and surely would overthrow it when it should come to her Majesty's hands ; and therefore would I not cast away your money at this time in so \illegible\ affairs." * The procuring an annual sum of only 100?. for what may * Sherren Papers. B 4 8 SOCIAL HISTORT OF THE 80UTHEEN COUNTIES. fairly be called a national purpose occasioned the mayor's accurate rendering of an account for his expenditure and the net proceeds. This detailed matter gains credit for ■svhat would hardly be believed, though the scene is laid in the reign of corrupt treating and gift-making. When vre read in Blue Books of returns of sums laid out upon the Cobb of Lyme, we see clearly how deceived the members of the House of Commons have been, except they understood the manner of transacting court business in the Stuart reigns. Sixty-eight per cent, for receiving a sum every farthing of which was greatly wanted I The extortions of Turkish pashas in their little territories of misrule can hardly exceed this example. A Particular of the Disbursements of John Ellesdon in the time of his Mayoralty, 1660, for the procuriDg the Patent of 1001. per Annum, and what was necessary in order thereunto, being for the repairing the Cobb and Sea Walls of Lyme Regis : — Paid for writing the petition to his ilajesty To a clerk to p'ruse it For a copy of the old patent - For new writing and examining To Sir Richard Brown for the order of council at two several times To his clerk at two several times To iir. Attorney General 5/. and to his clerk 40s. - - - - - 7 To Sir Edward Xicholas for his Maty's. hand twice on the warrant - - - 10 To his clerk, for each time, 205. - 2 To the Signet Oface - - - - 4 16 8 To the Privy Seal Office the like - - 4 16 8 To the Patent Office - - - .476 To the Hanaper Office - - 1 18 4 For a box to put the patent in - - 8 £ s. d. £ s. d. 3 5 12 4 6 7 1 18 11 1 4 1 15 19 10 Carry forward - £416 9 £ s. d. 41 6 9 8 10 6 10 7 6 2 3 11 6 8 68 3 2 BRIBES FOR THE PALATE. Brought forward For a treatment on Mr. Hyde and friends, where was also Mr. Tonge and Mr. Strode ... Given to several clerks for expedition To my Lord Chancellor's servants ... For post of letters ... For my charges, 34 days at 6s. 8c?. per diem - Forty years from this date the deduction was forty-seven per cent., then twenty-six, and at last 11. The magnates of the country were the objects of great attention and worship. When treating of the. intercourse between them and our mayors, the mention of the presents made to them will draw forth some remarks illustrative of the times. Mr. John Tudbold, Mayor of Lyme in 1545, enters : — "Item, paid for a bowe and sheffe of arrows to Mr. Strang ways, 5s. Ad." Who win cavil at any mention of our early national weapon, so soon to be disused? At the words bow and arrows who does not appear to be carried back into an- tiquity in real earnest ? Can we not fancy the practising at the butts by our townsmen habited like beef-eaters ? " A potell of wine that Henry Cranley did bear to Mr. Wad- ham [of Catherston] for to have a copy of the seizing of our harness [armour], 6d." The above wine must have been of the best kind, perhaps of sack, as it bore so high a price. Some wine is charged only 4«?. per gallon in 1549. The Mayors of Lyme bad a rich store for the gourmands at their country seats in the shrimpis — the word prawn not being then in use. These delicacies were sold at 4rf. per hundred. Some were sent as a present by John Hassard, Mayor of Lyme in 1550-51, who enters a charge of 4s. Id. 10 SOCIAL HISTOET OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. " for a venyson sent at "WHtsimtide." This was most pro- bably for the great feast, the Cobb Ale.* Some crabs given to ^Ir. Poulett were charged from 2d. to 4rf. each. In 1557 Sanders Davy was paid for himself and two horses to carry broad-fish, now called flat-fish, to my Lord St. John, 2$. 2d. The 2 cwt. of fish cost \l., or 10s. per cwt. At this date flat- or ground-fish were taken with baited hooks set along a ground-line called a trot The trawl-net had not, I believe, been invented. The trawl-net, or trawl, that was first introduced, was not judged to be hurtfuL "WTienever it may have been first used, it continued without interruption to the year 1631. Afterwards a net of the same name was in use which it was declared destroyed the fry. In 1635 this trawl-net was no longer allowed. Whether the trawl-net of the present century is the same, and when, if so, it was again allowed, are points which I can- not determine. Whether it was difficult at all times to know what to give, or that some did not from circumstances require the same reception as others, we find that money was presented. John Hassard, mayor in 1550 1, — '•Paid to my Lord Poulett's parson, to welcome him to town, Qd." In another entry : — " Master Polett's clarke " received od. There is mention of Lord Thomas Poulett at this date. The two entries refer to the same individual The head of the ancient Poulett family of Hinton St. George, near Crewkeme, about eighteen miles from Lyme, was Loed of the paramount ^Manoe of Marshwood, and exercised mano- rial rights in the parish of Lyme. Sir Amias Poulett, when governor of the island of Jersey in 1576, made presents of red-legged partridges to several great men, who much co- * The fine puddings of Widow Cornwallis, presented to Henry Till, procured her a fair house and divers tenements of some dissolved priory as Stow records. COMPAEATIVE VALUE OF SUGAE. 11 veted that variety of the partridge. The Lord Chamberlain received some March 19. ; the Earl of Leicester two dozen, as did also the Lord Admiral. Sir Amias Poulett refers to a great catch of porpoises, then accounted a delicacy. See in the Harleian MS. No. 279. fol. 14., a receipt for making " a pudding of porpoise." In 1491 a large porpoise was sent from Yarmouth as a present to the Earl of Oxford. The fish continued for many years to be prized as a delicacy. Salted porpoise, lampreys, sardines, and stock-fish are all mentioned as articles of food at Southampton in the reign of Edward III. A penny in twelve was paid in Elizabeth's reign at Newcastle as market-dues upon the sale of porpoise and seal, when cut up and sold in pieces. Of every por- poise and seal the head, fins, and numbles were taken in ad- dition. In 1553 a sugar-loaf was presented to Mr. Waldron of Bovey House which weighed 7 lbs., at Is. Id. per lb.* (7s. 7d.) The late Lord RoUe married the last of that branch of the Waldron family. The house remains about ten miles west of Lyme. The sugar-loaf was charged at a high rate, consi- dering the greater value of money in Queen Mary's reign. This article began to be highly prized. The sugar-cane, which had been grown from the year 1148 in Sicily, had been imported into Madeira A. d. 1419. About the year 1503 the art of refining sugar, before called "blanch powdre, " was discovered by a Venetian ; before which the juice, when selected instead of honey for sweetening, was used as it came from the cane. Only twenty-seven years from this date, in 1526, it was imported from St. Lucar in Spain by Bristol merchants. Let not the present of the Mayor of Lyme be considered as a cheap article produced in abun- dance in the islands of the West Indies. The sugar-cane was not imported thither into Barbadoes from the Brazils till the year 1641. How surprising the result of official in- quiries in the year 1853 into the consumption of sugar ! It * MS. Letter, Hinton House. 12 SOCIAL HISTORT OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. amounted to 7,523,187 cwts., or 30 lbs. each individual of the United Kingdom. Mr. Morys the mayor was paid for a dinner, when Mr. Yonge, the ancestor of the baronets of that name, of Ax- minster and Colyton, and Mr. Wadham, the barrister of Catherston above Charmouth, were at Lyme, 16s. 2d. ; and for wine with the same. Is. 9d. The mayors entertained the Ulustrious visitors, travellers, and judges, and carefully entered the particular price of each article of food. These civic worthies had the great yron brooche, i. e. spit, and the town pewter for any feast ; and were doubtless bound to invite the brethren or council to join the festive board. It is only of late years, since the building of the Mansion House in London, that the lord mayors ceased to entertain at their private houses. The smallest sums expended in the town's behalf are faithfully recorded. Such entries set before us a picture of manners true to the life. How very difficult it was in the reigns of the Tudors to learn what was stirring at critical periods ! How embarrassed the leading men of boroughs must have often felt at a time when mistakes endangered personal security and brought punishment from the court ! In 1552 Mr. TudboU had the sum of 5d. paid him " for to drink with Mr. H. Wadham " of Catherston " to hear news of the proclamation." How delightful must have been the meeting at the festive board with great men, courtiers, and consequently gentlemen of high station, who knew personally or from friends what was passing in the world I Can anything be paralleled with this in England in the present century ? Newspapers dif- fuse knowledge throughout the land. No circle lives on for days, even weeks, in ignorance of the state of affairs. The wandering boccough, or beggar of Ireland, only twenty years ago carried the news to western farms on the projecting promontories of that island, and was a welcome guest. A great man will ever be a desirable guest in a remote provincial town : his manners and station, his knowledge of the latest news, ensure a warm reception ; but nothing can make up CIVIC FEASTS. 13 for the loss of exclusive knowledge and superiority which his equals possessed in the Tudor reigns. Happy meetings were doubtless those when " the jenteU meyn weyr entertained." The fare was not to be despised, for we know what the viands were, for reasons before stated. Do we find cause to suspect these were spoilt in the dressing ? Rather say of the good Mayors of Lyme, — " A cook they hadden with them for the nones, To boil the chickens, and the marie bones, And poudre marchant tart, and gallingale. Well could he know a draught of London ale. He coulde roaste, and sethe, and boil and frie, Maken mortrewes, and well bake a pie." Chaucer. When entertaining and even feasting great men, did not the mayors sometimes remember at their festive board how courtiers had brought into the west a death-warrant for their civic host, and, the tables cleared, execution had mercilessly followed? Take for example the case of the Mayor of Bodmin, who was thus treated after a dinner at which he had done the honours. This was after the western rebellion about religion in the reign of Edward VI. The town-feasts, like other matters of which proofs may be adduced, were by comparison humble in the early reigns, such as that of Henry VIII. and his successors. We wUl quote as an example a venison feast in Edward the Sixth's reign, at Lyme Regis. " Mr. Strangways and Sir GUes Strangways are recorded as kind donors of a ' doe ' and * venyson.' These gentlemen were ancestors of the present Earl of Ilchester of Melbury House near Sherborne, and Abbotsbury Castle." In an account about 1551 appear particulars of The Costs done upon Mr. Strangways. s. d. (The venyson was a present.) Baking of the venyson - - - - - 1 Item, more for a capon - - - . .09 " " jelly in one entry {reward for the venyson) 8 Carry forward 14 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. S. d. Brought forward - - - 2 5 Item, to Mistress Prat for a capon and 6 chicken and motton, and a potell of wine - - - - 3 6 Item, for bread, ale, and beer, and victual of our ladies 1 8 Item, for ii. gallons and a potell - - - 1 8 Item, for a poteU of sack * - - - -06 Total 9 9 So much occasionally as 3s. 7d. have been paid for " one that brought a doe from ]Mr. Strangways ; " more than one third of the expense of the whole feast. The ladies partook, but was this not apart from the com- pany of their civic partners ? Why or how could a separate account have been entered for the ladies, had they been at the general table ? Mistress Prat kept a tavern in Lyme. A barrel of olives given to the Mayor of Poole in 1561 cost 8s. 6d. Saffron was a choice present also. Pepper and ginger are mentioned in the archives of South- ampton in the reign of Edward III. : — " The saucers dealt in sauces, herbs, E;,nd vegetables. The spicers, besides spices and condiments, sold medicinal drugs.'' The wine, ale, and beer appear to have cost about one third of the whole charge, when the viands were purchased sometimes one eighth. This is unlike what obtains in our west country now. The wine at a festive board at a tavern costs more than twice as much as the viands generally, too often more than three times. A civic feast in former days yielded nothing to the revenue ; now every gallon of wine furnishes 6s. to the country at large for the purposes of govern- ment. No music is the subject of an entry. Ten years after this money was paid to the minstrels at the mayor's house when ]Mr. Wadham was there. Sir Philip Sidney presented her Majesty Queen Elizabeth with a smock of cambric, the sleeves and collar wrouo-ht round with black silk and edged with a small bone-lace. * Wine continued to be sold dearer. Malvesy or Malmsey, in the reign of Henry IV., used to sell 140 gallons for 50s. or 53s. 4d. ; by the time of Richard III. the price was 51. 6s. 8d. RIGHTS OF THE POULETT FAMILY. 15 Some routes included towns fated to be put to great charge when the monarchs of England passed either way, to whom a purse of money had to be presented. Swans, with a pro- fusion of other dainties, were served to three dukes at Shrewsbury in 1535, at a cost of 51. 18 s. 2d. Some choice wine, together with sugar, the latter occa- sionally in very small quantities, suitable it may be to the costly nature of the article, was occasionally presented to great men : thus in 1551 " a potell of sack and half a pound of sugar were given to my Lord St. John and the rest of the justices at a cost of Is. 6d." John Hassard charges 2s. 2d. for wine given to my Lord of Bedford in 1557. The same nobleman was entertained in 1569 at a cost of 31. 9s. The business which took him round our west coast was important, and it was a great point with our citizens along the coast to keep him in a temper to view their exertions and occasional privations with a favourable eye. It is gratifying to perceive proofs of kindly and courteous intercourse between the country gentry and the rnerchants or tradesmen of the boroughs in a century when great barriers existed around the landed gentry. The Poulett family lived at Hinton St. George, near Crewkerne. The squire, sometimes a knight, the head of that house, imported his wine from Gascony at Lyme. When the little craft with her expected cargo arrived, the squire rode over, and " my Lady Poulett came to town " with him. A banquet was furnished my Lady Poulett which cost the town 7s. 6d. The " shrimpis " and the choice wine were approved of. A kindly feeling was promoted. The burghers directed that no toll should be demanded for the great man's horses between the Cobb-gate and the Cobb, whither these were driven to convey away the wine. Till a settlement was afterwards come to, there were rights along the shore exercised by the Poulett family as lords paramount of the manor of Marshwood, the former property of the Mandeville who accompanied William the Conqueror. Sir (Amias ?) Poulett sent to the mayor and his brother a venison, the charge for eating of which was 8s. This, 16 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. rejecting the technical phrase, means the expense of what was set on table with the venison. The complimentary treatment and presenting wine and sugar in. small quantities — for how could much have been carried on horseback? — to great men whose stay was brief was not a costly affair. Occasionally, from whatever cause the departure from usual custom arose, perhaps sickness, or to procure greater convenience, mine host furnished refresh- ment, and sent in his reckoning to the mayor : — In 1577 a potell of wine was presented to Lord Mount- s. d. joy at a cost of - - - - -14 And again wine • - - - - 10 In 1587 wine and sugar to my Lord Zouch - - 2 6 The importance of any business in question may almost be learned from the activity displayed and the value of the presents. The Cobb Act was in agitation in 1585. This was a weighty affair, all important to the welfare of the town of Lyme, which depends so much upon the harbour called the Cobb. The heavy matters Lord Howard saw in prospect when he wrote to the Mayor of Weymouth about important town business that had to be forwarded, were realised at Lyme. The givers of gifts were not indifferent to the duties before them. A sturgeon was dispatched to the Speaker of the Parliament House for his provision in Lent. The sergeants of the House had sugar presented to them at the same time. The door-keepers of the court at Greenwich, each perhaps like any other Cerberus, required a sop of sugar to be thrown to them. This Madeira sweet, potent as any medicated ball, luUed each to friendly quiet, or lured them to active intercession. The messenger that rode upon this errand may be compared to the Amphrysian prophetess in his treatment of the before-mentioned janitor : — " Cui vates, horrere videns jam colla colubris, Melle soporatam, et medicatis frugibus offam Objicit. nie, fame rabida, tria guttura pandens, Corripit objectam, atque immania terga resolvit Fusus humi, totoque ingens extenditur antro. Occupat ^neas aditum, custode sepulto." Virgil. PEESENTS TO GKEAT MEN. 17 The chamber of Exeter agreed, 10th January, 1610, that, on behalf of that city, its burgesses of Parliament should present the Speaker of the Parliament, in token of their good will, with a hogshead of Malaga wine, or a hogshead of claret, whichever they thought best in their discretion, together with one baked salmon-pie, and Mr. Receiver to be allowed the charge thereof. The Recorder of Exeter, Mr. Sergeant Hale, received yearly for life, from a grant made A. D. 1600, eight salmons of the river of Exe, which was it appears the like number that was allowed to the mayor of that city for the time being. In 1612 every member of the common council that had served the office of mayor was to receive two sahnons from the farmer of the fishery, who was to be allowed 3s. 4rf. for each.* From some entries about a Town or Cobb bill for Lyme we learn that the doorkeeper of the council had his fee. The corslet was made clean at Lyme in 1587, at a cost of 2*. 6. 1572. ■\ Minutes of tlie Council of Leyden, 18th Nov. 1608. — Notes and Queries, Jan. 29. 1853. + Old England and New England, &c., by Alfred Bunn. INCREASED FEELING AGAINST STAGE-PLATEES. 39 bodies, who, like the Wickliffite reformers, took part against the stage. It was in 1575 that the Lord Mayor and aldermen ex- pelled the players from the City, when the Blackfriars' Theatre was built. Provincial municipal bodies began to discountenance po- pular, scenic, and other exhibitions. It was determined at Leicester, in 1582, that no fee or reward should be given by the body towards any bear-wards, bear-baitings, players, plays, interludes, or games, nor any players to be allowed to play at the town-hall. The authorities still hesitated to interfere with those who came with a special licence for dramatic performances, granted by the Queen or the lords of the Privy Council. Though they did not venture to forbid any performance in such a case, they so contrived matters that the injurious effects arising from it should be circumscribed, — they determined that the acting should be witnessed by the mayor and his brethren only. They considered themselves play-proof. In 1586 the Mayor of Leicester provided Lord Wor- cester's players, eleven in number, with a dinner as an inducement to proceed without playing. They notwith- standing afterwards asked to play at their inn, and were told " the mayor willed them not to play at this present Friday, for that the time was not convenient." They, however, said they would play, and went through the town with drum and trumpets. They afterwards submitted themselves for their injurious expressions to the mayor, begged him not to write against them to their master, and had permission to play ; so that they told their audience the mayor allowed them to do so, and they were sorry for the words that had passed.* The feeling in the west of England against stage-plays ran very high, and terrible stories were circulated against such in order to deter persons from attending the perform- ance. * Shakspeare Society's Papers, vol. iv., communicated by Mr. Hal- liwell. 40 SOCIAL HISTORY OP THE SOUTHEEN COUNTIES. A volume printed in 1585 * has a written account of " certain players of the migratory kind, who were acting at Exeter upon the stage the tragical story of Dr. Faustus the conjuror. As a certain nomber of devils kept every one his circle there, and as Faustus was busie in his magicall invocations, on a sudden they were all dasht (put out, alarmed), every one hearkening other in the eare, for they were all persuaded there was one devell too many amongst them; and so after a little pause desired the people to pardon them, they could go no farther with this matter : the people also understanding the thing as it was, every man hastened to be first out of dores. The players (as I heard it), contrarye to their custom, spending the night in reading and in prayers got them out of the town the next morning." Many were the stories fabricated with pious intention to effect what was conceived to be a good object. Walter Yonge, Esq., of Colyton, records in 1607, from persons at Lyme, who had come out of France, how at Lyons a terrible thunder-storm had burst upon a theatre, where the representation of the Last Judgment Day was begun to be shown, and had killed the greatest part of the people present. That magistrate's abhorrence of all scenic exhibitions, stage-plays, interludes, masques, mixed dancing, &c., was so great, as to lead him to believe that " they tended to the high provocation of God's wrath." f Many of the corporations having adopted the opinions of the Puritan party in the reign of James I., they did not hesitate to lay out their money in order to save their borough from the profanation of a performance. 15th November, 1621, certain players licensed under the King's Privy Signet arrived at Exeter. Mr. Receiver was ordered to pay them the sum of 40s. as a gratuity, and not to be suffered to play. A few examples from Lyme will ftirther illustrate the practice of that day. * See Gentleman's Magazine, Sept. 1850. f Diary of W. Yonge, Camden Society. SUNDAY GAMES AND PLAYS. 41 *. d. 1621. Given to the players not to play here - - 6 8 1623. Given to John Jones, who had a license to show feats of activity, to depart the town by consent of the company (i. e. the corporation) - - - - - 2 1624. Given to the Lady Elizabeth's players to depart the town without playing - - - - - 5 1633. Given unto stage-players for sending them out of the town - - " - - - -50 Intemperate views with, respect to religious opinions are to be expected at this date. Men ran into extremes, and in nothing more so than with respect to stage-plays. Ignatius Jourdan, twice the representative of Exeter in Parliament, and who laboured for a bill to punish adultery, had great influence in that city. He prevailed upon Valen- tine Carey to speak to James I. respecting these plays and sports, upon which he entertained a strong opinion. King James at once declared he " would hang the fellow." Carey had much to do to pacify the king, who considered he was interfered with.* Archbishop Williams, the Lord Keeper, although supposed to favour the Puritans, incurred, writes Lord Campbell, great scandal with that sect by encouraging stage-plays. He used to have the players down from London to Buckden. The Midsummer Night's Dream was exhibited there on Sunday, 27th September, 1631; and some write that on that very day an episcopal ordination was held, so that the play was for the amusement of the young priests. Bishop Hacket asserts that Archbishop Williams did no more in recreating himself with diversions than he had seen Archbishop Bancroft do at Lambeth. King James's Book of Sports, commanding all good Christians and churchmen to play at football and other such games every Sunday afternoon was read during the morning service in every church and chapel in the kingdom. A case brought before the Michaelmas sessions at Bridport, in 1630, proves the matured hostility between the Puritan party and any travelling showmen. * Communicated by the Rev. Dr. Oliver. 42 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. The complaint made set forth that William Sands the elder, John Sands, and William Sands the younger, and about nine others, wander up and down the country with certain blasphemous shows and sights, which they exercise by way of ■puppet-playing : and are now, as the constables of Beaminster and other inhabitants state, come to that town ; and have set up their shows of puppet playing and feats not only iu the day-time, but late in the night, to the great dis- turbance of the townsmen there. The attraction must have been great, for the complainants state they cannot keep their children and servants in their houses by reason they frequent the said shows and sights late in the night in a dis- orderly manner. These travelling show-people commenced their perform- ances in the evening after the agricultural and clothing population had left their work, in which they are imitated by their successors in various lines. The preacher of Beaminster, a character distinct from the minister of the parish, who probably had no licence, assailed Sands and his show in the Sunday's sermon. The discourse ended. Sands and two of his company pursued the preacher from the church to his house, entered it, and " there challenged him for his sermon, and gave him threatening speeches."' That this was allowed by the population proves that the great majority favoured the showman. The constable reported a brawl between Sands and a townsman ; upon which the court, considering the great dearth of corn and other victuals, and the extremity likely to come ou the poor by reason of the said dearth, and also two several proclamations, by which his jMajesty commands the law to be enforced against such wanderers, ordered Sands to remove on the following jMonday, and to depart out of the county, and if found again in the county to be taken before a magistrate and committed to the next assizes.* How the travelling parties fared after the Eestoration has * Mr. T. Hearn, " Qui Quondam." KOYAL LICENCES TO PLATERS. 43 been treated of by the writer * whose valuable contributions have been already acknowledged. "The natural consequence and reaction of the excessive austerity and rigidity that prevailed was manifested in the ex- treme laxity in regard to Sabbath observances, and in the custom- ary use of offensive language, into which the people rushed im- mediately after the Restoration, and the traces of which are not even yet obliterated from national manners ; as also in the eager- ness with which they resorted to the amusements of all kinds which, after having been long forbidden, were now sanctioned and encouraged by official authority and royal example. Recre- ations were promptly provided for the people, and itinerant exhi- bitions of every description were speedily to be found traversing the country, offering the temptations of mirth and novelty. Dorchester of course was not unvisited by the conductors of these undertakings. "On the 6th of October, 1660, it is recorded that William Darrant came ' to this towne to shew the dauncing of divers creatures on ropes and dogs, pretending a licence from General Munck.' A copy of the licence is given, purporting to be under the Royal Signet, authorising Darrant to show publicly throughout the realm ' a morin, ape, monkyes, and other foraigne creatures;' and dated ' at our pallace at Westminster y^ 27 day of March, in y'= 13 [12] yeare of our reigne.' " After the Restoration rope dancing and tumbling were very favourite amusements amongst all classes of the people. One of the most celebrated of the rope dancers and managers of tumbling companies about this time was Jacob Hall, of whom an account is given in Grainger's Biographical History. He and his com- pany were occasionally engaged ' to express the height of their activity in tumbling and the like' before the sovereign, in the Lord Mayor's pageants in London. " A somewhat similar application was made on the 9th of Novem- ber following, when Richard Arris desired leave to show puppet- plays under a licence from the master of the revels, authorising him to ' make shew of a puppet-shew called Patient Grizell, with music and six servants.' This licence is dated on the 15th June, 1660. * Mr.T.Hearn, the " Qui Quondam '' of the Dorset County Chronicle, from MS. 44 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. " And on tlie 8th February following there was another appli- cation to ' make shew of a shew called Crispin and Crispianus,' under a similar licence. " These puppet-shows, — plays performed by means of small wooden figures, of which Punch is now the last lingering repre- sentative, — or, as they were anciently termed, ' motions,' were very favourite spectacles with our ancestors. They are of very early origin, and in the times of the Papacy were exhibited by the priests and monks, and were confined to religious subjects, being nearly allied to the ' mysteries ' and ' pageants,' notices of which so frequently occur, and the history of which is so full of curious interest. During the rule of the Commonwealth they were strictly forbidden, together with all other dramatic repre- sentations and amusements ; but, as is here seen, they sprang again into active existence immediately after the Restoration, under the countenance and authority of the master of the revels, — an ofiice created by Henry VIII., and at this time fiUed by John Herbert, and afterwards bestowed upon Charles Killigrew. Both the touching and sad story of 'the patient Griselda,' and the tale of the two brethren of ' the gentle craft,' were especially favourite ' motions ' with the public. The municipal authorities of Dorchester, however, appear to have sturdily retained much of their accustomed severity of tone, and all these applications were refused ; and in one instance we meet with the following quaint allegation of motive : — " 'May 17. 1661. —Richard Pavey of London of St. Giles in the fields coming to town this day to shew a motion of the witches of the north is told that we have noe waste mony for such idle things and is denied to shew here att his perill.' " On the 5th of June, 1661, occurs the following notice of one of the ancient mountebanks, a class who became extinct only since the commencement of the present century ; itinerant quacks, who combined the attractions of tumbling and merry-andrewism with the dispensing of medicines, powders, pills, and potions, sure specifics for the cure of tooth-ache, ague, colic, fever, and all the natural iUs, that flesh is heir to : — " ' This day Richard Amyas desired Mr. Mayor's licence to sett up a stage to shew feats of activity and to seU druggs under culler of a licence from y^ master of y« reveUs.' " The power vested in the hands of magistrates was some- times stretched beyond all bounds. POPULAR IGNOEANCB ON MARITIME AFFAIES. 45 A company of vagrant showmen were taken up by the constables at Lewes in 1694, and conveyed to a ship for the sea-service. Shipfof War of the 15th Century. (Harl. MS.) Early Shipping and Maritime Affairs. Popular ignorance is perhaps displayed upon no subject more than upon that of the state of the early maritime power and resources of our country. Visit our sea-ports in the British Channel, and listen to what the inhabitants delight in telling of the former condition of their trade, the size of the shipping, and, more than all, the foreign ports with which intercourse was maintained. At the words Barbadoes, Guinea, Barbary, Newfoundland, and the Straits it is con- cluded that the interests of the port have declined. This is not surprising, as none but large vessels now trade thither. 46 SOCIAL HISTORT OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. When it is objected that the depth of water was insufficient, we are told the sand has collected; but, under any circum- stances, there was indisputably a brisk foreign trade carried on at many ports where there is none in the present day. The halo of antiquity being thrown around the ships of the Plantagenets and Tudors, they loom large through the mist. When were there not vessels on either coast of the British Channel ? Csesar found 220 assembled, high out of the water compared with his own craft, all of oak, sails of prepared skins, anchors fastened to iron chains in part, if not altogether for cables. We may perhaps compare these to modern stout French fishing-luggers. They were gathered from Britain and the Gallic coasts, and could stand a knocking- about. The wicker-boats, talked of as navigated by northern heroes, would have disappeared before a channel off-shore wind during a summer night. Who can gravely assert that our climate has experienced any change ? In Bichard I.'s expedition to the Crusade in the year 1190-1 there were 13 dromons, 250 ships of the second class, and 53 galleys, accompanied by a vast number of barques and other vessels used as transports. The siege of Calais, like a certain recent modern siege, was a great operation. There were 733 ships carrying 14,956 mariners, or 20 to each ship. We read of Bayonne furnishing Spain " Ireland " Flanders " Guelderland " 15 sh 7 ' 1 ' 14 ' 1 ' ps 495 mariners. 148 25 133 24 The king had 15 ships called " h is own,' manned by 419 manners. As to the names of the several classes of vessels there is some confusion. Dromons were so named from their speed. Carracks were large vessels, as were Grand Niefs. What shall we say of busses and barges but that they were inferior in class ? Vissers were flat-bottomed, for the transport of horses. Ballingers were for a light draught of water. SHIPPING OF THE CHANNEL POETS. 47 Henry III. had a great ship of 80 tons called the " Queen." John Blanchbouilly had a license to trade with this ship of the royal navy, if we may use such an expression, paying a rent of 50 marks,* E-udders were first in use about the reign of Edward III. Fire-pence were the sum of 2d. paid by each vessel when bea- cons were maintained by the Cinque Ports. Fire-beacons were established on the south coast A. D. 1325 from a fear of the French and of Queen Isabella. Ships in the fleet of Edward III. (a. D. 1373) were not more than two or three in number that measured 200 tons ; most of them were from 40 to 100 tons each.f Our subject lies with the shipping of the ports of the Channel individually and in detail, so that many points upon which error exists may be cleared up. General history wants much aid from the local pioneer : he brings the accurate knowledge the former needs. Another source of error should be pointed out, which is a parallel with that of descanting only upon the scenes of grandeur witnessed in royal and lordly halls, entirely over- looking and confounding all the transactions of private life. This is the dwelling upon the shipping of William Cannynge, the famous merchant of Bristol, and that of this city generally. Cannynge's Mark. Bristol was a very great emporium, that furnishes no just comparison with the majority of our sea-ports. William of Worcester tells us of the ships there in his time, about a. d. 1480. William Cannynge, who founded the church of St. Mary Eedcliffe, where his tomb appears, had ten ships built at his expense, which measured 2930 tons. One is said to * Sussex Archseol. t Weale's Papers on Engineering. 48 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. have been of 900 tons, others of 400 and 500 each. These were marvels, but not most probably of English build. The large ships in use are supposed to have been purchased of the Venetians, Hanseatics and the Genoese.* When John Taverner of Hull built a ship as large as a carrack in the year 1449, no such vessel had been constructed before in England. Henry V. had built some dromons, or large ships of war. A Ship of War, «.D. 1688. at Southampton, as is said, such as the world had never seen before-t Besides Cannynge's ships, there were at Bristol the Mary Grace Le George - Kateryn - Mary Bryd Tons. - 300 - 360 - 200 - 180 - 100 * Anderson's History of Commerce, t Pictorial History of England. THE TERMS SHIP AND MEKCIIANT. 49 Cristofer Mary Shernman - Leonard - Mary of Bristowe T. 1550, among directions for the jurors, appears : — " Also you shall inquyere of all piratts that rohbyth uppon the sea any of the king's leadge people, or any other w'ch are in leage and amyty with the kinge of this realme. If you know any such, you shall present ther names, as also the ownners, masters, victuallers, mayntaynners, comforters, abettors and recevers, as also what manner of goods or marchandizes is so robbyd." * The bailiff of Seaford (24 Elizabeth) charged all in court to declare at their peril, " those who did foyster, ayde, vitell, maynteyne, or succor any theves or pyrates." "f It is mentioned in the poem " The Libel of English Policy," that the inhabitants of St. Malo were accustomed to roam the seas as pirates, little regarding the authority of their duke. They made descents upon the east part of England, plundering the country, and exacting contributions or ransoms from the towns. In 1557 the lords of the Privy Council, among whom were the Earls of Sussex, Winchester, Rutland, Pembroke, Anth, Mountague, &c., addressed a letter J to our western ports, desiring the mayors to use vigilance for defence of the towns and coasts against the enemy. From this year dates the first visit of the Earl of Bedford to the south-western coast. John Hassard, Mayor of Lyme, charged in his ac- count 2*. 2d. for wine given to that nobleman. Again in 1569 the charge for entertaining my Lord of Bedford was 31. 9s. ; a very large sum, which no doubt included the ex- penses of the suite and keep of their horses. The Earl of Bedford's visits to Lyme were upon important business, as will be shown. He was a commissioner appointed by her Majesty's letters patent for the authorising certain persons to be sent to the seas for the taking of pikates haunting THE coasts, or, in the words of the insteuctions for the * Sydenham's History of Poole. ■j- Sussex Archa2ol. I MS. lately sold at Mr. Thorpe's, London. 80 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. direction of the commissioners*, " for the apprehension, sup- pressing, and removing such pirates as do haunt or infest the sea-coasts within the precincts of their commission." Whenever the commissioners had understanding of any such pirates they were to confer with the officers and merchants residing in our ports that authority might be given to some honest (i. e. honourable) persons to arm forth some vessels to the seas to apprehend or chase away the same with some speed. They were to consider in a secret manner how the thing may be done, and, what intimately affected the men of the west, to settle how contribution was to be made of the merchants and inhabitants thereabouts for the charges requisite. Such impositions as these upon a particular locality, which ought to have been borne by the state at large, were felt to be a cruel injustice, as they really were. The great attention paid to the procuring proper persons, and the care to provide against their turning out sea-robbers or pirates themselves, is very striking. The commissioners were to choose suitable persons, who would attempt nothing for private lucre. They were directed to take bonds of the persons themselves who sent out the vessels, and sureties of the captain and mate of the ship, to behave and demean themselves honestly, and neither rob, spoil, nor evil entreat any the good subjects of her Majesty or other princes being in good peace or amity. These officers were to do their best endeavour to capture the pirates, and not by any kind of collusion, agreement, or compact to suffer them to depart. They were not to remain at sea, but for the capture of the pirates haunting the coasts, and were not to sail again unless provided with a new commission. When pirates were captured they were to be landed at the nearest port, presented to the vice-admiral or the com- missioner, and then sent to the common gaol for trial. The piratical vessel, and all she contained, was to be brouo-ht * Harleian MS. 168. A collection of state matters in the Land of Mr. R. Starkey. Elizabeth's instructions to ckuisees. 81 Into port and valued upon the oaths of four skilful and expert persons of those parts. The Inventory was to remain till it could be found what belonged to the pirates, and what was the plunder taken from others. But lest this arrangement should create disappointment, it was enjoined upon the commissioners to inform the parties interested, as a matter certainly determined, that in the distribution of the ships and property taken from the pirates " no charge shall more sooner be considered, allowed of, and paid than of those that have borne the burden of setting forth the ships ; and the reward of such as have adventured themselves in that service to be paid of the proper goods of the pirates." The cruisers after pirates were not to board or molest trading or fishing vessels, and they were to take such a number of men as was needful, so as not to hazard her Majesty's good subjects in a doubtful service. Though the above instructions may date from the year 1578, they have been inserted here as being appropriate in elucidating and introducing the subject. Henry Palmer, Esq., was appointed captain of her Majesty's ships sent forth for the clearing of the seas and apprehen- sion of pirates, 19th March, 1576. Her Majesty understood by the grievous and sundry complaints made by her subjects of the great spoil by them daily sustained at the hands of such as now of late have sore infested the narrow seas, as not only not her own said subjects, but also no foreign merchants can in anywise occupy their honest and lawful trades of merchandise. Pity- ing therefore greatly the case of many of her subjects who by those spoils have been utterly undone, and weighing besides how dishonourable it is to her Majesty to suffer those seas of which she and her predecessors have been accounted to have always held supreme sovereignty, to be by such lewd persons haunted, besides the great abatement of her customs as well outwards as inwards, thought it most neces- sary to set out certain of her ships, whereof she committeth to their discretion for the clearing of the seas and the appre- hension of the said malefactors. 82 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIKS. Captain Palmer was to arrest ships armed for war — not trading — between Yarmouth and the Isle of Wight, and not to molest the Dutch. The lords of the Privy Council, 6th August, 1576, addressed "William Holstocke, Esq., a captain appointed to serve at the seas for apprehending of sea rovers. Captain Holstocke was informed that men of Flushing, pretending to be in foreign service, caused daily complaints to be made. Her Majesty was determined to scour and cleanse the seas. Captain Holstocke, in his command of the " Lion," the "Swiftsure," and the "Dreadnought," was to join the "Archat," the "Foresight," and the "Handmaid," under the orders of Captain Palmer, and these ships were to form a fleet. The lords of the council informed him that at Torbay, or about the coast, were thirteen ships of Flushing, which not only daily spoiled and robbed her Majesty's subjects, but infested and troubled all others that traded upon the coast, whereby men were put in fear in those parts to make any voyage on the seas. The fleet was first to sail to Torbay and take the Flushing- ers peaceably ; if not so, by force.* Queen Elizabeth sent out in 1575 a proclamation against people keeping on the seas armed vessels to commit rob- beries. In 1577 the lords of the Privy Council wrote to the Mayor of Poole respecting a French ship upon which an embargo was laid, and pirates, f With such a state of affairs existing the coming of a great courtier with intelligence and powers to act, after consulta- tion with our western borough magnates, must have been hailed as a great event. What excitement at this time can equal it ? William Jurden, Mayor of Lyme, duly impressed with the greatness of the occasion, made some preparation for the event. He enters in his account, 1 3th January, 157 7-8. "Item, for the mending of Colway Lane, 13 Jan., against the coming of my Lord of Bedford, 3«. 4«?." * Harleian MS. 168. f MS. Letters on sale at Mr. Thorpe's. PROTECTION AND ITS COST. 83 Entertainment suitable to his lordship's rank was furnished; so that by the 16th January there was entered " for charge, at my Lord of Bedford's being here," no less a sum than 10/. 6*. Srf. There was soon occasion for further steps to be taken ; so the mayor and Mr. Ellesdon rode with a servant, 18th April, to Exeter to my Lord of Bedford, at a charge of 8s. The lords of the council now instructed William George, Esq., 17th June, 1578, to take as captain the command of her Majesty's ship the " Foresight," and sail from the Thames into the narrow seas in the west of England towards Ply- mouth, particularly to take two special pirates named Hamilton and Twittie. Captain George was to inform the Earl of Bedford of his coming upon the coast, and follow directions for the pursuit of the aforesaid pirates or any other, and to inquire what pirates or avowed enemies are upon the coast of Brittany, Normandy, or other places towards Spain or Portugal. The " Foresight " had not arrived at Lyme by July 23rd, when the mayor enters in his account : — " jTfem, for charge of myself, Mr. Ellesdon, and Richard Carpenter Pa lawyer, who became, at the incorporation of the town, town clerk] to ride to my Lord of Bedford about the coming of the Queen's ship, 13s. 4d." Great was the satisfaction at the protection about to be afforded to our townsmen in their commerce, which lawless hands interrupted; but in Queen Elizabeth's reign such good was of a mixed nature, — the townsmen of Lyme had to pay for the benefit about to be reaped, as if it was not for England generally, but for Lyme, or Dorset, or Devon indi- vidually considered. The mayor adds further : — " Item, to my Lord of Bedford of the money received of Mr. Ellesdon for the fine of the miU, 30Z. " At this time Captain Winter was sent to sea upon her Majesty's service ; and directed to look after one La Roche, G 2 84 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES, a Frenchman who was fitting out ships, and conferred with James Fitzmorris, an Irishman. We read as appropriate to the matter before us, that Car- dinal de Lorraine, when Mary, Queen of Scots, set out from France to Scotland in 1561, was in fear for the safety of many valuables his niece took with her, as Queen Elizabeth had fitted out a fleet under the pretext of clearing the North Seas from pirates. Queen Elizabeth had three ships in the North Seas in 1561 to preserve the fishermen ivova pirates* In the year 1570 a great contest arose between the Bishop of Chichester and the Lord High Admiral respecting the right to the wreck of a pirate's ship. Certain Flemings, pirates, were complained of for being in the narrow seas and assailing the King of Spain's subjects. It appears clear that the goods and merchandise captured was sold to our countrymen in the bays and creeks along our coasts. About the year 1577, when France sent 150 ships to Newfoundland to fish for cod, Spain 100, Portugal 50, and England only 15, as they mostly fished off Iceland, these early fisherman were a prey to pirates. The English ships were the best ; and beat off the pirates, taking from those they had protected a boat-load of salt, or other present of that nature, which it had been of old a custom to make for this service. A notorious pirate, one Thomas Purser, infested the south-western coast. On the 5th February, 1582-3, he made a " very insolent and rebellious attempt " on the Dor- setshire coast. He drew near Weymouth harbour, and attacked many ships, both English and French, riding in the road at anchor. This pirate took a ship of Pochelle of 60 tons ; and in bis attempt to carry another near was inter- rupted by the stout townsmen of Weymouth and Melcombe who came to the rescue. They killed seven of the pirate's crew, hurt and maimed several others, and compelled bim to * Miss Strickland's Life of Marj, Queen of Scots. TRANSACTIONS WITH PIRATES. 85 sheer off. Purser dealt out threats of vengeance by spoil and fire upon the ships and town that had so resisted him. The Weymouth men now feared for their town, which was not sufficiently protected. They asked assistance from the county for their own protection, and that of the country round, towards hringing and planting some ordnance, procuring powder and shot, and towards the maintenance of the whole, after having erected a small bulwark upon the seaside. The lords of the council seconded their request, and a letter signed Burleigh, Leicester, Walsingham, Christopher Hatton, &c., was sent to the sheriff and justices of Dorset for a contribution towards the above object, having learnt all the particulars from the Mayor of Weymouth, February 10. £ The estimate for 8 pieces of ordnance was - - 80 powder and shot - - 40 carriages, wheels, sponges, &c. - 20 Expense of the bulwarks and platforms, 2 in Wey- 1 mouth, 2 in Melcomb, and powder-houses J £200 As thieves upon land must find receivers of the stolen goods, so it is with pirates. The cheapness of the articles they wish to dispose of proves too great a temptation to the dishonest, and thus piracy was supported, and too often per- haps rewarded. The Mayor of Weymouth examined, January 9. 1583-4, four persons, John Hunt, Richard Bownell, Henry Higgens and William Bond. These men, upon being sworn, confessed that they went aboard one Thomas Purser the pirate's vessel the day before, that is, January 8., then riding in Portland Road, in Richard Bownell's boat, having been sent aboard by John Wade with a letter written in French. John Wade's name occurs as a merchant or tradesman of Weymouth. The nature of his business with the pirate will appear from the answer of the latter. His breast stiU burning with vengeance for his defeat, he said openly, if he could * Shei'i'en Papers. G 3 86 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. take any shipping of Weymouth any day these six months he would surely set them on iire. John Hunt affirmed that a letter produced which follows here was in the handwriting of the pirate. "Mr. Wade, — I have received a letter in French from you, and having no man aboard that can read it, so by this bearer I understand it is to buy the ship*, which willingly I would sell her, with all the goods that is in her, saving six barrels herrings. The price that he shall give for ship and goods is 1001., otherways he shall see her to make a beaune fyer (bonfire) ; moreover, he shall bring 1000 byskey (biscuit), 2 ton of beer, in part of payment of the money. Thus I rest, yours to command, " Thomas Puksee." As there are various kinds of morality in practice in the world, so doubtless there was one kind in respect of dealing with pirates. Perhaps it was allowed under that code to buy vessels and cargoes taken from traders of another nation. Wade was at Weymouth in 1587. Men of no morals we may readily believe bought bargains at every opportunity, and sent off a boat whenever a pirate came along the coast. Neither highwaymen by land nor pirates by sea could exist long if all the world were unfriendly. They must have had many to co-operate with ; many who felt indifferent or even well disposed towards them. Valentine Dale and David Lewis, doctors of civil law, were specially consulted touching aiders of pirates. Nicholas Herbert, Esq., John Thomas Bener, and William Richards had been examined at Cardiff touching the lodging, vic- tualling and buying the goods of pirates, f A commission was issued by the Crown, 20 Eliz. 22nd January, 1578 which had become absolutely necessary. In it was recited that divers ill-disposed persons had of late in sundry vessels and ships frequented the seas upon the coasts of this realm, robbing and spoiling honest quiet merchants and others; which pirates were victualled and furnished * The " Angel" of Rochelle. Sherren Papers, t Hai-leian MS. 168. POOLE AND THE PIRATES. 87 by persons residing near or within the havens, creeks, or landing-places of the realm, taking the stolen goods of the pirates in exchange. Under this commission were appointed the Mayor of Poole, William Marquis of Winchester, Thomas Viscount Howard of Bindon, Sir Henry Ashley, Sir Matthew Arundell, Sir John Horsey, Sir John Yonge, the Recorder of Poole, George Trenchard, and William Hussey, Esquires, commissioners to prevent such enormities being used in the havens, creeks, and landing-places of the town of Poole ; with power to choose honest, discreet, and trusty persons dwelling within or near every of the said havens, creeks, and landing-places of the town of Poole, for the prevention of such practices, to repair once every month to such havens, &c., to ascertain how the deputies performed their duties, and to issue precepts to the sheriiF to impannel juries to try offenders. A French pirate, as it was conjectured, went to sea upon a cruise between Guernsey and Dorsetshire, having twelve men. They boarded a small barque of Poole on her return from Guernsey within one league of Swanage, taking canvas to the value of 12 marks and 61. in money. The authorities of Poole declared that the trade with Guernsey could not be maintained unless piracy was put down. They applied for a license to set forth a barque or two well manned at their own charge against these pests of the Channel. This must have been in 1583, for a commission was issued, August 8. 1583, giving power to some of the Poole magnates to set forth ships against the pirates and rovers and to try them ; and the Mayor of Poole was ordered by Lord Burghley and the lords of the council to fit out a ship against the pirates infesting the coast in 1584.* Lyme and other ports near the scene of these lawless visitations prepared to make head against their special foes the pirates. Who knows of the victory of the Weymouth men and capture of the pirate Sprage ? or who would have known it but for complaints to the ministry about the transaction ? * MS. Letter on sale at Mr. Thorpe's, London. G 4 88 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. In August, 1584j a ship of Chichester stood into Portland Eoad for shelter. The same bad weather must have caused the pirate Sprage, together with a prize, to run into the same anchorage. Being known, the men of Weymouth sent a merchant aboard the Chichester ship, desiring, but not com- manding, the captain to join a ship and pinnace of the town in the apprehension of Sprage. Great expedition was re- quired, as it was stated, lest secret information might be furnished of the intended operations against the pirate — • another intimation of the understanding that existed between these desperate characters and many people ashore. Powder and every requisite having been furnished, the Chichester men began to repent of their having entered upon this undertaking [^here the AIiS. is indistinct]. The whole ship's company at one time refused to sail ; they changed their minds, got under weigh, and anchored near the pirate, discharging a few shot without doing any damage. The Weymouth men boarded the pirate and carried her. The Weymouth pinnace having three or four of the Chi- chester men aboard her besides her own crew, boarded the pirate's prize. So soon as the Weymouth men had carried the prize the others came aboard and helped themselves to many articles, which were begrudged. The Chichester men complained to Sir Francis Walslng- ham, and pretended they were the principals in capturing the pirates. This occasioned a full narrative of the whole transaction to be made, of which we have availed ourselves. A defeat of the lawless was procured farther west in 1586, or at least in the year of Mr. Ellesdon's mayoralty at Lyme. Nothing more is known of the atfair than appears in the fol- lowing account.* How daring these marauders must have been for the captains of certain French vessels then on the coast, or sheltered in the Cobb of Lyme, to have joined in the expenses of an outfit against common robbers ! Do we not see herein the benefits of centralisation ? Did the west of England fully enjoy what we can really call civilisation at this epoch ? * Loose sheet among the Archives of Lyme. DISBUKSEMENTS FOR PIKATES. 89 Money disbursed about the Pieates as followeth : — s. d. First, paid for the use of eleven horses and eight men, to carry the prisoners to Dorchester - - 28 2 Item, paid for the prisoners' meat and drink during the time they were here - - - - 2 6 Item, for the watchmen to watch the piisoners - - 12 Item, paid for 2 mayling cords to bind the prisoners - 12 Item, paid to the gaoler of Dorchester for receiving [ten in number, at 4d each] the prisoners - - 3 4 Item, paid for Mr. Hardes charges, dinner and supper, and for his horse-meat for 2 days, and to take the examinations and to make the mittimus - - 14 6 £ Item, for 60 pound of gunpowder and the shot - 3 10 Item, paid for one hogshead of beer for the mariners to carry to the sea, and one dozen and half of bread 14 10 [The Lyme mariners, who cruised after the pirates.] Item, paid to two men of Birpott [Bridport], which did help conduct the prisoners to Dorchester - 2 Sum total - - - ^6 17 6 Whereof received of the French men and of Sidmouth men - - - - - 3 16 8 So rest unpaid of this bill - - J3 10 [Here is an error of 10*. Certain Frenchmen and Sidmouth- men made common cause, and defrayed part of the cost of the expedition and committal of the pirates.] The dreaded Spaniards did not land in the west after 1595, when they disembarked at Mousehole near Penzance. Our townsmen the same year captured more pirates. William EUesdon, mayor, charges for the hire of a horse to carry Eobert Williams and three pirates to Dorchester gaol. s. d. Paid to three men to carry four prisoners to Dorchester gaol - - - - - - - 7 6 for cord to pinion the prisoners - - - 3 the jailer to receive the prisoners - - - 8 to the same prisoners to drink by the way - 4 90 SOCIAX, HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. «. d. Witness to Dorchester, each - - - - 2 Meat and drink for four days in the town prison - - 2 3 In 1597 France and England were mutually complaining and quarreling about the violence and injury committed by the pirates of either nation. Our western mayors not only contended with pirates but had to exercise their authority to restrain parties from setting out upon irregular warfare or actual piracy. A pinnace of "Weymouthj called the " Gift," was arrested by the mayor in July, 1587, as she was bound to sea in "warlike sort." Edwards, one of the crew, waited upon Lord Winchester, the Lord Lieutenant of the county, and showed him a licence from the Lord Admiral ; upon which the mayor was directed to allow this vessel to sail upon her privateering cruise. No vessel was to sail without a licence. The Mayor of Weymouth was directed at this time to make diligent search about the town for a notable pirate, Thomas Davers, alias Puterell or Putteirs. Weymouth and Melcombe petitioned for forts in 1587. A pirate, one of a body whose leader was named Laynton Atkinson, took a barque belonging to John Ward of Wey- mouth, and carried her to Swanage. There 40 packs of canvas, worth 100/., belonging to John Mounsell, were taken out. The Mayor of Weymouth adds that, if there is not good information that summer about the presence of the pirates, " no man will be able to travel ; " which means, it is to be presumed, that the Channel will be impassable to merchant shipping.* Of the 21 craft that composed the shipping of Poole, the only port technically so styled of Dorset, in 1591 but three, varying from 24 to 14 tons each, were without ordnance, either fowlers, sakers, mynions, or falcons ! These statements convey an idea of the state of the Channel and of some of the transactions. Much is lost or buried perhaps amidst archives or old papers. There was a pirate hanging at this time at Studland, an eyesore to his " Pitt, the Mayor's Letter — loose sheet, no date. Sherren Papers. PROCLAMATIONS AGAINST PIEATE8. 91 living fellows, who landed and cut down the gallows.* The capture of pirates was referred to as a very common occur- rence in certain articles drawn up to avoid contentions between the Mayor of Weymouth and the officers of the Lord High Admiral. It was a pirate. Captain Fleminge, who first saw and gave warning of the approach of the Spanish Armada. There was a mania for lawless roving inthis reign, and, we may add, lawless dealing. Warrants came to our mayors in 1593 from the Lord Admiral to seize a carvel which belonged to Thomas Alworthy and Thomas Ware of Bristol. The crew carried her off and sold her. The purchasers ■ changed her name to that of the " Tobacco-pipe," and sent her to sea as a privateer. She had captured a rich cargo of hides. The pirates were occasionally worsted, and suffered the punishment due to their crimes. We may learn this from a quarto pamphlet, entitled " The Lives, Apprehension, Ar- raignments and Executions of the Nineteen Pirates, Captains Harris, Jennings, Lancaster, Downes, Halse, and others."! We learn from a proclamation in 1603 that the offenders named had done violence principally upon the Venetians, Captain Thomas Tomkins, Gent., Edmond Bonham, mariner, Walter Janverin, ditto, and divers other English pirates. In a proclamation, November 12. 1604, Captain William Hull of the " Talbot " of Topsham, Philip Ward of the " Thomasine " of Dartmouth, Christopher Newman, Edward FoUet, Henry Burt, and others are named, who in 1602 had spoiled La Serene of Cloud in France, and murdered divers of the Frenchmen. Again, on June 13. 1606, there was a proclamation against pirates who had committed in the course of their piracy murder and robbery against foreigners in the Mediterranean. There was Captain Richard Giffard or Gifford of the ship or * Pitt, the Mayor's Letter — loose sheet, no date. Sherren Papers, ■j" This was marked in Thorpe's Catalogue 31. 13s. 6d. 92 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. fly-boat the " Fortune," Richard Lux of the " Hopewell," "William Mellon, Humphry EastoU, Thomas Better, Robert Gyles, John Thomas, John Burrage, Baldwin Barber, Henry Radclifle, John Banister, William Smith. A proclamation of 1608 was sent out against pirates and John "Ward. It directs that no munitions of war should be imported into Algiers and Tunis to the pirates there. There is some mention of Dunkerhs, or frigates, from the well-known port of that name, in 1603, which is not ex- plained. " Town Accompt Book. " Mr. Harvey received of Mr. John Vyney [a receiver of Cobb duties], about the Dunkerks, 51." King James I. in his patent, August 28. 1610, refers to the sufferings of the men of Lyme, which will confirm the view taken of the losses caused by the unruly characters who took possession of our sea. He proceeds thus : " And forasmuch as the inhabitants of the said town are of late much im- poverished by PYKATES on the sea and otherwise, — now kuow ye, that we, tendering the good of our said town, and of other our loving subjects, which in distress of weather or of PTRATES, or upon other occasion, may be presumed by reason of the said harbour commonly called the Cobb, &c., do grant twenty pounds by the year for twenty-one years." About the end of March, 1627, Sir "William Courtenay ex- perienced the great insecurity of property in the then actual state of the British Channel. He possessed a castellated man- sion, Ilton Castle near Salcombe, in the most southerly part of Devon, not far from the Start Point, which was built by Sir John Chiverston in 1335, who had a grant from the crown for that purpose. It came to the Courtenays by marriage ; and is now, though but small remains exist, the property of the Earl of Devon. Certain pirates, writes "Walter Yonge in his Diary *, came up in boats from Salcombe, and carried off much of Sir "W. Courtenay's pewter-plate and household stuff], and fled the same way they came, without being ap- * Diarj of Walter Yonge, published by the Camden Society. Edited by Geoi'n-e Roberts. MAHOMETAN COESAIRS IN THE CHANNEL. 93 pretended. This circumstance has been nowhere recorded except in the above Diary. Pirates occasioned entries in the churchwardens' books. The evil was understood, and charity was not withheld. Take for example an entry made at Broad Blunsdon : " Paid to one that was burnt in Ireland by pirates." The second period in the history of piracy upon our western coast has now to be treated of. The compara- tively ignoble names of Coole and Purser find no mention in this division of the subject ; others more aristocratic usurp their place. Much of the history would appear to belong to fable, were it not mixed up with well-known names of persons and places. Our country truly appears disgraced by the transactions that are here recorded from archives of borough seaports, where the scenes were enacted. The possession of our Channel by Algerine, Tunisian and Salee, Turks, or Mahometan corsairs, is sufficiently startling. Such was the fact ; some explanation is, however, demanded, in order to show how such a miserable state of things was produced. Fashionable it was at one time to take to the road; popular, if not strictly fashionable, it was to turn Turk and lead the life of a corsair. A great antiquary in his genealogical labours has recently thrown great light upon this subject, when explaining the common report that Ralph Vemey had gone into Africa and "turned Turk."* The death of Muley Hamet, Emperor of Morocco, was followed by a war of succession ; his three sons disputed the right, and a considerable body of Englishmen volunteered. One of the claimants, Muley Sidan, had 200 Englishmen under the command of one of the Gifiards, of which few were left alive after a great battle. Elizabeth had employed many English as privateers against the Spaniard. After the war many were loth to lead an inactive life. They had their commissions revoked, and were * John Bruce, Esq., editor of the "Vemey Papers."' Published by the Camden Society. 94 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. proclaimed pirates. The public looked upon them as gallant fellows ; the merchants gave them underhand support ; and even the authorities in maritime towns connived at the sale of their plunder. In spite of proclamations, during the first five years after the accession of James I. there were con- tinual complaints. This lawless way of life even became popular. Many Englishmen furnished themselves with good ships and scoured the seas, but little careful whom they might plunder. The ports of England were shut against them. They went where they were welcome, to the ports of Tunis, Algiers, and the coast of Barbary. Thither they resorted for occasional shelter, and thither English traders followed on purpose to barter and traflSc with them. There was Captain Richard Giffard, of the ship or fly-boat the " Fortune," a dread name in those days. Their chief was Captain John Ward, one Bishop, Sir Francis Verney, GlanviUe, and others. Mr. Bruce continues his information, and tells us that Sir Francis Verney adopted the costume of the country. The Genoese, the Florentines, and the Spaniards all suffered. In 1612 James I. attempted to show what kindness might effect. Many came home upon the proffer of pardon for life and goods; the greater number stiU adhered to their wild and desperate life. How they scoured the English and St. George's Channel, leading the Barbary corsairs to plunder property and make captives of our fellow-countrymen, will be shown in detail. The Algerines landed in Ireland in 1627, kiUed 50 persons, and carried off" about 400 into slavery. One vessel captured by them was worth 260,000?. They made purchases of stores and provisions they wanted in the western parts of Ireland by Baltimore, and in 1631 carried off" 100 captives from that town. They landed their poor captives at Rochelle, and marched them in chains to Mar- seilles. Twenty-six children are said to have been carried off" at one time from Cornwall. In 1633 Lord Went- worth, appointed lord deputy of Ireland, named noted pirate vessels off" the coast of Ireland and their captures. Persons DUNKIRK AND NIEUPOET PRIVATEERS. 95 in their wills used to leave sums of money for redeem- ing well-known captives from bondage in Algiers and other places. Entries were made in borough accounts of ex- penditure under this head ; e. g., — " Lyme Eegis Town Accompt Book, 1623. "Item, paid unto Mr. Nicholas Leate the 19 Sep. 1823, 19Z. \0s. whereof was disbursed by the company's consent for ElUze Raphe and his son, and Richard Showers and his son, for redeeming them out of Algier, 4Z. 10«." The fear inspired by these maurauders was general, and natural enough to those who possessed intelligence. We find the dread of pirates was carried into the business of life. The course of human affairs was affected by it. R. Eburne, of Henstridge in Somerset, wrote a work in the year 1634, entitled " A plain Pathway to Plantations." The writer, a man of great depth, recommends Newfoundland for eight reasons. The second reason is, " Because it was most out of the way o£ pirates." An entry at Lyme in 1627 doubtless refers to pirates : — " Paid Morren for beating the drum and watching all night, 6d." The speech of Mr. Dannet Burgess for Yarmouth in the House in 1601 upon the violence of the Dunkirk and Nieuport privateers is very exciting. The speaker asked how it was that such a number of her Majesty's subjects be spoiled, robbed, beaten, wounded, themselves taken, used with such extreme torture, racked, carried away, imprisoned, ransomed, fined, and some executed, and all this time no wars ? " I dare boldly say it," he concluded, " they have done England more hurt since they begun than all France, either in the time of Henry VIII., Edward VI., or Queen Mary.* After these statements of the existence of so great an evil generally bearing upon the kingdom at large, let us turn to its particular application to the western counties. * Sir Simonds d'Ewes's Journal of Proceedings in Parliament in the Keign of Elizabeth. 96 SOCIVL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. The mayors wrote letters to each other, inviting all the seaports to combine. A name frequently occurs in archives, that of Mr. John Crewkerne, a solicitor who had been town- clerk of Lyme Regis in 1619. He resigned that office upon some misunderstanding as to the " duties necessary to be per- formed." This lawyer lived in 1636 at Exeter. He was of a good family of Childehay House near Crewkerne ; and was entrusted with the direction of the important business now treated of. The paper is entitled " A Copy of the Instruc- tions given to Mr. John Crewkerne for Solicitation of the Lords of the Councell and Petitioning His Majesty for Re- dress against the Pirates, 23 July, 1636." * 23rd July 1636. — From Plymouth, it is advertised, that fifteen sail of Turks were upon this coast, and had done much mischief. The losses sustained from this source, as set forth by letters from Plymouth, were as follows f : — " The ' Dorothy ' of Dartmouth, of 80 tons, taken near Scilly about a month since. A collier of Axmouth coming with culm was chased by the Turks, and very hardly escaped. The ' Swan ' of Topsham set upon by two great Turkish men-of- war near Scilly, and (the crew) were obliged to run ashore in order to save themselves. Divers fishermen to the number of 40 were taken. The 'Lark' of Topsham, of the burthen of 80 tons, having 15 men and a boy, was lately taken, and the master slain. The ' Patience ' of Topsham was taken two days after her setting out on her voyage to Newfoundland. The ' Eose-garden,' a barque of Topsham coming from Morlaix, and having aboard her near one hundred fardels of white ware belonging to the merchants of Exeter and other places, and the barque, goods, and seamen carried away by them. There are five Turks in the Severn, where they weekly take either Enghsh or Irish, and a great number of their ships in the Channel, upon the coast of France and Biscay, whereby it is come to pass that our mariners will no longer go to sea nor from port to port ; yea the fisherman dare not put to sea * Sherren Papers. -j- Ibid. TURKS IN THE CHANNEL,. 97 to take fish for the country. If timely prevention be not used the Newfoundland fleet must of necessity suffer by them in an extraordinary manner. The annoyances are principally by the pirates of Salee, which is a place of little strength, and they might easily be kept in if some few ships were employed to lye upon that coast." His Majesty was therefore to be petitioned to have some ships always stationed oif the bar-foot of Salee to blockade the harbour and capture the prizes as they may be brought home ; that a convenient number of nimble (fast-sailing) ships may always be kept upon the Irish and this coast, which may be victualled here and there without going for that purpose to London or Portsmouth ; that a commission may be granted to any of his Majesty's subjects to take Turks and other pirates and dispose of them and their goods, giving his Majesty his fifteenths.* It is desired that in such ships as shall be sent to Salee seamen may be appointed by his Majesty to be commanders. The glaring inconsistency, as it is now universally admitted, of sending officers of the army, not seamen, to command at sea, was then the common practice. It is interesting to view our western advance in civilisation beyond that of the government, — to read the same practical advice tendered to the executive upon a great naval matter. Boroughs in the west are now far behind the government in intelligence. The harbour of Salee, famed for its rovers, has been silted up by the deposit of mud. The following additional information was forwarded : — " Since the above was written a ship was taken by the Turkish pirates within three leagues of Dartmouth ; 5000/. loss was sus- tained by Exeter besides the loss of the ship and the seamen. They were likely to have sustained a far greater loss in three ships coming from St. Maloes and Morlaix, but which ships escaped, being near the shore. The merchants of the port towns are utterly disheartened, nor can they get seamen ; who say ' they had rather starve at home than be brought under the tyrannous and Moorish subjection of those Mahometans.' " f * Sherren Papers. f Ibid. H 98 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. Mr. Adam Bennet, Mayor of Exeter, then the metropolis of the west and a place of considerable trade, sent Mr. John Crewkerne to the other mayors to cause them to unite with Exeter and bear a part of the expenses. The petition eventually drawn up was from Exeter, Plymouth, Barnstaple, Dartmouth in Devonshire, Wey- mouth, Melcombe Regis, Lyme Regis, and others the members of those parts in Dorsetshire. The petition dwelt upon Salee having become powerful in addition to Algiers and Tunis. The King answered that he had written to the Earl of Northiunberland to provide against such damages. Mr. John Crewkerne reported progress in a letter Septem- ber 3. 1636 ; and describes the effect produced upon the king by the several petitions entrusted to him. At their delivery the king, striking his hand upon his breast, said, that whilst he had breath in his body he would do his utmost endeavour to advance so necessary and consequential a business ; and that he was resolved to take such a course, as that within these twelve months not a Turkish ship should be able to put out of their harbours. This active agent adds in a postscript : " The fleet are ordered to come down, and will be with you the first fair wind."* The corporation of Exeter were agitating, September 21. 1636, the question of sending Mr. J. Crewkerne again to the council and supplying him with 40Z. It was proposed to procure a commission dormant for the city of Exeter and aU other western ports, to set forth a ship against Turks and pirates which shall be in the Channel, and to press men if they cannot procure volunteers.! Having no more borough extracts to give, one from a biography of Lord Strafford will prove appropriate, as con- firmation of the substance of the foregoing: — " Among the redeeming qualities of Lord Strafford is included his having secured the sea from piracies, so that only one ship * Sherren Papers. •(• Ibid. ENGLISH PIRATES OF THE CHANNEL. 99 was lost on his first going to Ireland, and no more all his time ; whereas every year before not only several ships and goods were lost by robbery at sea, but also Turkish men-of-war usually landed and took prey of men to be made slaves." * Read Macaulay's description of the British Channel in 1689, how it was abandoned to French rovers. Our traders hired Dutch privateers to protect them, and found this more advantageous than to obtain the convoy of a man- of-war, so immense were the bribes required to procure this. An annual gift of a few hundred pounds was paid to the Emperor of Morocco for the protection of British trade and the liberation of British captives, till about the year 1690. The American government made a treaty with the Dey of Algiers in 1792, and paid 5000Z. annually. If the ancients are arrayed against the moderns, let us be no blind partisans. Let fair truth prevail. Acting upon this view, a statement is given, extracted from a petition to the Admiralty from the Mayor and Bailiffs of Weymouth so late as 1780. Privateers, English-built, and chiefly manned with En- glish and Irish smugglers, who are perfectly acquainted with the coast, by showing English colours and hailing in En- glish, have frequently eluded the vigilance of his Majesty's ships. One Matthew Langrish, of Weymouth, master of the " Union," of Weymouth, sailed 27th October from the Downs with provisions for his Majesty's service at Plymouth, under convoy of his Majesty's cutter " Viper." When about six miles from Portland he was captured by a cutter under English colours, which had just before passed the convoy. During the four days that Langrish was kept aboard the cutter privateer she captured four English vessels between Portland and the Lizard. She was called the " Civility," and was commanded by one Bennet, an Englishman, having a second captain, Connor, alias Bachelor, an Irishman ; and the major part of her crew consisting of * See a Biography of Lord Strafford. H 1 100 SOCIAL HISTOEY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. British and Irish, with a French commission aboard. Priva- teering leads to what is near to piracy. The privateers of St. Malo have earned a great name for boldness : they were much complained of at the beginning of the eighteenth century, and came close off our western ports. The Mayor of Lyme, Mr. Nathaniel Butler, charges, A.D. 1704-5, the sum of 1*. 8d., which he gave two men to drink when two privateers were in sight. Mr. Nicholas Newel in 1705-6 gave the man who watched 3s. The same mayor paid INIr. Hart to pay the men for watching when a privateer lay off the town, 16s. There is a charge for Robert Puckett's horse-hire and expenses to Weymouth, when a French privateer took a boat off the town, 9s. There was given beer to the sergeants and others when the guns were fired at a French privateer, and putting small arms into the chest. Another of similar entries will enable us to understand how troublesome these fast-sailing and fast- rowing craft were long before steam was introduced. 1704, Gave the young men to drink when two privateers were in sight. Is. 6(f. The town-drum was beat in 1706, and the gun fired at two privateers. No less than eighteen pieces of artillery were sent down to Lyme, with shot, ladles, &c. The arming of Towns. — Introduction of Ordnance. — Musters. — Illegal Games. Other than purely municipal matters and the quiet go- vernment of our towns obtrude themselves upon the notice of him who would record their annals before there existed a standing military force or army, and when centralisation had not attained its present importance. Our south- western boroughs on the coast had not only to govern, but to defend themselves, as frontier towns, against the enemy. The mayor for his year had to superintend all kinds of military duties, which were very complicated before the FORTIFICATIONS OF TOWNS. 101 weapons of the earliest ages had yielded to the arms of modern times ; in a word, ere bows and arrows were dis- used, owing to the introduction of great guns, or cannon, fired with gunpowder, and the smaller arms, musketry, &c. The mayor was captain of the soldiers, but appointed some one under him to discipline and lead them. A mayor unwilling to be troubled with the office turned the matter over to the lieutenants of the county, who put in a cap- tain.* That Lyme was fortified seaward, according to the sys- tem of the middle ages, at an early period, cannot be doubted. There was, indeed, great occasion for protection against a roving, plundering, and destroying enemy and pirates, such as our coast so often suffered from. At what precise time the coast towns were fortified, in the modern acceptation of the word, having walls upon which cannon were mounted, is uncertain. The archives of Lyme Regis (excepting some charters, &c.) do not extend back so far ; in some towns they are lost. The subject is of high in- terest. Many towns were fenced in with walls before the in- vention of gunpowder. In 1262 Henry III. made a murage grant ; that is, for the walling in (or repairing, as was the case in this instance,) of Chichester. In 1266 a similar grant was made for waUing in the town of Lewes. A cart-load of iron paid Id. ; a horse-load of iron, ^d. ; a cart-load of corn, ^d. ; a cart of sea-fish, Ad. ; 1000 her- rings, Id. ; a load of brushwood, ^d. ; a tumbrel of squir- rels, ^d. Thus the protection of property was effected by a tax upon the industrious classes and on even the lowest of the population.t This walling in of a town by way of protection is not the fortifying a" town in the acceptation attached to it when gunpowder was invented. Many towns were not entirely surrounded by walls until the time of Edward I. Many border towns were imperfectly protected by fortifications before the fourteenth century. * Foolscap sheet in the corporation archives of Lyme, t See Horsfield's Histories of Lewes and Sussex. H 3 102 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. Southampton was enclosed by walls in the reign of Edward III., as a deed in the archives attests. The mayor and burgesses of Poole were about to wall, entrench, and fortify that town and port in the eleventh year of Henry VI., 1433, being a town inhabited, as the king's letters patent have it, by a multitude of people. The king gave licence for the same ; and ordered that Mel- combe should be no longer a port, but a creek, owing to its being weak and insufficient, from the scarcity of people there. Bristol was fortified, in the modern acceptation of the word, in the reign of Henry VI. That important city was not left to the mere strength of walls and towers, but had the means of keeping at a distance enemies assembled to assail it. There was 20 cwt. of gunpowder in store at Bristol in the reign of Henry VI. The sum of 40Z. was to be laid out there for the purchase of certain guns and " other stuff," for the defence of the town. A dozen brazen guns were to be made, shooting " peletts as grate as a Parys balle or lesse, and every gonne with iiij chambers." Without reference to the invention and introduction of modern artillery, we may not sufficiently estimate the merit due to our borough worthies in regard to their choice of new arms, and laying aside the former implements of de- struction. A few lines will show us the several dates of the introduction of the weapons of modern warfare. Bombards were invented about the time of Edward III. ; Old English Cannon, formerly in the Tower of London. they were bars of iron hooped together. Cannon was a name given from the chamber to admit the can, or canister. FORTIFICATIONS OF THE COAST. 103 The first cannon used in England was at the siege of Ber- wick in 1405. Whether cannon was used at Crecy is very doubtful. The ship which carried Philippa, sister of Henry IV., Queen of Denmark, Sweden, and Norway, to her home, A.D. 1406, had two guns, 40 lbs. of powder, and forty stones for guns.* In 1512 brass- ordnance was first founded by an English- man. Gunpowder was manufactured in England in 1412, but not perhaps in large quantity, f The first Englishman who made artillery of font metal in England was John Owen, who in 1535 began to make brass ordnance, as cannons, culverins, and such like, in Sus- sex. The first cannon of cast iron made in England was at Bucksteed in Sussex, the iron country at that time, in 1543.1 In 1573 there was a piece of ordnance at Edinburgh three yards long and more, unstocked, which " shoteth a stone bygger than a greate peny lof." This loaf was then very large. § It was enacted, 4 Henry VIII., 1513, that good and substantial bulwarks, brayes, walls, and ditches were to be made whenever the justices and sherifis (not officers skilled in war) shall think needful. Such bulwarks were to be erected in the lands of any persons without any manner of payment to them (the many benefited at the unfair cost of the few), and earth to be dug gratis ! St. Catherine's Fort at Fowey was erected by the towns- people in the reign of Henry VIII. The same king erected block-houses in particular spots, such as at Brownsea Island, at the entrance of Poole Har- bour, in 1547, and furnished a whole culverin, a demi-cul- verin, sakers, a portpiece with two chambers, a slinge with * Ellis's Original Letters. t Weale's Quarterly Papers on Engineering, vol. v. I Stow's Annals. § Ellis's Letters. H 4 104 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHEBN COUNTIES. two chambers, a serpentine with two chambers, ladles, sponges, powder, and shot. The charge of maintaining the fort fell upon the town of Poole. Inthe 4th of Elizabeth the town procured by petition fresh cannon. Lyme Regis was most likely provided with great guns by the king. At what time is unknown. The fort called the Gun Cliffe was a well-known locality in the reign of Henry TV., but only as Le Cliffe. There were no guns for years afterwards. It was in 1544 that the townsmen of Lyme beat off the French vessels that made an assault upon the town, when King Harry had made the voyage to Boulogne. This they did at their own charge. It is not surprising that our prin- cipal men took great pride in the " town gonnes." William Tudbold,inl551,left 20s. to the " mainteynance of the same." John Hassard, mayor, charges in his accounts the same year one penny for two men " dressing the goones at Christmas." A penny was the customary Christmas gift or box to the gunners. " Robert Willyams had paid to Mm to ' chute the'gones on May- day, iiijrf.' " In all our borough sea-ports the maintenance of the guns and the due shooting the same at stated seasons, and when great men, " the jentlemen, bethe in town," was a con- siderable burden. The mayor and his brethren were glad of an opportunity to relieve themselves and barter a share in the immunities possessed by their borough for gunpowder. William Pytte, merchant, of Weymouth, wished to enjoy the advantages to be acquired at Poole. He agreed to re- side at Poole upon the death of his mother ; and was made a free burgess in 1583, upon payment of 2 cwt. of good corn powder yearly, and for his absence, 20s. a year. The bill for Melcombe to be fortified was read the first time February 9. 1558-9.* After escaping now from the violence of an enemy by * Sir Simouds d'Ewes Journal of the Proceedings of Parliament. PEICES OF WEAPONS. 105 means of artillery, we should be led to reward the men who served the guns, and that arm would ever find honourable mention made of it by our grateful tongues. In Edward VI.'s reign, however, the guns were a novelty. We trust the men who served them were well rewarded; but a feeling bordering upon veneration was at that time felt for the very guns themselves. A raging enemy had been kept from landing, and all the evils of former invasions, too well handed down to them by their parents, averted. The old man about to die reviewed his past career, and piously set about the just disposal of his worldly goods. He judged that when he should be under the sod more enemies might come along the coast and harass those he had left behind, who were very dear to him. King and country were much to him; but his dear borough was more. He needed no prompter to remind him of " the toun gonnes," and asso- ciated them in his mind as being a terror to enemies that would harm those he loved so well. A proclamation, 3rd August, 1542, limited the price of weapons as follows. Persons were empowered to enter into men's houses, as a forfeiture of 10?. was laid upon those who exceeded the price. Bow, best sort " second " third Sheaf of livery arrows - - - Leaden case Girdle Sheaf of arrows, 8 or 9 inch the feather Gross of bowstring Demy lance, with cuirasse, vambrace, potren headpiece, with a beaver - - - 45 Demy launce, called a Collyn cliff, ready made and headed - - . Arming sword for a horseman Pair of gauntlets with joints Ahnayn ryvett, best sort " second Javelin, best sort * *. d. 3 4 2 6 2 5 6 2 2 4 3 4 2 8 2 8 2 8 7 6 6 8 1 2 s. d. 10 1 1 8 1 4 106 SOCIAL HISTOET OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. Javelin, second ... Fighting bill ready helved Flemish halberd, best sort " second The yeomen of the guard of Henry VII. were armed half with hows and arrows, half with harquehusses. Some men- tion is made in a coming page of a drawing representing the march of an army, in which armour and artillery appear, with the callyver and long bow. Charges for bows and arrows and guns appear mixed up in the same accounts. John Tudbold, Mayor of Lyme in 1545, paid for " a bowe and sheiFe of arrows, a present to Mr. Strangways, 5s. 4:d." In the same account is a charge for sending a man to Weymouth about gunpowder, Is, 6c?. In 1545 was also paid to " Wm. Deane for a molde to cast the pellets in for the basys, lOd." A rate in the corporation archives, in the reign of Henry VIII., is labelled " The bill for the gon powder." A piece of ordnance, or in other words, a great gun or cannon, was purchased in London for the town by Roger Garland, mayor 1550, when 10s. earnest money was paid. It is a singular fact, that the piece of ordnance was carried from London to Taunton, at the great charge of 43s. 2d. ; the further charge from Taunton to Lyme was 8s. This interesting fact clearly proves that at this date a cannon could only have been conveyed into the west of England by way of Taunton, the present route to Lyme from London ; whether this arose from the want of brieves in Dorset, Wilts, &c. The expense incurred was very con- siderable. In 1557, John Hassard, mayor, charges — s. d. 2 yards of canvas to make bags to put gunpowder in, and for the marking - - 110 35 lb. of big shot for the ordnance at 2d. the lb. - 5 10 Gunpowder was made on the Continent. The maintenance of the town guns, in a word, the gar- risoning Lyme by the corporation, was an expensive matter. LYME AND THE SPANISH AEMADA. 107 In 1597 the TownAccompt Book shows a heavy expenditure for a small borough. There is under one head alone — £ s. d. 2741b. of powder - - - - 14 14 One barrel - - - - 9 5 1 Among the " town stuff" to be used in case of need or war's alarms was this formidable array: six bows; two black bills, and two daggers.* The next year, 1560, wit- nessed the addition of a pair of corslets complete. An act was passed, 33 Henry VIII. cap. 9., that all persons under sixty years of age were to have bows and arrows. Aliens were not to practice archery, f The town of Lyme and coast of the south-west of England was for many years, at the close of Elizabeth's reign, a fron- tier country towards an enemy greater by comparison than Napoleon in modern times. Directly opposite West Dorset lay St. Maloes, fuU of shipping, and Brittany, then in the hands of the Spaniards. The hatred of our Dorset and Devon countrymen was then almost entirely directed against Spaniards. Philip of Spain had a navy of 140 galleys, which interrupted the wine trade between England and Gas- cony. While England had not one single battalion in con- stant pay, PhiUp had a standing army of 50,000 excellent troops. With these he had usurped Portugal, made con- quests in the East Indies, and was a dangerous neighbour to Guernsey and Jersey. Hence the expressions of alarm and indignation at the Spanish nation, which was then looked upon as the natural enemy of England. Our townsmen, who witnessed the conflict between their countrymen and their townsmen too, in their own town's ships or vessels, and the proud Spanish Armada, in sight of Lyme, though without spy-glasses, which had not been invented at that time, had their animosity keenly excited against the Spaniard. Their reluctance to march inland to distant musters can be readily accounted for, as they left their town exposed to the enemy. * Town Accompl. Book, a.d. 1559. t Ten bow-staves had to be imported for every butt of malmsey wine imported by an act of 1 Richard II. cap. 2. 108 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. Certain gallant active and forward citizens having had ex- perience both abroad and at home, voluntarily exercised themselves when the Spanish Armada was expected, and trained others for the ready use of war. These 300 mer- chants Stow speaks of met every Tuesday. The following lines of Mr. T. B. Macaulay breathe the spirit of excitement that men felt at the lighting of the beacons, so bountifully distributed upon our coast hills : — " For swift to east and swift to west the warning' radiance spread — High on St. Michael's Mount it shone — it shone on Beachy Head. Far o'er the deep the Spaniard saw, along each southern shire, Cape beyond cape, in endless range, those twinkling points of fire." -^ Beacon upon a Coast Hill. BEACONS. — BULWARKS. — FORTS. 109 The beacons set up in 1588 were partly of wood, and con- sequently temporary. These are not to be confounded with the beacons built in Charles II. 's reign. There are in parish books charges in 1665-6 and 1678 for " carrying warrants about building the beacons." A beacon built upon Trinity HiU, near Axminster, in 1678, cost 22/.; which sum was defrayed by the foregoing and some other parishes. The erection of these stone struc- tures is due to the plots and alarms which distinguished that reign, and which appearing to be indefinite as to time, a permanent provision was made for alarming the counties, and not a temporary one, as in the remarkable example of a Spanish invasion. The dread of a foreign enemy was very great, and an alarm in Mr. Ellesdon's mayoralty in 1595 gave rise to a highly illustrative entry : — " Item, paid for the carriage of a letter to Mr. Drake [of Ashe House, in the parish of Musburyj to give him advertisement of the Spanish ships, and to cause his parishioners to come hither to help us, 4c?." A bulwark, or fort, was constructed at the Cobb (where at that time were no houses), by a spot called " Birch Door." Rods, stakes, and seams of turves are charged for by William Brooke. The forts of many ancient maps, and bird's-eye-view maps and drawings, are, like the church towers and castles of those Tudor illustrations, purely conventional. The ordinary type is a round tower, with two guns or more run out from the first story ; with one or two guns, or more, mounted on the flat roof en barbette. Some, as if for variety, have a parapet embattled, others not. Leland speaks of a similar earth or mud fort at Ports- mouth.* Such constructions came into vogue from the * He alludes to "amudde walle armed with tymbre, whereon be great peaces of yron and brasse ordinanns. This peace of walle having a diche without it." 110 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. absence of splinters or pieces of stone when struck by shot. Some details will explain what was done at the Gun Cliff, Lyme, in 1595. s. d. Item, paid for three seams of straw for the mud wall at the Clyffe, and for horse hier to carry the same straw 2 Item, paid to five workmen for the making up of the mud wall at the clifi", for four days, at Sd. the day, and one at lOd. the day - - - - 14 10 Item, paid for 2 horses, for two days, to tread the mortar - - - - - 2 Five labourers to make mortar and 2 horses to tread 4 This mortar is the soft earth mixed with chopped straw, such as in Devonshire obtains the name of cobb. The Dorsetshire Musters of the sixteenth century, and View of Armour and Weapons, are rendered doubly interesting from the transition state of offensive arms, and the clear exposition of the nature of the force that alone existed to protect the country from invasion, and what means they possessed for so doing. Extracts from the Muster Papers, or Muster Books, in the archives of Lyme, will exhibit much information of the chivalrous marchings and display of weapons, and too often the " faulty " state of the same when the justices and great men visited the borough. The first entry is a charge in 1558 — s. d. For a muster bill - - - 1 6 Riding to Hinton [St. George, the seat of the Poulett family], to certify Mr. Poulett of the muster - - 6 Horse-hire to Hinton - - - 6 Man's trouble - - - - 6 The following abstract of weapons, &c., has partly ap- peared in the Author's Introduction to the Yonge Diary, OrFENSIVE AND DEFENSIVE WEAPONS USED. Ill and has been made from a muster paper six feet long, en- titled " A View of Armour and Weapons taken at Lyme Eegis, the 6th April, in the 15th year of the reign of Elizabeth, &c., by the mayor and his brethren of the said town, as well of all the householders, their sons, journeymen, and prentices, as also of all sojourners remaining within the said town by vertue of a warrant directed from the Lord Howard Viscount Byndon, William Lord St. John, with other justices of peace within the said county of Dorset." No. of Men. Offensive and Defensive Weapons each possessed. 1 1 had bows and sheaf of arrows, a steel cap and a bill, and a sword and dagger. Some had either a corselet, a cur- rion and a murrion, " more" (i. e. in addition), a callyver and murrion, some a currion, a murrion, and a skull. 3 bows and 12 arrows each. 14 bills.* 9 pikes. 1 a biU and a pike. 1 a bill and steel cap. 6 sword and dagger. 3 sword, dagger, and pike. 3 curryons. 1 skull and a pike. 6 harquebuss and murrion. 2 harquebusses. Two callyvers and 9 corslets were supplementary arms. The following is an estimate of the charge for the buying of eight pieces of ordnance, and the mounting and planting of them with powder and shot convenient for the same at Weymouth about the year 1582-3 : — The very beadsmen learn to bend their bows Of double fatal yew against thy state ; Yea, distafi' women manage rusty bills." Shahspeare's Richakd III. 112 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. Eight pieces of ordnance — £ 4 demy culverins 1 16 ^^^^^^^ ^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^^^^^ _ _ 5 sacres J 2 cwt. of powder, at 51. the cwt. - - - 30 2000 shot, 10*. cwt. - - - - 10 8 carriages and wheels, with ladles and sponges and other necessaries - - - - - 20 £140 Charge of the bulwark and platform, 2 in "Weymouth, 2 in Melcombe, with 2 houses for the keeping dry the said ordnance ... - - £Q0 The prices of the above and other armour were set down : — s. d. s. d. Corslet - 30 A harquebuss - - 8 Callyver - - 20 A currion - - 16 A pike - - 2 A murrion - - 8 Bow and sheaf of arrows Head piece and lining 7 in 1545 - "54 Head piece - 40 A sword - - 6 Pair of drum-heads 4 A sword girdle - 12 Mould. Barrel of gunpowder, £6 19 Flask and touchbox. 20 bullets - 2 Girdle. The classification of the 186 men was not determined by the weapons any one may have brought; for among the pikemen were men who had only a bill and no pike. They were classed as follows : — 30 pikemen. 16 archers. 49 harquebussers. 4 gunners for great ordnance. 1 the " drome " (a drummer). 17 billmen. 8 old men not serviceable. Some sojourners, journeymen, and apprentices had no arms, but were classed thus : — * A loose sheet amongst the Sherren papers. COAST GUARD AND FOKTIFICATIONS. 113 11 pikemen. 27 harquebussers. 4 archers. 18 billmen. In 1580 an account of the want of such armour as the justices found lacking in Lyme Regis was taken : — 18 men with callyvers,. harquebusses, and currions wanted some- thing or other : many wanted several things. 2 archers : one wanted a bow, dagger, and scabbard ; the other wanted a skull. 3 corslets : one wanted a sword and dagger ; second, was faulty in all ; the third, all un trimmed. 3 pikes : all faulty in all. 21 able bodied men were without weapons. 19 archers, callivermen, &c. were "not at home." 21 men of Stockland are entered on this muster paper as having appeared at the same time : 21 are complained of as being harquebussers without their harquelDuss ; and archers with- out a bow. In 1587 in a muster paper appears a list of those who mustered, arranged under the head of the weapon they wielded, opposite the names of those townsmen who fur- nished the weapon. Here and there the names of towns- men appear who served and furnished their own weapon. To distinguish those who serve from the substitutes they are called "soldiers." The Troop in 1590 consisted of eight principal residents, who furnished their own weapons, and are distinguished from the Trayns, as a cor'ps d'elite. On the 12th March, 1587, several magistrates gave notice that they were about to proceed along the coast from Weymouth to Lyme, to view those places that were dan- gerous in respect of the facilities they afforded for the landing of an enemy. The mayors were to attend and bring those persons skilled in fortification. Some remarks upon this have been furnished in another place. The warlike entries in the town accounts in 1595, on the occasion of some of the town soldiers being pressed for I 114 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHEKN COUNTIES. Boulogne, exhibit a mixture of the ancient and modern arms. s. d. Given to the souldiers pressed for BuUayn - 10 Item, for making clean of a corslett, sword, and dagger to be sent for Bullen - - - - - 1 Ifem, paid for a pike for the corslett that was sent to Bullen - .30 Item, paid for a horse to carry the harness, and for his charges that carried the corslett and rest of the furni- ture to Bridport - - - 1 4 Item, paid Varland for a mould to ca?t the shot for the great ordnance - - - - 2 Half a hundred of Saker shot - . - 6 8 Powder to the value of 251. was now provided. Item, paid for a staff" to carry the ensign on 10 „ two pounds of lead to put into the ensign staff, and for a spear and a ring for the same staff - - 1 8 Captain George Summers, afterwards Admiral Sir George Simimers, marshalled the force of the town, consisting of 126 men, in May, 1598, when Sir Edmund Uvedall, knight, viewed them. The corslets were 4 ; musquets 48 ; callyvers 45 ; men that bore only pikes 29. Weymouth and !Melcombe had 187, Poole 106 men, armed as above.* In 1599 the bows and arrows finally disappeared from the muster rolls, t The musket gained ground ; no more, perhaps, by its value, than by the special recommendation of the deputy lieutenants, 18th April, 1596, signed Sir ^Matthew Arundel, Sir George Trenchard, and Sir Ralph Horsey, " to encrease armour and weapon, especially corslet and musket." Nichols writes, that at Leicester, the queen, in 1598, ordered the bows and arrows to be refused and supplied with muskets. * Certificate of the forces of Dorset, Harleian MS. 3324. "I" Five archers out of 145 men mustered in 1591. COMPLAINTS OF MUSTER MEN. 115 The following is an abstract of weapons at two several dates : — A.D. 1591. A.D . 1599. Corslets - - 5 * Callivers - 26 49 Pikes - - 6 . 6 Halberds - - 10 - 6 Bills - - - 8 - 7 Bows - - 2 . Sword and dagger - 1 - Able men without arms - 49 Musketeers 65 107 169 It is a curious fact that Kurds, armed with bows and arrows, were lately with Omer Pacha at Varna. The Lyme muster men were summoned, 20th July, 1598, to appear at Bridport by eight o'clock in the morn- ing, by Sir William Poulett, John Yonge, and Robert Wil- liams, justices. The Marquess of Winchester, from Basing House, directed the deputy lieutenants of Dorset not to muster the Lyme men in any foreign shire, as they are upon the sea-coast, and had been very forward in furnishing themselves with armour and weapons; to have to march many miles in our own country, when the terrors of the enemy were so rife, and every step led away from the locality the foe would first visit, became the subject of special complaint. The train men occasionally mustered about 1577 at Dorchester, Beaminster, and Bridport. Per- mission to muster at Lyme was afterwards obtained; but not permanently, for our townsmen were again required to leave the town unprotected, and march to distant musters. In 1623 Sir John Brown laboured to obtain a removal of this evil, and Mr. Hugh Pyne, a counsellor, of Cathan- ger, Somersetshire, was paid 3?. 14s. for the pains he and his men had taken to free the townsmen from going out of town to muster. * Perhaps the musketeers were supposed to possess a coi-slet. I 2 116 SOCIAL HISTORY OP THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. We have spoken of the affection displayed by the good townsmen towards the "town guns," that is, the guns actually belonging to the borough. Their love for the guns was probably diminished when the pieces of ordnance were lent to boroughs on the coast by the crown. The crown probably — it may be the townsmen them- selves •^- deemed the sea-side batteries inefficient, and so pieces of artillery that were serviceable were lent. This first occurred at Lyme in 1625, when five ])ieces of ordnance were delivered to Sir "Walter Erie. This fact is recorded by an entry of the payment of certain fees, which, in keeping with the times, amounted to 12Z. A bond was sent up to the king as security for the ordnance so lent. With our improved modern views, how strange does it appear that the defence of a tract of the country at large should have been left to the burgesses of a little town upon the coast. The whole country was interested in the repulse of a proud foreign enemy, and should have borne equally its share of the burden. However, this injustice was cor- rected in part in 1625. The charges at Lyme on this occasion were : — Five pieces of ordnance delivered to Sir Walter Erie and sent down. The fees A bond sent up to the king, as security for the ord- nance, in a box, charged - Powder and match . - ■ Two axles for the brass piece and for two tomkyns and other necessaries Six pounds of shot Freight of the ordnance from London It is to be remarked that the next year, viz. 1626, some ordnance was conveyed from London to Lyme by land, by what route is not known, the charge for which was 26/. 6s. Id. The military preparations along the coast continued. At £ s. d. 12 1 2 6 5 1 9 3 15 e s. d. 1 4 1 6 4 5 THE "BUKROW" AND ITS POET. 117 Lyme the borough prepared for what must be deemed a little war. There is an entry of — The two drummers at the muster Two men bearing the town musquets - To a cutler for making clean the arms To Robert Sweet for one day's service with the flute The town ensign cost in 1628, with 3s. for lines In 1627 great activity was manifested at Lyme and at other parts of the coast. In the Yonge Diary, p. 106., is stated, " There being difference between this state and France, we began a fortification at Seaton for the defence of that place [six miles west of Lyme] against pirates and other enemies." The magistrates of that neighbourhood. Sir Edmund Prideaux, Sir William Pole, Mr. John Drake, Mr. Fry, and Mr. Walter Yonge, granted warrants for the hundreds near, and even rather distant ones, to send some thirty, others twenty men, for a week, or else pay for men at the rate of 8rf. a day for each man. Thus was thrown up upon Seaton beach the great mound of earth, which cost 24/., now called the " Burrow," by corruption for the " Barrow." A fort was constructed on the summit. No one knew in 1845 how it came there ; which proves how tradition often fails to perpetuate the recollection of really important transactions. £ s. d. 1627, Baronet Seymour [perhaps Sir Edward Seymour, who was to have his companies of trained soldiers, like other gentlemen named, ready to march for Ply- mouth, in 1622, at an hour's warning] gave towards the fort at Lyme - - - - -500 Several persons, Mr. Anthony Ellesden gave 30s., Mr. William Davy, 20s., &c., to the building of the fort [I believe the " Stoning, or Stone Fort," west of the sea, front of the town, towards the Cobb] - - 3 17 8 Dinner to Sir Walter Erie when he came hither about the fort - - - - - 6 8 When a country had to be defended by the walls of a I 3 118 SOCIAL HISTORY UF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. borough, which had to be erected and maintained by the burgesses themselves, technicalities about rating, and the rights of certain residents, produced the effect that will ever occur where the respective obligations of each individual are not accurately defined. "Whatever reasons predomi- nated, some persons persisted in refusing, while the contri- butions of others amounted to 31. 18s. 8d. in subscriptions, ranging from 2s. to 30s. each. The parties who refused were not allowed to remain quietly. An entry in 1628 will show this : — s. d. Paid to Mr. Richard Harvey, that he paid in London to solicit the Lord Suffolk to get an order to compel them to pay towards the building of the fort - - 3 5 The butts were at Millgreen. William Whetcomb gathered 7s. 4rf. to make the butts in 1555. Again, in 1557, 12s. are charged for the cutting of turfs, and carrying them home, and for making the butts. In 1569, May 2nd, a jury at the court of hustings pre- sented, as a grievance, " that there is to much bowling and to little shoting." There was doubtless some alarm of enemies, for the same jury expressed their anxiety for the safety of the town, by precepting the mayor : " Item, that Mr. Maior do cause our ordnance to be in a readiness and placed, and also to see all such powder as hath been lent out to be had in by Whitsunday next, or be fined 40s." * In the followino- year, 1570, it was ordered that Mr. Mayor do cause to be mended the butts at the Millgreen, upon pain of 10s. Complaint is again made, in 1571, that "to much unlawful games are used and no bowes exercised." The mayor, in 1578, was directed by the court leet, under pain of 10s., to see that every man have and exercise artillery (z. e. bows and arrows) according to the statute : In which particular all were found faulty in 1581. At Castle Combe many " The corporations of boroughs on the coast lent gunpowder to each other. ARCHERY V. UNLAWFUL GAMES. 119 were fined, in 1576, 6s. 8rf. each for not exercising bows and arrows. The fine was reduced to \2d. each. The constables were to search every month to see if the people had bows and arrows. Every one, from seventeen to sixty, was to procure bows and arrows.* The unlawful games in the reign of Edward IV. were dice, " coyts," and even football. They were doubtless ob- jectionable, not of themselves, but for their consequences, as will be shown in allusion to a later reign. In 1542 (33 Henry VIII. cap. xi.) the bowyers, fletchers, stringers, and arrow-head makers, finding their occupation affected by the introduction of other arms, procured an " Acte for Mayntenance of Artyllerie and debarring of un- lawful Games, such as Logating in the Fields, Slide-shrift, otherwise Shovegrote. No one was to keep a common house or place of bowling, coyting, cloyshe cayles, half- bowle, tennys, dysing, table or carding, or any other manner of game prohibited." This is a good specimen of class-legis- lation. Our countrymen adopted a better kind of arms ; those who continued to make a decidedly inferior kind pro- cured the enactment of laws which aimed at doing away with most of the sports with which men recreated themselves, hoping by such an exclusive system to drive men to archery, so little was liberty understood in the reign of the Tudors. Only a few years from this date religious feeling prompted to a suppression of all games and sports : such a feeling did not enter into the question at this time. The admirer of the game of cricket will desire to learn something about its introduction. It does not figure among the unlawful games, for it was first mentioned only about the year 1719.t Stow exclaimed " our bows are turned into bowls." And before him Bishop Latimer, in one of his sermons preached before Edward VI., indulged in indignant reclamations against the disuse of archery. Historic recollections gave to the use * Hist, of C. Combe, by G. P. Scrope, Esq. t Timbs's Cur. of London. I 4 120 SOCIAL HISTOKY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. of the bow and arrow in his eye so very great importance, that the good bishop eulogises it as a gift of God for us to excell all nations withall. The art of shooting he styles " God's instrument whereby He hath given us the victory against our enemies." Without noticing the "musquet," the bishop de- sired the lords, even as they loved the honour and glory of God, and intended to remove his indignation, to send forth some sharp proclamation to the justices of peace, because they did not perform their duty. He desired the lords to charge the justices upon their allegiance that this singular benefit of God be practised and not turned into bowling, glossing, and dicing within the towns. After an account of his father's teaching him to shoot, and the increase of his bows and arrows according to his strength, the bishop winds up with this sentence : " It is a godly art, a wholesome kind of exercise, and much commended in physic." The clergy of this reign, wiser in one respect than the good bishop, leave our gallant men in the field to the use of the Minie rifle and Colt's revolvers, if they do with their professional skill determine that with these they can act with greater effect offensively and defensively. By a statute made 33 Henry VIII. it was enacted " that none under the age of seventeen should shoot with a bow of yew, except his parents were worth lOZ. per annum in lands, or 40 marks in goods; and for every bow made of yew, the bowyer not inhabiting London or the suburbs should make four, and the inhabitant there two, bows of other wood."* The constables of Lyme in 1577 made this presentment, " that sometimes there be divers merchants and other honest (i. e. honourable) men that doth bowl as foUoweth : — Ricliard Baret, Eiohard Davey, John Jurden, Nicholas Hassard, William Semens (?), with others. John Bellamy, Some persons used the butts on the Sabbath day, which • See Xotes and Queries, Sept. 20. 1851. PINES FOR UNLAWFUL GAMES. 121 caused a presentment in 1581, as being contrary to a statute. It was added on the file of presentments, " Item, for artillery so many Sundays." Bowling was the great offence in the eye of the authori- ties. Thirty bowlers were presented in 1596. On 2nd October, 1598, were presented, upon the evidence of the constables, Peter Brown and others, who were players at tables on 26th May. Each was fined \2d. * John Gosse, the last man who mustered with " bow and arrow," was presented for playing ad tabulas — at tables. John Somers, John Thornton, and others were similarly fined as players at cards. * In 1602 no mechanic at Castle Combe was to play at un- lawful games unless he could spend 40s. a year.f There were presented as bowlers Richard Lamberton, II William Davy, Anthony Moone, Robert Bragg, John Vyney, Thomas Kelke, William EUesdon, jun., Thomas Clarke, John Herridge, Nicholas Perrat, Thomas Diggens, Robert Amarsh, || Silvester Jurdeyn, Nicholas Daye, Robert Breholt, Andrew Davy, Nicholas Holcomb, Robert Davy, sen., John Spering, Philip Stansby, Ynes Winter's servants, John Sprake's servant, and Robert Barnes, jun. Each was fined \2d.: they were "common bowlers." Those with || before their names were actually on the jury, whose names are appended, f Kobert Barnes. Thomas Pears. James HiU. Thomas Whitford. Richard Roze. William Legg. William Jurdeyn. Henry Palmer. George Pley. Robert Collens. Walter Tucker. PhiUip Harvey. Silvester Jurden. WiUiam EUesdon. William Davy. William Hill. John Kerridge. Richard Sommers and Thomas Clarke, who were pre- * In 1600 such offenders were fined 6s. 8d. ' \ Hist, of C. Combe, by G. P. Scrope, Esq. i The bowlers in 1600 were fined 6s. 8d., according to the statute. 122 SOCIAL HISTOEY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. sented at the same time for fighting and drawing blood, were fined dd. each. In 1567, at Castle Combe, butchers' shops were of aU other places the special resort of gamblers, who made the meat before them the stake for which they played. Butchers who allowed this were to be fined Qs. Sd. Having shown that what detracted from archery was ex- posed to punishment under statutes made to support and encourage the same, it should be added that the butts at Lyme, being out of order, furnished matter for a presentment ia 1601. They were repaired in 1633 at the cost of 1/. Bows and arrows appear no more in the muster papers after the year 1599. The exact time when long bows were disused is unknown ; but in 1621 it was moved in Parliament to repeal some regu- lations, as " guns be now the service of the state, and long bows obsolete." Arrows were shot by the English at the isle of Ehein 1621.* Bows and arrows are much lauded in a proclamation sent forth in 1633 for their service, by which great victories were gotten in ancient times ; and then the praise turns from victories to their use, by the exercise of shooting to preserve health, strength, and agility, and by which we avoid idleness, unlawful disports, and such like enormities. The train bands were at this time to learn an exercise invented by an ancient archer, William Neade, who used the pike and bow together. The same veteran invented a new quiver for the arrows. He had begun to teach the service to the Artillery Company of London. The author has a drawing of the march of horsemen in complete armour, both man and horse ; footmen with cally vers or harquebusses fired with a slow match or cord, artillery on wheels drawn by horses, and companies of archers armed with the long bow. This drawing is from a MS. of about the time of Henry VIII. There is an entry of a presentment of a jury at Lyme in 1648, which will be judged to be more extraordinary as that * A\'eale's Quarterly Papers on Enj.'ineering. BEHAVIOUR OV SOLDIERS. 123 town stood a dreadful siege in 1644 for seven weeks, and was defended by Admiral Blake against Prince Maurice. To crown all, we give a presentment of the court leet, 8tli May, 1660: — " And that there are no butts within the parish of Lyme Regis, and there have been none here by the space of 3 months last past, for which the inhabitants of the said parish have forfeited the penalty in the statute mentioned, viz. 205. And nevertheless it is ordered that the inhabitants of the said parisli shall make and set up butts there before next court, under the further pain of 20s." In the reign of Charles II. some attempts were made by the nobility to revive archery. The arms that the Duke of Monmouth brought for his rebellion in 1685 were partly offensive partly defensive. Backs and breasts were stored at the Town Hall, and were captured by the captain of the frigate that was in pursuit of the duke. These do not appear to have been valued. De- fensive armour was just going out of use. The Royal Scots guard, commanded by the Earl of Orkney, had not at Anne's accession adopted the use of fire- arms; they wore heavy steel caps, and used bows and arrows, with broadswords and targets. The Behaviour of Soldiers upon the March and in Quarters. We can hardly realise the fact of a country being taxed to make good the wanton spoil and damage committed by soldiers, our own countrymen, marching through in time of peace. Such was however the case. Richard Chafin, of Sherborne, informed the magistrates at the Easter sessions, 1629, that at the last removal of his Majesty's soldiers out of the county of Devon towards London, he had two horses (being all he had, and of more value than his estate besides) taken from him \i. e. im- pressed], and employed for the removal of the said soldiers and their armour from Sherborne ; and one of these horses 124 SOCIAL HISTOEY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. was by the soldiers killed outright, the other spoilt, and by their means long kept from him [taken away towards London to be sold, though ultimately recovered], to his damage of five pounds at the least, for which he is without remedy. Humbly moved to commiserate his case and afford him some relief out of the treasury of the county, the court ordered the treasurer of the western division to pay Richard Chafin for the loss and damage which he had sustained in his horses. As the troops marched through the country in 1588, the year of the Spanish Armada, they sold their arms as they went, falsely alleging that they had received no pay and were obliged to do so. See the proclamation sent forth by the queen denying the truth of the soldiers' statement. The soldiers sometimes enacted a bloody tragedy. The Wellington murder is a terrible example. One hundred and sixty soldiers, lately pressed in the county of Devon, were on their march towards the north, at the town of Wellington in Somersetshire. There they murdered one of their officers, Lieut. Compton Eyres, and dragged his body about the streets. Having thus brutally behaved themselves, they dis- banded. A proclamation was issued in 1 640, calling upon the authorities to seize these men and naming several of them. At the beginning of the Diary of Walter Yonge, Esq., of Colyton, the writer states that the plagues of England are noted by figures in the margin. In recording the coming down to Plymouth of 10,000 soldiers in 1625, the writer forgot not to draw a rose in the margin, marking soldiers as one of the greatest plagues of the country. During their stay all kinds of violence abounded. Under modern disci- pline the people of an invaded country suffer less than did the counties formerly at the hands of their own countrymen in arms. The Lyme men knew the sad inconvenience of this, and used means to avert the evil, which the accounts partially disclose. We find an entry in 1625 : " Given to the ensign of the soldiers for avoiding the town, 1/. Os. id." At the same date the town clerk was sent to come to an under- standing with the officers fifteen miles from the borough. CONDUCT OF SOLDIERS IN THE STUAET ERA. 125 " To Mr. Carpenter, for hia' journey to Beatninster, for avoid- ing the soldiers, 3s. 6d." " Mr. John Seward, for his journey to Dorchester about the soldiers, 5s." In 1626 an entry appears thus : " Given to Capt. Gylpen for passing his soldiers by the town, and for entertaining of himself and his wife and five soldiers, \L Is. lie?." In 1627 the sum of 21. 7s, Id. had been paid at Lyme for expenses incurred by the inarching of some soldiers through the town. This is followed by another entry : " Item, more than could be collected towards hose, shoes, and shirts, and conduct money, and horse for them to Bridport, 8s. 2d." Again the same year, " Coat and conduct money for the soldiers, 30s." The "setting forth" soldiers to Guernsey in 1593 occa- sioned charges to be incurred for which a rate was levied upon Lyme, amounting to 6?. 10s. &d. Some paid 5s. 5d., others only Zd. and 2d. Mr. Ellesdon, the Mayor of Lyme, charges 11. Is. 6d. about setting forth the expedition to Cales (Cadiz) in 1597. There is another entry for the same, 10/. 15s. Od. These are the matters which caused towns to wish the wars were over, and spread dissatisfaction with the conduct of the affairs of the country. "Well might our forefathers declaim against a standing army. How different was the behaviour of the soldiery in the Stuart reigns to that which characterises them in the present century ! When soldiers were in the country we read of outrages and disorders. After Monmouth's rebellion some soldiers of Lord Cornbury and Lord Churchill's troops of dragoons broke into a house at Colyton, and stole bone- lace worth 325?. There were disorders at Bideford, and Lord Weymouth wrote that his neighbours at Frome and Warminster were in dreadful apprehensions. The licence was shameful. The conduct of Trelawney's regiment in Shaftesbury and Sarum was atrocious. Captain Wolseley en- couraged his soldiers to toss the Mayor of Scarborough in a blanket, and said he would make him know that the military power was above the civil. Thomas Coad, in his Memoir, 126 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. records how a party of soldiers found him at an ale-house wounded, and how brutally they treated him in order to ex- tort money for the payment of their debauch. Complaints were made to the House of Commons in 1695 that some military men did not pay their quarters at Royston, alleging that their own pay was in arrear. This affair was of great importance, as it led to an inquiry into corrupt practices, which were universal through all the de- partments of government. The secretary of the Treasury was proved to have taken 200Z. for procuring or expediting the payment of arrears due to a regiment. Col. Kirke, of western fame, had a regiment on the books which was by a fiction marching about Ireland; but it had no bone and muscle, — it existed only on paper. With such plunder — for pay was drawn for officers and men — handsome hush- money could be well afforded to procure freedom from ex- posure at the hands of officials who knew of the wicked- ness. Wounded Veterans pensioned by the Counties. Instead of old, worn-out men, who had fought their country's battles for years, being supported from the finances of the country at large in whose cause they had bled, counties were left to provide for their natives as if the war had been for the interest of a particular county. In 1634 Lord Viscount of Valentia certified the good conduct in the wars of William NichoUs, who had become decrepit. The Court thereupon ordered 3Z. a year to be paid by the treasurer of the county of Dorset, in quar- terly payments, with a quarter's pay in hand. Thus the county of Dorset was taxed to pension a man who had served the country at large. If it happened that many men of any particular county went to the wars, the burdens of the county might have been increased to a great degree. Hence officials would in some cases be led from pecuniary motives to discourage the going to the wars, lest a pension might be required to be furnished. PILGRIMAGE TO ST. JAGO. 127 Nath. Heme, of Netherbury, had 40«. a year granted him for his services and wounds.* Pilgrimage to St. Jago de Compostella. Ship of the Time of Richard II. ( Harl. M S.) "Than longeth folk to go on pilgrimages, And palmers for to seken strange strondes To serve halwes couthe in sondry londes." Chaucee. The rush of great numbers of persons from the country to our sea-port towns in the fifteenth century, in order to take ship as pilgrims to the holy shrine of St. Jago de Com- postella, partook of the character of a mania, which possesses a nation in some form or another from time to time, in reli- gious as well as in temporal matters. This special rage, however, for the pilgrimage to Spain, at * MS. Book of Dorset Se?sions. Mr. Hearn, " Qui Quondnm.' 128 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. one epoch, must not be allowed to call off our attention from a much earlier period. Pilgrimages to St. Jago were established in the time of Kichard I., who, when on his way through France, stopped, like another Hercules, to punish evil doers. Lord William, of the castle of Chisy, was a marauder who spoiled pilgrims on their way to St. Jago. The lion-hearted monarch took the castle and hanged the offender on the spot.* The Cinque Ports in 1243 loudly complained to the king that the French were masters of the Channel. Not only was fishing interrupted, but the carrying pilgrims to St. Jago was entirely prevented. This trade the shipmasters de- clared had brought them much profit, as well as the carrying pilgrims to Canterbury by water from distant counties, f Valorous Crusaders and peaceful pilgrims to the Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem were held in especial honour. Danger from enemies, men of other nations, mere marauders, and from the infidels themselves, the perils of the distant voyage, arising from storms and rocks, and the great expense made such a pilgrimage to all a serious and to most persons an impossible undertaking. AVith a view to meet the exigencies of the time the Pope decided that a pilgrimage to the shrine of St. Jago de Com- postella, the capital of Gallicia, in the north-west corner of Spain, should be of equal virtue with a voyage to Jerusalem. Here was an inducement to the religious devotee, to those who had money, leisure, or were under a vow, to benefit their soul at a quarter-peril and a quarter-cost ! The offer was a splendid one. It proved irresistible. The bodies of St. James, the patron saint of Spain, and those of two of his disciples, Athanasius and Theodoras, were to be adored in a subterranean altar, A series of religious ceremonies had to be performed at this Mecca of Spain ; which the Baron of Rosmital duly entered upon at his visit in the year 1466, an account of which is now extant. Our English pilgrims landed, and had a journey of thirty- * Hoveden. f M. Paris. PILGKIMAGES TO SPAIN. 129 five miles to perform before arriving at the shrine. The exciting effect of the usual processions was increased by a military display, which gratified the pilgrims generally, and quieted the fears of the less resolute. An armed escort, ostensibly to guard the devotees from the Moslems, gave a semblance of oriental warfare and perils to the undertaking, which might otherwise have appeared tame and insipid. Probably many viewed the whole as a miserable substitute for a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, and rejoiced at anything which savoured of alarms from infidels, and as requiring the protection of the knights of a military order. These redoubtable knights formed the military order of St. Jago, who undertook to protect the pilgrims on their way to the shrine of their patron saint from the violence of the Moslems. All the pilgrims were not able to do battle in their own defence ; for whole families formed themselves into large parties, like caravans over the desert, and wended their way to their Mecca, carrying the young and infant children with them, transported with the resistless spirit of the time. Each party must have unsettled every locality through which they passed. Their chants — their banners — the blessings of the priests — their taking an oath before the mayors of the seaports — the crowds of spectators — their distant voyage, if going — their mirth and satisfaction and merry songs, if shrived and returning, — must have proved irresistible. Some Religious were jealous of St. Jago ; and we find Charles V. procuring for the Abbey of Mont St. Michel from the Pope permission to grant indulgences to induce the faithful to make pilgrimages to that abbey, and to present donations, because it was consacre au prince des anges, et de ce qu'il a ete honore de miracles eclatans* Parties on their pilgrinvage to Spain must have roughed it on the voyage and journey, as all travellers had to do in that day. The vessels that conveyed them were very small. No doubt the pilgrims made of the hold upon the ballast a hall for meals and a dormitory. * Dr. Hairby's Mont St. Michel. K 130 SOCIAL HISTORY OP THK SOUTHERN COUNTIES. In the year 1428 eleven towns sent 926 pilgrims : 122 went from Weymouth, and 90 from Dartmouth. In the year 1433 the numbers had increased to 2480. The names of owners and masters of vessels who received, from the year 1413 (1 Henry V.) to 1456 (34 Henry VI.), licences to transport pilgrims to St. Jago de ComposteUa are given in Rymer's Foedera. The vessels are named bargese, crairerse, balingerae, and naves. Who shall distinguish these ? There are inserted in the list the names of some great men who went to the Holy Land, in order to prove that it was possible to do so at that date, and that the shorter voyage was with few exceptions the only one made for forty-three years. The seaports from Yorkshire to Somerset furnished the vessels for this brisk summer trade. The Cobb, or harbour of Lyme Regis, had been destroyed. Some vessels received a pilgrim for every ton of measure- ment besides the crew, others were not so crowded. A.D. 1413. Edward, the son of the Earl of Devon, appears first in the list of those who obtained a license to take the number of 40 pilgrims, in the Margaret of Plymouth, a bargea. Pilgrims. Richard Stonard — Edward of Fowey.* Rich. HiU 40 Leonard of Weymouth. J- Joy - 50 Helen of Ipswich. ■T. Russel of Powey 50 - Mary of Penzance. 1415. Rich. Nicholl - 80 A balinger, caUed Leonard of Weymouth. 1423. John Gower 60 1426. WilEam Bowes Miles had licence to go to the Holy Land with his senrants. This worthy was probably not satisfied with the compromise of going to St. Jago. Henry, Bishop of Winchester, had licence to go beyond sea with such attendants as shall appear necessary to pay his tow which be made to perform certain pilgrimages, as he said. Pilgrims. 1428. Thos. Buk 40 Thomas of Dartmouth. J-™'P 120 Holy Ghost of Weymouth. Wm. PoUard 40 Mary of Plymouth. ■"- - Called a navis. The pilgrims might be shipped at Powey or Falmouth. A LIST OF PILGRIM SHIPS. 131 Pilgrims. - 60 Falcon of Tarmouth. 20 Mary of Ipswich. 100 St. John of Bristol. 140 Mary of Cley. masters 140 George of London. 1 owners '«J 100 Mary of Bristol. 50 Mary of Fowey. 30 Mary of Exeter. T - 50 Trinity of Dartmouth. - 80 Nicholas of Poole. A.r. 1428. Rob. Boner Thos. Asteley Thos. Fysh Nich. James Hugo Dere j Rob. Shadde J ' Wm. Coton Jordan Sprynge j John Monke Thos. Adam Bich. Davy John Stanbury - John Davy 1431. John Bishop of Bangor, 7 persons, 8 horses and harness, to visit the Holy Sepulchre, in performance of a vow. Pilgrims. 1433. John NicoU, owner 50 Cok John of Powey. 12 Henry VI. So that the pilgrims are laymen, and the mayor takes a corporal oath from each that he will do nothing prejudicial to the king. 1434. Pilgrims. , J. Heddon 40 St. James of Kingswear. Koger Broke 60 St. John of Portsmouth. J. "Williamson 40 - Michael of St. Michael's Mount, J. Lye - - - 40 Anthony of Dartmouth. Eich. Pette Wm. "Wenard T , „ , '.owners J. Cole J i 50 Margaret of Topsham. T. JaudreU 60 Mary of Landhelp. Eoger Cule 40 Trinity of Bideford. Thos. Marshall - 30 Catharine of Hull. Henry Hawkin - 30 Mary of Brixbam. J. Woderoufe - 80 Christopher of Bristol. R. Walter 60 Peter of Dartmouth. J. Bigbrook 100 - Mary of Southampton. Eich. Noble 60 Mary of Blakeney. William Truwe - 60 Garland of Cromer. John Burden 40 - Trinity of Wells. John Slug 60 Thomas of Saltash. Eich. Lindesay 30 John of Teignmouth. John Godyng 30 Thomas of Dartmouth. John Lysard 40 Catherine of Dartmouth. Hugo Dene 1 1 ^ = „ owners J. Eyffawe J -80 - Gabriel of London. Robert Shedde, master K 2 132 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. Pilgrims. A.D. 1434. Rob. Porter - 60 Trinity of Wiuchelsea. Thos. Gerard - 60 Julian of Fowey. J. NicBoU - - 80 Michael of Penzance. J. Kydeston 50 Bartholomew of Landhelp. Thos, Crouch - 60 George of London. Wm. Heustas 30 - Nicholas of Weymouth. Wm. Weston 60 Trinity of Bristol. John Papenham 80 Mary of Bristol. Roger Kyng - 40 - Catherine of Minehead. John Gerard 40 Trinity of Exmouth. J. Gobbe 40 Nicholas of Barnstaple. J. Colman - 30 Lawrence of Dartmouth. Rich. Russel - 20 - Peter of Great Yarmouth. John Deken, owner . (so Nich, Holswell, masti Christopher of Ipswich. Rob. Bowen - 70 Bernard of Poole. Rob. Gregory - 20 The Ghost of Bishop's Ljim, Thos. Andrew- 60 Bartholomew of Harmch. Rob. Selbj - - 30 Helen of Colchester. Wm. Sutton 50 Nicholas of Sandwich. John Mower 60 Michael of Poole. 1435. The Earl of Oxford had a licence to go to the Holy Land, and take lOOZ. with him. 1445. 23 Henry VI. At the request of Philip Courtenay, knight. ^60 Pilgrims. John Godyng 200 John Lysard - 50 Rob. Stormy - 200 John Shipley, owner Thos. Hygges, master Thos. Colbere 140 Wm. Wakelyn 120 Rob. Phihp 80 John Mower 30 John Staube 40 John Gerard 140 Thos. Kestall - 50 John Herchin 100 Daniel Cosyn 60 John StappUhyll - 40 Henry May 120 Nicholas Wandi-e, and J Roger Amys * i Trinity of Courtenay. Anthony of Dartmouth. St. Anne. St. Catherine of Plymouth. Mary Carew of Dartmouth. Margaret of Wells. Mary of Cromer. Mary of Lymington. James of Landhelp. Nicholas of Dartmouth. Trinity of Falmouth. Mary of Courtenay. Michael of Penzance. George of Payton. Mary of Bristol. Nicholas. Christopher of Saltash. One of them to take in 1 00 pilgrims. A LIST OF PILGRIM SHIPS. 133 1445. The Earl of Oxford had built The Jesus of Orwell. This craft was licensed to take as many as would go. Pilgrims. John Fyke — Hugo — Langakre — Hastyng Thos. Vathy — White - John Gurdeler, master of a crairera David Selby J. Stobbe Rich. Felawe John Burton "Walter Fylpot 1446. Reginald West, miles to the Holy Land. 1448. Lord Scales, having been preserved for 30 years in the wars, desires to pay a vow in the Holy Land. 50 James of Weymouth. 30 Motyn of Fowey. 60 Little John of Sandwych. 28 Grace Dieu. 40 - Margaret of Mountsbay. 40 Mary of Falmouth. 30 - Peter of Exeter. 40 Catherine of Plymouth. 40 - James of Landhelp. (12?) 12 - Bartholomew of OrweUHa 100 Catherine of Bristol. Pilgrims. 1451 . Rich. Skilman 30 Simon Hagun 60 Rich. Arnald 60 J. Waynflete 30 W. Humfrey 80 W. Bourchier - 40 J. Pygot - - 30 J. Paten 100 ■ W. Cobbe 24 - E. Burgony 40 R. Stormy - 100 1455 . 34 Hen. VU. Peter Gytton, 47 tons 50 1456, . Jno. Marshal, 80 tons 50 John Weston^ - 60 John Towcker The pilgrims now took an oi the secrets of the i realm. Pilgrims. Philip Alene, 100 tons 30 • Thos. Calbot, 100 tons 100 Vincent Pyttesdon, 100 tons 30 - Simon Famcombe - 80 John Cade, 50 tons - 20 Mary of Southwold. Trinity of Wyneton. Mary of Cromer. Christopher of Southwold. Trinity of Orwell. Trinity Fitz Waryn of Barn- staple. Catherine of Bishop's Lynn. Margaret of Blakeney. Mary of Pembroke., Nicholas of Wells. Catherine of Boston. Herring of Lymington., Jesus of Brixham. Trinity of Dartmouth. oath before leaving not to divulge Mary of Dartmouth. Mary Calbot of Lynn. Mary Flower of Plymouth. Helen of Winchelsea. John of Dartmouth. 134 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. A.D. 1456. Pilgrims. Thos. Tregyn, 140 tons 100 Mary of Fowey. James, Earl ofWiltshire, his ship, with 30 at- tendants James of Weymouth. Rob. Sturmy, merchant 60 Catherine Sturmy of Bristol. Thos. Clement - 60 Mary of Landhelp. John Merchant 40 Mary of Stonehouse. Wm. Brown 80 Edward of Blakeney. "Wm. George, 200 tons 80 Andrew of Plymouth. Going on pilgrimage was one of the characteristic features of the fifteenth century — an age of superstition ; which in this instance blended joUity with pomp and religious cere- monial. A short sea-Toyage with such gay parties to a shrine so famous, whose virtues were so lauded, in the fine weather season, too, must have held out irresistible charms. The pilgrims were a motley group. With some doubtless religious performances, for with a few the soul's good had some weight ; animal enjoyment and novelty entirely prevailed with others, to the exclusion of all spiritual considerations. Thorpe the Lollard told the archbishop that whosoever were to examine twenty of the pilgrims of his day he would not find the man or woman that knew scarcely a command- ment of God, nor can say their Paternoster and Ave Maria, nor their Credo readily in any manner of language. The reason he affirmed why many men and women go hither and thither on pilgrimage was more for the health of their bodies than of their souls. A scallop-shell marked the person who had made the pUgrimage to St. Jago de ComposteUa ; as a palm did the pDgrim to Jerusalem ; and a leaden ampulla, or bottle filled with the diluted blood of St. Thomas a Becket, suspended from the neck, him who had been to Canterbury. The two great shrines of Europe, St. Jago de Compo- steUa and Loretto, have been visited by a body of armed pilgrims in this century who were their own knights. Marshal Ney, in 1809, advanced upon St. Jago, and seized upon the treasures, which only amounted to 40,000Z.; A PILGRIMAGE TO MONT ST. MICHEL, 135 of which the marshal reserved one-half to pay his troops. The gold statue of St. James was found to be only of brass gilt ; and the diamond eyes only imitation stones. Loretto dared to show some resistance to Bonaparte, who gave it up to his soldiers for a pillage of twenty-four hours. Pilgrimages were wont to be imposed as punishments. The consistorial court of the Bishop of Rochester sentenced one Agnes Sharpe to make a pilgrimage to the Rood at Bloxley, and to carry in procession, on five Lord's days, a lighted taper, which she was to offer to the image of the Blessed Virgin, for having voluntarily changed the name of her son at confirmation to Edward, who had been christened Henry.* If the representation of the old pilgrimages exhibited m the merry excursions to St. Jago de Compostella had become by comparison contemptible and a degenerate display,Fso did the summer or early autumn pilgrimages to Mont St. Michel, when compared with the trips to Spain. These pilgrimages, continued to the era of our Common- wealth and later, present a curious compound. Family pride, religious observance, military display, jollity, an aping reality and for it substituting a farce,— all are exhibited in a detailed account, here abridged, of an excursion made to Mont St. Michel in the autumn of 1654. Few such pictures of manners exist as that conveyed in the following account of a journey to Mont St. Michel by the Brotherhood or Guild of the Church of St. Peter of Caen, with twenty-two ecclesiastics, and many inhabitants of the other parishes, of which Monsieur Pierre de Rosirignan, eldest son of Monsieur de Chambay, governor of the town and castle of Caen, was the captain.f The distance traversed by this party is about seventy- * See Edinburgh Review, April, 1855. ■)■ See the Appendix to a Journal of a Residence in Normandy, by J. Augustus St. John, Esq., in Constable's Miscellany, p. 289., from an ancient and rare book of travels : Caen, " Chaud le Blanc." K 4 136 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. five miles in a direct line, while the pilgrims to Spain had thirty-five miles only of land journey. The pilgrimages to St. Michael's Mount had genuine earlier ones for their prototype. Not possessing a diary of any original excursion to Spain, we must content our- selves with the imitation afforded in the time of our Commonwealth. There will be abundant room to observe the many and remarkable features of such a strange jumble of opposite qualities of the mind and the state of society. " Learn how on Sunday, the 6th day of September, 1654, the standard-bearer of our captain and the pilgrims went to meet him at the barrier of the chateau of Caen. Then they proceeded in order to the church of St. Peter. On the way to which the Lord of St. Martin, a doctor in theology, who having been invited to that pilgrimage by the brotherhood, and by other considerable persons, went to meet them, and conducted them to the said church, where the Veni Creator was sung. Then the ecclesiastics marched before the captain; who, preceded by the trum- peters of his father and of the town, marched covered with a coat richly stuffed with a gilded gorget, his sword at his side and his pike on his shoulder. Then marched a number of pilgrims, four and four ; and then was carried a beautiful large flag, on which was painted a pyx. Saint Michel, the arms of our King (of the pilgrims chosen for this excursion), of his Highness of Longueville, of this town, and of our captain. Seven drummers, with red campaign coats ornamented with silver lace, given by our captain, kept continually beating. " The Lord of Menil, our major, assisted by six sergeants, each with a white scarf, likewise a present from our captain, sword by their side and halberd in their hand, led the company in such fine order, that at each step every one ran to see them. " At Hoyers an ample repast was given by the Lord of La Linette, lieutenant of a company in the Castle of Caen. The entertainment was agreeable ; for, besides the pleasure of hearing the drums and trumpets, our captain had a A PILGRIMAGE TO MONT ST. MICHEL. 137 chariot of six horses, which carried excellent wine, venison pasties, and other provisions, to which the Sieur la Mon- tagne, maitre d'hotel of M. de Chambray, had added aU that he could find in the hotels, which he visited early.* " Monday, the 7th of September, we set out from La Blanche Maison, and went to sleep at Villedieu, which is almost six leagues distant. Our quarter-masters always arrived the first ; they made presents to the principal minis- ter of the church where we wished to say our prayers ; they reserved places at the hotels, and, if there were not enough to lodge us, they sent us among the citizens, con- formably with the permission which our captain had from his Highness of LonguevUle. The inhabitants of Villedieu came to meet us, so very impatient were they to see so fine a company, composed of almost two hundred persons. Having arrived, we entered the church, which is a com- mandry of Malta. They sent an officer of the said church to meet us, and a priest received us at the door. The music was sung by our twelve musicians, led by the Sieur Guilbert, who everywhere received great praise for it. We set out in order from Villedieu, and went to Avranches ; on the way to which town, some one having said that the Lord of St. Martin had just seen the Mount St. Michel, immediately our captain and all the company cried out, ' Long live the King ! ' caused the drums to be beaten, and trumpets to sound, and they all drank to the health of the King ; then our captain gave him one of the trum- peters and two sergeants, and permitted him to have the drums beat, and order aU. things the rest of the journey. The King thanked him and the company for having made him 'king.'t * The extent and luxury of pilgrimages in early times almost exceed belief. Nine hundred camels were employed merely in bearing the wardrobe of one of the caliphs, and others carried snow with them to cool their sherbet. — ^Bkodeeip's Note Book of a Naturalist. f From Avranches to the mount is a distance of thirteen miles. St. Benoist in his Chronicle writes — " De St. Michel Tangle des ceux, Sos ciel n'en eust nulleu si bel." 138 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. " A quarter of a league from Avranches we halted to form in good order, and it was judged proper that the King, who was clad in a short cassock of taifety, and car- ried a cane in his hand, should ride into the town on one of his horses, and that he should be preceded by the said trumpeter, and be accompanied by two sergeants. " On the way one of the attendants of M. de Canisy came to salute our captain on his part, and to beg him to make use of his house, and that they should fire the cannons at his arrival, as they had done when the company ap- proached the town. Our King mounted a horse ; conducted us to the cathedral, where they were singing the office of the Nones ; afterwards he begged that the vespers may not be contiaued as usual, but that they would allow the music to be sung, which was immediately granted. " Our own musical performance over, we took some refresh- ments at the hotel, but lightly, on account of the strong desire which every one experienced to arrive at the mount; and it was amusing to see every one go on the shore the best manner he could. The King there chanted the litanies of the Virgin, and saluted St, Michel in invo- cating that saint ; then he took one of the pistols from a cavalier, which he fired opposite the mount, and bid the company advance. On arriving there they fired from the guard many musket-shots, and the soldiers formed them- selves into a lane. " The next day, the 9th of September, they rose early, impatient to see the church, although they were told the evening before that no one is permitted to enter till after seven o'clock. Every one was charmed in considering such a beautiful and vast church, built on the top of a rock, with a very spacious abbey, governed by thirty reformed Benedictines. Before entering it our captain presented a crown of silver to the King, who thanked him, and imme- diately caused the drums to beat ; and we marched from the foot of the mount as far as the church. Many had left their knives at the hotels, for fear that the guards at the gate would take them away as usual ; but, on consideration A PILGRIMAGE TO MONT ST. MICHEL. 139 of M. de Chambay, they searched nobody, and even per- mitted our captain and his officers to wear their sword, which is very seldom granted, for fear least any should seize the place ; moreover, they fired, on our arrival from the castle, all the cannons ; and our King having entered the church, he chanted three times Sancte Michael, ora fro nobis ! " The company said the responses with much devotion. He said afterwards the night prayer, and prepared to say the mass, which was chanted in music, as that at the parish of St. Peter's of Caen ; then the company continued in their devotions. He went away thence to see the relicks, which are in very great number, and very precious. On coming out some monks led us in parties to see their abbey, where they provided breakfast for the Bang, for our Cap- tain, and for a great many of our company." Among other wonders of the abbey the narrator men- tioned the cisterns for collecting rain water. He con- tinues : — - " They share it with the pUgrims and the in- habitants of the place, who are almost aU hotel-keepers, or sellers of chaplets and shells. As we left the mount they fired the cannons, and the officers payed great civilities to our captain. Having returned to Avranches, where we arrived in good order, Mon. de Canisy came to look for our captain at the hotel ; invited him and our king to sup at his house, where they invited the nobility of the town to a well-served table, and where they drank to the health of Monsieur the Governour of Caen, amidst the roar of all the cannon of the place." Judge from the above example how completely our south- coast towns must have been disturbed by the arrival of foreign and homeward-bound pilgrims. Fancy the scallop shells worn for ornaments — in fact, as pilgrims' medals ; the children, wives, and sweethearts hastening to receive the little presents in shell-work and chaplets. The pilgrimage to Mont St. Michel was performed, as clearly appears, in style. Honours like the venisqn pas- ties and the wine attended the guild wherever they went. 140 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. Unlike the eastern pilgrimages, no vultures followed, — no bleached bones of men and beasts marked the route that had been taken. To the latest day of their lives all remembered so festive a week. Not every party could have enjoyed so much pomp and circumstance as the one recorded here. The question obtrudes itself " Did the party believe this excur- sion was efficacious for the soul ? " We believe " Not so " would be the answer. Nothing is recorded of the accommodation for the sleep- ing of numerous pUgrims, as at Canterbury, in the dor- mitory, of a hundred beds. At some of the great fairs in Normandy, held in places distant from towns, booths or tents, with a great number of beds, are set up. Persons arriving at the fair order their bed, and at the ringing of a bell aU retire at the same time, and rise at the same hour in the morning. PUgrims doubtless were accommodated in numbers together in some such way. Numbers now assemble from the neighbouring country at St. Jago to celebrate the festival of their patron saint St. James, July 25. Fireworks and processions attract, in the absence of other, the former inducements. When the Spaniard speaks of what we call a picnic — the setting out into the country well provided with a good store of eatables — he uses the word romeria ; that does a double duty, expresses picnicing and pilgrimage, as exchangeable terms. Persons of high family are stiU anxious for their admission to the order of St. Jago; but as pilgrims no longer require protection, they take the honourable dis- tinction as a proof of their high descent. Thus does age cause nearly everything to depart from its early use and application. OFFICE OF EAELT MATOKS. 141 The Importance of the Office of early Mayors. " Each many a year The helm of this town's government did steer," &c. Epitaph of the Ellesdons. Each mayor and his brethren formed in reality a board of guardians, a board of health, of trade, and a provincial legis- lature. Did they not manage the poor, regulate about what caused sickness and the treatment of the diseased, settle prices of commodities, define what number of attorneys should practise, and prescribe how trade should be carried on and how it should be fettered, and fix punishments for new offences ? Their bye-laws, if not wise, were so accounted, and were in accordance with the progress of social economy. They were alive to the presence of new domestic evils, and pro- ceeded to correct them by Precepts and Orders. The pur- suivant that brought a proclamation furnished the local legislators with work, as did also the bad character who dis- played some manifestations of a new or disused vice. It was not only against positive acts that bye-laws were framed, but indications of moral error occasioned the pass- ing of these to meet the threatened outbreak. We now punish for acts, but do not presume to conclude what is the true indication of a design to do wrong, should opportunity offer; and many mean actions are left to the contempt and scorn which they deservedly bring upon the perpetrators. Our predecessors, the authorities of Castle Combe, in the fifteenth century, fined a man Ad. for lying about with in- tention to ravish women. They likewise presented eaves- droppers, or listeners at windows ; a mean class, whose character would, after proof of such a habit, be now left to the ridicule of being compared to that of " Paul Pry."* All persons not members of a borough were accounted aliens or foreigners. These were impeded in trading at every step, and were treated much as if they owned allegi- ance to some foreign king. Their dues were higher, their * Hist, by Right Hon. P. Serope. 142 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. facilities less, and they could only buy after freemen had viewed the merchandise and declined to purchase. Persons who for a consideration passed off the wares of out-of-town traders as their own in order to evade these exactions were heavily fined : their ofience was styled " colouring foreigners' goods." When freemen were contumacious in respect of the laws of their borough they were suspended, and lost their freedom and the privileges and immunities it secured. Thus did the inhabitants of a borough repay themselves for the expenses and the responsibilities they incurred. It was but fair that the legislators, the entertainers of great men, the providers of ordnance and gunpowder, the payers of rates to send burgesses to the Parliament, should have some return beyond inhabitants of the country, who had no such burdens. Each borough was truly an imperium in imperio. Like other institutions, boroughs have played their part, and have been modified so as to have lost much of their former character. The central government has eased the mayors from many of their duties. They are no longer legislators, directors of the defences of their borough, and we know not what besides. The performance of these duties, however, is provided for in a way suited to the state of civilisation that now obtains. Old mayors had duties for which no directions had been prescribed ; they were left to their own judgment, like a Turkish cadi, and much ready ability and conduct was often demanded from them, and that not in vain. The state intermeddled with everything. Xothing was left to the prudence and self-government of the people. Such is not the case now-a-day. Still matters are conducted in an improved manner that indicates constant progress. Mr. Macaulay treats of this, and asserts that it has not re- sulted by the intermeddling of the state, but by the pru- dence and energy of the people which has carried England forward in civilisation ; and to the same prudence and energy we look forward with comfort and hope : " Our rulers will best promote the improvement of the nation by strictly confining themselves to their own legitimate duties, by leav -■ A LITfeiOUS PERSON. 143 ing capital to find its most lucrative course; commodities their fair price ; industry and intelligence their natural punishment, by maintaining peace, by defending property, by diminishing the price of law, and observing strict economy in every department of the state. Let the government do this : the people will assuredly do the rest." May the political economist find in the following pages material for inferences from the economic experience of early reigns. Nothing was then left to self-government. The mayors were excusable. They carried out the orders and laws of the state, and had, from the multiplicity and variety of duties, a prominence that causes us to view them as very remarkable men. A Litigious Person punished. The jurisdiction of the county magistrates, either assumed, or which of right belonged to them, gave them a power, that was at times exercised in the correction of gross abuses and acknowledged social evils, that no law can be made to reach; whereas they addressed themselves to the offence, and ad- judged summarily. Take, for instance, the case of a litigious dweller and oppressor of the inhabitants of Piddletrenthide. We learn from it, that the people looked to the magistrates to relieve them from the most out-of-the-way instances of personal annoyance, oppression, or social disturbance. We will illustrate this from the business of the Sherborne Easter sessions, 1650. " Divers credible persons, inhabitants of Piddletrenthide and others, upon oath complained of many great extortions and intolerable abuses by colour of law, practised by one John Bryne of the same place ; whereby he had drawn many to great expenses in law, upon frivolous sviits of no value, and such whereupon he had received satisfaction at the least twelve years before his suit commenced, and to the utter undoing of others, whom (for fear of going to prison at his suit) he hath caused to enter into bond for payment of debt, long since discharged, to the general vexation of aU his 144 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. neighbours and others that ever had any manner of dealing with him by buying, selling, renting, or otherwise, sometimes making justice a pretext for his unsufferable exactions." The picture of the offender is repulsive. His career was arrested ia a manner calculated to have made the magistracy very popular, for the court ordered that John Bryne be com- mitted to the county gaol, there to remain without bail or mainprize by the space of three months, and from thence till he shall put in two sufficient sureties, good subsidy men, that will be bound in fifty pounds a-piece, and he himself in a hundred pounds, to the king's Majesty's own use, upon condition that he shall in time to come well behave himself towards the king and aU his liege people. But in case that he give full satisfaction to all such persons as he hath un- justly wronged, and that now have complained against him, then upon putting in of security this court doth think fit he be discharged of his imprisonment.* A Discontented Politician suffers. A PROOF of religious feeling in favour of a party, and the danger of rash spouting on political matters, are given in an entry made at the Michaelmas quarter sessions held at Beaminster, a.d. 1625. " It is ordered by this court that John Barton, for using manie contemptuous wordes agaiast the king's proclamation conceminge Jesuits and Recusants (and selling ale without a license), in saying he wished halfe of them hanged which procured the saide proclamation, is committed to the House of Correction untill he hath receaved his punishment by whipping, and then to be delivered to the keeper to remaine three days, and for such further time until he shall pay the penalties according to the statute. Henrie Mamford en- formeth." f William Stone and John Lane the elder, of Castleton near Sherborne, were proved in 1629 to have spoken and * Mr. T. Hearn, " Qui Quondam." t Ibid- A BAILEE PUNISIIEB. THE CLERGY. 145 uttered contemptuous and scandalous speeches of his Majesty, his laws, and the Courts of Parliament. They were bound over to appear at the next assizes and answer for their conduct." * A Bailer punished. PoVEKTY In 1631, as in every age, gave confidence to some who had nothing to lose in the indulgence in great license of language. One Robert Hancocke, alias Randell of Maiden Newton, being by reason of his poverty unable to satisfy the law, indulged in railing upon the governors, officers, and others, his neighbours, in such an open, foul, common, and usual manner as was insufferable. Dr. What- combe admonished him in vain. This man was to be com- mitted to the House of Correction at Dorchester for a month, where the keeper was to receive him and set him oh work, and give him such due correction as the quality of his offences shall deserve. Submission to Dr. Whatcombe was to procure his enlargement sooner.f The Magistracy coerce and protect the Clergy. The functions now exercised by the Ecclesiastical Courts were many of them performed by the county magistracy, and in boroughs by the mayor and his brethren. At Blandford Christmas Sessions in 1627, a warrant was issued against Thomas Bartlett, clerk, for sowing sedition between William Hopkins and his wife, and for the like be- tween Bake and his wife. The offending minister stood charged with prosecuting a suit against one Lucas, and also for refusing to baptize his child, and further for " chal- lenging the field " of Mr. Martin, Lucas, and Fudge, and for that he standeth indicted this present sessions upon two several bills, viz., one for ale-house haunting, and the other for drunkenness. Brawling in church fell within the same jurisdiction. * Mr. T. Hearn, " Qui Quondam." f Ibid. L 146 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. At Sherborne Sessions in 1631, a minister sought and found relief by informing of divers misdemeanors, disturb- ances, and uncivil behaviour, offered and used towards Samuel Xorrington, clerk, both in time of his prayer before sermon, and also at the time of service in the parish church of Charmouth, by Mary Limbry, the wife of Edward Limbry, of Charmouth, sailor, and Joan her daughter. The Court desired Henry Drake and Roger Gollop, Esq, to call the parties before them, and to examine into the misde- meanors alleged ; and if these were found to be true, then to proceed against the parties according to the form of the Statute.* It was the wife and daughter of Stephen Limbry who shut up that mariner in his bed-room, and there kept him, when he ought to have, according to agreement, transported Charles II. to France after the battle of Worcester. NeigTibouring Counties are restricted in their Intercourse hy Magistrates, as if they were of separate Realms. Mankind is but too ready to create a secondary kind of caste on every soil ; not exactly to separate into right-hand and left-hand castes in western lands, this institution being Oriental, but to exclude others upon trifling distinctions, and to form cliques and parties. This was formerly the case in a remarkable degree in England ; but thanks to increased intercourse, our country- men are becoming more like members of one great family. Some twenty years ago, in the middle of a broiling sum- mer's day, some persons were taking refreshment in a front room of the "Hunter's Lodge Inn," situated on the turn- pike road two miles on the eastern side of Axminster, a mile from the boundary line of Dorsetshire. They perceived a man running as if for a wager, much distressed by his speed and the heat of the day. As he came up to them he touched a chord to which their feelings responded. At the words, " Race Gem'men, Devon 'gainst Dorset," a seat was placed, refreshments bountifully afforded; and "Devon," restored, addressed himself to his course like one who was piqued for * Mr. T. Hearn, " Qui Quondam.'' "DORSET" AND "DEVON." — EESTRICTIONS. 147 the honour of his county. The party soon saw " Dorset" coming up with an attendant, both greatly distressed. Bets were offered for " Devon ; " when the party were soon ad- dressed to their mortification, and inquiries made for the thief they, the constables of the neighbouring town, were pursuing, as he had been seen robbing a gentleman's garden I However, the refreshment afforded the thief enabled him to escape. Like many others, to serve his ends he used party words to excite an interest for an unworthy objectj with what success we have seen. Having first asked pardon for this illustrative anecdote and digression, let us observe that bye-laws of borough worthies and of county justices were long framed, as if men outside the bounds of boroughs and counties were foreigners, and too often were treated as hostile, as those whom it was a duty to exclude from what was beneficial, and frequently as though deserving the most annoying restrictions. Every page of the history of boroughs displays this. Re- strictions as to the commercial intercourse between " Devon'' and " Dorset," or that of counties, existed, and are not so well known. No grain could be transported for sale from the county in which it had been raised without a special license, in which the exact quantity and description of grain to be removed was specified. Dorsetshire butter, which retains its reputa- tion, could not be sent to our countrymen residing in other counties who wanted some of it except in defined quantities, and by parties duly licensed at the Quarter Sessions for that purpose. Such a license as the following is most valuable to sceptics who might question the possibility of such a state of things having ever obtained. This entry, made at the Michaelmas Session held at Bridport in 1631, will carry conviction with it : — " For as much as a letter hath been directed unto this Court from the maior of the cittie of Exon, therein praying that this Court would license one Humfrey Perry, of that citie, to buy L 2 148 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. butter within this county for the provision of the same : this Court doth therefore give way that a license be granted unto the said Humfrey Perry, for the weekly buying in this countie two horse-loade of butter, and to carry the same unto the said citie for the provision of the same." It is amusing to read how powerful an effect the eloquent letter of the Mayor of Exeter produced. The authorities " gave way," and the " outside barbarians," as the natives of the Dorset "inside flowery land" might then have styled them, had their two pack-horses with butter in their dorsers. The good people of Exeter can now in four hours get what the metropolis has that is good without troubling the mayor to Intercede for them, or being pestered about a license.* Regulation of the Number of Attorney s-at-law. Practice, Sfc. Attornets-at-law, now in so many cases the richest in- habitants of country towns, and who have obtained in very many boroughs a position above the numerous householders that form the constituency, were no exception to the general rule. They were regulated by the mayor and his brethren, the merchants or principal traders as to their numbers and manner of practising their profession, not dissimilar to the handicraftsmen, the fullers, the shoemakers, and others of like trades. The latter were subject to the operation of corporation bye-laws that were really a tyranny, and so were the attorneys. In 1455, their numbers having increased, and a lachrymose account being given of their practices and the effects pro- duced, most prejudicially, upon the people, a statute provided that there should be six common attorneys in Norfolk, six in Suffolk, and two in Norwich, to be elected and admitted by two of the judges. So in Dorset their numbers were judged to be disproportionate. In the year 1594 Thomas Densloe, Richard Ellyot, and all other attorneys practisino- in the Hustings Court of Lyme, except three, were, for certain good causes, which moved the mayor and his brethren, dis- * ;Mr. T. Hearn, from Sessions Book. REGULATIONS AS TO ATTOENEYS. 149 missed from their attorneyships. The three attorneys were obliged to take an oath to observe all lawful orders about the practice of the Court of Hastings. They did this before George Wadham, Recorder. That this expulsion or exclusion was more than a forensic entry in the court books of Lyme — toere words, and nothing enforced after the hour when the order was passed — is clear from the history of the borough. Mr. Thomas Densloe set up a school ; his scholars were the subjects of a presentment in the year 1597. He submitted to the decree of the borough magnates, and inculcated the rudiments of Latin grammar, expecting perhaps the happy day when he might again plead in bar, or have to make entries salutary and sanitary in Latin, which, if " bad, did not quash indictments'' {Faux Latin ne quashera indiiement). The orders passed for the lucky trio who were allowed to continue to practice were stringent. No attorney was to advise his client to bring in any de- murrer touching any action for debt or detinue, being but of 20«. or under. If above 20s., the attorney or party shall inform the court of the insufficiency of the declaration or plea, and pray to have the defaults amended before further proceedings. If this be refused, then the party may enter his demurrer. And likewise, in actions of trespass, breach of covenant, if but of 20s. or under, the attorney shall not advise a de- murrer. Also, not advise the removal of causes begun and depending which may be lawfully tried and determined in the same court. Also, not to take more than the ordinary and accustomed fees, except for journeys. Also, not to plead any foreign plea in bar in any plaint, action, or suit, but such plea as the attorney shall swear that the matter or averment is true and above 20s. The county magistrates undertook the settling matters of etiquette or rule between counsellors and attorneys. Attorneys and solicitors were, by an order made in 1626, L 3 150 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. not permitted to plead at the Dorset Sessions if there were any counsellors present that could be retained. This was re- presented to be in compliance with the ancient order, and as obtained in other countries ; also for the encouragement of counsellors attending, and honour of the court.* These matters would now be left to their own correction. If eight attorneys were to commence practice where three were only needed, five would be found to move elsewhither- The population, too, ought to learn to refrain from litigation, except in cases actually requiring it, as they would from strong drink, too expensive luxuries, or ruinous pleasures. In a word, self-government was a power not confided in. Modern legislation understands this much better. The Tnmbrel, Pillory, Cucking- Stool, and other Borough Instruments of Punishment, Sfc. " These mounted in a chair curule, Which moderns call a cucking-stool. And o'er the waves in triumph ride Like Dukes of Venice, who are said The Adriatic Sea to wed," &c. Hudibras. Borough towns were like some little independent states that acknowledge a sovereign ruler, but which, upon the whole, manage their own aifairs, provide for their own internal government by local legislation, and settle a code of laws for the punishment of ofienders in various ways. Often do we hear in boroughs of lax discipline, of a daring population that defy authority, and disturb the quiet of " our street," while comparisons are instituted with that good old time when offences could not be perpetrated with impunity, and when troublesome townspeople were made to know themselves by the administration of sound discip- line. Town clerks made their learned entries of these doings, and recorded the use of pilarum sive Collistrigium, cippos, &c. * " Qui Quondam," Dorset Session MS. BOROUGH CODES OF LAW. TRAVELLING. 151 The jury at borough court leets, till of late, persevered in their presentments for the renewal of the practice of punishing forestallers or regraters ; and they desired a return to the borough punishments, which many believed, together with the other case before mentioned, would restore our little societies to a state bordering upon that of Elysium. The borough codes of laws assigned punishments for offences against the well being and order of the little im- perium in imperio. Travelling thirty miles to a county town was quite a labour to the honest members of society. Offenders could not be taken to the county gaol, as now-a-day, with facility ; so " grete murtherers, arrant theves, and other grete mys- doers of many shires, as of Sussex, sometymes for ferry distance, and charge, and jiapardie of conveyance ben suffered to escape." It was necessary that offenders should be punished for all but great crimes in their borough, or not at all. Laws for the good government of boroughs were in use under* innumerable heads, and the penalty and punishment for neglect of them were appended. Much might be written upon the effect produced by borough penal legislation, as compared with that resulting from the system of centralisation. Formerly townsmen witnessed the punishment of offenders with their own eyes. As they viewed the disgrace or discipline, each realised the result of offending conduct, and the observer knew he might make the culprit's lot his own by following a like course. A greater effect was produced upon the spectators than the sentencing to imprisonment with discipline in a gaol at a distance. Herein consists the great difference between ancient and modern punishment. The system was marked ; the borough magnates aspired to rule by fear, not because they were cruel or specially delighted in inspiring fear, but from a belief that such was the proper course, that such was necessary, indeed indispen- sable. No class doubted it. The townsmen called for the instruments of punishment, and thought there was no safety, I. 4 152 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHEEN COUNTIES. no quiet without these. The judges that rode round to the assizes inspired fear. How tame a county assize appears in comparison with those in the reign of Elizabeth. Many assizes now pass without any execution. In Somersetshire alone, in 1596, forty persons were executed, thirty-five burned in the hand, and thirty-seven severely whipped ! Thirteen prisoners, men and women, were conveyed to the gallows at "Worcester about 1787 in four carts, not one of whom had committed murder. Eighty-five of the chauffeurs were executed at Chartres in France about the same time, which fact is adduced as a proof what scenes the gallows presented when the legislature determined to check crime by investing punishment with as many appalling features as possible. The result was unsatisfactory. Ofienders were not deterred, but crime increased. When borough towns were the seats of local legislation, and the scene of trials and punishment, the instruments used for the several sentences of the dread mayors and the other principal men were necessarily provided. The decay of these implements, or their destruction, have caused entries without which these pages could not have been written. The Tumbrel of Lyme Regis was out of repair in A Tumbrel at Wootton.Bassett in 1760, date 1668. (From the Wiltshire Archaeol. Mag.) 1581. This was that low-rolling cart or carriage (in law Latin, tumberelld) used as a punishment of disgrace and infamy. Millers, when they stole corn, were chastised by the tumbrel. Persons were sometimes fastened with an TUMBREL AT WOOTTON-BASSETT. 153 iron chain to a tumbrel, and conveyed bareheaded with din and cry through the principal streets of towns. '' Court of Hustings Booh, 1581. (Lyme.') "The jury present that the tumbrell be repaired and main- tained from time to time according to the statute." In 1583, Mr. Mayor was to provide a tumbrel before All Saints Day, under a penalty of 10s. If the foregoing instrument of punishment was needed for one class of offenders, we shall find that evils existed that immediately called for other machines deemed neces- sary to abate such, whatever they might prove to be. A learned town-clerk of Lyme, in 1592, thus enters, as was customary, in Latin in the Hustings' Book, what had been given him in plain English : — " Item prsBsentant uxorem Thomae Lacy unam Scold." Translated thus : " They likewise present the wife of Thomas Lacy to be a scold." By another entry further information is to be gleaned : — " Item, we find that "William "Welsh, his wife, and his daughter Elizabeth Purden, are common scolders, one with the other, to the disturbance of their neighbours." A "wrangler from house to house," in 1596, found a place in a presentment in the court of Hustings' Book. "Whether such publicity produced any amendment in the party is doubtful. To be written down in a great book by a scrivener in one's true character must have been viewed as a stigma. A goodwife Pupe for " mis-using her tunge to the hurt of here naybors " was presented. The peace had to be maintained ; therefore irritating ex- pressions which led to angry answers and jangling discussions were matter for a jury, who acted upon the legal saying, " that the greater the truth the greater the libel." The jury of Seaford found Thomas "Woman's wife saucy. This good wife perhaps experienced the " stool, the dread of every scolding quean," for a criticism upon the commodities another woman sold. She said, " her beans and pease were spillde " 154 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. (spoiled). How just a remark if these articles were not good for food, and how easily refutable the assertion if they really were so. A proclamation had been issued in 1547 by Henry VIII., " that all women should not meet together to babble and talk, and that aU men should keep their wives in their houses." The conduits and dipping places in running streams were the places of constant resort of the gossips. After a presentment at the manorial Court of Seaborough, near Crewkerne, in 1486, two women were fined a penny each as common scolds. At the same time an order was made that the tenants of the manor should not scold their wives under pain of forfeiting their tenements and cottages. Not fifty years afterwards an order was made that tenants' luives should not scold under pain of 6s., one-half to go to the repairs of the chapel, and the other half to the lord of the manor.* In the parish book of Axminster is an item (1675) : "For a warrant to ly against the scoulds. Is." The evil must have become no longer endurable.f The long church porch of Lyme contained one part of the dreaded Cucking-Stool, ready for the correction of certain A Cucking-Stool or Treduchet, near Worthing, about 1776. "No brawling wives — no furious wenches — No fire so hot but water quenches." AVest. Tulman's Book of the Axe. t Ibid. CUCKING-STOOL. — PUNISHMENT OF SCOLDS. 155 offenders. Sundry entries are here given to prove that this branch of borough discipline was not neglected. Cucking is a corruption of coquine, so that cucking-stool is that for troublesome, noisy women. In 1608, a woman was ordered to leave the town of Southampton, who had been guilty of slander, and when a few days later it was discovered that she had not gone away and had repeated the offence, she was condemned to be set in a cage with a paper before her.* Scolds used to be punished at Leicester by the mayor on a cuckstool before their doors, and then carried to the four gates of the town.f Town Accompt Book of Lyme. 1631. For bringing the cucking-stool out of the church - 1633. For amending the cucking-stool - - - 1653. Paid for a piece of timber for a cucking-stool and six boards ..... 1657. For timber to make a cucking-stool 1658. For making a cucking-stool, George Baker See Court of Hustings' Book. 1685. 30th April. Item, we present the corporation for not repairing the cucking-stool - - - 6 8 Therefore it is ordered that it be repaired within one month subpoena. [There was soon employment for greater seve- rities this year.] Bound Book of Presentments. 1724. The corporation was presented for not keeping up a ducking-stool as it was formerly allowed by the informations of several persons. [Every- thing was now in decay in the town.] Kingston-upon- Thames. 1572. The making of the cucking-stool Iron work for the same Timber for the same ... Three brasses for the same, and three wheels £13 4 * Archseological Institute. f Nichol's Hist, of Leicester. s. d. 6 6 16 2 12 5 8 8 3 7 6 4 10 156 SOCIAL HISTOKY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. At Marlborough *, in 1625, a man had for his help at the cucking of Joan Nealj id. Gravesend. s. d. 1636. The porters for ducking of Good wife Campion - 2 Two porters for laying up the ducking-stool - 8 The cucking-stool was used by the pond in many village greens as commonly, about one hundred years ago or little more, as stocks now are. By the sea the quay offered a convenient spot. The barbican at Plymouth was the locality, doubtless terrible to offenders, however careless of com- mitting their wordy scolding nuisance. Two pounds were paid for a cucking-stool at Leicester in 1768. Since that it has been placed at the door of a notorious scold as a warning. Upon admission to the House of Correction at Liverpool, a woman had to undergo the severity of the ducking-stool till a little before the year 1803, when Mr. James Neild wrote to Dr. Lettsom. The pump in the men's court was the whipping-post for females, which discipline continued, though not weekly. See the law case of Hannah Saxby in an interesting article, " Wiltshire Archseol. Mag." Vol. I. In 1629 Beaminster was without the necessary and custo- mary implements of borough discipline stocks, ducking-stool, and piUory. Peter Hoskins, farmer of the manor, was ordered to procure all these in three months, under pain of five pounds. Edith Coplyn, of Stoke Abbot, had a feud with another labourer's wife. If she misdemeaned herself, she was to be taken before a magistrate, who was by the Court desired to give her the punishment of the ducking-stool or some other like punishment. One husband at Jiristol brought an action against Edmund Mountjoy, whose year of civic supremacy was then out for having had his wife ducked for a scold. Evans, in his His- * Wajlen's History. CUCKING-STOOL. — PUNISHMENT OF SCOLDS. 157 tory, mentions the circumstance. Ducange may be consulted for this practice under the word super undatio. Cucking- Stool, Lord Holt, the judge, said of a woman whose case was before him, that cucking her would rather harden than cure her, and that if she were once ducked she would scold on all the days of her life. At Preston, in the " Book of Customs of the Manor," frau- dulent tradespeople and insolvent burgesses occasionally un- derwent the cooling operation. Our American brethren have found that in running be- beyond the sea, the Scold family have accompanied them. The grand juries of Philadelphia from 1717 to 1720, in good set terms, deplored the absence of a ducking-stool for scolding women, and the necessity that existed iov that public convenience. So late as the year 1824, a woman was con^ victed of being a common scold, in the Court of Quarter Sessions of Philadelphia county, and sentenced to be placed in a cucking or ducking-stool, and plunged three times into the water ; but the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania, upon the removal of the case by writ of error, decided that this punishment was obsolete, and contrary to the spirit of the age.* Baretti, the Italian lexicographer, journeyed from London to Exeter in a six-inside coach, in four days, in 1760. He records the seeing the ducking-stool over the water by Honiton, where they dipped those old women suspected of being witches. There, if they sunk, their fate was decided ; if they swam, they were supposed to have been clearly proved to be witches. Some half century after this, the writer of these pages being at the same town, a man led forth his wife with a halter round her neck, and sold her for eighteenpence. The purchaser led off his bargain, and it was said by the by- standers that he was the man most likely, or whom they * Notes and Queries, 1854, March II. 158 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. expected, would buy the woman. Bakers who gave out bread short of weight were subjected to the ducking-stool so late as the great Howard's time, about the year 1775. Such was the punishment of weavers in the reign of Charles I., who did not return cloth of honest weight, according to what had been given out. This ancient implement of punishment was used for those who dressed meat a second time. Hashed meat {carries recalefactce) was cooked as a snare for tender consciences of fasting monks, who persuaded themselves that in that form it ceased to be meat. This relaxation of discipline was condemned by the constitution of Gregory IX., given to the monks of St. Benoit. In a journey of Edward I., a.d. 1299, Damele, the cook, for rewarming his meat, was fined 3s. 4rf.* The Brank, for taming shrews, was preferred to the cucking-stool in some counties, and was used there for A Brank, or Scold's Bridle. From that In the Guildhall, Worcester. (From Stanley's Guide to that City.) the same purpose. The brank was in favour in the nor- thern counties, and in Worcestershire, though there were * E.oyal Journeys in Sussex, by W. H. Blauw, Esq. THE BEANK. — CAGE, OK PILLORY. 159 notwithstanding some of the other instruments of punish- ment used, called in that county gum-stools. The brank was put over the head, and was fastened with a padlock. There are entries at Worcester about mending the " scould's bridle and cords for the same." The cucking-stool not only endangered the health of the party, but also gave the tongue liberty 'twixt every dip. The brank was put over the head, and was fastened with a padlock.* There is a representation of Robert Sharp, an officer of the corporation of Newcastle, leading Ann Bidlestone through the streets, with the branks or gossip's bridle on, in "the Local Historian's Table Book of Northumber- land," &c. t In the church of Walton-on-Thames, in Warrington Museum, and in the Guildhall, Worcester, are branks. J The Cage, or Pilloet, having been neglected, the jury made this presentment in 1584 : " That Mr. Mayor do cause the cage, or pillory, to be set up in good order before the feast of St. John Baptist, upon pain of 10s." The pillory was coloured in 1650, at a cost of 4s. The mayor and corporation having been presented again, in 1694, for not repairing the pillory, Mr. Samuel Cour- tenay, mayor, paid for boards about the shambles and pil- lory, in 1699, 11. 15s. 8d. In 1724 the constables were presented for not dis- charging their duty respecting the pillory and stocks; which presentment doubtless referred to the subjecting offenders to due discipline by means of these machines. The Stocks. William Tudbold, mayor, paid to John Cogan for making of the (strap ?) of iron, and for two staples and nails for the stocks, in 1551, 17s. 6d. There are other entries for repairs at Lyme. Wood stealers, or, as they were styled, hedge-tearers, were, about 1584, set in the stocks two days in the open * Stanley's Worcester Guide. t Vol. i. p. 283. See Brand's Hist, of Newcastle, vol. ii. p. 292. I See the Transactions of the Historic Society. 160 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. street, with the wood stolen before them, as a punishment for a second offence. Let no one view the pillory as an instrument for the punishment of offenders under the direction of the magis- trate, whose judgment results from a deliberate estimate of the nature of the offence. A longer or shorter continuance in a constrained exposed position was assigned to each. Such would be a very in- correct view. The magistrate sentenced to the pUlory, and some official assisted; but the populace administered, and regulated the punishment. Some sentenced to stand found the punishment easy, or a very triumph of popularity, while others were frightfully lacerated, and almost killed with brick-bats and all kinds of missiles. The magistrates and the populace often took opposite views of the guilt of the party pilloried. The populace were practically either joint administrators of the law with the magistrates, carrying the punishment further than was ever contemplated, or else parties to nullify com- pletely the sentence. Titus Oates is made to express fears for his person in a ballad : — " See the rabble all round me in battle array. Against my wood castle their batteries play ; With turnip granadoes the storm is begun." A knife, like a pruning-knife, was sometimes in request to cut off the culprit's ears ; scissors to slit his nostrils, and a hot iron to sear the wounds. How numerous are the laudatores temporis acti those who commend the preceding age. How few, probably, who are so have carefully scanned the whole bearing of any subject, the good and prejudicial — that which still re- mains available, and that which is obsolete. This brief remark was occasioned by a presentment of the constables of Lyme so late as 1752. Doubtless sincere in their estimate of what in their judgment would prove a panncea WHIPPING AND ITS PKICE. 161 for the lax discipline they had to witness and deplore, still we must judge them to have been men behind their age. " 1752. A pare of stocks wanting in tlie borough. A pilary wanting. Stocks, pillory, and cucking-stoOl all wanting and neces- sary, and ought to be erected next court leet. Giles Davie, Edward Godfrey, J. Kerby." Lest any reader of this history might suppose that these formidable machines were set up as objects to deter our townsmen and women from committing the offences to which each was appropriated, and not so much for actual use, some specific information is submitted. There is an entry in the archives of Weymouth respect- ing the pillory, which does not appear to be readily under- stood. Some little history connected with election matters requires to be explained. An inhabitant of Weymouth (a.d. 1727) having ad- dressed Mr. Isaac Harvey respecting election matters, and having read a printed letter or handbill, the same per- son added, that if the corporation durst repair tlie pillory he would get upon it and read that letter, and would preach half an hour to the people, and then come down and burn the pillory. Whipping. " Gloucester. My masters of St. Albans have you not beadles in your town, and things called whips ? " Mayor. Yes, my lord, if it please your grace." Shakspeake. Not only was a tumbrel needed, to which the offender was secured, but a particular coat had to be provided for the operation. Mr. Ellesdon, Mayor of Lyme, in 1595, paid for — s. d. Four yards of canvas to make a coat to whip the rogues in 3 Making the same - - - - 6 M 162 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. S. d. Whipping of three of the ship boys for stealing of Mr. Hassard's salmon fish in the Cobb 1 (N. B. — Salmon was plentiful in the west at this epoch.) The charge of fourpence made for whipping a boy con- tinued for many years the same. The whipping of a woman who was a stranger was little more costly ; but the inflict- ing such a punishment upon a townswoman was remunerated at a higher rate, as may well be supposed, from a consi- deration of several circumstances. To take a violent, noisy woman from her chamber, tie madam to the tumbrel and whip her round the town, was an undertaking that de- manded assistance and protection to the official or hu'eling that wielded the thong. In the Town Accompt Book are found such entries as those which are given in illustra- tion : — s. d. 1625. For whipping William Wynter's boy - 4 „ Agnes Abbott twice - 2 4 1644. Paid two soldiers to attend the whipping of a woman ... 26 Paid to whipping four women - - 4 To visit a gaol the morning the women were whipped was the practice of some men about town. They discussed the courage of the poor wretches, and it was deemed highly entertaining. It sometimes happened, just as might have been expected in a small town, no townsman could be found willing for some fourteenpence to incur the violence and resentment of the person whipped and his friends by undertaking the office. Other parishes had to be visited in order to find some bold executor of the law. The constable's charge in \&^1 : — s. d. Paid Edward Norwood going to Wooton and Uplyme to get a man to whip Emanuel Lincoln . - - 6 Paid Edward Norwood going to Charmouth to conduct E. Lincoln thither - - - - 3 Paid a man to whip the said E. Lincoln - . - 1 JUDGE Jeffrey's delights. 163 Are we not to uoderstand that though a man of another parish was found willing to whip the offender, yet that he did not come into the borough to carry out the sentence, but would do so if the delinquent was sent to him, which was done ? Let us take another whipping-bill, and see if this is not a correct view of the case. 1657. Paid Robert Milley's wife for going to Wooton [three miles] to get a man to whip two prisoners - 4 Paid a man for whipping them - - - 2 Conducting them to that tithing - - - 1 At Lewes a goodwife earned her shilling for whipping offenders so late as 1718. The Lyme constable's accounts for many years about the year 1662 were principally made up of charges for whipping and rending on men and women. For execution of this sentence upon strangers the difficulty in finding an official was not great. See a bill for 1662. s. d. Paid towards the whipping of the cutpurse woman - 6 Paid the Barbadoes boy for whipping a strange woman - 6 The female culprits had not only to suffer from the sen- tence, but from the most odious vice which is incident to human nature, a delight in misery merely as misery. This led such as Judge Jeffreys to scare them into fits by dilating on all the details of what they were to suffer. Thus, when ordering an unlucky adventuress to be whipped at the cart's tail, " Hangman," he would exclaim, writes a great living authority *, " I charge you to pay particular at- tention to this lady. Scourge her soundly, man ! Scourge her till the blood runs down ! It is Christmas, a cold time for madam to strip in ! See that you warm her shoulders thoroughly ! " In the Court of Hustings Book, 1578, it was ordered that the constables do suffer no vagabonds which wander about * Macaulay. M 2 164 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. without lawful authority to go unpunished upon pain of 6s. 8d. The preparing false briefs was a common occupation. In 1661 there were incurred for expenses in prosecuting those who had false briefs and sending them to gaol, 4?. 155. lid. How summarily such persons were occasionally treated appears in the Hustings Book, May 14. 1679, and 1688. John Handson, of the parish of Newington in Southwark, in the county of Surrey, and Margaret his wife, were both there openly whipped for wandering rogues, and were assigned to pass from parish to parish the next straightway to Newing- ton aforesaid, where the said John Handson confessed he last dwelt, to be there in sixteen days. 1688. Andrew Campbell and "\Yalter Scott, two pretended Scotchmen, with a counterfeit and false pass, whipped for sturdy vagrant rogues, and sent on to the next tithing. Dinah Page for having obtained goods under false pre- tences was sentenced at Marlborough to one month's im- prisonment, and to be publicly whipped on a market-day in 1807.* There was a Dark House in the borough of Lyme which may be styled a dungeon. Hedge-tearers were numerous before the introduction of coals, and wrought much mischief. Persons found with wood had two days and a night in the Dark House, and during that time to have brown bread, which would perhaps be worthy the name of black bread, and water. The Stocks were not the Instrument of punishment and disgrace only for those who offended in the vicinity of the church, their use was more extended ; inhabitants whose conduct was presented by the constables as highly immoral were sentenced to the disgrace of the stocks and to the smart of a whipping besides, f * Waylen's Hist, of Marlborough. t In the archives of ^Feymouth there is a. presentment by the con- stables, that on 16th September, 1621, John Bascombe and Amy Pushman, the wife of ^Villiam Pushman, -were taken fast-locked in a chamber in the CARDINAL WOLSEY. " DEUNKAED 8 CLOAK." 165 The stocks are remarkable for the punishment inflicted upon Cardinal Wolaey, when incumbent of Lymington near Yeovil, by the direction of Sir Amias Poulett. This strict moralist seeing that the minister of the parish was then in liquor, it being fair time, had him set in the stocks.* Should any suppose that this mode of punishment was only for the low in station, and that it was only the humble who were subjected to this and similar modes of discipline, the above and following statements will undeceive him. The scholars and residents in the colleges of Cambridge were by a decree of the vice-chancellor and heads oi houses forbidden to bathe in 1571 in any river, pool, or pond, by day or night. Offenders, undergraduates, were to be punished with eods; graduates were to be set in the STOCKS the whole day in the common hall of their college and pay a fine of 10s. The following instrument might be in request now-a-day. The " drunkard's cloak " was a cask with a hole at the top, through which the drunkard's head protruded, and one on each side for either hand. The legs were free for the offender to perambulate with the instrument of punishment about him.f Were not valuable possessions taxed ? and was not the rightful possession of stocks and whipping-posts deemed to be such by lords of manors? Undoubtedly. They were held to be proofs and signs of manorial property, and tests of its genuine character. Hence taxes were paid upon the manorial implements of punishment, the stocks, whipping- post, &c., by the too often proud possessor, the lord of the manor. The precise object of these immediate pages was an night, either doing naughty, or altogether suspicious of doing naughty ; and, therefore, by order of the court, punished hj whipping and setting in the stocks. The male offender was living in Weymouth some years after. * See Lord Campbell's Lives of the Chancellors for the affair, and for Wolsey's revenge. t J. Brand's Hist, of Newcastle, vol. ii. p. 192. M 3 166 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. enumeration of the instruments used for the due carrying out of borough punishment — the weapons of a borough police. Borough legislature is much too large a topic to be wholly embraced under this head. It has its due proportion of space assigned to it, when the orders, precepts, rules and laws for brewers, tipplers, bakers, foreigners, &c., are under consideration. The use of the stocks as a punishment of offenders against conventional morality during the Pro- tectorate brings the following particulars within our scope : — " The affectation of extreme attention to outward ob- servances of decorum, and the assumption of a saintly de- meanour, were not confined to the excessive enforcement of a regard for the Sabbath, but were displayed also in a minute attention to verbal conversation and the phraseology of the period ; and the laws for the due observance of a decent and moral demeanour in this respect were frequently applied to an extreme that would be ridiculous in this day of certainly advanced refinement. " Few sittings of the justices of Dorchester took place during the term comprised between 1654 and the Restoration, at which they had not to adjudicate upon some charge of swearing, of which the most frequent and obnoxious in- stances are, ' By the name of God ; ' the fines imposed vary- ing in amount, but being chiefly 5s. In one instance ' a gentleman not named ' for swearing such an oath was con- victed in the fine of ' a noble ; ' and ' Mr. Robert Lawrence, Esqr.' is fined \0s. for a similar oath. We see here, that if the law was no respecter of persons, those who administered it paid some attention to titular distinction. " It is to be regretted that even the fair sex were some- times amenable to punishment for this offence ; to wit, on the 13th March, 1656, ' Charitie Rabats was set in y" stocks for hir cursinge.' " There are several instances in which such expressions as ' Plague take you ' were visited with the penalty for cursing. On one occasion an information was laid against a lad who, whilst playing at fives with a companion, ' cursed and said " Plague take him," meaning y^ baule.' It is well that Gray SCANDAL. LOVE OFFENCES. 167 wrote some years later, or he surely would have been visited for his magnificent ode, commencing — " ' Euin seize thee ! ruthless king ! ' " " But the judicial functionaries of the day took cognisance not only of cursing, but of other foul and intemperate lan- guage. Such expressions as ' rogue,' ' base rogue,' ' thief,' ' foul toad,' and other verbal unpleasantries, were regarded as offences of sufficient magnitude to be brought before the notice of the bench. These things frequently arose out of the political hostilities of the time, as we meet with such epithets as ' crop-eared rogue ' and ' cavalier knave.' One Matthew Pouncy, for abusing the mayor, the recorder, and all the rest of the bench, as ' knaves and roags,' was bound to appear at the Quarter Session to answer the charge. " The interference of the justices in these minor matters of social decorum and the properties of demeanour, was also manifested in their constituting themselves as arbitrators in cases of private scandal. On the 26th of February, 1657, Charles Gardiner was informed against for using, regarding two of his neighbours, ' words tending much scandoll to them boath.' And, even beyond this, it appears, by the fol- lowing extraordinary entry, that the court of justice was occasionally converted into a very court of love, Venus and Cupid being displaced to make room for Mr. Mayor and Mr. Bayliffe Stansbie. " ' The 12th of Septem., 1656. — This daye Alice Hill vppon examination is found to keepe company with Phillip Bartlett in vnseasonable time, and saith shee will not for- sak him vnlesse hee will forsak her. Shee is ordered not to keepe him company againe without leav.' All honour to Alice Hill ! ' Faithful found among the faithless,' she was a pattern for her sex. Faithful as fair, what cared she for Mr. Mayor or Mr. Bayliffe ? Strong in the deep affection for lier dear Philip, firm in the loyalty of her love, she defied the might of judicial authority in the very spirit of the old couplet : — M 4 168 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. " ' If you love me as I love you, No ' bench ' shall cut our loves in two.' " This appeared in the " Dorset County Chronicle," under the title of" Dorchester in the Seventeenth Century," Nov. 4. 1844. Mr. Hearn was the author ; since become an emigrant to Australia. Upon information being furnished of immorality being practised the magistrates were not slow to act. At the Dorset sessions in 1626 the court was informed that one Eleanor Llartin, the wife of Thomas Martin, of Burton, is a woman of ill name and fame, and suspected to live very incontinently with one John Patie, of the same place, tailor. Eleanor IMartin vras forthwith committed to the House of Correction, there to remain at the pleasui-e of the court, and a warrant was issued against John Patie for his personal appearance at the next sessions. It was further ordered, that if the said Eleanor Martin shall again frequent the company of the said John Patie, the said order was to be a sufficient warrant for the constables of the hundred of Sher- borne forthwith, upon such her suspected society with the said John Patie, to apprehend and convey her to the House of Correction. This case gave their worships trouble at several sessions ; for, notwithstanding the prohibitions, the parties continued their familiarity in a suspicious manner. The court ordered that if at any time Patie should be seen or known to be in the company of, or to frequent the house of Eleanor Martin, he was, upon complaint before a justice, to be sent to the House of Correction, and likewise Eleanor Martin. The proper guardian of his wife's honour it seems was not vigilant, so it was ordered that if Thomas Martin, the husband, did at any time give any, or connive at such meeting, he was to be sent to the House of Correction, there to remain till further order therein. This threat of visiting any one — in this case a husband — for neglecting the performance of a social duty, exhibits great interference with the private concerns of families, but CAPITAL PUNISHMENT. 169 at the same time much superintending concern for the good government of the members of the community. This branch of the exercise of authority has ceased: magistrates only administer the written law. These worthy men bore a re- semblance to the E-oman censors ; and what would now be deemed to be tyranny was in Charles's reign judged to be a vindication of offended morals and religion. William Steevens, of Swanage, for having frequented the company of Christian, the wife of Edward Coles, " in a very suspicious manner," had lain in gaol for the space of three quarters of a year, or thereabouts. His liberation had been effected after promise and hope of reformation ; but he re- lapsed into his former habits of suspicious visits to Goodwife Coles, and was again consigned to gaol. We hear nothing of the informers. Were they jealous or hostile towards the accused ? What a field for private malice did this system lay open ? * The crime of sheep-stealing was visited by the magistrates at the sessions for Dorset with the punishment of branding the offender on the left hand with the letter F (felon) and liberating; him. The extreme punishment, death, was inflicted at sessions. Thus, at the January sessions held at Blandford in 1631, Maria Eyves, alias Collins, and Walter Sampson, were sen- tenced to be hanged. At the January sessions in 1635, held at the same town, Robert Keat, and at the Easter sessions of the same year, held at Sherborne, Nicholas Grant, were left for execution. The offences are not specified. At the Michaelmas sessions held at Bridport the follow- ing entry occurs : — " Elizabetha Johnson, alias Stevens, pro vagrant tanq. vaga- bund. incorrigibil. suspend, per collu. usque dm. mortua sit." If either the incorrigible vagrant or the sheep-stealer were to be hanged, the latter now-a-day would suffer. In 1 635, however, one got off with branding, the other was doomed to the gallows, t * Mr. T. Heain, " Qui Quondam." f Ibid. 170 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. Some boroughs possessed privileges which they set great Talue upon. Judge Jeffreys in his terrible charge at Bristol refers to the dignity of that great emporium, saying, " This city it seems claims the right of hanging and drawing." The right-hand quarter of a rebel was sent to the city or borough in highest honour. Should we not now hesitate to advance claims which would procure such distinction ? The dreadful scenes which followed the last business of a county assize did not prevent a festive beginning of the same. On the commission day at each county town was held an assize ball. The judges attended in black silk gowns with band and two-curl bob- wig. They did not dance, but usually played at whist.* A County Gaol in the Reign of Charles the First. Prison discipline has become one of the standard topics of the day. The great turn their thoughts to the lowest members in the social scale, and proper necessaries are pro- vided for those whose incarceration is the result of crime. Though immured, the guilty are not considered to have forfeited all claims to compassion or regard. All hope for the futiu-e is not lost on entering the prison house, for much is done to amend the criminals. Their punishment is proportioned to their crime. The only question lies between them and the oifended law ; nothing besides intervenes. The officials carry out, not as principals, but subordinates, the sentence. This makes imprisonment a very simple matter compared with what it long continued to be, till indeed that sainted visitor, the revered Howard, rapped at the prison doors, and mankind shuddered at his accounts of what passed within the walls. In any mention of the county gaol of Dorsetshire in Charles the First's reign it should be clearly understood that a great change had taken place. Between the years 1630 and 1637 such abuses had crept in, that the * Notes aud Queries, No 319. GAOL GOVERNMENT. 171 governor or keeper Thomas Devenish was dismissed, or, it may more properly be said, was discontinued, or not allowed to agree any longer with the under-sheriff to hold the former post. Of the gaol at Dorchester, before the correction of the abuses referred to, we know nothing. We may fairly infer that it may be received as a type of such houses. Com- pared with what gaols are in the nineteenth century, every one of such places was a Pandemonium. Want of proper and necessary diet, neglect of a proper supply of water, bad ventilation and drainage, occasioned the dreadful gaol fever and a tainted atmosphere, in whidh the smallpox revelled. These destroyed throughout the realm, so late as 1773, more than aU the public executions; and these were fed by 160 different offences. The judges of assize caused to be issued under their own direction certain orders, which are here given as an example of embodied gaol reform of the reign of Charles I. The claims of society, the due regulation of the house and its inmates, were at that era deemed to have been amply provided for. Perhaps the reform was viewed as a final one ; probably may have been judged to be too sweeping. It has proved, however, a small anticipation of that which a truly great character effected 140 years after throughout the land. Orders for the better Government of the Gaol and Mainprize of Dorchester, " 1. By this rule the building formerly used as a House of Correction within the precincts of the gaol is directed to be set apart for the employment of poor prisoners, as well debtors as felons, that shall be willing and able to get their livings by labours ; and that the gaoler shall at his own charge provide such tools and materials as every able man desiring work and duly performing his labour shall and may have fourpence at the least for every day's work; and every woman and other person above the age of foui-- 172 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. teen and under the age of eighteen years may and shall have threepence at the least for every day's work. And if they deserve more, to have so much more for their labour respectively, as they shall deserve," &c. &c. Workhouses and houses of correction are mentioned with little distinction. Such were permitted to be erected at Blandford, Shaftesbury, Cranbourne, and other places in the county. The Marquis of Winchester, the Lord Lieutenant of Dorset, directed mayors, &c., to levy their proportion due toward the expense of a House of Correc- tion for Dorset, a.d. 1583. The gaol inmates, the starving debtor, and eqfially starving felon associated in their Gehenna were set to work ; so that the place became a great workshop for the benefit of the governor, who reaped the profits. The masters or governors had power to put fetters or gyves upon those set to work and labour, and to whip them moderately.* It has been frequently affirmed that the pauper is too often cared for and provided for less than the prisoner. At this date a pauper past labour had 4c?. a week assigned for a week's maintenance, which, upon complaint, was raised to 6c?. per week. This is the sum directed to be paid for a day's labour of a prisoner ; but the latter was perhaps understood to be an artisan or skilled labourer. In the celebrated act 43 Elizabeth, 1601, the foundation of our present system of poor laws, a test was insti- tuted, and by which it was ordered that such persons (i. e. able-bodied applicants) were to receive relief only on con- dition that they should work for it. The act of 1607 authorised the building " houses of correction," in which implements and machinery were provided for all such as were able to work. These " houses of correction " were, as their name implies, so much of the nature of penal establishments that an act was passed in 1723 for the correction of workhouses. The gaol of Dorchester appears to have been applied to * llcarn's Dorset Sessions. STATE OF GAOLS. 173 the reception of, 1. felons, 2. debtors, and 3. paupers, a mixture of the prison and union, or poorhouse. " 2. Also, that every sheriff from henceforth shall and may freely choose whom he please to be his gaoler (which is desired to be a free choice, without taking any recom- pense for that office)." Then follows a provision for allowing the sheriff the free use of the whole gaol, and directing that the gaoler shall enter into a bond of 200Z. to the treasurers of the county for the due performance of his office, &c. Every sheriff had his right confirmed of appointing his gaoler, who might be styled the farmer of the gaol, or head of the working parties, the letter-out of the rooms, vender of eatables and drinkables, and extortioner general. Females often took or undertook the management of gaols. Some of the largest gaols were in Howard's time in the hands of females. The under-sheriff usually received 40/. a year for his opportunities from a gaoler. Are we to wonder that the renter addressed himself in earnest to repay himself for his outlay, and remunerate himself for his services and labours ? * Beds were never thought of for prisoners. Often there was no straw. When the window-tax had become a great fact, gaolers who paid the taxes looked to their interests. Howard found the debtor's ward at Gloucester without any windows ; a part of the plaster wall was broken through to let in light, t In Ludgate Prison, enlarged by Dame Agnes Foster between 1454 and 1463, a copper plate had recorded : — " So that for lodging and water prisoners here nought pay, As their keepers shall all answere at dreadful doomesday.'' The gaoler was really a very important personage. Im- prisonment now wholly depends on the judges and ma- gistrates. In 1630 another party had authority. Some prisoners against whom the grand jury found no bill, — some whose prosecutors did not appear against them, — after having * Noted felons were shown at 2(?. a head, t Hepworth Dixon's Life of Howard. 174 SOCIAL niSTOET OF THE SOUTHERN COUXTIES. been confined for months, were dragged back to gaol, and locked up till they should pay sundry fees to the gaoler. These fees were the cause of imprisonment, apart from crime or debt. " 3. That the gaoler shall take allowance of a penny a day in bread for no more prisoners under his charge than the law doth require ; and that the same poor prisoners shall have their full allowance in Ranged bread after the rate of twelve to the dozen, according to the assize " {i. e. price, &c. fixed by the magistrates at that date). " 4. Also that the gaoler for such bread as he shall serve to the rest of the prisoners under his charge shall not take above a penny profit to himself upon every dozen, which shall be made according to the assize. " 5. Also that no gaoler shall make or brew any beer within the house of the gaol or precincts thereof that he serveth the prisoners withal, but shall take it from some brewhouse in the town, the best beer, after the rate of 12s. the hogshead, whereof he shall utter and sell to the prisoners an ale quart for a penny ; and the small beer at six shillings, wherof he shall sell to the prisoners two quarts for a penny, according to the statute ; which rates shall be uttered by the justices as they shall see cause." These regulations are similar to those appointed for tipplers or alehouse-keepers. " 6. That all the lodging chambers which were built for the mainprize shall be converted to that use, and no gaoler shall take above 4 of the Londoners and of Mr. Brown 18 Received the Tusdaye . . . - 16 » Wansdaye . . - . 6 7 )? Thirsdaye .... 2 19 ?> Frydaye .... 2 15 ?> Saterdaye ... 1 10 SPOONS, KNIVES, AND FOKKS. 341 s. d. Keceived the Sundaye - - 8 16 Tusday - - - - 4 10 „ Fryday - - - 3 4 Received of Thomas Whee for a hogshead of beer, and paid him for his spices, &c. - - - 17 Received of Tinscons and Colson by me, John Roze £ 55 19 1 We cannot learn how long the feasting or dinner lasted on each day. There was in those ancient festivities no preci- pitancy. Many hours, perhaps, saw no termination to the con- sumption of the good cheer, which the enchantments of vocal and instrumental music and jesting made to appear short. A word or two about spoons, knives, and forks used at this date. Girdle Knife and Fork. Common spoons were made of horn. Knives were im- ported from St. Maloes in 1553, and cost from 2d, to 4rf. each. They were first made in England in 1563. None are referred to as being purchased or in use at this feast. Forks are not mentioned. Silver forks came into fashion for in- valids about the year 1680. Forks are said to be an Italian invention. Old Tom Coryate, whatever kind it may have been, introduced this " neatnesse " into Somersetshire about the year 1600, and was therefrom called furcifer by his friends. Alexander Barclay thus describes the previous z 3 342 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. English mode of eating, which sounds very ventaish, although worse mannered : — " If the dish be pleasant, eyther flesche or fische. Ten hands at once swarm in the dishe." * We ornament the knuckle of a ham with paper. This used to be placed for cleanliness, as each person took it when he helped himself. In 1816, at the College of Valognes, in the department of La Manche, Normandy, dinner was served without there being any knives, except carving knives, placed at table. There was a fork for each pupil. A clasp knife was taken from the pocket of each person, opened, and placed by his plate. After dinner many might be seen inserting the blade in the ground to clean it. Salt, in pieces about half the size of a pea, was served, and those at table taking a portion rolled their tumbler upon it to triturate it. Potatoes were such novelties that the cook did not know how to cook them. There is no charge for vegetables. The cabbage tribe, some believe, was known early. How comes it that a cabbage appears at the feet of the monumental effigy of Sir Anthony Ashley, of Dorsetshire? Could his heir have ordered a cabbage to be sculptured without its full signifi- cance being intended ? We think not. Cider is not mentioned. Thus the simi cleared for the benefit of the Cobb was no less than 2.01. Upon the duplicate half-sheet it is mentioned that on Tuesday the sum of 16Z. was taken at the Cobb House. The feast lasted eight days. The first day brought the greatest income ; the following Sunday must have the next day in gaiety. There was received at St. Maloes, 1/. ; at Morlaix in Brittany, 17s. &d. ; a gilten spoon was charged 10^. ; the charger, 6?. 15 s. The contributors to the ale at Morlaix, London, and other places, were directly interested in the feast ; for the outlay * Ford's Gatherings from Spain. INFLUENCE OF THE PURITANS. 343 upon the Cobb, which was for their safety and convenience, depended in some degree upon the profits realised on the occasion. Andrew Davy and James Estmond, wardens of the Cobb Ale, made a return, in 1604, of a profit of 16Z. 10s. A Cavalier in Buff. The Puritan party gained great influence at Lyme and in many other corporations. The companies of players were paid to go on to the next town without playing, for scenic representations came to be treated as horrors. Eight days' festivity, music, and mixed dancing, that is, the dancing to- gether of the two sexes, must have raised a ferment. We must expect that the Cobb Ale would be assailed. The re- ligious feuds in the corporation had proceeded to a great height in 1612; Mr. John Greare,the Vicar, having preached puritanically, had his license withdrawn ; the Court had now taken part against the Geneva doctrines. Mr. Geare, now styled " an unbeneficed preacher " by his enemies, now pro- z 4 344 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. cured an act, i. e. a lawsuit against the major and his breth- ren, and the Cobb wardens, i. e. the wardens of the Ale, for the using of profane and religious abuses. He was favoured by Robert Hassard, Gent. The opposite or Court party agreed that the action should be defended at the Town charge. They charged Mr. Robert Hassard with misde- meanours wilfully committed in his mayoralty, and laid the matter before the Star Chamber ; and he was accordingly dismissed from his rule and place of magistrate. Some honourable person interceded, and Robert Hassard was re- stored, provided that he cleared himself by a judicial hearing in the Star Chamber, which he neglected to do. For this, and being a professed favourer of John Geare, he was ex- pelled. John Viney was suspended for the latter cause, and was deemed unworthy of his place till, by some worthy fruits of his conformity and amendment, the Mayor, &c. be moved to alter or change the order." The attack upon our great feast began so early as 1610, when the jury presented the constables for suffering unlawful games to be played at Beaufront, as well the Sabbath day as the week days. Such was the troubled state of the borough a type of others, till the Puritan party gained the ascendancy. The Puritans were determined assailants. Thus writes the enemy of them : — " Rather than fail, they will defy That which they love most tenderly. Quarrel with minc'd pies, and disparage Their best and dearest friend, plum-porridge- Fat pig and goose itself oppose. And blaspheme custard through the nose." Butler's Hudibras. Difference of opinion and religious animosity, in 1614, gave occasion for an entry of an order to restrain those of the corporation who probably carried on their wordy contentions in as nervous a style as this municipal enactment displays : — It is this day ordered, enacted, and agreed by the mayor. ORIGIN OF THE COBB ALE. 345 recorder, aud his brethren the capital burgesses, that if any- one chosen into the said company shall break out into any brawling, unusual, undecent, foul, lewd, or disgraceful speeches, either by comparison, obrayding, disdayning, scorn- ing, misnaming, or abusing one another, or otherwise misde- meyne himself in proud, insolent, or scornful gesture or fashion of behaviour not fitting for the civil government of the place, he shall forfeit, for the first ofience, 6*. 8d. for the poor; 2d oifence, 135. id.; 3d ofience, dismissal. Richard Harvy, merchant, collector of the customs, was sworn and admitted to the freedom of the town (gratis), and without any fine only in regard he vouchsafed to take the warden- ship of the Cobb Ale for the benefit of the Cobb upon him, 30th May, 1610, In this entry we may, perhaps, see proof of the diflSculty that began to be felt in procuring a Warden of the Ale. A reward, a distinction, had to be offered as an inducement for him to take oflice. To undertake the management of such a feast was no light matter. It furnished subject matter for conversation the rest of the years. Documentary evidence is wanting as to the precise date and the manner in which the celebration of the Cobb Ale ceased. It had its origin from an early date, perhaps from the first difficulties experienced in repairing the Cobb, and was a noted feast. It was a great fact. Let us not glean for little circumstances as to excesses or abuses. They doubtless existed, for who can use the gauds of life at all times in moderation ? The Whistle and the Chain are un- known. The mayor sits unadorned on his bench, and is not called upon in his year of office to be Lord of the Cobb Ale. The cessation of so much annual jollity made many a towns- man exclaim, in the words of the poet : — " O days to be desired ! Age happy thrice If you your heaven-sent good could duly prize ! But we, half palsy -sick, think never right Of what we hold, till it be from our sight. Prize only summer's sweet and musk'd breath. When armed winters threaten us with death : 346 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. In pallid sickness do esteem of health. And by sad poverty discern of wealth. I see an age, when, after some few years And revolutions of the slow paced spheres, These days shall be 'bove other far esteemed, And like Augustus' palmy reign be deem'd." Detjmmond. The Introduction of Coal into Domestic Use. — Wood Stealing, Local Laws and Punishments of Pollers of Trees, Hedge- tearers, Sfc. " The grim ore Is from its prison brought and sent abroad. The frozen hours to cheer, to minister To needful sustenance and polished arts." Jago's Edge-hill. However hard to be believed, yet true it is that when some of our beautiftd fabrics, the cathedral churches, had been completed, and our countrymen viewed them in their grand proportion and finish, unscathed as they were by time's rough hand, our southern population were ignorant of the now common article Coal. Some knew no more of that substance than the Spaniards living on the shores of the Parana, who, having heard from one of our countrymen that the British burned black earth for fuel, treated the statement as a fiction. A naval captain of a steamer*, in his recent ascent of that river, kindly furnished, by the present of a basket of coal, a refutation of the calumny upon the English- man. This was not the only case in which the internal produce of our land deceived a stranger, if indeed he did not purposely describe what he had witnessed in enigmatical language. (Eneas Silvius, who afterwards assumed the purple under * Mackinnon. INTRODUCTION OF COAL. 347 the name of Pius the Second, visited this country about the middle of the 15th century. He relates that he saw in Scotland poor people in rags begging at the churches, and receiving for alms pieces of stone, with which they went away contented. This was pit Coal. The Germans call it stein or stone coal. The two things were confounded. To revert again to the use of coal away from the coal field. The time at length arrived in England when for certain purposes coal began to be used at some distance from the coal field, for furnaces, owing to the increasing price of wood; which smiths, brewers, and great consumers of fuel felt. Towards the close of the 13th century, the metropolis was supplied for the use of such trades from Newcastle ; hence the name Sea Coal, because transported by sea, and to distinguish it from another article called coal. There is a street called Sea Coal Lane, by the Old Bailey, London. One of the early uses of coal was for being dug into the earth to serve as land-marks, or boundaries, the substance being imperishable. Coal, as an article of fuel for general purposes, was not thought of. Its use was special. The opinion formed of it as fuel was altogether unfavourable. An idea prevailed that its fumes corrupted the air, and exerted an injurious effect upon health. For some purpose or another ten shillings' worth of coal was consumed at the coronation of Edward II., which was entered in the accounts as carboun de meer pris al paleys al coronement. In 1325 a vessel from Pontoise carried corn to Newcastle, and took back coal. At the mention of Newcastle and coal we might readily suppose that no explanation was here necessary. The case, however, is not so. The coal dug at the coal field by New- castle formerly would not burn without wood, as the Nor- thumberland House book shows, which proves that the miners had not then found means to win the deep strata known as the Main Coal. The consumption of coal in London by the year 1306 348 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COrNTIES. was enough, it was deemed, to prove injurious ; so the king was petitioned to stop the consumption of the noxious article in the city. King Edward I., by royal proclamation, pro- hibited the burning of coal under severe penalties. As wood began to be scarce, the royal command was disregarded, so that a commission was appointed for the purpose of ascer- taining what persons used sea-coal, with power to punish by fine for the first offence, and afterwards by the demolition of the offending furnace. Experience soon taught the great value of coal, and many persisted in employing it. This occasioned the passing of a law that made the burning of coal within the city to be a capital offence. One man was actually executed in the reign of Edward I. for the commission of this crime. Lest it might be judged that it was only at a distance from the coal countries that ideas of the injurious or even noxious effects of the fumes of the fuel in question were entertained, it should be known that so late as the year 1349, in the re- ligious house at Whalley in the very neighbourhood of the coal fields, peat and wood were alone employed. In the reign of Edward III. two colliers are mentioned in the archives of York, but the inference that they sold pit-coal is not supported. The good monks, like the ladies, believed their complexions would be injured by entering a room where coal was burning. "We need not wonder that persons would not eat meat which had been roasted at a coal fire. They anticipated some in- jury from so doing. When the fire used to be lighted in the centre of the hall, coal was not so fit for the place, before chimneys were intro- duced, as wood.* Coal. Sir William Petty, who established Kenmare, co. Kerry, in 1670, found it a gainful speculation, when wood became ♦ See the Quarterly Review, No. CXCI. SPECULATION OF WILLIAM PETTY. 349 dear in Sussex, to send iron ore to be smelted by means of the oak and arbutus of that country ; thus spoiling the picturesque, and confining the wolves to a narrower range. The "Weald, which means the wooded district, is a tract extending from Kent to Hampshire, a distance of about 120 miles, by 30 miles in breadth. This, which the Romans named Anderida Sylya, was, according to Asserius, a great forest anterior to the conquest. This weald, " Great Andradsweld " of Drayton, was the great iron country — the region of furnaces, castings of cannon of the earliest and improved pattern, all by means of wood in the form of charcoal, when fossil coal was not only not used, but was not judged to be ever available for iron furnaces. A husbandman was expelled the town of Rye, in 1591, that place not being fit for such an artificer, the country all round for miles being a forest. Hammer Wood, Cinder Hill, Furnace Place, &c., are local names. The balustrades of St. Paul's, which cost 11,000?., were from Sussex iron works. The first cannon was cast in Sussex in 1535. In after years bonds were taken in 10007. from the owners of the charcoal furnaces, that none should be sold tiU a license for the sale or issue of the ordnance had been procured. Fears were entertained that the enemy would purchase them. Sir Anthony Shirley procured 100 pieces of cannon for the King of Spain. He served that monarch, who granted him a pension. There were two reasons for his engaging in this affair. He obliged his employer, and benefited his father Sir Thomas Shirley, a great manufacturer of iron in Sussex. Thus was patriotism wont, as now-a^day, to wither under the baneful shade of private interests. Enemies of our state can at all times find sellers of saltpetre and arms. — Spanish iron was largely used in the 14th century for the anchors of the English navy. In 1336, lis. per cent, was paid for a great 350 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. anchor, weighing 1100 lbs. when manufactured. The cost was 6/. 6s. 6d* Just as the western woollen manufacturing district has furnished terms which have been transplanted to the north, the cotton counties of recent fame, so the iron country of former centuries, the Weald of Sussex, had terms in use which are now no longer heard nor understood there, except in the newer application of them instituted in the north, and in respect of an entirely different substance.f The coal or cole of Sussex and of the greater part of England was Charcoal. A collier was one who burned wood into charcoal. The coal wains of Sussex were the carts that conveyed charcoal from the woods. Men were paid for coaling, that is, burning wood for a store of charcoal. The Rev. Giles Moore, in his diary, enters, " Luxford who coaled for me 15 cord, of which I had 8 coal wains full of coals, of which I sold to Thomas Young 3 loads for 21. lis. Od. I paid Luxford for coaling the said pit 11. lis. 6d." Thus the cost of burning fifteen cord of wood into charcoal is here re- corded: the writer continues, " I had of Edward Snellfor 12 bushel of my coals laid up 3s." Smaller and bigger coals are terms often met with in reference to smelting. The " musi- cal small coal man " of the last century did not sell pit-coal or sea-coal, but charcoal, faggots, and wood split up for lighting fires. J A woodmonger was a seller of wood. A full explanation of this part of the subject will prevent much confusion and mistake in respect of the early mention of coals, colliers, and such terms now in use for another article. Sussex was taxed annually at a considerable quantity of coals, i. e. charcoal, which was sent to the king's palaces. The king's purveyor, in 1615, demanded 400 loads for the fol- lowing year, which was reduced to 250 bundles. In 1627 Lewes was assessed 58s. towards the provision of coal (char- coal) for the king's household. * Issue Roll, W. N". 579., Sussex Arch, t Sussex Archseol. Coll. t Ibid. SCAECITY OF TIMBEE. 351 So early aa the year 1563 is an item of 40«. in the con- stable's account of Lewes about preferring a bill for the pre- servation of great timber. Wood was becoming scarce in many parts, and the want of it, as there was no sea coal for general use, was much felt. Tusser, like many other writers, took occasion to complain of some great evils of his time. He notes the reckless consumption of wood for fuel, and its im- mediate bad consequences : — " Some burneth a lode at a tyme in his hall, Some never leave burning till burnt they have all, Some, making of havock without any wit, Make many poore soules without fier to sit." The iron furnaces near the downs by Brighton had caused timber and wood to be so scarce and dear that from 3s. Ad. a ton it had risen to 13s. 4rf. ; from 2s. 6d. a load of wood to 7s. ; and from 6s. 8d. a load of coal, i. e. charcoal, to 14s. ; from 2s. 6rf. the hundred billot or tale wood to 8s. ; and ship board from 16s. the hundred to 50s. the hundred. The Duke of Richmond has a pair of metal curfews to cover a wood fire. It is recorded that 12 acres of timber were worth in Sussex, in 1223, 21. 13s. 4rf. per acre.* Old Fuller felt the scarcity of wood to be a growing evil. He was not one given to despair of the future, and writes, it is to be hoped that a way be found out to char the sea-coal in such a manner as to render it usefiil in the making of iron. The great iron-masters of the United Kingdom will smile at the hope here expressed. The years that have since elapsed enable us very fully to confirm the sound sense of the same writer contained in the following expression : — " All things are not found out in one age, as if reserved for future discovery, and that perchance may be easy for the next, which seems impossible for this generation." Lord Dudley discovered that coal was equally efficient as wood for the reduction of iron ore, and procured a patent, which was allowed to stand * Sussex Archseol. 352 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHEEN COUNTIES. in 1623, when so many others were abolished. A deluded mob destroyed his works. Glass, owing to the quantity of charcoal easily to be pro- cured in Sussex, was manufactured at Chidingford in the reign of Henry VIII. In 1557 a poet writes : — " As for glass makers, they be scant in this land ; Yet one there is, as I do understand ; And in Sussex now is his habitation, At Chedingford he works of his habitation.* James I. forbade the melting of glass with timber, or wood, or fuel made of the same. Drayton, in his " Polyolbion," puts a complaint into the mouth of the Sussex forests, who personate the daughters of the Weald district upon their altered condition and reduced extent, owing to the iron works. They bitterly exclaim : — " These iron times breed none that mind posterity.'' And in despair continue : — " 'Tis but in vain to tell what we before have been. Or changes of the world that we in time have seen ; When not devising how to spend our wealth with waste, We to the savage swine let fall our larding mast. But now, alas ! ourselves we have not to sustain, Nor can our tops suffice to shield our roots from rain ; = Jove's oak, the warlike ash, vein'd elm, the softer beech, Short hazel, maple plain, light asp, the bending wych, Tough hoUy, and smooth birch, must altogether burn, What should the builder serve supplies the forger's turn ; When under public good base private gain takes hold, And we, poor woful woods, to ruin lastly sold." Song xvii. The Romans found it necessary to restrain, by sumptuary * T. Charnock's Breviary of Philosophy, quoted by Allen, Hist, of Surrey and Sussex. POEESTS. — SEA-COAL. 353 laws, the expense of funerals and great consumption of wood in burning the bodies of the dead. When forests are properly managed, it is, writes Tego- borski, sufficient for the wants of the country if they cover a fifth part of the surface. In Russia the woods exceed in extent the superficies of the Austrian empire, and four times that of France. Still, as the winters are long, the trees of slow growth, and the people wasteful of fuel, a large proportion is wanted, and the empire is in many districts insufiiciently wooded. So great is the demand for wood fuel in the absence of coal ! When was sea-coal or mineral coal first brought to the ports of the south of England? — is a question which may be asked. The solution of this has not been without diffi- culty. Though in a list of customs duties at Poole in Dorset, A.D. 1341, "a quarter of coals" is set down as paying a farthing (the same as was paid for a salmon), we are not to suppose that sea coal is designated. James Blount, Lord Mountjoy, had property at Poole, where he boiled alum in 1564. The fires were fed with turf, proving that sea-coal was not in general use there at that date. In a carefully drawn up table of rates of customs payable at Lyme, dated 1490, there is no mention of such an article as coal. John Tudbold, a beneficent merchant of that town, in his will dated A.D. 1548, gave his wood to the poor; but there is nothing said about a fuel named coal. Searching among the dusty Cobb accompt books of Lyme Regis, there is found, that " The Grace of God " entered the Cobb from Bristol with cole July 19, 1569, and her dues amounted to 3s. 4rf. There was at this time a vessel belonging to the port of Poole*, of this name, of 50 tons burden. Her whole cargo was not needed, so a part was delivered, as was customary, and * Sydenham's Hist, of Poole. A A 354 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. the craft proceeded to some other port with the remainder of this Welch pit coal. Soon after a vessel from Yarmouth brought some chaldrons of north country pit-coals. The first instance of a vessel being styled a collier is that of one which on her voyage, laden with culm, a variety of Welch coal, bound to Axmouth {i. e. Exmouth), was chased by Turkish pirates in the channel. The port of Yarmouth had great comparative importance in the Tudor reigns. When the great plague raged there in 1579, the alderman and sheriffs of Newcastle forbad the in- habitants to come thither for coals. Though this may have interfered with some traders, such a refusal had not the effects which a similar exclusion would create now-a-day. But a great change was about to take place. In a descrip- tion of England, in Holinshed's Chronicles, a.d. 1584, it is stated that sea-coal " beginnith to grow from the forge into the kitchen and the hall of most towns that lie about the coast;" and that if the waste of wood continues, the dis- credited mineral will be good merchandise, even in the city of London. It is a curious fact that coals were not used in any quan- tity in localities near the coal field. It is recorded at Wor- cester that the first barge load of coals was brought to that city in 1570.* In 1577, wood and money, no coal, were distributed amongst the poor of Lyme, to the amount of 1/. 3s. 4(f. ; 280 facrsots, distributed in 1587, cost 13s. 4, - - - - vi Western „ - - - - vi There is nothing about sea-coal, but of the wares in which the famous musical small-coal man dealt. This person, Thomas Britton, dwelt in an obscure street, Aylesbury Street, Clerkenwell, with a ladder to mount to his crowded concert room. At his meetings Pepusch and Handel played * Macaulay's Hist. f Archives of Exeter. A A 2 356 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. the harpsichord ; and the highest nobility and most elegant ladies were but too happy to attend. The Earl of Morn- ington was a visitor; his son became the great Duke of Wellington. By the year 1624 the coal trade had become of sufficient importance to make it an object of attraction to the fraudu- lent, who delight in new fields for their wickedness. A proclamation was issued at this date to survey the sea-coals of Newcastle, Sunderland, and Blythe, in order to prevent the deceit and abuses arising from the mingling black earth, slate, stone, and other unfueable stuff amongst the good coals.* Sailors aboard of coal vessels bound to London were not to be impressed into the navy, about 1665, — a proof that coals were in demand. Prejudices founded in error must always yield to increasing intelligence. Our ancestors at length abandoned their fanciful ideas about coal towards the beginning of the 17th century ; and our neighbours on the other side of the channel adopted and retained them to our day. It is not more than a quarter of a century ago that an ambassador at Paris issued cards for a large party, and found to his dismay that only gentlemen attended, the ladies having absented themselves on learning that his lordship warmed his house by means of English coal. This may be paralleled with the idea that potatoes would create leprosy. Coal can now be fetched from the vessel's side by farmers not too distant, and found to be cheaper than firing cut from their own under cliffs. Wood is become very dear in France, so that the poor of Normandy and Britany suffer greatly in severe winters. Women take their work into the cowsheds in order to partake of the warmth of the beasts. At Paris the courts of justice, the theatres, and the cafes are crowded by those who fly from a cold home, or a room warmed at a great cost. Without economy, 25s. a week may be spent in wood by the occupier of a sitting-room ! The late J. Stein, Esq., of Chalmington House, Dorset, employed 500 Irish * Proclamations, Society of Antiquaries, Feb. 16. 230. WOOD-STEALBES AND HEDGE-SPOILERS. 357 near Limerick, in digging peat for his distillery in that city ; but he told the author that he could have purchased coals with equal economy. The turning so many out of employ restrained that gentleman. Apropos of fuel. Nicholas de Yhonge, of Flanders, as- tonished the citizens of York by his introduction of the domestic bellows in the reign of Edward III. The bellows of the Minster organ had been there probably from the time of the Anglo-Saxons.* The scarcity of fuel before coal began to be regularly supplied to the inhabitants of the south-western parts was severely felt. Warmth in an inclement season, and more than that, fuel for culinary purposes, must have stimulated the poor to sally out into the fields and supply in an illegal manner their necessities. We are not to understand, in the beautiful language of Goldsmith, that each woman went " To pick her wintry fagot from the thorn.'' There were the regular wood-stealers, hedge-tearers, or spoilers of hedges, and to crown all, the pollers of trees. Ranulph Hocket was appointed in 1578, besides his office of piggerd, " to have and take all the wood from the hedge- tearers that they shall bring into the Comb Street from over Gosling's Bridge, and therewith to take their ropes and hooks." Fifteen common wood-stealers and spoilers of hedges were presented by name in 1597. The number is sufficient to account for great devastation in the neighbour- hood, and these trespassers and spoilers acted in defiance of an order in the Court of Hustings' Book, Lyme, 1584, p. 279., as follows : — " Hedge tearing or breaking. — Persons found with wood to have two days and one night in the dark house, and during that time to have brown bread and water. " Second offence. To be set in the stocks two days in the open street, with the wood stolen before them, and one night in the dark house, witli brown bread and water. * Phil. Society of Yorkshire, 1855. AA 3 358 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. " Third offence. To be whipped about the town, as such per- sons ought to be who commit peckery and petty larceny. " Fourth offence." (Page torn out.) It is a true remark that bye-laws had become practical despotisms, whicb Bacon observes it was the endeavour and policy of Henry VII. to keep within reasonable bounds.* A precept fromtbe manor of Castle Combe in 1557, against harbouring a bedge-tearer, proves that this habit prevailed extensively. Prseceptum est quod nullus infra dominium istud hospitat Elenam Otes, neque aliam personam in dominiis suis quas frangit sepes vel spoliat boscum sub poena foris faciendi domino, xs. In the same manor, in 1586, it was ordered that the tenants shall put away those under them that stelithe wood, broke hedges, or are common scolders, under a penalty of 6s. M. The destructive effects of tree-polling were witnessed in some parishes in South-east Devon at the decline of smuggling. The " helps," that is, those who were hired to run a cargo, being seldom employed, and not having given up night work for honest labour, were poor and lawless. Many a good- sized ash tree that figured in the landscape lost its poll or head in the night, and the stump alone remained. Security against Fire. — • Chimneys, Mantels, ^c. Before civilisation attains a very high state of advance- ment, some precautionary matters fall to the province of individual members of a community. These are very apt to be neglected. As it advances, these cares are removed from individuals, and become the business of the State, the bo- rough, or other authorities, who give their special attention to them. * Weale's Papers on Engineering. INSURANCE COMPANIES. 359 Who now troubles himself about the general security of the buildings of a town against fire ? No one, except some individual who may be either more fearful than his fellow- townsmen, or has some special occasion of alarm, owing to the well-known bad condition of the house of some careless neighbour. The agents of the many excellent institutions, the insurance companies against fire, examine the fabric of each house offered for insurance, watch over the general safety, and so relieve the community at large from what was formerly every man's duty. So, when the sovereignty of the law among our Anglo-Saxon brethren is established in their once wild districts. Lynching, or the executing the laws by private individuals, or society at large, ceases ; and judges legally constituted assume the duties of their ofiice, and spare quiet members of the community their often necessary and harassing agitation. Our page refers to the time when there were only two or three chimneys in a town, and when these necessary parts of a house began to be general. No insurance companies ex- isted ; hence the care and scrutiny of individuals, who, either as members of the jury, or by their information of jurymen, caused precepts, and orders, and presentments about MANTELS, dangerous mantels, &c., to be inserted so abundantly in our Court of Hustings' Books. A mantel, sometimes entered as camimis sive mantella, mantella caminata, so often presented by our court leet and other juries, was a projecting fire-place (hence mantel-piece) which had sometimes a great deal of wood in it, while the rest was mud or plaster. When this became ruinous from neglect, there was great danger of fire ; and the houses themselves, except the basement, were of wood and plaster. Neighbours trembled, and acted upon their fears in a way here deemed worthy of being set forth : — " 3 Elizabeth, 1561, at Lyme. " It was commanded to John Somer to amend his mantalle, payne of v shillings.'' Around the spacious cupola, over the French and Italian A A 4 360 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. fire-placesj is a ledge to which are affixed pegs, on which the postilions straightway proceeded to hang their wet cloaks to dry. We call the stone or wooden shelf over our fire- places mantel-pieces, or mantel-shelves t but we no longer hang our mantles upon them to dry. In some of the old palaces of Rome, the mantel-pieces are applied to the similar original purpose.* The hole to allow the escape of the smoke at the back of the projecting fire-place was often so placed that there was great danger. There is no end in some archives to the list of " mantles presented." Corporations made bye-laws for the general safety. Thus at Marlborough, in 1577, runs one : — " Whoso kindles fires in dangerous places, or without chimneys, after warning given, shall forfeit 20s., or be imprisoned."| In 1581, a chimney at Lyme being in a dangerous state as to fire, the Court directed, — "Item, that the tenants of George Hooper do make no more fire in his house until the chimney be repaired, upon payment of Ss." The very next year a similar order was given to an in- dividual, who perhaps, judging his premises to be secure, and not dangerous, disregarded the mandate : — "Eichard Bowden, of Lyme, was fined, in 1582, 4rf., and the next law day, 6d., for making a fire before his chimney was repaired, as ordered at the last court day." The constables had directions in all the boroughs to observe the state of the fire-places. By a bye-law at Castle Combe, upon default pointed out, those who did not amend were to pay xs.if In the same little borough, " no one was to enter a stable or barn with a candle, under pain of xs. No one to * azotes and Queries, Aug. 19. 1854. Signature, D. W. S. t Waylen's Hist, of Marlborough, p. 119. X Hist, of Castle Combe, by the Rt. Hon. Poulett Scrope. PEECAUTION8 AGAINST FIEE. 361 carry fire in the street unless protected from the violence of the wind, under pain of xs." A lantern would have secured the party requiring to be lighted from a fine. Thus necessary was it deemed to exercise a strict discipline in borough towns over the insecurity of buildings, and so prevent a conflagration. The precise remedy was sometimes defined. One townsman of Lyme, in 1581, received an order that he " do plaister his mantell." In 1599, we find, — " Also it is precepted unto William Swain, that he doth plais- ter his cockloft over the kitchen where he dwelleth, sub- poena 10s." With a view to good in the arrangement of domestic archi- tecture, Silvester Jordan was precepted to alter the hanging of his door before Robert Brooke's house, upon pain of 20s. Private ovens are proverbially the cause of fire in farm houses. Afocale or oven was presented as out of repair in 1582. I believe there was no public bakehouse in this reign. In Penrith, a town of 7000 to 8000 Inhabitants, there was no public baker in 1841, if there is one now. Rob. Holden, who had a public bakehouse at Lyme in 1669, was presented at the court leet to amend his dangerous oven where Ed- ward Staple lives, to the endangering the setting the town on fire. Londoners, as a precaution against fire, were compelled to whitewash the thatches of their houses.* There are towns in which the bye-laws positively forbad, two centuries ago, the use of thatch for new houses. Thus at Marlborough, In 1622, no house was to be built without being covered with tile or slate.f In Norwich, a fine of 51. was received in 1640 for havinar covered a house with reed. The walls round the pest- house were buUt with the money, f At Castle Combe, in 1674, no customary tenant to remove tiles and replace with thatch, under pain of 39s. lie?. * Turner's Domestic Architecture. f Waylen's Ilist. of M. t Blomefleld's Norfolk. 362 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHEEN COUNTIES. The whole mass of borough legislation respecting fire- places or mantels, ovens, &c., is rendered useless by the establishment of fire insurances, and the operation of their rules. A brief mention of a practice not altogether foreign to the subject may, perhaps, be excused. At Douglas, in the Isle of Man, there is a simultaneous burning out of the chimneys of the town after a fall of rain. A gentleman writes, in May 1852, from Douglas, that a stranger would think the town was in flames, while it was only the clearing off the accumulated soot. Steven Kent, of Pimperne, blacksmith, was presented in 1631 for an improper use of his forge, by which there was danger of a firing his neighbours' houses. Nothing was said about a chimney ; so we may fairly conclude his forge had not that useful, and, for safety, necessary appendage. The complaint states that Kent made fires, not only for the use of his trade, which would have been safe, but also for the dressing his necessaries for his family, and for wash- ing, -and such like businesses. Whereby the inhabitants of that parish have been often endangered to have their houses set on fire by the use of frith and wood for the fire in an improper place, without any, or else an insufiicient chimney. The Court ordered that Kent should be bound over to answer for the same at the next sessions, and directs " that he shall not make any fire in time to come in the said forge, save only with sea-coal, and that for the necessary use of his trade only, or be committed to the county gaol if he do not obey this order." Before these sessions were over, the Court was applied to against widow Gay, of Wimborne Minster, dwelling in the heart and middle of that town. Her case is a good specimen of the evils of early times, and a great drawback to the comfort and safety of the neighbourhood it must have been. Widow Gaye, in the heart of Wimborne, carried on a very thriving trade as a tipler, and brewed her own beer and ale. The situation probably required a draft, and a MISEEY PRODUCED BY FIRES. 363 somewhat elevated exit for the smoke ; so Widow Gaye had erected a FLUE, or chimney of timber, as others in so many instances had mantels of wood. This, or some part of the said house, by the nature of its construction and materials, had taken fire, and very likely to have ad- ventured the whole town. Widow Gaye was to be pre- vented from henceforth selling beer or ale, or from tipling or brewing in the said house; and the constables of the town of Wimborne were to bring her before some justice of the peace, to give bond not to tipple any more, nor to brew for her own use in the said flue, until it be amended and adjudged by the constables to be sufficient for her own use.* Before Fire Insurance was known and practised, great fires produced much misery. Grants were wont to be made from the county purse in relief of the sufferers. Five sufferers from a fire at Wimborne Minster, in 1634, petitioned the magistrates, who granted a sum of ten pounds, to be divided among the parties as Sir Walter Erie, Knight, and Thomas Hooper, Esq., should think fit. A far heavier calamity called forth the sympathy of the Court shortly afterwards. A fire broke out at Bere Regis, which in the space of four hours consumed houses and corn to the value of 7,000/., leaving 306 persons utterly destitute. The sum of 50/. was granted from the county fund, and the justices authenticated the facts set forth in a petition to the King, praying him to grant letters for a general collection in aid of the town.f The Phoenix was the first fire office established, in 1682. There were used in towns squirts, or syringes for extin- guishing fire, which did not exceed two or three feet in length. These yielded to the Fire Engine, with leathern pipes, which was patented in 1676. Water-tight, seamless hose was made in Bethnal Green about 1720. About this date — * JMr. T. Hearn, Qui Quondam. f IbiJ. 364 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. £ s. d. A fire engine and pipe for Lyme cost - - 6 A square pipe, 23 feet long - - - - 1 18 12 leather fire buckets - - . - 2 3 3 A Fire Engine was considered an appropriate present for an aspirant to a borough. At Lewes, in 1726, T. Pel- ham, Esq., gave one, and having been chosen representative in 1731, he presented a second. The Clothing Trade of the West of England, — a kind of Clothiers' Parliament. The West of England was once a manufacturing district, — the seat of the clothing trade. It is generally supposed that some great natural advantage determines the choice of locality for such matters. The contiguity of coal, iron, &c. is presumed to be the leading motive in such a choice at present. In former centuries this had little to do with the clothing trade. The factory system had not been intro- duced, and the matter was conducted on a very simple plan. A farmer's partner — the goodman's wife, or goodwife — kept servant maids for the kine, no more than for a depart- ment of the clothing business. The wool was washed and dried by these, then spun with a distaff, the old accompani- ment of a rustic building. The woollen thread was now an article for market, where the clothiers held a divided sway with the growers of produce for human food. Parties bought woollen thread, and employed weavers to weave the same into cloth at their own shops, outhouses, or places that would receive a loom, in bye corners of lanes and backlets. This work done, the employer of the weavers, who per- haps kept many at work, had for sale pieces of undyed and undressed cloth. THE CLOTHING TRADE. — WEAVERS. 365 Let it be distinctly understood, that no buildings existed of any size where many processes were carried on by one party or firm. The pieces of undyed and undressed cloth were now sent to foreigners, principally the Flemings, who finished them off, realising a profit of 500,0007. a-year by so doing. The pieces of finished cloth were then exported for sale in Spain and Portugal by the Flemings, or Dutch, who had purchased them to finish them off, and were then sold as Flemish bays. The Norman peasantry wore our kerseys. Alderman Cockayne practised an art which he had learnt or invented — that of dyeing and dressing cloths. James I. granted, in the year 1608, this improver an exclusive right to dye and dress cloths, and prohibited the exportation of undyed cloths. This called into action the States of Hol- land and the German cities, which prohibited the importa- tion of English-dyed cloths. As the cloth finished in Holland was better and cheaper than Alderman Cock- ayne's, he could only sell his at home, where the patent proved so offensive that it was annulled in 1615. English clothiers adopted a new method, that of dyeing the wool before weaving it. A Dutchman taught how a fine scarlet dye might be procured about 1635, when the art of fixing colours produced from logwood was also acquired, and the act for prohibiting the use of logwood was repealed in 1660. The brilliant and permanent scarlet dye, for which the waters of Chalford, in Gloucestershire, became celebrated even to China, was a great discovery. The early legislators had great dislike to dealers purchas- ing wool who were not going to make it up into cloth. They would have no wool staplers about 1464. A weaver who did not return cloth of honest weight, ac- cording to the wool given out to him, was set in the pUlory or cucking-stool. 3 Henry VIII. c. b. A law of 1551 provided that all weavers of broad cloth should serve an apprenticeship of seven years. The nomenclature of our early trade may not be known to many. The names familiar to the initiated are given ; but 366 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. no description of the several properties or qualities of each is attempted, from want of information. There were serges, broadcloths, Medley and Dorset kerseys, Dorsetshire dozens, single bays, Bristol, Bridgwater, and Taunton cottons, a woollen article that gave a name to a very important sub- stance and manufacture that has sprung into notice with a world-wide fame. There were weavers, walkers, fullers, fulling-mill men, shearmen, dyers, forcers of wool, carders and sorters of wool, and spinners ; carders and spullars of yarn. In addition to colours now in general use, such as scarlet and blue, there were others designated as tawny, russetj marble grey, puke or dark grey, sadnew colour, asewer, watchett, sheep's colour, lion colour, motley or iron grey, friar's grey, crane colour, and old medley colour.* In 1621 the price of everything except corn was at a very low rate. The poor tradesmen of the western parts, that is, men of the trade of the country, which was clothing, could find but little work, so that many offered to work for meat and drink only. The merchants who bought of the weavers could not dispose of the cloths they had purchased.f In Exeter, the centre of the manufacturing trade, there were 300 poor weavers about the streets craving relief by begging. The justices met at the Assizes, 12th of March, to consider of some course for finding work for the poor men, and to prevent an insurrection. In London the merchants, for so those who bought and dealt in cloth were styled, were enjoined to buy a quantity of cloths weekly at Blackwell Hall. Legislation affecting one class was adopted instead of a course that might have remedied the evil, or allowed it to fall more equally. It is stated as a penal condition, that if they did not buy as directed they should be disfranchised of their liberties and freedom as (cloth) merchants in London. In 1622 the sheriffs in the west were directed to call * See Statute 4 & 5 Phi], and Mary, c. 5. t Purchased as a market house for cloth in 1397. DEADNESS OP TEADE. INQUIBIES. 367 before them all clothiers, out of which two of the most efficient of every county were 'to be sent to London before certain commissioners appointed to inquire into the cause of the deadness of trade, and to settle a course to revive the trade of clothing beyond the seas ; which two clothiers so sent should deliver their opinions of the causes and reasons of the deadness of trade before the said commissioners, so that some course may be taken for some redress therein.* The High Sheriff of Dorset called the clothiers together, who selected John Gardner and Richard Downe, two of their calling, to journey to London as their representatives. These two champions of the clotliiers experienced a pitiful, but too customary a fate. Their services having been ren- dered, and the manner of performing them never having been questioned, oblivion stole over the minds of the many who had stimulated them to aspire to the honour and ride to this quasi-paxliaxaent. In this employment they made two journeys to London, and spent above two months in the prosecution of the business to their great charge, travail, hindrance, and expense, amount- ing to one hundred marks, and were robbed on their return homewards. It had been promised by the other clothiers that their charges and expenses should be repaid, and that they should be fully satisfied ; but after four years they had received no recompense, nor a penny of contribution for their expense and loss. Hereupon they petitioned the Honourable Privy Council, who referred the matter to the magistrates at the Dorset sessions. These thought fit, and ordered John Gould the elder, Richard Blachford, Dennis Bond, and Joseph Pratie, all of Dorchester, being four clothiers of that county, to call before them all such clothiers as they con- ceive are liable to the contribution in question, and to make an equal and indifferent rate for raising the sum required.! The commissioners appointed to inquire were to consider * Yonge, Diary. t Mr. T. Hearn, Qui Quondam. 368 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. if it were not behoveful to put in execution the laws still in force, which obliged merchant strangers to lay out the pro- ceeds of the merchandise imported by them on the native commodities of the realm. The merchants of that great manufacturing city, Exeter, exported tiU the latter part of the 18th century serges and cloths to Italy. Before the factory system was Introduced, which anni- hilated the former mode of cloth-making, the little towns of DcYon had busy markets and fairs. There was a bustle at the times when these were held, and the clack of the weaver's shuttle was heard in all directions. The next generation that had the large factory building, the water-wheel at work, and capital employed, saw the unequal contest with the North of England, to which our cloth trade has nearly all passed, Frome, &c. being exceptions. " A walker " in the time of Edward III. meant a fuller. The fulling of cloth was performed by walking over it, as is now practised in the remote Isle of Sky. The treasurers for the county of Dorset had been, before the year 1632, either Knights or Esquires. The rule was broken through at this epoch, and worthies of the cloth trade, &c. were elected. Israel Sherley, of Blandford Forum, woollendraper, and Josias Cuth, of Sherborne, linendraper, were the next year succeeded by John Hill, of Dorchester, merchant, and Eichard Ryves, of Shaftesbury, merchant. It Is important to have one class emerging from an inferior position to a higher grade, and eventually to a participation in honours. Such changes cannot happen without great causes being at work in the framework of society.* A gentleman who lived in the country usually kept a few sheep. He had his own wool carded, and then spun and wove into cloth for his domestic purposes. The gentleman who records the following charges must have been very economic in his arrangements : — * Mr. T. Hearn, "Qui Quondam." THE COMMONWEALTH, — IMPORTANT SCHEME. 369 S. d. 13 lbs. of wool combed came to - - 3 4 21 yds. of cloth wove - - - 1 1 Scouring and fulling . - - - 7 0* Before this subject is dismissed, let a few observations be introduced respecting an important scheme of the time of the Commonwealth, The sending about of sale goods, par- tially worked, to fair and market, there to be purchased by those who undertook some more advanced process, whether of dyeing, setting, or such like, proved very expensive and inconvenient. This was, however, indispensable, as each clothier had his limits, beyond which he could not go. In the North, at Leeds, Huddersfield, and other places, are vast Cloth HaUs, where cloth goods, more or less advanced, are exposed on certain days to purchasers. In that part of the kingdom the factory system for clothing has not fully ob- tained, and could not well be carried on without such great marts. In the year 1657 a scheme was in agitation to build a Drapery Hall over the shambles in Broad Street, Lyme Regis. This would have been a type of the great buildings in the North, where such a great amount of business is done. But trade was not left without shackles and gyves. Restric- tions and exclusion, distinctions between freeman and out of town man or foreigner, as he was called, had not been removed or worn out. The time had not arrived for freemen of a borough to surrender their privileges, or for legislators to compel them to do so ; and clothiers would not of course travel to the en- chanted ground of a borough where a code of bye-laws existed up to that time unalterable, which made against them in every particular. Thus Dorsetshire lost the benefit of the scheme, * Sussex Archaeol. Burrell's Diary. B B 370 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. Smuggling or Contraband Trade. Bold, venturous spirits, fond of excitement, and, moreover, tempted by a chance of realising great profits, after a brief period of exertion and risk, have ever been found ready to engage In Smuggling. In time of peace, the whole of the south coast of England may appear to the casual observer equally suited as a starting point for the contraband dealer. He buys the commodities required at some French port; whence, upon taking his departure, he enters upon the peril- ous adventures of stormy nights, surf-bound coast, vigilant officers, treacherous confederates, and many mishaps arising from unforeseen causes. When war closes the ports of France, then the coast opposite the Channel Islands, Guern- sey, and Alderney, is more especially the seat of smuggling, as the east coast from its proximity to Holland. Before smuggling had received its death-blow, parts of Dorset and Devon were as much concerned with smuggling as some counties with any particular trade. The population of whole villages supported themselves by such an unlawful occupation. Who was there that deemed the purchase of contraband articles sinful or improper ? The best of the re- sidents of sea-side towns made no scruple of buying any- thing the dealer of smuggled goods had for sale. Well might old Eattenbury, the bold smuggler, when boasting at a trial that he had brought up his son very carefully, say in answer to a question, if he had taught him the command- ment, " Thou shalt not smuggle," that he did not see any harm in a little free trade. His superiors did not set him a good example. Free Trade did not bear its present occupa- tion, but was an euphemism for contraband dealing, a disre- gard of fiscal laws. In 1735, when there was a duty of 1/. a gallon upon rum, that spirit, as well as brandy and wine, were landed on our south-west coast. The Custom House officers had riding officers, tidesmen, and boatmen upon the look out, who made seizures sometimes in consequence of in- formation, at others by sweeping at the bottom of the SMUGGLING. — THE POET W. CROWE. 371 sea, where a raft of tubs containing rum, brandy, &c. was supposed to be sunk. It is not on every occasion that the dryness of fiscal mat- ters can be enlivened by the labours of the poet. The late Kev. W. Crowe, in his much admired poem entitled "Lewes- don HiU," a lofty eminence of West Dorset, thus apostro- phises Burton Cliff, east of Bridport harbour, and gives a beautiful and true picture of the coast as it was : — " From hostile shores returning, glad I look On native scenes again ; and first salute Thee, Burton, and thy lofty cliff, where oft The nightly blaze is kindled ; further seen Than erst was that love-tended cresset, hung Beside the Hellespont : yet not like that Inviting to the hospitable arms Of beauty and youth, but lighted up, the sign Of danger, and of ambush'd foes to warn The stealth-approaching vessel, homeward bound From Havre or the Norman isles, with freight Of wines and hotter drinks, the trash of France Forbidden merchandise. Such fraud to quell Many a light skiff and well appointed sloop Lies hovering near the coast, or hid behind Some curved promontory, in hope to seize These contraband : vain hope ! on that high shore Station'd, th' associates of their lawless trade Keep watch, and to their fellows off at sea Give the known signal ; they with fearful haste Observant, put about the ship, and plunge Into concealing darkness. As a fox That from the cry of hounds and hunters' din Runs crafty down the wind, and steals away Forth from his cover, hopeful so t'elude The not yet following pack, — if chance the shout Of eager or unpractised boy betray His meditated flight, back he retires To shelter him in the thick wood : so these Retiring, ply to south, and shun the land Too perilous to approach : and oft at sea BB 2 372 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. Secure (or ever nigh the guarded coast They venture) to the trackless deep they trust Their forfeitable cargo, rundlets small Together link'd upon their cable's length, And to the shelving bottom sunk and fixt By stony vreights ; till happier hours arrive To land it on the vacant beach unrisk'd." The lighting fires upon the hills along the coast as signals to the returning smuggler has become a punishable offence under an Act of Parliament. The poet would now miss this feature in the western landscape. The great changes wrought in the laws that refer to smug- gling were important to the interests of great numbers of persons of property who risked money in such ventures. As the laws in force were evaded with the adroitness too gene- rally displayed in such matters, others were framed that had in their turn to be remodelled, or which became a dead letter. All the cutters which cruized after smugglers were not the property of the Crown. Some belonged to private indi- viduals, who fitted them out to capture smugglers and their crews, as privateers do an enemy. This was a speculation depending upon the success of the vessels so fitted out. Capt. Lisle of Lyme, afterwards of Weymouth, the son of an officer of customs at Lyme, owned several of those cruizers. The fast sailing and fast rowing luggers were in great re- ^juest for the voyage across the channel. Then came some enactments, and these were no longer permitted to be used. Small sailing vessels were licensed, and two bondsmen were required in a good sum of money. If the craft had not a sliding bowsprit, only that fixed one called a steaved bow- sprit, no bond was required. Owners that intended to send their craft " across," i. e., over to France, steaved their bow- sprit, and so, as it were, proclaimed their speedy intention. All the Beer fishing luggers, known as Beer boats, went smuggling. Caught in a gale, they have been known to make their tubs into a raft, throw them overboard, and drift to leeward. The sea broke upon the floating tubs of spirits, iind the open boat lived through the storm. SMUGGLING. — TOBACCO. — SPIRITS. 373 The poet says nothing of tobacco. This was an important branch of the illicit trade. The store of captured tobacco was occasionally so great in the Lyme Custom House that it was burnt in a lime kiln, which was situated where the first warehouse on the Cobb now stands. The kiln was actually filled with tobacco, and each of the assembled bye-standers had an opportunity of stuffing his pockets full. At length the fire was applied, and the flavour could be sniffed at a great distance to leeward by the hardy mariner, who de- plored such a waste of this cherished commodity. Tobacco- stalks and fibres have also been smuggled for the being - ground into snuff. Smuggled spirits may well be styled " the trash of France." The article is a very inferior one, and is believed to be mainly derived from distillation from potatoes. In France the price was about half-a-crown a gallon, which the retail dealer here sold at fourteen shillings. The kegs held six, but the greater number only four gallons. These were slung across the shoulders of the helps, as those men who went down to the shore to run a cargo were called. At certain points strings of pack horses carried the cargo in- land, or their substitute, light carts, where the improved roads admitted of their use. The law's changes within a few brief years respecting smuggling would occupy much space. At one time, so late as about the year 1780, smugglers were allowed a latitude that will be scarcely credited. Nothing could be seized above high-water mark ; so that pipes of wine have actually been landed close to the Custom House at Lyme, then at the bottom of the town, and allowed to remain on the beach and Cobb- gate leading to the Custom House ! Vessels used to come along ashore ; when, if no officer of the customs — the only one who made captures — was there, the goods were landed. If there was any interruption, the craft went elsewhere, and landed, or returned again to the same spot. At one time some vessels of about 100 tons were employed, called ton- nagers. The papers were made out as if from Cherburg to Ostend. One of these was boarded off the Cobb, and BB 3 374 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. found to be full of wine, and her papers were inspected. The next day she entered the Cobb without a single pipe of wine. Mr. Raymond, the collector of customs, seized her, as he said she could not have gone to Ostend and back in one night. The smugglers contested the matter in a trial at Dorchester. The evidence was complete to prove that the vessel was laden with wine one day, and the next was empty. The smugglers pleaded their having thrown over- board the cargo, to prevent the vessel from sinking. The judge having questioned one of the custom-house oflBcers who boarded the vessel as to her condition at the time, the man, who had been bribed, answered, that he said to another officer, " Let us be off, or we shall share the fate of poor Admiral Kempenfelt." This saved the smugglers. Some who were deeply engaged in smuggling ventures used to go round the country after the manner of mercantile travellers, and ask gentlemen what they would " give to have a pipe or hogshead of wine put into their cellars?" The price being agreed upon, it was only a question of con- veyance. In a store at Bridport harbour, there were hun- dreds of pipes of wine at a time, not seizable as the law then stood. A smuggler named Gulliver kept forty or fifty men con- stantly employed, who wore a kind of livery, powdered hair, and smock frocks, from which they obtained the name of the " white wigs." These men kept together, and would not allow a few officers to take what they were carrying, when the law was altered, and seizures were made from other weaker parties. Gulliver amassed a large fortune, and lived to a good old age. He employed lawyers to arrange his affairs so that all who should take any benefit from his for- tune should bear the name of Gulliver. K not impressed, like the ancients, with a desire of posthumous fame, this worthy dreaded posthumous determination to be silent as to the founder of the fortune. Till of late years a chamber, open towards the sea at the mouth of the river Lyme, was in existence, where the " white wigs " took refreshment, and PREVENTION OF SMUGGLING. — FINES. 375 remained in waiting till their services were required. This was not one hundred yards from the former custom house. One party of smugglers, with their convoy of spirit, fought with officers in the streets of London, and were victors. Let no reader understand that Gulliver's men were assailants, or ferocious in any encounter. The smugglers of the south- western coast have ever been remarkable for their quiet manner of pursuing their illicit calling. There never has been a series of violence and bloodshed such as has disgraced so often the south-eastern coast. A great blow has been dealt to smuggling by the establish- ment of the Preventive Service. The whole coast is pa- trolled, and cutters cruize, so as to make smuggling a very unprofitable affair. The rich have disconnected themselves from it entirely. For a time the " goods " were brought over in French bottoms. A large new boat was launched, and Englishmen rowed to land, where the boat was sure to be sacrificed if the spirits were run without interruption. None but naval lieutenants are now admitted into the Pre- ventive Service, under the inspecting naval commanders. Rewards for captures depend upon the strength of the spirit so seized ; and the scale is altered if the men are captured as well as the goods. A man convicted of smuggling playing cards, tobacco, spirits, &c., if a seafaring man, used to be sent to serve for five years in a man-of-war on a foreign station, receiving pay however. Now, each offender pays a fine of lOOZ., or is committed for six calendar months. Women and children coming over in the passage-vessels, decked out with tobacco bustles, pay not exceeding 51., if the weight is under 5 lbs., at the determination of the magistrate ; but if the weight is above 5 lbs., a fine of lOOZ. or imprisonment for six months must be imposed. After all these terrors and means to crush smuggling, the great cheapness of British gin, the fear on the part of the consumer of being fined, and of being at the mercy of any in- former, now that smuggling is in such very low hands, and BB 4 376 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHEBN COUNTIES. an increased sense of moral duty to tte state, combine in a great degree to keep down the illicit trade in spirits, which would continue to a greater extent did these not exist The Lace Trade, its Origin, early Introduction into West Dorset and South-east Devon ; with Particulars of the making Bone, Lyme, Pill, i. e. Pillow, or Honiton Lace. " In tenui labor." — Vikg. A FOREIGN land claims the invention of a light beautifnl fabric, everywhere known as lace. But the time of its in- troduction into West Dorset and South-east Devon has not been ascertained. The several appellations of our lace require some ex- planation, and have puzzled strangers. The same light fabric is spoken of as bone, Lyme, pill or piUow, and Honiton lace. It is sometimes designated as real or hand-made lace. From the bobbins upon which the thread is wound, having been made of bone before the general introduction of some of the hard foreign woods, the article was called bone lace, as it was pill or pillow lace, from the globe-shaped cushion upon which it was fashioned. From the circumstance of the dealers, who visited the metropolis and the great towns, re- siding at Lyme and Honiton, their bone lace was extensively known as Lyme lace, and Honiton lace, though much of it had not been made in either town. Our lace was not wove. It had neither warp nor woof, but was rather, writes Beckman, knit after the manner of nets, filets, or stockings. The pattern is stuck upon a slip of parchment, and fastened to the globe-shaped cushion. The thread is wound upon the requisite number of spindles called bobbins, and these are thrown over and under each other various ways, so that the threads twine round pins stuck in the holes of the pattern, and by this means produce that multiplicity of eyes or openings which give to the lace "POINT LACE." — SALE OF NEEDLES. 377 the desired figures. 'Much art is not necessary, and the invention of it is not so ingenious as that of wearing stock- ings.* The oldest kind of lace is that worked with the needle (now exclusively named point-lace), and which was by far the dearest. Needles, Stow writes, were sold in Cheapside in the reign of Queen Mary, and were made by a Spanish negro by a secret art. Beckman asserts that the knitting of lace is a German invention before 1561, due to Barbara, wife of Christopher Ultman, at St. Annaberg, in Saxony. About that period the mines were less productive, and the making of veils, followed by the families of the miners, had declined, as there was little demand for them. The new invention, therefore, was soon known to the wives and daughters of the miners ; and the lace, on account of the low price of labour, soon be- came fashionable, in opposition to the Italian lace worked with the needle, and even supplanted it in commerce. Beck- man could find no mention of the art of knitting lace, nor any of the terms that belong to It, before the middle of the 16th century, therefore he concludes that Barbara Ultman originated the invention, and did not introduce it. Beckman refers to the history of St. Annaberg, written after the fashion of the day, in Latin f : — "Hoc anno, 1561, filuni album retortum in varias formas Phrygio opere % duel coepit, quod ut ad mediocrem ornatum ad- hibitum reprehendi minime potest, praesertim re metallica vehe- menter attrita, ita cavendum tamen, ne vanitati et luxuriae serviat." This year, 1561, white thread, twisted into various patterns, began to be wOve into a kind of Phrygian work, which, as it is * Beckman, Hist, of Inventions, ii. 32. t Annabergse urbis Historia, auctore Paulo Jenisio. Dresdae, 1605, 4to. ii. p. 33. X Phrygian work is embroidery, borders ingeniously worked, and sown upon tapestry. 378 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. made use of for an inexpensive set-ofF of dress, cannot at all be the object of censure provided that due care be taken that this be not rendered subservient to vanity and luxury. * In the reign of Queen Elizabeth we have evidence that lace was well known, although regarded as sufficiently rare to be deemed a worthy oifering to royalty itself. " In the manifold account of gifts accepted by this acquisitive monarch from various grades of her subjects, lace finds honourable mention. It is on record that Sir Philip Sidney presented her Majesty with a * smock ' of cambric, the sleeves and collar wrought with black silk, and edged with a small bone lace ; whilst Mrs. Twist, the Court laundress, contributed to the regal wardrobe three handkerchiefs of black Spanish work similarly adorned." f The circumstances and date of the first introduction of lace-making — doubtless from Flanders — are not known. In the east of the north porch in Honiton churchyard is a brass plate to the memory of James Ridge, bone-lace seller, who died in 1617, aged 50, leaving 100?. to the poor of that town. "Westcot, in his MS. Survey of Devon (1630), writes, fol. 169., of Honiton: here is made abimdance of bone lace, a pretty toy, now greatly in request, and therefore Honiton may say, with merry Martial, " Ille ego sum nulli nugarum laude secundus :" " In praise for toys such as this Honiton to none second is." Some Flemish refugees brought the art of making lace int« the western borders of Bedfordshire. A free school was endowed at Great Marlow, in Buck- inghamshire, in 1626, to teach twenty-four boys to read, and twenty-four girls to knit, spin, and make bone lace. The Count de Marsan brought his former nurse, named * Thread has been spun by hand in Hainault, worth 400Z. per lb. •)■ See in a number of Chambers's Edinburgh publication an admh'able account of lace-making, in 32 pages. LACE-MAKING. — MILITARY DEPREDATIONS. 379 * Du Mont, from Brussels to Paris, and obtained from Colbert an exclusive right for her to carry on the lace manufactory in that capital in 1666. During the Protectorate, when every action was made the subject of petty legislation by corporations and the assembled members of dissenting congregations, we may well expect that a new article of ornamental dress would excite attention and be forbidden, or find sanction under some restriction couched in the inimitable phraseology of that time. Points (the early French word for our lace) are not absolutely forbidden ; but " points, or ribbons, and more laces than are required on garments," furnished matter for a letter from the members of the Baptist churches assembled at Bridgewater, 1655. The "beleeven men" fuUy believed how careful it was necessary to be in the treatment of brethren and sisters refusing to reform in the wearing of "gold, pearls, and costly array." They desired that these might be proceeded against with all sweetness, and tenderness, and long-sufiering, it being not so clearly and generally understood as other things that are more contrary to the light of nature.* Lace-making went on in several little country places of South-east Devon towards the close of the seventeenth cen- tury. After the suppression of Monmouth's rebellion, in 1686, the dragoons of Lord Cornbury and Lord Churchill, afterwards the great Duke of Marlborough, who was bom at Ashe House close by, were quartered at Colyton. Soldiers were then a terror to the peaceable. They broke into the house of William Bird, a dealer in bone lace, and stole goods to the value of 325Z. 17*. 9d. Before Lyme Regis began to rise as a watering place, from a state of great decay, about the year 1750, lace-makers occupied almost every house in Broad Street. They worked a dress for Queen Charlotte of Lyme lace, as the Honiton lace-makers have since done for Queen Adelaide. Her present Majesty's order of a bridal dress of Honiton lace was * Church Book of the Baptist Chapel of Lyme Regis. 380 SOCIAL HI8T0KT OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. executed at Beer. The distress of the lace-makers at Honr- tpn, after two great fires in 1756 and 1767, is spoken of. Lovers used to have their initials entwined, worked on a piece of ornamental lace. Old Catherine Power, the last of the lace-makers at Lyme, and likewise a fortune-teller, begged, some time before her death, a copy of certain initials to be worked in lace. She would, on taking home the order, just " cut the cards '' — a modified term for telling a fortune. A splendid work upon the Great Exhibition* contains some valuable addition to the early history of the lace trade, communicated by Mrs. Treadwin of Exeter. Although the lace trade was extensive a century ago, it must then and for a long time after have principally consisted in producing the nett or Honiton ground (a nett much like the present machine nett), in which the sprigs first separately made were worked in on the pillow. This kind of nett was very expensive, and one of the old people formerly in the trade showed Mrs. Treadwin a piece about eighteen inches square, which she had had made just previous to the machine netts coming into use, and which then cost her in making 15/., although it was plain nett only. The surprising ma- chinery for the making of nett was introduced when the same size piece of nett was sold for about as many shillings, and now for fewer pence. So effectually did this destroy the trade of hand-made nett, that only two persons are known by Mrs. Treadwin who can make it. Chard, in South Somerset, has two large factories for the manufacture of machine-nett. One employs about 300 hands ; another 180 hands, both exclusive of menders ; Tiverton, in Devon, has noted factories. The introduction of the new article was the occasion of much suffering, while the unfortunate lace-makers tried to compete — a hopeless effort — with machinery. They could not earn sufficient to maintain life. Young women * The Industrial Arts of the 1 9th Century : a series of illustrations of the choicest specimens produced by every nation at the Great Exhibi- tion of Works of Industry, 1851, by M. Digby Wyatt, Architect. Day and Son, 1853. OEDEE OF QTTEEN ADELAIDE. — MES. TEEADWIN. 381 went out to service ; few children were trained to the use of the pillow, and the trade was greatly depressed for twenty years, when Queen Adelaide ordered a Honiton lace dress to be made of Honiton lace sprigs sewn on machine nett. This compromise or union of the two interests found but few followers. Her present gracious Majesty's bridal dress was of Honiton sprigs, connected together by a variety of open works, &c., and all worked on the pillow. Her Majesty's order found only a few hands employed about the country, none in Lyme or in Dorset, but in Devon over a tract that might be enclosed by a line from Seaton to Exmouth, up the river Exe to Exeter, back the London road to Honiton, thence to Seaton. The trade revived, and affords a good livelihood to many thousand hands, the majority of the female labouring population. Sidmouth, Beer, Branscombe, Colyton, and Honiton, are the residences of many workers and dealers, some of whom travel through England ; but of late, at one time, the demand has far exceeded the supply. Some years ago poverty and lace-making were associated. Such is not now the case. The West of England has lost the woollen trade. Is it that the genius for manufactiu-ing is wanting ? Mrs. Treadwin's skilled remarks would make us believe this is the case. The great majority of the hands are careless and in- different as to die beauty of their work, and as a body dis- liking regular work and hours, preferring to work at home by the piece, generally fond of dress, and careless of the future. Finding no one effort made to improve in the art by the village lace-makers, though they were generally able to read and write, the same lady tried to work out some reformation of the old. This has failed, so she is labouring to improve the young lace-makers, in which we trust she may succeed. She affirms that there is not one lace-designer in Devonshire. Her designs used to be, till last summer, from Paris, now from Somerset House and Nottingham, which fact furnishes subject for congratulation. May the future historian be able to enrol Mrs. Treadwin as the person who has added dignity to an art hitherto pursued with very little ability. 382 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. Lille lace differs but little from Buckinghamsliire lace ; Brussels plait from the best Honiton. Honiton, or west country lace, must now be classed under two heads : — I. Honiton applique, the original lace. II. Honiton guipure, lace invented about twenty years. I. The Honiton applique, the original description of lace, consists of the finest net, sprigged and edged with a border more or less handsome, used for veUs, mantles, dresses, and large articles of ladies' attire. The hand-labour bestowed upon this kind of lace is much smaller than that demanded by the other kind, and the price is proportionably lower. II. The Honiton guipure, invented within the last twenty years, is not dissimilar in style from the old point lace, al- though very much lighter in texture. The separate sections of the pattern are united by delicate fibres, which in the best qualities of the lace are made on the pillow, forming, in fact, part of the pattern ; but in the less expensive spe- cimens they are made afterwards with a needle and thread. A flounce at the Great Exhibition was five yards long, on which forty women were employed for eight months.* The western lace manufactories are fully employed, in 1855, in the fabric of silk lace. Travellers have not had to dread coming into the western lace district, as they had to a few stages on the great north road from London. The box of lace there regularly suc- ceeded the dinner. The waiter brought round a box of beautiful specimens of lace for sale, and so levied contri- butions on the purses of the travellers. It will be interesting to learn that lace-making has been introduced of late into Nagercoil, in Southern India, by the missionaries. * See Messrs. Chambers's publication, p. 27 SILK- THROWING. — PRIVATE LOTTERIES. 383 A Postscript about Silk-throwing. So early as the year 1463 a petition was presented by the " silk women " of this country against the Lombards, who imported thrown silks. We learn by it how extensively silk-throwing and weaving was practised by ladies, so that the nunneries were not the only schools of elegant occupa- tion. The petition states, " of silk throwing, whereby many a worshipful woman within the same city (London) has lived full honourably, and therewith many good households kept ; and many gentlewomen and others in great number like as there be now more than 1000 have been drawn under them in learning the same crafts and occupation, full virtuously unto the pleasance of God, whereby afterwards they have grown to great worship," &c. Private Lotteries for Houses and Estates. The spirit of gambling, unless repressed by law, will be found to break out under various phases to the great detri- ment of society, which, when it rages, becomes demoralised by its pernicious effects upon the human mind. The excite- ment grows, as some novel form becomes established from time to time, till a perfect mania reigns. It has been elsewhere shown how, in the time of Queen Elizabeth, butchers' shops were the scenes of gambling ad- venture. A particular form of gambling had obtained — that of raffling, or engaging in a game of chance for meat — the prize. When the havens of England were in a state of great decay, the mode adopted for their restoration was that per- nicious one of public lotteries ; the first of which took place in the year 1569. Lotteries, or raffles, were the rage at the close of the 384 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. seventeeth century ; — not for objects of trifling value, but for -whole estates, sometimes for houses and fields. What a cause for the disturbing the even tenor of pri- vate life where the fair chance of the lottery Avas alone thought of. As might be anticipated where dishonesty came into play, all kinds of fraud were ready. A notable instance of a private lottery in Dorset, with an episode that grew out of it, has been recorded by the much revered Hutchins, the historian of Dorset. In ac- counting for the transmission of property, he turned aside to relate a trait of domestic history that occasioned the alienation of an estate. The estate of Winford Eagle was the property of the Sydenham family. WUIiam Sydenham, Esq., was the son of William, bro- ther of Thomas Sydenham, M.D., the celebrated physician, who adopted the cool treatment in small-pox, used bark in agues, and laudanum. This Dorsetshire squire, being embarrassed, determined to put up his ancestral estate to the chance of private lot- tery, intending unfairly to make the prize fall to a poor female relative, whom he depended on being able to pre- vail upon to let him have it back again for a small con- sideration. The young lady had a lover who visited her by stealth, to whom she communicated the news of her being about to have a chance given her. As was preyously arranged, the poor relative won the estate, and soon found means to in- form her lover, who was waiting to hear the result of her success. Perhaps, suspecting some such manceuvre, the lover advised her not to return the estate to Mr. Sydenham — advice which made her proof against the charms or terrors of persuasion. The fortunate lady married Doily Michel, Esq., who sold the estate to G. Richards, Esq., of Longbredy. Upon Mr. Sydenham and his two daughters refusing to make a formal surrender of the estate to the vendor, they were committed to Dorchester gaol about the year 1709, where they ended their days. RAGR FOR LOTTERIES. 385 Much good resulted from this memorable lottery ; for owing to the exposure of this case, the system of private lotteries was condemned by an Act of the 10 and 11 William and Mary, which finally put an end to them. There existed a rage for lotteries, or " sales," as they were called. Every conceivable thing was put up to raffle. There were advertisements for " A Sixpenny sale of Lace," " A Hundred pounds for Half-a-Crown," " A Penny Ad- venture for a Great Pie," " A Quarter's Rent," " A Free- hold Estate," " Threepenny sales of Houses," " A fashion- able Coach;" gloves, looking-glasses, chocolate, Hungary water, Indian goods, lacquered ware, fans, &c., were notified to be disposed of in this manner, and the fair mob were called together to draw their tickets by the same means. This fever produced in the end the South Sea bubble.* Joy at hailing the Return of Spring. " When that Aprille with his schowres swoote The drought of Marche hath perced to the roote, And bathed every veyne in swioh licour, Of which vertue engendered is the flour." A Domestic Winter Scene. (From Worcester Cathedral.) Quarterly Review, June, 1854. C C 386 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. The carver has displayed the curious chimney, the man wrapped up though by the fire, and still, like the cat, suffer- ing from the cold. The two-fingered gloves and two flitches of bacon are deserving of attention. See Stanley's Wor- cester and Malvern Gruide Book, with designs by the Misses Eginton. To read of keeping May-day, or Whitsuntide, merely as a commemoration, and not from feeling of deep joy at the coming of a genial season and escape from the miseries of a comfortless (coal-less) winter, is a misunderstanding of the matter. Our ancestors suffered from a long dreary winter, when many of our present comforts were unknown ; and they rejoiced in the return of genial weather, as many now- a-day do who have partaken of every luxury of the winter season, and have participated in no hardships or exclusion from fresh meat and absence of vegetables. To secure a sufficient stock of winter food was often a subject of care and difficulty. The merry hunting in the Plantagenet reigns partook of a matter of business, for deer were salted in for winter use. The whole of the winter store of meat was not salted, but a part was larded, or preserved with pig's lard ; hence the name of the room in which it was kept, the larder. Cattle could not be fattened till Midsummer. May-day scarcely saw the end of salted and larded meat, and much that was trying to the human frame, when the possessor was not rich. Fish was dear and scarce. View- ing the change of season in this light, our ancestors gave way to joyful manifestations, and had recourse to the fol- lowing mode of expressing their joy : — Wm. Tudbold, Mayor of Lyme, 1551. Item, paid to - Eobert Willyms to chute the gones on May- day, iiJjrf. Horace, having no ordnance to fire, called for a vernal dance of joy ; if better provided with means, the poet may have had recourse to a noisier demonstration. THE "WESTERN EEBELLION." 387 The Western Rebellion in the Reign of Edward VI. An entry made by John Hassard, mayor of Lyme 5th Edward VI., will serve to introduce some mention of an historical transaction : — Paid to Thomas Battyn for the hire of a horse in the Commo- cion time, 1*. Qd. The Reformation was not introduced in the quiet manner that obtained in other countries. The Rebellion in the reign of Edward VI., of the people of Cornwall and Devon, was one of great violence and bloodshed, as our annals con- firm. These west countrymen spurned the Book of Common Prayer as being in New English, which so many could not understand, as they could neither read nor follow the service in English; Cornish, a dialect of the Celtic, being their language. The insurgents grew more daring, in proporti(jp as mercy was offered to them ; and in their 10th article ex- pressed their determination to have nothing to do with the English tongue, as foUows : — " We will have the Bible and all books of Scripture in English to be called in again. For we are informed that otherwise the clergy shall not of long time confound the heretics."* Lord Russel, in this rebellion, from not having received the expected supplies for suppressing it from the Court, at that time so far distant, three merchants of Exeter, Prest- wood, Bodlie, and Periam, assisted him with such a sum of money, borrowed on their credit from the merchants of Lyme and Taunton, as quite dispelled his worship's heaviness, f Lord Russel defeated the rebels at Exeter, 19th Aug. 1549, with the loss of 1000 men. * Proclamation of King Henry VIII., a.d. 1526, forbade the buying, receiving, or keeping the New Testament or the Old, in the English, French, or Dutch tongue. Notes and Queries. t Savage's Edit, of Toulmin's Hist, of Taunton. Hist, of Exeter, Fuller, &c. CO 2 388 SOCIAL HISTOBT OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. Cranmer answered the articles sent forth, some of which had wholly reference to secular objects. One of the griev- ances was to be redressed by not allowing a person of one hundred mark land to keep more than one servant. The Archbishop inquired what was to be done by the master if he sent the servant to ride to London, and had no other to wait upon him ? Profitable Use made of the Ore or Sea- Weed. A HISTORY might be written upon the changes that the world has seen in the relative value of the substances with which the vegetable and mineral kingdoms abound. Some products of the earth and sea, once valueless, are now an endless source of wealth ; while others, that for centuries furnished riches to the fortunate possessors, have ceased to rank in the list of valuable substances. Modern discoveries in chemical science have opened new sources for man's in- dustry. Our subject leads to an account of the neglect of what was once very valuable, Sea-Weed or OEE-weed. Wherever this grew upon the rocky ledges or shelves upon our sea-coast, it was a useful product. Lyme borough ac- counts in Edward VI.'s reign show that a regular income was made by letting the right to cut and harvest the ore or sea-weed growing upon the ledges, which are dry at low water to the extent of 500 acres. The sea-weed was burnt into ashes: Roger Garland, mayor, enters, that he has " received of the man that burns the ower, that was due unto the town, 27s." In 1569, " an arrearage of oare " is entered 20s. The oar-burning let in 1589, for three years, at 40*. a year. The renters of the ore-weed at Lyme were subject to loss by depredations. They were protected by local municipal laws made for the special occasion on the spot, and those, too, of some severity : in 1569, " a fine for oare " is entered as being 40s. This in the margin is marked thus : " For a fyne for burning of oare." OEDEE OF THE COUET OF HUSTINGS. 389 In 1580, an order of the Court of Hustings was made : — It is ordered that none do burn ore within the parish and liberty without Mr. Mayor's license, upon pain of 10s. This was not a dead letter, for a jury soon after presented an oiFender for having burnt ore-weed in the parish, and he was fined 2s. Item, presentant quod Thomas Wood cremavit seu comburit vevas, anglice (weeds of the sea, or oare) infra parochiam citra Lioenc' Maioria. Ideo ip' in mia", 2s. Some persisted in this dishonest practice, so another order was framed in 1596. An entry in 1621 demands some ex- planation : — Item, paid Mr. John Eoze for the charges of the oar aslies, 1/. 12s. %d. This closes the accompts about burning the sea-weed. No renter could be found; the sea- weed was in hand which a useful helper of the corporation managed for the body with- out success, it would appear. The sea-weed thrown up after a storm is carted away for manure, for which nothing is paid. Except to a few invalids, to whom the pounded pods of the Fueus vesiculosus are bene- ficial from the iodine they contain, as an application to glandular swellings, the growing sea-weed is now worthless. All soda was formerly derived from kelp, the sea-weed, which contains 6 per cent, of alkali, and sold for 2001. a ton before Le Blanc's method came into use.* Proprietors of land on the shores of Scotland were enriched by letting out portions for the preparing of kelp. This harvest has ceased there, as well as on the coast of England. The reduction of the duty on foreign alkali, in 1823, gave the first blow to the kelp manufacture ; and the discovery of a process by which a cheaper alkali might be extracted from common salt, the heavy duty on which had been reduced, made both kelp and barilla unsaleable. • Alum sold for lOOZ. a ton ; it is now 10^. c c 3 390 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. Le Blanc, by means of sulphuric acid, converted salt into sulphate of soda. Eighty pounds are required for every hundred pounds of salt. Hence the creating a very large demand for sulphuric acid. This is made of sulphur and saltpetre, or nitrate of soda. Some houses in England pro- duce 1000 tons of sulphxrric acid annually. Kelp is now only manufactured for the sake of the iodine it contains ; and as this element is most abundant in the sea- weed that grows at such a depth as not to be accessible in situ, the kelp for iodine is made from the weed cast ashore after storms. Even in the most favourable places it hardly pays the cost of making it. Thirty tons of kelp produce one ton only of alkali, worth now only about 3Z. 10*., instead of 2001. As a set-off to the above picture, we may add that a once comparatively worthless material from the same locality, — blue lias limestone, — brings in quite a revenue in the pre- sent day ; and some strata of the same formation, worthless, as was thought, even among the disregarded layers of that stone, now fetch a high price as a rapidly setting cement.* Inability to read or write. How striking the circumstance of our meeting with the epitaphs of men much lauded for their worth, and even ability, who could not read or write ! Before learning was general many individuals were unlettered, ignorant in book learning, who were stUl, considering the age, cultivated men, clever by comparison with others. They proved what oral teaching could do. In Tudor reigns numbers could sign their name, who could do no more in the way of writing. They may have carried their philosophy about with them, and propagated it in the walking place, under the pentice, and in the market. At a Court of Hustings at Lyme Regis, 2nd November, 1584, "It was agreed at a Court held in the Moot Hall, * Quart. Kcv. CLXXIX., p. 157. HIEROGLYPHICS IN THE HUSTINGS' BOOK. 391 that as well the burgesses and freemen, as well inhabitant as not inhabitant, as all other inhabitants, shall be contribu- tory to the payment of taxes and impositions to be levied towards the charge of the burgesses for the Parliament." And it is added the burgesses chose two assessors on their parts, the mayor and his brethren two on their parts. The town was not incorporated when this important decision was come to, after having been duly mooted in the Guild hall. After the entry in the Hustings' Book, and some few signatures, appear sundry hieroglyphics, marks, and initial letters, eleven in number, of those who could not write — the legislators who had just determined so wisely on the floor of their little house of assembly. The following hieroglyphics are placed in laughable jux- taposition with the pedantic Latin of the learned Town Clerk :— *W^ Signum : Jacobi Hackwell. h^ Roberti Tyneham. /T> Eichardi Stansby. Roberti Myco. 3? Henrici Palmer. Johannis Sanford. n^ Roberti Davy. Wm. Bagster.* ;^^ Marci Barens. -jT Johannis Ley. * William Bagster was the ancestor of the members of an honourable London firm, who have a motto expressive of the many tongues intro- duced into their Polyglot editions of the Scriptures. " TloWai iiiv Bi/tirois TAaiTTai, |iiia S' Mai/arouny." " Multa;'terricolis linguae, coelestibus una." c c 4 392 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. Of ninety inhabitants of Brighton who signed some orders as sanctioning them in 1580, only seven wrote their own autographs. After their names, written for them, the others added marks, such as the anchor, the axe, the wheel, the anvil, and the plough, with other professional instruments and utensils. The marks remind one of the Paraph of the Spanish, and other merchants of the Contiaent. This is the name given to a tortuous specimen of caligraphy, in common phrase, a flourish or strike after and below the signature, to render a counterfeit difficult or impossible. The Paraphs of correspondents, kept by houses of business for reference, have an odd effect, and resemble so many reptiles of the Nile twisting and twining in all kinds of shapes. Lest unfairness may be thought to be dealt to our pro- vincial tradesmen, the writing faculty of an ambassador a century earlier is here given. Shassek, secretary to the mission of Leo, Baron of Ros- mltal and Blatna, ambassador from Bohemia to the court of Edward IV., mentions what power in the way of writing the head of that mission displayed at Windsor in 1466. After dining with the Knights of the Garter, he was re- quested to write his autograph ia their mess book or album, a feat which he accomplished with such dubious success that when he had departed an application was sent after him to return and read it. Perhaps this great man could have simply written his name ; but the name with his titles added made the performance a difficult task. We here detect an early desire to collect autographs, which has long been an established mania. The framework of society was, at the period under con- sideration, differently constructed. The far greater number could not read and write. If a man now-a-days addresses one who is in the latter predicament, he is apt at once to treat him as an inferior in every particular, as a matter of course. It was not so in Elizabeth's reign. In the present age schooling or book learning is necessarily indispensable. Still some who have missed this valuable acquirement are ACCOUNT OF ABBAHAM PLAISTOW. 393 cultivated, and possess great powers of mind, or what is styled ability, as they did in the Tudor reigns. A living Impresario, who labours under these disadvantages, is sup- posed to be the best judge of music in Europe. I have accidentally had working for me one who could not read or write, and another who was highly accomplished in algebra. The master of these two was the untaught ! Learning was honoured in Elizabeth's and James the First's reigns : a want of ability to read and write was not always treated as a disgrace, though it disqualified for some situations. Daniel Morfiun, or Murefin, of Leicester, in the next reign, "for that he cannot write, was by most voices dis- charged from being chamberlain hereafter," and another person was treated in like manner. There was no disgrace attending this exclusion ; for this Mr. Morfiun was chosen alderman, and died after having served the oflice of mayor in 1660.* It is becoming very rare to meet with a person in the situation of a master who can neither read nor write. A few years since the occurrence was more frequent, and the deficient party wrapped up the circumstance in this ex- pression, " I'm no scholard." Sir Fowell Buxton's account of Abraham Plaistow, the gamekeeper, who could neither read nor write, is illustrative of the merits of an unlettered man, and of the fact that mentally gifted individuals may be greatly pleased with one who is without school learning. " My guide, philosopher, and friend, was Abraham Plaistow, the gamekeeper ; a man for whom 1 have ever felt, and still feel, very great affection. He was a singular character : in the first place, this tutor of mine could neither read nor write, but his memory was stored with various rustic knowledge. He had more of natural good sense, and what is called mother-wit, than almost any person I have met with since : a knack which he had of putting everything into new and singular lights made him, " Nichol's Hist, of Leicester. 394 SOCIAL HISTOBY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. and still makes him, a most entertaining, and even intellectual companion. He was the most undaunted of men : I remember my youthful admiration of his exploits on horseback. For a time he hunted my uncle's hounds, and his fearlessness was proverbial. But what made him particularly valuable were his principles of integrity and honour. He never said or did a thing in the ab- sence of my mother of which she would have disapproved. He always held up the highest standard of integrity, and flUed our youthful minds with sentiments as pure and as generous as could be found in the writings of Seneca or Cicero. Such was my first instructor, and, I must add, my best ; for I think I have profited more by the recollection of his remarks and admonition than by the more learned and elaborate discourses of all my other tutors He was our playfellow and tutor ; he rode with us, fished with us, shot with us, upon all occasions." In a loyal petition from Bridgewater, in 1680, not one half of those who subscribed could write their names. The petition wore in consequence a very extraordinary appearance. The marks resembled hieroglyphics, or, as was satirically expressed, were like so many " reptiles of the NUe." Persons who had the ability, or " gift," as it was called, to write, had rarely the accomplishment of being able to write well and clearly. Their caligraphy was at fault; hence a scrivener was applied to. This accounts for the excellent writing that is displayed in archives. A clever scrivener was also versed in the language suited to each station, — could deal out the Suum cuique, and besides the " writing," often undertook or assisted in " making," — by which is meant inditing a letter. Such is the Ecrivain et redacteur of French towns. The accounts of churchwardens in the fifteenth century were " made " in Latin, so the scrivener was educated in grammar learning. The church official had only to make some mark or nick till the scrivener came, who, learning that two bell ropes had been furnished for the bells, entered : — Item, pro duos ropys pro campanis, xiiijd. Item, solvere pro faciende de cleper de campanis, xijrf. PARISH CLERKS. — HORN BOOKS. 395 When at a loss for any Latin phrase, as of a single word, the man of letters assumed the vernacular, — could not perhaps, for the pay he received, afiFord time to turn the matter before him into a dead language. The entries there- fore exhibit an example of churchwardens' Latin, a kind of Lingua Franca, e. g.x — Item, pro lavare de sorplysa & vestments, iiijrf. Item, pro faciende de cere & coste de vetell, xiijrf.* Parish clerks in the country, about the year 1600, could not write, and some could scarce read or sing.f The practice of reading each verse of a hymn to be sung was necessary, for the majority could not have benefited by a psalter. A comparison of anecdotes referring to distant and recent epochs is often striking. A jury had to make an inventory and valuation of armour, arms, &c. at Sompting, in the reign of Edward L The jurors duly priced the weapons, which were too often used in everyday life, but were unable to put a price upon two MS. books, " Liber Eegum," and " Liber Bestiarum."| The time of Horn Books had not then arrived. And it may be asked, who has seen a Horn Book, except as a curiosity in a museum ? Thousands were annually manu- factured only a few years ago. Some do not know what this earliest school implement really was. The alphabet was inserted in a wooden frame, to be held in the hand, and was covered over with horn to protect the paper, hence the whole was called a Horn Book. Utility or necessity, not the whim of fashion, made trades- men adopt a sign like the landlords of inns in the present day. " The Two Storks " and " Half Moon " over the window directed many a servant and customer who could not have made out the name or business in letters. * Account of Cowfold, temp. Edward IV. Sussex Archseol. Coll. I Nelson's Rights of the Clergy. I W. H. Blauw, Esq., Com. to Sussex Archseol. Soc. 396 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. When London was paved or pitched with Scotch stone in 1764, all sign-posts and other posts to divide the foot- way from the roadway were removed.* This altered much the appearance of the streets. Painting, writes Professor Hart, was the book of the ignorant, who knew not how to read in any other. The Cure of Troyes caused three windows to be painted, to serve as a catechism and instruction book to the people. With the spread of knowledge of reading and writing, tallies, or nicked sticks, gradually disappeared. The memo- randum book, price 2d., and now Id., superseded the nick- stick for many purposes, as the parish and domestic clocks and watches caused the hour-glass to fall into disuse. Tallies were used long after writing was a common acquirement, the object being to prevent forgery. Numeral letters were used to express the sums till about 1613, from which time the Arabic figures are employed. From about 1595, though the items are in letters, the totals are in Arabic figures. Till about the year 1810, and later, type rejected from a printer's cases, because of being broken and worn, was sold to print cheap books for children f, a class of readers which requires distinctness and perfection in each letter. As we sit in ovr pew v^e can see the par son in the pui pit, and !-.e can see us. The general extension throughout our country towns of the faculty of reading, among even the lowest class, has proved fatal to the success of a character who now only proclaims his wares with nasal twang and peculiar emphasis in villages and hamlets. Need I say the " last dying speech and confession man '' is here designated, — one who early set off from the county town, at the close of the assize, with a " right true and particular * Notes and Queries, Oct. 27. 1855, p. 323. t A B C books sold, in 1583, at \d. each. KEADIKG LIGHTLY ESTIMATED. 397 account of all those prisoners that had been tried before my Lord Judge," printed on a broad sheet for a penny or half- penny, according to its length. For many assizes no " last dying speech man " has come to Lyme. The one who visited West Dorset on the latest occasion traversed the Broad Street, Lyme, and the servant- maids, who were wont to flock to the windows and doors to buy, plied their work unmoved. The orator looked back upon the street and entered upon a soliloquy, in which the inhabitants were denounced, and he announced aloud that he would come no more to such a place. The servants who could read the trials of the prisoners, and the civil cases heard at the assize as well in the county newspapers taken in by their masters, were unwilling to pay for a dry list of names. Reading is a matter lightly estimated where all the appliances are at hand ; master first, then, books. Only take to the secluded valleys of a remote county, there it becomes a difficult matter even yet to obtain instruction. In a deep comb of Devonshire a master was found for a Sunday school. He proved to be a bad character, who was there for concealment. A parishioner took the direc- tions of a class. His services were such as we might suppose to have been like those rendered in the fifteenth century. First boy reads a verse in the New Testament. A pause ensues. The master finds no fault. First boy says to his master, " Reuben dw'unt seem to I that's fitty." Reuben is in doubt whether it is so or not. Thereupon master and scholars, teacher (?) and learners (?) commune together and comment upon the subject matter upon an almost equal amount or modicum of the reading faculty. This state of things obtained in higher branches of learning before this blessing was generally diffused. It can now only be tole- rated in a sequestered valley, but must have been so over the whole breadth of the land. 398 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. JVo Mention made of Paintings. — Chained Books. No mention of any money having been paid for a painting is made in any archives that I have examined. No " limner's" name appears. The fine arts could not have been at all patronised in the country towns under the Tudor sovereigns. A century' after the estate of the compounder, Philip Palmer, of Dorney, Buck§, consisted almost entirely of paintings. Where can any mention of an earlier instance of a private gallery be found ? There are no entries for payment for books for private individuals. How long was it after the introduction of printing and printed books that the burgesses of our towns possessed so valuable a property, one justly deemed so precious ? Books printed in black letter were given to churches for the use of the parishioners. They rested upon a large table, and each was chained in a secure manner. One dictionary was placed chained in a school for the use of the scholars, " tyed in a cheyne." Little could the donor have imagined that a beautiful bound copy of the Holy Scriptures could be purchased for a mere trifling sum of a few pence. Book chains are happily unknown. One Adam de Oxenforth made his appearance at York as the first practiser of the art of bookbinding in the reign of Edward III. Berthelet, the first royal printer, charged one penny a leaf for his work in 1531. At this rate a book would cost a good sum, much more than is charged in the present day. Particulars respecting the Board and Education of Young Persons of either Sex. Much attention has been called in the present century to the school system carried on in Yorkshire, which a popular ACCOUNT or THE T0RK8HIKE SCHOOLS. 399 writer has exposed, and so powerfully, that it can be con- tinued no longer. The great fraud consisted in taking in boys for board and education, as if the usual conditions of such establishments were to be observed. The cultivation of a farm by the master and his numerous pupils was quite kept out of view. The students were partly labourers ; school, literally, as the word implies, a place of leisure, was indeed for them a place of toil. After all the odium which has been thrown upon these northern tricksters, the parents were really as much to blame. They knew the sum paid was no remuneration for clothes, the very meanest food, and any teaching at all. So they expected little under these heads, and surmised the labour element, which entered largely into the affair. The taking in children to instruct them, and then to employ them for services conducive to the advantage of the keeper of " Dotheboys HaU," is not a modern idea. The terms for schooling were often too low; but it had been fair to have stipulated for services to be rendered to eke out. The modern agricultural schools for the poor have a morning for instruction in books, an afternoon for work, with payment accordingly — aU duly set forth in the public notices. There are such for a higher class in Canada. In James I.'s reign. Sir John Bramston refers, in his Diary, to his going out in the morning, the day on which some particular occurrence took place, with his books to study (?) at a distance of three or four miles, while he watched his master's cows. What season did not afford some object of a boy's pursuit — eggs, apples, and nuts ? A case at the Blandford Jan. Session, in 1626, no doubt excited great interest. John Dibsdale, late of Langton, in Dorset, clothier, de- ceased, had placed his daughter Dorothy, two years before this event, with Mrs. Roche, the wife of Mr. Roche, parson of Helton, for the term of five years from thence, to be by her bred up and taught her needle, and gave Mrs. Roche 15/. 400 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. for his said daughter's teaching and diet, and was to provide apparel for her during the term. Mr. Thomas White, of Langton, clerk, uncle to the said Dorothy, detained her from Mrs. Koche, who applied to the Court to order Mr. White to send back Dorothy for her term, or else to give her some compensation. The Court, judging that the contract between Mr. John Dibsdale and Mrs. Roche was for the placing of Dorothy to be taught as a scholar, and not to be employed as a servant, did not think fit to make any order for the relief of Mrs. Roche.* What could generally be expected from such a conunence- ment of schooling, we wiU not dignify it by the name of education, as obtained about the middle and close of the seventeenth century at Winchester ? A child six years old was sent, not to the school in the college, but to the care of a Mr. May, a fellow of the college, who boarded the child. The little boy had no master, but Was taught at his boarding-house, for it virtually was such, with other gentlemen's sons, by a select number of the SENIOR BOTS, who Were to give an account to Dr. Burt, the master of the school, by turns, how these children behaved themselves, and what progress they made in learning. This system was followed for two years, when the boy of eight entered the school, and removed to college between the age of sixteen and seventeen. This early school, and subsequently college career, fur- nish matter for much comment by any one who has made the science of education his study, f The scholars at our large schools had regular cockfights. John Richards, Esq. went, in the year 1700, to see the scholars at Wimborne cock-fight. | Cock-fighting would appear to have been an affair of the school, recognised by the masters, and the charges for which * Mr. T. Hearn, "Qui Quondam." f Private Memoirs of John Potenger, Esq. Edited by the Rev. C. W. Bingham, &c. J Diary in the New Retrospective Review. DANCING-SCHOOL. — CHARGES. 401 were defrayed by them, to be hereafter paid by the parents, just as some innocent excursions and festivities are managed now-a-days. The credit of the school was without doubt often involved in the proper issue of the fight. Sir James Mackintosh, when at school at Fortrose in 1776-7, had this entry in his account, in which books were charged 3s. Gd. : — To cocks'-flght dues for 2 years, 2s. 6d. each, 5s. Associated are three months' fees at the dancing-school, minuet, country-dances, and hornpipe, &c.* At some of our western endowed grammar schools the charges for board were, a century ago, very, indeed sur- prisingly low. Parents who wonder at this need to be told that the morning and evening draught, two meals of the day, had ceased, and no tea morning or evening had been substituted in their place, except at an extra charge. The fare was mean and scanty. Old women cake-sellers in the neighbourhood of the school house prepared tea and coffee, boiled eggs, and fryed rashers of bacon from a flitch which they kept hung up, and which had been sent by the parents from home. Dinner was the single meal taken at the mas- ter's table, who really furnished only partial board, in ac- cordance with the practice of the day. Firing was charged to a young lady, a boarder in a school at Richmond, from September to April, in 1646, the sum of 19s. Gd. In 1697 the board and education at our western grammar schools was 121. a year. Everything was just one-third the price it now bears, and the fare is now excellent and abun- dant. Dancing was charged at the rate of a guinea the quarter, and a guinea entrance. The beginning dinner at some schools with pudding has been supposed to be the invention of some stingy school- master. The same custom is found among the natives of * Notes and D 4 s. d. ■ 2 1 ■ 1 ■ 1 8 ■ 1 2 • 1 10 • 7 4 6 ■ 1 4 ■ 11 ■ 1 8 ■ 2 6 • 1 6 • 1 4 ■ 3 6 • 2 5 1 8 • 1 • 2 ■ 1 • 1 • 15 10 408 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. evening, give a lesson that very evening, rise very early and give a second lesson ; then mount for another scene of labour and harmonious usefulness. The crowning labour — the highest step in the ladder, some half a century ago, was the " Battle of Prague." Let no one disparage the abUity to perform this fine melange of sounds, — the tramp of cavalry, the firing of great guns, and other musical realisations, "We may have fine music, but properly speaking, no finale in which, as in the " Battle of Prague," the force of music could no farther go. That difficult piece was not attained per saltum. There was no royal road to the " Battle of Prague ;" that culminating point was only won by due gradation and professional sequence. The sampler, with patterns of letters, long held its place in girls' schools. There was a posy at the end, and its destiny was to be framed and glazed, as a memento of in- dustry and acquirements in the use of the needle. The sampler was, with females, what a " piece " was among boys. It delighted, and too often deceived the parents. The " piece " was a large sheet of paper with ornamental border around a space intended to be filled with fine penmanship, and often with finer sentiment. How much sound learning was sacrificed for the preparing the " piece ! " It has fallen into merited disrepute, and deservedly so. Sound learning was made to yield to caligraphy or fanciful penmanship, — an unprofitable acquirement to the ninety-nine of every hundred. Wearing Arms. The change efiected when our countrymen disused the habitual wearing of arms was remarkable; and its effect upon society at large cannot well be sufficiently estimated. Too many of our forefathers drank at times to excess. DEATH OF WILLIAM BULL. 409 When it was the custom to wear arms, upon any affront being offered at a church-ale, a bull-baiting, or at church particularly, men drew upon each other as readily as their faulty descendants now resent any personal indignity by a blow with the fist. A quarrelsome man, who is " a striker," is now-a-days a nuisance on any public occasion, and causes confusion, till secured by the constables and peaceably disposed. What in- tolerable annoyance must a brawling, drunken, armed man have proved himself ! Constables made such characters the subject of their presentments at the court leets. A fu- rious, passionate man ran a risk of being described like Henry Davy, by the Lyme constables as, periculosum et irregulatum et pronum homines ad eos ledend' et nocend' (a dangerous and unruly character, ready to hurt and injure other men).* These officials were generally pithy in their entries, e.g. : — " John Guppy, killing Henry Seymour," " Williams, killing a soldier," " John Way, drawing blood of a stranger." Two men had fought respectively " with sword and staff (that is, quarter-staff), and "intended to pro- secute their lewd purpose." John Brewer killed William Bull at Castle Combe with a sword, a.d. 1524, and then ran to the church. He spoke with the coroner, abjured the realm, chose a port beyond sea by Dover, and forfeited all his goods and chattels to the lord of the manor, "f Such matters were appropriately returned by the con- stables as " bloodsheds." In 1569 the Mayor of Lyme paid to Wm. Merchant for healing the Fleming's head, and three days his meat and drink, 20«?. The evils arising from going about armed were acknow- ledged. King Henry VII. issued a proclamation upon the subject. Though our countrymen were allowed to be armed when they travelled through the wilds of imcultivated Eng- land, still at other times they were not to be so. * Presentment, a.d. 1601. f Hist, of that Manor by Hon. P. Scrope. 410 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. The king, out of respect to the surety, peace, and rest- fulness of all his subjects, forbad the wearing any bills, bows, and arrows, swords, long nor short bucklers, nor any other harness nor weapons invasive, in any town or city, but at such times as men journey or ride, upon pain of for- feiture of the weapons and imprisonment. No man, of whatever rank, was to make any affray or quarrel with any other person. After this proclamation country corporations began to stir to carry out the wishes of the king. At Leicester, in this reign (Henry VII.), making an affray was viewed as a serious matter. Should blood have been shed, the fine was Gs. 8d. ; without blood, 3s. Ad. No one was to leave his house after the nine o'clock bell had rung, except officers and the watch, or forfeit \2d. ; 2s. for the second offence, and for the third offence to suffer imprisonment. The Mayor of Leicester, Richard GyUott, made an order in 1467, that no one in town should bear any weapon except in support of the mayor in case of an affray, so that the mayor had in such an event to arm and lead in person against the rioters; a knight or an esquire might have a sword borne after him. Every countryman was to leave his weapon at his inn, before going about his business in fair or market, and every innkeeper was bidden, at Leicester and in other boroughs, to give warning to his customers to do so. If they wore their weapon it was to be forfeited, and the offender's body was to lie in prison as long as the mayor liked. No townsman was to lend a countryman any weapon, except it was to be used in support of the mayor.* At Marlborough there was a bye-law made for the spe- cial subject: — " XXV. Every inhabitant shall have in readiness in his shop or other place where he has ready access, a club, bill, or other necessary weapon, that he or his servants may be in readiness to assist the authorities in suppressing any outcry or breach of the peace." f * Gutch's Coll. Curioso.— Nicholl's Hist of Leicester. f Wajlen's Hist, of Marlborough. COSTUME. — FIGHTS IN THE CHUKCII. 411 Kabelais gives a minute description of the dresses of this period, and satirises the custom now first introduced of going about armed; every one, he tells us, carrying "la belle epee au cot^, la poign6e dor^e, le fourreau de velours de la couleur des chausses, le bont d'or et d'orfevrerie, le poig- nard de mSme." * Mankind do not usually burden themselves with that which they do not intend to use. The wearing of arms was no exception. Well might citizens be bidden to pro- vide themselves with weapons to put down a fray, for such was what many gloried in, particularly in public places. When publicity was the object, no place could be so suitable for a fight as the interior of a church, or a church- yard, when parishioners were assembled at the church hatch, or else in city, or at market. The proclamation of 3 & 4 Philip and Mary, 27 March, 1557, complains how certain quarrelsome persons, both naughty and insolent, provided themselves with swords and rapiers of a much greater length than had been accustomed to be used, and wore gaimtlets and vambraces as weU as bucklers, with long pikes in them, to be ready for a quarrel, riot, or fray, which they sought, as before said, at church, in the church- yard, &c. Churches were not then covered with pews, and aflTorded an open space for a fight, or a theatrical performance. There many deaths and wounds had been dealt. These long rapiers, exceeding a yard and half a quarter at the blade, were to be broken ; for they appear to have been worn for duelling. A dagger was not to exceed twelve inches at the blade. In 1616 James I. prohibited, by proclamation, the wear- ing of steelets, or pocket daggers — dagges, or pocket pistols, which were used in duelling.! The being restrained in the use of offensive weapons * Handbook to Renaissance Court. — Court of the Crystal Palace by J. Waring, t Nicholl's Leicester, temp. Elizabeth. 412 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. was deemed an indignity by the proud and quarrelsome Swash-bucklers of that day. They were not all willing to submit to such a degradation. So late as Oct. 1854, a jury of freemen at Lyme Regis appeared to consider the conduct of a brother freeman. It was solemnly given to them " in charge to inquire if Nicho- las Hassard hath made a breach of his liberty for his dis- obedience, for he being commanded by the mayor to lay down his weapons, and not to wear them in the street, he hath denyed to lay them down." " Also he thrust or shouldered Mr. Mayor yesterday night, as Mr. Mayor came by the walke," the space under the old custom house, opposite the Assembly Rooms. Ni- cholas Hassard forfeited his freedom.* The individual so punished belonged doubtless to a class who viewed novelties with an evil eye, and who feared that degeneracy could result from some recent introductions. The Swiss were enjoined, about the year 1627, not to neglect to gird on the sword when they went to church, nor to effeminate themselves by the use of tea and coffee.f Local history abounds with episodes of the evils of men wearing arms. An instance is adduced from Lyme. The year 1592 was rendered memorable by a melan- choly occurrence in the open street. Nicholas Ellesdon, one of the Serjeants, arrested a merchant residing at Dow- lands, named John Seward, at the suit of one Belpit, of "Weymouth, which Seward, in his anger, killed the officer, who was only discharging his duty, and who fell a victim to the practice of wearing arms. In the Hustings' Book for the year the affair appears at length, and it is stated, " the which odious act, by all presumption, happened the rather through the want of clubs in the town; for the having of clubs might be an occasion to restrain such lewd attempts by terrifying such blood-thirsty persons." Clubs not less than seven feet in length were ordered to be pro- * See the Freemen's Book, p. 290. •}• Historical Pictures of the Middle Ages in Black and White, by Mrs. K. Moore. SWOKDSMEN. — ORGIES OF THE MOHOCKS, 413 vided, and in skilful hands proved no doubt, as quarter staves, very efficient weapons. A dexterous practiser of the quarter-staff would bid defiance to any man. A western gentleman, with this weapon, fought at Xeres, in Spain, against three rapiers and poniards. Judge Ander- son, a well-known character, pronounced that the killing the Serjeant in the street was not murder, but manslaughter ; because he had not procured a warrant from the mayor. No pages or lacqueys were to wear swords, as by a pro- clamation in the year 1661. The wearing of arms was in general use at the begin- ning of the eighteenth century. Dissoluteness and the sword had fierceness lent to them by drink. The sword clubs were suppressed by a royal proclamation in 1724. For full particulars of the bravos of the reign of George I., and how Beau Nash exerted himself at Bath, see the Gent's Mag. for Sept. 1852, for an article by Dr. Doran. Persons in the United States of America going to co- loured balls are required to leave their weapons below. Upon a row happening parties hand them up, if called upon to do so. The Mohocks, about 1720, when they sallied out upon their nightly orgies, wore their weapons, as we learn that one branch of that fraternity — the " Dancing-Masters " — made persons dance about, by running the points of their swords into their legs. Whole parties of these men, very drunk, would rush forward in the streets of London with their swords drawn, which they used against the un- offending. Haydn, the composer, played at concerts with a tie wig on, and wearing a sword by his side. He died so late as 1809. 414 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. Sumptuary Laws of Di'ess and Expenditure. In very ancient times men were compelled by law to re- gulate their expenditure in various ways, and particularly their dress, according to their rank and their means. The officer who took account of such matters at Rome, that is, the Censor, held the sumptuary rate-book, the Census ; and he judged by that roll what display in living or in dress was allowable to each individual. The several classes of the community were distinct from one another ; and each had distinct privileges in the eye of the State. In order to keep separate the several orders of men or classes, rules were prescribed for each, to regulate their expenditure, their dress, the number of funeral piles that might be lighted, and for various purposes. A part of these, when attentively considered, are found to have been social, a part sumptuary, strictly so called, and some political. When in modern times our soverigns and our local muni- cipal bodies turned their attention to the regulating every action in daily life of their subjects and fellow townsmen, there was scarcely anything that did not become the subject matter of proclamations or municipal orders and precepts. Some of these openly assailed expensive habits, and regulated the value of the materials any one might wear in garments according to his income. Such were true sumptuary laws, and an imitation of those of the times of the Roman history. Other proclamations wear the semblance of having been dic- tated by the peculiar taste or fancy of the sovereign. Most profess to regard the welfare of the state and the subject. Now that every one is left to dress in whatever colour or in materials of whatever value the wearer may choose, and the vast population occasions no trouble or concern to any official, but finds ample check in ridicule against bad taste, and in distress against too prodigal a style of dress or living, it seems strange how so many laws about dress, &c. could have been required. It may be remarked that they were COSTUME IN JAMES I.'S TIME. 415 deemed to have been necessary three centuries and a half ago. Henry VII. saw occasion to restrain the nobles. Lord Bacon tells us of that king's visit to the Earl of Oxford. That nobleman had given his livery to an excessive number of retainers to do honour to his royal guest ; who, however, determined, when leaving, not to overlook the breach of the sumptuary laws, but referred him to the Attorney-General, and bade him compound for the penalties incurred — a return which Mr. John Bruce deems not to have been that of a king, but of an informer. Costume of the Reign of James I. King Henry VIII. and Queen Mary had found it neces- sary to have recourse to sumptuary laws for the good of the state and the individual. An extract from one of these surprising and important proclamations will throw light upon the subject. " The excess of apparel, and the superfluity of unnecessary foreign wares thereto belonging, attracted the attention of Queen Elizabeth, who foresaw the decay of the wealth of 416 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. the realm by sending so much to foreign countries for the purchase of costly articles of attire ; but her majesty con- sidered likewise the wasting and undoing of a great number of young gentlemen, otherwise serviceable, and others seek- ing, by show of apparel, to be esteemed as gentlemen ; who, alluredj by the vain show of those things, did not only con- sume themselves, their goods and lands which their parents had left unto them, but also run into such debts and shifts, as they cannot live out of danger of laws, without attempt- ing unlawful acts whereby they are not any ways serviceable to their country as otherwise they might be." In the following reign an aspirant to a lady's favour found that a suitable wardrobe for the occasion cost more than lOOL, and this for one not noble. Dogberry modestly boasted that he was a man that had " two gowns." A great personage had gowns of multitudinous colours and materials, and doublets and hose of great value. Clothing was very costly. "We should dislike, in the present day, to have our in- comes ascertained in an inquisitorial manner, in order that the authorities might settle whether we might wear or not sarcenet in the lining of our doublet. AVhen the articles used in the making of our garments were to be regulated by the amount of our income, the ascertaining this point was indispensable. Those who could spend 40Z. a year might wear sarcenet in the lining of their hose, doublet, hats, or caps. Apprentices at the law, and utter barristers, and all mer- chants of any society, and all that keep household in city or town, and such as may dispend 20/. a year, might wear a welf of velvet in their gowns, jackets, or coats.* None were to wear spurs, swords, rapiers, daggers, skaynes, wood knives or hangers, buckles or girdles, silvered or da- masked, except knights' and barons' sons, and others of high degree or place, and gentlemen in ordinary attendance upon * Proclamation of 1579. WEARING APPAREL. — FINES. 417 the queen's majesty's person, except gilt, silvered, or da- masked spurs.* No husbandman was to wear in hia doublet any other thing than that which is wrought within this realm, fustian and canvass only excepted. No serving man or journeyman in handicrafts taking wages might wear in his doublet any other thing than fus- tian, canvass, leather, or woollen cloth. If offending, the apparel was to be forfeited, or the value thereof, and 3s. 4kd. a day fine for every day he should have worn the same, f Excessive long cloaks In common sight monstrous, and great and excessive ruffs insupportable for charges, and in- decent to be worn, were to be left off. These ruffs were not to be more than a nail in depth. These matters are adduced as examples, but in fact the proclamations about sumptuary regulations would fill pages. From the highest rank to the individual in humble station there was some rule applicable ; there was something that might and might not be worn. Attentively studied, the persons that passed might have their rank discovered ; each wore what was equivalent to a badge. Twelve persons of various grades might now each wear a badge with a number, and at a glance the most ignorant could appreciate their re- lative rank, and perhaps income. Such would be a ready mode ; formerly the same object was effected by the regu- lations of dress. Such is no longer the case. Modem views repudiate such a plan. Many possessed of very different means, the rich land and fundholder, the party living by a profession or a business, dress in the same style, use the same materials, but perhaps differ much in taste. No fur, no silk is forbidden, A legacy which improves the income of a family, or many little adventitious circumstances occurring, cause no necessary change of habiliments. Information of the fact spreads, but no visible sign announces to the passer * Proclamation of 1579. f Ibid. E E 418 SOCIAL HISTOET OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. by that income has improved, some municipal or other office has been undertaken, or any other remarkable personal occur- rence supervened. A fusion of the members of society seems to have taken place, stUl, when we look at it with keen glance, the distinctions exist as of old ; but they are not blazoned by sarcenet or welf of velvet. Each individual, in matter of attire and expense, is left to his own self-govern- ment, and each member of society is no longer a machine moved at the will of another, but is self guided, and so dis- plays the result of his taste, his judgment, and prudence, or the want of those things. Personal liberty could not have been exercised or enjoyed while sumptuary laws were in force. A change for the better has taken place, though some are occasionally heard to admire a social state of things, under which those who dress to excess would have been checked or altogether restrained. Varieties of dress, ordered to distinguish the classes of society, partake of the continental or even Oriental character ; liberty in dress is consonant with Anglo-Saxon or western feelings and sentiment. The regulations for the dress of the members of our universities were very numerous. Hats, stufFed-out or bom- basted breeches, liosen with only a yard and a half of cloth in them — all was laid down or forbidden by rule. Apprentices were to wear no long or short wigs above 15s. in value, and no point lace. The most pious of men, a learned and witty writer observed, were not above some regard for fashion, even with reference to very small matters. Men once gave their minds, to create by means of dress and other insignia, a distinction between each class. Whether this was the result of rank or worldly means, they judged such a course to be necessary. It was a prin- ciple of action not only followed before the public, but sedulously attended to in hours of privacy. Thus, in the days of Elizabeth and James, no Puritan divine ever went to bed but with his head in a night-cap of black silk tipped with white. Under the same sovereigns doctors of medicine TYRANNY OF THE SUMPTUARY LAWS. 419 and privy councillors sank to sleep in night-caps wrought with gold silk.* Sumptuary laws are spoken of as instances of tyranny and oppression on the part of the sovereign upon his unwUling and reluctant subjects. Nothing can be further from the truth. Sumptuary laws only stamped with au- thority, regulations about distinction of classes, &c., that society demanded of itself, and would have reflected upon a ruler that did not give heed to and enforce them. The juries of townsmen in boroughs clamoured for cucking-stool, pillory, and other implements of punishment. When these were wanting, the juries presented the authorities as " faulty." They judged the use of these things to be salutary, and so they did sumptuary laws, and that without them all society would be confounded in a kind of ancient chaos. The doctors of medicine and privy councillors might, had legislators continued to pass sumptuary laws, have been called to account, or had a more humble night-cap prescribed for them. Princes wore similar head gear. Dr. Doran relates that at the marriage of Frederic Prince of Wales, the son of Greorge II., the royal bridegroom was splendid at night in his robe of gold tissue, and a night-cap wrought with gold sUk. Thus attired, he glided among the crowd of fashionable people who stood in the bedroom to greet the illustrious pair ; and with this marriage went out the unseemly fashion of such public greetings. A glance at the passers by in a street will no longer suffice to determine who are the exalted among the male sex, and who belong to somewhat inferior grades. This was easily done when the draper sold the cloth and the trim- mings to the many, which the country or village tailor made up, or, it may be said, disfigured. Now the expert country tailor is his own draper. The style of dress is much im- proved, and town and country become more and more assimi- lated. This is also the case with the several grades ; for a great distinction existed between those who had their clothes * Dr. Doran. E E 2 420 SOCIAL HISTORY OP THE SOUTHERN OOITNTIES. from town, and the unfortunates doomed to have their persons decorated by a rustic artist. The subject leads to an opinion that visiting a circle and the gaieties of many watering places have been impaired by an equalisation in dress and appearance generally. They argue that many rich persons, and those high in station, do not feel the pleasure that formerly arose from intercourse with the less wealthy ; that they feel their province wounded, and themselves spoiled of their honours. In society it is true all nearly dress alike. Still there is much that remains to distinguish besides the broad cloth and the hoop. The difficulty in distinguishing by outward appearance has produced great effects upon society. Genteel families are very slow in doing so, or avoid altogether the making new acquaintances till a master of ceremonies or a friend has been able to certify wild's who? Without this precaution individuals widely apart in station would be brought into an intimacy that might be unsuitable and even painful. Oh ! what a glorious occasion when the master of the ceremonies led out the beautiful heiress with lappets hang- ing from her head to dance the minuet de la cour, thus heralding to the assembly that the young lady had " come out," or that the matrimonial market had new game for the fortune hunters, who might now advance. Just so in a preceding century, transactions in most markets were for- bidden till after the formal ringing of the market bell. The age is charged with a special want of respect for superiors. We trust this is not altogether so. A middle class has extended itself, so that one man nearly treads upon the heel of his neighbour. Formerly between a certain class and the gentry there was a wide gulph. The country gentry, who came to reside in or frequent towns, have un- avoidably perceived the change ; to some it has been disagreeable. Let those who affirm that all distinctions have disappeared only remark clearly what passes around them, and they will perceive a whole series of gradations to be observed, though not signalled by this fur or that point COCK-FIGHTING AND C0CK-8QTTA1LING. 421 lace or broad cloth, which, had all dressed in character, would have made classification a very ready matter. "We trust that exalted rank and highly cultivated mental abilities meet with true respect. We believe they ever will do so. Bad teaching and bringing up, and other adverse circumstances, are so likely to interfere that all mankind cannot be clever and accomplished. Cock-JigMing and Coch-squailing. Cock-fighting up to the end of the last century was a very general amusement, and an occasion for gambling. It entered into the occupations of the old and young. Schools had their cock-fights. Travellers agreed with coachmen that they were to wait a night if there was a cock-fight in any town through which they passed. A battle between two cocks had five guineas staked upon it. Fifty guineas, about the year 1760, depended upon the main or odd battle. This made the decision of a " long main " at cock-fighting an im- portant matter. The church bells at times announced the winning of a "long main." Matches were sometimes so arranged as to last the week. When country gentlemen had sat long at table, and the conversation had turned upon the relative merits of their several birds, a cock-fight often re- sulted, as the birds in question were brought for the purpose into the dining-room. If apprentices on their parts agreed that they should not be obliged to eat salmon more than twice a week, masters, regarding their interests, stipulated that apprentices should not keep fighting cocks or hunting dogs till they had served seven of their ten years' apprenticeship. A carriage has been constructed to contain some cocks of a Cornish breed, which brought the valiant birds to London, drawn by post-horses, for a great match. The expense was 500A E E 3 422 SOCIAL HISTOET OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. Cock-squailing was the twin sister of cock-fighting. So early as the time of Thomas a Becket the practice was uni- versal, and school-boys had a half-holyday given them to en- joy the sport. Cock-squailing was practised in Dorsetshire at Whitsun- tide as well as at Shrovetide. As great was the demand for cocks before the day as for gunpowder before the 5th of No- vember. It was dangerous to pass the streets on Shrove Tuesday amidst the throwing of missiles at the poor birds tied with a string by nearly the whole population. Various reasons have been assigned to account for the origin of cock-squaUing, a cruel practice that engaged at Shrovetide our popxdation the whole breadth of the land. What would a New Zealander have thought of this nation when viewing them so engaged. How could he have recon- ciled this amusement with Christianity? Perhaps it is most probable that the crowing of the cock when St. Peter denied Christ had furnished, in brutal ages, an excuse for the practice. The witty Sir Charles Sedley, in an epigram upon " A Cock at Rochester," implies that the race was to suffer this annual barbarity by way of punishment for St. Peter's crime : — " May'st thou be punisli'd for St. Peter's crime, And on Shrove Tuesday perish in thy prime." The rising generation were not allowed to grow up igno- rant of the rudiments of this vernal display of cruelty. When a young couple were blessed with offspring, the mother, while early instilling the rudiments of virtuous in- struction, did not fail to procure the means for early capabi- lity of keeping Shrove Tuesday in an orthodox manner. The village tailor made a cloth representation of a cock, which, being lined with lead, regained an erect position upon being knocked down by the juvenile cock-squailer. To practise upon a living bird was but the next step in the art. Mothers do occasionally employ the tailor, but are ashamed to own the use and design of the gay appendage to the dresser. The ornamental bird, thanks to better feeling, is now a play- BOWLING-6EEENS. 423 thing. The lovely groups of children that are seen in our path-fields keep May in as marked a manner as when each bore an impaled cockchafer.* Cock-pence are still paid in some grammar schools to the master as a perquisite on Shrove Tuesday. Young people regularly brought their cocks to school on a Shrove Tuesday. When at college in France in 1816, there was some vestige of cock-squaUing by way of lottery. Each boy who squalled paid two sous, and he who killed the bird had it to be cooked for his dinner. This was desirable to those who sat at table without partaking of more than soup or pottage ; others did not care about entering for the chance, except some who were ambitious of being thought to take a good aim.f Bowling- Cheens. " Our bows are turned into bowls." Stow's exclamation. Bowling was one of the games proscribed for many years, not from any fault found with the recreation itself, but be- cause, when bowling, the youths of England must have neg- lected archery. When the Butts stood in compliance with the act, but neglected as to the shooting at them with bows and arrows. Bowling had become odious in the eyes of the Puritans of our boroughs, in common with all other diver- sions. The Restoration brought forth all mirth and pas- times. Bowling-greens became the rage, and there the gentry of both sexes met together to bowl, to dine, and to dance, to walk, and engage in conversation. When Beau Nash began his reign at Bath in 1748, the only place for assembling was in the Bowling-green. In Charles II. 's reign there * See an article upon cruelty in the Author's Life of the Duke of Monmouth, 2 vols. 8vo. t The sport which kings loved, and for which cock-pits were erected, is now illegal. EE 4 424 SOCIAL HISTORY OP THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. were two days in the week in the joyous summer season, when there was a club meeting of the "best of the town" of Lyme to dine at the'bowlrng-green in the middle of the day, and recreate themselves with bowls. The Duke of Mon- mouth, upon arriving at any town where he wanted to show himself, rode with his party round the bowling-green, where the gay folks of both sexes were. At Tunbridge Wells, when the Duke did not hunt, he went to the bowling-green, where the gentry were wont to bowl and dance. A taste for the recreation of bowling, and for assembling and dining in company at a bowling-green, has passed away. In most towns the once gay locality has been applied to its original purpose — pasturage — no one being found to rent it. The Manner of collecting Information from the Country on Emergencies by the Court, in early Reigns, illustrated. When local knowledge was requisite for the due adminis- tration of public affairs on an emergency, individuals who were presumed to possess that knowledge used to be sum- moned to appear at the court or at Westminster. Sometimes, as obtains iu the present day, magistrates, the representatives of commissioners, visited the parts where the information lay, and interrogated the parties on the spot. The principle followed in the above particulars is identicaL Even varying circumstances caused the parties questioned to be visited or sent for by the magnates, just as was deemed most expedient. The summoning a great number of men of a particular class or calling to the Parliament from many towns of several counties to be there at once — a kind of second Parliament for the while — was peculiar to our earlier history. To obtain correct knowledge of what has occurred, as Sir Walter Raleigh's anecdote illustrates, will ever prove a difScult matter. To come to right conclusions upon what ALDBOVANDUS AND THE SINGING SWANS. 425 course ought to be pursued for the future is a matter in which many have to exercise their judgment, and deliver an opinion ; in a word, to encounter ignorance, prejudice, and a zeal to promote the interests of each man's own locality, de- mands the exercise of great qualities, and the possession of much knowledge. Did not Aldrovandus find this to be so when he summoned mariners from the coast of Italy singly to come and answer his questions as to the singing of swans ? Each man, we are told, thought if he said swans did not sing in his country that he should bring an opprobrium upon his native land, and furnish a triumph to others. An Englishman declared that English swans sung so sweetly that their songs recreated the mariners as they entered the channel, returning from foreign voyages. A parallel with this was too often to be found in the cases to be adduced. In 1342 each of our ports had to send two of the better and discreeter mariners to the Parliament to bestow their advice and counsel upon important matters. This experi- ment, for such we may call it, as it is the first summons re- corded in " Rymer's Foedera," had, it may be fairly presumed, satisfactory results. Numbers were probably found to have been inconveniently great. Let us not cast for a moment a doubt upon the grave and suitable conduct of the mariners called from a distance to deliberate. When the business day was over, like what manner of men could a limner portray them, as they vegetated without tobacco, rum, Hollands, or brandy ? In 1344 one mariner had to be sent up from each port; and again, in 1347, a mariner from each port was required to consult upon the safety of the coasts in the king's absence, as the enemy was prepared for invasion with galds guerrinis, Anglic^ war galleys. When the course of the manufacturing trade went ill at home or abroad, the magistrates called those together who were best acquainted with the causes, and selected some to go to town. Thus in 1622, when the clothing trade in the 426 SOCIAL HISTORY OP THE SOUTHEEN COUNTIES. West of England was so dead that tradesmen (z. e. men of that trade) offered to work for meat and drmk only, the justices called together all clothiers, from among whom they selected two from each county of the most sufficient. These were to be sent to London before certain commissioners ap- pointed to inquire into the causes of the above deadness of trade, and to settle a course to revive the trade of clothing beyond the seas.* The visiting particular localities by authorised persons in high office to ascertain the truth of returns sent up to court, or to collect information on the spot, was a peculiar feature in ancient polity. A commissioner or two may now be found sitting in a provincial town and taking evidence, but this is different from the cavalcade of illustrious county magistrates, mayors, municipal persons, and numerous attendants. In the spring of 1587 several magistrates gave notice, dated 12th March, that they intended to lie at Melcomb, and proceed along the sea coast, and call upon the mayors to at- tend with all in their respective towns that are skilled in fortification, these magistrates having to use their judgments in viewing the dangerous places for the landing of the enemy, t We hear nothing of professional men, of engineer and ar- tillery officers. The advice of one clever man in this line woiild have been more valuable than that of all others, pro- vided his theoretical knowledge and experience were com- bined with a complete insight into the local particidars. The separation of these two things, so indispensably required for important undertakings, has occasioned losses in our borough outlays of money, in very recent days, to a great amount. Local knowledge is apt to be dignified into all importance by Town Councils, who can with justice cite instances where professional exaltation of itself has superseded due regard to local knowledge. The balance of error lies greatly on the * Walter Yonge's Diary, p. 56. Camden Society, ■j" Sherren Papers. LANDING OF THE "PRETENDER." 427 Other side, and we may with truth affirm that professional excellence is not valued as it should be in the West of England. Considering that this abounds and is procurable at so cheap a rate, to neglect availing themselves of it is virtually to spurn the benefits of high civilisation, and to fall back upon times when a mayor was solicited to bring " all that had skill in fortification." The Landing of the Pretender in the West expected. — Some Particulars of the Time. The now proverbially quiet West of England has largely participated in many great disturbances of an important character. There have been foreign landings, — pirates, — " commo- cion time," which ensued after the Reformation, — the ex- pedition of Perkin Warbeck, — an active prosecution of the civil wars, — Monmouth's rebellion, and one expedition more recent was expected, to which these remarks aUude. When we reflect upon the misery which has attended all the foregoing events, that there has been one year of tribu- lation the less ought to be a subject of thankfulness. The West was agitated by partisanship in favour of, and adverse to, the Pretender. WiUiam Pitts, of Lyme, barber and periwig-maker, drink- ing at the Grolden Lion in Colyton in 1715, with Mr. Mar- wood, Captain Bartlett, Mr. Robert Coade, mariner, and others, was invited by the former to drink the health of Dr. Sacheverell, Sir William Windham, and the Duke of Or- mond, who said, *' Let us kick the Trumpery out of door, and have home our King." Pitts deposed to this effect be- fore the Mayor of Lyme, and affirmed that Marwood meant by these words the turning out his Majesty, and bringiag in the Pretender. 428 SOCIAL HISTOKT OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. James Butler, second Duke of Ormond, Lord-Lieutenant of Somersetshire, Sir William Wyndham, and others, were watching for an opportunity to declare for the Pretender. Ormond crossed over to France ; Sir "Williain Wyndham was seized at his house in Somersetshire, but afterwards escaped. The insurrection in the West came to nothing. Dr. Thomas Burnett, prebendary of Sarum, writing to the Mayor of Lyme Regis, J. Burridge, Esq. (Dec. 27. 1715), adds this piece of information: — " I doubt you shall have been under some apprehensions upon your coasts from the Pretender. I believe now the danger is over, and I hope we may say, as Moses did by the Egyptians, ' This day ye have seen the Egyptians, ye shall see them again no more for ever.' " * John Burridge, the loyal mayor in 1715-6, spent 10s. on the occasion of the coronation of George I., and gave to the drummers 2s. 6c?., and to the bonfire 3s. Zd. On the 19th of November, upon the receipt of news of the defeat of the rebels at Preston, the same outlay took place ; and Fe- bruary 13., upon intelligence of a defeat in Scotland on the Thanksgiving Day, 7th of June, the expenses were doubled, and the guns were fired. In the next reign associations were entered into in the West to support^George II. against the rebels* led by the young Pretender. Ralph Allen, the post-horse letter carrier from Marlborough, discovered to General Wade an intended importation of arms to Bath for the Pretender, t Robert Henley, Esq., Mayor of Lyme, enters iato his account, Oct. 9. 1645-6, for money expended at the " Three Cups" on the entering into an association to support his Majesty against the rebels, 2Z. * Archives of Lyme. \ Waylen's Hist, of Marlborough. BEVERAGES AND MEATS. 429 April 28 & 29. Expenses at the Three Cups on the rebels' de- feat, 31. 18s. 8d. Two hogsheads of cyder supplied for the populace on the asso- ciation and on the victory obtained over the rebels, 21. Several Kinds of Beverages used at various Periods of our History in the South-west of England. " If thou dost observe duly, thou wilt find that not only terms of speech and the fashions of dress and of manners are changed from one age to another, but yet what is more, the tastes and in- clinations of our minds ; and this diversity is seen, etiam at the same point of time, between one country and another, wherein are not only diversities of manners, which may proceed from the diversity of institutions, but also of tastes in meats, and various appetites of man." — Maxims of Guicciardini. That the kind of meats used for man's daily sustenance has great connection with his state of civilisation, adaptation to climate, and health, is a fact no one can dispute ; hence its importance in many inquiries. No less important is the consideration of what man drinks, whether this is for the necessary aliment of his body, or for his bane, in furnishing him with stimulants that drive him to feverish excitement, to mad actions, and to the perpetration, as a matter of course, of crime. It does not follow that a man born at a particular period of history, and who suits himself to the manners of his cotemporaries, has given any thought to the comparative superiority of any particular beverage. He was the crea- ture of accident as to the use of this or that article of food. To descant upon these may be interesting. We can say no more of Mead, or Metheglin, but that it was the fermented drink of the ancient Britons, made from honey. 430 SOCIAL HISTOET OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. Wine, known from the remotest period of history, and then characterised as having a divine origin, was some cen- turies since sold as a cordial mediciae by apothecaries and by mercers. The great made use of wine as an article of luxury for the table from early times ; to the people at large It was unknown as such. Wine, the " comfortable stuff" now-a-days of the country poor, was principally used for physic and the Communion. The latter service greatly differed from that of modern times. The sacred elements were placed upon a credence table for a tasting beforehand, as a security against the ad- mixture of poison. This might have proved fatal to the recipients who consumed a quantity of the wine. A com- municant drank deep to evince his sincerity. Rare Ben Jonson was twelve years in the church of Rome ; and at his reconciliation to the church of England, upon the occa- sion of his first communion, in token of his true reconcilia- tion, he drank the full cup of wine. Wine was largely imported from Gascony Into our sea- ports In the reigns of the Plantagenets. The Pipa Garda were large fixed tanks to hold the wine in the centre of the vessels that brought home the produce of the English pos- sessions in France. By this plan space was economised. The sailors of the middle ages understood " sucking the monkey," i. e., furtively drawing off some wine from a cask in course of transit. Gregory Charlemagne, the first mayor of Lyme Regis In the reign of Edward I., was found, by a jury at the assizes held there, to have sold twenty tons of wine contrary to the assize. The magistrates had fixed the price, and this merchant, Great-Charley by name, not Uklng trade to be fettered, ventured to effect a sale at the price his mer- chandise would really fetch. Under the head of " Presents to Great Men," in this volume, there Is mention of wine of various kinds given to them, and partaken of in company with them, but only as a luxury, a treat, and not as an article in general use. CHEAP WINES OF ENGLAND. 431 If the relative value of money be taken into account, wine was not a cheap commodity. There were fifty-sLx small wines, and thirty Italian, Grecian, and Spanish wines imported. The south-west coast of England was the most favoured locality for cheap wine, as compared with inland parts dis- tant from any port. The cost of carriage over roads at times impassable, must have been very great, so as to greatly enhance the value of a pottle of claret. Koyal and exalted personages were formerly elevated to a much greater height by comparison above the great mass of society than is now the case. Too often have their manners and mode of life been adduced as examples of the general manners of the time ; whereas the two classes were separated by a wide boundary. Frugality in many shapes abode with one class, and left luxury and prodigal expenditure to their fated residence in courts and lordly halls. "Wine, before the introduction of bottles such as are now used, between the years 1760 and 1790, was kept in flask bottles or flasks. Thus runs the verse of a song : — " Then for your pottles with handles three, I'm sure they'll get no praise from me, For when a man and his wife shall fall to strife, As they often may do in the course of a life, The one does lug, and the other does tug. And betwixt them both they break the jug ; But if it had only been a leather bottel They might have tugg'd away, yet all had been well. So let us hope, &c.* Corks were sold, about 1712, at I8d. a gross. In the reign of Henry IV. every butt of Malmsey and of Tyre obliged the importer to bring with it ten bow- staves. There was in the household of Edward IV. " a pitcher- * Notes and Queries, Oct. 14. 1854. 432 SOCIAL HISTOBY OF THE SOUTHEBN COUNTIES. house." There were new ashen cups for the ale, and ''pots to serve men of worship." In the Earl of Northumberland's house, in 1512, there were earthen pots in common use, and also leathern pots. At an election feast of the Drapers' Company in 1522, earthen pots were used for ale and wine; gilt cups "for red wine and ipocras." Drinking stone pots were imported from Cologne in the reign of Queen Elizabeth ; there was no such manufactures in England. Frequent mention occurs of breaking the stone pots at beer-houses. The reason for doing this was because these pots were not of fuU measure. Vins de liqueur were displayed at bed time, when, in con- ducting strangers to their chambers, these were offered, accompanied by sweetmeats, comfits, &c. "Wine and beer have been placed in antagonism in an anacreontic ascribed to a noble writer * as the prime movers in man. The question is begged that great affairs demand the stimulus of drink ; for without it, as is alleged, no impor- tant results from the exercise of intellect have been ob- tained. Wine is made to bear away the palm, and is the real specific for searching out man, and through the cor- poreal substance, sublimating his mental ability. The writer, perhaps, thought of his order when he dignified wine and made it supersede genius, study, and the dry virtues : — " The drinkers of beer Did ne'er yet appear. In matters of any weight 'Tis he whose design Is quicken'd by wine That raises wit to its height." Even so has it proved in ancient times with respect to the attributing courage, by a graduated scale, to those who habituated themselves to the several beverages. * Lord Broghill, afterwards the Earl of Orrery. WINE, — ITS EFFECT ON THE GREEKS. 433 ^schylus accounted for the superiority of the Greeks in conflict over the Egyptians from their drink *: — aW aprrtvas rot TrjaSt yrje o'lKtiTepciQ evpr]aeT, oh Trivovras iic Kpiduii' fiidv. Here may you look to meet a race of men, Not such as drink your sodden barley mead. Shakspeare put a sentiment into the mouths of the con- quering Normans, that their superiority over the brave but sluggish Saxons was due to the nobler beverage which they drank : — " Can sodden water, A drench for sur-reigned jades, their barley broth Decoct their cold blood to such valiant heat. And shall our quick blood, spirited with wine, Seem frosty ? " f The quantity of wine made by the monks in their gardens or vineyards may have been considerable. Wine made of pearmains we should now call perry. A tenure in Norfolk was held by petty serjeanty, and the payment of 200 pear- mains and four hogsheads of cider, or wine made of pear- mains. J At the first mention of Beek let us not forget that, if we are to believe Diodorus, that liquor had a divine origin like wine, Bacchus having taught mankind how to make both. Ale is mentioned in England as early as the laws of Ina, King of Wessex. Though cider may have been used, ale was the favourite liquor of the Anglo-Saxons and Danes, as it had been of their ancestors in Germany. " In the Edda the drinking large and frequent draughts of this be- verage is placed among the chief delights of the Hall of Odin, by which we may estimate the value that was set upon such draughts by those who were waiting for that pro- motion." § * Suppl. 957. t Gent.'s Mag. 1854. ^ Blomfield's Hist. § Smedley, in Encyclo. Metrop. F F 434 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. Beer was an important article, constituting a principal part of two meals when tea, coffee, and spirits were not in use. The mayor and magistrates of most boroughs held an assize of bread and beer. At this sitting or assize they settled the price of those articles till the next assize should be held. Petty legislation left nothing to the free action of individuals ; hence much injustice was often done, and great discontent prevailed, as in beer-drinking Germany in the present day. Beer riots are described as being still very violent outbreaks. We will consider beer to have been the principal drink of the great mass of Englishmen as an article of food. Ale was the equivalent of strong beer — the October of this century. Various descriptions of grain were employed in the manu- facture of beer — barley, wheat, and oats were used almost indiscriminately, and even sometimes mixed together. Be- fore the introduction of hops, this liquor was flavoured with spices, pepper, and other condiments. At Hinton House, the seat of Earl Poulett, are pre- served some decanters that held the strong beer set on table, marked with the oat. The ale or strong beer was drunk out of long glasses after dinner, as wine now is. At a Somersetshire hunt dinner, seventy years since, thirteen toasts used to be drunk in strong beer ; then every one did as he liked. Some members of the hunt occa- sionally drank a glass of wine at the wind up, who were not themselves previously wound up.* In country towns, after a dinner at one o'clock p.m., friends used to meet to discuss the local news over their glasses of strong beer, the merits of which furnished a daily theme. At Bampton one knot of gentlemen took four times the duration of the Trojan war, and even then failed to settle which of the party brewed the best beer. A new liquor gratified, in Charles the Second's reign, the lovers of novelty. This was a strong beer, introduced * Authority, Major Natli. Knot, of the 2nd Somerset Militia. RAGE FOE INTOXICATING LIQUOE. — " MUM." 435 to the public from Brunswick, called Mum. So great was the rage for this intoxicating liquor, that ten persons sold It at Lyme without a license, and were made the subject of a presentment. The word was derived from the German mum- meln, to mumble, or from mum, the sign of silence ; that is, either drink that will make a cat speak, or drink that will take away the power of speech. Thus writes Pope : — " The clamorous crowd is hush'd with mugs of mum, Till all, tuned equal, send a general hum." This foreign drink was rivalled by Dorchester beer, or, as it was named in London, Dorset beer. One who had foolishly indulged calls the drink foolish. He writes thus : — "May 18. 1725. I found the effect of last night's drinking that foolish Dorset, which was pleasant enough, but did not at all agree with me, for it made me very stupid all day." * The great Manchester philosopher, who indulged in the above excess, could not have made a west countryman's dis- tinction in his favour. The poor man in question, when seen to be engaged in taking some beer, observed, " I d'wunt drinky for drunky ; I do drinky for dry." In many houses where an aged gentleman is the master, strong beer (now rarely called ale, which latter term is appropriated to a weaker beverage intended to be used at table) is still brewed; but after dinner, at public and private tables, foreign wine, mostly from the peninsula, has sup- planted beer, and, we may add, pipes and tobacco. Whether Cider has been for years the exclusive drink of the men of the cider counties, is proposed for our con- sideration. Many speak of cider as having been always in use in the West of England, where men chose between it and * Byrom's MS. Journal, Chetham Society, rp 2 436 SOCIAL HISTOEY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. beer or ale ; whereas in other parts malt liquor alone could be procured. A distinction must be made between the depths of the country and borough towns. Cider is now grown, to use a common expression, in great quantities in what is known as the cider country or cider counties. There the great part of the population drink nothing else. Devonshire, parts of Somersetshire, Worces- tershire, and Herefordshire, are pre-eminently cider counties. The early use of a drink called cider, and the production of such immense quantities of that beverage, such as that of ten thousand hogsheads in one parish, viz., Martock in Somersetshire, are two distinct matters. Cider without doubt is of early origin, and is supposed to have been first known in Africa, as it is mentioned by Ter- tullian and Augustine, the two fathers. St. Jerome speaks of an inebriating liquor made of the juice of apples. Biscay, long famed for its cider, received it, as is believed, from the Carthaginians. A full description of this beverage is given by Navagerus, in the journal of his embassy to the Emperor Charles V. The ancient Britons, Kke other northern nations, may have made an intoxicating liquor from the tSorbus, or service tree; and though hardly from the indigenous crab-apple, yet some perhaps from the better kind of apples introduced by the Romans. The Anglo-Saxons distinguished their " ^p~ pel win " from wine and mead. The Normans probably obtained their cider-apple trees from Biscay ; the climate and soU there both favoured their growth. To the abbeys of that country we must look for the improvement of apples and cider-making. Near Valognes, in the department of La Manche, stood the famous abbey of Montebourg. The possessions of this abbey extended to Dorset and Devon. Besides lands in Axmouth parish in South-east Devon, the manor and church given in the reign of Henry II., there were also other lands, and a priory in Loders, near Bridport, Dorsetshire. Cider was made on the Montebourg lands before the year 1286. The monks, who possessed nearly all the know- EARLY INTRODUCTION OP CIDEE. 437 ledge that prevailed at that era, had introduced upon their estates on this side the channel apple-trees, for the growth of apples for cider-making. They had also taught their tenants how to make cider, according to the approved plan of Normandy, which is still preserved in that part of France, in the Norman islands of Guernsey and Jersey, and in Herefordshire. W. Villata, of Loders and Bothenhampton, near Brid- port, held land of the Abbot of Montebourg, upon payment of six shillings a year, and upon his finding a horse (ad mo- lendum poma, &c.), to grind the apples in what is now called a horse-mill.* The skilful monks may have done much towards the improvement of their estates by the introduction of better fruit trees. Probably others were not disposed to adopt novelties any more than their descendants in the present day. The Quarantine apple is supposed to be a corruption of Carentan apple. Many other names are old names corrupted in the course of years. A perriwinkle shell-fish is termed a,gohbet. It is the Norman gobet, a mouthful, as the famous cherries of the valley of Montmorency are now called les bons gobets. That cider was made, as before related, in the twelfth century, cannot be denied ; but not to any great extent, if we institute a comparison with the great doings now-a-days of cider-making Devon and Somerset. The Vicar of Dawlish, in the South Hams (now a water- ing place), received, in 1280, one half the crop of apples, doubtless grown for making cider.f The word Orchard, or, as it is now pronounced, Orchat, perhaps a name given by the monks from op-^^aros, has been a fruitful source of error. It was not in any sense the orchard of modern times. The latter is a space planted with * The late M. de Gerville, the learned antiquary of Valognes, pos- sessed the cartulary of Montebourg. He communicated this information to the Author in 1841. His death took place in 1853. t See a Manorial Visitation in the possession of the Rev. George Oliver, D.D. r p 3 438 SOCIAL HISTOET OF THE SOUTHEEN COUNTIES. apple trees of greater or less extent, unlike the practice of Normandy and Brittany, where pasture and arable land is crossed by rows of apple trees, and where the English practice of planting the trees in one spot with grass under them does not obtain. The orchard of early reigns was a place laid out with trees as a pleasure garden for walking, recreation, and sports, having arbours and similar appropriate places. Such a spot, if apple trees prevailed, was called an apple garden, or apple orchard. An apple garden is spoken of in Domesday Book as exist- ing at Nottingham, Horti and Hortuli are frequent in the same record. The monks of Lewes Priory, Sussex, had in their in- closure, of thirty-two and a half acres within walls, a para- dise (park), a garden, and an apple Oechaed, which felt the effects of a gale, A. d. 1267.* Some apples were valued in an orchard in Norfolk, a. d. 1289, at Qs. 8d. ; the mill, at 9s. The apple, like the viae, has been tried in climates and soils quite unsuited to it.f There were ardent lovers of horticulture among the clergy. Upon the extension of a part of Wells Cathedral about the year 1326, there was a special provision made for the care- ful preservation of a certain medlar tree.\ Quinces sold, in 1292, at 4s. the hundred. "Wycliffe knew of the strength of cider, for he translated the passage, Luke i. 15., " He shal be gret bifore the Lord, and he schal not drynke wyne ne sider." One Cottingham, of Seaford, gave a bond, 26 Elizabeth, that while he should continue a tippler, he and his household should be orderly, and keep no unlawful games nor evil rule within his house, GAEDEN, or orchards, during the said time of his tippling, i. e., dealing in liquor. In the orchard was doubtless the skittle-alley for summer days. ' Horsfield's Sussex. f Blomfield's Norfolk. 1 Archseolog. Institute. CIDEK MUCH ESTEEMED. 439 Butler, in his " Hudibras," gives, among other require- ments of Sidrophel that he knew, — " And in what sign best sider's made." So that in the reign of Charles II., not only was attention paid to the growth of the apple, but to the making this fruit into cider — an operation of importance enough to be re- ferred to an astrologer, then a common practice. Apple trees and pear trees also began to be much culti- vated about the middle of the 17th century. In a pamphlet addressed to the well-known Samuel Hartlib, Esq., A. D. 1657, entitled "Herefordshire Orchards, a Pattern for all England," it is asserted that gennet-moyles bear every other year, and make the best cider. Mordicant, or sharp cider, pleased the peasant or working man, as was the case in France. In Herefordshire, few cottagers, and even few of the wealthiest yeomen, taste any other drink in the family but cider, except at some special festivals twice or thrice in a year, and that for variety rather than for choice. The credit of cider had of late years much advanced in the estimation of the best gentry, who had sought out the right method of ripening and hoarding the choicest fruits, and some also of bottling it. " But I am confident," the writer adds, " that much more may be added to the perfection of it, when they shall also apply to it the due subtleties of the mysterious art of fer- mentation." * Each cultivator bestowed greater attention, having proved that — " Else false hopes He cherishes, nor will his fruit expect Th' autumnal season, but in summer's pride, "When other orchats smile abortive fail." Philips, Cider, book i. * The late eccentric, A. Cross, Esq., of Bromfield, near Taunton famous for his experiments in electricity and galvanism, believed he should be able to master fermentation in cider. He did not succeed. F r 4 440 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. lYassaillng the orchards on New Year's Eve is called, in Sussex and those parts, " Apple Howling," from the words used : — " Stand fast root, bear well top, Pray the God send us a good howling crop, &c." Hence the entries in former centuries of money given to the " howling boys " may be understood. Hooker, in his MS. survey, records that the apple was cultivated in Devonshire so early as 1520. He must mean begun to be grown for the purposes of cider. He continues, " but in the beginning of the following century it received more attention." So long as the narrow lanes served to keep up the com- munication between the principal towns, and pack-horses did all the work, there being no carts, how could cider in hogsheads have been sent about the country ? It could not have been sent to any great distance. Before the attention Hooker speaks of was given to the APPLE, that fruit, and the cider made from it, were very indifferent in quality. Rough, and fit only for working men, the cider of that day was consumed by country people, and the inhabitants of villages and small towns. Fashion alone did not exclude cider from boroughs. The beer laws, we believe, excluded that beverage ; these would have been in- terfered with by the introduction of cider. The importation from another town of beer brewed there, which, according to the language of borough legislation, was called " foreign beer," disturbed the due operation of the beer laws at Weymouth. The " foolish Dorset," or Dorchester beer, and " Mum," so captivated the people of "Weymouth, that they spurned the decoction from malt made in their own borough, whatever its strength or flavour might be. A compromise was effected ; the men of the borough were indulged ; and an impost upon the imported beer was levied. Liberty was little understood in the Tudor and early Stuart reigns. As it began to dawn, which we conclude from the alteration in the stringency of borough legislation, individuals exercised CIDEE. — ENTRY IN THE HUSTINGS' BOOK. 441 tte right of buying what commodities suited them, or pleased them, wherever made or produced. Halsers might be made in England at other places than Bridport ; good beer might be brought from any other town to gratify the palates of the people of a borough who loathed that brewed in their own locality ; cider might be purchased and sent to a townsman's cellar, though not recognised as a beverage by the borough legislators. They had provided no cider-taster, nor clogged the buying and selling it by any bye-laws. There was no assize of cider. It was, very probably before the close of Charles II. 's reign, a beverage held in contempt in towns from its utter inferiority, and if excluded from its inter- fering with the regulations for the sale of beer, creating no great amount of dissatisfaction and complaint against the worshipful local magnates. The absence of the mention of cider up to a certain period, in borough archives, is very remarkable. In ac- compts, where every halfpenny is carefully set down; in dinners of the most homely kind, and feasts, such as the Cobb Ale at Lyme, and the feast at Ford House in a din- ner to Charles I,, altogether (for the country) very sump- tuous up to this period referred to, and which requires to be specified, there is no mention of cider ; then cider takes its place with ale and beer, and furnishes an item in every accompt for refreshment or festive enjoyment at table of the inhabitants of boroughs. In the detailed presentments of the Hustings' Book for Lyme for the year 1597, of the stealers of wood and pollers of trees for fuel, appears this entry : — Item, they present George Browne's son, Hoode's son, and Thomas Sampford's boy to break into men's orchards and steal apples. Whether these were apples for the table or for cider matters little, after what has been written above, as no cider is mentioned in the archives for one hundred and ten years. In 1629 apples were cultivated in Massachusetts from 442 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. seed imported from England by order of tlie governor and company of the colony. Governor's Island, in Boston har- bour, vras given to Governor Winthrop in 1632, on con- dition that he should plant an orchard upon it.* A hogshead of Somersetshire cider was brought to Mr. Richards, near Dorchester, a.d. 1699 f, upon the occasion of England and Scotland being united into one kingdom ; a hogshead of cider was given by the corporation of Lyme to the soldiers, at a cost of 25s. Wine, beer, and cider were given away at Minchinhamp- ton upon the accession of King George in 1714. In 1745-6 the accompt of Robert Henley, Esq., Mayor of Lyme, exhibits : — April 28. Two hogsheads of cider supplied for the populace on the association (to support Ms majesty George II.), and on the victory obtained over the rebels, 21. The mayor purchased this cider at Pinney Farm, of ^Yalter Oke, a country gentleman, who farmed his own land, and had planted some of the now far-famed Cleeve- land, late Pinney-under-CliflP, with apple trees. The farmers of the Somersetshire parishes near Sedge- moor, so soon as they heard that the king's forces had won the battle, and defeated the jMonmouth men, sent hogsheads of cider to the victors. The price of a hogshead of cider given away at Axminster in 1689 was 17s. 6(f.| This beverage was doubtless much improved, so as to be very acceptable to the lower orders of the west country, and also strangers. It had to rise to the dignity of being admitted to civic feasts on equal terms with beer and more potent ale. This point was gained in 1737, when this entry is to be found at Lyme, in a dinner bill : — Beer, cider, and ale, 8s. \0d. In short, as in 1746-7, "Beer, ale, and cider, 10s, 4rf." * ISTotes and Queries, from New York Sun, 1854. ■\ See his Diary, Retrospective Review. 1 Pulman's Book of the Axe. N.B. The cask had to be returned. EXTRAVAGANT PRICE OF CIDER. 443 became an example of a common entry. We may conclude that, as is now the case in cider countries, the civic autho- rities were divided upon the merits, or in the choice of beer or cider at meals, so both beverages were provided. The excellence of the cider made throughout the breadth of the cider-growing West is very great ; the quantity is enormous. Some localities, which have a good name for their cider, send out much more cider than is produced therein, like in wine countries, so much does man resemble man in all countries and ages. The growers in the localities in question buy Norman apples at a cheap rate, and mix them with their own fruit. Could the monks of Montebourg have dreamt of cider selling at ten guineas a hogshead for bottling? A wide field for improvement of the fruit trees for orchards still lies before the negligent cultivator. The cockygee, or any other famous apple tree, covers no more space than a worth- less tree. Fine cider, properly bottled, is a drink that may compete with much of the sparkling German wine. Those who have met with the following statement will excuse its introduction here. Some gentlemen, travelling from Strasbourg to Trey- bury, stopped at the village of Altenheim, in Baden, at an inn kept by a respectable man who farmed his own estate of 100 acres. Perceiving how loaded the trees of his orchard were, the English gentleman spoke of the great crop of apples, and of cider. The German informed them that no cider was made in that country; the juice was mixed with the juice of grapes, and made into wine ! In 1854, some growers of cider in Devon and Somerset make much more than a thousand hogsheads in one year when the crop is good. In many parts of this realm cider is spoken of as a sweet, luscious drink made to please the palate, and with that intent only. Great is the disappointment often felt upon arriving in the cider country, in tasting so much that is rough — at all events, not sweet. The strength and po- tency of the drink is likewise little suspected. All these 444 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. things numbers are surprisingly ignorant of. Tlje cider drinker's passions are roused by that beverage, and vice has its full sway. Crime results as from indulgence in other fermented liquors. The Rev. Giles Moore, in his Diary, records in Latin how he had underrated the strength of perry.* Poor working men drink cider when good food is more requisite for them. The strength of the liquor is injurious, and causes feverish excitement. Any account of cider would be incomplete without some mention of the imposition of a tax of two shillings, after- wards of four shillings per hogshead. Sir Francis Dashwood, the Chancellor of the Exchequer in 1763, proposed a new tax on cider and perry, amounting to ten shillings on the hogshead, and to be paid by the first buyer. Earl Stanhope, in his history, vol. v., mentions that the complaints were so loud that a modification of the scheme was allowed, and four shillings were to be paid by the grower, though some cider sold for five shillings, other for fifty shillings a hogshead. The change made the grower liable to the regulations of the excise. The tax was estimated at 75,OOOZ. "Worcestershire and Devonshire, " the cyder land," were eager and loud in their complaints. The loyalty of those districts, like that of the cJUer land of Brittany, was coupled with the growth of cider : — " Oh, Charles ! oh, best of kings ! Yet was the cyder-land unstained with guilt ; The cyder-land, obsequious still to thrones. Abhorred such base, disloyal deeds, and all Her pruning-hooks extended into swords ! " John Philips, Cider, book ii. Lord North married Lady Drake's daughter, of Ashe House. It was in 1765 that his lordship was so frightened * Sussex Arclia3ol. TAX UPON CIDER. — SPIRITS. 445 when visiting at Ashe, at the shouts of the reapers, and their cry after finishing cutting the wheat on the estate, " "We have'n — we have'n ! " The cider tax occurred to him. Lord North is said to have looked upon himself as a dead man, and Sir Robert Hamilton, the husband of Lady Drake's sister, seized a sword for defence, till the steward explained the local custom.* In conclusion of cider — just as the Breton, in whatever quarter of the world he may be placed, amidst the choicest luxuries and cuisine sighs for his galette, even so does the man of the cider counties remember and regret his native liquor. Nothing is to him equal to the beverage of his boyhood. Spirits used to be called "comfortable waters," and " strong waters," in the reign of James I. When a poor country person' begs for spirit now-a-day at the rich man's door, for some one who is sick, he asks by a general term for some "comfortable stuff." Spirits are not mentioned any more than cider at the great feast at Lyme, the Cobb ale, the dinner at Ford House to King Charles I., nor in any accompt of corpora- tion dinners in the seventeenth century. When Sir George Summers, of Lyme, in 1609, was driven before a hurricane, which led to his discovery of the Bermudas or Summer Islands, there appeared no hope of saving the ship, so water- logged was she at last. In this extremity we learn those who had " comfortable waters " drank to one another as taking their last leaves. Beer was shipped at Lyme when a party were about to sail against the pirates. The invention of this or that kind of drink is not a subject to be here discussed. It is the coming into general use, and its effect upon society of each beverage, that we wish to describe. Rum could only have been made after that molasses or treacle became abundant, from the great growth of the sugar-cane about the middle of the seventeenth century. * See Pulman's Book of the Axe. 446 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. When the Duke of Monmouth was being conducted to London in 1685 as a prisoner, having a bad cold, he took at Romsey, while remaining in the saddle, a hot glass of rum and eggs. This " Jamaica " was a fashionable spirit in James the Second's and following reign. In 1856 there is no demand for rum even by spirit drinkers. Punch, which has rum for its chief ingredient, was all the rage when its due proportions began to be discovered. This compound was adopted at the corporation dinners at Lyme. We find that the novelty was the rage at its introduction. When Coade was mayor, in 1737, at a feast of the corpora- tion, sixteen bowls of punch were drunk, at a charge of one shilling each. Brandy was sold for many years at one shilling a gallon. Rum, brandy, Hollands, and wine now being subject to a heavy duty, the smuggling trade began to be brisk. These commodities were brought across from the Channel Islands in small barrels or tubs, and landed at once or sunk in rafts to be taken up when an opportunity offered. The custom house establishments were large, and provided with long boats, in which the officers sailed after smugglers, and crept for sunk rafts. This smuggling trade during the reigns of the first King Georges threw into the country, at the back of the south coast of England, a great quantity of spirit. The drinking of spirits and water became a common practice, where ale or strong beer was indulged in before. Either in excess is bad. Very generally does an opinion prevail that strong beer drinking, even in excess, could hurt no one. This is incorrect, as is a sweeping charge against the moderate use of spirit, as if any use of it must be hurtful. The introduction of cheap foreign spirit created a very pernicious habit — that of dram drinking. At Lyme, in 1774, the vestry determined ''to afford no relief to those who frequent houses where drams are sold." Dram drink- ing created private drunkards, who were a rare class in DRUNKENNESS. — EAGE FOR COFFEE-HOUSES. 447 former ageg. Drunkenness and conviviality were before that closely allied. Old women fell under the imputation of liking raw spirits. When the Isle of Man was sold by the Duke of AthoU to the Crown, that it might no longer continue to be a nest of smugglers, the song containing these lines was composed : — " There's not an old wife loves a dram, But must lament for the Isle of Man." The use of wine, beer, and cider for a meal — the morn- ing and evening draught — has given way to the decoctions made from foreign products. The far-famed Sir Anthony Shirley, when he arrived at Aleppo in 1 598, first tasted a drink that he described as being " made of a seed which will soon intoxicate the brain," and which, though " nothing toothsome, was wholesome." This was coffee. I detected the first entry in a mayor's account, in 1686, of that functionary having at the Dorchester assizes taken coffee. Coffee-houses became quite the rage in the metro- polis. There was a floating coffee-house opposite Somerset House, called the " Folly." The borough towns of the country soon emulated London in being provided with coffee-houses, where every one was admitted who laid down a penny at the bar. Though coffee was only introduced from Turkey in 1650, it became fashionable in the reign of Charles II., and is thus spoken of by Pope in his " Rape oftheLock:" — " CoffeOj which makes the politician wise, And see through all things with his half-shut eyes." The " Kingdom's Intelligencer " contains these prices : — In 1662, at a new coffee-house, the " Great Turk," right coffee powder sold at from 4«. to 6s. 8d. per lb. ; that pounded in a mortar at 2s. a lb. Chocolate, an Indian drink, was charged 2s. 6d. a lb. Tea was to be had from 6s. to 60*. a lb. 448 SOCIAL HISTOKY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. All gentlemen that were customers were invited the next New Year's Day to partake of coffee there " on free cost." See Burn's account of the Tokens in the collection of Mr. Beaufoy. When made, the drink paid 4rf. a gallon to the excise. Tea began to be mentioned in the diaries of gentlemen residing in the country after the year 1700; so slowly was the new beverage introduced in parts remote from the great cities. Drinking when transacting Business. The principal men of boroughs, in the Tudor reigns, drank when transacting business of every kind; and this at a tavern, just as the lower orders do in the present day. The sober only complied with a general practice ; the intempe- rate, doubtless, as their modern representatives, seized an opportunity thus offered for inordinate indulgence. The practice once admitted, it was better that the pottle of sack should be drank at a tavern than at the house of business, over which was the family residence. For instance, Mr. William Tudbold, Mayor of Lyme, 1551, enters: — Item, paid at Robert Davy's when we new agreed with Whytte the mason, virf. We may in fairness add, that the parties transacting busi- ness felt more independent at a tavern than they would in the private residence of either party, and were bound to make some return to the landlord for the use of his house. At home, when wine was produced, many of the family might have been expected to partake. Thus an injurious and expensive habit may have been acquired, or the founda- tion laid at all events. KEGULATIONS AS TO BAKING. 449 Regulations for the Baking and Sale of Bread. Bread occupies mucli less space than beer in our borough archives. Few are found faulty in respect of their making the former ; and scarcely any regulations have come down to us, while the latter article occasioned many local legisla- tive enactments, deemed, no doubt, to be no more necessary than important. We early read of horse bread and sale bread. These were, perhaps, much the same, the latter being bread not baked for home consumption, but for sale, and the former sale bread carried about the country on /^orse-back. A horse-loaf weighed 18 oz. troy, and sold, in 1588, for Id. Nearly every one used to bake for his own use. There was in the 18th century no white bread baker at Lyme, as lately, perhaps still, at Penrith, a town of 8000 inhabitants. There was a great distinction made between the white and black bread bakers in by-gone years. In the archives of Canterbury it appears, that if the white bread and black bread bakers interfered with each other before the Reforma- tion, the fine was 40s. ; a very considerable sum.* Henry Palmer and Joan Sampford, widow, were ordered at Lyme, in 1592, from that time to bake no more saZe bread; subpoand, 5s. The entry runs thus : quod deinceps nan pincernant panem vocatum saIiE-beead. There is in some archives mention made of ranged bread. Why these worthies were debarred from carrying on their particular, perhaps newly taken up trade or line of business, nowhere appears. So, in 1610, there is a presentment of Widow Dare and John Sprake's wife, dwelling in Dolman's house, as being common hedge tearers, and that they doth bake buns contrary to the statute. Very probably these individuals were not regular bakers who could be under the eye of authority with respect to keeping the assize, or selling at the price or in the form assigned by the magistrates. * Archaeological Society, Report, 1844. G G 450 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. Every baker of Castle Combe was to bake penny, half- penny, and farthing bread. At the same place, in 1594, two bakers were named to the jury of the Manorial Court as common bakers pants humani, and as such they had each to pay 3rf. for the exercise of their art.* Just as classical learning was called human learning, and in Scotland is now styled humanities, so a finer bread was dignified by the learned scrivener of the Court as panis hu- manus, to be rendered white bread. Some of the black bread furnished those in the dark house fell not under this human term. The book in which the assize of bread was entered was handed over from mayor to mayor, as one of the articles forming a part of the town stuif. The baker of King Henry VIII. was enjoined not to put alum in the bread, nor to mix rye, oaten or bean flour with the same, under pain of the stocks. The advantage of a public bakehouse was enjoyed at Lyme in 1669, as we learn from a presentment of the oven as en- dangering the setting the town on fire. In another place wiU be found mention of the discipline of the cucking-stool, for bakers selling short weight at Vienna, so late as 1775. Beer, curious Local Orders, Laws, and Particulars respecting. When we consider the importance that attached to beer, as furnishing two meals of the four that mortals call their daily portion, viz. the morning and evening draught, before tea and coffee were introduced, or spirits were in common use, we may expect that the good mayors and juries at court leets and courts of hustings had much to engage their atten- tion in reference to this beverage. The assize of bread and beer, which dates from an early period, is not the subject that has now to be treated of. * G. P. Scrope, Hist, of Castle Combe. ALE-TASTERS. PRESENTMENTS. 451 This was held in our western boroughs with due observance. Some of our interesting accounts of presentments of brewers, and the causes which drew upon them the animadversion of juries, fall more within the province of these pages. The residents of the manor of Bleadon, Somerset, in the 14th century, who brewed beer for sale, paid to the lord four gallons by way of toll. The invaluable entries in the archives of the Scrope family, lords of the manor of Castle Combe, Wiltshire, enable us to add much to our previous knowledge. These entries of orders about beer date from so early as 1456, the reign of Henry VI.* The ale-tasters presented Thomas Cokesale for refusing to sell ale to his neighbours, while he had some on sale, and even while the sign [the Ale-stake] was out. He was fined 4:d. In 1461, one Lautroppe was presented for having, con- trary to the order, brewed three times under one display of the sign or ale-stake. For this he had to pay Gd. We un- derstand, that upon setting out the sign, that beer was on sale, the ale-tasters (tastatores cerevisice) proceeded to per- form their oflSce. This man offended by brewing three times, and only making the usual signal for one brewing. This, had it not been detected, would have enabled him to sell two brewings without the liquor having been tasted by the proper ofScers, and the public might have had ale sold to them " not sufficiently mighty of the corn, or whole- some for man's body." To meet this perhaps growing evil practice in 1590 (22 Eliz.), it was ordered. That no innkeeper, common brewer, or typler shall keep in their houses any fewel, as straw or verne, which shall not be thought requisite, and being warned of the constable to rid the same within one day, sub- pcend, xxs. f This order was made against the danger of fire, and to * G. P. Scrope, Esq., M.P., History of Castle Combe, for Private Circulation. f History of Castle Combe. G G 2 452 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. prevent tipplers from having the means of conducting these fiirtive brewings. Here the public good was aimed at. No one was to brew, in 1461, at the same time as the churchwardens were brewing the church-ale for the profit of the church, under pain of 13s. 4rf. ; nor (a.d. 1464) to brew or sell till all the ale brewed for the church was entirely sold. This was brewed for the benefit of the common fund for the relief of the poor, a.d. 1590.* When the Archbishop of Canterbury should visit his land at Tarring (near Worthing), in Sussex, in 1277, four gallons of the best beer were to be charged only Id. If bad it was to be staved, and a halfpenny or penny charged for the vessel, t The price of beer at Castle Combe in 1464 was, for d. Best beer, per gaUon - - - 2 Second - - - - - 1 Third - - - - - OA In 1557, the price had advanced as follows: — d. Best ale under the hair sieve, per gallon 3 Stale - - - - - 4 Second ale - - - ' ^i And when it is stale - - - 2 Smallest ale - - - ' ^i Best ale in their houses, a wine quart - 1 Without the door - - - Qi They are to sell out of their houses as long as there is three gallons in the house. No brewer there, in 1590, was allowed to sell his grains out of the town if the town dwellers will buy them at 2d. the bushel. This was very high; the same is now sold at 4rf. the bushel. It was ordered at Marlborough, a.d. 1524, by the mayor and council, that the brewers should sell of the — * History of Castle Combe. t Cartwright's Rape ofBramber. — Wartek. BEEWEKS. — PRESENTMENTS. — LAWS. 453 d. Best ale, 12 gallons - - - 16 This rose to 20d. in 1532. One thurindole - - - " 0^ 2 gallons of small ale - - - 1 * In the reign of Henry VIII. (35th year) Isabella Stansby and another, common brewers at Lyme, were presented for brewing ale not " mighty of the corn," but, on the contrary, too thin and unwholesome, and for selling the same in un- lawful measures, for which each was fined Qd. (serevis' brassi- cav' nimis tenue et insalubre et vend' per mens' illicit.') The orders for brewers are not a few f, no less than for tipplers, or those who sold tipple or drink.J The ale tasters had an important duty to perform. In 1572, it was ordered that none of the ale brusters do from henceforth brue but with fewell, and not with hard wood or faggot-wood, upon pain for every time of so doing of 5s. § It is curious that in London the dread of fire caused a law to be made at an assize of beer in 1212, that no baker should bake, or ale-wife brew by night, or with reed, straw, or stubble, only of wood.|| Six conunon brewers only, and retailers of ale and beer, were appointed in 1578 at Lyme, besides the brewer " who doth and shall keep the Beer House." There is some doubt as to what we are to understand by this house ; it is perhaps the same as is mentioned elsewhere as the brew- house. Had only the laws enacted upon this subject been fully carried out, the moral condition of boroughs would have been perfect. No tippler or retailer of beer was to sell to any craftsman or servant of the town, except he was in com- pany with a stranger. 1[ Such laws or town orders as this * Waylen's Marlborough. t Single Sheet MS., Archives of Lyme. X See Court of Hustings' Book, 1592—1602, p. 567. § Fuel had become scarce in the West. II MS. Add. Brit. Mus. 14,252. ^ Court of Hustings' Book for Lyme. GG 3 454 SOvJlAL HISTOET OP THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. never were or could have been carried out, and so became a dead letter. In 1612 an order was made that no one should tipple any one day above one hour in any house. Fifteen tipplers were presented, in 1582, aa having made default in the orders. None were to sell beer except in hooped pots. Jugs and cups were expressly forbidden in 1614 J all beer was to be sold by ale quarts ; none hence- forth adores in cornes, i. e. drinking-horns.* The ale sellers, in 1584, were to sell three pints for IJ.f At Castle Combe the price was \d. a quart; second kind, |^rf. a quart. In 1594 and 1596, some of the tipplers at Lyme, and vintners also, were fined 406'. each for allowing unlawful games in their houses. There was in Elizabeth's reign a Brew House which, in 1616, was rented by Steven Chick at 5Z. a year, and there is an entry of payment for coal, 22Z. 10s. In 1658 appears an explanatory entry in the Corporation Order Book, " Agreed to take a lease of a house from H. Henley, Esq., for a public Bkew House for the benefit of the poor inhabitants." The renter was under agreement to brew beer at a certain price, and to be regulated by the authorities. Before tea and cofiee were in use a family consumed more beer, what with the morning and evening draught, than in the present day ; hence the saving which constituted the benefit. Solomon Andrew, Mayor of Lyme, paid, in 1658-9, Thomas Parsons and William Phillips 2s., for their advice about a brew house. In after years there were ring-houses where a small holder of an orchard could have his apples made into cider. In 1600 the ale and beer sellers had to find sureties in lOZ. each to keep the orders and conditions. These " Articles * Hist. Castle Combe as to the Cornes in 1569. t In 1587 the price of the best ale at Leicester was IJrf. ; of the second ale, \d. ; and of third ale, J(f. per gallon. TIPPLING. — UNLICENSED HOUSES. 455 for the Observance of the Alehouse-Keepers " and beer sellers bear a great resemblance. Those in force at Wey- mouth, in 1642, were eleven in number. Drunkenness was punished by a fine of 5s. ; but this sum was worth more than three times the same amount imposed in the present day for the ultimate and perfect end of drink- ing — intoxication. The approach towards this state, the voluntary preparation for it, — ^tippling, the being found on the high way to intoxication, — is now neglected. In Charles I.'s reign the fine imposed was 3*. Ad. What would be the aggregate of prices in this country if every one found sitting about at public houses was fined 10s. ? No less than twenty-six persons of sundry trades were fined each 3s. Ad. for being common frequenters of alehouses in Sherborne and Castleton, in 1636. So much has appeared about the unlicensed alehouses, that the form of proceeding in granting a license, while new to many, may prove interesting. The magistrates having been informed that a certain ancient house in Coleman Lane, near the market place, Shaftesbury, the property of Albinus Muston, of Shaston, gent., had been a house of entertainment of travellers, men and horses, for seventy years, and being now re-edified could receive one hundred horses, they agreed that this house shoidd henceforth be reputed, taken and used for and as a common inn, and have all the privileges belonging to an inn.* A great quantity of beer was sent to Guernsey and Jersey from Poole, in Elizabeth and James I.'s reign. This expor- tation led to litigation, as the corporation demanded from the common brewer an impost of 4*. per brewlock of three tuns, or about Id. per kilderkin. Such an imposition might appear an exaction in the present day ; but we should con- sider what onerous duties corporations were formerly called upon to fulfil. The defence of the coast near fell upon these sea-port boroughs, and not upon the powers who ruled over the kingdom at large. * Blr T. Hearn, " Qui Quondam." G G 4 456 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. In Charles the First's reign, the borough authorities very generally (if not universally) forbade ale-wives to brew. When these worthies, the mayors, were despotic, they not only forbade as they could do, but dictated the course they would have pursued. At Weymouth the ale- wives were ordered not to brew, but to buy of the common brewers, while the latter had the price to be charged fixed by authority. 'No innkeeper or tippler that might conveniently be served by any common brewer, admitted or to be admitted within the town of Lyme, was to brew in their houses, but buy of the common brewers, and such drink only, and of such reasonable size as should be fit for travellers and passengers, and such as the mayor and his brethren should set down as fit, and of such a price. The price settled for the ale-wife in two towns was as follows : — Lyme. Weymouth. d. d. The better sort of ale under the range 3 3 Middle - - - - 2 SmaU - - - 1 1 The brewer was to sell the best ale at 6d. the barrel, the smallest at 3d. At Lyme, if the tippler brewed himself, the ale was to be such as might be sold at the above rate. From some cause apprehension of a great scarcity was entertained in 1630. The Lords of the Council addressed letters to the magistrates for the suppression of the super- fluous number of maltsters, who were judged to be one main cause of the scarcity of corn, and likely to be the means of a dearth, which it was feared would ensue. Agricultural statistics were not more understood than general ones. The Court ordered that no person whatever in the county of Dorset from henceforth do presume, by any ways or means, to convert any grain into malt, except such as are farmers of grounds, and have corn sufficient growing on their own EESTEICTIONS OF THE MAGISTRATES. 457 demesne fit for that purpose, until such time as their license shall be renewed again by public authority.* The grand jury of Dorset at Easter, 1636, complain of neglect respecting the laws regulating the sale of beer. There had been no assize set on beer and ale sold to ale- house-keepers by the common brewers at Sherborne, or else- where in the county of Dorset [we suppose for the year]. The system appears in a transition state. The public began to like that beer should be sold according to its value, and that some beer should be brewed of greater strength than could be sold without loss at the price set at assize. The magistrates, after due consideration, did not choose that the public should have the choice of buying strong beer, but that this beverage should be sold at 12s. the hogshead, and the smaller sort at 9s. the hogshead. The sellers had offended by selling out of jugs and cups, and not by ale quarts, contrary to the statute. The magis- trates in the midst of their arrangements, full of respect for a great man, relax the stringency of every rule, order, or regulation, whether enjoined by law or not, if it was pre- judicial to any of the liberties of John, Earl of Bristol, within his manor of Sherborne, which the Earl was to use as he had been anciently accustomed. The magistrates had learned how the alehouse-keepers humoiu:ed the taste of the day, by brewing their own beer of extraordinary strength, so as to please the public, and sell the more, owing to the superior excellency of the liquor. This was done, too, by small measures; so that, though the price was the same, the quantity was diminished, to meet the improved quality. The authorities forbade all these innovations. t The constables of Weymouth reported at court day, in 1617, that out of every alehouse the stoning-pots were broken by them. How were borough authorities to act upon the exclusive * Mr. T. Hearn, " Qui Quondam," Book of the Dorset Sessions in MS. t Mr. T. Hearn, " Qui Quondam," from MS. Book of the Proceedings at Dorset Sessions. 458 SOCIAL HISTOBY OF THE SOTJTHEEN COUNTIES. system in respect to beer ? This was as difficult a point as the introduction of steamers on the Swiss lakes with regard to the boatmen. About the year 1650, foreign beer, which means beer brewed out of the borough, was brought into Weymouth to be sold by innkeepers, to the prejudice of many, i. e. the town brewers. The corporation decreed that twelvepence a hogshead should be paid, and this sum to go to the poor. How clearly did the legislators benefit by this bye law ! In Switzerland, steamers have to pay something each trip for the benefit of the boatmen, whose employment ia greatly diminished. No flesh was to be dressed or suffered to be dressed within any victualler's house at Lyme on any forbidden day, saving in case of necessity arising from sickness ; while at Castle Combe no innkeeper was to dress any flesh on Fridays and Saturdays under pain of 5s., and the eater of the same, 2s. &d. Thus both parties, obnoxious to a charge of a breach of the orders, were punished. At Lyme alehouse- keepers were fined, in 1609, IZ. 3s. Qd., as an entry shows; and alehouse haunters were taught to their cost that they were not dwelling in a borough without laws. Another entry shows that two of the latter had paid a fine of two shillings each. How the private tradesman was liable to be interfered with will be learnt in respect of the brewer, or common brewer. No innkeeper or tippler that might conveniently be served by any common brewer, admitted or to be admitted within this town, was to brew in their houses, but buy of the common brewer, and such drink only and of such reasonable size as should be fit for travellers and passengers, and such as the mayor and his brethren should set down as fit and of such price. The best ale was to be sold at 3rf. a gallon, the worst at 2c?. If the tippler brewed himself, he was to brew such ale as might be sold at this rate. No flesh was to be dressed or suffered to -be dressed within any victualler's house on any forbidden day, saving in case of necessity arising from sickness. ALEHOUSE-XEEPERS. — FINES. 459 The Commons, in May 1641, declared that the decree made in the Star Chamber, prohibiting retailing vintners from dressing meat to sell in their own houses, is Ulegal, and against the liberty of the subject.* Mr. Eobert Bragg, mayor, 1609-18, entered II. 3s. 6d. for fines paid by the alehouse-keepers, and 4«. for fines of two alehouse haunters. " The rigid restrictions of the republican rule were also mani- fested in the strict surveillance maintained over the people, with the view of securing temperance in drinking. Convictions for drunkenness are almost of daily occurrence. And it was fre- quently the practice to remove all doubt as to the sufficiency of testimony by producing the delinquent in court whilst under bacchanalian influence. Many are the instances in which it is recorded by the convicting justice that some unhappy offender was " drunk in my view." They appear, moreover, to have been in the habit of making nice distinctions as to the various grada- tions of intoxication. Thus, whilst the earlier stages were taken cognizance of as "tippUng," there was an intermediate stage minutely described in the following extract from the information of Ahce Wire, March 30, 1655 : — " ' Who saith that John Keech was soe distempered with beere that hee was not at that tyme as hee is wont to bee at other tymes, for that hee slept by the ffire about an houre.' " And on another occasion we are furnished with some criteria of intoxication by an informant, who deposes, that " ' As his conscience tells him the said Gardner was drunke, for he could neither goe well but staggered, nor did he speake plaine.' " Numberless entries shew that a party of four or five could not sit together in the tap-room of a public house without in- curring the risk of being informed against and punished for tippling, that punishment being, in many instances, a pubUc exhibition in the stocks." The ale-wives of Castle Combe had broken all the orders (a. D. 1568). The Court received the presentment in si- lence. The Quarterly Eeviewer writes, " One cannot help see- ing them in high-crowned hats, with arms akimbo, making * Verney Papers. t Mr. Hearn, from the MS. Book of Dorset Sessions. 460 SOCIAL HISTOHT OF THE SOUTHEEN COUNTIES. mouths at the court and jury sworn, and laughing outright at the tithing-man and the rest of creation." This they might have done in Queen Elizabeth's reign. Another state of things was approaching. Ale-wives were influ- ential in a little borough. How many took two meals a day at the ale-wife's ! The traveller saluted mine hostess on arriving and departing. 1584. The widow Brooke, ale brewer of Lyme, was dis- missed from brewing and selling of ale for divers disorders used in her house. The Commonwealth men found the ale-wives, or women tipplers, very disobedient to their orders, and did not hesitate to have recourse to bodily punishment for the correction of offenders in this particular. In 1653, at the general sessions of the peace, when Kichard Alford was Mayor of Lyme, and Edmund Prideaux, Esq., Attomey-Greneral to the Commonwealth, recorder, the jury presented Mary Somers, widow, for selling beer with- out a license; and having been formerly convicted of the same offence, it was ordered by the Court that she shall be whipt according to the statute. Winifred Somees, widow, Abel Thomas, &c., were ordered to pay 20s. for the use of the poor, not having kept the assize ; in other words, having disregarded the price fixed by magistrates when they held an assize, or set for that purpose. Those who dealt in any article of consump- tion fancied they knew better than the authorities at what price it could be rendered to the public. Winifred Summers, or Somers, widow, was no less a person than the widow of the brother of the celebrated Sir George Summers, the admiral. In 1656, the licensed beer sellers were presented for selling less than a quart of the best beer for a penny, con- trary to the statute. Each was to forfeit 20«.* April 20, 1657, the constables presented Abell Thomas, * Rules about beer at Southampton ; see Archseological Journal : — In 1606, as malt was 2s. 6d. per bushel, and not above, the mayor and justices order that after Easter Day the beer drawers shall not make or sell but two sorts of beer, and shall sell the double beer at 3s. 4d. the STOPPING WELL-KNOWN FOOT-PATHS. 461 John Tucker, Mary Davy, widow, John Collyer, George Alford, Mary Somers, widow, Thomas Templeman, Wyni- frie Somers, widow, Elizabeth Low, widow, Philip Sand- ford, and Joseph Sprake, for selling beer without a license, for which they have severally forfeited the several pains in the statute in that behalf incurred, viz., 20s. a-piece.* On the 3rd Jan, 1658, Winifrie Somers, widow, appears first on the list of those tipplers licensed to sell ale and beer, and was bound under a penalty of 20Z. not to transgress the five laws. These were — 1. Unlawful games. 2. Unnecessary occasion for drinking. 3. Drinking on the Lord's Day.f 4. Unreasonable hours of the night. 5. Disorder and misrule in their houses. In 1675, seventeen persons were licensed to seU beer (ad beria vendenda), each to keep good order, and to have his corn ground at the town mill. During the troubles, victuallers and alehouse keepers dis- pensed with the common brewer and baker, and brewed and baked for themselves. This practice was decried by the authorities, as the assize of bread, beer, and ale could not be observed. But the obsolete bye-laws could not be again acted upon. At Marlborough, after the regulation of the borough in 1663, one of the first acts of the council was to endeavour, but ineffectually, to revive the obsolete laws. The stopping well-known Foot-paths. From the first year when any human being could call a rod of land his own, a path was probably straitened, or an barrel ; the ordinary at 2s. A few years later, when malt was at 2s. and hops at 8Z. the hundred, the double beer was sold at 4*., and the ordinary at 2s. Gd. In 1631, the vintners were not to sell their Gascoigne wine at more than M. a quart. * Court of Hustings' Book, p. 221. t Hist, of Castle Combe. Beer not to be sold during divine service, nor after nine o'clock at night. 462 SOCIAX HISTOET OF THE SOUTHEEN COUNTIES. attempt "made to stop it, if the doing so brought greater advantage than leaving it untouched. When land became very valuable, then the practice was confirmed. Were it not for some watch-dogs, who look out for the encroach- ments of the selfish and unjust, the rights and conveniences of the many would be sacrificed to the wary few. No one being specially commissioned to iindertake this office, oppor- tunities are embraced from time to time to make some inroad upon the rights of the public. The matter in com- plaint may not lie concealed ; but the difficulty of inducing the only partially interested to come forward, — the difficulty about the expense to be incurred, indecision, the public mind being engrossed at the time by some grand topic, — all conspire to render the accomplishment possible, if not easy. It is honourable to the discernment and justice of men of past generations that they were sensible of the value and importance of foot-paths. King Edward the First caused an inquisition to be made by the Sheriff of Sussex as to any damage or nuisance that would happen to the king, or others, by the diverting a pathway in the town of Chichester by the Master of St. Mary in that city. The king allowed the path to be stopped up only upon the making another competent pathway, reserving the rights of every one.* That the population of our great cities should be unable to reach the beautiful country, and enjoy with their chil- dren the lovely paths through the corn and hay-fields, is the inevitable result of their inhabiting so widely spread a Babel. It is, however, really distressing to those who view the environs of small country towns to observe, that many old paths have been stopped, and that the population are in some localities becoming no better off than the road- confined inhabitants of cities. Some official should be charged with this matter; and private encroachment should be assailed as a matter of course by him at the public charge. What pleasure can be more pure, more health-inspiring, * Sussex Archseol. Coll. ADVANTAGES OF A RIGHT OF WAY. 463 than a walk through the open fields? Let us preserve every old right of way around our beautiful country. What is lost in such a case only adds a mere trifle to the means of one whose heirs will not perceive the advantage gained to the detriment of the comfort, the health, and pure enjoy- ment. Many, however, can exclaim in the words of the poet : — " I have trod That path from child to man times beyond count, And followed through it the still varying year From spring to summer. Had it led to heaven I could not love it more — and all the folk That owned our parish church, aged and young, Loved it no less ; the child for its own sake. And for his pleasant use of it — the old, For that 't was once to them a lover's walk, And now in darkness and decline of age A tender memory — but what-was this. And all the soul of gentleness beside, To the cold spirit that only loves itself, And hates whate'er may baulk it in self-love ? " * An early presentment made at Castle Combe introduces an offender who was fined : — 1389, Oct. 21. Decena prsesentat quod Thomas Touker, iid. appropria vit sibi de communi via vocata Halpenejwey arando de dicta via ad nocumentum, ideo ipse in misericordia.t Near Axminster is the manor of Weycroft, where stood a mansion house in the castellated style, erected soon after the year 1400, by Sir Thomas Brooke, the ancestor of Lord Cobham. In 1416, the heir to the estate obtained a royal license to crenellate the mansion, and enclose a park of 800 acres. In the course of the formation of this park, Joan the widow of Sir Thomas Brooke, obstructed several public roads and paths. The state of society did not allow, perhaps, of an asso- ciation of humble individuals to resist the powerful lady of * " Ernest," a poem privately circulated by Capel Loft, t Scrope's Hist, of Castle Combe. 46-t SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. Holditch, Lyme Regie, and Weycrofifc. The battle for the restoring the public rights had to be waged by the head of a neighbouring family of great distinction. Sir William Bonville, of Shute House. Avoiding lengthy details, we will only state that Nicholas Wysebeach, the Abbot of Newenham, and five of the abbot's neighbours, were ap- pointed mediators. They decided every point in favour of the public champion. Sir William Bonville, and directed that all the ways should be thrown open. The good abbot had been nominated by the Lady Brooke out of respect to his justice and hospitality. Abbot Wysebeach ought to have been canonized as the prince of arbitrators. Such an office was not to him, hearty soul ! a dull matter of statis- tics, or humdrum matter of business. He would not send the defeated party to pine over disappointed hopes, and the victor to inordinate display of triumph. That monk must have been born with an eye for a tableau. By his award a procession that a Watteau should have depicted was formed. After the paths were reopened — business over first — the knight and the lady were to ride together about a mile and a half to Newenham Abbey, below Axminster, on a day appointed, where they were to exchange a kiss in token of peace and friendship, and dine together at the abbot's table ! A blessing on all such ending of strife. Should a painter want a subject, here is one ready at hand. The scene lies in South-east Devon ; but the meadows by the river Axe, the red earth and the scenery, should render this unmistakeable.* The warmest admirers of Queen Elizabeth's reign must acknowledge that if it exceeded in advantages the present day, it closely resembled, and was on a par with the latter, in a disposition manifested by many to encroach in various ways upon the rights of the public to paths and common places. The antiquity of path-stopping will surprise those * The deed in the possession of the devisees of the late Mr. Frampton has been quoted by J. Davidson, Esq., of Secktor, the historian of Xewenham Abbey. PATH-STOPPING. — PENALTIES. 465 who view such a propensity as a growth of very recent times. The examples given of path-stopping are, with one ex- ception, purposely confined to one locality ■ — Lyme Regis. In 1584, it was ordered at the Lyme Court of Hustings, that Richard Davidge do leave open the way, according to the old custom, that leadeth into the Great Field before the Feast of St. John the Baptist, upon pain of 20*. At Leicester, about this time, it was ordered that all the common lanes and common places taken in within the remembrance of man shall be laid open again.* Some of the principal inhabitants of Lyme, in 1594, made a presentment that Silvester Jurden hath showed himself disobedient, in that he hath refused to remove his gate set upon the way going out from the churchyard to the eastern cleeves, and also hath refused to pay the amerciament laid upon the law day for setting up the said gate to the annoyance of the Queen's people, f In 1596 the jury found that Mr. Robert Hassard hath enclosed a plot of ground which hath been in common time out of mind, and sithence the way is foundred. In another presentment the way was said to be strayted. This was by St. Andrew's chapel on the way towards Uplyme. St. Andrew's Lane, Cross and Wells, are localities now not known by these names. Mr. Robert Hassard, in 1598, furnished matter for a presentment, by taking into his ground some part of a lane beyond John Calley's house, and taking the bond- stones (boundary) leading down the way to the Cobb. He was ordered to make it as before, under pain of 20s. A view was taken of the locality, and the measurement entered into the Court of Hustings Book, Mr. Robert Hassard was amerced, in 1599, the sum of fourpence for having locked a gate, and stopped people from going to the Cobb. Mr. Walter Harvey was presented, in 1597, for having * Nichol's History. f Freeman's Book, p. 291. H H 466 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIE^i. enclosed the way upon the down, called Colway down, by the crooked oak, which ought not to be. John CoUier was fined 6s. 8d. in 1612, for encroaching upon the highway at Shells going up to Lanchycraft. In 1665 the widow Stone was presented for altering the footpath in Barre Close, leading to Colway Bridge. Would that parties had been found to present every one who has wilfully closed for ever paths of the greatest utility to the town. In 1647, Mr. John Parrat enclosed a lane leading from Pound Street to the Stile, — • also another lane leading to a spring of water which served for the use of the inhabitants adjoining, and also straightening the highway a little below the pound. Robert Reed stopped a passage through his entry down the cleeves towards the Cobb being a common passage in 1677. A great path case respecting the right of way through the Pinney Undercliff, west of Lyme, which had been litigated for four years, was decided in favour of the public and reopened Sept. 28th, 1843. The desire to close paths has, we see, existed from early reigns, and many of them, could we only learn the fact, have been preserved by the exercise of public spirit. Be on the alert my countrymen. A duty is owed to posterity. Merchant Adventurers' petition to be allowed to continue to trade and kidnap on the Coast of Africa. Should the question be asked, "Was the worst feature of slavery — kidnapping — ever tolerated in conversation, or deliberately committed to writing by one engaged in it ? We answer in the affirmative. So late as the year 1700, the merchants of the ports of South-western England found kidnapping profitable, and openly petitioned for liberty to continue that horrible traffic. SLAVE TRADE. — IMPORTANT PETITION. 467 All sorts of frauds were practised in order to procure white labour. The Monmouth men had been liberated from their ten years' banishment to the West Indies at the revolu- tion ; which made the demand greater. The procuring per- sons to go out to the West Indies used to be spoken of in odious terms by the old people, at the beginning of this cen- tury. If they were correct, all sorts of unfair practices were resorted to. The following important petition from some of the last of our foreign merchants does not require the aid of an inter- preter : it speaks in plain language and with our present humane views upon the subject draws forth deep reproba- tion. Slave Trade.* " Petition of the Merchant Adventurers of the Town of Lyme Regis to Parliament, humbly sheweth, " That the trade of this port and your petitioners' livelihoods very much depends on the western navigation and plantations, whose productions are chiefly raised by negroes brought from Africa. " That by encouragement of the late Act of Parliament (9 & 10 William III. c. 26.) for opening of the African trade, divers of the merchants and inhabitants of this town became adven- turers therein. " The petitioners hear that the African Company have been trying to obtain a monopoly of the said trade in a joint stock company exclusive of all the outports, therefore they pray to be allowed to continue to trade to the plantations and kidnap on the coast of Africa." Who at this date judged there was anything at all wrong in buying, keeping, or selling slaves ? If any one did so he must have been before his age or have been deemed to be eccentric. Kidnapping was, however, a branch of commerce in slaves that is not to be often found described or alluded to by the parties engaged in it. At the beginning of this cen- tury we may conclude that every branch of slavery was * See Corporation Papers: Sketch of Petition about 1699 or 1700. HH 2 468 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. deemed allowable and as having nothing wrong in it. Negro boys had been, in the time of the Commonwealth, in the service of fashionable persons. These had been imported from the Portuguese settlements. The Puritans polled their negro servants like themselves. In the " Tatler " of 1709, a black boy, twelve years of age, fit to wait upon a gentleman, was offered for sale.* How negroes were purchased and instructed on board a frigate is elsewhere narrated. The payment of the burgesses of Parliament formerly ; their travelling expenses, &;c. When the first parliaments were called, the frame-work of society was in perfect contrast with that of the present day. In no particular will a comparison prove more interesting than in that of circumstances respecting what pertains to the " Burgesses for the Parliament." The borough tradesmen courted no honour in being chosen for burgesses : therefore tbey were not disposed to pay any- thing. On the contrary they travelled, more properly, rode at the cost of those who had chosen them ; and were paid by the day while absent in the discharge of their duty. There was very probably some slight honour reflected upon the parties chosen in the eyes of their townsmen. Perhaps the more discreet were selected, the more bold or hardy. The burgesses sat apart from both barons and knights, who disdained to mix with such mean personages as the burgesses were then regarded. They had no voice in deliberative proceedings, and their consent being given to the taxes re- quired of their boroughs, they separated, though the parlia- ment continued sitting. The burgesses of parliament were chosen, temp. Henry V., at the county court. * Quarterly Review, June, 1855. THE NORTH AN UNKNOWN EEGION. 4G9 The first representatives of Lyme Regis, at the Parliament holden at Canterbury, in 1295, WiUiam Tuluse and Geoffiry le Ken, had to furnish each of them two sureties (rnanucap- tores), and each received 2s. a day. This was not bad pay, considering the relative value of money. Glanville Sharp states there were only 145 places that sent members to this Parliament.* The burgesses from Lyme Regis went to perform an office they could not refuse, being tenants of the king. Robbers, a want of bridges, dis- tance, no stated regular communication with their homes, and neglect of their private business, made the performance of the duty an onerous one. Those burgesses afforded the greatest amount of satisfaction to themselves and their fellow-townsmen — we would hardly use the word consti- tuents — who stayed the shortest possible time. When they returned they brought their bill of daily charges and travelling expenses, both for going and return- ing, which was addressed as a Writ de expensis to the mayor and bailiffs, t The Dorset burgesses from Lyme never made their appearance at the Parliaments holden in the north, — a distant and dreaded unknown region, — from 1295 till 1306. Chard only sent burgesses to Parliament from 1300 to 1329. The town grudged the expense of sending members, and so disused and lost the privilege. The knights of Corn-^ wall about this time charged 2s. 6d. for each day's expenses and took seven days to make the journey. In Blomefield's Norfolk we find that in the year 1403, 5th Henry IV., the king's writ came to Norwich by which four citizens were to be returned to Parliament instead of two. This additional expense to the city in wages was considered such a burden that 31. were paid to John de Alderford to get the matter altered, which was effected. In 1323, however clever the burgesses of Lyme may have been, their services could not have been very valuable as they only stayed p. iiii. dies, four days ! This delay was perhaps * Report of Committee, temp. James I. t See William Atte Gate, and Geoifrey le Cok's writ, tested at ^\'est- minster in 1311, in the Close Rolls, m. 16. d. HH 3 470 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. only what their horses required by way of rest. Here, as in so many other cases, we may well reflect upon the altered features of society, and contrast the riding away on horse- back of our ancient burgesses with the railway travelling of their successors. To fairly chronicle these matters is the object of these pages. The Lyme archives furnish nothing for about two cen- turies, as Hustings books are wanting. The entries under the Tudor sovereigns are illustrative of the state of society. Mr. Richard Hunt, mayor in 1554, had provided some money in advance towards the burgess, or member of Parliament. s. d. Item, y' I have layd liowtte for y"^ towne to Mr. Mallocke (of Rusedon) for hys charges to be borges of Ple- ment - liii iiij To be levied at the Comenes hands and no others. This sum was most ijrobably paid to Mr. Mallocke on starting for the place of the meeting of the Parliament, wherever that locality happened to be. This portion was to be raised from the inhabitants generally, and not from the brethren, merchants of the guild, from the burgesses and free men, who were to be assessed, and bear their share of the burden in some other way.* Doubtless the memoran- dum refers to a clerical arrangement in the levying the smu, and does not dictate a partial and therefore unfair assessment. The mayor, John Holcombe, in 1559, acknowledges the receipt of 5Z. 6s. %d. from William FoUet and another for such money as was gathered for the burgesses of Parlia- ment ; and more is to be gathered of Robert Moore, John Hassard, and Richard HaibaU. We have seen how nearly three centuries from this date, 1571, the burgesses were paid two shillings a day and their expenses. AYhat change had such a long course of A free burgess posses-eJ a freehold, and was made free by a fine and Iiy an oath : a freeman bad no freehold. PAYMENT OF BURGESSES. 471 years effected ? Can this be ascertained with certainty ? — are questions that readily present themselves, and will find at once a satisfactory answer. William Ellesdon, when mayor of Lyme in 1571, made up his account for parliamentary service as follows : — " For the tyme I was burgess of the parliament for 65 days, at 2s. the day, viz. 61. 12s. from the 29th March to the 2nd of June. And further, that I spent the same time over and above 2s. the day for me and my man and two horses the sum of 51. 3s. 6d., in all amounting to the sum of 12Z. 17«." The daily pay and travelling charges of the burgesses of the parliaments were borne by the borough that consigned these worthies to distant journeying, and in many cases ill- suited and uncongenial duties. At the very first our western boroughs deemed this a burden, which some relieved themselves from by not obeying the writs, as in the case of Chard. The burgesses sent to the early parlia- ments were tradesmen of their respective boroughs, the Commons of the realm, not holden in much repute. In 1295 they are alluded to as alii de regno, " others of the realm," as if not worthy to be specified or designated — a slighting phrase.* In the course of years a higher class of persons felt a desire to be in Parliament. Some of these could do good service. They were active, influential, and repaid their hire by their useful exertions ; other individuals, perhaps, not finding themselves likely to render much service, while the townsmen were unaware of any great work to be performed. There are appearances of mutual concessions, and the making of terms for attaining an honourable post and relieving themselves of a considerable burden. The paid burgess of the Parliament worked for his em- ployers, and learned for them, before he perilled his life in a long journey by dangers to be encountered by " flood * Farry's Parliaments and Councils of England. H H 4 472 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. and field," how he could be useful. " To instruct our burgess " meant very differently from anything similarly worded in the present day. The employers and employed stood in a very different light to the voters, and the rich, perhaps illustrious, member of the present day. During the whole of the session the burgess was ready to be employed in advancing the interests of his borough at court by the tortuous processes so often recorded. It was agreed in Parliament, a.d. 1580, that any burgess departing without a license should forfeit his wages. About the year 1604 a motion was made in the House that absentees should pay 20*., but which fine was reduced to 6s. 8d. In the third year of Edward the Fourth's reign, John Sackvylle, Esq. agreed to be one of the burgesses for Weymouth, at the Parliament to be holden at Westminster, " if holden long time or short, or what it fortune to be, taking for his wages there a cade of mackerel (500 mackerel) though two been delivered, by Christmas next coming." * " Though two been delivered," I read " though two cades have been customarily delivered." John Wadham the younger, 4th February, 1558, in the reign of Edward VI., captain of Sandsfoot Castle, came to terms with the neighbouring electors, whose borough he helped to guard. He agreed by a paper to serve Mel- combe Regis in Parliament as a burgess, without pay, whatever the law might give him.f It may be fairly said that these two adjoining boroughs laid themselves out to bargain for a burgess that would not be a burden to them. A letter is inserted to show the open treating to secure this object. | "(3 Jan. 1558-9.) " To my loving frendes the maior and his brethren of the town of Melcombe Regis. " After my liartie commendacons, understanding by the return of yoiu" gentill answers your readynesse and good will to accom- * Ellib's Hist, of Weymouth. f Sherren Papers. J Ibid. EARLY TREATING AT ELECTIONS. 473 plyshe my request for the nomination and appointment of one of the Burgesses for your town of Melcombe Regis against the next Parliament already summoned and shortly to be assembled, lyke as for the same I have thought good to nominate John Moynes of Bruteport, and to notify in like manner the same unto you, so presuming you accordingly to admit him, I hereby promise unto you to discharge you of such ordenary and dayly stypende for him whom I name and appoint, as in the like case you and others have heretofore been accustomed to gyve to the burgesses for their attendance in your affaires, there giving you and every of you my hartie thanks for your gentilnes, which I will not forget, with the pleasure I may do you at any tyme to recompense. And so I byd you hartily farewell, from the Court, this iij of January, 1558. " Your loving frende, " F. Bedford. " Maior of Melcombe." So early as the year 1640, voices were unduly procured by inviting to alehouses. Hobby, a candidate, struck one who procured voices against him.* Human nature remains only what it has appeared in all historical time. The ready spoken in Elizabeth's reign were apt at elections to promise too freely ; the recipients of favours and the expectants of benefits often doubtless looked for too much. Hence disputes arose between the contracting parties as to the performance of the conditional agreements. At the passing of the town accounts at Leicester in 1582, some did mislike that Mr. Stanford, the burgess, had been allowed his charge for the Parliament last past, for that they declared he said when he was chosen burgess, he would not crave his charge except he did good to the town. It was thereupon agreed, that if he do at any time good to the town, then his charge to be allowed ; otherwise he is to repay again that which he hath received for his charge for the two Parliaments past.f * Verney Papers, by J. Bruce, Esq. f Nichol's Hist, of Leicester. 474 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. No sooner was a seat in Parliament generally spoken of as a distinction, an honour, an object of the ambition of the great men of the day, than the former reluctance to take the office was changed into a readiness to embrace any opportunity for obtaining a seat in the House. As the burgesses now sat with the knights, and debated with them, some higher qualification than before was necessary ; educa- tion had been received by all, at least to a certain extent. The imperfections of an uneducated man would be strikingly apparent. This was the case with the burgess sent from Westbury, Wiltshire, in 1571. He appeared to be unsuitable to the office he had assumed, and we learn from the following very naive account how the matter ended. This has been named the first case of Beibeet in which mere money supplied the place of family and education. We learn that Thomas Long, a very simple man, and unfit to serve, is questioned how he came to be elected. He confesses that he gave the Mayor of Westbury and another Four Pounds for his place in Parliament. They are ordered to repay this sum, to appear to answer such things as should be ob- jected against them in that house, and a fine of twenty pounds is to be assessed on the corporation and inhabitants of A^estbury for their scandalous attempt.* Xot only were gentlemen found very anxious to sit in Parliament, but so early as the beginning of the seventeenth century that species of fraud, since classed as election trickery, was well understood and practised. A remarkable instance of successful deception practised to win an election is here given, which proves the before-named proposition ; the narrative contains some mention of the practice of wear- ing a great man's liverv, and the interference and great in- fluence of lord-lieutenants with corporations to secure the return of their favourite. jNIr. George Belgrave, of Belgrave, had offended the Earl * Parry's Parliaments and Cuundls of England, See Notes aud Queries, May 12. 1854. ELECTION TRICKEKY. 475 of Huntington, Lord-lieutenant of Leicestershire, 1601, who recommended two candidates, and in strong language warned the corporation against electing one so displeasing to him. The earl had learned that Belgrave " still con- tineweth his great practising in labouring to be chosen." The above gentleman appeared at the election of the burgesses in a blue coat with a buU head, affirming and pro- testing that he was the Earl of Huntington's servant, and so wore his lordship's livery, having obtained that favour late the night before through the intervention of Sir Henry- Harrington. The artful candidate bemoaned his undutiful- ness to the earl ; and when asked if he brought any letter, he excused the circumstance owing to the lateness of the hour the preceding night when his peace had been made, but pointed to his coat and cognizance as a sufficient proof of the earl's favour, and offered to take a corporal oath to the truth of his statement. The mayor and his brethren were deceived by this "cunning practisore," and elected him. The earl exhibited an information in the Star Cham- ber against Mr. Belgrave.* Some burgesses of the Parliament had multifarious duties to perform for their constituents, who sometimes furnished occasion to be reminded that mean matters were not suitable to men of high breeding. Their borough correspondents were at times reminded that council business alone would be attended to by them.f The burgesses of Poole gave power to the Earl of Bed- ford, at his special suit and request, 13 Elizabeth, to nomi- nate one of their two burgesses. 26 Elizabeth, the same burgesses allowed the Earl of Leicester to nominate a re- presentative. Giles Estcourt, Eecorder of Poole, 27 Eliz. A.D. 1585, wrote to the mayor and burgesses to desire that he might have the nomination of one of the biu-gesses, either for his own son, or some other person that he would * See Notes and Queries, for an article by William Kelly, Dec. 10. 1853. t See Gentleman's Magazine, Sept. 1852, for an account of the SLer- ren Papers containing such a letter. 476 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THK SOUTHERN COUNTIES. undertake should be a fit one, and should discharge the place without any charge to them, while the applicant, the recorder, engaged to be thankful for the favour. The Earl of Warwick, in 1586, requested (through two friends) the mayor and burgesses of Poole, that they would nominate the young Earl of Bedford, his lordship's ward, for the sake of his grandfather. Like others who ask favours, Thomas Horsey and George Trenchard, who sent the earl's letter, took care to lessen the estimate of the service to be rendered in these words, " we hope there shall not neede much speach or great entreatie, yor selves know- inge how small the courtesie is, and how thankfuU it will be taken." At Leicester, H. Skipwith, Esq., and Thomas Johnson, one of her Majesty's serjeants-at-arms, were appointed bur- gesses of the Parliament in 1584, and either of them pro- mised to bear their own charges.* It was agreed that Sir Ralph Sadler, Knt., Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, should nominate one.f So at Lyme Regis, Zachary Bethel was chosen, 29 Jan. 1593-4, a burgess of the Parliament by the JNIarquess of Winchester, while the mayor, bur- gesses, and freemen elected Robert Hassard. In some counties the lord-lieutenants pretended to have a control over the elections. John Hassard, burgess of Parliament, worked for the town with great diligence in 1584.f There is entered, £ s. d. Paid for expences of the burgess the first Parliament, 1584, before Xmas - - 8 15 Second Parliament after Xmas, all that Parliament time liim and his man, and for riding, charge up and down 12 8 Expenses of the Lower House for passing a bill 8 10 Higher „ „ - 16 9 His charge the first Parliament, 57 days, and riding up and down, and fees to the house and Serjeant 12 13 4 • Xicliol's Hist, of Leicester. -I" Ibid. I Town Accompt Book, p. 53., and four following pages. SPITEFUL TKEATMENT OF VOTERS. 477 Additional evidence can be produced to show that seats in Parliament were often much coveted. This was a matter of notoriety in Charles the First's reign. The interest exerted to secure a vacant burgesses place for Liverpool in 1670 was remarkable. The Duke of Mon- mouth and Lady Southampton wrote in favour of Mr. Ross, his grace's early tutor, and the whole affair as recently dis- played is very interesting.* The Duke of Monmouth ap- pears to have made a practice of writing to corporations in favour of some partisan. We will adduce an instance of spiteful treatment of those individual voters of a town that did not support a great man's candidate, as a punishment for their preference of another great county man. Soldiers being billeted in Taunton, Sir John Stawell, of Cotheleston Lodge, near that town, earnestly canvassed the inhabitants to have all their votes for the two burgesses of the Parliament. He was told by them they had reserved a vote for Sir Robert Phillipps, of Montacute House, but that he should have the other. Sir John Stawell took offence at this; and removed some soldiers that were al- ready billeted out, and billeted them upon the mayor and others. Mr. John Mohun had interfered, as was reported, in some election in Cornwall, and was, like Sir John Stawell, believed in the west to have been sent for by the Par- liament and honoured by the court.f A highly interesting accoimt of travelling to London, stay there, and sundry charges for searches of charters, fees of office, &c., exists, on a single foolscap sheet, among the archives. If this be not the account of John Hassard, the burgess of the Parliament, when paving the way for the incorporation of the town, which I fully believe it to have been, it was that of some other worthy, whose style of living, expenses of travelling, &c., were the same. I * Historic Society of Lancashire and Cheshire, 1853-54. t t)iary of Walter Yonge, Esq., M,P. s. d. 11 6 18 6 33 11 478 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. extract the entries illustrative of this part of the sub- ject : — 1586. For my charges to London and from London, and during my being in London, and for divers other charges for the town. First for my charges to London (144 miles) Item, riding to the Court at Windsor at divers times, and once with a man to attend me - - Item, paid for horse meat during my being in London - Item, paid Mrs. Beymes for my table (i. e. board) during my being in London - - - - - 50 Item, paid for boat hire, breakfast, and for wine at my meals, and for fire during my being in London - 21 7 Item, paid for washing of my shirts - - - 20 Item, given to the two maids of the house - 12 Item, given to Humphrey and to John for dressing of my horse - . - - - 12 Item, paid to Simon Fry for the hire of his mare and shoeing of her to London 11 Item, paid for my charge from London - - 16 4 The ancient burgesses of the Parliament were paid, as we have recorded, their wages and charges. It is likewise a fact that they applied themselves with great energy and perseverance, just as any agent or attorney now a day would do, to serving the borough. They were no sinecurists. The townsmen furnished duties for them to perform. Mr. Robert Hassard spent twenty-three weeks in London in 1590 to procure a renewal of the fee-farm rent from the crown. How intimately connected was this burgess of the Parliament with his constituents — his employers and payers! He charges among other matters : — £ s. d. A. large box, and for a lock and key for the charter - 4 The hire of a horse from London to Windsor when my horse was lame - - - 2 6 Boat hire from London to the court [at Greenwich] at several times - - - 1 PARLIAMENTARY EXPENSES. 479 Paid to Forster for carriage up and down of my £ s. d. things for four times - - - - 19 For hire of a horse up and down from London for four times - - - - -2 13 4 [13«. Ad. for hire to London and back, both ways, 288 miles.] My expence for myself and my man for twenty-three weeks - - - - 26 18 Item, paid for my chamber several to myself - - 1 A page of the Lyme Regis Court of Hustings' Book for 2 Nov. 1584 possesses, for more reasons than one, unusual interest. Let us consider it in reference to our subject. It was agreed at a court held in the Moot Hall, that as well the burgesses and freemen, as well inhabitant as not inhabitant, as all other inhabitants, shall be contributory to the payment of taxes and impositions to be levied towards the charge of the burgesses for the Parliament. The burgesses chose two assessors on their parts; the mayor and his brethren two on their parts. £ s. d. Li 1587. Mr. Hassard's account for the Parliament was - - - - 7 1593. Mr. Robert Hassard's charge and fees at the Parliament - - - - 22 8 1604-5. Sir George Summers, the great admiral, had his allowance of charge at the Parliament 10 1606. Ditto ditto 10 1616. Mr. John Hassard had the rest of his ac- compts of Parliament - - - 2 1 4 1821. Allowed Mr. Robert Hassard at his going to London to be a burgess in Parliament - 6 13 4 Another instance of money paid in advance. Entries in the Town Accompt Book in the mayoralty of Wm. Davy, 1623-4 : — s. d. Item, paid Mr. Poulett's man being sent hither about the burgesship, a quart of claret wine - - - 6 Item, provided a dyner for Mr. Drake and his company 480 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHEEX COUXTIES. at their being here about choosing a burgess, which s. d. uost - - 40 Item, for provision made for Mr. Eobert Hassard, our burgess, when he came from the Parliament - - 10 The good townsmen learnt all the news while partaking of refreshment with their burgess just arrived from the distant metropolis. A few other entries : — s. d. Item, paid to Sir. Eobert Hassard for a box to return up the writ ----- 12 Item, paid for my horse hire and the Serjeants when we rode to Sir. Drake upon his return from the Parliament, and for a box of marmalade, and 4 lbs. of dry suckett, and a bottle of wine given to his wife - - 11 Item, sent to Mr. Drake and to Sir John Drake at seve- ral times upon their return from the Parliament, 2 quarts of sack and 2 quarts of claret wine - 3 A collation to Sir John Drake and Mr. Eobert Hassard when they returned from the Parliament - - 10 Entertaining Mr. John Drake and his company coming to town for a burgess' place upon the death of Mr. Eobert Hassard - - - - - 16 9 Members of the corporation of Coblentz and other towns having been chosen to serve as "peers" in the Prussian Chamber, in 1854, refused to accept that honour unless the towns paid their expenses. Are we destined to revive obsolete customs ? Early travelling in the south-west of England; the manner in which it was performed ; the cost of a journey on horse- back, and the introduction of stage coaches, ^c. What more probable than that within a few years the writer of facts connected with this subject may be thought GREAT CHANGES. — ENACTMENTS. 481 to have been creating not recording a past, and that pos- terity will not yield credit to what is herein recorded? This stamps our time as that proper for submitting incidents to the present generation of which they can certify the truth. Some previous knowledge is required in order to entertain certain subjects. Three centuries have not rolled by without producing mighty changes in the face of the country, in habits, in prices, and in the relative bearing of the constituent parts of society upon one another. In treating of the expense of sending burgesses to Parliament, mention was neces- sarily made of the cost of their journeys to the Parliament and back, which is properly a branch of this subject. When great men were expected, the way by which they were to enter the borough was " mended." This, however, in many instances was not the way by which the town is now entered. There is now a road ; the former entrance was by a lane, perhaps in quite a different direction. Jour- neying was once costly, slow, and often, to distant parts, impossible. Communication by letter between distant re- latives could not be maintained, except in certain parts. All these things produced immense effects, as the altered circumstances have done in the whole framework of so- ciety. There was no security for the traveller from his fellow men. Hampshire was notorious in the time of the Plan- tagenets for its bands of freebooters. It was enacted, in 1285, that the highways leading from one market town to another should be widened, so that there might be no bushes, woods, or dikes within two hun- dred feet on each side of the road; and those proprietors who refused to cut down underwoods abutting on high roads were to be held responsible for all felonies that might be committed by persons lurking in their covert.* The last wolf was killed in Scotland in 1680; in Ireland, in 1710. * H. Turner's Domestic Architecture. I I 482 SOCIAL HISTOET OF THE SOTJTHEEN COUNTIES. A great authority, Mr. Macaulay, treats of the different appearance of a cockney and a country lord of a manor, and of the unsuitableness of the one to the other, and the in- civility that took place when these came in contact. If country hated town, there was a reciprocity of feeling on the part of town. Insecurity was anticipated in being among our own countrymen far from home. " Cousin John, I've cut a good black-thorn that '11 stand your friend," said an old relative to a young man, sixty years ago, who was about to visit the metropolis. Such a thought would hardly enter the brain of any one at present. Single- stick, when exercised, is so for that particular exercise's sake, and not for self-protection against our own countrymen in our own land. The tailor dresses the man of country and town more and more alike every day, and the fusion will at length be complete. The same great writer adds, " The chief cause which made the fusion of the different elements of society so im- perfect was the extreme difficulty which our ancestors found in passing from place to place. Of all inventions, the alphabet and the printing press alone excepted, those in- ventions which abridge distance have done most for the civilisation of our species. Every improvement of the means of locomotion benefits mankind morally and intel- lectually as well as materially, and not only facilitates the interchange of the various productions of nature and art, but tends to remove national and provincial antipathies, and to bind together all the branches of the great human family." In this century many have been saluted in London with this inquiry, " AVhat, all the way from Dorset ? " It was the tailor's fault, that the west countryman was so readily distinguished from a Londoner. The Dorset tailor now visits the metropolis for the fashions. Puttenham, in his " Art of Poesie," lays down as the correct rule for speech or writing, " The usual speech of the Court and that of Lon- don, and the shires lying about London within sixty miles, and not much above." BAD KOADS. LANDING OF BDWAED III. 483 The knights of Cornwall, in the reign of Edward 11., claimed their expenses for seven days going to Parliament, and the same time for returning, at 2s. 6d. a day. Taking into account the relative value of money, they could make the journey cheaper by raUroad, and twelve days would be saved each session. When our mayors and their brethren left the precincts where their supremacy lay, to ride into the country at a time when flocks of bustards were to be seen upon our downs, and the population was very inconsiderable, — we mean three centuries ago, — it might be judged that all par- ticulars of their journey are lost. It is not so, however. These worthies entered every penny expended in their official capacity, and little entries give an insight into very interesting matters. Thus, in the archives of Lyme for the year 1552, may be learnt how near to borough towns lay a terra incognita : — s. d. Item, paid when Mr. Mayor and Mr. G-arland did ride to Mr. Pledges (Play's ?) to one to teach them the way - 2 Item, for our paynes touching to come home when we might lie out - - - - - 1 So bad and unknown were cross roads, that guides, shep- herds, and persons of a like degree, were usually hired to conduct travellers from one town to another, especially if it were desirable to take a shorter route than the high road. In the absence of bridges it was necessary to have persons well acquainted with the fording places of rivers or streams, or fatal accidents might occur.* King Edward I., in 1299, had seventeen guides when he went from Dover to Chiches- ter, and round to Canterbury. King Edward III. landed at Rye in May, 1360, and started immediately on horseback for London, where he arrived at 9 o'clock the next morning. This was a royal instance of great dispatch, f * Hudson Turner's Domestic Architecture. f Eymer, iii. 490. II 2 484 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. Sir W. Springet's lady had great difl5culty, in 1643, to hire a coach to Arundel at all, because of the bad road. She did so at last for 12Z. Her sick husband died, leaving just that sum in his possession. The waters were out; both coach and horses had to be swum in the highways, while the lady was rowed in a boat. Well might King Charles say, when such were the highways, that he wanted dragoons, and that the rebel's foot had no inclination to winter-marches. Ralph Thoresby, the antiquary, lost his way between Doncaster and York, more than a century later ; and Pepys and his wife, travelling in their own coach, lost their way in Charles the Second's reign near Salisbury, and were in danger of having to pass the night on the Plain. The country continued little better than a wilderness tUl the middle of the seventeenth centur}-. Charitable good souls left lands and valuables for the making of causeways, such as ]\Iaud Heath's Causeway, near Chippenham, in Wiltshire, and the making and mend- ing of feeble bridges and foul ways. Archbishop Islip, a mediseval prelate, the founder of Canterbury Hall, in Oxford, was not exempt from the sore inconveniences of early travelling. The chronicler tells us how, in riding from Oxford Palace to Mayfield Palace, Kent, in 1362, he fell from his horse in a wet and miry lane, between Sevenoaks and Tunbridge, so that the arch- bishop was " wet through all over." In that pitiable state he rode on without any change of clothes, and was seized with paralysis. INIr. John Garland, merchant, Mayor of Lyme in 1569, rode to London on town business. His whole charge for himself and horse in London was 31. 5s. ; the hire of the horse was 5s. Mr. Roger Keate, who frequently journeyed for the cor- poration of Weymouth, set out to transact business in London : — 1578-9. Jan. 21. Reached Blandford at noon. Foul weather, so he re- mained all night, at a cost of 3s. 3d. for himself and horse. ACCOUNT OF ROGER KEATE, 485 22. Salisbury at noon. Andover. 23. Basingstoke. 24. London at noon. His ordinary table for 82 days, two meals a day, were Gd. a meal. Fire, drink in the mornings and other times [equivalent to our breakfast and tea meals], two pence a day. Horse meat, eight pence a day ; occasional shoeing of the horse, eight pence. The horse was sold away : we may conclude it was Ms own. The charge for shoeing a horse, which had been 6d., rose in 1581 to 10c?. and I2d. Washing his shirts for 79 days, four shillings, or about 4irf. per week. Two pair of shoes for himself, with soleing and mending, 3s. 4rf. For a pocket, because his pocket was all torn with the carreiage of the money, 6d. Given among the folks, i. e. the servants of the house where he lay, I2d. A scrivener for writing letters, 3s. Mr. Keate could write, but not beautifully ; could indite, not " make a letter" in its due form and style. When H. Frances rode to London on the town affairs, there was advanced him, B6s. Eoger Keate paid, 1579, for boat hire to and from Avelye in Essex, XV miles, 3s. 8d. A dinner at Greenwich, where townsmen from Weymouth hap- pened to meet, 12d. a head. The spirit of clanship waxed strong ; and the agent does not blush to enter a meal at double the visual charge upon an occasion when he was expected to do as his fellow- townsmen did at their meeting so far from their home, in I I 3 486 SOCIAl, HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. a part where the Dorsettians were viewed as " outside bar- barians " by those so near the Court. Sir Anthony Fitzherbert, the judge, under Wolsey, wrote the following, which was very appropriate when long jour- neys were performed on horseback : — " An excellent rude lesson, in rude rhyme, for an under serv- ing man to say ev-ery time when he taketh horse, for his remem- brance, not to forget any implement behind him. "Purse, dagger, cloak, nightcap, kercheffe, shoeing horn, budget, and shoone (shoes), Spear, nail, hood, halter, saddle-cloth, spurs, hat, and thy horse comb, Bow, arrows, sword, buckler, horn, leash, gloves, string, and the braser, Pen, paper, ink, parchment, red wax, pumise, and books do thou remember. Penknife, comb, thimble, needle, thread, and point, least that perchance thy girth break. Bodkin, knife, rubber, give thy horse meat, See he be shod well, make merry, sing if thou can. And take heed to thy needments that thou lose none." A journey in West Dorset and Devon, on horseback, from Weymouth, in the reign of Elizabeth* : — d. Bread for my horse - - - - - i Dinner at Borport - - - - - - vi [Birport, Burport, since Bridport.] Horse meat that same time - - - - - ii Supper at CoUiford - - - - vij [From Charmouth to Colyford by Colway Lane, at the bottom of which was Horn Tavern. The traveller avoided Lyme by leaving it on his left. Leland writes that the bridge was not passable at high water. It is not always possible to follow the road in floods. J Horse meat same night - - - - - vi Breakfast, Friday - - - - - iiij Supper at Exmouth - - - - - vi * Sherren Papers. TRAVELLING EXPENSES. 487 d. Horse - - - . - - vi Passage at Exmouth - - - - ii [Over the Exe.J Breakfast - - - - - - - iiij Dinner at Tor - - - - - - vi [About two centuries after this four or five houses were built by the sea, at the quay, where a great town, Torquay, has grown up.J Horse meat - - - - - ii Passage at Tynemouth - - - - i [No bridge over the Teign.] Supper the same night - - - - - vi At Dartmouth, when with Mr. Mayor, for a quart of wine given him - - . - . v Given him that made the letter - - - - vi [To the scrivener who was skilled in the due forms of letter writing, and a suitable address of the great.] Given him a quart of wine . . _ yi Supper the same day ----- viij Horse meat in Kingswear - - - - xvi [The horse was left on the east side of the river.] Passage at Dartmouth - - - - - ii Horse hire, viii days . - - - viii«. Self at xiirf. a day as moch - - - - viii*. Abstract. Expenses of journey, about 164 miles - - - 8 4 Horse hire - . - - - 8 Pay to the traveller - - - - - 8 Fuller saw an ancient lady being drawn to church near Lewes in her own coach, by six oxen. Trees were drawn on Sussex roads by two-and-twenty oxen. A journey from Lewes to London, in the last century, was barely performed in two summer days. The Rev. Giles Moore went in June, 1660 : — £ s. d. His lodging in town cost him, per week - - 5 6 Beer, sack, and meat - - - - -117 The same gentleman crossed the Solent to the Isle of Wight : — I I 4 SOUTHERN COUNTIES. s. d. _ _ 1 10 _ . 4 _ - 6 nd a horse - 3 _ _ 4 488 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE Passage for man and horse Passage - - - Man and landing Cowes to Portsmouth, two persons and a horse Boating us When royal proclamations were sent forth, their echo soon appeared in local municipal bye laws. King James pro- claimed that carts and wagons with four wheels, carrying excessive burthens, so galled the high ways and the very foundations of bridges, that the king denounced them to the judges as common nuisances against the weal public, and the use of them an oiFence. By this proclamation of James I., in the year 1622, no carrier was to travel with a four-wheeled wagon, but only with a cart having two wheels, and only to carry 20 cwt. Any one transgressing this was to be punished. Queen Elizabeth's State Carriage. The coach was first introduced in 1564, by William Boonen, a Dutchman, who became coachman to the Queen. After this expression on the part of the king, we may ex- pect something similar in borough magnates. In the year 1635, when, perhaps, pack-horses did all the carrying that was required at Weymouth, and probably there was no vehicle in the town besides, the brewers had what are now called brewers' carta to carry out their beer. The authorities passed a bye law that no brewers were to bind the wheels of their carts with iron, as it wore away the pitching of the streets. Precisely similar was the complaint COMPLAINTS AGAINST HACKNEY COACHES. 489 against hackney coaches in 1638, viz, that they broke up the streets. No one was, by an order, to pass over Gosling's bridge in Lyme, in 1583, with a wain, under a penalty of 20s. ; a very heavy imposition.* It having been thought proper to ordain, in the year 1662, that the wheels of each cart or wagon should be four inches in the tyre, this was found to be impracticable, for in some parts the ruts could not receive such wheels, nor could the carriages pass. A proclamation stayed the prosecution of offenders till the further order of Parliament, f In the time of James I. fish-jobbers rode off with strings of pack-horses, bearing dorsers of fish, received from 25 fishing boats at Lyme, to supply the metropolis. | Leland, in the middle of the reigu of Henry VIII., praises Salisbury market for flesh, but particularly for fish. He states, " A great part of the principal fish that is taken from Tamar to Hampton (Southampton) resortith to this town." This proves that pack-horses did carry some commo- dities to a greater distance in a short time. Hackney coaches were established in London in 1625, and were first licensed in 1660. Sedan chairs were first seen in 1581. Hackney Coach. * Archives ofWeymouth and Lyme, t Proclamation, Soc. of Antiquaries. X In 1855, a woman engaged some one in London to send her fish to Lyme for sale ! How railroads reverse the order of thini's. 490 SOCIAL HISTOKT OP THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. Cosmo de Medici, Grand Dake of Tuscany, travelled in this country in the spring of the year 1669. He set out from Exeter to Honiton and Axminster in a coach, taking half a day for the journey ; and reached Hinton House, the seat of Lord Poulett, the following day. The remark made after leaving Exeter is, " At first we suffered a good deal of inconvenience, because we had to travel a road full of water, and muddy, though not deep." In bad weather the majority of the highways were im- passable. Eight hundred horse were taken prisoners in the civU. wars in Lincolnshire while sticking in the mire.* Sir John Harrington had a neighbour who, being Sheriff of Somerset, listened to a judge who complained of " stonie roads, and feared much the dangers of our western tra- vellinge," and gibed him thus : " In goode trothe, sir, it be but fair playe that you, who so ofte make others feare for their neckes, should in some sorte beginne to thinke of saving your owne." Herewith Judge Minos was not well pleased, but said : " Good maister sheriffe, leave alone my necke, and looke to your owne heeles, for you may one daye be laide by them." This judge afterwards fined the witty sheriff five pounds. Mr. Robert Jones, Mayor of Lyme, kept an account for the town of his journey to London to surrender the charter. Oct. 1. 1684. This journey is interesting as belonging to the transition period, partly on horseback, partly by public coach, the return by a hired coach. To London. £ s. d. Oct. 1. Self and man to Sarum, and two horses [ex- pences arising from inn charges for refreshments, bait of horses] - - - 14 10 Hire of two horses to Sarum, and return home with three horses, wages, and expences - - - 1 12 6 Coach hire from Sarum to London - - - 1 10 At several stages to gratify coachmen - 4 6 Total of expence to London - - 4 1 * Way Ten's Marlborough. TEAVELLIKG EXPENSES. 491 From London. £ s. d. Hired coacli from London to Lyme [ Vetturino, like as now-a-day on the Continent] with written agreement 8 Expended in our journey from London [the time con- sumed must have been considerable ; the halts many] - - - - - 3 17 Oats and hay at Lyme, and for giving the postillion - 16 Total expence of return - - - 12 13 6 A horse kept at the Blue Bear, and paid oastler and tapster, per week - - - - 6 7 Charles Sydenham, the servant, allowed him abroad [i. e. out of the house] for breakfast, evening draught and Sunday dinner, 2s. 6d. a week for nine weeks - 1 2 6 This journey, be it remembered, was undertaken after the setting in of winter, and the party returned in the dead of that season. This accounts, probably, for the hiring a coach all the way. It is likely that no public conveyances ran even from London to Salisbury in the winter season. There was advertised, in 1658, travelling as foUows : — Stage coaches from the George Inn, without Aldersgate, London : — s. To Salisbury in two days - - - xx To Blandford and Dorchester, two and half days - - xxx To Burpurt (Bridport) in three days - - - xxx To Exmaster (Axminster), Hunnington (Honiton), and Exeter in four days - - - - - xl There were six regular stage coaches running in England in 1662, some say in 1672. There was a fourday stage to York from London in 1678. The "Salisbury Journal" advertised, in 1752, that for the better conveyance of travellers, the Exeter Fast Coach starts every Monday from the Saracen's Head, Skinner Street, Snow Hill, London. 492 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. Monday, dines at Egham. „ lies at Murrell's G-reen. Tuesday, dines at Sutton. „ lies at Plume of Feathers in Salisbury. Wednesday, dines at Blandford. „ lies at King's Arms in Dorchester. Thursday, at one o'clock, Exeter. This was accomplished in summer. In winter, six days were required. Fifty miles a day in summer, and thirty in winter, was the distance. The dangers of the road were too great for any one to risk himself on the outside. There were six inside places. Let us revert to the mayor, Mr. Robert Jones's, return to Lyme. The driver of the hired coach, after having de- posited the worshipful the mayor, was open to agree for a job to London again. Persons availing themselves of a return coach were led to speak of " the opportunity " that offered, — so gelegenheit, " opportunity," is the name of a re- turn carriage in Germany. A family about to embark at Falmouth, in 1748, hired a coach and horses in London. A party of young men availed themselves of the opportunity to journey to the metropolis, stipulating that in the event of their reaching a town at any part of the day when cock-fighting should take place in the evening, the coach should lie by for them.* Travellers deposited their pads or packs, upon their arrival in London, for security, with their goldsmith or banker. The resemblance of one is to be seen sculptured over Child's banking house. Fleet Street. A person employed to take orders for another rode round to his master's customers, and was, from the saddle-bags he carried bebind him, called a bagman. See the wonders worked by tbe figure rhetoricians call Euphemism. The same useful member of society became a traveller, or com- mercial traveller. The figure is expansive; and at length, perhaps not finally, the word representative has obtained, ' DaTies Gilbert's Hist, of Cornwall. BAD ROADS. — RUNNING FOOTMEN. 493 clashing with a higher appellation, the property of another class. Foreign journeys might formerly be called foreign rides, for such they of course were. In 1509, Badver, the Vene- tian ambassador, has proved that in mid winter he had rode, at the age of 62, from Venice to London in twenty-six days. The very bad roads, and consequent comparative slowness in performing a journey, allowed the use of running foot- men ; a class of retainers, however admired by the great, doomed to extinction when the state of the roads was im- proved. Some of the performances of these men were very great. They carried a tall cane or pole with a silver ball at the top, in which was white wine and eggs. The Duke of Marlborough drove his phaeton and four to Windsor, only just beating one of these men, who died soon after. These runners wore no trousers, but only a short silk petticoat with a broad fringe, remind one of the Hemerodromi, or day-runners of the Greeks, one of whom was sent to Sparta from Athens to announce the landing of the Persians.* In some parts these running footmen supported their master's coach when likely to overturn. Without them a journey could not have been undertaken. Running footmen are among the several particulars that served as a mark to distinguish the very rich from those simply rich. Many such distinctions in daily life existed, which made it a costly matter for those inferior in regard of riches to live with or make the same appearance as their more fortunate neighbours. A greater equality in such respects now prevails ; it is the richest persons who make the sacrifice to uniformity. Take as an example the many classifications of dress (enforced by sumptuary proclamations, it is true) which distinguished men into very many classes, according to rank or riches. If the Exeter Flying Stage arrived from London to Dor- chester in two days, and at Exeter at the end of the third day, about 1739, the speed must have been considered * Notes and Queries, No. I., 1856. 494 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. surprising. Those who made use of such a conveyance ■were doubtless looked upon as presumptuous, neck-or- nothing mortals. There vtsls a " Devizes chaise " from London at this time which took a route through Reading, Xewbury, and Marl- borough. There is a good house at Morcomb Lake, east of Char- mouth, now no longer in the road, o vying to this having been diverted. This was a road-side ian, where the judges slept. The Fly coach from London to Exeter sZe^^ there the fifth night from town. The coach proceeded the next morniag to Axminster, where it breakfasted, and there a woman barber shaved the coach. In 1772 the machine or flying machine ran from Bristol to Plymouth in two days, which the rail accomplishes in four hours and a quarter. It would be interesting, if at railway stations ancient times of transport and modem ones were set up for comparison, as was done at the opening of the Mul- hausen railway. The judges rode the circuit on horseback. Sir Nicholas Hyde was censured for being attired in a whitish-blue cloak, that he looked more Uke a clothier than a judge. He died of fever from riding on circuit fifty miles one hot day. The western gentry rode, and tradesmen rode and walked in company for protection to the metropolis. An instance can be adduced of a journey to London from the neighbour- hood of Lyme in a coach, of whatever kind that may have been, in James I.'s reign, ilrs. D'Ewes set out from Coaxden Hall, near Axminster, on her road to London, and arrived in one day at Dorchester, about 27 mUes. The shocks sustained owing to the road, and perhaps the particular build of the vehicle, were so great, that the infant son and heir, afterwards the renowned Sir Symonds D'Ewes, cried so violently all the way, that he ruptured himself, and was left behind under the care of Mrs. Margaret Waltham, a female practitioner of the county town of Dorchester.* It may not be improper to state that Mrs. D'Ewes's premature con- * See MS. Life of Sir Simonds D'Ewes in the Brit. Mus. MRS. D'EWES. — DANGER OF TRAVELLING. 495 finement was afterwards occasioned by a shock in a coach in Bury Street. Sir Symonds D'Ewes himself afterwards rode to London from Coaxden in 1613, and attributes his safe arrival in the metropolis to God's goodness, for he had one servant only with him. Two reigns after this the sheriff of a northern county supplied arms to the retinue of a judge who had not been so prudent as to provide himself with weapons for travelling in England. D'Ewes did not return into the west to school at Wambrook, having felt with dissatisfaction that the fare was very short and hard ; a customary fault at this time. The same year John Clay went from Merryfield, at Ilton near Ilminster, to Oxford, in 1613. The carriage or vehicle was not drawn by horses. He charges thus : — s. d. Laid out for the oxen - - 5 10 Our suppers - - 4 Sope - - - . 4 And this latter article was so charged at every stage nearly. The travellers, arrested by the waters that were out, often had to claim shelter at some neighbouring farmhouse. Nor was the claim denied. Many old folk had to tell how a night had been spent by the fire. Upon one occasion, where some young ladies were thus delayed in Dorset, returning from a ball, a worthy farmer read some passages from Shakspeare. Our ancestors had not only to meet with interruption where a flood rendered a ford impassable, there being no bridge, but many bridges were so low that they were not passable at aU times. In journeying from Dorset into Devon, the Axe bridge, in Leland's tour, of two arches of stone, served not to pass over at high (spring) tides, other- wise he writes " it doth."* The state of the waters, whe- ther " out or not,'' and " how long out," was a standing topic with those about to travel and those on the road. The fears for the safety of a relative who had taken a journey to the distant metropolis were by no means ill * Pulmau's Book of the Axe. 496 SOCIAL HISTOET OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. founded. The dangers of the road, both in going and re- turning, were acknowledged. The travelling over, safety was still out of the case. A great city, upon whose his- tory a whole nation looks with interest, was in the eighteenth century a residence dangerous to the Londoners themselves. Was there not a brutal society, that of the Mohawks, rakes and drunkards who were banded tosether for violence upon unprotected persons at night ? They sallied out to ex- ercise the duties their mad order entailed upon them, and so knocked down, stabbed, cut and carbonadoed people, — ho- nest people about upon their calling — who were so unfor- tunate as to happen to come in their way. Read Dean Swift's caution to escape the INIohocks, or Mohawks, and his fears. Sir Roger De Coverley went to the playhouse, protected by Captain Sentry. To excel in brutality was the aim of many who, jealous of rivals, emulated their deeds, and laboured to merit a new denomination. While the Mohawks flattened noses, gouged out eyes, and slit noses, the TujMBLEES turned females upon their heads, and the Dancing Masters kept each unfortunate in motion by pricking his legs with their swords. Space does not allow further mention of the flagrant deeds of the Heelfires, or the less atrocities of the Niceiees, about the year 1720. The brutality and blasphemy of these societies were sys- tematic. Their oaths, dictated by the fashion of that mad time, abounded with blasphemies in ridicule of the Trinity. Should it be deemed that Swift and Shenstone, who moved at night with great circumspection, were timid, though the latter says, the pickpockets, armed with couteaus, attacked whole parties at once in the Piazza, Covent Garden, let Dr. Johnson speak how matters stood in 1735 : — " Prepare for death if here at night you roam. And sign your will before you sup from home. Some fiery fop with new commission vain, Who sleeps on brambles till he kills his man — Some frolic drunkard reeling from a feast, Provokes a broil, and stabs you for a jest. Yet even these heroes mischievously gay, Lords of the streets and terrors of the way, STAGE COACH TRAVELLING. 497 Flushed as they are with folly, youth, and wine, Their prudent insults to the poor confine ; Afar they mark the flambeaux bright approach. And shun the shining train and gilded coach." Mr. Nuthallj the friend and solicitor of Lord Chatham, returning from Bath to London in 1775, was stopped and fired at near Hounslow, so that he died of the fright.* When the short peace of Amiens was signed in London Lord Sidmouth, then Mr. Addington, sent an immediate account of the news to his brother-in-law, Capt. Sutton, of New Park, near Devizes. The bells rang the whole of the next day. A waggoner who drove his team from that market to Salisbury told the news in the evening. It was not credited till a London coach arrived with particulars the next day at noon.* Though the bells rang at Bridgwater upon the news arriv- ing that Cromwell was made Protector nineteen days after the event — so slow was the spread of news, — still some would fain argue that communications were quite rapid enough for all purposes. The Taunton stage took four days to reach London. Many finding this convenience prepared for them ceased to keep horses, which set going the croakers, who prophesied great evils from the setting up of stage coaches. They said no good hackneys would be bred, and that the agricultural interest would suffer. When the passengers arrived at night at an inn they clubbed together for a dish or two of meat, and spent not above 12d. or IGd. at a place. Acquaintances were made and antipathies created for life between people who sat together for six live-long days in suc- cession, and who took many meals in company. Journeys were unequal in expense. Some gallant, generous fellow- travellers treated the ladies, which some could well affbrd to * See the New Monthly, Oct. 1855, an article by A. Andrews, f J. Waylen, Private Communication. K K 498 SOCIAL HISTOEY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. do ; others, less rich, found this a burden. Occasionally male travellers were too prompt in proposing such liberality when their own relatives were those to be treated. In a word, a journey to London from Devon and Dorset was a memorable event never to be eiFaced from memory, — a serious undertaking, not to be too hastily compared with a journey to London or to Edinburgh in the present day, which may be looked upon as a mere act of locomotion, however splendidly performed. Sir Richard Steele, — a very affectionate husband cer- tainly, — in the course of his journey to Edinburgh about 1717, sent as many as a dozen letters to his loving wife. "When perusing a little work* detailing a journey to London, in 1771, but more particularly the feelings of the traveller, one is struck at the regret expressed at starting that the journey was not on horseback with its peculiar ad- vantages. The writer rails at the arbitrary bashaw, the ferryman whose services were required for an hour. Some sentiment upon morning, a lark, and nature, is interrupted by the contemplation of the highwayman, Hasslet, hanging on a gibbet for robbing the postman carrying the mail in 1770. A detailed description, very off-handed indeed, follows of the six insides, four ladies, a gentleman of the sword, and the writer, a dissenting minister. The latter discuss and allow their tempers to be greatly ruffled by the question of a standing army. The ladies blame the officer for having allowed himself and another to be compelled to quietly sur- render their purses to a highwayman between Highgate and London a few months before. The gallant son of Mars laid it down that no honour was to be earned in contending with a footpad or highwayman. The belligerent male insides come to an agreement not to quarrel about their respective lines of life, and peace is proclaimed for the rest of the journey. Upon arriving at a town in the evening the tra- vellers sometimes went to the play, though they had to start again at two in the morning. The swearing a person upon * The Travels of the Imagination, &c., by the Rev. James Murray. THE FIRST POST-CHAISE. 499 his first visit to London upon the horns at Highgate is duly detailed. A squire from the neighbourhood of Glastonbury, jour- neying to Sarum in his carriage, about 1780, took care that his footman was provided with a good axe to lop off any branches of trees that might obstruct the progress of the vehicle. Frost was looked forward to in parts not distant from London as the only cause that could make lanes passable. Timber had been felled, but it was known to be impossible to convey it to neighbouring towns till the muddy lanes were frozen hard. If we have from lapse of time become incredulous to the difficulties, impediments, or complete bar to progress caused by founderous, bottomless roads, the recent horrors of the operations in the Crimea, caused by six miles of impassable roads, wUl painfuUy renew our acquaintance with the old in- conveniences experienced. Three thousand miles of sea presented no obstacles : six miles of land, with a bad road, proved insurmountable, and produced great horrors ! Trusty servants were sent on journeys with their mistress or daughter riding behind on a pillion upon horses trained to carry double. Upping-stocks were then indispensable to country houses. The jingling of bells worn by horses in teams warned travellers how they entered some narrow lanes, where two vehicles could not pass abreast. These are now rarely used. Some are occasionally met with near Honiton from Broadhembury, &c., and are pleasing and in- spiriting sounds to the ears of a Devonian. Travellers upon meeting at cross roads stopped and asked the news. The first post-chaise that was introduced into Taunton, about the year 1767, ran from the " Sugar Loaf" inn, kept by Wm. Cann, now a humble public-house at the eastern entrance of Cann's field, near the Bishop's Hull road. The driver, Thomas Phippen, died in 1835, at the age of 104. From London to Exeter 12?. a ton was charged for the transmission of goods, fifteen times what is demanded by railway companies. Pack-horses were no longer required K K 2 500 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOTJTHEEN COUNTIES. the breed is now extinct. They were attended by a class of men who seem to have borne much resemblance to the Spanish muleteers.* The goods were carried upon dorsers : panniers were breadbaskets. Some of these men adopted the new plan of transmission of goods by wagon on the new turnpike roads, and were called carriers. Some teams of the carriers were composed of thirteen horses. An act restricted these to nine. This was evaded by paying an annual sum to the informers. It was im- possible, an informer said, to travel the roads without a breach of the law. In 1745, the Wiltshire people looked upon the proposed government bill for the improvement of the roads as likely to enhance the already ruinous price for the carriage of goods. Turnpikes were erected so early as the year 1267. There were such between St. Giles-in-the-Fields and Temple Bar, in the reign of Edward IILf An act passed 1. Mary for the making, repairing, and amending of the common highway and causie in the counties of Dorset and Somerset, between the towns of Shaftesbury and Sherborne. J I visited, may I say, the last of this class, Judith Long, in 1849, who was about one hundred years old. Her father kept pack-horses, and had become a carrier after the general construction of turnpike roads, and this old person accom- panied him, when young, on his journeys. Being introduced to the aged woman, lying in bed, as one desirous of learning about the pack-horses, she looked up and seeing my straw hat, it being hot weather, took me for a carrier, at least one about to enter upon that line of life. She kindly promised to tell me all I wanted to know ; begged me to take the road by Honiton if I wished to spare the cattle, but, for shortness, to go by Newton Poppleford. She warmly re- commended, as a house where I should find good treatment, "The Rolling Pin, Chopping Knife," Exeter. What a * See Maeaulay. f Waylen's Hist, of Marlborough. X Notes and Queries, May, 1855. PACK HOKSES. TURNPIKE EOADS. 501 change had one hundred years effected in the place from which this good old soul thought I was to take my depar- ture, and that once western metropolitan city, my destina- nation. I ventured to sound her views as to her observa- tions in her earliest journeys and the state of the town and people at that time as compared with now a-days. There I lost my character for any information I might possess or likelihood to get on in my new calling. The old woman opened her eyes, looked upon me with utter astonishment mingled with pity, and exclaimed, " Lord bless ye, 'tis now a vagabond place." What is a railway world without pack- horses? Judith Long died in 1852. She was an admirer of the past. Persons upon their safe return from London were apt to assume ridiculous airs and superiority over their fellows who had not drunk in political chit-chat like themselves in the city coffee-houses. Inns by the road side were amusing places of resort, for the residents of country towns, and even the clergyman of the parish. The travellers who arrived dispensed the latest news to a craving company, who had no other means of learning what then agitated the great Babel, and other parts of the kingdom. Many a " little great man " was taught how to conduct himself, among the strangers at a tavern, who now a-days only remains in his family, or re- turns a visit in private company, and so passes year after year without those salutary checks and sarcasm which overbearing manners, purse-pride, and folly require for their correction. The bounds of temperance were too often passed, owing to frequenting in public company the coffee-houses^from which the clubs have grown — and taverns ; still other moral good effects were derived from them, if we cannot go the length to style them " the academy of civility and free-school of in- genuity." The excitement for news and readiness to ring bells for joy, or take hasty measures in another way upon hearing some idle report from travellers, forcibly recalls to mind the account CfBsar gives in his Commentaries of the volatile Gauls. These compelled travellers to stop and tell them what they had heard or known in the way of news, K K 3 502 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COrNTIES. and, as no doubt often occurred in our south of England, the news furnished by parties so arrested on their journey was in strict consonance with the known feelings and wishes of the inquirers. When at festive meetings, the heart opened and the tongue would talk, no subject was so ready as the perils of the road. One spoke of his escape from this or that highwayman, of having to wait, and then, at great peril, having crossed some dangerous water. The two clothiers deputed by their brothers in that trade, in Dorset, to consider the cause of the decline of their trade in 1622, after labouring in what was a kind of clothier's parliament during two months were robbed on their journey home. Humble tradesmen walked to London and back, having first made their wlU, but reaUy they depended much upon casual lifts, and the road wagon carried a motley group who nestled aloft upon the top of the luggage. The journey averaged a week each way. As an incident of distant communication between places, let me adduce an anecdote of a resident of Edinburgh, who sent two daughters to a boarding-school in London where the holidays were of a month's duration. Upon their arrival in Scotland, if the voyage had been longer than usual, it was time for the young ladies in two or three days to return again ; so their vacation was occasionally literally passed at sea. The lanes were in some parts in such a state that, as at Lyme and the country round for mUes, one hundred years ago, no vehicle of any kind was kept. Pack-horses did all the carrying that was required. A carriage was a curiosity which was rarely seen. The construction of turnpike roads, under a general Turnpike Act, in 1755, was an important event in the history of the kingdom. Many, however, viewed this as an unjustifiable cutting up of the country, and even quoted Jeremiah vi. 16. The old conservative coachman, the Marlborough one, would not use the new tm-npike road, but stuck to the old waggon track. His COST OF TRAVELLING TO YOEK BY MAIL. 503 grandfather had driven in the slush before him, and he would stick to it till death. The Blandford waggoner said, " Roads had but one object — for waggon driving. He required but five foot width in a lane, and aU the rest might go to the devil." He said " The gentry ought to stay at home and be d d, and not run gossiping up and down the country."* Journeys of great length performed in Inclement weather upon the roof of a coach were frequently the cause of trying fits of illness and of death. And this in spite of great-coats made of double-milled cloth with ponderous capes of the same material. The protection aftbrded by closed railway carriages has so reduced the call for this thick cloth that it is no longer made in some western cloth factories. Every one used to have a great-coat, properly so called : now all have ower-coats, few possess the former, because no journeys of twenty hours have to be encountered, and a cold summer morning or a bitter winter wind and rain to be defied. The cost of an outside place on the mail and the kind of protection required are set forth in verse. " When to York per mail you start, Four-caped like other men ; To the book-keeper, so smart, You pay down three pounds in part ; Two pounds ten before you start ; Sum total, five pound ten." The traveller on his way to Ireland before the introduc- tion of steam took ship, and might be several days on the water, when there was no steward ready to supply all ordinary wants. This traveller had probably arrived at the sea-port after a long journey, and the precise time for sailing depended upon wind and weather. Hence the necessity for being supplied with a basket of provisions for the voyage. This was a source of considerable profit to the landlords of the inns of sea ports. The charges were exorbitant. The bottle -* Doran's Account, Gentleman's Mag. 1852. K K 4 50-1 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE 80UTHEKN COUNTIES. of brandy — an invariable accompaniment of each basket — was charged one guinea. A diary is preserved of a journey to Dublin from Gros- venor Square, 12th June, 1787, in a coach-and-four, accom- panied by a post-chaise and pair, and five outriders. The party reached Holyhead in four days at a cost of 151. lis. 2>d. The state of the intercourse between this country and the sister island at this part of the account is strikingly set forth in the following entries : —Ferry at Bangor, \l. 10s. ; expenses of the yacht hired to carry the party across the channel, 28/. 7s. 9rf. ; duty on the coach, 71. 13s. 46?. ; boats on shore, 1/. Is. — total, 114?. 3s. 4:d. Visitors to the metrojiolis had much to say about the lions and their keepers, the beefeaters of the Tower. This was the London sight most famed. To show a country person the lions, or to lionise, has become a common form of expression. At length came the four-horse mails to Bristol in 1784, and the " Quicksilver mail," to be in turn superseded by the railway locomotive. Some see no occasion for any railways, upon which the Exeter people travel or fly to London in six hours, instead of being so many days and nights. What can ever compare with the well-appointed mail- coaches, the " Quicksilver mail," &c. in outward display ? Their speed was thought to be surprising. Was there in the world a prettier sight than the summer procession of the mail-coaches in London — such horses, such neatness? At mall-speed, if anything untoward happened, an acci- dent occurred, as on the rail; but not to so many individuals, though dangerous to the passengers, and gene- rally fatal to some. A coachman, instituting a comparison between the two modes of travelling, thus summed up : " I know that if anything goes wrong, there you are^' making a sign of upsetting ; " but by the rail, if you meet with an accident, where are you ? " The communication along our coasts with London by signals from stations upon the hills, where signal-posts were erected, and the acceleration of travelling, owing to the * Illustrated London Kews, Jan. 16. 1856. ARGUMENT AGAINST CANALS AND RAILWAYS. 505 improved construction of the roads upon the plan of Mr. M'Adam, appeared to leave all further improvements as hopeless. The railway and the electric telegraph have shown how incorrect this view was. The increased facilities for travelling produced effects that were by many much dreaded. The ruin of market towns was predicted from the number of petty shopkeepers who were found to be living in country villages, assisted by persons who had never served any regular apprentice- ship, and worst of all, in defiance of all propriety, actually carrying on a flourishing trade. Hackney-coaches were decried in 1638 as breaking up the streets, and making the price of hay very great. An argument used against a canal to Bath from London, in the reign of William III., will elucidate the views of the enemies of the free intercourse of goods as well as men. The opponents argued, that by lessening the number of land carriers the consumption caused by their numerous cattle would be diminished; the arrival of grain from Bath would lower the prices in Wiltshire, and occasion a fall in rents ; for corn brought by water to Bristol, and thence conveyed on horseback, did at some seasons of the year, glut the markets as far as Warminster, Devizes, and other places in Wiltshire.* The landowners of Sussex and neighbouring counties complained against the making of roads, and petitioned against them. They said the roads would interfere with their supplying thefmetropolis, as they had exclusively done. Among other complaints against railways at their first introduction, as being unnecessary, I remember to have heard a party demonstrating the causes which had given rise to them. He said the gentry could not set up shops, and still wanted to improve their income ; so they devised railways, in which they could invest money and engage in business, really so, without appearing to do so. They were, in short, the parties who cut up the country, for what we could all dispense with ! * Wayleii's Marlborough. 506 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. The Post, and the cost of Messengers to carry letters before it was established — Newspapers. " Haste, post haste ! Haste with all diligence. For thy life, for thy life ! " * Sucli was the exciting language used upon official letters in the reign of Henry VIII. to stimulate the sluggard to dispatch. However we may be astonished at the rapidity of modern travelling and communication, we have nothing now-a-days so startling. The word " Post " is possessed of such magical interest that no apology is required for any elucidation of the subject. It is necessary to distinguish between the early accounts of a " Post " and " Post Office." These have been too often confounded. There was a Post in the reign of Edward IV. During the Scotch war, the plan was introduced of placing swift couriers at every twentieth mile ; so that by their passing letters from hand to hand the king could obtain the news from a distance of two hundred miles within two days. We shall have to speak of two sorts of Post f at the beginning of the seventeenth century, all of which preceded the establishment of a Post Office, in 1635. It is interesting to trace the steps by which great public benefits have been introduced. "We purpose to do this with respect to the Post in Dorsetshire. From the archives of Lyme many curious foreshadowings of the Post have been extracted. In 1558, the man who brought round the Council's letters to have the peace proclaimed, and that ships should not depart without license, received 2s. Gd., is styled " The Post.'' Half-a-crown was the sum paid to a poursuivant who brought a proclamation. * Tytler's Edward VI., &c. t Chron. Croy., Halsted's Life of Kichard HI. HORSE AND FOOT POST MAN. 507 Upon the great alarm caused by the reported coming of the Spanish Armada, Sir John Norris was sent into Dorsetshire by the queen's government. There was an order at this time to the following effect: — * Item, that there be a foote post appointed in every parish within the shire whose dweUing should be chosen near the church, and a horse post in every town." I find in the Lyme Accompt Book : — Item, the 11th June, 1588, paid the foote post for one month's wages from 14th May, at 6d. per week, 2s. 9th July, John Gosse the younger, from 14th May to 9th July, for a post horse [z. e. Is. Ad. per week], 10*. %d.\ We are not to understand that this foot post man and horse post man had carried letters as the postmen of the pre- sent day do ; but that they had hired themselves at a salary to be always ready to do so upon an emergency. If services were required and duly performed, these were paid for in addition to salary ; thus — 1st Sept. John Gosse, from 9th July to 1st Sept., for his post [was paid], 10*. Sd. J When this horse post man had to mount, he was paid both for himself and horse. Item, paid for a post horse and a man to Weymouth for a gent of my lord admiral's, 10*. Sd. * Harleiau MS., Brit. Mus. 3324. •f "At Leicester, in 1570, it was agreed at a Comraon Hall that six post horses be kept, and that 33*. id. be allowed for each. The next year the twenty-four principal men paid 2«. each, and the forty-eight Is. each ; the residue to be gathered of the commons for the keeping six post horses at 26«. Sd. per horse. Four horses only to be kept to serve at an hour's warning." ^ — Nichoh'.t Hist, of Leicester. X See Pulman's Book of the Axe. " The foot post for travelling this year, 1/. .1.?. 10^. 508 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. From the history of Norwich we may learn the interest corporations began to take in a post, or in establishing means for postal communication, so early as the year 1568, It may be interesting also to observe, how one class of persons was sentenced by authority to bear half the burden of that which was proved to be a public good, and a benefit to all her Majesty's loving subjects. 1568. Three postmasters had 3Z. 13s. Ad. lent them free of interest, and 4/. each, a stipend paid by the sheriffs, the half of which was levied on the innkeepers and tipplers, and gathered by the constables of every ward. No man was to take up post-horses in the city unless he was licensed by warrant from the Queen's majesty, the Duke of Norfolk, the Privy Council, or the mayor ; nor to use any horse above twelve or fourteen miles together, for which he was to pay 2d. the mile, and Qd. to his guide, to go and carry back the horse, and the said horses were not to carry any cloakbag of above ten pounds weight. Hackney-horses were settled at 12c?. the first day, and 8(f. the day after, till re-delivery.* Merchants could not have afforded to send a special mes- senger with every letter. They must have made use of opportunities to forward business correspondence, — incon- siderable as it was compared with that of the present day. They were directed by a proclamation, issued in the year 1591, not to use " disavowed persons " to convey their let- ters. The Government of James I. considered the practice to be dangerous ! The commencement of the regular carriage of the people's letters is enveloped in obscurity. The germ of the present system can be traced to the reign of Charles I. There was a " Master of the King's Posts," and an office held by the same individual, the " Master of the King's Outward Posts." The royal posts were used for the transmission of private letters. This practice is supposed to have originated in an * Blomefield's Norfolk. EOTAL POSTS. — THOMAS WITHEEINGS. 509 act of grace, and to have prevailed to a very considerable ex- tent, so as to attain almost the position of a right upon a certain payment being made. The expenses of the post- master being regularly paid as a part of the royal establish- ment, and the conveyance of other letters being optional, it is difficult to believe that no advantage could have accrued to that personage by the facilities he aiforded the mercantile community. Such, however, is said to have been the case so late as the year 1635. This has been accounted for as follows : perhaps the old payments, having been fixed at an earlier period, had not been adapted to the increasing prices of the times, and the scale of payments for conveying letters, &c., was not well adjusted ; or the deputies had taken too good care of them- selves. It could not have been intended to mean that the transmission of letters of private individuals was not paid for by them. The necessity for the transmission of a letter often existed ; and a special messenger would have been required to be sent, perhaps to a great distance, at a heavy cost. About the year 1635, the office of the Master of the King's Posts had come by descent from the patentee of James I., Lord Stanhope of Harrington, the King's Vice-Chamberlain, to Thomas Witherings ; and he had also succeeded in ob- taining the mastership of the " Outward Posts," i. e. for abroad. In a country which honours men of practical genius, why has this individual been so little known to fame ? The plans of Thomas Witherings were intended to place the postal communications upon something like the present footing, having — I. Fixed rates of postage. II. Horse posts, vke foot posts. III. And permission for the public generally to use the establishment. The posts cost the state 3400/. a year, instead of serving every one and producing a revenue besides.* In the reign of James I., there were four lines of posts * See the subsequent history of the Post Office, traced in the Report of the Secret Committee on the Post Office, 1844, and in the appendix of documents supplied by the Public Record and State Paper Office. 510 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. throughout the kingdom; viz., from London, I. To Ply- mouth. II. To Berwick. III. To Holyhead. IV. To Dover. From the proceedings carried on in the Court of Requests, which exercised so considerable and equitable a jurisdiction in the 16th and part of the 17th century — 9. Charles I., A. D. 1633, much of the preceding and subsequent informa- tion has been derived. All was connected with the squabble between the deputy postmaster, Thomas Parkes, and the packet posts, or postmasters on the western line of road.* A warrant under the Royal Privy Seal, dated 21st March, 8. James I., has this order, which the western people would think very prejudicial to them : — The stages of posts from London to Plymouth are not necessary, but only in time of war; and being then usually maintained, are to be dis- charged. This opinion being found to be erroneous, ten years after, another warrant held that " the requirements of the district necessitated the re-establishment of the said stages, for the necessary despatch of letters and packets." The Lords of the Treasury were directed to pay to Lord Stanhope, as Master of the Posts, the rates as set forth, viz., 23*. for the entire journey from London to Plymouth. In the early part of the year 1629, Feb. 24th, there were the following Packet Posts, or Post Masters, who sent on Packets between London and Plymouth, viz. : — Roger Pymble, - Packet Post at Charing Cross. James Wilkinson, „ Staines. Henry Davis „ Hartford Bridge. Anthony Spittle „ Basingstoke. John Tarrant „ Andover. Eichard Myles, „ Salisbury. Nicholas Compton, „ Shaftesbury. * John Bruce, Esq., P.A.S., brought these particulars to light and gave them to the world in the Gentleman's Magazine, July, 1853, p. 59., having previously illustrated the subject in Notes and Queries. The merit is wholly due to that gentleman, whose matter has been occa- sionally, but slightly, altered. My thanks are here offered to him. LIABILITIES OF POSTMASTERS. 511 John Smith, - Packet Post at Sherborne. Thomas Huchins, Kobert Searle Thomas Newman, Thomas Cruse, Abraham Jennings, Crewkerne. Honiton. Exeter. Ashburton. Plymouth. These postmasters were bound, 8th March, 6. Charles I., in 50?, each for the faithful performance of their engage- ments — a faithful and speedy conveyance of all letters that should be brought to them. Their horses were di- rected to be "able and sufficient, and well furnished of saddles, bridles, girts and stirropes, with good guides to looke to them ; who for their said horses shall demand and receive of such as shall ride on them, the prices accus- tomed." The postmaster was also to have ready "two bags of leather, at the least, well lined with bayes or cot- ton, to carry the packet in." He was also to have ready " homes to sound and blow so oft as the post meets com- pany, or four times in every mile." The " Posts " according to the phraseology of the day were of two distiact kinds : — * I. The " Thorough Post ; " when special messengers, or couriers themselves rode through the whole distance " with horn and guide." They were charged in 1603, 2id. a mile (raised in 1609 to three pence) for the hire of each horse, besides the "guide's groats." The hire was to be paid beforehand. II. The " Post for the Packet " was the second kind of post. Every postmaster was bound to keep horses ready ; and on receipt of a " packet," or parcel containing letters, he was to send it on towards the next stage, within a quarter of an hour after its arrival, entering the transaction in " a large and fair ledger paper book." The "Post for the Packet" was at first used for the * See Notes and Queries, Jan. 1. 1853, for an able article from John Bruce, Esq., who refers to the collection of Proclamations belonging to the Royal Society of Antiquaries. 512 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. carriage of despatches for the Government, or for ambas- sadors ; but a similar mode of conveyance soon began to be taken advantage of by corporations, merchants, and j^rivate persons. In 1621 the corporation of Lyme paid 5s. per week for the postage of letters to London : — Item, paid for sending letters weekly unto London, 5s. This was the last postal arrangement up to the establish- ment of the first post, or Running Post, between London, through Dorsetshire, Exeter, and Plymouth, in 1635. A person named Samuel Jude, perhaps considering that there was a good opening for him on the western line of road, and encouraged by many who thought he would per- haps serve them better than the regular postmasters, set up as Travelling Post. The former petitioned the Lords of the Council against Jude, for appropriating to himself the sole carriage of all the merchants' letters and dispatches between London and Plymouth, altogether excluding his Majesty's posts and likewise the carriage of packets on horseback in the nature of a post. These packet posts, or postmasters, set forth in an an- swer occasioned by their squabble that the Lords of the Council, upon consideration, found the proceedings of Jude to be very prejudicial to his Majesty's service, in disabling and discouraging of his Majesty's posts, by excluding them from the said employment ; and thereupon ordered that his Majesty's packet posts should carry the letters and dis- patches of all such merchants and others as should employ them, between London and Plymouth, without Jude's pull- ing down their bills in either place, or giving them any interruption in the said service. The Lord Mayor of London, and magistrates of Salisbury, Exeter, and Ply- mouth, and all other his Majesty's subjects, were required to govern themselves accordingly. At the first arranging about the posts, the merchants of the two extreme points of the line interfered, and procured POSTMASTERS TO FIND SECURITY. 513 from Mr. Secretary Cocke that security should be taken from the postmasters. Thomas Parkes, the deputy postmaster, on the 8th of March, 6 Charles I., entered into an agreement with the factors of London and Plymouth for stages between these two places, viz. ; that the said deputy postmaster should provide every one who came to him with letters with a horse and furniture to the next stage at the rate of 2^d. per mile, and 4c?. to the guide, called the guide's groat, for returning with the horse. Thomas Parkes asserts that Roger Pymble, the post- master for the packet at Charing Cross, one of the prin- cipal parties to the said agreement, agreed with him that he would send a guide horse for the service in question every Tuesday, for which Pymble was to receive 40Z. a year. Parkes was to get nothing for this, and yet Pymble often neglected to send the guide horse weekly. Parkes had given a bond for 1001. to Robert Barker, of Plymouth, for the due performance of his duties, which he asserts he had carefully observed ; and now Pymble, having taken offence at complainant, had combined with Barker to sue complainant on his bond for alleged neglect of duty. Parkes further adds, that he is injured to the amount of 40/. a year by the disorderly ridings of Pymble's servants. Process was speedily issued and an answer was made 29th January 9 Charles I., by Roger Pymble, Robert Bar- ker, and John Northcott. Pymble denies many of Parkes's statements, and asserts that Parkes had for nearly two years utterly refused and neglected to perform these orders and articles agreed upon ; and had taken the whole pay for carrying expresses, and had not been accountable for the same. This neglect had damnified the passengers in frustrating their journey and affairs, and prejudiced the postmasters, so that the penalty would not satisfy them. Pymble makes this statement, which we can now verify, that " The business, i. e. the post, is generally taken, and L L 514 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. known to be most useful, and a public good and benefit to Ms Majesty's loving subjects. In a general denial of Parkes's statements, it is alleged that he had (with a corrupt practice too much in keeping with the time) much abused and wronged the country iu locking up the postmaster's horses, and keeping them a day or night, and re-leasing them again for money, and not using them in any service at all, and abusing the passengers more than beseemeth. It wiU have been perceived by this quarrel, that good plans or schemes for national benefit cannot be fully carried out while general corruption exists, as in Russia now, and in England two centuries ago. Great improvements re- quire time for their development and full growth. Strange that a penny-post should have been suggested so early as the year 1656 ; and that too by a reformer named Hill. His publication is entitled, " A Penny-Post; or a Vindication of the Liberty and Birthright of every English- man in carrying Merchants' or other Men's Letters against any restraint of" farmers of such employments. By John HiU."* In 1679, the projectors for conveying letters to any part of the city or suburbs of London for a penny a letter, opened their offices at which they hung out tables to advertise people of the thing. The porters, not without good reason supposing there would be a great diminution of their em- ployment, took down and tore the tables wherever they met with them. Dr. Titas Gates said the letter carrying was a project of the Papists. This penny-post was postponed for twenty years. The blessing of constant intercourse by letter was not en- joyed to any great extent when few could write, and every letter had to be paid for in respect of its being " made " and " written " before it could be dispatched. Hence the importance of a postal communication was not fully ap- preciated. * Illustrated London News. BEIBEKY OF POSTBOYS. 515 The postboy, Robert Drew, employed by the post-master at Dorchester to convey letters to Weymouth in 1725, sometimes did not find it convenient to go that journey of seven miles till the next day, Friday, and then he did not blow his horn as was prescribed. Occasionally, when his convenience was interfered with, the postboy sent on the letters by some one going to Weymouth. A townsman, Thomas Pomeroy, having remonstrated with him for these things was violently thrust against his own house, and bruised by the public official ; who challenged him to fight as a troublesome complainant, who, if he had gone on, might have eventually come out as a postal reformer, anticipating more recent ones who have only had to contend with underlings through the medium of pen and ink.* So late as about the middle of last century, the London letters were forwarded from Lyme to Axminster upon a mule so remarkably obstinate that the beast that bore " news from all nations " was urged on with great difficulty. The animal daily struggled to continue in Broad Street where the post office was then situated. Now is the time to chronicle such things. Some years hence they may not be comprehended and surely would not be believed. Little is known about this early post. Besides the delay caused by bad roads, often perhaps falsely cited by postboys as an excuse, the bribery successfully practised towards the postboys is proved from sundry entries in the mayoralty of Robert Coade, 1669-70. s. d. Nov. 9. To money pd. the postboy for staying for letters - 6 Dec. 8. „ „ „ - 6 July 2. To money paid for letters to Capt. Alford, wherein was inclosed a certificate signed by Mr. Floyer and Mr. Ivy concerning the yearly disburse- ment of the Cobb and sea works, and gave the post for the lent of his hoese to ride att Char- mouth, and for staying till the letters were WRITTEN - - - 10 * Archives of Weymouth. LL 2 516 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. The magistrate, Mr. Floyer, lived at Berne, a mile beyond Charmouth, so the delay must have been considerable. The lent of the horse furnishes another instance of the abuse of a useful institution at a period of corruption. Let us now turn to the expense and inconvenience of sending letters before there was a post. Does not the following entry of the year 1549 suggest much to every reflecting mind ? Can we refrain from con- trasting our advantages of cheap communication with the costly intercourse of really remote London in Tudor reigns? Lyme, 1549. Item, delivered unto WiUiam Dene to ryd to London, 26s. 8rf. A letter at the cost of one penny put into the post-office at four in the afternoon is delivered in London at nine the following morning. No fear is expressed of highwaymen, loss of the letter and the life of its bearer. An answer comes, perhaps, at an interval of a few hours. The business is transacted, perhaps, in the most complete manner, but the attendant excitement of ancient days is no more. Just consider another entry : — 1551. Bread and ale in the Hall when John Stowell came from Lon- don, 2d. Fancy the worthy mayor and his brethren hastening to the Town Hall to receive the messenger and his letter. This might be paralleled now-a-day. The messenger has news of aU kinds to relate to the assembled worthies, who can gain late intelligence from no other quarter. They hang upon the mouth of the narrator, and when they at length disperse, their families and the whole town have re- tailed out with a thousand comments what appears to be astounding intelligence. The tenants of some manors were to carry letters when required. Some of the tenants of the manor of Castle Combe, in the COST OF CAEEYING LETTERS. 517 14tli century, were to carry letters whenever required, so that they could return within the day.* The Western rebels in the commotion time, in the reign of Edward VI., had among other demands for the effecting their reform one that no person who had not more than 100/. a-year should keep two servant men. Cranmer answered at length the curious items of that early call for a change. He showed how unreasonable the demand was, as in case of one servant being sent to London, the master would have no one to wait upon him till the other's return. In the year 1558 we find in the Town Accompt Book : — s. d. Horse hire to Hinton to certify Mr. Poulett of the muster 6 [The distance is about 18 miles.] Town clerk riding to Mr. Gibbs the steward at South Petherton - - - - - -20 [About 21 miles. This in the reign of Elizabeth.] John Jurden, the mayor, enters in 1577. Item, for WiUiam Goldsmith's charge in riding to my Lord Marquis of Winchester, Lord Lieutenant of Dorset, concerning Thomas Wood's servant begotten with child 6 [N. B. Thomas Wood's man was sent to Dorchester.] Mr. Roger Keate, who frequently went to town on the business of the Weymouth Corporation charged for money paid to Hendy for the bringing up a letter from Mr. Mayor, virf. Item, to the carriers to bring down letters at divers times, xviijrf. s. d. To Stret for the carriage of a letter to the Council - 13 4 Sending the Commissioners' letter to Poole - - 4 The bearers of letters did sometimes grievously disappoint their employers, e. g, George Bagge was paid 20s. to convey letters to London, the which letters he carried to Wilton and no further, for the which 20s. he is to give accompt for.t * History of Castle Combe, by J. P. Scrope, Esq., M.P. t Sherren Papers. LL 3 518 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. Extracts from the Archives of Lyme Regis. 1620. Paid Bottle for a letter from Lyme to Crewkerne s. d. (14 miles) - - - 1 T. Brown for going after him with another letter 1 8 1621. G-ardener for going with a letter to Salisbury to the registrar - - - - - 6 8 Communication by letter was so expensive that little arrangements tending to lessen the charge were often had recourse to by our frugal townsmen : — Item, paid, 1622-3, unto Mr. Geare [the vicar] for carrying a letter to Sir Francis Ashley, for which a messenger must else have been sent of purpose, to certify the Lord Keeper the cause of committing James Smith to Dorchester gaol, 20s. s. d. 1625. To a messenger from Exeter (28 miles) that came from the governor with a letter - - 1 To a messenger from Colyton (7 miles) with a letter sent by Mr. Tonge - - - 6 To a messenger that brought a letter for a stay of shipping [«. e. an embargo] - - - 6 To a messenger sent to Bridport (8 miles) for a copy of the letter to proclaim King Charles - 8 Partridge, for carriage of a letter to Sir Richard Strode - - - - - 1 [A relative of the Yonge family of Colyton.] To a messenger sent hither by Mr. Yonge - 6 1630. Given to Mr. Napper's man for bringing a letter from the Earl of Suffolk, the Lord Lieutenant of Dorset concerning the peace with Spain * -26 Great men frequently fixed in their letters the sum which the bearer of their letter or messenger was to receive. A poursuivant that brought a proclamation into the west, gene- rally received by consent, as it is expressed, 2s. 6d. I can find nothing of merchants riding or sending their * All -these from the Town Accompt Book of Lyme. POSTAL AEEANGEMENTS IN FRANCE. 519 own horses ; but I cannot venture to assert that they kept none for their use or that of their messengers. A few charges made by the letters-out of horses in West Dorset are here inserted, as being of great interest and ap- propriate to the subject. Horses were hired to expedite the delivery of a letter. In 1584, a horse from Lyme to London and back, kept there six weeks, 288 miles, besides being rode to Wind- sor occasionally (1| per mile) - - - 13 4 Hire of a horse to Windsor from London when the hired horse from Lyme was lame - - - - 2 6 In 1619, a horse from Lyme to London and back was charged - - - - - -100 From Lyme to Dorchester (24 miles) - - - 4 " Beaminster (14 miles) - - - 3 6 A horse by the day *- - - - -20 N.B. — ^Persons at Southampton who let out horses in 1577, were not allowed to take for a journey of eight days or under, to London or Bristol, above 6s. 8d., and for every day after lOdf The state of the post in France in 1816 resembled ours of former years. At Valognes a carrier left twice a week for Cherbourg. Officers watched the carrier's house. Nume- rous persons who had letters for that worthy skulked about to avoid being fined for sending letters by such a channel, and so defrauding the revenue. In the end, letters were smuggled in numbers. Parties travelling by coach from the country to London used to carry a number of letters for the twopenny-post box. To deposit them therein was one of the first duties upon arriving in the metropolis. It is a trite observation that whatever occurs regularly and without interruption ceases in course of time to excite our surprise, indeed often even appears commonplace and falls short of admiration. Such was the case with that surprising * Archives of Lyme. f Archjeol. Journal, vol. iii. p. 232. 520 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. engine of power the newspaper, which form small be- ginnings, and producing only small effects, went on to what we now know it, though aU its workings are too vast to be measured. The " Weekly Newes " published in London was the first newspaper. There was a quarto pamphlet of a few leaves entitled " The Diurnal Occurrences or Daily Proceedings of both Houses in this great and happy Parliament, from 3rd Nov. 1640, &c." Heading of an Early Newspaper. The writers of news-letters formed a numerous class. They sent accounts of remarkable transactions. Some newspapers had blank spaces for the additional matter which the pur- chaser might choose to insert with his own pen. Advertising began in earnest with the Restoration. Quack doctors were the first who had recourse to this mode of giving publicity to their panaceas and specifics. The first advertisement in a newspaper was in 1652. It was for a book in praise of Cromwell. EAELT NEWSPAPERS. 521 The '' Daily Courant " was the first marvel of its kind a newspaper issued daily, which came out in the year 1702. The provincial towns, Salisbury and Sherborne, the former in 1738, had the distinguished honour of possessing a news- paper establishment. Each distributed their impressions by newsmen whose coming was hailed in town and country- houses. Before the paper had been set up rumour only brought news ; now a week elapsed, and each country family was in communication with the world at large. No one need wonder that when deep snow lay or floods were out, the delay of the newsmen created great disappointment. In some parts of Cornwall, the newsman having been seen to approach, parties took that moment for going to the rich man's house who had the paper read out for the benefit of all. Nothing could have been a greater treat. The news- mongers sat in the hall, for no other room would have held them, and servants made ^ttens, i. e. excuses for coming in at the time. When Glasgow was a fortnight from London the firing of a gun announced the coming in of the post. The members of the Clubs who heard it tumbled out of bed and rushed down to the club room, where a tankard of hot herb ale, or a beverage which was a mixture of rum and sugar, was ready for them before breakfast.* Early newspapers gave a list of the couples married during the week. This was not a dry announcement of names, but was enlivened by much highly interesting matter. For example, take a batch of marriages in 1730 : — Mr. Baskett to. Miss Pell, with 5000?. Mr. Davis to Mrs. Wylde, with 400Z. per annum. The Lord Bishop of St. Asaph to Miss Orell, with 3O,O0OZ. J. Whitcombe, Esq., to Miss Allen, with 40,000Z. Mr. Will Hurfer to Miss Sally Mitchiner, with 3000?. f Let us take at a venture " The Salisbury Journal," Monday, Jan. 29. 1738-9. No. 53. If just, we must own * Dr. Strange, t Notes and Queries : R, W. Hackwood. 522 SOCIAL HISTOET OP THE SOUTHEEN COUNTIES. that the matrimonial annals, as now recorded, yield the palm of interest to the entries of such matters in early provincial papers. It is something to hear about the person of the bride, her figure, and her fortune. " Married, at St. George's, Hanover Square, Ayres, of the county of Northampton, Esq., to Miss Ann Sampson, only daugh- ter of John Sampson, of the county of Leicester, Esq., a young lady of 10,000Z. fortune.— The Henry Murray, Esq., a young gentleman possessed of a plentiful estate in the county of Wilts, at St. George's, Bloomsbury, to Mrs. Wicks, relict of Simon Wicks, Esq., a fortune of 12,000Z. and 400?. per annum. — Lieu- tenant Cotton Dent, of the Eoyal Navy, son of Digby Dent, Esq., late Commodore in the West Indies, to Miss Kitty Bowerbank, daughter of Thomas Bowerbank, Esq., barrack -master of Ports- mouth, a lady of merit and fortune. — Villiers Fitz-Gerald, Esq., to Miss Newcomen, eldest daughter to Col. Newcomen, in teland, a most agreeable young lady, with a large fortune." "When upon the subject of marriage we may mention a feature of the time which is often alluded to, as the Fleet marriages. At Keiths Chapel in May Fair, and at the chapel in the Fleet, children could get married in the reign of the two first Georges for a couple of crowns at any time of the day or night. Six thousand persons were said at the time to have been married annually at the former chapel. Witchcraft and Superstitions Past and Present. To record the wonderful delusion that all classes laboured under for centuries with respect to witchcraft, and a small part of the follies and atrocities that resulted, would require a volume. Let it be premised that the firm belief in this subject was by no means the opprobrium of the lower classes WITCHCKArT AND SUPERSTITION. 523 of society. High and low for a long period equally figure in the path of this superstitution. It was believed, and that universally, that a malevolent spirit took possession of some human being; and through this agent worked out cruel, wicked, and devilish purposes. Oddly enough, this bad spirit chose for his abode a female advanced in years, and by choice one upon whom age had exerted its greatest power. King James I. gravely questioned Sir John Harrington, why the devil did work more with ancient women than others. Sir John, ever ready with a jest, said : " We are taught thereof in scripture, where it is told that the devil walketh in dry places." The ill effects were produced through the agency of the eyes. The old and ugly female was believed to have the power of destroying health, causing dreadful and incurable disease, inducing misfortune in the most uncommon way, and quite blighting the most flourishing crops, by a glance of her evil eye. It may be asked whether the aged female was a consenting party, or a simply passive object, without help or means of rescue. The answer clearly is, that the woman was consi- dered to be a willing, wicked partner in the diabolical acts, and in no sense the pitiful victim of stern necessity and spiritual Superiority. Municipal archives three centuries ago exhibit the work- ing of the fears of the burgesses. The juries took up the investigation, and, we shall see, admitted a merchant's widow, the party interested, to give evidence as to the witch that had dealt harm to her : e. g. in 1569, an entry was made at Lyme — Item, we do find that Johane EUesdon, widow, upon her othe, hatha declared before us that Ellen Walker is a wytche, and that she will approve, and also that James Lugbase, uppon his othe hathe declared before us, that the said Ellen Walker did saie unto the saide Johane Elsdon, that she could witche her no more. 524 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. meaning that she had exerted all her power against her. Some old persons finding themselves to be incessantly per- secuted raged against the members of society at large, and adopted the odious name assigned them, and no doubt, though with danger to themselves, inspired fear in those who were objects of especial hate. Where did the mania against witches begin? Among the ignorant and low in station ? The question may not be important, as nearly all were ignorant. The language of Bishop Jewell's sermon before Queen Elizabeth, in 15^^, was enough to throw a whole country into confusion': — " It may please your grace to understand that witches and sorcerers, within the last four years, are marvellously in- creased within this yoiu* Grace's realm. Your Grace's sub- jects pine away even unto the death ; their colour fadeth — their flesh rotteth — their speech is benumbed — their senses are bereft ! I pray God they may never practise further than upon the subject!" For a woman to be old and ugly was, diuing many reigns, to live in positive danger. Any one might expose her life to imminent peril upon the idlest imputation. We know what numbers perished at the gallows up to 1682, when three poor women from Bideford were sentenced to death at Exeter assize for " bewitching several persons, destroying ships at sea, and cattle by land." These women are said to have been the last that suffered. Whenever any remarkable disaster befel a member of a family, no difficulty was generally felt in ascribing it to some old person. Epilepsy was universally treated as pro- ceeding from witchcraft. Neighbouring gossips assembled ; they pitied the patient, and railed at the wicked author of so much suffering. The patient heard what passed, and adopted ail the charges and suggestions of the assembled gossips. A real case of suspicion of witchcraft here given will pre- sent an ordinary type of the class, and serve to convey a clear understanding of the sort of proceedings by which such numbers perished. EPILEPSY ATTRIBUTED TO SORCERY. 525 Deanes, the wife of Mictael Grimmerton, was sent to gaol in 1687 to be tried as a witch. Richard Storch gave evidence that his son, Nathaniel Storch, was eighteen years of age. When in a (clearly epileptic) fit that lasted two hours, during which time he required six persons to hold him, the son declared he saw the apparition of Deanes Grimmerton, and he had fits every day for a week after, and during the fits he saw the appari- tion of the before-mentioned. Several persons struck at the place where the afflicted lad pointed without effect. Na- thaniel said " she was too cunning for them " and desired them not to strike at it any more, for when they did so it did increase his torture. Pins. — After several of the fits there have been several pins taken out of different parts of his body, and one iron nail. He declared partly what clothes Deanes Grimmerton wore, although sometime she changed some garment. The father finally attested that he verily thought his son was the worse for the said Deanes Grimmerton, he crying out so against her. Pins taken out of the body. — Elizabeth Storch, the mother, gave her evidence at length to the same effect. She added that the pins were of brass, and were taken out of various parts of her son's body without drawing any blood after them. How the witch acted. — Nathaniel Storch crowns the evi- dence with an account of how he was practised upon. Being at work as a tailor, 9th April, in the house of a townswoman, Deanes Grimmerton came in about one o'clock with a pipe filled with tobacco in her hand, and having lighted the same handed it to the witness, who having smoked a part handed it to another, and so the pipe went round till it was smoked out. He was ill immediately after, and so had con- tinued. How thetoitch was dressed. — He had seen the apparition of Deanes Grimmerton last night upon the middle beam of the chamber window, clothed with a long crowned hat, a long 526 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHEEN COUNTIES. red whittle, a red coat, a green apron, and a white cloak about her neck under her whittle, and afterwards go out at the upper part of the window. Imprisonment takes from, the power of the witch. — Nathaniel believed Deanes Grimmerton is the cause of his fits. Since her imprisonment his fits and pain have abated. Mary Tillman deposed to having a daughter about eigh- teen years of age. She had been subject to fits, in which eight men could hardly hold her, for three years. Brass pins extracted. — About a year after her illness began several brass pins were taken from her daughter's shoulders, breast, arms, knees, legs, and feet. fallen the witch appears the pains are increased. — At this time her daughter saw the apparition of Deanes Grimmerton, and then was in greater pains than before. About fourteen weeks before her daughter's death she met Deanes Grimmerton, who abused her in words, saying, " Now thou hast no fits ; now art not bewitched." Imme- diately after, the young woman fell into a pining condition, and so continued until her death. During the said fourteen weeks she was frequently molested by the apparition of the said Deanes Grimmerton. Burning the pins taken from the body. — At a certain time when the pins were put into a heap of coals to be burned, the young woman was more in torture and pain than before. The bewitched is fastened to a stool. — After a fit of three hours her daughter being desired to rise from the stool to go to bed, she answered that she could not, for Deanes Grim- merton kept her down. Two women went to move her from the stool but could not till they had puUed Elizabeth and the stool all along the house. The witch lies upon the afflicted girl. — Tuesday night be- fore Elizabeth's death a neighbour came to see her, when she complained that she could not presently make an answer, and said afterwards the reason was that Deanes Grimmerton was upon her on the bed. WITCH-FINDEES. — PIN-VOMITING. 527 Upon which matters Mary Tillman had suspicion that Deanes Grimmerton was the cause of her daughter's death. This evidence doomed Deanes Grimmerton to trial by a mittimus from Mr. Standerwick, Mayor of Lyme Regis, June 1st, 1687. We find no mention of recourse being had to test whether the accused was a witch or not. The church Bible was not used as a counterpoise, nor was Deanes Grimmerton, who smoked the social pipe, thrown into deep water to prove her innocence or guilt. The kind of evidence adduced was deemed sufficient. Where there was a doubt, the witch finder, or witch prover's services, would have been called in if procurable. These professionals went round in some parts, and dreadful is it to contemplate the horrors that ensued after the visits to towns of the arch witch finder. The authorities countenanced these impostors. The bell- man sometimes went round to announce the arrival of the witch-finder. It is almost incredible that the same bellman gave out that any one having a complaint against any woman as being a witch, should give in her name, and she should be brought to undergo the ordeal by having a pin run into her by this itinerant. One is led to exclaim, what a time for aged matrons ! Without proofs of guilt to be led at once to torture ! In this case the young persons in their fits had pins and a nail taken from them without any blood following, as the evidence shows. There is no pin-vomiting in this instance such as was sometimes exhibited. Pins were in some way or another deemed a necessary accompaniment to a case of bewitchment. The parents, gossips, or patient, took care that what they believed to be a clear case should not break down for want of a due display of pins, which we see were by some parties burnt, according, no doubt, to prescribed mystic rites. We might laugh at such scenes were it not that a human life often depended upon the result. At last the exhibition of the pins took place in open court. A woman said "to be bewitched had placed pins in her stomacher, and by a dexterous dropping of her head in her pretended fits. 528 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. picked up the supply for each successive ejection. Chief Justice North threw into disrepute this exhibition, which he witnessed, and detected the fraud. Let us turn from the time when all believed in the exist- ence and malevolent acts of witches to that in which the punishment of death being no longer imposed, and it being futile to bring charges against any one, the age when people believed in witchcraft was supposed to be past. True it is that the upper and middle classes have shaken off this belief in a heathenish superstition ; but in every county of the south of England the power of witches is acknowledged, and the belief influences too largely human actions, stands in the way of the real progress of knowledge, while the dictates of Christianity are rendered nugatory as to being an absolute guide and rule of conduct. A brief narrative of a tale of witchcraft, in the year 1840, drawn from the author's own observation, will illus- trate the current of present opinion. WiUiam Way, a little boy, the son of a shoemaker of West Dorset, was, like Nathaniel Storch, attacked with epilepsy, which medical men could only alleviate, for cure was not in their power. The boy's fits were frequent, and painful to the beholders, as all such epileptic paroxysms are. Spectators were many. From the first, when the aihnent was too stubborn for doctors, and the contortions of a long fit were hideous, all agreed that the boy had been overlooked, or looked upon, that is, bewitched. The poor boy heard nothing from the assembled relatives and gossips but about his special enemy, a tall aged female; good Betty Trayte, whose advanced age had implanted a sternness upon her countenance which had caused some to judge her to be a witch. In his fits he screamed out and exclaimed against poor old Betty Trayte, just as Storch did against Deanes Grimmerton. Gossips in numbers looked in and bore away incorrect and wonderful accounts of what they saw and heard. Some Dissenting ministers were ap- plied to in order to counteract by prayer the effects of the bewitchment. A collection was made from thirty young ■WITCHCRAFT. — DEANES GKIMMERTON. 529 womeiij virgins, of a penny each. With the money a con- spicuous silver ring was purchased, having, it was believed, the power of averting all harm that the witch had or might meditate against the lad, especially if made from the sacra- ment money. A mother, about the same time, stood at the west door of Exeter cathedral to beg pence from young women for the same object. The "virgins'" ring and other charms were judged to have had a good effect. After a time the fits ceased, and the boy grew to be a stout lad, and hired himself to clean boots and shoes. Being one morning absent from his duties, it was announced that he had been afflicted with a dreadful fit, which would incapacitate him for his situation ; that he was the worse for some evil person ; that it was too bad of her ; that she ought to be made to suffer, for the poor boy had done Jier no harm. Some wonderful, indeed quite impossible feats performed by the boy in his fits, were re- ported ; how he worked himself like an eel through the bars of his common chair, and what he said against his tormenter. It was deliberately recommended that the lad's sufferings should be put an end to by drawing blood from the witch by means of a rusty nail. This had been done in nume- rous instances of late years, with punishment to the operators. The old woman in question applied to the authorities for protection. She needed it ; great numbers, though they meddled not in the matter, fully believed that the old woman was a witch, and that drawing blood from her would take away her power of doing mischief. One century and a half had worked a change. Deanes Grimmerton was no more guilty than Betty Trayte. When the former lay under an imputation, all the classes of the country town, her place of residence, firmly believed in witchcraft: in 1840 the upper and middle classes, with only a few exceptions, were too enlightened to entertain any such superstition. Betty Trayte had the protection of the law administered as it is by those who disbelieve the existence of witches, who gave her their countenance. M M 530 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. Other incidents — the nature of the disease, the sufferings, the inability to cure on the part of the medical prac- titioners, the calling out when in pain against the mali- cious woman who had caused his agony, and other matters — furnish a complete parallel. Many, though they were exasperated against the witch, did not like to own their belief in any such matter, but talked with reserve. Like many who nail up an old shoe in our vessels and houses, though not liking to own their belief, yet consider it would be a pity to receive harm from neglecting so easy a precaution. A piece of bacon stuck with pins used to be suspended in chimneys to interrupt witches in their descent, and so avert their visit. Toads that gained access to a cellar or house were ejected, and with the greatest care ; and no injury was offered, because these were regarded, from being used &a familiars by witches, with veneration or awe. In both cases a cunning man, conjuror, or white witch, had probably been often consulted. By this we mean a clever, wonderful, beneficent being, who for a money con- sideration interposes, and by magical arts, charms, and spells, averts the evil eye of the witch from human beings or cattle, and renders innocuous the devilish art and practice of wicked old crones. A famous practitioner lived at West Leigh, CO. Devon, near Wellington, who was succeeded by his son. Persons came from three counties to consult this white witch. They paid for consultation, charms, medicine, and directions how to find out the stealers of property. Prayers repeated backwards, and particular verses of the Psalms, to be recited upon swallowing certain nostrums, connected religion with superstition, and that for mammon : being more imposing, the charge was higher. Some of these fortune-tellers and dealers in nostrums, who point out how the witch's designs may be frustrated, are very low in the scale, are prodigiously crafty, and full of bombastic tricking language. Still they drive their trade ; and while they do so we have proofs that there yet exists a lai-ge amount of ignorance and superstition. SUPERSTITION. — HAUNTED HOUSES. 531 It is believed that a seventh son can cure diseases, but that a seventh son of a seventh son, and no female child born be- tween, can cure the king's evil. Such a favoured individual is really looked on with veneration. When at a farmhouse in Axminster parish, in 1828, engaged in taking a view, though other children were made to stand off, one little urchin was allowed to lay hold of my pencils, &c. I saw that there was something particular in this child, and addressed his mother as follows : — " This little man appears to be a favourite; I presume he is your little Benjamin." "He's a seventh son, sir," said the mother. AiFecting an air of surprise, I expressed myself at the instant as being one very anxious to know what a seventh son could do ? The mother, a very civil woman, told me that " she did think, to cure all diseases, should be the seventh son of a seventh son; but many folk do come to touch my son." In April, 1826, a respectable looking woman was engaged in collect- ing a penny from each of thirty young women, unmarried ; the money to be laid out in purchasing a silver ring, to cure her son of epileptic fits. The money was to be freely given, without any consideration, or else the charm would have been destroyed. The young women gave their pence, be- cause it would have been a pity for the lad to continue afflicted if the charm would cure him. Some houses are spoken of as being " troublesome " or " haunted." Noises — the crowing of the cock by night, and the death-watch — are fancied to have been heard before the death of any person. Thus writes Dr. Oliver : — " Such and so various are the superstitions with which a short and precarious life is embittered ; and by such empty practices do timid mortals amuse and terrify themselves. They serve, however, to remind us of the imperfection of our nature, unable, by its own unassisted exertions, to disentangle itself from the grovelling weaknesses of matter, to avert the evils of a probationary state, or to govern or control effectually the passions and affections of the mind." Was not the ancient chronicler, Higden, premature in M M 2 532 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. his assertions respecting a change in superstitious practices when he thus sings in his " Polychronicon " ? — " Hos consuevit fallere Et ad bella impingere Merlini vaticinium, Et frequens sortilegium ; Jam ex convictu Saxonum Commutantur in melius Ut patet luce clarius." The discovery of a thief by divination by the sieve and shears, a superstition once greatly practised, is recorded in Dorset in 1660. One Cockeney lost a gold ring. Edward HiU caused a sieve to turn round three times upon naming the party that was suspected to have the ring, and made use of a pair of shears in his discovery. Mr. Thomas Hearn adds these remarks : — " This is one of the most ancient modes of divination of which we have any record. It was practised among the early Greeks, and is mentioned by Theocritus, whose words, as translated by Creech, are : — " To Agrio, too, I made the same demand ; A cunning woman she, I crossed her hand : She turned the sieve and shears, and told me true. That I should love and not be loved by you." But it was resorted to by that people, not only in ques- tions of love, but for similar purposes to that which Master Cockeney had in view. Potter, Antiq. Grsec, vol. i. p. 352., says, " This Koskinomanteia was generally practised to dis- cover thieves, or others suspected of any crime, in this man- ner: — they tied a thread to the sieve, by which it was upheld, or else placed a pair of shears, which they held up by two fingers, then prayed to the gods to direct and assist them ; after that, they repeated the names of the persons under suspicion, and he at whose name the sieve whirled round, or moved, was thought to have committed the fact." HOW TO DISCOVER A THIEF, 533 The practice in this county was very similar. Grose tells us, that to discover a thief by the sieve and shears, you must stick the points of the shears in the wood of the sieve, and let two persons support it balanced upright with their two fingers ; then read a certain chapter in the Bible, and afterwards ask St. Peter and St. Paul if A. or B. is the thief, naming aU the persons you suspect. On naming the real thief, the sieve wiU turn suddenly round about. This superstition is mentioned in several old works treat- ing on such subjects ; and Hudibras, p. ii. c. iii., speaks of " the oracle of sieve and shears, That turns as certain as the spheres." * The Ordeal by touching a Corpse. A LOVE affair, with its attendant murder and incidents arising from the same, may be used to introduce some pecu- liarities of the era. In the year 1613, there lived in the country, on the southern border of Somerset, near Wambrook, a Master Babb, who advanced his suit to marry a widow near Taunton. She gave him a refusal; but he afterwards secreted himself in her brewhouse, in order to have an op- portunity of again preferring his suit. The widow, when she heard his offer, exclaimed, in the emphatic language of the time, " Have thee, base rascal ? No !" and struck him on the head with a pewter candlestick. Babb killed her with sixteen wounds, and put the knife in a wound, and in her hand, to make it be believed it was a case of self-destruction. Mr. Warre, an influential magistrate of Hestercombe House, a seat near Taunton, believed the common opinion of * Mr. T. Hearn, " Qui Quondam." MM 3 534 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHEEN COUNTIES. the time, that if the murderer touched the corpse of his victim the blood would umnediately flow from the wound, and dis- cover the guilty. This active magistrate caused the body to be disinterred, that all the inhabitants living within a circle of three miles might assemble to touch the body, and go through this painful ordeal. Babb ran away to escape this dreadful mode of testing each neighbouring inhabitant's in- nocence. His racking conscience left him no repose : he re- turned and yielded himself up to justice. The Assizes for Somerset were held at Chard in 1613, where Babb was tried, and received sentence. He was hanged near Wambrook. Sir Symonds D'Ewes went to see the execution from his school, or from Coaxden Hall, which is at a short distance only from the former place. To that noted writer we are indebted for this account of the episode before narrated. Skimmington Riding. This celebration, public visitation, saturnalia, punishment administered under the powerful form of ridicule in the midst of a civilisation directed by law, yet entirely lawless, in fact a kind of Lynching, — stiU holds its ground, and so far as my observation extends is not likely to become obsolete. It is too marked a feature in an account of the customs of several counties to be omitted. The following epitome of the Skimmington is from a conununication I made to the late Sir Walter Scott.* Brand says none of the commenta- tors on " Hudibras " have attempted an elucidation of the ceremony, which, however, Hogarth has illustrated. Skimmington riding is, to a certain extent, a moral agent, not perhaps so much in restraining the vicious as in causing them to shun public observation, thereby not holding out bad examples to the rising youth of both sexes ; — in a word, it * In 1828. It has since appeared in my History of Lyme Regis. SKIMMINGTON EIDIKG. 535 checks those instances of openly profligate and licentious conduct which might else become too prevalent among the lower orders, who cannot, like their superiors, have recourse to legal proceedings against the person who has injured them, or divorce ; it brands with infamy all gross instances of licentiousness ; and exposes to lasting ridicule those couples who by their dissensions disturb the quiet and order of their neighbourhood, and so set a bad example, either by struggles for domestic ascendancy, or arising from quarrelsome dispo- sitions. A Skimmington riding makes many laugh ; but the parties for whom they ride never lose the ridicule and dis- grace which it attaches. So far it is a punishment, like the visit of Mumbo Jumbo in Africa. The following are the principal causes for riding the Skimmington : — 1. When a man and his wife quarrel, and he gives up to her. 2. When a woman is unfaithful to her husband, and he patiently submits without resenting her conduct. 3. Any grossly licentious conduct on the part of married persons. The first cause appears to answer that recorded in " Hudi- bras," canto ii. line 685. The knight, having mistaken a Skimmington for some other procession, is undeceived as follows : — " Quoth Ealpho, " You mistake the matter ; For all th' antiquity you smatter Is but a riding used of course, When the grey mare's the better horse. When o'er the breeches greedy women ' Fight to extend their vast dominion, And in the cause impatient Grizzle Has drubbed her husband with And brought him under covert-baron To turn her vassal with a murrain ; * * # •* # # * * And they, in mortal battle vanquished, Are of their charter disenfranchised.' " About dusk two individuals, one armed with a skimmer, the other with a ladle, come out of some obscure street, at- M M 4 536 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES, tended by a crowd, whose laughter, huzzas, &c., emulate the well-known charivari of the French. The two performers are sometimes in a cart, at other times on a donkey ; one personating the wife, the other the husband. They beat each other furiously with the culinary weapons above de- scribed, and, warmed by the applause and presence of so many spectators (for all turn out to see a SMmmington), their dialogue attains a freedom, except in using surnames, only comparable with their gestures. On arriving at the house of the parties represented in this moving drama, ani- mation is at its height : the crowd usually stay at that spot some minutes, and then traverse the town. The performers are remunerated by the spectators : the parties that parade the streets with the performers sweep with besoms the doors of those who are likely to require a similar visitation. See Dr. King's " Miscellany " : — " When the young people ride the Skimmington, There is a general trembling in the town ; Not only he for whom the party rides Suffers, but they sweep other doors besides ; And by that hieroglyphic does appear That the good woman is the master there.'' Mr. Douce derives Skimmington from the skimming-ladle used in the procession. The following letter from Sir Walter Scott will prove, I doubt not, highly interesting : — To Mr. George Roberts. " SiK, — I am obliged by your curious letter upon the subject of the Skimmington. We had, or perhaps I might say still have, a simular ritual of popular interference in Scotland, in case of gross scandal, or nuptial transgressions and public quarrels in a household. It is called " riding the stang," the peccant party being seated across a pole (or stang) in no very comfortable position. You will find some notice of the custom in Jamieson's Scottish Dictionary, voce Stang. I think the Doctor does not mention that men and women also were sometimes exposed to ACCOUNT OF " 8KIMMINGTON." 537 ride the stang on account of incontinence. Burns made some clever verses (not in his collected works) on a comrade of his who had been accessory to such a saturnalian scene of punishment, in which the exposed female had suffered bodily injury, upon which account the regular police had looked out after the parties who had interfered with their vocation. I have ] read in Brand's " Popular Antiquities," or some such authority, that scholars in the English universities were subjected to the stang when they neglect prayers. You will find a poem on the Skimmington among Prior's poems — not the folio edition, where it is omitted, but in the large collection. When they ride the Skimmington, it would seem they swept the doors of those whom they threat- ened with similar discipline. * » * * " I am. Sir, your much obliged servant, " Walter Scott. " Abbotsford, Melrose, August 2nd, 1828." As must happen in all popular demonstrations, the truth of the charge rests with some irresponsible party — some one who Is to perform in the moving revelry it may be, or an in- terested person. In many celebrations of Skimmington riding I never knew the justice of the affair called in question but once : a charge of immorality had been brought by a degraded witness whose false testimony occasioned the Skimmington. To prove how this matter clings to a man or woman for life, we wiU adduce an episode at a late Dorchester assize, where a barrister addressed a witness with " I believe you have had a Skimmington for you ? " The fact could not be denied. The witness was abashed and damaged by the ridicule of the circumstance. Natural Phenomena attributed, through Superstition and Igno- rance of Physical Science, to Mysterious and Supernatural Causes. OuK ancestors, before the diffusion of that mass of scien- tific knowledge which the greatest and wisest of all en- 538 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. lightened nations are labouring to accumulate, never dreamt of attributing great phenomena to natural causes ; to account for them upon true reasoning of the physical causes was out of their power. They had recourse to the mighty, unex- plained, invisible, latent workings of the Almighty, and would have shrunk from, as impious, the expounder of those beauteous laws which are established throughout creation. When the belief had firmly rooted itself that the affairs of mankind, whether troubled or smooth, the deliberate wicked- ness of courts, and the flagrant crimes of the turbulent, were aU foreshadowed and portended by extraordinary appear- ances of earth, sea, and heaven, it follows that we must expect men to be intensely interested at the manifestation of all these, and at the reports of them. In the absence of mysterious phenomena, hmnble politicians and venders of broad sheets forged rumours of them, and Scripture was wrested to serve the purpose of the mystics. Earthquakes, to a reader of history, appear to have been very frequent. England would scarcely win its title to be terra firma if we received as literal the statements of " con- vulsions" and "swallowings up," of "hills removed," and such disturbances. Dean Conybeare writes that there has not been a shock of an earthquake in this country sufficient to throw down a church tower. The lower orders in the country have not yet received their share, some no part, of the generally diffused natural sciences. They, as well as the classes immediately above them, as too often happens, are disposed to attribute many phenomena to the agency of earthquakes. The great landslip of Dowlands and Bindon, S. E. Devon, Dec. 25th, 1839, took place after a wet season. Great slips were caused on the Jura, and other places. Such had re- sulted from well known causes in the same locality. Deans Buckland and Conybeare happened to be near at the time. Their explanations were without much effect upon the as- sembled wonderers. Their science was ridiculed; local history was treated as a fable. About the year 1646, a similar event at Pinney, near that spot, drew good Bishop NATURAL PHENOMENA. 539 Hall, who went to the synod of Dort from Exeter, whose meditations upon the earthquake savour of his age. Men of education, if they feel that much and accurate knowledge of a particular branch of natural science is required on any particular occasion, have recourse to those who have made such their study. This could not be done in Charles the First's reign. Eclipses continued to be viewed with awe to within a century and half ago. Sunday, 25th Feb., 1589, was called Dark Sunday before Shrove tide, owing to the eclipse on that sabbath day, " fearful to all people's sight to behold." The appearance of a parhelion was deemed sufficiently won- derful to be entered in parish registers. In a storm which Sir Symonds D'Ewes calls the " great tempest" of 17th of June, 1611, the poor of Wambrook, near Chard, came to the school where he was to beg the scholars to come home and read prayers to them. An ancient man said there was a prophesy touching this tempest before it came, as if the world should then have ended. The Rev. Andrew Paschall, inducted, in 1662, rector of Chedzoy in Sedgemoor, near Bridgewater, was accounted a learned man of his day. He possessed a turn of mind cha- racteristic of the period. His attention was directed to those curious and rare phenomena which were supposed to augur and foreshadow portentous occurrences. Before the Duke of Monmouth's rebellion he wrote to a great person to represent to the king his apprehensions arising from what he had lately observed, and to entreat the king to cast an eye that way. The phenomena which disturbed the worthy rector shall be described in his own language : — - " Before our troubles came on, we had such signs as used to be deemed forerunners of such things. In May, 1680, there was that monstrous birth at Isle Brewers, a parish in Somerset, which at that time was much taken notice of — two female children joined in their bodies from the breast downwards. They were bom May the 19th, and christened by the names of Aquila and Pris- cilla. May the 29th I saw them well and likely to live. About 540 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. at the same time, reports ■went of divers others in the inferior sorts of animals, both the oviparous and the viviparous kinds. But perhaps many of these, and other odd things then talked of, owed, if not their being, yet their dress, to superstition and fancy. In the January following, Monday the 3rd, about seven in the morning, we had an earthquake, which I myself felt here. It came with a whizzing gust of wind from the west end of my house, which shook it. This motion was observed in Bridgewater, Taunton, Wells, and other places, and near some caverns in Mendip Hills, and was said to be accompanied with thundering noises. In the end of the year 1684, December the 21st, were seen from this place, at sunrising, parbelii, and this when, in a clear, sharp, frosty morning, there were no clouds to make the reflection. It was probably from the thickness of the atmo- sphere. The place of the fight, which was in the following sum- mer, was near a line drawn from the eyes of the spectator to these mock suns." There is a letter from the same gentleman to John Aubrey, Esq., 1683, respecting " many prodigious things performed by some discontented demon." In one case cited none but nonconforming ministers were called to their assistance by the poor afflicted people. The Decay of old Mercantile Coast Towns, and their Revival as Watering Places. — Altered Manners. — Fossils and early Indications of Geology. Our subject leads to the singular fate that attended many of our south coast towns in the course of the last century. They died out as mercantile coast towns ; and when near to a point of extinction, they rose, phcenix-like, imder a metamorphosed appearance, and enabled a large and new class in society to gratify their wishes and a novel taste. The decline of these towns was nearly simultaneous, and was due to the same causes. Their rise was cotempo- DECLINE OF COAST TOAVNS. 541 raneous, and is attributable to a novel phase whicli society took on, to new habits, and to the effects of new medical prescriptive directions. Many of our coast towns had been the residence of mer- chants for several centuries, who traded in very small vessels, as was then the custom, to foreign parts. Some towns had manufactures of woollen goods carried on in ad- dition to fishing, and a little trade in shipping. The war with France, after the revolution and expulsion of James II., put an end to the trade with that country, which has never been re-established. As the old families, the honoured merchants, died off, there were no successors. Their sons withdrew altogether ; or if they remained, there was no longer any commerce to occupy their attention. The vessels used in foreign trade gave way to ships which were unsuited to small ports, and large and populous towns drew away and retained all the foreign trade. Some of our towns straightway declined in a rapid manner, and were in a very low condition. Weymouth and Lyme, old coast towns, are remarkable instances of this decline. The Cobb dues at Lyme, in 1708-9, only amounted to 131. 12s. lOd. In 1718 the shambles were presented as being in danger of falling. Juries had a special duty to perform, which was, to present the dangerous buildings. There were numerous presentments about the year 1724. Mr, Tatchell, agent to Henry Fane, Esq., wrote his employer, in 1743, of the poverty of the butchers who had rent to pay in the shambles, of the Cobb collector, and of the difficulty of collecting any money. In 1747 the roads and ways were out of repair. The old names of families who had lived many years in the town no longer appear. The state of the streets, from the account of them furnished by the old people, was truly pitiable. The constables present, in 1762, things " as well as usual." There was little shipping, and very few respectable in- 542 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. habitants about the year 1750. Houses were of little value : purchasers could scarcely be procured on any terms, and some were literally given away ; while others are known to have been offered, but refused I About this time a weaver's four large rooms, and weaving room besides, let for one shilling a week. The weavers wove the serges at their own houses : the cloth was not dyed. The lower street had large high buildings, some of which projected at each story, which had been the abode in the former century of rich families, but from the effects of time, and neglect of the poorer occu- piers, were in a state of extreme decay. The population had dwindled to less than a thousand inhabitants, so that a great many houses remained unoccupied, and were so neglected, that it is an incontestable fact, that no one could walk with safety in the streets during a high wind, which frequently blew down parts of the most tottering buildings. From the year 1692 to 1772 above 118 houses had fallen to ruin, besides many burnt down and never rebuilt and washed away by the sea. A petition to parliament set forth the inability of the town to pay the land tax, which had in- creased to 6s. in the pound, and had been returned in- super. As, the old houses fell down, or, having become dangerous, were removed, poor people built themselves with the mate- rials tenements of little value. Some old buildings were repaired in such an excessively clumsy manner as to destroy aU vestiges of former proportions. There were no houses in the environs ; there was then a town^s end in reality, where a century before posts had been driven in to keep out the Cavaliers. Broad Street was in- habited by lace-makers, who worked at their Lyme-lace, — an elegant material, which, however, did not enrich the poor people engaged in that trade. Most of the serges wove were shipped from Exeter to Ancona. This source of employment ceased as the trade was transferred to the north. Most of the houses in Broad Street had porches. An old person described, among other things, how ladies in the de- ILL SUPPLY OF SHOPS. — SMUGGLING. 543 cline of life used to sit and stand in their porches on summer evenings, to talk to their friends and also to inferiors, in full dress — a white apron instead of a check one, ruffles, &c. Two or three ladies of the principal families were styled " madame." No strangers ever came in the summer. When the members of the Fane family attended elections, &c., they were received by a gentleman named Lisle, at his house in the Butter Market. The shops were so ill supplied, that, excepting at fairs, very few articles not of ordinary consumption could be pro- cured. The old houses rapidly disappeared, and hovels suc- ceeded in their places. No white bread was sold. The labourers worked for 4d a day. Smuggling was carried on to a great extent, in spite of the check it had sustained twenty years before, when the regular trade being interfered with, informations were laid, and many persons were imprisoned. Smuggling, the collo- quial term for the contraband trade, was viewed as a venial offence by all western people of every degree. And have not varied circumstances produced decline and utter decay in other towns of foreign countries, as well as in our own land? Read what the historian of the Popes, Ranke (Vol. i. p. 480.), records of the second decline of the Eternal city. During the absence of the Popes in Avignon, this Rome of the middle ages sunk into equal decay with that ancient Rome which had so long lain in ruins : — " When Eugenius IV. returned to Eome in the year 1443, it was become a city of herdsmen ; its inhabitants were not dis- tinguishable from the peasants of the neighbouring country. The hills had long been abandoned, and the only part inhabited was the plain along the windings of the Tiber ; there was no pave- ment in the narrow streets, and these were rendered yet darker by the balconies and buttresses which propped one house against another ; the cattle wandered about as in a village. From San Silvestro to the Porta del Popolo, all was garden and marsh, the haunt of flocks of wild ducks. The very memory of antiquity seemed almost eiFaced ; the Capitol was become the Goats' Hill, 544 SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN COUNTIES. the Forum Romanum the Cows' field ; the strangest legends were associated with the few remaining monuments." The aged favoured me with many interesting details respecting the state of things when they were young. Many were laudatores temporis acti, and saw nothing good in any- thing recent. Some, however, were dispassionate, and com- pared with great justice the relative advantages of the two periods. Such were Benj. Bazeley of Lyme, and Mary Bartlett of Exeter, who conversed with Mr. Edwin Chad- wick in Jan. 1855. Bazeley said the town was very poor indeed. Meat sold — beef at 2d. and \%d. alb., sirloin 3c?.; veal was never sold by weight, but by the joint. Cheese, the best raw mUk, sold at 4e, with Prayers for £very Day of the Week, selected from the Book of Common Prayer; Part II. an appropriate Sermon for Every Sunday in the Year. By the Eev. Thomas Dale, M.A., Canon Eesidentiary of St. Paul's. Second Edition. Post 4to. 21s. cloth j 31s. 6d. calf ; or £2. 10s. morocco, f The FamUiT ChapiadTj 12a. Separately -[j.^^ Domestic Lufegt, IDs. ed. Davy (Dr. J.) — The Angler and his Friend ; or. 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