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 Cornell University Library 
 DA 356.H92 1904 
 
 The courtships of Queen Elizabeth; a h st 
 
 3 "■'1924 014 654 218 
 
Cornell University 
 Library 
 
 The original of tliis book is in 
 tine Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924014654218 
 
THE COURTSHIPS OF QUEEN ELIZABETH 
 
UNIFORM WITH THIS WORK 
 
 THE LOVE AFFAIRS OF 
 MARY QUEEN OF SCOTS 
 
 By MARTIN HUME 
 
"'"Y^ 
 
 que:e:im ulizabeth, 
 from theoriginal portrait by zucchero, 
 
 *-'IN HAM PI ON COURT PALACF, 
 
The COURTSHIPS of 
 
 QUEEN ELIZABETH 
 
 e^ HISrO%r OF THE VARIOUS 
 ^EG07'MTI03^ F0% HE% ^MARRIAGE 
 
 BY 
 
 MARTIN HUME 
 
 KDITOR OF THE CALENDARS OV SPANISH STATE PAPERS 
 (public RECORD omCE) 
 AUTHOR or "TBI LOTE ATP AIRS OF MARY (^IIEN OF SCOTS* 
 
 REVISED EDITION WITH NEW CHAPTERS 
 
 URIS URRARY 
 
 NEW YORK 
 
 McCLURE, PHILLIPS AND COMPANY V 
 
 1904 
 
PREFACE TO REVISED EDITION. 
 
 One of the gratifying testimonies of the interest 
 with which an indulgent public has read this book 
 has been the receipt by the author of a great number 
 of letters from various parts of the world requesting 
 further information on certain of the events related 
 therein. Of these communications a few were from 
 students who desired guidance to enable them to 
 pursue the subject in greater detail than is possible 
 in a comparatively popular history covering so long 
 a period as does the present work ; but by far the 
 larger number of the letters received expressed or 
 implied regret that the question of the actual rela- 
 tions that existed between the Queen and various 
 favourites had not been dealt with. As a political 
 historian I must confess that this phase of the 
 subject did not appear to me to be one of any great 
 importance, as the national results of the courtships 
 here described depended rather upon the intrigue 
 that prompted them than upon the real or feigned 
 passion that accompanied them ; and a study of the 
 non-political philanderings, of which this book had 
 little or nothing to say, though useful in elucidating 
 the personal character of the Queen, and perhaps 
 
VI PREFACE. 
 
 in exposing her frailty, would throw but little light 
 upon the subtle war of wits from which England, 
 under Elizabeth's guidance, emerged the victor. 
 Another, and revised, edition of the work being, 
 however, demanded, I haVe thought that two sup- 
 plementary chapters dealing with the personal 
 aspect of Queen Elizabeth's courtships might be 
 added without disadvantage to the original text, 
 I am fully conscious of the difficulty of treating 
 adequately, and yet inoffensively, this branch of 
 the subject in a book which will naturally reach 
 the hands of readers of all ages and conditions ; 
 and it is probable that I shall still be reproached 
 by some inquirers for a want of frankness in stating 
 my final opinions. If that be the case I must 
 submit to the reproach with such contrition as I 
 may ; but I venture, nevertheless, to believe that 
 those to whom the knowledge will be innocuous, 
 and who care to seek for it, will have no great diffi- 
 culty in gathering the conclusions whjch seem to 
 me the inevitable corollary of the facts indicated. 
 It only remains for me to express my heartfelt 
 gratitude to reviewers and readers for the favour 
 they have accorded to this, my first original book, 
 since its earliest appearance eight years ago. 
 
 MARTIN HUME. 
 London, March, 1904. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 It has been my pleasant duty to consider carefully 
 in chronological order a great mass of diplomatic 
 documents of the time of Elizabeth, in which are 
 reflected, almost from day to day, the continually 
 shifting aspects of political affairs, and the varying 
 attitudes of the Queen and her ministers in dealing 
 therewith. I have been struck with the failure of 
 most historians of the time, who have painted their 
 pictures with a large brush, to explain or adequately 
 account for what is so often looked upon as the 
 perverse fickleness of perhaps the greatest sovereign 
 that ever occupied^ the English throne ; and I have 
 come to the conclusiontKait the best way in which 
 a just appreciation can be formed of the fixity of 
 purpose and consummate statecraft which underlay 
 her apparent levity, is to follow in close detail 
 the varying circumstances and combinations which 
 prompted the bewildering mutability of her policy. 
 To do this through the whole of the events of a 
 long and important reign would be beyond me 
 powers of an ordinary student, and the attempt 
 would probably end in confusion. I have therefore 
 considered it best to limit myself in this book to one 
 set of negotiations, those which relate to the Queen's 
 
Vlll 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 proposed marriage, running through many years of 
 her reign; and I trust that, however imperfectly 
 my task may have been effected, the facts set forth 
 may enable the reader to perceive more clearly 
 than hitherto, that capricious, even frivolous, as the 
 Queen's methods appear to be, her main object 
 was rarely neglected or lost sight of during the long 
 continuance ot these negotiations. 
 
 That a strong modern England was rendered 
 possible mainly by the boldness, astuteness, and 
 activity of Elizabeth at the critical turning-point of 
 European history is generally admitted ; but how 
 masterly her policy was, and how entirely personal 
 to herself, is even yet perhaps not fully understood. 
 I have therefore endeavoured in this book to follow 
 closely from end to end one strand only of the com- 
 plicated texture, in the hope that I may succeed by 
 this means in exhibiting the general process by 
 which England, under the guidance of the great 
 Tudor Queen, was able to emerge regenerated and 
 triumphant from the struggle which was to settle 
 the fate of the world for centuries to come. 
 
 MARTIN HUME. 
 London, February, 1896. 
 
^^ CHAPTER I. 
 
 Character of Elizabeth and her contemporaries — Main object 
 of her policy — ^Youth of Elizabeth — The Duke of Angou- 
 leme — Philip of Spain — Seymour and Catharine Parr — 
 Mrs. Ashley's and Parry's confessions — Execution of 
 Se3rmour — Proposed marriage of Elizabeth with a son of 
 the Duke of Ferrara — ^With a son of Hans Frederick of 
 Saxony — Courtney — Emmanuel PhiUbert, Duke of Savoy 
 — Prince Eric of Sweden — Death of Queen Mary — The 
 Earl of Arundel. 
 
 The greatest diplomatic game ever played on the 
 world's chessboard was that consummate succession 
 of intrigues which for nearly half a century was 
 carried on by Queen Elizabeth and her ministers 
 with the object of playing off one great Continental 
 power against another for the benefit of England 
 and Protestantism, with which the interests of the 
 Queen herself were indissolubly bound up. Those 
 who were in the midst of the strife were for the 
 most part working for immediate aims, and probably 
 understood or cared but little about the ultimate 
 result of their efforts ; but we, looking back as over 
 a plain that has been traversed, can see that, from 
 the tangle of duplicity which obscured the issue to 
 the actors, there emerged a new era of civilisation 
 and a host of young, new, vigorous thoughts of 
 which we still feel the impetus. We perceive now 
 that modern ideas of liberty and enlightenment are 
 
2 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 the natural outcome of the victory of England in 
 that devious and tortuous struggle, which engaged 
 for so long some of _the^ keenest intellects, masculine 
 and feminine, which have ever existed in Europe. 
 It seems impossible that the result could have been 
 attained excepting under the very peculiar combina- 
 tion of circumstances and persons then existing in 
 England. Elizabeth triumphed as much by her 
 weakness as by her strength ; her bad qualities were 
 as valuable to her as her good ones. Strong and 
 steadfast Cecil would never have held the helm so 
 lon^if he~had not constantly been contrasted with 
 the shifty, greedy, treacherous crew of councillors 
 who were for ever ravening after foreign bribes as 
 payment for their honour and their loyalty. With- 
 out Leicester as a permanent matrimonial possi- 
 bility to fall back upon, the endless negotiations for 
 marriage with foreign princes would soon have 
 become pointless and ineffectual, and the balance 
 would have been lost. But for the follies of Mary 
 Stuart, which led to her downfall and lifelong 
 imprisonment, the Catholic party in England could 
 never have been subjected so easily as it was. 
 Elizabeth, with little fixed religious conviction, 
 would, with her characteristic instability, almost 
 certainly at one difficult juncture or another have 
 been drawn into a recognition of the papal power, 
 and so would have destroyed the nice counterpoise, 
 but for the unexampled fact that such recognition 
 would have upset her own legitimacy and right to 
 reign. The combination of circumstances on the 
 Continent also seems to have been exactly that 
 necessary to aid the result most favourable to 
 English interests ; and the special personal qualities 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 3 
 
 both of Philip II, and Catharine de Medici were as 
 if expressly moulded to contribute to the same end. 
 But propitious, almost providential, as the circum- 
 stances were, the making of England and the estab- 
 lishment of Protestantism as a permanent power in 
 Europe could never have been effected without the 
 supreme and sustained statecraft of the Queen and 
 her great minister. The nimble shifting from side 
 to side, the encouragement or discouragement of the 
 French and Flemish Protestants as the policy of the 
 mofnent dictated, the alternate flouting and flattering 
 of the rival powers, ahd the agile utilisation of the 
 Queen's sex and feminine love of admiration to 
 provoke_competing offers for her hand, all exhibit 
 statesmanship as keen as it was unscrupulous. The 
 political methods adopted were perhaps those which 
 met with general acceptance at the time, but the 
 dexterous juggling through a long course of years 
 with regard to Elizabeth's marriage is unexampled in 
 the history of government. Not a point was missed. 
 Full advantage was taken of the Queen's maiden 
 state, of her feminine fickleness, of her solitary 
 sovereignty, of her assumed religious uncertainty, 
 of he r accep ted beauty, and of the keen competition 
 for her hand^ In very many cases neither the wooer 
 nor the wooed was in earnest, and the courtship was 
 merely a polite fiction to cover other objects ; but at 
 least on two occasions, if not three, the Queen was 
 very nearly forced by circumstances or her own 
 feelings into a position which would have made her 
 marriage inevitable. Her caution, however, on 
 each occasion caused her to withdraw in time 
 without mortal offence to the family of her suitor ; 
 and to the end of her days she was able, painted old 
 
4 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 harridan though she was, to act coquettishly the 
 part of the peerless beauty whose fair hand might 
 possibly reward the devoted admiration paid to her, 
 with their tongues in their cheeks, by the bright 
 young gallants who sought her smiles. The story 
 of the various negotiations for the Queen's marriage 
 has been told in more or less detail in the histories 
 of the times, but no comprehensive view has yet 
 been given of the marriage negotiations alone : nor 
 has their successive relation to other events been 
 set forth as a connected narrative. Within the last 
 few years much new material for such a narrative 
 has become available both in England and on the 
 Continent, and it is now possible to see with a 
 certain amount of clearness the hands of the other 
 players besides that of the English Queen. The 
 approaches made to Elizabeth by the brothers de 
 Valois, or rather by their intriguing mother, 
 Catharine de Medici, have been related somewhat 
 fully, mainly from the documents in the National 
 Library in Paris, by the Count de la Ferriere,' and 
 the recent publications of the Spanish State Papers 
 at Simancas of the reign of Elizabeth by the Record 
 Office,^ puts us into possession of a vast quantity of 
 hitherto unused material of the highest interest, 
 especially with regard to the matrimonial overtures 
 made by Philip II. and the princes of the house of 
 Austria ; whilst the full text of the extraordinary 
 private letters to and from the Queen in relation to 
 the Alengon match, 1579-82, printed by the His- 
 
 » " Projets de Manage de la Reine Elizabeth." Ferriere. 
 Paris. 
 
 ' Calendar of Spanish State Papers (Elizabeth), RoUa 
 Series. Edited by Martin A. S. Hume. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 5 
 
 torical MSS. Commission from the Hatfield Papers, 
 affords an opportunity of the greatest value for 
 criticising the by-play in this curious comedy. 
 From these sources, from the Walsingham Papers 
 from the French diplomatic correspondence, from 
 the Foreign, Domestic, and Venetian Calendars of 
 State Papers, and from the various contemporary 
 and later chroniclers of the times, it is proposed to 
 construct a consecutive narrative of most of the 
 important attempts made to persuade the " Virgin 
 Queen " to abandon her much-boasted celibacy. 
 
 In October, 1532, exactly eleven months before 
 the birth of Elizabeth, Henry VIH. paid his pom- 
 pous visit to the French king, accompanied by his 
 privately married wife, Anne Boleyn, Marchioness 
 of Pembroke. He had deeply offended the Spanish 
 Emperor by his treatment of Queen Catherine, and 
 felt the need of drawing closer the bonds of union 
 with Francis 1., which twelve years before had been 
 tied on the Field of the^ oth of G old ; and almost 
 as soon as the little Princess Elizabeth was born, 
 negotiations were opened for her marriage with 
 the child-prince, Duke of Angoul^me, third son of 
 Francis I. Henry asked for too much, as was his 
 wont. He required the French king and his nobles 
 to make a declaration of approval of the Act of Suc- 
 cession which had been passed in England defying 
 the Pope and settling the crown on the issue of 
 Anne Boleyn. Francis was to press the Pope to 
 revoke the anathemas that the Church had hurled 
 upon the schismatic king, and the little prince was 
 to be brought up in England, holding his dukedom 
 as an independent fief of the French crown. The 
 ast two demands might have been complied with, 
 
6 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 as they could subsequently have been revoked, but 
 the eldest son of the Church could never accept the 
 first article, which would have brought him into 
 definite defiance of the papacy ; and the negotiation 
 fell through. 
 
 Elizabeth was only three years old when her 
 mother's fall removed her from the line of the suc- 
 cession, and with the strange vicissitudes of her 
 early girlhood we have nothing here to do. When, 
 however, in 1542, the death of James V. of Scotland 
 and the almost simultaneous birth of his daughter 
 Mary seemed to bring nearer to its consummation 
 Henry's idea of a union of the two crowns, he pro- 
 posed to marry the baby Queen of Scots to his own 
 infant son and at the same time offered the hand of 
 Elizabeth, who was then nine years old, to the son 
 of Arran, head of the house of Hamilton, the next 
 heir to the Scottish crown. The Earl was greedy 
 and weak, and failed to see the advantages of such 
 a connection, the consequence being that French 
 intrigue and French money, backed up by the in- 
 fluence of the Queen Dowager of Scotland, Mary of 
 Lorraine, were victorious; and Henry was thwarted 
 of his desire. The fact that he had been check- 
 mated by the French King in this manner rankled in 
 his breast and caused that fo olish and profitl ess war, 
 in alliance with the Emperor, against France, which 
 is principally remembered for the siege and capture 
 and subsequent loss of Boulogne. Charles V. tried 
 very hard to get his cousin, Mary Tudor, Henry's 
 elder daughter, acknowledged as legitimate, but 
 although this was not done in so many words, both 
 she and her sister Elizabeth were restored to their 
 respective places in the line of succession ; and whilst 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 7 
 
 the treaty of alliance between the two sovereigns was 
 under discussion a suggestion was made that Charles' 
 son, Philip of Spain, then a lad of seventeen, should 
 be betrothed to Elizabeth, who was eleven. It was 
 probably never meant to be anything but a compli- 
 ment, and certainly would not have been seriously 
 entertained by the Emperor, but in any case the 
 suggestion was [quietly dropped and Spanish and 
 English interests rapidly drifted apart again. In 
 January, 1547, Henry VIII. died, leaving the succes- 
 sion to his two daughters in tail after his child-son 
 Edward VI. and his heirs. The Queen Dowager, 
 Catharine Parr, immediately married Sir Tho mas 
 Seymour, brother of the Protector Somerset, and 
 uncle of the little King. To their care was confided 
 Princess Elizabeth, then a girl of fourte en, who 
 resided principally in the Queen's dower liotises at 
 Chelsea and Han worth, and it was at this critical 
 period of her life that her personal interest in her 
 love affairs may be said to have commenced. 
 
 When, subsequent to the death of the Queen 
 Dowager, a short year afterwards, her husband's 
 ambitious schemes had aroused the jealousy of his 
 all-powerful brother, one of the charges made 
 against him was that he had planned to marry the 
 Princess Elizabeth and use her as one of his instru- 
 ments for obtaining supreme power. The original 
 confessions and declarations of those who were sup- 
 posed to be concerned with him in the plot, which 
 are still amongst Lord Salisbury's papers at Hat- 
 field, were published in full many years ago by 
 Haynes, and have more recently been calendared by 
 the Historical MSS. Commission. They have been 
 used by all historians of the times, and there is no 
 
8 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 intention of repeating here fully the oft-told story 
 divulged by these curious declarations. It is need- 
 less to say that they disclose scandalous treatment 
 of a young and sensitive girl both by Seymour and 
 Catharine Parr, even after allowing for the free 
 manners then prevalent It is difficult to under- 
 stand, indeed, what can have been Seymour's real 
 intention towards the Princess, unless it was the 
 guilty satisfa ction of his own passions. His wife 
 was younglmdhealtHyrand in the natural course of 
 events might have been expected to live long, so 
 that he could hardly have looked forward to his 
 marriage with Elizabeth ; and yet Mrs. Ashley,' her 
 governess, confessed in the Tower in February, 
 1 549, that Seymour was in the habit of visiting the 
 girl's bedroom before she was dressed, sometimes 
 by himself and sometimes with his wife, and there 
 indulged in much indelicate and suggestive romping, 
 in which Catherine Parr herself occasionally took 
 part. Thomas Parry, ^ the cofferer, repeats in his 
 confession a story told him by Mrs. Ashley which 
 carries the matter somewhat further. " She said 
 the Lord Admiral loved the Lady Elizabeth but 
 too well, anj^ had done so for a good while, and 
 this was the cause that the Queen was jealous of 
 him and Lady Elizabeth. On one occasion the 
 Queen coming suddenly upon them had found him 
 holding the Lady Elizabeth in his arms ; upon which 
 she fell out with them both, and this was the cause 
 why the Queen and Lady Elizabeth parted." 
 
 Whatever may have been Seymour's intentions 
 
 ' Confessions of Mrs. Ashley and Thomas Parry. Hatfield 
 Papers. Historical MSS. Commission. 
 • Ibid. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 9 
 
 towards Elizabeth during his wife's life, he left 
 them in no doubt as soon as she died. For a 
 conspirator, indeed, he was the most open-moiithed 
 person imaginable. By the confessions, early in 
 1549, of Wightman, Sharington, Dorset, Harring- 
 ton, and Parry, it would appear that he had openly 
 expressed his discontent with his brother's supre- 
 macy and made no secret of his pretensions to the 
 guardianship of the young King and the hand of 
 Elizabeth. His accomplice, Sharington, master of 
 the Bristol mint, was coining testoons out of the 
 national treasure, and hoarding vast sums of coin 
 for his use ; noblemen were advised by him to 
 retire to their estates and raise forces to support 
 him ; and the seizure of himself and his friends was 
 a mere movement of self-defence on the part of the 
 Protector. With regard to the match with Eliza- 
 beth, Parry appears to have been the first person 
 approached directly. He was closely attached to 
 the person of the Princess, and had been sent to 
 Seymour ostensibly to ask for the use of Durham 
 Place as a temporary town residence for her. Sey- 
 mour said this could not be, as the house was to be 
 made into a mint, but she could have his o wn house 
 to stay in until she could see the King. Parry 
 confesses that Seymour asked him many questions 
 about Elizabeth's pecuniary means ; and when he 
 got back to Hatfield the cofferer asked the young 
 Princess whether she would be willing to accept 
 Seymour for a husband if the Council were agree- 
 able. She asked Parry sharply who told him to 
 put such a question to her, to which he answered 
 that " nobody had done so, but he thought he per- 
 ceived by Seymour's inquiries that he was given 
 
10 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 that way." " She said that she could not tell her 
 mind therein." ' 
 
 When the Master of the Household and Denny 
 suddenly arrived at Hatfield to interrogate the 
 household as to their communications with Sey- 
 mour Parry quite lost his head, " went to his 
 own chamber and said to his wife, ' I would I had 
 never been born, for I am undone,' and wrung his 
 hands, cast away his chain from his neck and his 
 rings from his fingers." 
 
 Elizabeth's p rofound diplom acy and quick intelli- 
 gence were shown even thus early at this critical 
 juncture. Sir Robert Tyrwhitt and his wife were 
 sent by the Protector to worm out of her all she 
 knew of the plot. Threats, cajolery, forged letters 
 and invented confessions, were all tried upon her in 
 vain. She would tell nothing of importance. " She 
 hath," says Tyrwhitt, " a very good wit and nothing 
 is gotten of her but by great policy." She bitterly 
 resented the imprisonment of her governess, Mrs. 
 Ashley, and the substitution of Lady Tyrwhitt ; 
 and said that she had not so behaved that they 
 need put more mistresses upon her ; wept all night 
 and sulked all day, but withal was too much for 
 Tyrwhitt, who avowed that "if he had to say his 
 fantasy he thinks it more meet she should have 
 two governesses than one." 
 
 The confessions of Parry and Ashley with regard to 
 Elizabeth's conduct, and their own, are bad enough ; 
 but they probably kept back far more than they 
 told, for on Elizabeth's succession, and for the rest 
 of their lives, they were treated with marked 
 
 ' Tyrwhitt to the Protector, January 23, 1549. Hatfield 
 Papers. Historical MSS. Commission. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. ii 
 
 favour; Parry was knighted and made Treasurer 
 of the Household, and on Mrs. Ashley's death in 
 July, 1565, the Queen visited her in person and 
 mourned her with great grief. It is probable that 
 the inexperienced girl was rea .lly in love with the 
 handsome, showy Seymour ; but Eow far their 
 relations went will most likely never now be 
 known. She indignantly wrote to the Protector 
 complaining of the slanders that were current about 
 her, to the effect that she was with child by the 
 Lord Admiral and demanded to be allowed to come 
 to Court and "show herself as she was"; but 
 virtuous indignation, real and assumed, was always 
 one of her favourite weapons. Tyrwhitt said he 
 believed a secret compact had been entered into 
 between her and Ashley and Parry never to confess 
 during their lives. "They all sing one song and 
 she hath set the note for them." 
 
 After this dangerous escapade and the execu- 
 tion of Seymour, Elizabeth became almost ostenta- 
 tiously_^intly and straitlaced, until the accession of 
 her sister made her the heiress presumptive to the 
 crown and the hope of the Protestant party, now 
 that Northumberland's nominees had been disposed 
 of. Even before this event, the reforming party in 
 England were anxious to further strengthen them- 
 selves by allying her to a foreign prince of Protes- 
 tant leanings, not powerful enough to force her 
 claims to the crown upon them, but of sufficient 
 weight to give them moral support, whilst removing 
 her from the way in England. As early as August, 
 1 55 1, Northumberland (or, as he was then, the Earl 
 of Warwick) had put his agents upon the alert on 
 the Continent to find a suitable match for her, ana 
 
12 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 one of them, Sir Anthony Guidotti,' says that the 
 Duke of Guise had suggested the Duke of Ferrara's 
 son, " who was one of the goodliest young men of 
 all Italy." The youth was a son of that Rende of 
 France, Duchess of Ferrara, who vied with her 
 kinswoman, Jeanne d'Albret, in her attachment to 
 the reformed faith, but Northumberland would 
 hardly accept the recommendation of the Guises as 
 disinterested ; and the matter went no further. The 
 same agent suggests that the son of the Duke of 
 Florence (Medici) who was then only eleven years 
 old might do, and " if this party were liked it were 
 an easy matter to be concluded without any exces- 
 sive dote." This was less likely to please even than 
 the previous proposal, and nothing was done ; but 
 the Ferrara family were apparently anxious for the 
 connection, and early in 1553 Sir Richard Morysine,* 
 the English Envoy in Antwerp, wrote to the Council 
 reporting that Francesco d'Este, the brother of the 
 Duke of Ferrara, had approached him on the matter 
 and had asked for a description of the Princess. 
 Morysine replied that " If God had made her Grace 
 a poor man's daughter he did not know of a prince 
 that might not think himself happy to be the 
 husband of such a lady," and added that d'Este 
 was of the same opinion "at present." A much 
 more likely match had been privately suggested to 
 Cecil by Morysine shortly before this.3 " Hans 
 Frederick's (of Saxony) second son, who is the 
 goodlier gentleman, would, if he durst, bear a great 
 affection towards the Lady Elizabeth's grace. The 
 land in Germany is divided, and as much comes to 
 
 » Calendar of State Papers (Foreign). 
 • Ibid. 3 Ibid, 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 13 
 
 the second son as to the eldest, which eldest is 
 thought to be of no long life. Were Dukes Maurice 
 and Frederick to die their lands go to Hans 
 Frederick's sons." But the collapse of Northum- 
 berland and the accession of Mary entirely changed 
 Elizabeth's prospects, so that her marriage had to 
 be considered in conjunction with Mary's own, and 
 the capture of the Queen by the Spanish interest 
 made it desirable to secure her sister if possible for 
 the same side. In the autumn of 1 553, Simon Renard 
 had suggested to Mary a marriage between herself 
 and Prince Philip. She herself was in grave doubt 
 at that time and afterwards as to its wisdom or 
 practicability. Young Courtney had been desig- 
 nated by the public voice as the most fitting consort 
 for her ; and although the romantic theories of many 
 historians as to her supposed attachment to him are 
 unsupported by a single shred of evidence, it is 
 certain that for a time she seriously contemplated 
 the wisdom of conciliating English feeling by marry- 
 ing the man who was one of her first competitors for 
 the possession of the throne. Gradually, however, 
 Renard, with his logical persuasiveness, convinced 
 her that she would acquire more strength by an 
 alliance with the only son of the Emperor than by 
 a marriage " with one of her own vassals, without 
 credit, power, or assistance, who has seen and 
 knows nothing of the world, having been reared in 
 servitude and never left England." ' 
 
 Renard presented the Emperor's formal offer of 
 
 his son's hand to the Queen on the 6th of October, 
 
 and after some hesitation she asked him to put upon 
 
 paper his arguments in favour of the match. He 
 
 * Renard Correspondence, Transcripts, MSS. Record Office. 
 
14 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 did so in a long paper dated the i ith, which will be 
 found in the Renard Correspondence transcripts in 
 the Record Office. In it he tells her that she is 
 surrounded by dangers against which only a power- 
 ful marriage can protect her. She has, he says, 
 four sets of enemies : namely, the heretics and 
 schismatics, the rebels and friends of Northumber- 
 land, the powers of France and Scotland, and 
 Madam Elizabeth, who would never cease to trouble 
 and threaten her, Mary replied that she knew 
 all about the French intrigues, and was certain 
 to be kept well informed of approaches made by 
 the French ambassador Noailles to Elizabeth and 
 Courtney. In conversation with Renard afterwards 
 she told him, and he faithfully transmitted the con- 
 versation to his master, I that she had had a long 
 talk with Courtney three days before at the instance 
 of his mother, and he had told her in all simplicity 
 that an English lord had suggested to him that he 
 should marry Elizabeth, since he could not now 
 hope to obtain the Queen. If he took the Princess 
 either he or his heirs might hope to succeed to the 
 throne as the Queen was getting old. The idea 
 seems to have originated with Ij^ord Paget, who was 
 doubtless the lord referred to by Couritney, and who 
 thought to stand well with all parties in future by 
 the device. As he was the principal supporter in 
 the Privy Council of the Spanish match, Renard 
 could not at first openly veto the suggestion. Mary 
 consulted Renard upon the subject, and told him that 
 Courtney had said that his own thought was only 
 to " marry a simple lady rather than Elizabeth who 
 
 ' Renard to Charles V., October 12, 1553. Renard tran- 
 scripts. Record Office. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 15 
 
 was too proud a heretic and of a doubtful race on her 
 mother's side." The imperial ambassador replied 
 that such a marriage would have to be very deeply 
 weighed and discussed,' and so politely shelved the 
 question. On the other hand, the idea was zealously 
 promoted by Noailles, who, Courtney asserted some 
 months afterwards, pressed him warmly to marry 
 Elizabeth, 2 and it was considered even by the 
 strongest Spanish partisans in the Council to be a 
 happy combination which would conjure away all 
 dangers. How far Elizabeth herself was a con- 
 senting party it is difficult to say, but Noailles, who 
 was in the heart of the intrigue, writes to his king 
 on the 14th of December that it depends entirely 
 on Courtney whether she married him and joined 
 him in Devonshire to raise the flag of revolt. " But 
 the trouble," he says, " is that Courtney is so alarmed 
 and timid that he dares nothing." So Courtney dis- 
 appears promptly from the scene where soon such 
 rough work was to be undertaken. Even before the 
 arrival of Egmont in the winter of 1553 to offer 
 formally Philip's hand to Mary, the Council was 
 mainly opposed to the match. Paget was first 
 bought over with a large sum of money, then Gar- 
 diner, Courtney's greatest friend, was reluctantly 
 won with the promise of a cardinal's hat, and others 
 by similar means ; but the self-seeking Earl of 
 Arundel immediately saw how his own interests 
 might be benefited by the Spanish match. De 
 Noailles says that he knew that at the Queen's age, 
 and with her health, every month's delay decreased 
 the probability of her having issue ; and he, therefore, 
 
 * Renard to Charles V., October 31, 1553. Record Office. 
 « " Papiers d'Etat de Granvelle," vol. iv. p. 256. 
 
i6 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 warmly supported the marriage with Philip, which 
 could not be rapidly effected, in order to marry his 
 young son to Elizabeth, and so, practically, get the 
 reversion to the crown. The matter never seems to 
 have got beyond a suggestion ; and the youth soon 
 after dying, Arundel, as will be told, subsequently 
 became a suitor himself. But whilst these nebulous 
 speculations with regard to Elizabeth's hand were 
 going on, Renard had been arranging a clever 
 scheme by which the Spanish party should ensure 
 tc themselves the control of England not only 
 during the Queen's life but after her death. When 
 Egmont and his splendid embassy arrived all 
 England was in a whirlwind of panic and indigna- 
 tion at the idea of a Spanish match. Elizabeth had 
 retired to Woodstock, ostensibly on friendly terms 
 with the Queen, but deeply wounded at her con- 
 temptuous treatment, and at the equivocal position 
 she occupied, now that the divorce pronounced by 
 Cranmer of Henry VIII. and Catharine of Aragon 
 had been quashed, and^Elizabeth consequently bas- 
 tardised. Egmont was instructed to pomt out to 
 the Queen that all might be pleasantly settled by 
 marrying her sister to the gallant young Emmanuel 
 Philibert, Duke of Savoy, the son of the Emperor's 
 sister-in-law, and thus first cousin to Philip. His 
 patrimonial states, all but a mere shred of them in 
 the valley of Aosta, had been occupied by the 
 French in the course of the war, and the prince was 
 fighting like a hero in the Emperor's army. But his 
 blood was the bluest of any in Europe, and before 
 he could marry Elizabeth she must be legitimised 
 and placed in the order of the~successIon7 without 
 which the throne would probably pass on Mary's 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 17 
 
 death to the French candidate, Mary of Scotland. 
 This was gall and wormwood to Mary Tudor. They 
 could not both be legitimate. If the grounds for 
 the divorce of Queen Catharine were good she was 
 never Henry's lawful wife, and her daughter had no 
 right to the crown. If they were bad, then Eliza- 
 beth was necessarily the bastard that the law of 
 England inferentially had just declared her to be. 
 The King of France, foiled in his attempts to pre- 
 vent the Queen's Spanish marriage, instructed de 
 Noailles ' to use every possible means to hinder a 
 match between Elizabeth and Savoy, "poor and 
 dispossessed as he is " ; and, alert as the ambassador 
 was, no great effort on his part was needed. The 
 Queen, bitterly jealous of her sister, who she knew 
 was more or less openly working with the Carews, 
 the Gourtneys, the Wyatts and others to undermine 
 her throne, peremptorily refused to rehabilitate 
 Elizabeth's birth. Then came the Wyatt rebellion 
 and Elizabeth's imprisonment. In after years both 
 Philip and Elizabeth often referred to the fact that 
 at one juncture he had saved her life, and it is 
 highly probable that the Pri;icess was released from 
 the Tower in May, 1554, on the recommendation of 
 Renard, made in the name of the coming bride- 
 groom of the Queen. De Noailles writes that she 
 was to go to Richmond from the Tower, and was 
 there to receive two gentlemen from the Emperor 
 who were to sound her as to a marriage with 
 Emmanuel of Savoy. If she refused the match she 
 was to be taken to Woodstock under guard, again a 
 prisoner. De Noailles knew that the best way of 
 preventing such a match was to arouse the Queen's 
 » Correspondence de Noailles. 
 3 
 
i8 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 suspicion that Elizabeth was plotting with the 
 French. So with devilish ingenuity he sent a man 
 with a present of apples to the Princess to meet her 
 on her arrival at Richmond. The man was seized 
 and searched to the skin, and no letters were found, 
 but to de Noailles' undisguised glee the Princess was 
 hurried off at once to Woodstock without seeing the 
 Emperor's envoys. Again by Philip's intercession 
 Elizabeth was released, and invited to be present at 
 the Queen's entry into London after her marriage. 
 Philip had been anxious that his favourite cousin 
 of Savoy should have come to England for the cere- 
 mony, but Emmanuel was in the midst of war in an 
 important command, his own oppressed people, the 
 prey of a ruthless invader, were imploring him, their 
 prince, to come and rescue them ; he was desperately 
 short of money, and his visit to England had to be 
 deferred. Soonafter the wedding;^ he sent a confi- 
 dential envoy named Langosco to pave the way for 
 his coming, and subsequently (December, 1554) the 
 Prince himself arrived. Elizabeth's town house, 
 Somerset House, was placed at his disposal, and he 
 was made as welcome as his cousin could make him. 
 Philip tried his hardest to get him into the good 
 graces of the Queen. She was kindly and sympa- 
 thetic ; gave him the Garter, and went so far to 
 please Philip as once more to liberate Elizabeth at 
 his urgent request, but she would not let the Prin- 
 cess and her suitor meet. Emmanuel's thoughts, 
 moreover, were elsewhere. An unsuccessful attempt 
 was being made to patch up a peace between Spain 
 and Ffance, and the young Prince's one idea was 
 to get his patrimonial Piedmont restored to him in 
 the scramble. So he had to hurry back again to 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 19 
 
 Flanders with nothing done about the marriage. 
 The idea was not dropped, however. Renard gave 
 wise advice to Philip in his constant letters. He 
 told him, amongst other things, that now that the 
 Qu een's hope s of progeny had proved illusive the 
 only way to prevent England from slipping through 
 their fingers was to get command of Elizabeth. 
 "You cannot," he said, "change the succession as 
 laid down in King Henry's will without causing a 
 rebellion. Marry Elizabeth to the Duke of Savoy, 
 it will please the English and be popular, provided 
 that her right to the succession be not interfered 
 with ; and it might be a means towards expelling 
 the French from Piedmont." Philip's agents found 
 plenty of opportunities for trying to ingratiate them- 
 selves with the Princess, but she was cool and 
 cautious ; professed that she had no desire to 
 marry, and so forth. She was quite aware of the 
 reason for the Spanish desire that she should marry 
 Savoy, and even thus early began her great policy 
 of keeping people friendly by deferring their hopes. 
 As the clouds gath~efec("ever darker over the 
 miserable Mary in the last sad months of her life, 
 and Elizabeth's star rose, suitors became more 
 plentiful. At the beginning of 1558 Philip had 
 sent haughty Feria as his ambassador to his wife to 
 drive her into providing men and money to help him 
 in his war against France. Calais and Guisnes had 
 just been lost to England, and Mary, all her hopes 
 and illusions fled, was fretting her heart out in 
 despair. In April an ambassador arrived from the 
 King of Sweden, Gustavus, with letters to thp 
 Queen proposing a treaty of commerce between the 
 two countries, and the marriage of his eldest son 
 
20 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 Eric, with Princess Elizabeth. The ambassador 
 was in no hurry to seek audience of the Queen — ^her 
 day was already on the wane — but posted down to 
 Hatfield to see the Princess, to whom he delivered 
 a letter from Prince Eric himself. The Queen was 
 overcome with rage at this and with fear that Philip 
 would blame her for refusing his request to restore 
 Elizabeth in blood and marry her to Emmanuel of 
 Savoy, and thus giving rise to this embarrassing 
 Swedish offer. Hearing that Feria was about to send 
 a courier to Flanders, she summoned him, and in a 
 violent passion of tears reproached him with wishing 
 to be beforehand with her in telling the story to her 
 husband. Feria says, " Her Majesty has been in 
 great anguish about it, but since hearing that 
 Madam Elizabeth gave answer that she had no 
 desire to marry she has become calmer, but is still 
 terribly passionate in the matter. One of the 
 reasons why she is so grieved about the miscarriage 
 is the fear that your Majesty should press her about 
 Savoy and Madam Elizabeth. Figueroa and I 
 think that the opportunity of the coming of this 
 ambassador, and the illusion about the pregnancy 
 should be taken advantage of to do so ; but it must 
 not be done at the same time as we press her about 
 raising troops here. In short, I do not think now 
 that she will stand in the way of her sister's succes- 
 sion if providence do not bless your Majesty with 
 children." ' 
 
 The Swedish ambassador was to have been 
 
 openly reproved by the Queen before the whole 
 
 Court, but the Queen thought better of it, and 
 
 received him in the presence of Gardiner and the 
 
 ' Feria to Philip II., May i, 1558. MSS. Simancus. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 21 
 
 Marquis of Winchester only. She dismissed him 
 curtly — ^almost rudely — ^and told him that after com- 
 mitting such a breach of etiquette as to deliver a 
 letter to her sister before presenting his credentials, 
 he had better go home and never come back to 
 England with such a message as that again. 
 Before Feria left England to see his master in July, 
 1558, he visited Elizabeth at Hatfield, and did his 
 best to persuade her that she had all Philip's sym- 
 pathy, and that her safe course would be to adhere 
 to the Spanish connection. He was no match for 
 her in diplomacy even then, and got nothing but 
 smiles and genial generalities. In November Mary 
 was dying, and Dassonleville, the Flemish agent, 
 wrote to the King begging him to send Feria back 
 again to forward Spanish interests, " as the common 
 people are so full of projects for marrying Madam 
 Elizabeth to the Earl of Arundel or some one else." 
 On the 8th of November a committee of the Council 
 went to Hatfield to see Elizabeth and deliver to her 
 the dying Queen's message, begging her " when she 
 should be Queen to maintain the Catholic Church 
 and pay her (Mary's) debts. " Elizabeth«would pledge 
 herself to nothing. She knew now that she must 
 succeed, with or without Mary's good-will, and she 
 meant to have a free hand. Before the Queen died 
 even, Feria, who had arrived when she was already 
 almost unconscious, hastened to Hatfield to see the 
 coming Queen. So long as he confined himself to 
 courteous commonplace she answered him in the 
 same spirit, but as soon as he began to patronise 
 her and hint that she owed her coming crown to 
 the intervention and support of Philip, she stopped 
 him at once, and said that she would owe it only to 
 
22 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 her people. She was equally firm and queenly when 
 Feria thus early hinted at her marriage with her 
 Spanish brother-in-law before the breath was out of 
 Mary's body, and showed a firm determination to 
 hold her own and resist all attempts to place her 
 under the tutelage of Philip. A week afterwards 
 the Queen died, and then began the keen contest of 
 wits around the matrimonial possibilities of Elizabeth, 
 which ended in the making of modern England. 
 
 The first letter that Feria wrote to Philip after 
 the new Queen's accession indicated how powerless 
 had been all his blandishments to pledge Elizabeth. 
 " The new Queen and her people," he says, " hold 
 themselves free from your Majesty, and will listen 
 to any ambassadors who may come to treat of 
 marriage. Your Majesty understands better than I 
 how important it is that this affair should go through 
 your hands, which . . . will be difficult except with 
 great negotiation and money. I wish, therefore, 
 your Majesty to keep in view all the steps to be 
 taken on your behalf ; one of them being that the 
 Emperor should not send any ambassador here to 
 treat of this, for it would be inconvenient enough for 
 Ferdinand to marry here even if he took the titbit 
 from your Majesty's hand, but very much worse if it 
 were arranged in any other way. For the present, 
 I know for certain they will not hear the name of 
 the Duke of Savoy mentioned, as they fear he will 
 want to recover his estates with English forces, and 
 will keep them constantly at war. I am very pleased 
 to see that the nobles are beginning to open their 
 eyes to the fact that it will not do to marry this 
 woman in the country itself . . . The more I think 
 over this business the more certain I am that every- 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 23 
 
 thing depends upon the husband this woman may- 
 take. If he be a suitable one, religious matters will 
 go on well, and the kingdom will remain friendly 
 with your Majesty, but if not it will all be spoilt. If 
 she decide to marry out of the country she will at 
 once fix her eyes^n yqur_Majesty, although some of 
 them here are sure to pitch upon the Archduke 
 Ferdinand." ^ Feria was wrong in his estimate of 
 Elizabeth's character. From the first she had deter- 
 mined to be a popular sovereign, and all observers 
 remarked her almost indignified anxiety to catch 
 the cheers of the croWd. She knew that the most 
 unpopular step she could take would be one that 
 bound her interests to Spain, and particularly a 
 marriage with Philip. A French marriage was im- 
 possible, for the heir to the crown of France was 
 married to Mary Stuart, whose legal right to the 
 English throne was undoubtedly stronger than that 
 of Elizabeth herself. 
 
 So the Englishmen began to pluck up heart and 
 to think that the great prize might fall to one of them. 
 Early in December the Earl of Arundel came over 
 from Flanders, and Feria remarks in one of his letters 
 that he had seen him at the palace, " looking very 
 smart and clean, and they say he carries his thoughts 
 very high." He was a widower of mature age, foppish 
 aadjbtdigh, but, with the exception of his son-in-law, 
 the Duke of Norfolk, the only English noble whose 
 position and descent were such as to enable him 
 without impropriety to aspire to mate with royalty, 
 and for a short time after his arrival he was certainly 
 looked upon by the populace as the most likely 
 husband for the young Queen. 
 
 » Calendar of Spanish State Papers (Elizabeth), vol. i. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 The Spanish policy with regard to the Austrian match — 
 English suitors for the Queen's hand— Arundel and 
 Pickering— Philip II. — ^The Archduke Ferdinand — Lord 
 Robert Dudley— The Prince of Sweden— Philip's attitude 
 towards the Austrian match — ^The Archduke Charles 
 Pickering and Dudley — The Earl of Arran — Dudley's 
 intrigues against the Archduke Charles' suit — Death of 
 Lady Robert Dudley — Prince Eric again. 
 
 In the same ship that brought Arundel from 
 Flanders came that cunning old Bishop of Aquila, 
 who was afterwards Philip's ambassador in England. 
 He conveyed to Feria the King's real wishes with 
 regard to Elizabeth's marriage, which were some- 
 what at variance with those which appeared on the 
 surface. Philip had now definitely taken upon him- 
 self the championship of the Catholic supremacy, 
 and his interests were hourly drifting further away 
 from those of his Austrian kinsmen, who were 
 largely dependent upon the reforming German 
 princes. This was the principal reason why Sussex 
 and other modern Protestants in England were 
 promoting an Austrian marriage which, it was 
 assumed, would conciliate Philip without binding 
 England to the ultra-Catholic party. The Bishop's 
 instructions were to throw cold water on the scheme 
 whilst outwardly appearing to favour it, but if he 
 saw that such a marriage was inevitable, then he 
 
THE COURTSHIPS OF QUEEN ELIZABETH. 25 
 
 was to get the whole credit of it for his master, who 
 was to subsidise his impecunious cousin, the Arch- 
 duke, and make him the instrument of Spain. 
 Feria confessed himself puzzled. If he was not to 
 forward the Archduke Ferdinand, he did not know, 
 he said, whom he could suggest. Everybody kept 
 him at arm's length and he could only repeat current 
 gossip. Some people thought the Earl of Arundel 
 would be the man, others the Earl of Westmoreland ; 
 then Lord Howard's son, and then Sir William 
 Pickering ; " every day there is a new cry raised 
 about a husband." " At present," he said, " I see 
 no disposition to enter into the discussion of any 
 proposal on your Majesty's own behalf, either on 
 her part or that of the Council, and when it has to 
 be approached it should be mentioned first to her 
 alone." The "^rst step, he thought, should be to 
 arouse the jealousy of each individual councillor of 
 the Queen's marriage with any Englishman ; and at 
 the same time to work upon the Queen's pride by 
 hinting that she would hardly stoop to a marriage 
 inferior to that of her sister. He thought, however, 
 that a marriage with Philip would scarcely be accept- 
 able, as he could not live in England, and Feria 
 was still in hope that if they took any foreigner the 
 Archduke Ferdinand would be the man. Feria's 
 plan of campaign was an ingenious one. After he 
 had aroused Elizabeth's jealousy of her dead sister 
 and deprecated the idea of the degradation to the 
 Queen of a marriage with a subject, " we can take 
 those whom she might marry here and pick them 
 to pieces one by one, which will not require much 
 rhetoric, for there is not a man amongst them worth 
 anything, counting the married ones and all. If, 
 
26 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 after this, she inclines to your Majesty, it will be 
 necessary for you to send me orders whether I am 
 to carry it any further or throw cold water on it and 
 set up the Archduke Ferdinand, for I see no other 
 person we can propose to whom she would agree." ' 
 Philip had sent to the Queen a present of jewels 
 by the Bishop of Aquila, with which she was de- 
 lighted, and assured Feria that those who said her 
 sympathies were French told an untruth. She was 
 indeed quite coquettish with him sometimes, but 
 he felt that he was outwitted. He could get no 
 information as he did in the last reign. The 
 councillors fought shy of him, anxious as ever for 
 bribes and pensions, but willing to give no return 
 for them, for the very good reason that they had 
 nothing to give, they being as hopelessly in the 
 dark as every one else as to the Queen's intentions. 
 " Indeed I am afraid that one fine day we shall find 
 this woman married, and I shall be the last man in 
 the place to know anything about it," said Feria. 
 In the meanwhile Arundel was ruining himself 
 with ostentatious expenditure ; borrowing vast sums 
 of money from Italian bankers and scattering gifts 
 of jewels of great value amongst the ladies who 
 surrounded the Queen. He was a man far into 
 middle age at the time, with two married daughters, 
 the Duchess of Norfolk and Lady Lumley, and was 
 In antiquity of descent the first of English nobles ; 
 but one can imagine how the keen young woman on 
 the throne must have smiled inwardly at the idea of 
 the empty-headed^ flighty old fop aspiring to be her 
 partner. " There is a great deal of talk also," writes 
 Feria, "lately about the Queen marrying the Duke 
 » Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. i. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 27 
 
 Adolphus, brother of the King of Denmark. One 
 of the principal recommendations they find in .him 
 is that he is a heretic, but I am persuading them 
 that he is a very good Catholic and not so comely 
 as they make him out to be, as I do not think he 
 would suit us." At last, after the usual tedious 
 deliberation, the prayers and invocations for Divine 
 guidance, Philip made up his mind that he, like 
 another Metius Curtius, would save his cause by 
 sacrificing himself. He approached the subject in a 
 true spirit of martyrdom. Feria had been repeating 
 constantly — ^almost offensively — how unpopular he 
 was in England, ever since Mary died. He had, he 
 was told, not a man in his favour, he was distrusted 
 and disliked, and so on, but yet he so completely 
 deceived himself with regard to the support to be 
 obtained by Elizabeth from her people through her 
 national policy and personal popularity, as to write 
 to Feria announcing his gracious intention of 
 sacrificing himself for the good of the Catholic 
 Church and marrying the Queen of England on 
 condition of her becoming a Catholic and obtaining 
 secret absolution from the Pope. "In this way it 
 will be evident and manifest that I am serving the 
 Lord in marrying her and that she has been con- 
 verted by my act. . . . You will, however, not 
 propose any conditions until you see how the 
 Queen is disposed towards the matter itself, and 
 mark well that you must commence to broach the 
 subject with the Queen alone, as she has already 
 opened a way to such an approach." It must 
 have been evident to Feria at this time (January, 
 1559) that the Queen could not marry his master 
 without losing her crown. The Protestant party 
 
28 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 were now paramount, the reformers had flocked 
 back from Switzerland and Germany, and Elizabeth 
 had cast in her lot with them. To acknowledge 
 the Pope's power of absolution would have been 
 to confess herself a bastard and an usurper. 
 There was only one possTBle' Catholic sovereign of 
 England and that was Mary Queen of Scots, and 
 it is difficult to see what could have been Philip's 
 drift in making such an offer, which, if it had been 
 accepted, would have vitiated his wife's claim to the 
 crown of England and have strengthened that of 
 the French candidate. 
 
 In any case Elizabeth perceived it quickly 
 enough, and when Feria approached her and 
 delivered a letter from Philip to her, she began 
 coyly to fence with the question. She knew 
 she could not marry Philip ; but she was vain 
 and greedy of admiration, and it would be some- 
 thing to refuse such an offer if she could get it put 
 into a form which would enable her to refuse it. 
 So she began to profess her maiden disinclination 
 to change her state ; " but," says Feria, " as I saw 
 whither she was tending, I cut short the reply, and 
 by the conversation which followed ... as well as 
 the hurry she was in to give me the answer, I soon 
 understood what the answer would be ... to 
 shelve the business with fair words." The end 
 of it was that he refused to take any answer at 
 all, unless it were a favourable one, and so,deprived 
 Elizabeth of the satisfaction of saying she had 
 actually rejected his master's offer — which was a 
 grievance with her for many years afterwards. 
 
 Of all this the multitude knew nothing. They 
 were busy with speculation elsewhere. " II Scha- 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 29 
 
 fanoya," the Italian gossip-monger, gives an interest- 
 ing account of the coronation ceremony and the self- 
 sufficient pomposity of Arundel, who was Lord 
 Steward, " with a silver wand a yard long, com- 
 manding everybody, from the Duke (of Norfolk) 
 downwards." ' Lord Robert Dudley as Master of 
 the Horse "led a fair white hackney covered with 
 cloth of gold after the Queen's litter," but no one 
 as yet seemed to regard him as her possible consort. 
 That came afterwards, Schafanoya, writing to the 
 Mantuan ambassador in Brussels (January, 1559), 
 says : " Some persons declare that she will take the 
 Earl of Arundel, he being the chief peer of this 
 realm, notwithstanding his being old in comparison 
 with the Queen. This report is founded on the 
 constant daily favours he receives in public and 
 private from her Majesty. Others assert that she 
 will take a very handsome youth, eighteen or twenty 
 years of age and robust, judging from passion, and 
 because at dances and other public places she 
 prefers him to any one else. A third opinion is 
 that she will marry an individual who until now has 
 been in France on account of his religion, though he 
 has not yet made his appearance, it being well 
 known how much she loved him. He is a very 
 handsome gallant gentleman whose name I forget. 
 But all are agreed that she will take an Englishman 
 although the ambassadors of the King of Sweden 
 seek the contrary." 
 
 The "very handsome youth" was perhaps the 
 
 Earl of Oxford; the "handsome gentleman" was 
 
 certainly Sir William Pickering, who for a time 
 
 was the favourite candidate. It is known that 
 
 » Calendar of Venetian State Papers. 
 
30 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 there had been love passages long before between 
 Elizabeth and him, but to what extent was never 
 discovered. He can hardly have been a very- 
 stable character, for he had fled to France under 
 Mary, but had very soon entered into treacherous 
 correspondence with the Spanish party to spy upon 
 the actions of the Carews and the rest of the 
 Protestant exiles. Shortly before Mary's death he 
 had been commissioned to go to Germany and 
 bring thence to England a regiment of mercenaries 
 which had been raised for Mary. They were, 
 however, used by Philip for his own purposes, and 
 when Elizabeth ascended the throne, Pickering 
 thought proper to have a long diplomatic illness at 
 Dunkirk, to learn how he would be received in 
 England after his more than doubtful dealings. As 
 soon as he was satisfied that bygones would be 
 bygones, he came to England in fine feather. 
 Tiepolo writes to the Doge, February 23rd : 
 " Concerning her marriage it still continues to be 
 said that she will take that Master Pickering, who 
 from information received by nie, is about thirty-six 
 years of age, of tall stature, handsome, and very 
 successful with women, for he is said to have 
 enjoyed the intijt nacy o f_many and great ones." ' 
 Parliament had sent a deputation to the Queen to 
 urge her to marry, and to represent the dis- 
 advantages of a foreign match, to which the Queen 
 had given a sympathetic but cautious answer. 
 This had raised the hopes of Pickering to a great 
 height, and in the early spring he made his 
 appearance. He had lingered too long, however. 
 Lord Robert Dudley had already come to the front 
 » Calendar of Venetian State Papers. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 31 
 
 Feria wrote to Philip on the i8th of April : 
 " During the last few days Lord Robert has come 
 so much into favour that he does whatsoever he 
 pleases with affairs, and it is even said that her 
 Majesty visits him in his chamber day and night. 
 People talk of this so free^that they go so far as 
 to say that his wife has a malady in one of her 
 breasts and the Queen is only waiting for her to 
 die to marry Lord Robert I can assure your 
 Majesty that matters have reached such a pass 
 that I have been brought to consider whether it 
 would not be well to approach Lord Robert on your 
 Majesty's behalf, promising him your help and 
 favour and coming to terms with him." At the 
 same time the Swedish ambassador was again 
 pressing the suit of Prince Eric ; but he must 
 have been extremely maladroit, for he offended 
 Elizabeth at the outset by saying that his master's 
 son was still of the same mind, and asked for a 
 reply to the letter he had sent her. " What letter ? " 
 said the Queen. "The letter I brought your 
 Majesty." Elizabeth replied that she was now Queen 
 of England, and if he required an answer he must 
 address her as such. She added that she did not 
 know whether his master would leave his kingdom 
 to marry her, but she could assure him that she 
 would not leayejiers to be the monarch of the world, 
 and in the meanwhile she would say neither yes 
 nor no. A messenger was sent off with this cold 
 comfort, and came back with fine presents of furs 
 and tapestries, and for a time Swedish money was 
 lavished on the courtiers very freely — and it is 
 curious that the King of Sweden is always spoken 
 of as being one of the richest of monarchs — but 
 
32 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 the ambassador became a standing joke and a 
 laughing-stock of the Court ladies as soon as his 
 presents ran out. A more dignified embassy from 
 Eric shorriy afterwards arrived with a formal offer 
 of his hand, but they were, as the Bishop of Aquila 
 says, treated in a similar manner, and ridiculed to 
 their own faces in Court masques represented before 
 them. 
 
 A much more serious negotiation was running 
 its course at the same time. When the Emperor 
 had been informed that Philip had desisted from the 
 pursuit of the match for himself, he begged him to 
 support the suit of the Archduke Ferdinand. »It 
 was considered unadvisable to mention at first 
 which of the Archdukes was the suitor, but Philip 
 himself made no secret of his preference to 
 Ferdinand, who was a narrow bigot of his own 
 school ; so the Spanish ambassador in England was 
 instructed to forward the matter to the best of his 
 ability, in conjunction with an imperial ambassador 
 who was to be sent for the purpose. When the 
 instructions arrived, matters had gone so far that 
 a secretary had already come to London from the 
 Emperor with letters for the Queen and a portrait 
 of Ferdinand. This had been arranged by Sir 
 Thomas Challoner, who had recently been in Vienna ; 
 but much doubt existed as to the sincerity of Philip's 
 professions of good- will towards the affair. Indeed, 
 those who were most in favour of it appear to have 
 thought, not unreasonably, that the marriage would 
 become impossible if it were hampered with con- 
 ditions dictated by Spain. The Austrian match 
 certainly had influential support at Court. Cecil, 
 Sussex, and all of Dudley s many enemies thought at 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 33 
 
 the time that it offered the best way of checking his 
 growing favour, and forwarded it accordingly. In 
 April Feria wrote : " They talk a great deal about 
 the marriage with the Archduke Ferdinand and 
 seem to like it, but for my part I believe she will 
 never make up her mind to anything that is good 
 for her. Sometimes she appears to want to marry 
 him, and speaks like a woman who will only accept 
 a great prince ; and then they say she is in love 
 with Lord Robert and never lets him leave her. If 
 my spies do not lie, which I believe they do not, for 
 a certain reason which they have recently given me, 
 I u«derstandjlie_will_jiQt.,_bear children ; but if the 
 Archduke is a man, even if she should die without 
 any, he will be able to keep the kingdom with the 
 support of your Majesty." 
 
 When Pickering finally arrived, therefore, he 
 found the field pretty well occupied, but his advent 
 caused considerable stir. He was at once sur- 
 rounded by those who for various reasons were 
 equally against Dudley and a Catholic prince. 
 Two days after his arrival Dudley was sent off 
 hunting to Windsor, and Sir William was secretly 
 introduced into the Queen's presence ; and a few 
 days afterwards went publicly to the palace and 
 stayed several hours by the Queen's side. " They 
 are," wrote Feria, "^betting four to one in London 
 that he will be king. ... If these things were not 
 of such great importance and so lamentable, they 
 would be very ridiculous," ^ 
 
 Pickering's arrival at Court is thus spoken of by 
 
 Schafanoya, writing on the loth of May, 1559: 
 
 " The day before yesterday there came Sir William 
 
 ' Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. i. 
 
 4 
 
34 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 Pickering,, who is regarded by all people as the 
 future husband of the Queen. He remains at 
 home, courted by many lords of the Council and 
 others, but has not yet appeared at Court. It is 
 said they wished in Parliament to settle what title 
 they should give him and what dignity, but nothing 
 was done. Many deem this to be a sign that she 
 will marry the Archduke Ferdinand, but as yet 
 there is no foundation for this, although the news 
 comes from Flanders. Meanwhile my Lord Robert 
 Dudley is in very great favour and very intimate 
 with her Majesty. On this subject I ought not to 
 report the opinion of many persons. I doubt 
 whether my letter may not miscarry or be read, 
 wherefore it is better to keep silence than to speak 
 ill." I When Challoner had returned from Vienna 
 he had brought with him full descriptions of the 
 Emperor's sons. Ferdinand was a bigot and a 
 milksop, and Charles, the younger Archduke, was 
 said to have narrow shoulders and a great head. 
 So when Baron Ravenstein arrived in London on 
 his matrimonial embassy the Queen was quite 
 ready for him. Ravenstein himself was as devout 
 a Catholic as his master, and was received very 
 coolly at first. The Queen told him she would 
 mariy no man whom she had not seen, and would 
 not tr ust portrait paint ers ; and much more to the 
 same effect. To his second audience Ravenstein 
 was accompanied by the Bishop of Aquila, as it was 
 desirable that, if anything came of the negotiation, 
 Spain should get the benefit of it. It soon became 
 clear to the wily churchman that Ferdinand would 
 never do. He says: "We were received on 
 « Venetian Calendar, 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 35 
 
 Sunday at one, and found the Queen, very fine, 
 in the presence-chamber looking on at the dancing. 
 She kept us there a long while, and then entered 
 her room with us." The Bishop pressed her, in 
 his bland way, to favourably consider the offers of 
 the Emperor's ambassador ; " but I did not name 
 the Archduke, because I suspected she would reply 
 excluding them both. She at once began, as I 
 feared, to talk about not wishing to marry, and 
 wanted to reply in that sense ; but I cut short the 
 colloquy by saying that I did not seek an answer, 
 and only begged her to hear the ambassador." He 
 then stood aside and chatted with Cecil, who gave 
 him to understand that they would not accept Fer- 
 dinand, " as they had quite made up their minds 
 that he would upset their heresy," ' and went on 
 to speak of the various approaches that had already 
 been made to the Queen ; politely regretting that 
 affinity and religious questions had made the mar- 
 riage with Philip impossible. In the meanwhile 
 poor Ravenstein was making but slow progress with 
 the Queen, who soon reduced him to dazed despair, 
 and the Bishop again took up the running, artfully 
 begging her to be plain and frank in this business, 
 " as she knew how honestly and kindly the worthy 
 Germans negotiated." And then, cleverly taking 
 advantage of what he had just heard from Cecil, he 
 said that he had been told that the Archduke had 
 been represented to her as a young monster, very 
 different from what he was ; " for, although both 
 brothers are comely, this one who was offered to 
 her now was the younger and more likely to please 
 her than the one who had been spoken of before. 
 » Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol, i. 
 
36 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 I thought best to speak in this way, as I understood 
 in my talk with Cecil that it was Ferdinand they 
 dreaded." The Queen at this pricked up her ears, 
 and asked the Bishop of whom he was speaking. 
 He told her the Archduke Charles, who was a very 
 fit match for her as Ferdinand was not available. 
 "When she was quite satisfied of this," says the 
 Bishop, " she went back again to her nonsense, say- 
 ing that she would rather be a nun than marry a man 
 she did not know, on the faith of portrait painters." 
 She then hinted that she wished Charles to visit 
 her in person, even if he came in disguise. Her 
 thirst for admiration and homage was insatiable, 
 and, popular parvenue as she was, the idea of 
 princes of spotless lineage humbling themselves 
 before her very nearly led her into a quagmire more 
 than once. She probably had not the slightest 
 intention of marrying Charles at the time, but it 
 would have been a great feather in her cap if she 
 could have brought a prince of the house of Austria 
 as a suitor to her feet. But the Bishop was a match 
 for her on this occasion. " I do not know whether 
 she is jesting . . . but I really believe she would like 
 to arrange for this visit in disguise. So I turned 
 it to a joke, and said we had better discuss the 
 substance of the business. ... I would undertake 
 that the Archduke would not displease her." The 
 Bishop having soothed the Queen with persiflage 
 of this sort, disconsolate Ravenstein was called back 
 rather more graciously, and told that, on the Bishop's 
 request, the Queen would appoint a committee of 
 the Council to hear his proposals. 
 
 In the meanwhile Dudley and Pickering were 
 manoeuvring for the position of first English can- 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 37 
 
 didate. Sir William had now a fine suite of rooms 
 in the palace, and was ruffling bravely, giving 
 grand entertainments, and dining in solitary state 
 by himself, with minstrels playing in the gallery, 
 rather than feast, like the other courtiers of his rank, 
 at one of the tables of the household. He pooh- 
 poohed Ravenstein and his mission and said that the 
 Queen would laugh at him and all the rest of them, 
 as he knew she meant to die a maid. Pickering 
 appears to have rather lost his head with his new 
 grandeur, and soon drops out of the scene, upon 
 which only the keenest wits could hope to survive. 
 His insolence had aroused the indignation of the 
 greater nobles, but somehow it was only the least 
 pugnacious of them with whom he quarrelled. The 
 Earl of Bedford, who from all accounts seems to 
 have been a misshapen monstrosity with an enor- 
 mous head, said something offensive about Picker- 
 ing at a banquet, and a challenge from the irate 
 knight was the immediate result ; Dudley, of all 
 men, being the bearer thereof, always at this time 
 ready to wound the extreme Protestant party, to 
 whigh Bedford belonged. But Pickering was as 
 distasteful to Catholics as to Protestants. On 
 one occasion he was about to enter the private 
 chapel inside the Queen's apartments at Whitehall, 
 when he was met at the door by the Earl of 
 Arundel, who told him he ought to know that 
 that was no place for him, but was reserved for the 
 lords of the Council. Pickering answered that he 
 knew that very well, and he also knew that Arundel 
 was an impudent knave. The Earl was no hero, 
 and Pickering went swaggering about the Court 
 for days telling the story. With such a swash- 
 
38 • THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 buckler as this for a rival, it is not surprising that 
 the handsome and youthful Dudley rapidly passed 
 him in the race for his mistress's favour. Dudley 
 played his game cleverly. His idea was first to 
 put all English aspirants out of the running by 
 ostensibly favouring the match with the Archduke, 
 whilst he himself was strengthening his influence 
 over the Queen, in the certainty that, when matters 
 of religion came to be discussed, difficulties might 
 be raised at any moment which would break off the 
 Austrian negotiations. In the meanwhile the Queen 
 coquetted with dull-witted Ravenstein, and per- 
 suaded him that if the Archduke would come over 
 and she liked him, she would marry him, although 
 she warned the ambassador not to give his master 
 the trouble of coming so far to see so ugly a lady 
 as she was. Instead of paying her the compliment 
 for which she was angling, he maladroitly asked her 
 whether she wished him to write that to the Arch- 
 duke. "Certainly not," she replied, "on my account, 
 for I have no intention of marrying." She jeered 
 at Ferdinand and his devotions, but displayed a 
 discreet maidenly interest in Charles, and, it is easy 
 to see, promptly extracted from Ravenstein all the 
 knowledge he possessed, much to Bishop Quadra's 
 anxiety. Feria had gone back to Philip, with the 
 assurance that she never meant to marry, and 
 that it was "all pastime," but Quadra thought 
 that she would be driven into matrimony by 
 circumstances. " The whole business of these 
 people is to avoid any engagement that will upset 
 their wickedness. I believe that when once they 
 are satisfied about this they will not be averse to 
 Charles. I am not sure about her, for I do not 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 39 
 
 understand her. Amongst other qualities which 
 she says her husband must possess is that he should 
 not sit at home all day among the cinders, but 
 should in time of peace keep himself employed in 
 warlike exercises." For many reasons it suited 
 Elizabeth to show an inclination to the match ; for 
 she could thus keep the English Catholics in hand, 
 notwithstanding the religious innovations and her 
 severity, whilst satisfying others " who want to see 
 her married and are scandalised at her doings." But 
 the Bishop disbelieved in the marriage unless she 
 were driven to it. Whilst Ravenstein was being 
 caressed and befooled, the French were doing their 
 best to hinder an understanding with him. There 
 were sundry French noblemen in London as 
 hostages — ^and very troublesome guests they were 
 — who industriously spread the idea that it was 
 ungrateful of the Queen to disdain to marry one of 
 her own subjects who had raised her to the throne. 
 When Ravenstein discussed this view with her, 
 "she was very vexed, and repeated to him that 
 she would die a thousand deaths rather than marry 
 one of her subjects ; but for all this," says the 
 Bishop, " he does not seem to have got any further 
 than usual with his master's affair." And Bishop 
 Quadra and his master were determined he should 
 net do so, except with Spanish intervention and on 
 Spanish terms, which would make the marriage 
 impossible in England. Things were thus going 
 prosperously for Dudley. The Swedish embassy 
 had come and gone, "much aggrieved and offended 
 ... as they were being made fun of in the palace, 
 and by the Queen more than anybody. I do not 
 think it matters much whether they depart pleased 
 
40 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 or displeased." ^ It was clear that Elizabeth would 
 have nothing to do with "Eric the Bad," and the 
 Archduke was now the only serious competitor ; 
 which exactly suited Dudley, as he knew the insuper- 
 able religious obstacles that could be raised to him. 
 
 But Dudley was not by any means the only 
 artful or self-seeking man in Elizabeth's Court, and 
 was not allowed to have all his own way. The 
 real difficulties of the marriage with the Archduke, 
 hampered as he would be by unacceptable Spanish 
 conditions, were soon obvious to the Protestant 
 party, who tried a bold stroke, which, if their 
 weapon had been a strong instead of a lamentably 
 weak one, might have altered the whole course of 
 English history. To a French Catholic princess, 
 as Queen of Scotland and heiress to the crown of 
 England, the natural counterpoise was a close 
 alliance between England and Spain ; but the 
 Protestants saw that, from a religious point of 
 view, one position was as bad as the other, and 
 conceived the idea of encouraging the claims of 
 a son of the house of Hamilton, who, after Mary, 
 was next heir to the crown of Scotland. Tlje Earl 
 _Qf ^An an, son of the Duke of Chatelherault, was in 
 France ; and Cecil's henchmen, Randolph and Killi- 
 grew, were sent backwards and forwards to him 
 and to Throgmorton, in Paris, to urge him to 
 action. If he could raise a revolution in Scotland 
 against papists and foreigners, and seize the crown, 
 he might, thought Cecil, marry Elizabeth, unite the 
 two countries, and defy their enemies. Trouble in 
 Scotland was easily aroused ; but the King of 
 France, just before his own death, which raised 
 ' Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. i. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 4 
 
 Mary Stuart to the throne of France as well, learn 
 of the plan and ordered Arran's capture alive 
 dead. Killigrew managed to smuggle him out c 
 France disguised as a merchant, and took him t 
 Geneva and Zurich, where he sat at the feet c 
 Peter Martyr and other reformers, and then a 
 secretly was hurried over to England in July, 155c 
 The Spanish party and the Emperor's ambassado 
 soon got wind of it, and were in dismay. Th 
 E arl was hidden first in Cecil's house, an^ 
 was afterwards conveyed secretly to the Queen' 
 chambers at Greenwich. The news soon spreac 
 and the marriage was looked Upon, all throug 
 August and part of September, as a settled thing ; 
 and, although Bedford and Cecil went out of thei 
 way to buoy up the hopes of a marriage with th 
 Archduke, it was clear to the Spanish party tha 
 Arran was the favoured man, the more especial! 
 that Mary Stuart's husband had now become Kini 
 of France. But this did not suit Dudley. Earl 
 in September Lady Mary Sidney, Dudley's sistei 
 came to the Spanish ambassador with a wonderfi 
 story that a plot had been discovered to poison th 
 Queen and Dudley at a dinner given by the Earl c 
 Arundel. This, she said, had so alarmed the Queer 
 who had now a war with France on her hands, tha 
 she had determined to marry at once, and awaite 
 the ambassador at Hampton Court with the offer c 
 the Archduke, whom she would accept. Lad 
 Sidney professed to be acting with the Queen' 
 consent, and emphatically insisted that, if the matte 
 were now pushed and the Archduke brought over a 
 
 ' Quadra's letters, Spanish Calendar, and Michieli's letter 
 Venetian Calendar. 
 
42 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 once, it could be concluded without delay. The 
 cunning Bishop himself was for once taken in. 
 Before going to Hampton Court he saw Dudley, 
 who placed himself entirely at the disposal of the 
 King of Spain, " to whom he owed his life." He 
 said the Queen had summoned him and his sister 
 the night before, and had directed them how to 
 proceed. The marriage, he assured the Bishop, 
 was now necessary and could be effected. 
 
 The Bishop wrote to Cardinal de Granvelle 
 directly after the interview : " Lord Robert and his 
 sister are certainly acting splendidly, and the King 
 will have to reward them well — better than he does 
 me — and your Lordship must remind him of it in due 
 time. The question of religion is of the most vital 
 importance, as is also the manner of the Archduke's 
 marriage and its conditions and ceremonies. In 
 view of these difficulties it would be better for the 
 wedding to be a clandestine one. I do not know 
 how he will get over the oath that he will have to 
 take to conform with the laws of the land, which 
 are some of them schismatic. "^ 
 
 The Bishop's interview with the Queen, however, 
 fairly mystified him. She blew hot and cold as usual. 
 " She hoped to God that no harm would come to 
 the Archduke on his incognito visit ; she would be 
 glad to see him; but mind," she said, " I am not 
 bound to marry him if he come," which the Bishop 
 assured the Emperor " was only dissimulation, and 
 she really meant to marry him." She was very 
 careful to repeat that she had not invited the Arch- 
 duke, and was not bound to marry him, and went so 
 far as to say she could not trust Quadra to state this 
 • Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. i. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 43 
 
 clearly, and would write to the Emperor herself. 
 But whilst she said it in words she took equal care 
 to contradict it in looks and gestures that could 
 never be called up in witness against her. The 
 Bishop was at last completely won over, and strongly 
 urged the Emperor to send his son and seize the 
 prize. This new turn of events hardly pleased 
 Cecil, but it was necessary for him to dissemble, for 
 Elizabeth was now at war with France and Scot- 
 land, and she could not afford to give the cold 
 shoulder to Spain as well. When the Bishop sa\i 
 him on leaving the Queen, he says : " I listened tc 
 him (Cecil) for some time, and seeing that he was 
 beating about the bush, I begged that we might 
 speak plainly to each other, as I was neither blind 
 nor deaf, and could easily perceive that the Queen 
 was not taking this step, to refuse her consent after 
 all. He swore that he did not know, and could not 
 assure me," and with this, and vague protestations 
 of Cecil's personal wish for the Archduke's success, 
 the Bishop had to be contented. He faithfully 
 conveyed the Queen's words to the Emperor, but 
 her looks and gestures could not be put upon paper, 
 so that it is not surprising that his Majesty could see 
 no further assurance than before that he was not to 
 be fooled after all. Feria was more deeply versed 
 in the ways of women than was the Bishop, and on 
 receiving the news, answered : "It seems that the 
 Emperor up to the present refuses leave for his son 
 to go, and, to tell the truth, I cannot persuade 
 myself that he is wrong, nor do I believe that she 
 will either marry him, or refuse to marry him whilst 
 the matter at issue is only his visit . . As to what 
 Lord Robert and his sister say, I do not believe 
 
44 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 more than the first day that the only thing the 
 Queen is stickling for is the coming of the lad." 
 There was one point touched upon by the Queen in 
 her interview with the Spanish ambassador, which, 
 as he tells his own master, he dared not refer to in 
 his letter to the Emperor. After much fencing and 
 fishing for compliments respecting her personal 
 attractions, and expressed doubts on the Queen's 
 part as to whether the Archduke would be satisfied 
 when he saw her, she said that even if he were, he 
 might be displeased with what he heard about her, 
 as there were people in the country who took 
 pleasure in maligning her. The Bishop wrote that 
 she displayed some signs of shame when she said 
 this, whilst he parried the point diplomatically, and 
 hastened to change the subject. " I saw she was 
 pleased, as she no doubt thought that if the Archduke 
 heard any of the idle tales they tell about her (and 
 they tell rnany) he might take advantage of them 
 to the detriment of her honour if the match were 
 broken off, although, from this point of view, I was 
 not sorry, as the fear may not be without advantage 
 to us." But to the Queen he expressed himself 
 shocked that she should think of such a thing as he 
 had done previously when Lady Sidney had hinted 
 at a similar doubt. For the next two months an 
 elaborate attempt was made to keep up the appear- 
 ance of cordiality towards the Archduke's match, and 
 the Spanish party was still further beguiled by the 
 sudden tendency of the Queen to smile on 
 Catholicism. Candles and crucifixes were placed 
 on the altar in the Chapel Royal, and the Queen 
 entertained the Bishop with long religious dis- 
 cussions, for the purpose of inducing him to believe 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 45 
 
 that she was a Catholic in her heart. But they 
 could not deceive the Bishop for very long; nothing 
 definite could be got from the Queen, from whose 
 side Dudley never moved, and by the middle of 
 November (1559) the Bishop satisfied himself that 
 he was being played with. A new Swedish 
 embassy had arrived, and was being entertained 
 with hopes for the first time, particularly by Dudley, 
 who thought that the Austrian suit, having now 
 served his turn and eclipsed Arran, was becoming 
 too hot to be safe for him. The Bishop writes : " I 
 noticed Lord Robert was slackening in our business, 
 and favouring the Swedish match, and he had words 
 with his sister because she was carrying our aff&ir 
 further than he desired. I have heard from a certain 
 person who is in the habit of giving me veracious 
 news that Lord Robert had sent to poison his wife. 
 Certainly all the Queen has done with us and with 
 the Swede, and will do with all the rest in the 
 matter of her marriage, is only to keep Lord 
 Robert's enemies and the country engaged with 
 words, until this wicked deed of killing his wife is 
 consummated. I am told some extraordinary things 
 about this intimacy which I would never have 
 believed, only that now I find Lord Robert's enemies 
 in the Council making no secret of their evil 
 opinion of it." The Queen tried to face the Bishop 
 with her usual blandishments, but his eyes were 
 opened, and when he pressed the point closely, she 
 became coolly dignified, surprised that she had been 
 misunderstood, and threw over Lady Sidney and 
 Dudley, who reciprocally cast the blame upon each 
 other. The Bishop and the Emperor's ambassador 
 were furious ; and, as the best way to checkmate 
 
46 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 Dudley, approached the Duke of Norfolk, who had 
 been declaiming for some time against the insolence 
 of the rising favourite, saying that if he did not 
 abandon his plans he should not die in his bed, and 
 so forth. The Duke, who was the most popular as 
 well as the most exalted of the English nobles, 
 listened eagerly to anything that should injure 
 Dudley, and promised all his influence and personal 
 prestige in favour of the Archduke. He recom- 
 mended that the latter should at once come openly 
 in state to England, and he, the Duke, wagered his 
 right arm if he did "that all the biggest and best in 
 the land should be on his side." Whatever may 
 have been passing in Norfolk's mind, there is no 
 doubt as to what the Bishop's own plan was, to 
 avenge himself for the trick played upon him. He 
 says : "I am of opinion that if the Archduke comes 
 and makes the acquaintance, and obtains the good- 
 will of these people, even if this marriage — of which 
 I have now no hope except by force — should fall 
 through, and any disaster were to befall the Queen, 
 such as may be feared from her bad government, 
 the Archduke might be summoned to marry Lady 
 Catharine (Grey) to whom the kingdom comes if this 
 woman dies. If the Archduke sees Catharine he 
 should so bear himself that she should understand 
 this design, which, in my opinion, will be beneficial 
 and even necessary." The "design " evidently was 
 the murder of the Queen and Dudley, and the 
 securing of CathariheTjrey to the Spanish interest. 
 A daring plan, but requiring bold instruments and 
 swift action. Weak, unstable Norfolk was no leaded 
 for such an enterprise, as he proved years after- 
 wards. Whilst Quadra was plotting, and sulking at 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 47 
 
 Durham House, Dudley's opponents strove to check- 
 mate him by keeping the Archduke's match afoot. 
 Count Helfenstein had come from the Emperor 
 before the fiasco, and it was now proposed to send 
 special English envoys to Austria and to the King of 
 Spain, the purpose of course being to frighten the 
 French into the idea that the matter was settled. 
 One day at Court Dudley and Norfolk came to high 
 words about it. He was neither a good Englishman 
 nor a loyal subject who advised the Queen to marry 
 a foreigner, said Dudley ; and on another occasion, 
 Clinton and Arundel actually fell to fisticuffs on the 
 subject. The Swedes had stood less on their dignity 
 than the Austrians, and Eric's brother, the young 
 Duke of Finland, had come over to press his brother's 
 suit. When he arrived with vast sums of money for 
 gifts, as before, he preferred rather to become a 
 suitor himself, but with little success. When he 
 begged for a serious audience he was kept so long 
 outside in an antechamber alone that he went 
 away in a huff. The Venetian Tiepolo writes on 
 December 1 5th, giving an account of Arran's defeat 
 in Scotland by the French, which, with his growing 
 dementia, spoilt him as a suitor ; and Tiepolo goes 
 on to say: "The Queen is still undecided about her 
 marriage, though amongst all the competitors she 
 showed most inclination for the Archduke Charles. 
 The Duke of Finland, second son of the King of 
 Sweden, is with her. He came to favour the suit of 
 his elder brother, and then proposed himself, but 
 the man's manners did not please the Queen. The 
 second son also of the late John Frederick of 
 Saxony, who heretofore was proposed to the Queen 
 by the French, but was afterwards deserted by them 
 
48 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 because they wished her to marry an Englishman 
 . . . has not relinquished his pretensions, and has 
 sent Count Mansfeldt to propose to the Queen. 
 The King of Denmark, in like manner, has not 
 failed to exert himself, although the general opinion 
 is that if the affairs of the Earl of Arran prosper 
 he will prevail over all competitors." ^ 
 
 All through the winter of 1559-60 matters thus 
 lingered on. The Bishop plotting and planning for 
 the invasion of England from Flanders, and 
 completely undeceived with regard to the Queen's 
 matrimonial intentions, whilst the English still 
 desired to keep up an appearance of cordial friend- 
 ship with the Spanish party, as a counterpoise to 
 the King of France, with whom they were at waT 
 in Scotland. The Bishop gives an account of an 
 interview which he and Helfenstein, the new 
 imperial ambassador, had with the Queen in 
 February, and it is clear that at this time she was 
 again very anxious to beguile the Emperor into 
 sending his son on chance. But Helfenstein was a 
 very different sort of ambassador from Ravenstein, 
 and she could not do much with him ; his idea being 
 to hold her at arm's length until she was forced to 
 write to the Emperor herself, as she promised to do, 
 in which fcase it would not, he thought, be difficult to 
 construe something she might say into a, pledge 
 which she could be forced to fulfil. " I do not," 
 says the Bishop, " treat this matter with her as I 
 formerly did, as I want her to understand that I am 
 not deceived by her." Nor was he for a time 
 deceived by Dudley. " The fellow is ruining the 
 country with his vanity." "If he lived for another 
 « Venetian Calendar. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 49 
 
 year he" (Dudley) "said he would be in a very 
 different position," and so forth. During the 
 summer an envoy named Florent (Ajacet) was 
 sent by Catharine de Medici and her son to 
 propose as a husband for Elizabeth a son of 
 the Duke de Nevers. As may be supposed, 
 such a match — or indeed any match recommended 
 by the consort of her enemy Mary Stuart, with 
 whom her war was hardly ended — did not meet 
 with her approval, and the envoy then went to 
 Bishop Quadra and told him he knew of a certain 
 way of bringing about the marriage with the 
 Archduke. His plan was that the Emperor 
 should prevail upon the King of France to give 
 up Calais to England. This was merely a feeler 
 and absurd, as Francis II. had nothing to gain 
 by the Austrian match, but the Bishop mali- 
 ciously told the Queen the joke, as he called it, 
 whereupon she was very angry that her claim for 
 Calais shoul d be trea ted so lightly. She then told 
 him thaTsBesaw now she must marry without delay, 
 "although with the worst will in the world," and tried 
 again to lead him to believe that she was anxious to 
 marry the Archduke, " but I fear," said he, " that it 
 is with the hope of gaining your Majesty's favour 
 in her cause, as she calls it, with the French . . . 
 Religious matters make me believe that in case she 
 determines to marry, she will rather lay hands on 
 any of these heretics than on the Archduke. I under- 
 stand now that the Earl of Arran is excluded as 
 being poor and of small advantage, and also because 
 he is not considered personally agreeable. They 
 all favour the Prince of Sweden as he is both 
 heretical and rich, and especially Secretary Cecil, 
 
 5 
 
so THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 who would expect to remain at the head of affairs 
 as at present." Shortly afterwards, in September, 
 1560, Cecil took the Bishop aside and complained 
 bitterly of Dudley, who he said was trying to turn 
 him out of his place ; and then, after exacting many 
 pledges of secrecy, said that the Queen was con- 
 ducting herself in such a way that he, Cecil, thought 
 of retiring, as he clearly foresaw the ruin of the 
 realm through the Queen's intimacy with Dudley, 
 whom she meant to marry. He begged the Bishop 
 to remonstrate with the Queen, and ended by 
 saying that Dudley was thinking of killing his wife, 
 "who was said to be ill although she was quite 
 well." I " The next day," writes the Bishop, " as 
 she was returning from hunting, the Queen told me 
 that Robert's wife was dead, or nearly so, and 
 asked me not to say anything about it. Certainly 
 this business is most shameful and scandalous ; and, 
 withal, I am not sure whether she will marry the 
 man at once or even at all, as I. do not think she 
 has her mind sufiSciently fixed. Cecil says she 
 wishes to do as her father did." In a postcript of 
 the same letter the writer gives the news of poor 
 Amy Robsart's death. " She broke her neck — she 
 must have fallen down a staircase," said the Queen. 
 Thenceforward Dudley was free, and the marriage 
 negotiations had another factor to be taken into 
 account. 
 
 About a month afterwards Cecil came to the 
 Bishop and said that as the Queen had personally 
 assured him she would not marry Dudley, he urged 
 him once more to bring the Archduke forward ; but 
 Quadra was wary now, for he saw the design was 
 ' Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth). 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 51 
 
 only to arouse the fears of the French, and he 
 would take no hasty step. It is difficult to see how- 
 he could have done so, for, after sending three 
 ambassadors, the Emperor had now quite made 
 up his mind that the Queen should not again play 
 with him. Every weapon in the femininelBatteryTiad 
 been employed — ^maiden coyness, queenly reserve, 
 womanly weakness, and the rest of them, had been 
 tried in vain. A good portrait of the Archduke had 
 been sent, and her own agents had seen him. If, said 
 the Emperor, this were not enough, the young man 
 should come himself; but only on a distinct pledge 
 that she would marry him if he did. Beyond this 
 the Emperor would not go, and the Queen always 
 stopped short at a binding promise. Nor, indeed, 
 would the match have pleased the extreme reform 
 party in England led by Cecil, Bedford, and Clinton, 
 which was now the paramount one. It was useful to 
 Cecil, in order to play it as a trump card whenever 
 the negotiations with the French rendered it neces- 
 sary, but, at the time, undoubtedly the Swedish 
 match was most in favour with the Protestant party. 
 Prince Eric was very persevering. When his brother 
 returned to Sweden he proposed to come to England 
 himself, but was induced to delay his visit ; ac- 
 cording to Throgmorton,! in order that his father 
 might abdicate, and he might get better terms. 
 " Both father and son, however, have sent to 
 propose very advantageous conditions to the Queen, 
 should she consent to the marriage. They will 
 bind themselves to send to England annually 
 200,000 crowns to be expended for the benefit 
 
 ' Michieli to the Doge, August i6, 1560. Venetian 
 Calendar. 
 
52 THE COURTSHIPS OF QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 of English subjects, and in time of war to keep 
 fifty armed ships at their own cost, with other 
 private conditions very profitable for England, 
 which the King defers making known until his 
 coming to her." It is evident that Eric was too 
 much in earnest to suit Elizabeth, and she had to 
 behave rudely enough to him on several occasions 
 to prevent his ardour from causing inconvenience. 
 It is more than probable that she deceived Cecil 
 and the rest of advisers as to her matrimonial 
 intentions as completely as she did the suitors 
 themselves, and that she n ever meant to marry — 
 except perhaps on two occasions, which will be 
 specified, when circumstances or her feelings nearly 
 drove her to the irrevocable step. Her own motives 
 were less complicated than those of her advisers, 
 and the lifelong playing off of France against 
 Spain, of which her matrimonial negotiations were 
 a part, was obviously only possible whilst she kept 
 single; whereas party, religious, and personal 
 affinities all operated on the minds of her courtiers 
 and ministers, and, to a certain extent, separated 
 their interests from hers. 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 Dudley and the Council of Trent — ^The Bishop of Aquila 
 tricked — Eric makes another attempt — Dudley again 
 approaches the Bishop — The suitors for Mary of Scotland 
 — Darnley — The Archduke Charles — Dudley — Melvil's 
 mission to Elizabeth — Hans Casimir — French approaches. 
 
 When it was clear that the Archduke Charles was 
 shelved and that Cecil and the Protestants were 
 urging the suit of the Prince of Sweden, who evi- 
 dently meant business, it behoved Dudley to make 
 a countermove. Bishop Quadra had over and over 
 again said he had found him out, and would not be 
 deceived by him again ; but in January, 1561, only 
 four months after Lady Robert Dudley's death, Sir 
 Henry Sidney came to see the Bishop. Sir Henry 
 was Lord Robert's brother-in-law, and had always 
 belonged to the Spanish or Catholic party, and 
 consequently was a persona-grata with Quadra, 
 especially as he was a near relative of the Duchess 
 of Feria (Jane Dormer) whose husband was the 
 Bishop's great patron. He came (of course from 
 Dudley), and after much beating about the bush 
 said that as the Queen's attachment to Lord 
 Robert, and her desire to marry him were now 
 public, he, Sidney, was much surprised that some 
 approach was not made to Dudley on behalf of the 
 
 King of Spain ; as in the event of a helping hand 
 
 53 
 
54 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 being extended to him now, " he would hereafter 
 serve and obey your Majesty like one of your own 
 vassals." The Bishop intimated that there was no 
 particular reason why his master should put himself 
 out of the way about it, as he had nothing to gain 
 in the matter, although if the Queen expressed a 
 desire for his good offices he would be always 
 ready to extend courtesy to her. But really such 
 strange tales were afloat, said the Bishop, that he 
 had not dared to write to the King about them. 
 Sidney took the bull by the horns and said that 
 if the Bishop were satisfied about Lady Robert's 
 death he saw no other reason for hesitation, "as 
 after all, though it was a love affair, the object of it 
 was marriage, and there was nothing illicit about 
 it." He had, he said, inquired carefully into Lady 
 Robert's death, and was satisfied that it was an 
 accident, although he knew that public opinion 
 held to the contrary. The Bishop was very dubious 
 upon the point, and said drily that it would be 
 difficult for Lord Robert to make things appear as 
 he represented them. Sidney admitted that no 
 one believed it was an accident, and that even 
 preachers in the pulpits impugned the honour of 
 the Queen in the matter. This led him to the real 
 object of his visit, which was to propose that in 
 return for the King of Spain's help towards Dudley's 
 marriage he would undertake to " restore religion." 
 The Bishop still held off, reminding him of how he 
 had been tricked by Robert and the Queen before 
 through Sidney's wife, and refused to move unless 
 the Queen herself spoke about it and told him what 
 to write to his master. This, said Sidney, was im- 
 possible, unless he broached the subject first, but 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH, SS 
 
 promised that Dudley himself should come and 
 state his own case. The Bishop deprecated the 
 making of any bargain about religion. If Robert 
 wished to relieve his conscience he would be glad 
 to hear him, but he could enter into no agreement 
 to reward him for doing what was the duty of every 
 good Christian : all of which meant that the Bishop 
 was determined not to be caught again and made 
 to act by vague professions. In his letter to the 
 King, however, he emphatically urges him to take 
 advantage of the Queen's passion for Dudley to 
 bring her to her knees, " as she will not dare to 
 publish the match if she do not obtain your 
 Majesty's consent," popular feeling being dead 
 against it. " There is not a person," he says, 
 "without some scandalous tale to tell about the 
 matter, and one of the Queen's gentlemen of the 
 chamber is in prison for blabbing." It was even 
 asserted that the Queen h ad h ad chi ldren by 
 Dudley, but this the Bishop said he did not "believe. 
 Shortly after this interview Sidney brought his 
 brother-in-law and the Bishop together, and Dudley, 
 wisely avoiding any direct reference to the religious 
 bargain, merely asked the ambassador to recom- 
 mend the Queen to marry him. The Bishop said 
 he could not do that, but would mal^e an oppor- 
 tunity for praising him to the Queen whilst 
 speaking of the advisability of her marriage. This 
 was even more than Dudley expected, and he 
 urged that no time should be lost. Two days 
 afterwards the Queen received the Bishop, who 
 more than fulfilled his promise to praise Dudley ; 
 although he was careful to say that the King knew 
 nothing of the matter, but he succeeded in per- 
 
S6 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 suading the Queen that his help would be readily 
 forthcoming if it were requested. 
 
 " After much circumlocution she said she wished 
 to confess to me. . . . She was no angel, and 
 did not deny that she had some affection for 
 Lord Robert ... but she certainly had not 
 decided to marry him or any one else, although 
 she daily saw more clearly the necessity of her 
 marriage, and to satisfy the English humour it was 
 desirable that she should marry an Englishman. 
 , . . What would your Majesty think, she asked, if 
 she married one of her servants."*" The Bishop 
 replied that he did not know, but would write and 
 ask the King, if she desired him to do so, although 
 he believed his master would be glad to hear of her 
 marriage in any case, and would no doubt be happy 
 to learn of the advancement and elevation of Lord 
 Robert, for whom he felt much affection. The Queen 
 had perforce to be content with this, which she at 
 once repeated to Dudley, who came to the Bishop 
 to thank him. Dudley was so elated at the almost 
 unexpected help he was getting that in the fulness 
 of his heart he repeated Sidney's pledge that in 
 return the whole control of the Government should 
 be handed over to the King of Spain, and the 
 Catholic religion restored. The Bishop stopped 
 him at once. He had done, he said, and would do, 
 all he could to forward his marriage, but he would 
 make no bargain about religion. That was an affair 
 of their own conscience. " I am thus cautious with 
 these people, because if they are playing false, 
 which is quite possible, I do not wish to give them ' 
 the opportunity of saying that we offered them 
 your Majesty's favour in return for their changing 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. $7 
 
 their religion, as they say similar things to make 
 your Majesty disliked by the heretics here and 
 in Germany. If they are acting straightforwardly, 
 a word from your Majesty in due time will do more 
 than I can do with many." ^ At the same time the 
 Bishop made no secret to the King of his opinion 
 that unless the " heretics " were to finally prevail 
 Dudley's marriage must be forwarded or a revolu- 
 tion and the re moval of the Que en carried out. 
 Philip was even more cautious than his ambassador. 
 He was anxious to help Dudley on the lines sug- 
 gested, but there must be something in writing from 
 the Queen and her lover, and some prior earnest 
 must be given of their chastened hearts in the 
 matter of religion, either by the despatch of pleni- 
 potentiaries to the Council of Trent or otherwise. 
 Dudley was all eagerness to get the matter settled, 
 and for the next few weeks kept urging the Queen 
 to request the King of Spain's good offices towards 
 the marriage. But the recognition of the Pope's 
 Council of Trent was a serious matter and could 
 not be done without the co-operation of Cecil. He 
 had been bought over temporarily to Dudley's side 
 in appearance by the gift of some vacant sinecure 
 offices, but he saw — as did the Queen in her calmer 
 moments — that the participation of Elizabeth in the 
 Catholic Council would ruin England by destroying 
 the balance upon which its safety depended. So 
 whilst ostensibly countenancing it he artfully frus- 
 trated Dudley's plan. Francis H., Mary Stuart's 
 husband, was now dead, and France was ruled by the 
 Queen-mother Catharine de Medici, whose tenure of 
 power largely depended upon Huguenot support. So 
 'Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. i. 
 
S8 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 to her was sent the Puritan Earl of Bedford to suggest 
 joint action with England in relation to the Council 
 and religious affairs generally as a countercheck to 
 Dudley, and Cecil himself began to intervene in the 
 negotiations with the Bishop. He urged the latter to 
 get his master to write a letter to the Queen recom- 
 mending the marriage, in terms that he knew were 
 impossible, and when the Bishop asked him point 
 blank whether this was the Queen's message or his 
 own, he begged that a modest maiden like her Majesty 
 might not be driven into a corner and made to 
 appear anxious for her own marriage. He further 
 said the intention was to summon Parliament, and 
 lay the King's letter before it as an inducement for 
 them to adopt the marriage with Dudley — a course 
 which he knew well would have an entirely opposite 
 effect. The Bishop soon saw the drift. " The sum 
 of it all is that Cecil and these heretics wish to keep 
 the Queen bound and subject, to their heresies, and 
 although she sees that they treat her badly, and 
 especially the preachers, she dares not go against 
 Cecil's advice, as she fears both sides would then 
 rise up against her. Robert is very much displeased 
 at all this, and has used great efforts to cause the 
 Queen to make a stand and free herself from the 
 tyranny of these people and throw herself entirely 
 on your Majesty's favour. I do not think, however, 
 that he has been able to prevail, as he is faint- 
 hearted and his favour is founded on vanity." 
 Sidney, Pembroke, and others, urged Dudley to 
 action, but, infatuated as the Queen was with him, 
 she knew what a weak reed he was in Council, and 
 always checked herself in her passion to take the 
 wise advice of Cecil. For some weeks, however, the 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 59 
 
 Bishop was deceived. A great show of cordiality was 
 made towards him ; the CathoHc nobles and bishops, 
 persuaded that Dudley's suit was being pushed by 
 Spain, began to gather round the favourite, and 
 ostensible preparations were made for receiving the 
 Pope's Nuncio in Eiigland with the invitation to 
 the Council of Trent. The Bishop wrote to the 
 King that, at last Dudley "appeared to have 
 made up his mind to be a worthy man and gain 
 respect." Dudley was now more emphatic than 
 before of his intention to restore the Catholic religion 
 in England, and the ProtestaaL- E.^'^'ty to ok fright. 
 Greatly to Quadra's indignation public opinion was 
 excited against himself as the promoter of a plot 
 to restore Catholicism ; the Nuncio was informed 
 that he would not be allowed to land in England, 
 the Queen refused to send envoys to the Council of 
 Trent, Sidney was hurried off to his Government in 
 Wales, and, by the end of April, Cecil's underhand 
 diplomacy had triumphed and Dudley's plan to force 
 the Queen into a marriage by the aid ol the 
 Catholics was frustrated. It is undoubted that the 
 Queen was peril ously j aear taking the step on this 
 occasion, and, but for Cecil, might have been be- 
 trayed into doing so ; although Dudley's vain and 
 giddy boasting, when he thought he had triumphed 
 on this and other occasions aided the disillusion- 
 ment. Her own imperiousness could not brook 
 his assumption of superior airs in her presence, 
 and she quickly nesented it. She would let them 
 know, she said, that in England there was only 
 one mistress and no master. Shortly before she 
 had told Morette, who came at the instance ©f the 
 Duke of Savoy, to propose the Duke de Nemours 
 
6o THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 for a husband, that in England there was a woman 
 who acted as a man, and did not need a Granvelle 
 or a Montmorenci to guide her. Elizabeth was 
 now in the very prime of her beauty and powers. 
 Her complexion was of that peculiar transparence 
 which is only seen in golden blondes, her figure 
 was fine and graceful, and her wit and accomplish- 
 ments were such as would have made a woman of 
 any rank or time remarkable. She was a splendid 
 horsewoman too, with a keen eye for popular effect 
 in her actions, and for ever on the look-out, as her 
 ill-fated mother had been, for the cheers of the 
 populace. One of the German agents sent by the 
 Emperor about the Archduke Charles's match, 
 gave a glowing account of her.^ " She lives, he 
 says, a life of such magnificence and feasting as can 
 hardly be imagined, and occupies a great portion 
 of her time with balls, banquets, hunting, and similar 
 amusements, with the utmost possible display, but 
 nevertheless she insists upon far greater respect 
 being shown her than was exacted by Queen Mary. 
 She summons Parliament, but lets them know that 
 her orders must be obeyed in any case." Her vanity 
 was perfectly insatiable, and only those who would 
 consent to pander to it could hope for a continuance 
 of her favour, always excepting Cecil, but yet the 
 great mind, the far-seeing caution, the strong will, 
 the keen self-interest, kept even the vanity and 
 frivolity in check when they otherwise would have 
 led her into danger. As Dudley was necessary to 
 her weak side, so was Cecil needful to her strong 
 one : the one to amuse and gratify her, the other 
 
 « Coloredo's account. Tiepolo to the Senate, December lo, 
 1559. Venetian Calendar. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 6i 
 
 to counsel and sustain her and to protect her 
 against herself. 
 
 The Bishop attributed the approaches made to 
 him by Dudley to a deep-laid scheme to propitiate 
 Spain until the widowed Mary Stuart should be 
 married, but he seems to leave out of account 
 Dudley's real desire for his marriage with the 
 Queen on any terms, and his wrath at the fiasco. 
 The Bishop thought the hand of Cecil had been 
 forced by the coming of the Pope's Nuncio, and 
 that otherwise the farce would have been kept up 
 for some time longer. In any case the Catholic 
 hopes in England and Ireland, which had revived 
 at the news of the negotiation with Spain, were 
 speedily crushed by fresh persecutions, and the 
 Protestants in England, France, and Germany 
 were for the first time drawn together in a common 
 understanding. That the Bishop was deeply 
 chagrined at the way he had been treated is clear 
 by his behaviour towards the Queen and Dudley 
 during the entertainment given by Dudley on St. 
 John's Day, 1561. It was only a month after the 
 Nuncio had been turned back, and the Catholic 
 prosecutions were being carried on vigorously. 
 The Queen, Dudley, and the Bishop were alone in 
 the gallery of the State-barge off Greenwich wit- 
 nessing the fireworks and other entertainments, 
 " when she and Robert began joking, which she 
 likes to do much better than talking about business. 
 They went so far in their jokes that Lord Robert 
 told her that if she wished I could be the clergyman 
 to marry them^and she, nothing loath to hear it, said 
 she was not sure whether I knew enough English. 
 I let them jest for a time, but at last spoke to them 
 
62 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 in earnest, and told them that if they listened to me 
 they could extricate themselves from the tyranny of 
 the councillors who had taken possession of the 
 Queen and her affairs, and could restore peace and 
 unity to the country by reinstating religion. If 
 they did this they could effect the marriage they 
 spoke of, and I should be glad to perform it, and 
 they might severely punish those who did not like 
 it, as they could do anything with your Majesty 
 (Philip) on their side. As things were now I did 
 not think the Queen would be able to marry except 
 when and whom Cecil and his friends might please. 
 I enlarged on this point somewhat, because I see 
 that unless Robert and the Queen are estranged 
 from this gang of heretics they will continue as 
 heretofore, but if God ordain that they should fall 
 out with them I should consider it an easy thing to do 
 everything else we desire." No action more likely 
 to attain the end in view than that adopted by the 
 Bishop can be conceived, and had it depended upon 
 Dudley alone, not many days would have passed 
 before England was handed over to Spain and the 
 Catholics for the satisfaction of the worthless favour- 
 ite's ambition. Happily the Queen and Cecil had 
 to be taken into account as well, and England was 
 saved. In August news came to England that 
 the new king, Eric XIV., encouraged by certain 
 Puritan messages sent to him when Dudley's mar- 
 riage was pending, was on his way to England. 
 His servants and household stuff arrived in Dover, 
 with smart new liveries and a showy stud of horses, 
 and it was announced that the King would follow 
 at once to ask for Elizabeth's hand. This was in- 
 convenient, for Mary of Scotland was still a widow, 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 63 
 
 and the wedding of Elizabeth to Eric would have 
 been at once followed by the marriage of Mary to 
 a nominee of Philip, to the utmost certain destruc- 
 tion of the Protestant party. Elizabeth assured the 
 Swedes that she had no intention of marrying, 
 refusing a passport for the King on the ground that 
 it was not becoming for a modest maiden to be 
 always giving passports to a young unmarried 
 prince — besides, she had given him two already — 
 one of which he did not use and the other was lost. 
 In face of this coolness Eric affected to put to sea, 
 but a providential tempest caused him to return, 
 and the affair was again shelved, the Queen in the 
 meanwhile dallying with Lord Robert, which she 
 could do without much danger to the State now that 
 Cecil had upset his Catholic plan. But Dudley's 
 personal enemies were always on the alert. Arundel 
 considered he had been insulted by him, and in 
 revenge had a minute inquiry made as to the circum- 
 stances of Lady Robert's death, which disclosed very 
 suspicious facts. This humbled Dudley somewhat 
 and made him more cautious, but as he found the 
 Catholics incensed against him, he tried to balance 
 matters by approaching their opponents. He sent 
 an envoy to Henry of Navarre with similar proposals 
 to the Huguenots to those he had previously made 
 to the Spaniards and Catholics. If they would 
 uphold him in his pretension^ to the Queen's hand 
 he would practically hand over England to their 
 control. They politely agreed, but knew full well 
 that the control of England was in stronger hands 
 than his, and did nothing to help him. It was little 
 indeed they could have done just then, for their 
 own great struggle was yet before them, and Dudley 
 
64 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 soon found that he had made a mistake. His 
 sending Mowbray to negotiate with Navarre had 
 offended the regular EngHsh ambassador, Throg- 
 morton, and the noise of the intrigue had reached 
 England, more than ever irritating the Catholics 
 against Dudley. The latter had no scruples and 
 no shame, and turned completely round again. In 
 January, 1562, he once more went servilely to Bishop 
 Quadra, professing his attachment to Spanish in- 
 terests and begging that Philip should write to the 
 Queen urging her to marry him. He was in a 
 great hurry, and wanted the letter before Easter; but 
 the Bishop was not to be rushed into another com- 
 promising position, and said that he had so often 
 assured the Queen of Philip's affection for Dudley 
 that a fresh letter from the King was unnecessary, 
 but he would again speak to her Majesty in his 
 favour. This did not satisfy Lord Robert, but it 
 was all he could get, and a few days afterwards the 
 Bishop asked Elizabeth what was the meaning of 
 Dudley's request, as Philip's approval of the match 
 had already been expressed. " She replied that she 
 was as free from any engagement to marry as on the 
 day she was born, no matter what the world might 
 think or say, but she had quite made up her mind 
 to marry nobody whom she had not seen or known, 
 and consequently she might be obliged to marry in 
 England, in which case she thought she could find 
 no person more fitting than Lord Robert. She 
 did not wish people to say that she had married of 
 her own desire, but that her friends and neighbour- 
 ing princes should persuade her to do so." "This," 
 said she, " is what Robert wants ; as for me, I ask 
 for nothing." Seeing that the Bishop still held off 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 65 
 
 and refused to budge, she said it was of no conse- 
 quence at all. It was only for appearance' sake. 
 She could as well marry without Philip's approval 
 as with it, but if she did, Robert would have but 
 small reason to serve the interests of Spain. " I 
 answered her in a joking way," said the Bishop, 
 ' and told her not to dilly-dally any longer, but to 
 satisfy Lord Robert at once . . . and so I passed 
 over the question of the letter." He, no doubt 
 correctly, surmised that the letter was wanted 
 merely for the purpose of mollifying the Catholics 
 towards Dudley, and plainly told Philip that if he 
 were not prepared to force Catholicism upon Eng- 
 land by an invasion, there was no reason why the 
 letter should not be sent, as it would at all events 
 please somebody, whilst his present attitude of 
 reserve pleased no one, and the English Catholics 
 would never move without active help. The letter, 
 however, was never written, and three months after- 
 wards the Bishop himself had altered his opinion 
 about it. In April, 1562, he writes to Granvelle 
 that the time had now gone by for Philip to help 
 Robert, as the Catholics were against him, and 
 instead of their being propitiated they would be 
 ^ alienated thereby. "The Queen," he says, "de- 
 sires not to act in accord with his Majesty, as 
 will have been seen by her behaviour in this case 
 and all others. I have already pointed out that the 
 letter they requested was only to smooth over all 
 difficulties here and carry out their own intentions." 
 Quadra was now completely undeceived, and de- 
 clined to be snared again with matrimonial negotia- 
 tions. Indeed, for the present, the point upon 
 which European policy pivoted was not the marriage 
 
 6 
 
e^ THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 of Elizabeth, which had now grown stale, but that 
 of the widowed Mary Stuart in Scotland. The 
 persevering Eric XIV., after yet one more repulse 
 from the Queen Elizabeth, had sent to propose to 
 Mary — which, however, did not prevent his am- 
 bassador in London from politely suggesting a 
 match with one of the daughters of the Emperor — 
 Darnley, the Earl of Arran, Don Carlos, and even 
 the Archduke Charles, were already being dangled 
 before Mary's eyes. Her uncles, the Guises, were 
 in an atmosphere of intrigue on the subject, 
 and there was hardly a Court in Europe that 
 had not its own candidate for the Scottish Queen's 
 hand. Elizabeth's great efforts, seconded by those 
 of James Stuart (afterwards the Regent Murray), 
 were directed towards preventing Mary from marry- 
 ing a powerful foreign prince, particularly a Catholic, 
 and as a means to this end the Huguenots in France 
 were encouraged to break down the power of the 
 Guises. Catharine de Medici, the regent, was glad 
 of the chance, for she hated them ; and now that 
 their niece was no longer Queen of France there was 
 no excuse for their predominance. The best way for 
 the English to please the Huguenots was to flout 
 Spain and the Catholics, and the Bishop soon found 
 that frowns instead of smiles greeted him. Elizabeth 
 had been informed that an intrigue was afoot to 
 marry Mary to Don Carlos, the vicious young 
 lunatic who was Philip's only son. This would 
 have meant the ruin of Protestant England and the 
 strengthening of the Guises in France, to the 
 detriment of Catharine de Medici. The plan of the 
 latter, supported by James Stuart, was to hasten on 
 a marriage between Mary and Darnley. Elizabeth 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 67 
 
 did not relish the idea of the union of the two next 
 legal heirs to her own crown, but pretended to 
 approve of it,' and Dudley promised Lethington to 
 support it strongly, in the hope that such a pre- 
 cedent might bring his own marriage nearer. The 
 Spanish ambassador was openly slighted, his 
 couriers stopped, his letters read, his secretary 
 suborned, and he himself placed under semi-arrest, 
 charged with plotting against the Queen. Among 
 other things he was accused of writing to Philip, in 
 a letter that had been intercepted, that the Queen 
 had been privately married to Lord Robert in the 
 Earl of Pembroke's house. To this he answered 
 that he had merely written what all London was 
 saying, namely, that the wedding had taken place. 
 " When he had said as much to the Queen herself 
 she was not annoyed thereat, for she had replied 
 that it was not only people outside who thought so, 
 as on her return that afternoon from the Earl's 
 house her own ladies-in-waiting, when she entered 
 the chamber with Lord Robert, had asked her 
 whether they were to kiss his hand as well as her 
 own, to which she had replied no, and that they 
 were not to believe what people said." The 
 Bishop inserted a sting at the end of his justification 
 by saying that, considering the way people were 
 talking, he did not think he would injure the Queen by 
 saying she was married. Elizabeth's next step was to 
 send powerful aid to the Huguenots in France, who 
 were already in arms, to draw closer the connection 
 with the Protestants in Germany and Holland, and 
 for the first time openly to disregard Spain and the 
 
 » Castelnau de la Mauvissiere, " Memoires," and " Melvil 
 Memoirs." 
 
68 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 Catholic party in Europe. With a divided France 
 and a discontented Netherlands this was possible as 
 it never had been before. In the midst of the war- 
 like preparations in England to occupy Havre for 
 the Huguenots, Elizabeth fell ill of small-pox at 
 Hampton Court, and was thought to be on her 
 death-bed. The consternation in the palace was 
 great, as the crisis was unexpected ; but whilst the 
 acrimonious discussions as to the succession were 
 still in progress the Queen rallied, and was pro- 
 nounced out of danger. The first thing she did on 
 recovering speech and consciousness was to beg the 
 Council to make Dudley protector, with a peerage 
 and an income of ;^20,ooo. Everything she asked 
 was promised, though, as Quadra says, without any 
 intention of fulfilling it. But Dudley and the Duke 
 of Norfolk were admitted members of the Council, 
 which was a great point gained for the former. 
 When the Queen feared she might die she protested 
 solemnly before God that, although she loved 
 Robert dearly, nothing improper had ever passed 
 between them.' 
 
 Parliament assembled early in 1563, and depu- 
 tations from both Houses addressed the Queen on 
 the subject of fixing the succession. She was 
 extremely angry, and said that what they saw on 
 her face were pock marks and not wrinkles, and 
 she was not so old yet as to have lost hope of 
 children. Subsequent attempts to approach her on 
 the subject, or that of the marriage, met with a 
 similar or more violent repulse. In March, during 
 the sitting of Parliament, Maitland of Lethington, 
 Mary of Scotland's famous Secretary of State, 
 ' Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. i. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 69 
 
 arrived in London for the purpose of forwarding 
 his mistress's claim to the succession. He soon saw 
 that the Queen would have her way, and that no 
 successor would be appointed, the evident intention 
 of both Elizabeth and Catharine de Medici being, 
 as Mary herself said, to force an unworthy or a 
 Protestant marriage upon her, in order to injure her 
 prestige with the English Catholics. Cardinal 
 Lorraine and others were anxious that Mary should 
 wed the Archduke Charles, but Mary said she must 
 have a prince strong enough to enforce her claim to 
 the English throne, which Charles was not, and 
 refused him, her own Catholic noblemen being 
 also strongly against him for similar reasons. 
 The opponents of the Guises in France, and 
 the Protestants in England, were of course against 
 the marriage of Mary with a member of the 
 house of Austria, so that, although his name was 
 kept to the front for some time, Charles was never a 
 probable husband for the Queen of Scots. In a 
 long conversation Elizabeth had with Maitland she 
 told him that if his mistress would take her advice, 
 and wished to marry with safety and happiness, she 
 would give her a husband who would ensure both : 
 and this was Lord Robert, in whom nature had 
 implanted so many graces that if she (Elizabeth) 
 wished to marry she would prefer him to all the 
 princes in the world. Maitland said this was indeed 
 a proof of the love she bore to his mistress, to give 
 up to her what she cherished so much herself, but 
 he hardly thought his niistress, even if she loved 
 Lord Robert as dearly as Elizabeth did, would con- 
 sent to deprive her of all the joy and solace she 
 received from his company. Elizabeth, after some 
 
70 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 more talk of this sort, said she wished to God that 
 his brother, the Earl of Warwick, had the grace and 
 good looks of Robert, in which case each Queen 
 could have one of the brothers. Maitland was 
 much embarrassed by this unexpected sally, and 
 adroitly turned the subject to one that he knew 
 would silence '^the Queen. He said that as his 
 mistress was much the younger, it would be well 
 that Elizabeth should marry Robert first and have 
 children, and then when she died she might leave 
 both her kingdom and her husband to Mary. 
 
 The Scots nobles at this time saw that, with Eliza- 
 beth and Catharine united against their Queen, things 
 were likely to go badly with her ; and even Protes- 
 tantS) such as Maitland and Murray were desirous of 
 counteracting the opposing combination by enlisting 
 the help of Spain. Maitland, therefore, after much 
 circumlocution and mystery, proposed to Quadra 
 that Mary should be offered to Don Carlos. The 
 Bishop was delighted with the idea, and sent the 
 offer to Philip, who also approved of it. If such a 
 marriage had been possible, and had been carried 
 out swiftly and suddenly, it might have been the 
 turnjing-point to make England Catholic — but it was 
 not to be. Events marched too rapidly for Philip's 
 leaden method, and the opportunity was lost whilst 
 information, pledges, and securities, were being 
 sought from the Scotch and English nobles, upon 
 whom Philip depended for deposing Elizabeth and 
 placing Mary and her consort on the throne of 
 Great Britain. In vain through a course of years 
 Philip was told with tiresome reiteration that things 
 could not be done in that way. The Catholics 
 would not rise without a certainty of aid, and the 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 71 
 
 pledges could not be all on one side. So, tired of 
 waiting, at last the Scots nobles were driven to con- 
 sent to Mary's marriage with Darnley, and she, for 
 a time at least, ceased to be the centre figure in the 
 marriage manoeuvres. 
 
 Sir James Melvil, one of those cosmopolitan 
 Scotsmen who were in so much request at Euro- 
 pean Courts in the sixteenth century, had been sent 
 by the Emperor and the Elector Palatine, to whom 
 he was then attached, to propose a marriage between 
 the boy-king, Charles IX., and one of the grand- 
 daughters of the Emperor Ferdinand, and whilst he 
 was still in Paris, early in 1564, his own Queen, 
 Mary of Scotland, recalled him. He had lived 
 abroad for many years — since he was a child — and 
 Catharine de Medici made him tempting offers to 
 remain with her, but he decided to obey Mary's 
 summons and return home. He had, of course, first 
 to go to Heidelberg and take leave of his master, 
 the Palatine. Some time before this the Palatine's 
 second son, the famous Duke Hans Casimir, had 
 requested Melvil to carry an offer of marriage from 
 him to Elizabeth. Melvil refused, as he says he 
 had reason to believe from what he had heard that 
 Elizabeth knew herself incapable of child-bearing, 
 and "would never subject herself to any man." 
 When Melvil was taking leave of the Palatine, Hans 
 Casimir forgot his resentment sufficiently to request 
 the Scotch courtier to take his portrait and present it 
 to the Queen on his way through London, and after 
 considerable demur Melvil consented to do so on con- 
 dition that he carried with him portraits of all the rest 
 of the Elector Palatine's family, so that Hans Casi- 
 mir's picture might be introduced as if accidentally. 
 
72 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 Melvil took with him also an important message 
 from the Protestant princes of Germany to Eliza- 
 beth; and, with his polish and wit, very soon got into 
 the Queen's good graces. He deftly introduced 
 the subjects of the portraits, and she at once asked 
 him pointedly whether he had that of Hans Casimir, 
 as she wished to see it. He told her he had left 
 the portraits in London, he, being then at Hampton 
 Court, whereupon she said he should not go until 
 she had seen the pictures. Melvil delivered them 
 to her next day, and even suggested that she 
 should keep them. But she only asked Dudley's 
 opinion about them, "and would have none of 
 them. I had also sure information that first and 
 last she despised Duke Casimir." Which, indeed, 
 seems highly probable. In one of the Queen's 
 familiar chats with Melvil she told him she had 
 determined to propose two persons as fit husbands 
 for his Queen, and promised to make the Scotsman 
 her agent in the matter, which, he says, at the persua- 
 sion of Dudley, she failed to do. He was soon sent 
 back again to London as Mary's envoy, to, if possible, 
 mollify Elizabeth's anger at the Scotch queen's cool 
 reception of her matrimonial advice, and at Mary's 
 intimacy with Lennox, the father of Darnley. 
 
 He arrived in London early in October, 1564, 
 and soon became on friendly terms with Elizabeth 
 again. In his first interview in an "alley" in the 
 gardens at Whitehall he told the Queen that his 
 mistress had not considered the proposal for her to 
 marry Dudley until a joint commission of Scotch 
 and English statesmen should have met ; and 
 Melvil suggested that the English commissioners 
 should be the Earl of Bedford and Lord Robert. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 73 
 
 Elizabeth took offence at the order in which the 
 names were mentioned. " She said," writes Melvil, 
 "that I appeared to make small account of my Lord 
 Robert, seeing that I named the Earl of Bedford 
 before him, but she said that ere long she would make 
 him a far greater earl, and that I should see it done 
 before I returned home. For she esteemed him as 
 her brother and best friend, whom she would herself 
 have married had she ever minded to have taken a 
 husband. But being determined to end her life in 
 virginity, she wished the Queen her sister might 
 marry him, as meetest of all other with whom she 
 could find in her heart to declare her second person." ^ 
 Elizabeth's reason for her recommendation was a 
 curious one. She said she trusted Dudley so 
 implicitly that she knew that if he married Mary 
 he would not allow any attempt to usurp the throne 
 of England whilst she, Elizabeth, lived. The 
 Queen was as good as her word, and before 
 Melvil left he saw Dudley made Earl of Leicester 
 and Baron Denbeigh. The ceremony of investure 
 was a splendid one, and the Queen herself helped to 
 decorate the new earl with the insignia of his rank, 
 "he sitting on his knees before her with great 
 gravity. But she could not refrain from putting 
 her hand in his neck, smilingly tickling him, the 
 French ambassador and I standing by. Then she 
 turned, asking at me, ' How I liked him.' Melvil 
 gave a courtly answer. 'Yet,' says she, 'you like 
 better of yonder long lad,' pointing towards my 
 lord Darnley, who, as nearest prince of the blood, 
 did bear the sword of honour that day before her. 
 My answer was that no woman of spirit would make 
 " " Melvil Memoirs," 
 
74 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 choice of such a man, who more resembled a woman 
 than a man. For he was handsome, beardless, and 
 lady-faced." But for all that one of Melvil's prin- 
 cipal purposes in England was diplomatically to 
 obtain permission for Darnley to go to Scotland. 
 On another occasion Elizabeth told Melvil that 
 she would never marry unless forced thereto by his 
 mistress's "harsh behaviour." " I know the truth of 
 that. Madam," said he, "you need not tell me. You 
 think that if you were married you would be but 
 Queen of England, and now you are both King and 
 Queen. I know your spirit cannot endure a com- 
 mander." She then took him to her bedchamber 
 and opened a little cabinet "wherein were divers 
 little pictures, and their names written with her own 
 hand on the papers. Upon the first that she took 
 up was written ' My lord's picture.' I held up the 
 candle and pressed to see the picture so named, but 
 she appeared loath to let me see it, yet my impor- 
 tunity prevailed, and found it to be the Earl of 
 Leicester's picture." Melvil tried to get the picture 
 to carry to Scotland, as the Queen had, as he says, 
 the original ; but Elizabeth would not part with the 
 counterfeit, although she pretended to be willing to 
 give Dudley himself to " her dear sister." Melvil 
 gives a very amusing account of the manner in 
 which the Queen pressed him to give his opinion as 
 to the respective perfections of his mistress and 
 herself. She dressed herself in every possible style 
 for his delectation, showed off her dancing, her 
 music (with a fair amount of coyness), her know- 
 ledge of languages. "Her hair," he says, "was 
 more reddish than yellow, curled, in appearance, 
 naturally. She desired to know whether my 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 75 
 
 Queen's hair or hers was the best." He rather 
 fenced so delicate a question, but the Queen 
 insisted upon an answer, and she was told that 
 " she was the fairest Queen in England, and mine 
 the fairest Queen in Scotland." But still she was 
 not satisfied, and after much pressure Melvil was 
 fain to answer that " she was the whiter of the two, 
 but that Mary was very lovely." 
 
 Shortly before Melvil's visit a new Spanish am- 
 bassador, Guzman de Silva, had arrived in London, 
 and Dudley lost not a day in trying upon him the 
 tactics that had failed with Quadra. A Catholic friend 
 of his was sent to Guzman to assure him that, if 
 he would exert his influence to ruin Cecil with the 
 Queen, Dudley would place himself under the orders 
 of Philip, and at a second interview with the am- 
 bassador the same person told him "that Robert 
 still looks to marry the Queen, and thinks that 
 religious questions will be settled thereby. Robert, 
 he says, has an understanding with the Pope on 
 the matter, and a person in Rome to represent him. 
 This he told me in strict secrecy, and greatly praises 
 Robert's good intentions with regard to religion and 
 the marriage, but with equivocal assurances as to 
 what measures would be adopted." Needless to 
 say that the former ambassador's experience was 
 not lost upon his successor, and Dudley was hence- 
 forward looked at askance by the Spanish party. 
 The Queen herself next tried her blandishments 
 on the new envoy. He was invited to a grand 
 (masque represented in the palace, and sat next to 
 her Majesty, who interpreted the play to him. Of 
 course it was all about love, which gave an oppor- 
 tunity for the Queen to ask the Spaniard whether 
 
■j6 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 Don Carlos had grown manly. She was told that 
 he had, and then, sighing sentimentally, she said : 
 " Ah me ! every one disdains me ! I hear he is 
 to be married to the Queen of Scots." The am- 
 bassador assured her that it was not true — Carlos 
 had been too ill of late for any thought of his 
 marriage, but still people would gossip about great 
 people. "That is very true," said the Queen. 
 " Why, they even said in London the other day 
 that the King was sending an ambassador to treat 
 of the marriage of the prince (Don Carlos) with 
 me ! " The feasting and entertainment lasted till 
 two in the morning, but it is probable that this hint 
 was the origin and end of it all. This was in July, 
 1564, when the Queen felt the need of again 
 drawing closer to the house of Austria. She had 
 been somewhat badly treated by Condd and his 
 Huguenots. Peace had been made in France on 
 terms which again gave the Catholics a predomi- 
 nance, and Cardinal Lorraine had already practi- 
 cally arranged the interview between Catharine de 
 Medici and her daughter, the Queen of Spain, 
 which took place at Bayonne in the following 
 spring. It was known in England and Germany 
 that the real object of this meeting between mother 
 and daughter was to give an opportunity for the 
 Catholic statesmen to form a league for the utter 
 extermination of Protestantism the world over ; 
 and, since the Protestant princes in France had 
 been gained over, it became necessary for Elizabeth 
 now to trim to the side of Spain. She soon began 
 dropping hints to Guzman about her marrying a 
 German, and assured him that she was a Catholic at 
 heart, "although she had to conceal her real feelings 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 17 
 
 to prevail with her subjects in matters of religion." ' 
 When, with the desire of turning her against the 
 Protestants, he told her that preachers were slan- 
 dering her because she had placed a crucifix on 
 the altar of her chapel, she said that she would 
 order crosses to be placed in all the churches, and 
 then continued : " They also charge me with show- 
 ing more favour to Robert than is fitting, speaking 
 of me as if I were an immodest woman. I am 
 not surprised that occasion for it should have been 
 given by a young woman and a young man of good 
 qualities, to whose merits and goodness I show 
 favour, although not so much as he deserves ; but 
 God knows how great a slander it is, and a time 
 will come when the world will know it. My life 
 is open . - . and I cannot understand how so bad 
 a judgment can have been formed of me." She 
 then referred to the negotiations, which were still 
 lingering on, for the marriage of Mary of Scotland 
 with Don Carlos, of which she was evidently in 
 great fear, and on the ambassador laughingly saying 
 that Mary was more likely to marry the King of 
 France, who was then only fifteen years of age, 
 Elizabeth at once said that was impossible, as 
 approaches had been made to marry him to her, 
 "which, she was assured, was a more suitable mar- 
 riage than that which your Majesty (Philip) had con- 
 tracted with her sister." She had, however, she said, 
 laughed at it as a thing not to be spoken of consider- 
 ing their ages." This was quite true, for Condd 
 had suggested the matter to Sir Thomas Smith, 
 the English ambassador in Paris, a year before, 
 whilst the bickering was going on between them 
 ' Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. i. 
 
78 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 as to the terms of the peace and the repayment 
 to the English of the cost of the aid given to the 
 Huguenots. I Smith had passed it over at the time 
 as impossible, and the matter had gone no further ; 
 but only a month after the interview described 
 above between Guzman and the Queen, the 
 marriage of the latter with the boy Charles IX., 
 who was barely half her age, was brought forward 
 in a more authoritative form. When the Catholics 
 were again dominant in Paris, and the objects ot 
 the Spanish and French rapprochement beyond 
 doubt, Elizabeth had sent to the new Emperor 
 Maximilian, ostensibly to condole with him on his 
 father's death, but really to reopen the negotiations 
 for the marriage with the Archduke Charles. This 
 action had to be met and parried by Catharine de 
 Medici, who at this time — November, 1564 — found 
 herself getting rather more completely pledged 
 than she liked to the Catholic and Spanish party, 
 the complete success of which she knew would be 
 her own downfall ; and it was a characteristic stroke 
 of policy of hers to propose so farcical a match 
 as that of Charles IX. with Elizabeth, with the 
 objects, first of hindering the negotiations with the 
 Archduke Charles, secondly of keeping her own 
 Huguenots in hand and preventing England from 
 helping them, and thirdly to checkmate the at- 
 tempts to marry Mary of Scotland to a Spanish 
 prince. In one of her familiar chats with Smith, 
 who followed her in her voyage through Southern 
 France, she told him she would like to see her 
 son married to the Queen of England. Smith 
 was not sympathetic, but gave a full account of 
 ' Foreign Calendar, 1563. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 79 
 
 the conversation to Cecil, who clearly looked upon 
 the proposal with equal dislike and incredulity. 
 Very soon afterwards a more direct approach was 
 made to Elizabeth herself, through one of those 
 intriguing ladies of the Valois Court whom Bran- 
 tome is so fond of describing. This was Madame de 
 Crussol, who is stated to have worked for Catharine 
 in sending Chastelard to Scotland for the express 
 purpose of compromising and injuring Mary of 
 Scotland.' This woman wrote a long letter to 
 Elizabeth hinting at the marriage, and shortly 
 afterwards instructions were sent to Paul de Foix, 
 the French ambassador in England, to make 
 a formal offer to Elizabeth. The instructions 
 arrived early in February, 1565, and de Foix 
 was received by the Queen of England a few 
 days afterwards. The interview took place at first 
 in the presence-chamber, but on the ambassador 
 saying that he had something secret to communi- 
 cate, the Queen led him into her private apartment, 
 where, after much high-flown compliment, he read 
 to her Catharine's despatch, saying that she would 
 be the happiest of mothers if her dearly beloved 
 sister would marry her son and become a daughter 
 to her. She hastened to add that "she (Elizabeth) 
 would find both in the body and mind of the King 
 that which would please her." 2 Elizabeth blushed 
 with satisfied vanity as much as confusion at this, 
 expressed a deep sense of the honour done her, 
 and deplored that she was not ten years younger. 
 She was afraid she would be abandoned as her 
 
 « Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. i. 
 • " Depeches de De Foix," Bibliotheque Nationale. 
 Ferriere. 
 
80 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 sister was, and foresaw the grave obstacles to such 
 a match ; but de Foix sought to reassure her by 
 saying that the Queen-mother knew her age, and 
 expected she would yet bear many children to her 
 son. Elizabeth replied that she would rather die 
 than be neglected ; but still, though her people 
 would prefer that she should marry an Englishman, 
 there was none she could marry but the, Earl of 
 Arundel, "and he was as far off as the poles are 
 asunder." As for the Earl of Leicester, she had 
 always esteemed his merit, but her sense of dignity 
 would not allow her to endure him as a husband. 
 It was agreed between the Queen and de Foix 
 that the matter should be kept secret, and she 
 promised him a reply shortly. The next day Cecil 
 drew up one of his lucid Latin papers, setting forth 
 in detail the many dangers and objections which 
 would ensue from such a marriage, and the Queen 
 at once repeated all of Cecil's arguments to the 
 French ambassador as her own, assuring him that 
 she had not mentioned the matter to any one. The 
 ambassador still pressed the King's suit ; she would 
 have a husband in the flower of his youth, she 
 would be certain to bear children, Parliament might 
 certainly be induced to give its consent, and all the 
 objections might be overcome by a wisely drafted 
 treaty. But, said the Queen, who would bring the 
 King to book if he violated it ? Upon this de 
 Foix lost patience, and said that as a consequence 
 of the good reports he had sent to the Queen- 
 mother with regard to Elizabeth's disposition 
 towards her son, she had thought of this match ; 
 but as he saw that her affections were placed 
 elsewhere he would withdraw. This did not suit 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 8i 
 
 the Queen. She assured him she had not given 
 a refusal, made him sit close by her, and 
 thanked him warmly for the good report he had 
 sent of her to his King, dismissing him at last 
 with a promise to send Cecil to him in a couple 
 of days. Cecil was certainly not in favour of the 
 match, although Leicester affected to be so, thanks 
 partly to the bribes sent to him trom France, and 
 partly because he considered the marriage an im- 
 practicable one. Cecil, indeed, was now almost 
 ostentatiously leaning to the Catholic side, forcing 
 the vestments on to the clergy, relaxing the perse- 
 cution of the Catholics, and gaining praise even 
 from the Spanish ambassador. If the new Emperor 
 was going to fulfil the promises he had made to the 
 Protestant princes who had elected him, and turn 
 reformer, no husband would have been so favour- 
 able to England as the Archduke Charles, who 
 would have disarmed Philip and the Catholics 
 whilst satisfying the Protestants and avoiding the 
 dangers to English independence which would 
 arise from the marriage of the Queen with a 
 prince of the reigning houses of France or Spain. 
 When Cecil saw de Foix, therefore, he diplomati- 
 cally combated the views advanced by the am- 
 bassador. When the latter remarked that the aid 
 of France would for ever preserve England from 
 danger, Cecil replied proudly that England had 
 nothing to fear. At the end of the interview 
 Cecil promised to put his objections to the match 
 in writing ; but when he was asked for the paper, 
 some days afterwards, he refused it, and said that 
 the Queen would go no further until she had a 
 reply from Catharine to her remarks made to de 
 
 7 
 
82 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 Foix. Secretaries and couriers therefore went back- 
 wards and forwards actively for the next few months. 
 This unwonted movement of messengers soon 
 attracted the attention of the Spanish ambassador, 
 who wrote, on the 15 th of March : " The question 
 of marriage is a difficult one, because if she weds 
 Robert great dissatisfaction will be caused in the 
 country, both amongst the higher classes and the 
 common people. The Queen has told me several 
 times that she wishes to marry, but not with 
 Robert ; and Robert himself has told me the same. 
 Apart from this all eyes are fixed on the Arch- 
 duke Charles, and I am informed that negotiations 
 are actually going on about him through Robert. 
 ... Of Robert's leaning towards the matter there 
 is no doubt, in appearance, although it is impos- 
 sible to say with what object. On the other hand, 
 it is said that negotiations are afoot about the 
 King of France, which the Queen herself told 
 me, and it may be true now, because the French, 
 having got wind of the Archduke's affair, may wish 
 to divert it. It may be also that, however great 
 the disparity of years, they may be willing to over- 
 look it in order to join this country to theirs. By 
 the same rule this Queen may be listening to the 
 Archduke for the purpose of stopping his negotia- 
 tions with Scotland, and the French may be trying 
 to beat her at her own game." ^ It will be seen by 
 this how tangled was the diplomatic skein even to 
 those contemporaries whose especial business it was 
 to unravel it. 
 
 A week after the date of the letter just quoted 
 Guzman saw the Queen, when, as usual, she 
 ' Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. i. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 83 
 
 turned the conversation to the subject of mar- 
 riages, and the ambassador slily hinted that 
 there was some talk of her marrying the French 
 king. She held down her head and giggled at 
 this, and Guzman continued that the French am- 
 bassador had asked his opinion about the match, 
 seeing that the King was so little and she so tall. 
 " O ! " said the Queen, " they tell me he is not 
 very short ; but as it is Lent, and you are my 
 friend, I will make a confession to you. A proposal 
 for marriage was formerly made to me by the 
 King, my brother-in-law (Philip). The King of 
 France has now made me an offer, as well as the 
 Kings of Denmark and Sweden, and, I am told, 
 the Archduke Charles also. The only person 
 who has not been suggested is your prince (Don 
 Carlos)." Guzman replied that the reason no 
 doubt was that, as she had refused the King 
 himself, it was concluded that she had no desire 
 to marry, since no higher match could be proposed 
 to her. She retorted that she did not consider such 
 an inference clear : it is true that she had no desire 
 to marry, and would not do so if she could ap- 
 point a satisfactory successor ; but her people were 
 pressing her, and she was now forced either to 
 marry or nominate an heir, which would be diffi- 
 cult. " The world thinks that a woman cannot 
 live unmarried, and, if she refrains from marriage, 
 that she does so for some bad reason ; as they said 
 of me that I avoided doing so because I was fond 
 of the Earl of Leicester, whom I could not marry, 
 as he had a wife living. His wife is now dead, 
 but yet I do not marry him, although I have been 
 pressed to do so even by your King." ' Elizabeth 
 ' Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. i. 
 
84 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 was getting very uneasy about the Franco-Spanish 
 meeting at Bayonne and the rumoured voyage of 
 Philip to the Netherlands with a strong force to 
 crush Protestantism for good and for all ; the 
 idea of her marriage with Charles IX. was one 
 eminently calculated to breed distrust of the French 
 in the mind of Philip, and, as such, was being actively 
 forwarded by the Huguenot party. When therefore 
 de Foix, the French ambassador, saw her a few 
 days afterwards she told him that she had refused 
 to let Cecil put into writing his objections to the 
 match, as promised, because the objections were 
 really all reducible to one — namely, the question 
 of disparity of age. She said that Smith had 
 written lately, saying that the King had grown 
 wonderfully, and that, when he had seen him after 
 an interval of a fewpweeks, he hardly recognised 
 him, as he had grown so tall, and he would no doubt 
 be as tall as his father had been. De Foix after- 
 wa,rds sat next to the Queen at supper, when she 
 was in very high spirits, and drank the King's 
 health, and during the entertainment which followed 
 talked of nothing but the attractions of the French 
 Court' 
 
 Catharine de Medici on her side was just as 
 eager in appearance for the match as Elizabeth — 
 and probably equally insincere, since she too had 
 her own game to play. She had a long talk about it 
 with Smith in Bordeaux in April, in which she said 
 that the ages seemed the principal objection, but if 
 Elizabeth would put up with the youth of the King, 
 she (Catharine) would put up with the age of the 
 Queen; upon which the youthful suitor himself 
 ' De Foix despatches, Bib. Nat., Paris. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 85 
 
 burst in with the remark that he hoped his mistress 
 would be as satisfied of his age as he was of hers. 
 Catharine went on to discuss the other two diffi- 
 culties raised ; namely, the objection to the Queen 
 residing out of England, and the fear of the un- 
 popularity of the match ; but Smith declined to 
 give any opinion upon the matter. It was clear, 
 indeed, all through that the English ambassador 
 would not commit himself in a negotiation which he 
 felt to be a hollow one. He said his instructions 
 were limited. If the King were a few years older, 
 if he had seen the Queen and really liked her, 
 he (Smith) would feel less astonishment at the 
 
 present advances, but now " But really," 
 
 interrupted the King, "I do love her." "Your 
 Majesty does not know yet what love is," said 
 Smith, " but you will soon go through it. It is the 
 most foolish, impotent and disrespectful thing pos- 
 sible." The boy blushed at this, and his mother 
 answered for him saying that his was not a foolish 
 love. Perhaps not, said the ambassador, but it is just 
 because it must rest upon very grave reasons and 
 great and worthy considerations that it ought only 
 to be imdertaken after mature deliberation. ' Catha- 
 rine pressed for a reply before the Bayonne 
 meetings, which were fixed for the following month 
 of May, but this Smith thought impossible. On 
 the following day she again tackled Smith on the 
 subject ; and said that, as Cecil himself had had a 
 son at fifteen or sixteen, the King's age could not 
 be made an objection. Secret as the negotiations 
 were kept, Guzman in London was irritated and 
 alarmed to see the coming and going of Huguenot 
 ' Foreign Calendar. 
 
86 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 secretaries, without being able to fathom the 
 reasons, although it was evident that something was 
 afoot. Both de Foix and he were ecclesiastics, 
 and many were the feline passages of words that 
 passed between them on the subject. There was 
 really nothing at all going on, said de Foix, only 
 mercantile affairs were being negotiated. Guzman 
 did not believe him — as he was a Huguenot 
 although an Archbishop — but still did not guess 
 that the Queen's marriage with Charles IX. was 
 seriously being discussed. For some time he 
 thought that the matter in hand was the marriage 
 of the Queen and Leicester under French patronage, 
 but at last in the middle of April the Queen could 
 keep the secret from him no longer. He was 
 sneering at the long delay at the arrival of a present 
 of a coach and some camels that were being sent 
 from Catharine to the Queen, when the latter told 
 him he was jealous, and asked him what he would 
 think if he found her one day Queen of France. 
 He declined to consider such a hypothetical case, 
 and the Queen, having said so much, tried to make 
 light of the matter, saying that she knew nothing of 
 all this coming and going of couriers that he talked 
 about. He could get no further, and concludes his 
 account of the interview thus : " She is very artful, 
 wished to appear reserved and give the idea that 
 there was no matter of importance afoot." ^ On the 
 20th of April de Foix pressed the Queen urgently 
 for a reply. The interviews of Bayonne were fixed 
 for the 20th of May, and if the King's offer were 
 rejected, his betrothal to a princess of the house of 
 Austria would be arranged. Elizabeth put the 
 » Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. i. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 87 
 
 ambassador off with vague professions of friendship 
 which a week later changed into complaints that 
 Catharine was unduly hurrying her.' In fact, the 
 insincere negotiations for the Queen's marriage 
 with Charles IX. could now be dropped, as they 
 had served Elizabeth's immediate purpose, and had 
 brought a prince of the House of Austria once 
 more into the meshes of her net. 
 
 * La Ferriere, " Projets de Manage." 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Spain and the Archduke Charles — Swetkowitz's mission — 
 Leicester's continued intrigues — The French suit 
 dropped — Eric IV. again — Heneage — Renewed negotia- 
 tions with the Emperor — ^The French patronise Leicester's 
 suit — Dissensions in the EngUsh Court respecting the 
 Austrian match — Mission of Sussex to Vienna — End of 
 the Austrian negotiations — Marriage of Charles IX. 
 
 IN the meanwhile Guzman was more at fault than 
 ever, and was quite persuaded that the matter being 
 discussed was the marriage of Mary of Scotland with 
 Leicester, with the connivance of the Guises ; but 
 gradually the coil began to unwind before his eyes. 
 First he received news from Vienna that secret nego- 
 tiations had been going on ever since the Emperor 
 Ferdinand's death for the marriage of the Queen with 
 the Archduke Charles ; and that Adam Swetkowitz, 
 Baron Mitterburg, was on his way to England, 
 ostensibly to return Ferdinand's insignia of the 
 Garter, but really with a mission about the marriage ; 
 then came the news of the marriage, or immedi- 
 ately impending marriage, of Mary with Darnley, 
 which, however much Elizabeth may have pre- 
 tended otherwise, must have relieved her from 
 much anxiety and cleared the situation. News 
 came to him also of the proposals for betrothing 
 Charles IX. to a daughter of the Emperor, and 
 Leicester's many enemies were again strongly 
 
THE COURTSHIPS OF QUEEN ELIZABETH. 89 
 
 urging the Queen's marriage with ths Archduke. 
 Guzman by this time had become highly sceptical 
 of the Queen's intention to marry at all, and was 
 not apparently anxious to help forward the Arch- 
 duke's suit until the new Emperor's attitude in 
 religion was well established. He therefore tried 
 to face both ways. He received Swetkowitz 
 cordially and promised him support, but before 
 doing anything sounded Leicester again. The 
 Earl, whilst hunting with the Queen, had met with 
 an accident, and was confined to his bed. This 
 gave Guzman an opportunity of calling upon him. 
 Maitland, Cecil, and Throgmorton were already 
 there when he entered, but stood aside whilst he 
 conversed with the Earl. He whispered to him 
 that his affection prompted him to say how sorry he 
 was that he(Leicester) was losing so much time in 
 bringing about his marriage with the Queen, and that 
 he had better act promptly now or he would regret it. 
 Guzman reminded him that he had always done his 
 best for him with the Queen and assured him of 
 Philip's attachment to him. Leicester protested his 
 abject gratitude, but said sorrowfully that the Queen 
 would never marry him, as she was bent on wed- 
 ding a great prince ; but there was none she could 
 marry but Don Carlos or the Archduke. Guzman 
 passed this over by saying he understood that there 
 had formerly been some talk about the Archduke, 
 and then again reverted to Leicester's own suit. 
 Leicester's spirit rose at this, as it seemed to 
 betoken a coolness towards the Archduke's ad- 
 vances, and said that if Guzman would speak to 
 the Queen now about marrying him he thought she 
 would be more favourable than formerly as her 
 
90 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 reasons for rejecting him before was the fear that 
 Mary of Scotland would marry a powerful prince ; 
 " whereas now that this marriage with Darnley had 
 taken place my business will be more easily 
 arranged. I have not cared to press the point 
 upon her hitherto, although the Council has done 
 so. I think, therefore, that this is a good juncture 
 for my business." The Spanish ambassador told 
 him to leave the matter to him, and adds in his 
 letter to Philip : " I thought well to approach the 
 matter and have the road thus prepared before the 
 Emperor's envoy arrived, so that if he does not tell 
 me what he is arranging I can still find out and pro- 
 ceed in the business." ' It appeared that for once 
 Leicester and Throgmorton had been co-operating 
 with Cecil and others to bring the Archduke 
 forward again, the Earl having taken up this new 
 position no doubt as soon as he thought the French 
 match was looking serious ; but, withal, Guzman 
 did not believe in the sincerity of the new Austrian 
 negotiations, which he looked upon as a " mere 
 diversion," and, after his conversation with Leicester, 
 wrote : " Lord Robert is more confident now and 
 said ... he could not contemplate the Queen's 
 marriage with any one but himself without great 
 repugnance." It is probable that at this time the 
 Queen seriously leant again towards a marriage 
 with Leicester. The proposals for a match with the 
 French king were never anything but a feint, with 
 the objects which have been mentioned, and the new 
 negotiations with the Archduke were undertaken, 
 not only to disarm Spain at the Bayonne meetings, 
 but also to clear the ground and deceive Cecil, 
 ' Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth.) 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 91 
 
 Sussex, and Norfolk, by an apparently sincere 
 attempt to bring about the marriage, which could 
 subsequently be wrecked on some religious scruple. 
 The general desire for the Queen's marriage might 
 then be pleaded, even to Leicester's enemies, as a 
 reason why the Queen should marry him, the only 
 remaining possible suitor. For the first time in her 
 reign the Queen now might do it, as she had 
 nothing to fear from "he r dear s ister" Mary of 
 Scotland. There is ample reason toT)elieve that 
 this was the key to the present attitude of the 
 Queen and Leicester ; and Guzman makes no 
 secret of his opinion that it was so. In the mean- 
 while Cecil was proceeding in good faith with Swet- 
 kbwitz ; and de Foix was still pressing the Queen 
 daily for some decision respecting Charles IX., to 
 whom she grew colder and colder. Swetkowitz 
 was being beguiled, as others had been, with 
 dinners and masques at Greenwich, and was made 
 much of by the Queen ; but when, after many 
 fruitless attempts, de Foix got to close quarters 
 with her, she assured him that she had held out no 
 hopes to the Archduke, and then turned the tables 
 upon him and complained that Charles IX. was 
 seeking a bride elsewhere before he had received 
 her answer. But at last the comedy could be 
 carried on no longer, and the Queen referred de 
 Foix to her Council for his reply. The interview 
 took place on June 12, 1565, and although the 
 principal difficulty raised was again the King's 
 youth, yet de Foix saw now plainly that the affair 
 was at an end. He and the other honest instru- 
 ments had been deceived from the first. It suited 
 Catharine and Elizabeth equally to play the game 
 
92 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 for their own ends, and when the need for it had 
 disappeared it was dropped. 
 
 Swetkowitz was a Lutheran, and on Whit Sunday 
 attended Protestant service with the Queen, who 
 after dinner had an interesting conversation with him, 
 in which he promised that the new Emperor would 
 not stand so much upon his dignity as his father had 
 done, and would let the Archduke come and see her 
 as he (the Archduke) greatly wished to do. She 
 blushed with pleasure at this, and said that if they 
 liked one another the matter could soon be settled. 
 What was uppermost in her mind, however, was seen 
 in her next remark : " I pray you tell me, have you 
 heard from any one that the Earl of Leicester is not 
 dealing favourably with this affair or is opposing it 
 in any way.-*" He replied that on the contrary 
 Leicester had been most favourable, and had even 
 himself written to the Emperor urging the match. 
 He pointed out to her that it was not surprising 
 that the public considered the match probable, as if 
 she married out of England there was no other 
 prince of suitable age whom she could marry. 
 " But," she said, " I have never said yet that I 
 would not marry the Earl of Leicester." This rathei 
 damped Swetkowitz, and Guzman was further con- 
 firmed in his opinion that the whole negotiation was 
 dishonest and for the benefit of Leicester, who was 
 now leaning more towards French interests at 
 Court. Guzman distrusted and disliked him, but 
 thought necessary to feign approval of his suit, in 
 order to have a claim upon his gratitude ; and 
 Swetkowitz, who was duly informed of this, con- 
 sequently had great doubts of the sincerity of 
 Spanish support in the Archduke's pretensions. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 93 
 
 This caused a coolness between the two ambas- 
 sadors, and somewhat paralysed the action of 
 Swetkowitz, who said that as soon as he was satis- 
 fied that the King of Spain really favoured the 
 match he, Swetkowitz, had means for bringing it 
 about. At an interview ' Guzman had with the 
 Queen she expressed her doubts about the bona- 
 fides of Philip's approval and tried to draw the 
 Spanish ambassador into some clear expression of 
 it. He told her that if she decided to marry one of 
 her own subjects he, Guzman, could not forget the 
 interests of his friend {i.e., Leicester), but if she 
 chose a foreign prince he begged her not to over- 
 look the house of Austria, as he had said before. 
 "That is true," she replied, "but you said the 
 house of Spain." He told her she was mistaken. 
 He had no reason for saying Spain, as his master 
 was head of the house of Austria, and he did not 
 particularise or exclude any member of his house. 
 This was sufficiently indefinite, and conveyed to the 
 Queen the impression which was intended ; namely, 
 that either match could only be effected by her 
 coming to an arrangement with Spain. She replied 
 that she thanked the ambassador for his kind remark 
 about his friend, and left Philip to thank him for the 
 rest. "This makes it evident to me," he wrote to 
 the King, " that Lord Robert's affair is not off, and 
 I have many reasons for being doubtful about the 
 Archduke." Leicester's enemies, particularly Sussex, 
 were busy trying to animate Swetkowitz, and 
 persuade Guzman to take a more active share in 
 the negotiations. But the new Emperor's religious 
 attitude was still undefined, and Guzman at this time 
 believed that the Queen and Leicester were already 
 
94 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 married.' He looked, moreover, upon the promotion 
 of the Archduke's suit by Sussex as a Court intrigue, 
 " Throgmorton," he says, " is for ever coming here 
 to ask questions of the Emperor's envoy, who tells 
 them that the. Archduke is coming; and they 
 (Leicester's friends) have devised some other 
 scheme to stop the business." What the scheme 
 was soon appeared. A day or two after Guzman's 
 interview with the Queen, in June, 1565, the French 
 ambassador saw the Council ostensibly to again press 
 the marriage of the Queen with Charles IX, He was 
 once more told that the King's youth made such a 
 match impossible, and replied that as she refused 
 his master it was evident that she did not intend to 
 marry a foreigner, and warned the Council that the 
 chosen consort must be a person who was well 
 affected towards French interests, or trouble would 
 ensue. He was asked what person would best 
 please his master, and he replied the Earl of 
 Leicester. With the more or less overt support of 
 the ambassadors of the two great powers, Leicester's 
 chance was now sufficiently good to alarm Cecil and 
 Sussex, who saw the necessity of doing something 
 to better the Archduke's position. Cecil therefore 
 approached Leicester through his friend Throg- 
 morton, and suggested that if the Queen married 
 the Archduke, Leicester might be provided with 
 a wife and his position secured by his wedding some 
 relative of the Emperor, such as the young Princess 
 of Cleves, who was then fifteen. Throgmorton 
 was quite in love with the idea, and approached 
 the Emperor's envoy with suggestions of Leicester's 
 marriage with a sister of the Emperor or some 
 » Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. i. p. 436. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. gs 
 
 other princes of the house of Austria. The 
 proposal was of course received very coldly. 
 Guzman thought the object of it was perhaps only 
 to couple Leicester's name with those of great 
 marriageable princesses, in order that the people 
 might gradually be brought to consider him a fit 
 husband for the Queen, who had always told the 
 ambassador that she would marry him (Leicester) 
 if he were a king's son, but the real purpose was 
 to buy off Leicester's opposition to the Archduke. 
 The sham proposals for the marriage of the Queen 
 with Charles IX. having served their purpose were 
 now quite a t an end, and the Queen of Scots' deter- 
 mination to take Darnley had further simplified 
 the situation, so that Leicester's chance was better 
 than ever it had been, supported as he was, for 
 interested reasons, both by France and Spain, the 
 promotion of the Archduke's suit being mainly 
 pushed in the English Court by those who were 
 Leicester's declared enemies, whilst the Spanish 
 ambassador was only giving it half-hearted coun- 
 tenance. Norfolk and Sussex, however, continued 
 to talk to the Queen about the Archduke, and in a 
 conversation with Sussex on the subject she told 
 him that " Robert pressed her so that he does not 
 leave her a moment's peace." When Leicester 
 urged his suit she was just as read]j;_to_say;,.that she 
 was never free from the importunities of Sussex on 
 behalf of the Archduke. Matters were in this 
 position in July, 1565, when, doubtless at the 
 instance of the English Protestant party, inimical to 
 Leicester, King Eric made another attempt. First 
 came an envoy with a present of magnificent sables 
 for the Queen, and news that the King's sister, 
 
96 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 Princess Cecilia, who had married the Margrave of 
 Baden, was awaiting a ship at Embden to sail for 
 England, and Elizabeth lost no time in sending two 
 of her own vessels to convey her royal visitor to 
 her capital. Early in September the Margravine 
 arrived at Dover with her husband and a large suite, 
 and a few days afterwards came by boat from 
 Gravesend to Durham House, where she was to be 
 the guest of the Queen. She was dressed, we are 
 told, in a black velvet robe and a mantle of cloth of 
 silver, her fair hair being surmounted by a golden 
 crown. The Queen could not do too much, 
 apparently, to honour the first royal visitor she had 
 received since her accession. Lord and Lady 
 Cobham had awaited her at Dover, the Queen's 
 cousin, Hunsdon, with six of the Queen's gentlemen, 
 attended her from Gravesend, and at the water gate 
 of Durham House she was welcomed by the Coun- 
 tess of Sussex, with Lady Bacon, and Lady Cecil, 
 who were leading members of the Puritan party. 
 The Queen herself visited the Margravine a few 
 days afterwards, and was prodigal of her marks of 
 affection to her. Shortly afterwards the Princess 
 gave birth to a son and heir, to whom Elizabeth 
 stood sponsor, and for a time Durham House and 
 Whitehall vied with each other in the splendour of 
 their reciprocal entertainments, although Eric's 
 vicarious wooing prospered no better than before, 
 notwithstanding the efforts in its favour made by 
 the Bacons, the Cecils, and their friends. They 
 had, indeed, been checkmated even before the 
 Swedish princess's arrival. The Spanish ambas- 
 sador, with the connivance of Sussex, Norfolk, and 
 Arundel, at once became much warmer in his 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 97 
 
 apparent support of the Archduke's pretensions, 
 whilst at the same time privately assuring Leicester 
 of his master's good-will towards him. He pressed 
 the Queen to look favourably upon the Emperor's 
 brother, gave hopes that the Archduke might 
 be allowed to have his way and visit her, and 
 congratulated her upon having avoided so unequal 
 a match as that projected with the King of France, 
 who, the Queen herself said, might be her grand- 
 son. The Emperor's answer about his brother's 
 coming was hardly as cordial as was wished, but 
 as it contained full particulars of the conditions 
 demanded, both as to religion, finances, and position 
 of the consort, the match was now brought seriously 
 and officially under consideration. The terms were 
 so hard, and the tone of the Emperor's communi- 
 cation so dry, that it was decided not to show the 
 letter to the Queen, and to conceafThe texPof the 
 conditions from her, by saying merely that the 
 Emperor was willing for his brother to come, but 
 desired first that commissioners should meet and 
 decide upon some bases for negotiation, in case she 
 should be favourably impressed by him. It was 
 seen at once by the friends of the match that the 
 Emperor's terms were impossible. The Archduke 
 was to have the title of king and to govern jointly 
 with his wife ; in case of her death without heirs he 
 was to remain in the government of the country, 
 and was to exercise the Catholic religion without 
 hindrance. Cecil, Sussex, and others privately met 
 Swetkowitz, and agreed that, if the matter were to 
 go on, the conditions must be softened to the 
 Queen, and by some means the Archduke be 
 brought to England, in the hope that his coming 
 
 8 
 
98 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 would so far pledge her that she could not 
 well recede. But withal, the answer given by 
 the Queen and Council was not very encouraging. 
 The main question, that of religion, was slurred over 
 and left for future discussion, but a decided negative 
 was given to the claim that the consort should be 
 called king, or that a permanent income should be 
 settled upon him. As soon as the Emperor's hard 
 terms were received a decided change took place 
 in the attitude of Leicester and his friends towards 
 the match. It was evident to him that it could 
 always be prevented by raising difficulties with 
 regard to religion, and Leicester had therefore no 
 hesitation in pretending to favour and forward it in 
 order to choke off the Swedish suit. He even 
 entered into a regular treaty with the Spanish 
 ambassador by which he agreed to help the Arch- 
 duke's affair on condition that he was to receive 
 Spanish support in case the Austrian marriage came 
 to nothing, as he meant it to do. Still further to 
 beguile people into the belief that he himself was 
 entirely out of the running, and that the Arch^ 
 duke's suit was now really in a fair way, an elabo- 
 rate comedy was concocted, by which the Queen 
 was to flirt with Heneage — a married man — 
 whilst the Earl was to make love to Viscountess 
 Hereford, afterwards Countess of Essex, whom he 
 subsequently married. This he probably did too 
 realistically, and a quarrel, real or pretended, ending 
 in tears on all sides, consequently took place 
 between him, Heneage, and the Queen, whereupon 
 the favourite went to his rooms and sulked for a 
 few days, until he was recalled, and Heneage, who 
 had been sent away, was also allowed to return. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 99 
 
 In the meanwhile Sussex was straining every nerve 
 to pledge the Queen to the Archduke ; and Guzman 
 was really doing his best to forward the match, 
 although he never was for a moment deceived by 
 Leicester, whom he now saw through. " I keep 
 Leicester in hand," he said, " in the best way I can, 
 as I am still firm in my opinion thai if any marriage 
 at all is to result from all this it will be his." 
 Swetkowitz hurried back to Vienna with the English 
 reply, and to explain to his master the only method 
 by which success was possible. Lutheran as he 
 was, he would have given way upon the vital point 
 of religion, although he confessed his fear that the 
 Emperor would not do so ; " but," said he, " you 
 must put up with a good deal to gain such a king- 
 dom as this." To have given up on the point of 
 religion, however, would have made the match 
 useless to Philip, and there was never any chance 
 of the marriage being effected on such terms. 
 Leicester, of course, did not know how pliable the 
 Emperor might prove, but Swetkowitz's hopeful- 
 ness and conciliatory attitude seems in August to 
 have alarmed both him and the French ambassador 
 into the belief that perhaps, after all, the marriage 
 would be effected. At all events, Leicester and the 
 French again began to push his suit warmly, as 
 soon as Swetkowitz left, and the Queen, with just 
 an occasional smile to Heneage, was kinder to him 
 than ever. Philip II., who knew Elizabeth as well 
 as any one, thus writes in October to his ambas- 
 sador : " The Archduke's suit is now quite at an 
 end, as I am informed by the Emperor that he is 
 undeceived, and withdraws altogether from the 
 business. You will, therefore, say no more about 
 
100 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 it unless he writes to the contrary, which I do not 
 think he will. . , . Let me know the result of the 
 Swedish negotiations, although no doubt they will 
 end like the rest ; and, after all, she will either not 
 marry or else marry Robert, to whom she has 
 always been so much attached. You did well in 
 writing to me fully about the quarrel with Heneage, 
 because the whole affair and its sequel clearly show 
 that the Queen is in love with Robert, and for this 
 reason, and in case at last that she may take him 
 for her husband, it will be very expedient to keep 
 him in hand." ^ Maximilian, however, was not 
 playing quite fairly with Philip when he told him he 
 had abandoned the idea of marrying his brother to 
 the Queen of England. The interference of the 
 Spanish king in the affair was, in fact, a great 
 hindrance to its success, as, dependent as the 
 Emperor partly was upon the Gernian Protestant 
 princes, he could not bind himself hard and fast 
 to the extreme Catholic militant party ; and to saddle 
 an Austrian match with impracticable Spanish con- 
 ditions, was to make it impossible. Early in 1566, 
 therefore, the Emperor sent back a temporising 
 reply to England, saying that the wording of the 
 clause about religion appeared somewhat harsh, and 
 begging that it might be modified. The Emperor's 
 tone was so conciliatory, as a result of Swetkowitz's 
 representations, that the hopes of Sussex and Nor- 
 folk again rose high for a time. But as the Emperor 
 advanced the Queen receded. She complained to 
 the Spanish ambassador of the delay in the sending 
 of the reply, and was petulant about the Emperor's 
 objections. "How could she marry," she asked, " a 
 ' Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. i. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. loi 
 
 man whom she had to feed, and let the world say 
 she had taken a husband who could not afford to 
 keep himself ! The Emperor must think they (the 
 English) lived like Turks, whereas they had the 
 Holy Sacrament the same as he had ; " and then 
 she began to talk about Leicester in a way which 
 convinced the ambassador that his chance was 
 better than ever. She said that she had promised 
 the Earl no answer — in fact, he had never had the 
 presumption to ask her to marry him, but the 
 Council had done so, and it was for them to ask for 
 a reply, and not Leicester ; " but the Earl had good 
 parts and great merits, and if she had to marry a 
 subject she had a great liking for him." Referring 
 to Mary of Scotland's recent marriage with Darnley, 
 she said that if she married Leicester two neigh- 
 bouring queens would be wedded in_the same way. 
 " She is so nimble in her deSImg and threads in 
 and out of this business in such a way that her most 
 intimate favourites fail jo unde rstand her, and her 
 intentions are, therefore, variously interpreted." 
 In the meanwhile both the Archduke's and Lei- 
 cester's friends were confident? that their respective 
 suits were prospering, although Leicester either 
 was, or feigned to be, bitterly jealous of the Queen's 
 new flame, his erstwhile bosom friend Heneage, with 
 whom he had another noisy quarrel, nearly ending In 
 bloodshed, in February, 1566.' Cecil, Sussex, and 
 Bacon, in the meanwhile, were constantly praying 
 Guzman to exert his influence with the Queen in 
 favour of the Archduke ; and the Duke of Norfolk 
 was induced to speak to her on the subject. He 
 told the Queen that the former recommendation of 
 ' Michaeli Surnian in Venetian Calendar. 
 
102 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 the Council to her to marry Leicester was only 
 adopted because they thought her own desires lay 
 that way, and not because they approved of it. 
 The Duke himself strongly urged her to marry the 
 Archduke and rescue the country from the evils of 
 a disputed succession. After leaving the Queen 
 Norfolk saw Leicester and taxed him with breaking 
 faith with them, as he had promised not to press his 
 own suit, the Queen having distinctly announced that 
 she would not marry him. On the strength of this 
 negotiations were being conducted with the Em- 
 peror, and yet, said Norfolk, no sooner was the 
 imperial ambassador gone than Leicester pushed 
 his own courtship more strongly than ever. He 
 was told plainly that if he did not desist evil would 
 befall him, as all the nobility were against him ; 
 whereupon Leicester went off in a huff and sulked 
 for a fortnight, until the Queen recalled him and 
 petted him more than ever, upon which Norfolk in 
 turn took umbrage and went home, leaving the 
 Archduke's interests in the hands of Sussex. For 
 months this game of cross purposes went on. One 
 afternoon in February, 1566, Guzman saw the 
 Queen walking with Leicester in the lower gallery 
 overlooking the gardens of Whitehall. In conver- 
 sation with the ambassador she praised her favour- 
 ite to his face, and said that he was just trying to 
 persuade her to marry, for the sake of herself, the 
 country, and even on his (Leicester's) account, as 
 every one believed that he was the cause of her 
 remaining single, and his life was in danger if he 
 remained at Court. She again said that " if he were 
 a prince she would marry him to-morrow." ' With 
 ' Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. i. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 103 
 
 the Emperor's cool dilatoriness and Leicester's 
 constant efforts, the cause of the latter was distinctly 
 in the ascendant during the spring of 1566. Nor- 
 folk and Sussex were too evidently biased by 
 personal enmity towards the favourite to be good 
 negotiators for his rival, whilst Cecil and Bacon on 
 the one hand, and Guzman on the other, did not 
 care to be hasty in concluding the Archduke's 
 marriage until the religious conditions were clearly 
 understood. It was finally determined that an 
 envoy should be sent to the Emperor with the 
 Queen's reply to the objections he had raised, and 
 at first Francis Bertie, the Duchess of Suffolk's 
 husband, was chosen. He was, however, a strong 
 Protestant, and a friend of Leicester's, and the 
 Spanish ambassador privately urged Cecil to have 
 the appointment cancelled. This was done, and the 
 Queen's kinsman. Sir Thomas Sackville, was then 
 selected. When this appointment was made Lei- 
 cester was, in one of his periodical sulking fits, 
 driven away by the remonstrances of Cecil and 
 Sussex and by the Queen's flirting with the Earl of 
 Ormond. The French ambassador, de Foix, says 
 that Elizabeth had positively promised to marry the 
 favourite during the winter, and at Christmas had 
 begged him to wait till Candlemas, in order that 
 Catharine de Medici's approval might be sent. 
 Leicester found that his best weapon was to deprive 
 the Queen of his presence, as she generally came 
 round in a few days so far as to promise him any- 
 thing to bring him back. Between her promises 
 and their fulfilment, however, there was usually a 
 great gap, and Leicester felt that he was powerless 
 to get beyond a certain point. His influence was 
 
104 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 always strong enough to prevent the success of 
 another suitor, but not powerful enough to ensure 
 his own. His sulking bouts, indeed, were often 
 feigned, in concert with the Queen, to appease 
 Cecil, or to prevent the entire cessation of the 
 Archduke's negotiations. This probably was the 
 case when the appointment of Bertie as ambassador 
 to the Emperor had aroused suspicion, as, after an 
 apparent tiff with the Queen, Leicester went to 
 Pembroke House, where the Queen, disguised, 
 joined him in a friendly dinner before he left the 
 Court.' On the representations of Cecil she con- 
 sented to appoint Sackville instead of Bertie ; but 
 she had quietly agreed with Leicester beforehand 
 that her complaisance should not go beyond appear- 
 ance, and before the favourite returned to Court 
 Sackville's departure had been indefinitely post- 
 poned. During Leicester's absence from Court Cecil 
 and Sussex were more hopeful about the Archduke, 
 although as we now see with very little reason. The 
 Austrians were lethargic, the Spaniards coldly 
 cautious, whilst the French were determined and 
 unceasing in their effort to thwart the Archduke's 
 suit. De Foix spent large sums in Leicester's 
 interest, and Catharine de Medici showered gifts 
 and favours upon him constantly. The moment 
 that he was in disgrace, however, or when the 
 Archduke's match seemed really progressing, they 
 played their trump card in bringing forward Charles 
 IX. again. When Rambouillet, the French envoy 
 to Scotland, saw Elizabeth in February he had 
 enlarged, by the Queen-mother's orders, upon the 
 vigour and comeliness of the young King. The 
 ' Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. i. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 105 
 
 Queen was always ready to listen to talk like this, 
 and sighed that she would like to meet him, " but," 
 she said, " do you think it would be a good match 
 for the King to marry an old woman like me ? " 
 De Foix, before his departure in May, 1 566, again and 
 again referred to the matter lightly, with the evident 
 intention of keeping it alive, to the detriment of 
 the Archduke's match and for the benefit of Lei- 
 cester. The manoeuvre was easily seen through, of 
 course, and Guzman, in an interview with Cecil on 
 the 1 8th of May, said to him, "These Frenchmen 
 are in a fine taking when they see the Archduke's 
 match progressing, and at once bring forward their 
 own king to embarrass the Queen. When they see 
 that this trick has hindered the negotiations they 
 take up with Leicester again, and think we do not 
 see through them." Cecil was of the same opinion, 
 and said the French thought they could do as 
 they liked when they had Robert on their side. 
 Instead of Sackville, a Kentish gentleman named 
 Danett was sent to the Emperor, merely as an 
 accredited messenger, with a reply to his letter 
 and the offer of the Garter. The letters from 
 Danett arrived in London in June, 1566, and 
 were of so encouraging a nature that the ad- 
 vocates of the Austrian match again became 
 confident that their man would win the prize. 
 This gave rise as usual to fresh activity on the 
 part of the French. Catharine de Medici, in her 
 instructions to the new ambassador, Bdchetel de 
 la Forest, directed him to help forward Leicester's 
 pretensions with all his might, and thwart those of 
 the Archduke, and Elizabeth had an interesting 
 conversation with the ambassador's nephew Vulcob 
 
io6 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 on the subject during her progress in the autumn of 
 1566. The Queen was staying at Stamford, and 
 Vulcob was charged with his uncle's excuses for not 
 attending her. He met Leicester at the door of 
 the chamber, to whom he conveyed the regard and 
 sympathy of the King and Queen-mother of 
 France. The Earl replied that the Queen was 
 more undecided about marrying him than ever, 
 and he did not know what to think. He had 
 known the Queen, he said, since they were children 
 together, and she had always announced her inten- 
 tion to remain single, but if by any chance she did 
 marry, he was sure she would marry no one but 
 him. Vulcob was then summoned by the Queen, 
 who at once began to dwell upon the physical 
 qualities of Charles IX., and the Frenchman, 
 nothing loath, launched into high-flown panegyrics 
 of her own perfections and his master's manli- 
 ness. A day or two afterwards he got into talk 
 with the Queen's physician, who suggested that 
 the best way to cement the alliance between 
 England and France would be to bring about a 
 marriage between the King and Queen. Vulcob 
 objected that their ages were so different, and the 
 unlikelihood of issue ; to which the physician re- 
 plied : " Your King is seventeen, and the Queen only 
 thirty-two. Take no notice of what she says in that 
 respect, it is only her passing fancies. If the King 
 marries her, I will answer for her havin g ten 
 children, and no one in the world knows her 
 temperament better than I do. If you like, you 
 and I will secretly manage this business. Your 
 King is young and vigorous and accustomed to 
 travel ; let him come to Boulogne to see this fair 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 107 
 
 lady." ^ The hint was faithfully conveyed to Catharine 
 de Medici, but she was not deceived by it. Both 
 she and her ambassador clearly saw the drift, and 
 talked of the affair only when necessary to thwart 
 the Austrian match, or when Leicester himself was 
 not strong enough to stand alone against his 
 enemies. 
 
 This position continued during the summer and 
 autumn of 1 566 : Elizabeth bitterly jealous of the 
 birth of Mary of_ Scotland's child, apprehensive 
 of the secret aid in money being sent by Alba to 
 Mary for the promotion of her cause, and yet afraid 
 to offend the house of Austria, which might arm 
 her own Catholic subjects against her ; Leicester 
 alternately hopeful and despairing ; the Archduke's 
 friends minimising points of difference and smooth- 
 ing over difficulties in the hope of getting their man 
 to England at any cost ; and the French party 
 sleepless in their efforts to prevent Elizabeth's 
 marriage with any nominee of Spain. More than 
 once the quarrel between Leicester and his enemies 
 nearly flamed out into open hostility. The Queen 
 peremptorily insisted upon his making friends with 
 Sussex, and even forced him to an appearance of 
 reconciliation with his rival Ormond. Both the 
 Spanish and French ambassadors give numberless 
 instances of the rancour existing at Court, and 
 I)rofess themselves shocked at the Queen's lightness 
 and giddiness of conduct in connection with the 
 marriage question. The nation itself, so far as 
 public opinion could be said to exist at the time, 
 was also disturbed, and when Parliament met in 
 October, all Cecil's efforts were unavailing to prevent 
 ' Bib. Nat. Paris. De la Ferriere. 
 
io8 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 the discussion of the Queen's marriage and the suc- 
 cession, A joint committee of both Houses was 
 appointed to draw up an address to the Queen on 
 the subject, and the resentment of Elizabeth against 
 the majority for dealing with the matter of the 
 succession particularly, against her wish, was 
 cunningly fanned by Guzman, who pointed out 
 that they were nearly all extreme Protestants. " I 
 do not know what the devils want," said the Queen, 
 "O! your Majesty7'*TepIIe3 the ambassador, "what 
 they want is simply liberty ; and if monarchs do 
 not look out for themselves and combine, it is easy 
 to see how it will end." ' So the irate Queen sent 
 for the leaders of both Houses to have it out with 
 them. First came the Duke of Norfolk, her kins- 
 man and most distinguished subject, himself almost 
 a sovereign in his own county, and received the 
 full torrent of her vituperation. He was a traitor, 
 a conspirator, and much else, and the poor man, 
 overwhelmed, stammered out that he never thought 
 to ask her pardon for having offended her thus. 
 Next came the turn of Leicester, Pembroke, 
 Northampton, and Howard, who remonstrated with 
 her upon her treatment of Norfolk. She told 
 Pembroke he talked like a swaggering soldier; 
 said that Northampton was a nice fellow to prate 
 about marria.ge — he had better look after his own 
 matrimonial difficulties than mince words with her. 
 Then softening somewhat she turned to Leicester 
 and said that, even if all the world had abandoned 
 her, she did not think he would have done so. He 
 said something about his willingness to die at her 
 feet, to which she replied that that was not the 
 ' Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth). 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 109 
 
 purpose. When the interview was at an end, the 
 lords met in conclave and sent Sussex to beg 
 Guzman again to exert his influence in favour of 
 the Archduke. The next day the ambassador saw 
 the Queen for the purpose, when she again broke 
 out in denunciation of her councillors for putting this 
 pressure upon her, and was particularly bitter about 
 Leicester. " What did Guzman think," she asked, 
 " of such ingratitude after she had shown him so 
 much kindness and favour that even her honour had 
 suffered for his sake. She was glad, however, ol^so" 
 good an opportunity of sending him away, and the 
 Archduke might now be quite free from suspicion." 
 Her anger of course was mostly directed against 
 the attempt to force her hand in the matter of the 
 succession ; and, by the advice of Guzman, she saw 
 the leaders separately in a calmer mood and put 
 them off with vague assurances that she would 
 marry shortly, and would summon a Parliament if 
 anything prevented her from doing so. Once only she 
 lost her temper again in her long speech to the joint 
 committee, and that was when she addressed the 
 Bishops of London and Durham, whom she turned 
 upon and rent for their inconsistency. By dint of 
 alternate bullying and cajolery she reduced both 
 Houses of Parliament to a condition of pliability, and 
 having got her supplies voted, dissolved Parliament 
 early in January, 1567, and was again free to do as 
 she liked without interference. Her indignation 
 against Leicester was short-lived. Only a month 
 after she had rejoiced in sending him away, she 
 told Guzman that she thought he had acted for the 
 best and was deceived by the others. " She was 
 quite certain," she said, " that he would lay down 
 
/^ 
 
 no THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 his life for hers, and that if one of them had to die 
 he would willingly be the one.' 
 
 To satisfy the powerful combination which was 
 determined to press the Archduke's cause, it was 
 decided that the Earl of Sussex should be sent with 
 the Garter to the Emperor, with powers to discuss 
 the terms of marriage ; but Leicester and the French 
 managed, by casting doubts and raising difficulties, 
 to delay his departure. Norfolk was brought up to 
 London to exert his influence, and for several 
 months again the Court was a hot-bed of intrigue, 
 in which Norfolk, Sussex, and the Conservative 
 party, aided by Guzman, and cautiously supported 
 by Cecil and Bacon, were pitted against Leicester 
 and the French ambassador. From day to day the 
 fickle Queen changed. First Sussex was to be 
 hurried off at once, then he was to go after Shrove- 
 tide ; then when he had prepared for his journey 
 Elizabeth told him he would not leave so quickly as 
 he thought. With Leicester, too, she was equally 
 changeable, one day turning her back upon him, 
 and the next begging the Spanish ambassador to be 
 friendly with him. On one occasion in February, 
 1567, when the Council had progressed very far in 
 the settlement of Sussex's instructions, Leicester's 
 Puritan friends again brought up the matter of the suc- 
 cession in order to embroil matters and embarrass the 
 Queen ; but she put her foot down firmly then, and 
 they dropped the subject in a fright. This having 
 failed, they renewed their agitation for an inquiry into 
 the conduct of Sussex as Viceroy of Ireland ; but out 
 of this honest Ratcliff emerged triumphant, to the 
 sorrow of his enemies. At last Sussex got tired of 
 the constant quarrelling, and begged for leave to go 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. in 
 
 home, which was refused, and some sort of recon- 
 ciliation was patched up between him and Leicester. 
 In view of almost hourly changes in the Queen's 
 matrimonial attitude, and the certainty that the 
 Leicester party would after all try to wreck the 
 Archduke's suit on the religious conditions, Sussex 
 firmly refused to undertake the embassy to the 
 Emperor, unless he had precise orders signed by 
 the Queen as to the terms he might accept, "as he 
 was determined not to deceive the Emperor." At 
 last, after infinite trouble, Sussex was despatched at 
 the end of June, 1567, bearing full instructions to 
 negotiate the marriage. He was to raise no great 
 difficulty except on two points : first the question 
 of the Archduke's income, and secondly that of 
 religion. He was to say that " the Queen will take 
 care that he wants for nothing, but she does not 
 wish her people to think she had married a man too 
 poor to keep himself." The Archduke might 
 privately hear Mass in his own chamber, but must 
 conform outwardly to the law of England and ac- 
 company the Queen to Protestant service publicly. 
 
 It was felt by all those who favoured the match 
 that the Spanish ambassadors in London and Vienna 
 might have been more cordial in their support of it 
 than they were ; and both the Queen and Sussex 
 were for ever trying to get at Philip's real desires in 
 the matter. - With the papers now before us, we see 
 that if the Emperor was to be induced to give way 
 on the question of religion, and England was to 
 remain Protestant, the marriage would injure rather 
 than benefit Philip's plans ; whilst a thoroughly 
 Catholic match, by which Elizabeth would have 
 submitted to the Pope, would have cut the ground 
 
112 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 from under her feet and made her the humble 
 servant of Spain. This she knew better than any 
 one, and however much Philip may have again 
 deceived himself on the matter, there was never 
 a shadow of a chance of such a match being made 
 by her or consented to by her wisest councillors. 
 Upon this rock the matrimonial hopes of the 
 Archduke again split. Sussex remained with the 
 Emperor until February, 1568, probably the only 
 prominent English statesman who was sincere or 
 honest in the negotiations, but was at last himself 
 undeceived, and begged for his recall in deep dis- 
 appointment and resentment against Leicester and 
 his party, upon whom he laid the blame of the 
 failure of his mission. A decent pretence was 
 assumed on both sides that the project was still pend- 
 ing ; and the Emperor was invested with the Garter 
 with great pomp ; but the matter was practically at 
 an end on the departure of Sussex from Vienna : 
 not altogether to Philip's displeasure, as he had lost 
 all belief in the Queen's matrimonial professions, 
 and was daily becoming more convinced of the 
 impossibility of her humbling herself to the extent 
 of accepting the Catholic conditions by which alone 
 a marriage with his kinsman would be advantageous 
 to him. Elizabeth, too, was in a better position 
 now than she had been to drop the hollow negotia- , 
 tions, since the civil war in France, and Philip's 
 own difficulties in the Netherlands and the South 
 of Europe, secured her from present danger from 
 either power, whilst the standing menace of Scot- 
 land had disappeared for the first time for years, 
 as Mary was a prisoner with a cloud of doubt and 
 disgrace hanging over her head. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 113 
 
 Under these circumstances Elizabeth could rest 
 somewhat from the long comedy of mystification 
 about her matrimonial affairs, continuing, however, 
 to keep her hand in by dallying with Leicester and 
 occasionally smiling upon Heneage. An attempt 
 was made nearly three years later, in December, 
 1570, to revive the negotiations for the Archduke's 
 match by sending young Henry Cobham to the 
 Emperor ; but the device had at last grown too stale 
 to deceive, and a cold refusal to entertain the matter 
 was given, much to the indignation of Elizabeth, 
 who now found that both her royal suitors had 
 deserted her, Charles IX. having recently married 
 a daughter of the Emperor. 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 Marriage with the Duke of Anjou suggested — Guido Caval- 
 canti and La Mothe's negotiations — ^Walsingham's de- 
 scription of Anjou — Anjou's reUgious scruples — His 
 objections overcome — Lord Buckhurst's mission to Paris 
 — ^Anjou's conditions — Religious difficulties — ^The Ridolfi 
 plot — ^Anjou obstinate again — Smith's mission to France 
 — Marriage with the Duke of Alenfon suggested — Great 
 disparity of Age. 
 
 The treaty of St. Germain between Charles IX. 
 
 and the Huguenots, signed in August, 1570, brought 
 
 to an end the long civil war in France. It had for 
 
 some time been a favourite project of the Guises 
 
 and the Catholic party in France to rescue Mary of 
 
 Scotland by force, with the help of the Pope, marry 
 
 her to the Duke of Anjou, and place her on the 
 
 throne of England. Charles IX. was bitterly 
 
 jealous of his brother Anjou, the hope of the 
 
 Catholic league, and was desirous of providing for 
 
 him somewhere out of France. Such a proposal, 
 
 therefore, as that made for his union with Mary 
 
 Stuart, met with some countenance from the King 
 
 and his mother. Elizabeth and her ministers were 
 
 not aware to what extent support would be given 
 
 by Spain to such a project, which, whilst on the one 
 
 hand strengthening the league, would on the other 
 
 have given the French a footing in Great Britain ; 
 
 but with France at peace Elizabeth was always ap- 
 
 114 
 
THE COURTSHIPS OF QUEEN ELIZABETH. 115 
 
 prehensive, and a counter-move had to be made. 
 The two great Huguenot nobles who had resided 
 in England during the war, the Vidame de Chartres 
 and Cardinal Chatillon — Coligny s brother — were 
 permitted to re-enter France by the peace of St. 
 Germain ; and to them and their party it appeared a 
 desirable thing to disarm the weak, fanatical Catholic 
 figurehead Anjou by yoking him, under their aus- 
 pices, to strong-minded Protestant Elizabeth, and 
 so remove him from active interference in French 
 politics. Such a proposal, moreover, was a welcome 
 one to Elizabeth and her friends, because it effec- 
 tually checkmated the intrigues of the Guises and 
 the league in favour of Mary Stuart, which for the 
 moment were founded on the suggested marriage 
 of the latter with Anjou. In the autumn of 1570, 
 therefore, both Chatillon and Chartres, before they 
 left England, separately broached the idea. Before 
 doing so, however, Chartres wrote asking the 
 opinion of Constable Montmorenci, and Chatillon 
 sought guidance direct from the Queen-mother. 
 The replies apparently being favourable Chartres 
 mentioned the matter to Cecil, who discussed it 
 privately with the Queen, whilst at the end of 
 November Chatillon opened his approach by asking 
 the new French ambassador. La Mothe F^ndlon, 
 how Anjou's suit with the Princess of Portugal was 
 prospering, as he had reason to believe that if the 
 Duke became a suitor for the Queen of England's 
 hand he would be welcomed. La Mothe, who 
 doubtless had already received his instructions from 
 France, replied that he had always understood that 
 the Queen had no intention of marrying, but if she 
 would accept the Duke for her consort greater peace 
 
ii6 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 and tranquillity to France and the world would 
 result than from anything else. He promised to 
 write to the Queen-mother on the subject, which 
 he did at once.'' But Catharine always preferred to 
 negotiate through one of the many crafty Floren- 
 tines who were personally devoted to her, rather 
 than through the leaders of either French political 
 party, so an excuse was invented for sending her 
 trusty Guido Cavalcanti to England. La Mothe was 
 ill when Guido arrived in London, and the latter 
 called to ask after his convalescence. In conversation 
 with the ambassador he mentioned Elizabeth's great 
 indignation at the rebuff she had received through 
 young Cobham from the Archduke Charles, who, to 
 make matters worse, had since married a Bavarian 
 princess. He then asked the amba;ssador whether 
 he thought this would not be a good opportunity 
 to bring Anjou forward. La Mothe's reply being 
 favourable, Cavalcanti next approached Leicester, 
 who was equally encouraging, and promised to 
 revert to the subject when he returned from Hamp- 
 ton Court, whither he was then going to see the 
 Queen. When La Mothe was told this by Caval- 
 canti, he thought it time to assert himself as the 
 accredited ambassador, and at once went to Hamp- 
 ton Court personally. Before seeing the Queen he 
 visited Leicester, and hinted that approaches had 
 been made to him for a marriage between the Queen 
 and Anjou, but as Leicester was regarded by the 
 French as their best friend, he, the ambassador, 
 had decided to carry the matter no further without 
 his co-operation, so that he might have the credit 
 of the negotiation. Leicester replied that he was 
 ' La Mothe Fenelon Correspondence. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 117 
 
 always against an Austrian alliance, and as the 
 Queen was determined not to marry a subject, he 
 would sacrifice his own chance in favour of Anjou's 
 suit. The matter, he said, could be discussed fully 
 when the Court returned to London, but in the 
 meanwhile it would be well for La Mothe to say 
 a word or two to the Queen about it. When 
 Leicester introduced him into the presence, 
 Elizabeth was awaiting him in her smartest clothes. 
 After the usual coy fencing she said she was 
 growing old, and but for the idea of leaving heirs, 
 would be ashamed to speak about marriage, as she 
 was one of those women whom men seek for their 
 possessions and not for their persons. The princes 
 of the house of France, she said, had the reputation 
 of being good husbands, and to pay all honour to 
 their wives, but not to love them. This was 
 enough for the present, and La Mothe sent off post- 
 haste to Catharine a full account of the interview, 
 with no great confidence, as he said, of a successful 
 termination of the affair ; but the chance was so 
 great a one that it should not be missed, and 
 the Duke of Anjou should be carefully prepared. 
 Catharine replied in the same strain. She had 
 considered, she said, that this might be one of 
 Elizabeth's intrigues with the intention of pro- 
 longing the negotiations and making use of the 
 French in the meanwhile, and if the Queen of 
 England had a daughter or heiress she would be a 
 more fitting match for Anjou than the Queen herself. 
 But still he (La Mothe) was to keep the matter alive 
 on every opportunity, and push it forward as if of 
 his own action. Catharine urged La Mothe that the 
 greatest secrecy should be observed, but Elizabeth 
 
ii8 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 could not refrain from gossiping about it, and it soon 
 became common talk, much to the annoyance of 
 La Mothe, who blamed the indiscretion of Chartres 
 and Chatillon, who blamed each other. In con- 
 versation with the ambassador Elizabeth appeared 
 entirely favourable to the match, but objected that 
 although Anjou had reached manhood — he was 
 just twenty — he was still much younger than she. 
 " So much the better for your Majesty," replied he, 
 laughingly. On another occasion he extolled the 
 happiness of his young King Charles IX. with his 
 bride, and advised all princesses in search of happy 
 matrimony to mate with princes of the house of 
 France. The Queen thereupon cited some rather 
 conspicuous instances to the contrary, and said that 
 it would not satisfy her to be honoured as a Queen, 
 she must be loved for herself ; and La Mothe duly 
 gave the expected gallant reply. Chatillon was then 
 announced and the ambassador retired. The Car- 
 dinal put the question point blank — would she accept 
 the Duke if he proposed ? To which she replied 
 that on certain conditions she would. To his 
 request that she would at once submit the proposal 
 to the Council she at first demurred, but the next 
 day she did so.i "One of the members only said 
 that the Duke would be rather young, and that it 
 would be well to consider deeply before they broke 
 entirely with the house of Burgundy. The other 
 members were silent, surprised to see her so set 
 upon this marriage, which they have hitherto 
 thought was merely a fiction. The Earl of 
 Leicester is greatly dismayed at having been the 
 instigator of it, but the Cardinal promises him a grand 
 » Correspondence de La Mothe Pension. La Ferriere. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 119 
 
 estate and honours, and says he shall go to France 
 to conclude it. The fickleness of the Queen makes 
 it impossible to say whether the marriage will go 
 forward or not. She has assured the Cardinal that 
 she is free from any pledge elsewhere, and that she 
 is determined to marry a prince and not a subject, 
 whilst she has a good opinion of the character of 
 Anjou." I This was in the third week of January, 
 1571 ; and on the 31st of the month La Mothe was 
 entertained at a grand banquet, where he was seated 
 next to the Queen. She was as usual sentimental, 
 and afraid that she would not be loved for herself 
 alone, but the ambassador assured her that the 
 Prince would both love and honour her, and would 
 in due time make her the mother of a fine boy. 
 This being an aspect of the case upon which she 
 liked to dwell, the Queen became more talkative 
 but pledged herself no further. She was indeed so 
 full of the subject that she could speak of nothing 
 else. She consulted Lady Clinton and Lady 
 Cobham, she discussed it with her other ladies, and 
 the Court was filled with feminine tittle-tattle about 
 Anjou's personal charms and supposed gallantries. 
 With regard to the latter we may reserve our 
 opinion ; but of the former we are in good position 
 to judge from contemporary portraits and de- 
 scriptions of him. When the match had begun to 
 look serious Walsingham was sent as ambassador 
 to France, and before he went he had a long con- 
 versation with Leicester in his closet at Hampton 
 Court, when the Earl asked him to send a de- 
 scription of the Prince to him as soon as possible 
 after his arrival. On the i6th of January Leicester 
 
 ' Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. ii. Spes to Philip II. 
 
120 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 wrote to ask him for this description, arid was 
 evidently even then not very enthusiastic for the 
 match. " I confesse our estate requireth a match, but 
 God send us a good one and meet for all parties." 
 
 Walsingham, replying on the 28th, says he has had 
 a good opportunity of seeing the prince, and describes 
 him as being three inches taller than himself (Wal- 
 singham), somewhat sallow, "his body verie good 
 shape, his legs long and thin but reasonably well, 
 proportioned. What helps he has to supply any 
 defects of nature I know not. Touching the health 
 of his person I find the opinion diverse, and I know 
 not what to credit, but for my part I forbeare to be 
 over curious in the search thereof, for divers respects. 
 If all be as well as outwardly it showeth he is 
 of body sound enough. And yet at this present I 
 do not find him so well coloured as when I was last 
 here. " ' He goes on to describe him as being haughty 
 at first approach, but really more affable than either 
 of his brothers. It will be seen that Walsingham, 
 Puritan and ally of Leicester, was not very favour- 
 able to the match, and he was indeed regarded as 
 opposed to it in the French Court. 
 
 Jean Correro, the Venetian ambassador, describes 
 Anjou as being stronger built, of better colour, and 
 more agreeable appearance than his brother, Charles 
 IX., and says he was very fond of playing with the 
 ladies of the palace ; but Michaeli, another Venetian 
 envoy, paints him in colours more familiar to us. "He 
 is completely dominated," he says, " by voluptuous- 
 ness ; covered with perfumes and essences. He wears 
 a double row of rings, and pendants at his ears, and 
 spends vast sums on shirts and clothes. He charms 
 
 » Walsingham Correspondence. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. I2i 
 
 and beguiles women by lavishing upon them the most 
 costly jewels and toys," ^ Walsingham says that a 
 portrait could not be sent to England, as it was for- 
 bidden to paint pictures of the King or his brothers, 
 but a great French Catholic courtier ^ wrote to Wal- 
 singham, in the hope that he would transmit it to 
 Elizabeth, the following glowing but insidious account 
 of the young prince : "It is his misfortune that his 
 portraits do not do him justice. Janet himself has 
 not succeeded in depictiftg that certain something 
 which nature has given him. His eyes, that 
 gracious turn of the mouth when he speaks, that 
 sweetness which wins over all who approach him, 
 cannot be reproduced by pen or pencil. His hand 
 is so beautiful that if it were turned it could not be 
 more perfectly modelled. Do not ask me whether 
 he has inspired the passion of love ! He has con- 
 quered wherever he has cast his eyes, and yet is 
 ignorant of one-hundredth part of his conquests. 
 You have been persuaded that he has a leaning to 
 the new religion, and might be brought to adopt it. 
 Undeceive yourself. He was born a Catholic, he 
 has lived the declared champion of Catholicism, and, 
 believe me, he will live and die in the faith. I have, 
 it is true, seen in his hands the psalms of Marot and 
 other books of that sort, but he only had them to 
 please a great Huguenot lady with whom he was in 
 love. If the Queen, your mistress, be not satisfied 
 with so worthy a person she will never marry. 
 Henceforward the only thing for her to do is to 
 vow perpetual celibacy." 
 
 Things went smoothly for the first few weeks, 
 
 • Baschet La Diplomatic venitienne. La Ferriere. 
 ' Memoires de Nevers. 
 
122 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 although the French, warned by past experi- 
 ence, were determined not to be drawn too far 
 unless Elizabeth showed signs of sincerity. But 
 soon the Guises and the nobles of the league 
 took fright, and the Pope's Nuncio personally ex- 
 horted Anjou not to be driven into such a match 
 with a heretic woman who was too old to hope for 
 issue by him. He told him that " England, which 
 he was well assured was the mark he chiefly shot at, 
 might be achieved, and that right easily too, by the 
 sword, to his great honour, and less inconvenience 
 than by making so unfit a match." ^ Walsingham, 
 on the other hand, was not very active in pushing 
 the suit. He evidently disbelieved in the Queen's 
 sincerity, and he was probably right in doing so, 
 notwithstanding her professions to him of her desire 
 for the match. Whatever may have been in the 
 Queen's own mind, the Walsingham Correspondence 
 proves beyond question that the marriage was 
 looked upon by Cecil as necessary at the time, and 
 it would seem as if even Leicester and Walsingham 
 were reluctantly drawn to the same opinion. Matters 
 were indeed in a critical condition for England. The 
 Ridolfi plot was brewing, the English Catholic nobles 
 in a ferment, and the Pope, Philip, the league, and 
 the Guises, ready to turn their whole power to the 
 destruction of Elizabeth. Scotland was in revolt 
 against the English faction. Alba was reported to be 
 preparing for the invasion of England, and Thomas 
 Stukeley was planning with Philip and the Pope his 
 descent upon Ireland. It was a desperate, forlorn 
 hope to think that the painted puppet in the hands 
 
 ' Walsingham to Cecil, February 8, 1571. "Compleat 
 ambassador." 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 123 
 
 of the Catholic party in France would change his 
 religion for the sake of marrying Elizabeth, but 
 for the moment there seemed no other chance of 
 salvation for Protestant England. The Duke 
 himself spoke slightingly of the Queen and the 
 match. The Guises and the Spanish ambassa- 
 dor, says Walsingham, "do not stick to use dis- 
 honourable arguments to dissuade him from the 
 same. They urge rather the conquest of England." 
 Cecil, on the 3rd of March, told Walsingham from 
 the Queen that if h6 were approached on the subject 
 he was to say that the Queen was convinced of the 
 necessity of marriage for the welfare of her realm 
 and would only marry a prince. And then in a 
 private note Cecil adds : "If God should order this 
 marriage or any other to take place no time shall be 
 wasted otherwise than honour should require. I am 
 not able to discern what is best, but surely I see no 
 continuance of her quietness without a marriage." 
 Leicester, even, seems to have believed in the match 
 taking place. He says he was so anxious for a 
 personal description of the Duke because he finds 
 that matter is likely to come into question, "and I 
 do perceive her Majesty more bent upon marrying 
 than heretofore she has been. God make her fortu- 
 nate therein." Walsingham, in a letter to Leicester 
 (March 9th) in reply, says the opinion is that " unless 
 Anjou marries the Queen it will be most dangerous, 
 as he will then turn to the Queen of Scots, since he 
 must be provided for somewhere out of France." 
 This, indeed, was almost the only hopeful element 
 in the situation, the absolute need for the young 
 King and his mother to deprive the French Catholic 
 nobles of their royal figurehead. Charles IX. and 
 
124 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 his mother tried their hardest to persuade Anjou to 
 the marriage, but for a time without success. The 
 Duke grew more and more scornful of the match 
 under the influence of the monks by whom he was 
 surrounded. The Huguenots, to whom it was a 
 matter of life or death to get rid of the King's 
 brother as chief of their enemies, sent Tdligny to 
 Charles IX. to complain of the Duke's attitude. The 
 King replied that he was sufficient master of his 
 brother to overcome every obstacle to the match 
 unless it were that of religion. He said he would 
 send his brother away from the Court so as . to 
 destroy the influence of the monks over him. 
 Catharine at last despaired, and wrote to La Mothe 
 deploringly that Anjou spoke disparagingly of Eliza- 
 beth's honour, and refused absolutely to marry her, 
 notwithstanding all her prayers. " So, IVI. de La 
 Mothe," she adds, "you are on the point of losing 
 such a kingdom as that for my children." But a 
 few days afterwards, by the aid of Cavalcanti, she 
 apparently overcame her son's scruples, and on the 
 1 8th of February she wrote more cheerfully to La 
 Mothe, saying that Anjou had consented to marry 
 the Queen if he were asked. 
 
 Two days after this Lord Buckhurst, with a 
 brilliant suite, arrived in Paris, ostensibly to congra- 
 tulate Charles IX. on his marriage, but with secret 
 instructions from the Queen to negotiate with Catha- 
 rine again about the Anjou match. F6tes and 
 banquets, masques and coursing, kept Buckhurst 
 brilliantly busy until the eve of his departure, when 
 Cavalcanti came and asked him whether he would 
 not like to see the new gardens of the Tuileries, of 
 which Catharine was extremely proud. Buckhurst 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 125 
 
 went, and of course found there the Queen-mother, 
 who expressed pleasurable astonishment at the 
 unexpected meeting. She was glad, she said, to 
 have the opportunity before he left of expressing to 
 him the friendship of the King and herself towards 
 his mistress, and their desire to strengthen it when 
 opportunity offered. Time was short, and Buck- 
 hurst did not beat about the bush. " Your Majesty 
 doubtless refers to the marriage of the Queen and 
 the Duke of Anjou," he said. Catharine replied that 
 if she and the King could feel sure that Elizabeth 
 was not playing with them as she had done with 
 others, they would be pleased with the match, 
 always on condition that their honour did not suffer 
 thereby. Buckhurst assured her that the Queen 
 had instructed him to say that she was determined 
 to marry a foreign prince, but as it was not becoming 
 for a maiden to seek a husband, she could only say 
 that when she was sought she would prove to them 
 that no mockery need be feared. Buckhurst tried 
 very hard to draw Catharine into a direct offer of 
 her son's hand, but she would only say that if the 
 Queen really wished to marry they were quite ready 
 to enter into negotiations. Before Buckhurst left 
 the next day, however, she sent him a written offer 
 of her son's hand to the Queen, on certain conditions 
 to be arranged. Elizabeth's attitude when she 
 received this offer by Buckhurst convinces us that, 
 however earnest some of her councillors may have 
 been to bring about the marriage, she herself was 
 playing her usual trick. On the 24th of March she 
 wrote to Walsingham, telling him of the offer 
 made to her through Buckhurst. It was her wish, 
 she said, that only Walsingham and de Foix 
 
126 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 should deal with the matter. It was her intention 
 to marry some person of royal blood, and Walsing- 
 ham was to tell the Queen-mother that his mistress 
 knew full well that it had been reported that she did 
 not intend to marry, but only to hear offers and 
 "bruits of marriage from persons of great estate and 
 then reject them." She was grieved to be so mis- 
 understood. It is true that at the beginning of her 
 reign she desired to live single, but the Queen- 
 mother must recollect whom it was she rejected 
 and how inconvenient such a marriage would have 
 been. This, of course, referred to Philip II.'s offer, 
 and was a very adroit turn, considering Catharine's 
 own feelings towards her erstwhile son-in-law. 
 Walsingham was, indeed, instructed to take credit 
 for his mistress's abnegation and nobleness in refusing 
 such a match. She was now resolved to marry, he 
 was to say ; but through all the instructions she 
 cleverly avoided giving any specific pledge or 
 encouragement to Anjou personally. Her language, 
 indeed, is almost the same as that which she had 
 employed eleven years before with the Austrian 
 suitors. Amongst the characteristic pcissages in her 
 letter is one in which she says that the Queen- 
 mother's experience in marriage affairs would enable 
 her to do all that was fitting in the case without press- 
 ing Elizabeth to take too direct a part : " Pray the 
 Queen-mother not to be over-curious as desiring so 
 precise an answer until the matter may be further 
 treated of and explained, and not to think it any 
 touch to the honour of her son to be named as a 
 suitor to us, as others of as great degree have been, 
 though the motions took no effect, rather for other 
 impediments than for any mislike of their persons." i 
 ' Walsingham Correspondence. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 127 
 
 He was not to say more than needful about the 
 conditions ; but if he were pressed he was to suggest 
 those adopted on Mary Tudor's marriage with 
 Philip II. There was no desire, said Elizabeth, to 
 urge Anjou to any change of conscience, but he 
 could not be allowed to exercise in England a 
 religion prohibited by the law, and must attend the 
 Anglican Church for form's sake. Above all, the 
 Queen-mother was to be assured that, whatever 
 might be said to the contrary, Leicester was "ready 
 to allow of any marriage that we shall like." 
 
 When Walsingham received this ambiguous letter 
 things in Paris were looking less favourable. U nstable 
 Anjou had again veered round to the Catholic side, 
 and Spanish intrigues were active all over Europe 
 to prevent the marriage. Anjou had just told de 
 Foix that he knew it was " all dalliance," and 
 reproached him for drawing him so far in the 
 match. " I will take no step forward," said the 
 prince, " unless a decisive reply is sent from 
 England." When Walsingham learnt this from 
 de Foix he saw that it would be unwise to repeat 
 his mistress's words about religion, and simply told 
 the Queen-mother that Elizabeth was disposed to 
 accept the hand of the Duke of Anjou. But this 
 was too dry an answer for Catharine, who well 
 knew that affairs could not be arranged so easily, 
 and told Walsingham as much. He replied that as 
 Elizabeth did not wish La Mothe in London to deal 
 with the affair, all points at issue might be settled by 
 sending de Foix thither, which Catharine promised 
 should be done shortly, but at present she preferred 
 to send a " neutre," as she called Cavalcanti, upon 
 whose penetration and faithfulness to her she knew 
 
128 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 she could depend. It is clear that she still dis- 
 trusted Elizabeth's sincerity, and she was un- 
 doubtedly correct in doing so. Leicester's letters 
 to Walsingham ' at the same time show that his 
 mind ran in the same groove as that of the Queen. 
 The Queen, he said, was determined to marry, but 
 " wished to deal privately, for less reproach to both 
 parties if nothing came of it." "The person of 
 Monsieur is well liked of, but his conversation is 
 harder to know." There was no difficulty about 
 Anjou's person or estate, he said, but the Queen 
 was firm about religion ; whereat he, Leicester, 
 rejoiced, and hoped that God would always keep 
 her firm therein. He well knew that upon that 
 rock he could always split the marriage barque when 
 it looked too much like entering port. 
 
 Cavalcanti, who had only just returned from 
 London and who could better than any man fathom 
 the inner feelings of the English Court, doubtless 
 made his mistress acquainted with the true state 
 of affairs ; and was again sent back to England 
 with a draft of the conditions proposed on behalf 
 of Anjou, which shows clearly the determination 
 of Catharine that there should be no ambiguity in 
 her son's position. Cavalcanti arrived in London 
 on the nth of April, 1571, but did not present 
 his conditions until La Mothe had made a 
 formal offer, in the name of the King of France, 
 of his brother's hand. The Duke, he said, had long 
 felt great admiration and affection for her, to which 
 the Queen replied that the matter had already 
 been mentioned to her by others. She then elabo- 
 rately excused herself for the delay that had 
 ' Walsingham Correspondence. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. tap 
 
 attended her other marriage negotiations, promised 
 that no cause for complaint in this respect should 
 exist in the present instance, and hoped that the 
 French would not be too exacting on the point of 
 religion. The next day they came to business. 
 Cecil and Leicester were deputed to examine the 
 draft contract ; and Cecil's copy thereof is still at 
 Hatfield and is printed by the Historical MSS. 
 Commission in the Hatfield Papers, part 2. 
 
 The proposals, which are evidently such as 
 Elizabeth could never have accepted, may be sum- 
 marised as follows: (i) No ceremonies were to be 
 used at the marriage but those in accordance with 
 the religion of Monseigneur. (2) That he and his 
 household should be allowed the free exercise of their 
 religion. (3) That immediately after the marriage 
 he should receive the title of king and govern and 
 administer the country jointly with the Queen. (4) 
 That he should be crowned after the consummation 
 of the marriage. (5) That he should receive from 
 the English revenues a life pension of ;^6o,ooo 
 sterling a year. (6) That the issue of the marriage 
 should succeed to the paternal and maternal pro- 
 perties in conformity with the laws of the countries 
 where such property may be situate. (7) That in 
 the event of the Queen's predeceasing her husband 
 and leaving issue he was to govern the country as 
 king on their behalf. (8) In case there were no 
 issue Anjou was to still be paid his pension of 
 ;if 60,000 for life. 
 
 On the 14th Cecil submitted to the Queen the 
 draft answer to be sent to these proposals, and after 
 some alterations were made in it, Cavalcanti started 
 for France with the English terms on the 17th of 
 
 10 
 
130 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 '%^ 
 April. This able State paper will also be found entire 
 
 in part 2 of the Hatfield Papers (Hist. MSS. Com.), 
 and appears to be a sincere attempt on the part 
 of Cecil to compromise matters, although there are 
 two or three points upon which the Queen probably 
 depended to raise further difficulties if necessary to 
 prevent the match. The marriage was to be cele- 
 brated according to the English rites, but Anjou's 
 ministers might attend as witnesses, so far as might 
 be necessary to legalise the marriage from his point 
 of view. The Duke, however, was not required to 
 act against his conscience if any of the ceremonies 
 were openly offensive to the Catholic religion. 
 Neither he nor his household were to be compelled 
 against their conscience to attend Anglican worship, 
 but the Queen's consort was expected to accompany 
 her to church at suitable and accustomed times. 
 He was forbidden to attempt to change any of the 
 ecclesiastical laws or customs of England, or to 
 favour those who violated them. He was not to 
 allow, so far as he could help, the ceremonies of the 
 English Church to be despised. He was to have 
 the title of king and his status was to be fixed by 
 the precedent of Philip and Mary, but he was not 
 to be crowned. The Queen would undertake to 
 supply him with such sums from the Treasury as 
 she might consider necessary for the proper main- 
 tenance of his position. The French demands with 
 regard to the issue of the marriage were practically 
 conceded, but the demand for a life pension to con- 
 tinue even after the death of the Queen was refused. 
 Matters, however, were not brought even to this 
 point without a great deal of finesse and wrangling 
 between La Mothe and the Queen and many long 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 131 
 
 interviews with Cecil and Leicester. When Caval- 
 canti was about to depart La Mothe begged the 
 Queen to write a letter to Anjou in answer to one 
 he had sent to her. She, of course, was shocked ; she 
 had never done such a thing, the pen would fall 
 from her hand, she would not know what to say, 
 and so on. But the letter was written nevertheless, 
 and a very curious production it is, full of worldly 
 wisdom about the marriage proposals, but with 
 plenty of fulsome flattery of Anjou's beauty, of his 
 lovely hand, and his gifts of mind and body. She 
 apparently thought herself entitled to a little flattery 
 from La Mothe in return, and sighed that whilst in 
 seven or eight years the Duke would be better 
 looking than ever, she would have grown old. She 
 then asked whether any one had spoken to the Duke 
 about her foot, her arm, "and other things she did 
 not mention," and said she thought the Duke very 
 desirable, to which La Mothe replied, nothing loath, 
 that they were both " very desirable," and it was a 
 pity they were so long debarred from enjoying each 
 other's perfections.' 
 
 All this was looked upon with dismay by the 
 Spaniards and the league. Gerau de Spes, the 
 Spanish ambassador in England, writes to his master^ 
 an assurance that the marriage will take place, and 
 that the English are treating him more arrogantly 
 than ever in consequence. " The real remedy," he 
 says, "is that with which Ridolfi is charged." Nor 
 were the ultra- Catholics in Paris less desperate. In 
 vain Charles IX. assured Tdligny that he would have 
 
 » Correspondence de La Mothe Fenelon. ^ 
 
 » Spes to Philip, loth and isth of April, 1571. Spanish 
 Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. ii. 
 
132 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 his brother " away from the superstitious friars, and 
 would in a few days work him, as he will yield to 
 anything that he, the King, might require." The 
 King said that his brother was every day growing 
 less superstitious, but his Catholic courtiers left no 
 stone unturned to make the match impossible. Soon 
 after Cavalcanti had left London La Mothe went to 
 see the Queen, and instead of smiles was received with 
 frowns. She had just heard that a great gentleman 
 in the French Court had openly stated that she had 
 an incurable malady in one of her legs — this was a 
 sore point with Elizabeth, who really suffered from 
 an issue in the leg — and had said that this would 
 be a good reason for Anjou to give her a " French 
 potion " after he married her, and then marry the 
 Queen of Scots. She was in a great rage, and 
 threatened to make friends with the Spaniards 
 again, but would not mention the name of the 
 peccant courtier, which, indeed, she did not know. 
 She afterwards told La Mothe she was sorry he 
 had not seen her dance at the Marquis of 
 Northampton's ball, so that he might be able to 
 assure the Duke that he ran no risk of marrying a 
 cripple. Cavalcanti arrived in Paris on the 24th 
 of April, but Walsingham was unable to see the 
 Queen-mother until the 27th, when an interview 
 took place at St. Cloud. Catharine professed to 
 be discontented with the religious conditions pro- 
 posed by the English, and said that if her son 
 submitted to them the Queen might blame herself 
 for accepting as a husband a man so ready to 
 change his religion as to prove himself without 
 piety or conscience. Walsingham replied that the 
 Queen did not wish him to change his religion 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 133 
 
 suddenly, or that he or his people should be forced 
 to conform to the Anglican Church, but it would 
 be a violation of the laws of her realm to allow him 
 the exercise of his own faith. Troubles such as 
 had recently afflicted France indeed might result 
 therefrom. This did not please Catharine. Her 
 son, she said, could never accept such a condition, 
 which in effect was tantamount to a change of 
 religion. If any troubles arose in England such as 
 those feared, the support of France would be the 
 best safeguard. When she saw that Puritan 
 Walsingham was not to be gained in this way, she 
 hinted that her son might more easily be brought 
 to change his views by the influence of the Queen 
 after his marriage, so that probably the objections 
 they feared would not last long. The Catholics, 
 she said, were afraid of the marriage, which they 
 thought might cause a change of religion throughout 
 Europe. Instructions at the same time were sent 
 to La Mothe, who told Cecil that if the religious 
 conditions were insisted upon the negotiation might 
 be regarded as at an end. But this by no means 
 suited the English Court. Cecil had been assured 
 by the Huguenot partisans of the match that the 
 French would give way on the crucial point of 
 religion if Elizabeth stood firm ; but when this 
 appeared doubtful, Cecil himself moderated his tone, 
 and a pretence of great cordiality and agreement 
 between the French and English was carefully 
 assumed in order to deceive the Spaniards. In 
 this they were successful, and Spes writes to his 
 king constantly that the match is practically settled 
 and that Anjou was to turn Protestant. How 
 necessary it was for Elizabeth to foster this belief 
 
134 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 at the time (May, 1571) is clear when we recollect 
 that Bailly, the Bishop of Ross' servant, had just 
 confessed under the rack the heads of the Ridolfi 
 plot. Step by step the" clue was being followed up, 
 and the vast conspiracy of Norfolk and the Catholic 
 English nobles, with Mary of Scotland, Spain, the 
 Pope, and the league, was being gradually divulged 
 in all its ramifications. There was no room for 
 doubt any longer. Spain and the Catholics were 
 determined to crush Elizabeth, and henceforward it 
 must be war to the knife between them. In such a 
 struggle England, unaided, would have been at the 
 mercy of the Catholic powers, and it was vital both 
 for Elizabeth and Catharine de Medici that they 
 should hold together for mutual support. It was 
 necessary, therefore, that the negotiations should 
 not be ostensibly dropped, and the Queen-mother 
 requested that Elizabeth should submit her amended 
 propositions. La Mothe bad assured her that 
 Elizabeth would yield on the point of religion if 
 she only stood firm, and she, knowing the English 
 Queen's extremity, was evidently determined to 
 extort conditions equally favourable with those 
 formerly granted by Elizabeth in the case of the 
 Archduke Charles. As a somewhat disingenuous 
 device Leicester suggested that the article of religion 
 should be omitted altogether from the draft treaty, 
 and to this Catharine consented. But as a point 
 of honour she insisted that Elizabeth should at once 
 send her counter-propositions as promised, and 
 Walsingham plaintively begs over and over again 
 that she should avoid "jealousy" by sending them 
 without delay. 
 
 On the 20th of May Walsingham saw the Queen- 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 135 
 
 mother at Gaillon and laid before her the strong 
 arguments which Elizabeth had for insisting upon 
 the law of England being respected in the matter of 
 the celebration of the Catholic religion. Catharine 
 was forced to admit their weight, and said that she 
 must consult the King and Anjou about them. 
 Walsingham then went to see the Duke himself. 
 He exerted on the young prince all his powers of 
 persuasion ; palliating and minimising points of 
 difference, and suggesting compromise, but all to 
 no purpose. '' The Queen," said Anjou, "is, I am 
 told, the rarest creature that was in Europe these 
 500 years." But this was a matter that touched 
 his soul and conscience, and he could not forsake 
 his faith even for such a prize.' 
 
 The next day Walsingham saw the King and his 
 mother to beg them to exert pressure on Anjou. Let 
 the Queen of England send her amended demands as 
 promised, said they, and all reasonable concessions 
 shall be made. De Foix and Montmorenci should 
 be sent to England to conclude the treaty when the 
 heads were agreed upon, and in the meanwhile 
 efforts should be made to win over Anjou some- 
 what. De Foix himself was hardly so hopeful. He 
 had done, he said, all that mortal man could do to 
 persuade the Duke ; but the constant influence of 
 the Guises and their friends rendered the matter 
 more and more difficult : " Monsieur being by them 
 persuaded that it would be his hap to march with 
 the forsaken." If, said de Foix, the Queen persisted 
 in forbidding her husband the exercise of his faith 
 the matter was at an end. But withal Walsingham 
 thought this was simply bluff, and was assured by 
 • Foreign Calendar, Walsingham to Cecil, May 25, 1571. 
 
136 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 some great Huguenot noble whom he does not 
 name, but who was probably Coligny, that if the 
 Queen stood firm she would have her way. 
 
 Some days afterwards Walsingham was still 
 further encouraged by learning that Anjou was 
 seeking advice and guidance about English affairs, 
 and how to become popular with the people. At 
 the beginning of June Anjou was ill in bed, 
 and Cavalcanti went to visit him. He found 
 the Duke in appearance almost eager for the 
 match ; but always on condition that his honour 
 should be regarded in religion ; and the King and 
 Queen-mother were most enthusiastic and hopeful. 
 This change of feeling was brought about by the 
 receipt, after long delay, of the propositions from 
 Elizabeth dated June 4, 1571, which will be found 
 printed entire in the Hatfield State Papers, part 2. 
 MSS. Com. The articles are mainly identical with 
 the marriage treaty of Philip and Mary, and not a 
 word is mentioned about religion at all. Cavalcanti 
 was sent off post-haste to England almost as soon 
 as the paper was received, to express the King's 
 thanks to Elizabeth for her moderation. He would 
 never forget her friendship, he said, and would also 
 send at once M. L'Archant, the captain of Anjou's 
 guard to England to formally announce the coming 
 of de Foix and Montmorenci as plenipotentiaries to 
 complete the contract. Still Catharine knew Eliza- 
 beth of old, and sent word privately to Cecil beseech- 
 ing him not to let de Foix and Montmorenci come 
 unless the Queen really meant business.' What 
 Cavalcanti, or rather his mistress, thought is reflected 
 in a remark he made to the Venetian ambassador 
 ■ Foreign Calendar. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 137 
 
 in Paris a day or two before he left for England. 
 The match, he said, would create a weight to 
 balance the great power of the King of Spain, by 
 uniting England and France in one interest, and he 
 had now great hopes that it would take place.' 
 Whilst Cavalcanti and L'Archant were awaiting 
 the finishing of some portraits of Anjou they were 
 to take with them, Catharine again saw Walsingham. 
 She begged him as a private gentleman to tell her 
 the best way to bring about the match. He said 
 there were two things he wished — first, that they 
 (the French) would not stand out stiffiy about religion, 
 and next "that there should be a more honourable 
 sort of wooing." Her reply with regard to religion 
 discloses a curious and artful intrigue by which 
 Cardinal Lorraine, through Throgmorton, sought to 
 catch Elizabeth. A form of English prayer, she said, 
 had been handed to de Foix, which the Pope offered 
 to authorise if the Queen would acknowledge to have 
 received it from him, and this would obviate all diffi- 
 culty. With regard to a "more honourable woo- 
 ing," she must think, she said, of her son's dignity 
 if the match were broken off. This distrust, Wal- 
 singham thought, arose from La Mothe's report of 
 the Queen's indignant outburst about her rumoured 
 lameness. De Foix sought to reassure Walsingham 
 by telling him that Anjou would within a year 
 be as forward in religion as any man in England, 
 and related a story of the Duke's visit to Madame 
 Carnavalet. Turning to her husband he said, 
 " Carnavalet, thou and I were once Huguenots, 
 and are now again become good Catholics." 
 "Aye," says she, "and if you proceed in the matter 
 » Venetian Calendar. 
 
138 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 you wot of you will be so again." Anjou put 
 his finger on his lips and replied, " Not a word of 
 that, good Carnavalet." ' The lady herself told 
 Walsingham that Anjou was not really against the 
 reformed religion, but Sir Francis seems to have 
 had as poor an opinion of his consistency, as of his 
 mother's sincerity. He tells Cecil, June 20, 1571, 
 that Anjou's religion depends entirely on his 
 mother. It was she, he says, that made him so 
 superstitious last Lent, so as not to lose her hold 
 on the Catholics if this falls through. " What her 
 religion is your lordship can partly guess," 
 
 In the meanwhile the Guises were moving heaven 
 and earth to stop, or at least delay, the match, and 
 that between Henry of Navarre and the King's 
 sister Margaret. Better marriages both for brother 
 and sister were promised. Hopes of the crown of 
 Poland were held out to Anjou, detraction of Eliza- 
 beth was spread broadcast, plots in favour of Mary 
 Stuart and plans to marry her went on unceasingly. 
 Poor weak Anjou was wafted from side to side 
 like a straw upon the wind. When Cavalcanti took 
 the Duke's portrait to England he carried with 
 him also that of the Princess of Cleves, to whom it 
 was suggested Leicester might be married as a 
 consolation. Marshal Tavannes thereupon told 
 Anjou that since he was going to marry Leicester's 
 mistress he had better return the compliment by 
 marrying Leicester to his, Anjou's, mistress, Mdlle. 
 Chateauneuf.2 
 
 L'Archant and Cavalcanti arrived in London to- 
 wards the end of June, but Elizabeth had one of her 
 diplomatic illnesses and they could not see her for 
 ' Foreign Calendar. " Memoires de Tavannes. La Ferriere. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 139 
 
 a week. Their mission was only to thank her for the 
 moderation of her proposals, and to request passports 
 for the special ambassadors. The Queen evidently 
 thought that matters were looking too much like busi- 
 ness to please her. The sincerity of Cecil, and even 
 of Walsingham, now, in their desire to bring about 
 the match is undoubted ; but it is equally certain 
 that Elizabeth, as usual, wished to play off France 
 against Spain, Protestant against Catholic, without 
 burdening herself with a husband. So she once 
 more harked back to the religious difficulty, and 
 said it would be useless for the formal embassy to 
 come until that point was settled. She was very 
 amiable and gracious, coyly charmed at Anjou's 
 portrait, full of protestations of friendship and affec- 
 tion, but on the vital point of allowing her consort 
 the exercise of his faith, even privately, she would 
 not budge an inch. With her own hands she wrote 
 letters by L'Archant to the King, his mother, and 
 Anjou, She had given, as was her wont, she said, 
 a very straightforward answer. She was most 
 anxious to banish all suspicion, and hoped they 
 would take her answer in good part. To Anjou 
 she wrote one of her usual ambiguous love-letters, 
 saying that, although her rank caused her to doubt 
 whether her kingdom is not sought after more than 
 herself, yet she understands that he has found other 
 graces in her. She is sorry she cannot come up to 
 the opinion which L'Archant tells her the Duke has 
 formed of her ; but whatever she may lack she will 
 never fail in her fraternal amity towards him.' 
 With this cold comfort L'Archant had to go back. 
 The Spanish ambassador in England, detected in 
 » Foreign Calendar. 
 
140 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 his complicity in the Ridolfi plots, was fuming 
 impotently, almost a prisoner in his own house, and 
 in daily fear of expulsion, but he managed to send 
 a courier who passed L'Archant on the road, and 
 arrived in Paris two days before him. The false news 
 he spread, to the delight of the Guises, was that 
 L'Archant had been treated off-handedly, and the 
 match might now be considered at an end. Some 
 one told this to young Charles IX., who burst out 
 that if any one dared to oppose the match in his 
 presence he should forthwith be hanged. L'Archant 
 and Cavalcanti were back in Paris on the i6th of July, 
 and by some mischance saw the Duke first, when 
 the latter was offended at the Queen's persistence 
 in the matter of religion, and coldly sent the envoys 
 to his mother. It did not suit Catharine to have 
 the negotiations broken off, for she was now really 
 alarmed at Philip's open support of the Guises and 
 the league in France, and she was determined at all 
 risks to cripple the Catholic power for harm against 
 her. With her full connivance Navarre and Hugue- 
 nots were arming privateers by the score at Rochelle 
 and elsewhere, to aid the revolted Netherlands and 
 prey on Spanish commerce, and she could not afford 
 to fall away from the English friendship. So, dis- 
 contented though she was with Elizabeth's persis- 
 tence, both she and the King made the best of it, 
 and affected to believe that all was going well. But 
 they reckoned without Anjou. Neither his mother's 
 tears nor his brother's threats could move him, for 
 Cardinal Lorraine now had him in the hollow of his 
 hand. The Guises, the Nuncio, and the Spaniards 
 were untiring. They had surrounded Anjou with 
 their friends, who could lead him as they liked, and 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 141 
 
 Catharine said she suspected that " Villequier, 
 LigneroUes, and Sarret were the authors of all these 
 fancies. If we were only certain, I can assure you 
 they should repent it." One of them, LigneroUes, 
 at all events, was soon after put out of the world by 
 murder. The King came to high words more than 
 once with Anjou himself. He had insulted the Queen 
 of England, he told him, by his foolishness. Con- 
 science, he was sure, had nothing to do with it, and 
 Anjou was only moved by greed through a pension 
 given to him by the Catholic clergy to be their cham- 
 pion. " I will let you know," cried the young King, 
 "that I will have no champions here but myself." 
 Anjou shut himself up in his rooms all day bathed in 
 tears, but he would not yield. The Queen-mother 
 herself sometimes pretended to take Anjou's part, 
 and made a show of standing out about religion, but 
 on this occasion no one was deceived by her, and 
 Walsingham writes to Cecil, July 30, 1571, that she 
 and the King are most anxious to be friendly with 
 Elizabeth, and are sending de Foix to London with 
 all sorts of offers and protestations to secure an 
 alliance, even if the match fall through. They are 
 growing, he says, daily more suspicious of Spain ; 
 and the King will not have Anjou here. Even Wal- 
 singham pitied poor abject Anjou, torn, as he says, 
 from one side to the other. De Foix left for London 
 on August 1st, but although a pretence of marriage 
 negotiations was still kept up, it was acknowledged 
 by all those who were interested that the affair was 
 at an end, and that de Foix's real mission was to 
 sound Elizabeth as to a new offensive and defensive 
 alliance against Spain. 
 
 The envoy, who was 2. persona grata in England, 
 
142 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 where he had long resided as ambassador, was 
 received with marked distinction, and had eight 
 audiences of the Queen. All the old arguments and 
 hair-splittings about the observance of religion were 
 gone over again. Sometimes the Queen appeared to 
 give way, but the next day she would be obdurate 
 again. Cecil himself was puzzled at her nimble gyra- 
 tions, and wrote to Walsingham that "the conferences 
 have had as many variations as there have been 
 days." The Queen was withal gracious and full of 
 protestations of friendship, and at the last audience 
 the real hint was given which justified de Foix's 
 mission. After finally satisfying him that if Anjou 
 came he must conform to the Anglican Church, 
 Cecil asked whether his instructions extended beyond 
 the marriage nogotiations. De Foix said they did not, 
 but this was enough, and he posted back to Paris 
 with the hint, leaving Cavalcanti behind him. Before 
 leaving, on September 6th, he suggested to Cecil that 
 it might be well to send Sir Thomas Smith, who was 
 well known in France, or some one else, to discuss 
 the marriage, or a treaty, with the Queen-mother. 
 
 In the meanwhile, a somewhat curious change 
 had taken place in Paris. Charles IX. had 
 been informed, probably at the instance of the 
 Catholic party, that the Huguenots, seeing Anjou 
 so bigoted, were now opposing Elizabeth's marriage 
 with him, and were proposing to her a match 
 With Henry of Navarre, who was engaged to the 
 King's sister Margaret. There was little or no 
 foundation for this, but it served its purpose 
 and frightened the King into distrust of the 
 Huguenots ; and when de Foix arrived in Paris 
 he found Charles IX. coolly acquiescent in 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 143 
 
 the Queen's refusal, and on the watch for 
 signs of treachery from the Protestant party. Wal- 
 singham, in Paris, soon felt the effect ; and on the 
 26th of September he wrote to Cecil that the Anjou 
 marriage was absolutely at an end, and he was in 
 great alarm to see that France and Spain were 
 growing friendly. The smallest demonstration of 
 this was sufficient to bring Elizabeth to her knees, 
 and she at once sent Walsingham instructions to 
 revive the marriage negotiations on any terms. He 
 was even to give way on the crucial point of 
 religion.' The very day upon which he received 
 this letter, namely the 8th of October, his great 
 confidant (probably Coligny) had told him how 
 anxious the Queen-mother was for her son, the 
 King, not to break with Elizabeth, and had asked 
 him how she could bring about a match between the 
 English Queen and her youngest son, the Duke of 
 AlenQon. Her interlocutor had scouted the idea, he 
 said, but the seed was sown, which was probably all 
 that Catharine wanted. Anjou had now openly stated 
 that under no circumstances would he marry Eliza- 
 beth, even if she gave way on all points, so that he 
 was no longer of any use as a piece in the game. 
 Walsingham accordingly wrote back to Elizabeth 
 saying that he would do his best to revive the 
 negotiations, but he was not hopeful, and would 
 keep his mistress's tardy surrender to himself until 
 he "saw a better disposition here." 
 
 There is no doubt that Walsingham and Cecil 
 
 were now thoroughly alarmed. The Queen-mother 
 
 and the King were almost ostentatiously tending to 
 
 the side of Spain. The Churchmen were busy pro- 
 
 » Foreign Calendar. 
 
144 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 moting a marriage between Anjou and Mary Stuart, 
 whilst the Queen-mother, for her part, was plotting 
 with Cosmo de Medici for the wedding of her 
 favourite son — "her idol" as her daughter called 
 Anjou — to a Polish princess. The full discovery 
 of Norfolk's plot in England, with its extensive 
 ramifications abroad, the troubles in Scotland and 
 Ireland, and the final rupture of diplomatic relations 
 between England and Spain, were so many more 
 black clouds gathering from all quarters over Eliza- 
 beth ; and Cecil's letters to Walsingham at the time 
 were almost despairing. The marriage, he said, 
 was the only chance for the Queen's safety, 
 and he thought now she was resolved to accept 
 the King of France's conditions. But the French 
 were now cold. Walsingham did his best to 
 renew the talk of the marriage, but with little 
 success, and earnestly urged upon the Queen to 
 hold firm to the French friendship. But though 
 Coligny was restored to high favour, and the mur- 
 derers of the Guisan Lignerolles were immediately 
 pardoned and favoured, the murmurs of the coming 
 St. Bartholomew were already in the air, and Cecil 
 was warned long beforehand of Coligny's danger. 
 In October Walsingham fell ill, and went to 
 England to recruit and discuss 'the perilous situa- 
 tion, Henry Killigrew being appointed temporarily, 
 to replace him. In the middle of December Sir 
 Thomas Smith was despatched on a special mission 
 to revive, at all costs, the talk of the Anjou match, or 
 to negotiate the bases of a treaty. He was well 
 fitted for the task ; one of the first scholars in 
 England who had been maintained by Henry VIII. 
 at foreign Courts in order that his experieace might 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 145 
 
 afterwards be useful. He had on more than one 
 occasion been instrumental in settling treaties of 
 peace between England and France, his witty, 
 jocose method evidently suiting the temper of the 
 Queen-mother and her advisers. His letters, some 
 printed in the Hatfield Papers and the Foreign 
 Calendar, and some in the " Compleat ambassador," 
 are extremely graphic and amusing, in contrast with 
 those of Walsingham, in which penetration and per- 
 spicuity are the salient characteristics. 
 
 Sir Thomas Smith and Killigrew arrived at 
 Amboise, where the Court was, on January i, 1572. 
 His first interview was with de Foix, who assured 
 him that Anjou was still firm on the question of 
 religion. Smith said he did not think the last word 
 had been said on that matter, but refrained from 
 appearing anxious for an audience of the Queen- 
 mother or the King until Coligny and Montmorenci 
 had been sounded as to the best mode of procedure. 
 De Foix went so far as to say that Anjou was 
 religious mad, whereupon Smith replied that if he 
 thought the Duke was really obstinate about it he 
 " would soon turn tail," and thus save his mistress's 
 honour. It is very evident that Smith had no 
 belief in Anjou's devotion, for he tells Cecil that 
 his "religion was really fixed on Mdlle. Chateauneuf 
 and now in another place." 
 
 Smith had his first audience with the Queen- 
 mother on the 6th of January. The King and the 
 rest of them, he says, were busy dancing, when the 
 Queen-mother took him apart into her chamber 
 and opened the colloquy by saying that the only 
 obstacle to the match was still the question of 
 religion, as Anjou was so bigoted as to think that 
 
 II 
 
146 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 he would be damned if he yielded the point. 
 Smith then asked whether, in the event of Elizabeth 
 giving way on this, the match would be carried 
 through. "Well," replied Catharine, "that is the 
 principal point, but still there are other questions 
 which will have to be settled touching the honour 
 and dignity of the Prince. Yet she assured the 
 English envoy there was nothing they ever desired 
 so much in their lives as the marriage, and they had 
 not the slightest desire to break off. To this Smith 
 replied that if they did^axA to break off the religious 
 question would be the most honourable point of 
 difference. Catharine assured him again of their 
 sincerity, but deplored that Anjou was so " assotted." 
 What more can he desire, asked Smith, than that 
 which the Queen was now willing to concede ; 
 namely, that he should have free exercise of his 
 religion, " only excepting such parts of the mass as 
 were against God's words " ? If he did not have full 
 mass he thought he would inevitably be damned, 
 said Catharine. The English envoy only gave way 
 step by step. Suppose, he asked, the Duke were 
 allowed to hear private mass in his own little chapel, 
 would that do for him } No, replied the Queen- 
 mother, he must have full, open, public mass ; he 
 was so devout that he heard three or four masses a 
 day, and fasted so rigidly at Lent that " he began to 
 look lean and evil-coloured," whereupon, she said, 
 she was angry with him, and told him she would 
 rather he were a Huguenot than thus hurt his 
 health. No, she continued, he will not have mass 
 in a corner, but "with all the ceremonies of the 
 Romish Church, with priests and singers and the 
 rest." " Why, Madame," quoth Smith, " then he 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 14; 
 
 may require also the four orders of friars, monks, 
 canons, pilgrimages, pardons, oil, cream, relics, and 
 all such trumperies — that in nowise could be agreed 
 to." He told Catharine of the cruel persecutions in 
 England in the time of Mary, and the present dis- 
 affection of the English Catholics, " all of whom had 
 their hands in the pasty of the late treason," and 
 pointed out the danger of allowing them again to 
 raise head in England. This touched the Queen of 
 England's extremity, and Catharine diplomatically 
 added fuel to the fire by saying that Alba had hired 
 two Italian assassins to murder Elizabeth. Killi- 
 grew interposed here, thinking perhaps that Smith 
 had made a faux pas, and said that the same party 
 had not scrupled to use their arts against Catharine's 
 own blood, and hinted that the flower of her flock, 
 the beautiful Elizabeth of Valois, Philip's third wife, 
 had been sacrificed by them. But Killigrew's 
 French was weak, and instead of saying " Votre fille 
 perdue," he said "Votre fille perdrie," which made the 
 Queen-mother laugh whilst her eyes filled with tears 
 at the thought of her gentle daughter lying dead in 
 the convent of barefooted Carmelites in far-away 
 Madrid. At this point de Foix was summoned to 
 the conference, and Smith called him to witness 
 that whereas the Queen of England had always 
 refused to concede the exercise of the mass at all, 
 the Queen-mother now demanded " high mass, with 
 all the public ceremonies of the Church, with priest, 
 deacon, sub-deacon, chalice, altar, bells, candlesticks, 
 paten, singing-men, the four mendicant orders, and 
 all the thousand devils." ' They laughed at Smith's 
 vehemence, but they understood as well as he the 
 ' Foreign Calendar, 
 
148 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 dire straits in which his mistress was, and stood firm. 
 The next day de Foix and the Bishop of Limoges 
 had another conversation with the English envoys, 
 whom they told that Anjou " would nothing relent," 
 and that the King was very angry with him for his 
 obstinacy. Smith said he would rather die than lead 
 his Queen to consent ; whereupon de Foix appears 
 to have hinted again at Alen9on, or an alliance 
 without a marriage, but of this Smith would say 
 nothing, and closed the interview. As a matter of 
 fact Elizabeth was deeply mortified at the cool 
 dilatoriness with which her advances were being 
 received. It was almost a new experience for her. 
 Hitherto, with one exception, she had only had to 
 soften somewhat to bring her suitor to her feet 
 again, but now Anjou was openly scorning her and 
 his mother and brother receding as the English 
 Queen advanced. It was mainly a game of brag 
 on the part of Catharine, who was really as anxious 
 as Elizabeth at the time to maintain a close connec- 
 tion between England and France. AlenQon and 
 his brother Anjou were, says Smith, like Guelph 
 and Ghibelline, the former surrounded only by 
 those of "the religion," whilst the latter 's suite and 
 courtiers were all " Papists." Catharine had not 
 apparently yet been won over to the view that her 
 own interests would be served by allowing the 
 Catholic party complete domination, and their 
 opponents to be massacred ; and when she was so 
 persuaded, and the St. Bartholomew had been per- 
 petrated, she soon found out her mistake and took 
 up her old policy again. The day following the 
 interview just mentioned, Cavalcanti came to Smith 
 with a formal copy of Anjou's demand ; namely, 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 149 
 
 that he should have full religious liberty in England. 
 Smith writes to Cecil on the 9th of January, giving 
 an account of his reception of the document. He 
 affected to be perfectly shocked at the terms, and 
 said he dared not send them to his mistress, which 
 really meant that before being quite off with the old 
 love he wished to have some advance from the new. 
 He asked Cavalcanti to suggest to the Queen- 
 mother whether she could not think of some salve 
 to accompany this bitter pill. Cavalcanti knew 
 what he meant, and said something about Alenqon, 
 but Smith says he pretended to be too much per- 
 turbed to hear, "for I will have it from the Queen- 
 mother's own mouth." Catharine sent word that 
 she was grieved that the paper had disturbed Smith 
 so much, and would be glad td see him. The next 
 day she sent a coach for him and Killigrew, and 
 they were accompanied to the Court by Castelnau 
 de la Mauvissiere and Cavalcanti. She hoped, she 
 said, that his mistress would not break amity with 
 them on this matter, as she and the King were very 
 earnest, and trusted the Queen of England would 
 have pity upon them. She had another son who, if 
 the Queen would consent to "phantasy him," would 
 make no scruple about religion. She also hinted at 
 a national alliance, and asked Smith whether he had 
 powers to negotiate. He told her he must await 
 further instructions, but as to the Duke of Alen9on, 
 if the Queen were as much astonished at Anjou's 
 demand as he was, she would not lend ear to any other 
 proposition from them of the sort. He could not, he 
 said, write to the Queen about it, but would sound 
 Cecil ; and himself would meet any French states- 
 man the Queen-mother might appoint to " rough 
 
ISO THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 hew " a treaty. Smith's firmness had its reward, and 
 the Queen-mother softened considerably. She had 
 the envoys assured that in order to pacify Elizabeth 
 Alen9on should be sent to England unconditionally. 
 Their evident anxiety inspired Smith with high 
 hopes. " Never," he said, " was there a better 
 time than now for a marriage or a league," and he 
 begs Cecil to urge the Queen to lose no time nor to 
 procrastinate, "as is commonly her wont." Killigrew, 
 for his part, was just as hopeful, and wrote to the 
 Queen that " Papists and Huguenots alike all wish 
 Alen^on to go to England, and he is very willing, 
 although Anjou is against it. Alengon," he says, 
 " is not so tall or fair as his brother, but that is as 
 is fantasied. Then he is not so obstinate, papistical, 
 and restive like a mule, as his brother is. As for 
 getting children, I cannot tell why, but they assure 
 me he is more apt than the other." ^ 
 
 In the meanwhile the "rough hewing" of the 
 treaty of alliance went on, but to all attempts to 
 draw him about the Alengon proposals Smith was 
 dumb until he could receive instructions from 
 England, which did not come ; so the indispensable 
 Cavalcanti was sent over to broach the matter there. 
 La Mothe F6ndon, the French ambassador in 
 England, had some months before looked coldly 
 upon the suggestion of a match between Alengon 
 and the Queen, and had told Catharine that he 
 feared such a proposal would cause offence ; but, 
 urged by the Queen-mother and her emissary, 
 Cavalcanti, he broached the matter to Cecil one day 
 at the end of January as he was coming from a long 
 interview with the Queen. Have you spoken to 
 ' Foreign Calendar. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 151 
 
 the Queen about it ? said Cecil. La Mothe said he 
 had not, and Cecil told him to keep it secret until 
 they two had put themselves in accord on the sub- 
 ject. Smith's repeated letters in favour of the idea, 
 and La Mothe's advances, at last decided him to 
 open the suggestion to the Queen. She naturally 
 at once objected to the great disparity of ages — she 
 was nearly thirty-nine and Alengon was not seven- 
 teen — and then she asked Cecil what was Alengon's 
 exact height. He is about as tall as I am, replied 
 the lord treasurer. " You mean as tall as your 
 grandson," snapped the Queen, and closed the con- 
 versation. ^ Elizabeth's vanity had been wounded 
 by the way in which the French had played fast 
 and loose with her about Anjou, and she was some- 
 what restive ; but Cecil and most of the English 
 ministers were better pleased with Alen9on than 
 with his brother, first because he had been always 
 attached to the Huguenots by his diplomatic 
 mother, and would make no difficulty about religion ; 
 and secondly, as he was not the next heir to the 
 French crown, the danger which might arise in the 
 event of his succession was more remote. 
 
 On Sunday, the 9th of February, a grand masque 
 and tourney were given by Catharine de Medici, 
 apparently for the purpose of showing off her 
 youngest son to the English envoys. He and his 
 brother the King, splendidly dressed and mounted, 
 with six followers aside, tilted at the ring, the 
 Queen-mother the meanwhile pointing out the 
 perfections of the younger, who, she told Killigrew, 
 was rather richer than his brother Anjou. 
 
 • La Mothe Fenelon Correspondence. La Ferriere. 
 
CHAPTER VI. J 
 
 Interview of Walsingham and Smith with Catharine de 
 Medici respecting Alengon — Treaty between England 
 and France — Cavalcanti's negotiations — Montmorenci's 
 mission to London — Walsingham's description of 
 Aleogon — La Mole's visit to the Queen — The Alen9on 
 match prospers — ^The SL Bartholomew — Resumption of 
 negotiations — Alengon's first letter to the Queen — 
 Maisonflenr's mission — Special embassy of Castelnau de 
 la Mauvissiere — Civil war in France — Anjou elected 
 King of Poland — Disappears as a suitor for Elizabeth's 
 hand. 
 
 On the 21st of March Walsingham, who had now 
 returned to his post, was walking with Smith in the 
 park at Blois, when by accident or design they met 
 the Queen-mother. A quaint accoimt of the inter- 
 view vfith her is given in a letter from Smith to 
 Cecil dated the following day. They were speaking 
 of the Duke of Norfolk's conspiracy, when the 
 Queen-mother seized the opportunity of once more 
 trying to urge the suit of her youngest son. " I 
 would," she said, "that the Queen were quiet from 
 all these broils ; doe you (Smith) know nothing how 
 she can fancie the marriage with my son the Duke 
 of Alen9on ? " " Madam," said Smith, " you know 
 me of old ; I can affirm nothing except I have some 
 good ground. Why, if she be disposed to marrie, 
 I do not see where she shall marrie so well; and 
 
 yet, saith she, I may as a mother be justly accounted 
 
 152 
 
THE COURTSHIPS OF QUEEN ELIZABETH. 153 
 
 partial, but as for those which I have heard named, 
 as the Emperor's son or Don John, they be both 
 lesser than my son is, and of less stature by a good 
 deal, and if she should marrie it were pity any more 
 time were lost. Madam, quoth I, if it pleased God 
 that she were married and had a child, all these 
 braggs and all these treasons would soon be 
 appalled, and on condition that she had a child 
 by M. d'Alen^on, for my part I care not if ye had 
 the Queen of Scotland here, for you would then 
 take as good care of her as we do." Catharine de 
 Medici confirmed this view, and said that there was 
 no reason why they should not have several children. 
 " And if the Queen," she said, " could have fancied 
 my son Anjou, why not this one, of the same house, 
 father and mother, and as vigorous and lusty as he, 
 and rather more ? And now he beginneth to have 
 a beard come forth, for that I told him the last day 
 that I was angry with it, for I was now afraid he 
 would not be so high as his brethren. Yea, 
 Madam, I said, a man doth commonly grow in 
 height to his years, the beard maketh nothing. 
 Nay, said she, he is not so little ; he is as high 
 as you, or very near. For that, Madam, quoth I, 
 I for my part make small account, if the Queen's 
 Majesty can fancie him, for Pepin the short did not 
 reach his wife's girdle and yet had Charlemagne. 
 It is true, said she, that it is heart and courage and 
 activity that is to be looked for in a man. But 
 have you no word of your Queen's affection that 
 way ? Can you give me no comfort ? " But Smith 
 was not to be drawn out of his reserve without 
 special instructions from England, and these did not 
 come ; so that although the conversation continued 
 
154 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 in the same strain for a long time, Catharine could 
 get nothing definite in the way of encouragement to 
 Alengon. 
 
 In the meanwhile the "rough hewing" of the 
 treaty had been steadily going on, and on the 19th 
 of April the draft protocol was signed at Blois. 
 Aid was to be given unofficially by both nations 
 to the revolted Hollanders ; the fleets of Protestant 
 privateers in the Channel were to be sheltered and 
 encouraged, and, above all, the Huguenot Henry of 
 Navarre was to marry Margaret of Valois, the 
 King's sister. Catharine wrote a letter to Elizabeth 
 on the 22nd of April, through Smith, expressing 
 her joy at the prospect of peace and harmony in 
 France, which the treaty and her daughter's 
 marriage held out, and Marshal de Montmorenci 
 and de Foix were sent as a special enibassy to 
 England for the ratification of the formal alliance, 
 whilst Lord Admiral Clinton, the Earl of Lincoln, 
 was to proceed to France for a similar purpose. 
 The Protestant party in France were thus for the 
 moment victorious all along the line, and the con- 
 nection between England and France closer than it 
 had been for many years. Catharine, naturally 
 desirous of securing a double hold upon England 
 whilst these relations lasted, by settling her youngest 
 son as Elizabeth's consort, instructed Montmorenci 
 to make a formal offer of his hand to the Queen. 
 As usual, Cavalcanti was sent over as a harbinger, 
 and took with him a flattering portrait of the Prince, 
 which was given to the Queen through Leicester. 
 Alengon was deeply plitted with the small-pox from 
 which he had recently suffered, and otherwise was 
 far inferior in appearance to his brother Anjou, so 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 155 
 
 that to a person of Elizabeth's temperament he was 
 less likely to be acceptable! She had, moreover, 
 obtained by the treaty of Blois the close alliance 
 with France and the predominance of the Huguenots 
 which she desired, and could therefore afford to hold 
 off somewhat in the marriage negotiations in which 
 she personally had never been sincere. She accord- 
 ingly instructed Lord Lincoln ' that if any mention 
 were made to him of the marriage, he might say 
 that he believed she considered she had not been 
 well treated in the Anjou business ; and moreover 
 the disparity of years between herself and Alen9on 
 was so great as in her opinion to be a complete 
 " stay " to the match. 
 
 Montmorenci and de Foix arrived in London on 
 the 13th of June and were lodged at Somerset 
 House, their entertainment being the most lavish 
 and splendid that had been seen in England for 
 many years. After the swearing of the alliance on 
 the 15th at Westminster, the ambassadors had 
 audience of the Queen and presented her with 
 Catharine's letter offering the hand of her son. She 
 again objected to her suitor's youth, and sustained 
 the discussion with Montmorenci until supper was 
 announced. Subsequently, at Windsor, he returned 
 to the charge, when Elizabeth once more raised the 
 religious question. The ambassador said they would 
 be contented with the concessions which Smith had 
 offered at Blois when Anjou was under discussion. 
 But matters were changed now, and the Queen said 
 she did not recollect to have made any such conces- 
 sions ; besides which the difference of age was so great 
 as to be an obstacle. De Foix replied that the dis- 
 • Foreign Calendar, May 25, 1572. 
 
iS6 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 proportion was not so very great after all. Alengon 
 was strong and vigorous, capable of begetting 
 children, whilst she who was used to command 
 would be better pleased with a young and docile 
 husband than with an older one. There was much 
 beating about the bush on the religious question, 
 but the ambassadors made it evident that Alen9on 
 was not a bigot like his brother, and that no great 
 stand would be made on that point. On their 
 departure, therefore, at the end of the month the 
 matter was still left in suspense. 
 
 As soon as they had gone Burleigh sent some 
 account of their visit to Walsingham in France. 
 " They were," he says, "entertained as never before 
 in man's memory. The honour done them also by 
 the Queen was such as she could do no more. All 
 the higher nobility attended them, the only difference 
 from the Lord Admiral's entertainment in France 
 being that no lord but my Lord Leicester enter- 
 tained them, saving I at Midsummer eve did feast 
 them and all their gentlemen with a collation of all 
 things I could procure, not being flesh to observe 
 their manner." He deplores that the presents of 
 plate given to the ambassadors were not so great 
 as he would have wished, although they both got 
 " cupboards of plate and Montmorenci also a great 
 gold cup of III ounces. ' With regard to Alengon, 
 " they got neither yea nor nay, only a month's 
 delay." 
 
 But at the end of the letter it is clear that 
 Elizabeth, who was not now in such a hurry, was 
 determined if she did marry to drive as hard a 
 bargain as possible. Walsingham is instructed to 
 get full information of the Prince's age, stature, 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 157 
 
 condition, devotion, &c., with all speed, for the 
 Queen ; and Burleigh assures his correspondent 
 that he sees no lack of will in the Queen but on 
 account of Alen9on's age. "If we could counter- 
 balance that defect with some advantage such as 
 Calais for their issue, he being governor for life." ^ 
 Otherwise', he says, he doubts the result, as the 
 Queen mislikes Alen9on's youth and appearance. 
 
 In the meanwhile Lincoln came back from Paris 
 loaded with 2,800 ounces of gilt plate, worth, says 
 Walsingham, los. per ounce, and full of the 
 magnificence and gaiety of his entertainment in 
 France. His stay had been one succession of 
 splendid feasts, and Alengon especially had treated 
 him with marked distinction. Coligny and the 
 great Huguenot chiefs had emphatically praised the 
 young Prince to him, and Lincoln came back to his 
 mistress greatly impressed with all he had heard 
 and seen, and assured her that Alen9on, far from 
 being inferior, was better than his brother, both in 
 bearing and credit. She characteristically objected 
 that he was not nearly so good-looking, and that 
 the small-pox had not improved him. Lincoln's 
 favourable opinion was to a great extent confirmed 
 by Walsingham's report to Cecil. The Duke, he 
 said, was born on the 2Sth of April, 1555, and his 
 stature is about the same as that of Lord Lincoln. 
 He was reputed to be prudent and brave, but also 
 somewhat feather-headed, which, says Walsingham, 
 is a common fault with his countrymen. Coligny 
 was in great hope of him in religion, and thought 
 he might soon be brought to a knowledge of the 
 truth ; and Walsingham concludes his good 
 ' " Compleat ambassador." 
 
IS8 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 character of the Prince by hinting that he was 
 really in love with the Queen. But it will be 
 noticed that he says not a word as to his 
 physical charms, which indeed could not compare 
 with his brother Anjou's somewhat effeminate 
 beauty. He is thus described at the time by the 
 Venetian ambassador in Paris. "His complexion 
 is swarthy and his face pitted with small-pox, his 
 stature small but well set, his hair black and curling 
 naturally. He wears it brushed up from the fore- 
 head, which lengthens the oval of his face. He 
 affects popular manners, but his prodigal promises 
 of reforms are only a cloak for his unbridled desire 
 for trouble and dissension." ' 
 
 On the 20th of July the Queen sent instructions to 
 Walsingham saying that "although the forbearing, 
 of her Majesty's consent to the motion of Marshal 
 Montmorenci for a marriage with the Duke of 
 Alengon was grounded on their ages, yet a greater 
 cause of misliking proceeds from the report made 
 by all of his great blemish in his face by means of 
 small-pox, which is such that none dare affirm to 
 her Majesty the good liking of him in that respect," ' 
 and Walsingham is directed to let this view be known 
 to the Queen-mother, as if coming from himself 
 without instructions. The Queen herself wrote a 
 letter to Walsingham at the same time, going over 
 the whole ground. She says she was moved by 
 the importunity of Montmorenci to consider the 
 match, notwithstanding her treatment in the matter 
 of Anjou and the youth of Alenqon, but "has now 
 spoken to Lord Lincoln and others from France, 
 
 ' Tomaseo, " Ambassadeurs venetiens." Ferriere. 
 ' Foreign Calendar. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 159 
 
 and finds the conditions and qualities of the said 
 Duke nothing inferior to the Duke of Anjou, but 
 rather better liked. But as to visage and favour 
 everybody declares the same to be far inferior, and 
 especially for the blemishes of small-pox ; so, the 
 youngness of his years being considered, she cannot 
 bring herself to like this offer, especially finding that 
 no other great commodity is offered with him, 
 whereby the absurdity that the general opinion of 
 the world might grow, might in some measure be 
 recompensed." Walsingham is to decline with 
 thanks. She has no lack of desire for their friend- 
 ship but, really, the ages of her suitor and herself 
 were too disproportionate, particularly " as she 
 cannot hear of anything which may countervail the 
 inconvenience." ' She again repeats that although 
 the official objection is Alen9on's youth, yet his 
 pock-marked visage has had a large share in 
 personally influencing her to refuse the offer, unless 
 indeed some great countervailing advantage — ^such 
 as the restoration of Calais — could make her forget 
 it. In another letter, a few days later, she enlarges 
 upon these points, but says that the only way to 
 overcome the difficulty will be for them to meet and 
 see whether they could fancy each other. But 
 she knew that this trick to feed her vanity was 
 getting stale, and foresaw the answer. If, she says, 
 the King and Queen-mother reply that it is not usual 
 for princes of the house of France thus to go on 
 approval, and that she only makes the suggestion 
 for the purpose of increasing her own reputation 
 and not to marry him, Walsingham is to point out 
 that the prize he aims at is a great one and worth 
 ' Foreign Calendar. 
 
i6o THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 some small sacrifice. If they hold out on the point, 
 Walsingham is to propose that the question of reli- 
 gion should be left open, so that it may be used as 
 an excuse for breaking off, if she and Alengon do 
 not fancy each other when they meet, and thus the 
 Prince's amour prcipre may be saved. The reason 
 why Elizabeth was again presenting the bait of mar- 
 riage is not far to seek. A few days before this letter 
 was written an answer came from Charles IX. to 
 the Queen's letter taken by Montmorenci. The 
 French king was already beginning to cry off of 
 his bargain about aiding the revolted Netherlands 
 against Philip. Pressure was being brought to 
 bear upon him from the Pope and the Emperor, 
 whispers of Huguenot plots and treasons against 
 him were instilled into his ears from morn till night 
 by his Catholic nobles ; and the Queen-mother 
 herself had taken fright at the arrogance of the 
 now dominant Protestant party, who were riding 
 roughshod over their enemies. Paris was in a 
 ferment at the supersession of its beloved Guises ; 
 and Charles IX. and his mother felt that in avoid- 
 ing the Scylla of Catholic subjection they had 
 fallen into the Charybdis of complete Huguenot 
 thraldom. Their connection with the " English- 
 woman " had gone too far for the patience of Paris, 
 and the King's throne was in danger. As usual, the 
 cooler he grew towards the English alliance the 
 more openly was the bait of marriage held out by the 
 Queen. There was an additional reason, too, for his 
 holding back. The Huguenot force under Genlis, 
 which had entered Flanders, had been completely 
 crushed and routed by Don Fadrique de Toledo, 
 and it was clear to Charles IX. that unless he could 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. i6i 
 
 disconnect himself from the unsuccessful attempt, 
 he might be dragged down by the overthrow of 
 the Huguenot party. On the day, therefore, that 
 the news of Genlis's defeat reached Paris the King 
 was closeted for hours with Montmorenci, and the 
 result of this conference was the dispatch the same 
 night of a young noble named La Mole to England. 
 He was a mere lad, a great friend of Alen9on's, and 
 the reason for choosing him was that he might 
 fittingly seem to be pressing Alen9on's suit, and 
 so keep Elizabeth from quite breaking away, whilst 
 really his object was to dissociate the King from 
 any act of hostility against Spain in Flanders, and 
 thus practically to withdraw from the treaty of 
 alliance of which the ink was hardly yet dry. 
 
 La Mole travelled post night and day, and arrived 
 in London only on the fourth day after he had left 
 Paris : he brought flattering letters of introduction 
 from Walsingham, Montmorenci, and Coligny, whose 
 main hope, it is clear to see by his letter, now rested 
 upon Alenqon's marriage with the Queen. La Mole 
 arrived in London on the 27th of July, and on the 
 following night at eleven o'clock Burleigh had a 
 long private interview with him and La Mothe 
 F^ndlon at the house of the latter. The Queen 
 was on her progress towards the splendid visit to 
 Kenilworth, and it was some days before her 
 decision with regard to receiving La Mole could 
 arrive. He started from London with La Mothe 
 F6n6\on on the ist of August, and reached the 
 Queen on the night of the 3rd, Sunday. He was 
 at once secretly introduced into the Queen's 
 chamber, Leicester, Smith, and La Mothe F6n6\on 
 alone being present. The Queen, we are told, was 
 
 12 
 
162 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 full of graciousness and caresses, ' for the envoy 
 was young and gallant, but she could hardly have 
 been pleased with his mission. "His King," he 
 said, "could not openly declare himself in the 
 matter of Flanders, as she desired ... as other- 
 wise it would provoke a league of the Pope, the 
 King of Spain, the Venetians, and others against 
 which he could not defend himself. He was against 
 any rash action. The King of Portugal had a large 
 force of 12,000 or 15,000 men, and he was assured 
 the Duke of Savoy was fully armed — all this must 
 be considered before any bold step was taken." 2 
 The next day La Mole went openly to the palace 
 ostensibly only as an emissary from Alengon, "with 
 all the tricks and ceremonies of the French and 
 these people. He is still at Court, being feasted 
 and made much of." 3 The Queen, indeed, was so 
 pleased with him that she carried him to Kenilworth 
 where a grand supper was given specially in his 
 honour, at which Elizabeth herself presided and 
 drank the young envoy's health. The next day he 
 and La Mothe were entertained at dinner by Cecil, 
 and Elizabeth was again present. After dinner 
 she fully explained her new position towards the 
 Alen^on match with her usual nimble volte face, 
 to suit the changed circumstances. La Mothe 
 F^ndlon gives an account of the conversation as if 
 the Queen's expressions were quite spontaneous ; 
 but it is instructive to note that everything she said 
 was carefully drawn up by Cecil, and the interesting 
 paper is still at Hatfield.4 They (the French), she 
 said, had quite misunderstood Walsingham. It 
 
 ' Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth). = Ibid. 3 Ibid. 
 ♦ Hatfield Papers, Hist. MSS. Com., part 2. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 163 
 
 would have been absurd for her to have said that 
 her marriage with Alengon was impossible and 
 immediately afterwards to have suggested a meeting 
 between them. She only raised certain difficulties 
 as to their ages, religion, and the like, but these 
 might doubtless be overcome. And so she again 
 holds out her hand, smooths away obstacles, suggests 
 a meeting between the Duke and herself, proposes 
 the adoption of the Anjou articles, with the excep- 
 tion of religion, which she and Alengon will settle 
 between them, and generally opens wide once more 
 the door for negotiation. At this and subsequent 
 interviews at Kenilworth she exerted all her powers 
 of fascination upon La Mole and La Mothe, who 
 were both ready enough to flatter her to the top 
 of her bent. She played her spinet to them, 
 sighed that she was determined to marry and 
 must see the Duke at once, and persistently set 
 her cap at young La Mole as proxy for his master. 
 Solid Cecil and jocose Smith appear to have been 
 almost as much carried away as La Mole. They 
 both wrote to Walsingham the belief that at last 
 the affair would prosper in good earnest, if only the 
 lover would take the trouble to run over to England 
 and see the object of his affection. There are 
 plenty of ways, said Smith, of coming over; and 
 he would do more in an hour than we could do in 
 two years — " Cupido ille qui vincit omnia in oculis 
 insidet," and so on. Everything seemed to be 
 prospering in the wooing, though the Queen herself 
 was no more in earnest than before ; and doubtless 
 she and Leicester laughed in their sleeves at the 
 way they were hoodwinking some of the keenest 
 eyes of both nations. One person they certainly 
 
i64 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 did not deceive, and that was Catharine de Medici ; 
 for at the very moment when all this billing and 
 cooing was going on the massacre of St. Bartholo- 
 mew was being planned, and the person who was 
 being kept in hand and cajoled into a false sense of 
 security, notwithstanding the refusal of Charles IX. 
 to help the Hollanders, was Elizabeth herself. But 
 deceived though she was, she had prudence enough 
 to mistrust the curious new attitude adopted by the 
 French, whose one object was to draw her into a 
 position of overt enmity to Spain in the Nether- 
 lands, whilst Charles IX. deprecated taking up such 
 a position for himself. La Mole's blandishments 
 were not powerful enough for this ; and after twenty 
 days' stay he and La Mothe left the Queen with 
 great professions of love and affection and a gold 
 chain worth 500 ducats for the young envoy, and 
 came to London, where they arrived on the 27 th of 
 August. On the same day there arrived at Rye 
 two couriers from Paris, one with letters from 
 Walsingham to the Queen, and the other with 
 despatches for La Mothe F6n6\on, the French 
 ambassador. Acting by order the English courier 
 immediately on his arrival caused the authorities of 
 the port to seize the papers of the other courier 
 and send them together with Walsingham's letters 
 in all haste to the Queen at Kenilworth. The 
 Queen was out hunting when they arrived, and 
 read in them first as she rode the news of 
 St. Bartholomew — overwhelmed with the great 
 tragedy which seemed to be as much directed 
 against herself as against the French Huguenots. 
 All rejoicings were stopped, mourning garb was 
 adopted, and long, anxious conferences took the 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 165 
 
 place of gay diversion. Before the Queen herself 
 received the news the dire calamity had become 
 known in London. Terrified Huguenots by the 
 hundred, flying, as they thought, from a general 
 massacre, were scudding across the Channel to 
 the English ports in any craft they could get. 
 From mouth to mouth spread the dreadful story, 
 growing as it spread, and for a time London 
 and the Court were given up to panic at what 
 was assumed to be a world-wide murderous 
 conspiracy against Protestantism. The treachery 
 of the French was especially condemned, and La 
 Mole lost no time in getting away from a country 
 where he could be of no more use. La Mothe 
 was ordered by Elizabeth to keep in his house 
 until the safety of her ambassadors in France could 
 be ascertained, and for several days La Mothe him- 
 self was but imperfectly informed as to what had 
 happened on Navarre's terrible wedding-day. It 
 was not until the 7th of September that the Queen 
 received him at Woodstock on her way to Windsor. 
 She and her Court were in deep mourning, and 
 La Mothe was received in silence and with no 
 greeting from the Queen except a cold inquiry 
 whether the news she had heard was true. He 
 made the best of the sad story ; repeated the 
 assertion that there was a plot of Coligny and the 
 Huguenots to seize the Louvre ; urged that the 
 massacre was unpremeditated, and that the King 
 was obliged to sacrifice Coligny to save himself. 
 In the midst of his reading the King's letter 
 Elizabeth interrupted the ambassador and said that 
 her knowledge of events would suffice to prevent 
 her from being deceived, or giving entire credit to 
 
i66 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 the King's assertions ; but even if they were all 
 true, she did not understand why harmless women 
 and children should have been murdered.' La 
 Mothe urged the continuance of the French friend- 
 ship, but Elizabeth knew that such friendship would 
 be a false one so long as the Guises ruled in the 
 Councils of the King, and dismissed La Mothe with 
 a plain indication of her opinion. 
 
 Philip and the Catholics were of course overjoyed, 
 and the Guises soon made their heavy hands felt. 
 And then, not many days after the massacre, Catha- 
 rine de Medici saw the mistake she had made, and 
 tried so far as she could to retrace her steps, by 
 again raising hopes of the Huguenots and redress- 
 ing the balance of parties. She accordingly sent 
 Castelnau de la Mauvissifere, a moderate man 
 known in England, to Walsingham for the purpose 
 of once again bringing the Alengon match forward. 
 Walsingham, sick with the horrors he had lately 
 witnessed, bluntly told him he had no belief in 
 their sincerity, and in a subsequent interview with 
 Catharine he repeated the same to her, much to her 
 indignation. But Walsingham carefully reported 
 that Alengon himself was entirely free from com- 
 plicity in the massacre, which he openly and loudly 
 condemned, taking the side of the Huguenots and 
 swearing with Henry of Navarre to avenge the 
 murdered admiral. He was closely watched at 
 Court, and was for long meditating an escape and 
 flight to England. On the 21st of September he 
 had a private interview with Walsingham, whom he 
 satisfied of his good faith personally, and on the 
 
 • Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), and La Mothe Corre- 
 spondence. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 167 
 
 following day he signed a letter to Elizabeth which 
 was the beginning of the extraordinary correspond- 
 ence which continued for years, most of which still 
 may be found at Hatfield.^ The body of the letter 
 is written by a secretary, and is full of the most ful- 
 some flattery of Elizabeth, of " her rare virtues and 
 infinite perfections." " His affection and fidelity for 
 her are such that there is nothing in the world, 
 however great or difficult it may be, that he would 
 not willingly do in order to render her more certain 
 thereof; " and with this he begs her to listen to what 
 will be said on his behalf by the bearer of the letter, 
 a certain L'huillier, seigneur de Maisonfleur. At 
 the bottom Alen9on has scrawled a postscript him- 
 self in his ridiculously illiterate boyish French, say- 
 ing, " Madame je vous supli mescuser si sete letre 
 nest toute escripte de ma min, et croies que nay peu 
 faire autrement." Maisonfleur was a strangely 
 chosen emissary for such a mission. He had been 
 a follower of the Guises and a sergeant-carver to 
 Catharine, and was now a Protestant and an equerry 
 of Alen^on. It was arranged that after seeing 
 Elizabeth, he should return to Dover and receive 
 Alengon, who had planned to escape and sail for 
 England. When Maisonfleur arrived at Court he 
 found the Huguenot nobles who were with the 
 Queen had told her something of his history and 
 she refused to give him audience. Either for this 
 reason or from the Duke's misgivings Alen9on's 
 flight to England on this occasion fell through, and 
 Maisonfleur returned to London from Dover with- 
 out having seen his master. After his return he 
 managed to obtain access of the Queen, and gradu- 
 » Hatfield Papers, Hist, MSS. Com., parts 2 and 3. 
 
168 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 ally broke down her distrust. In a letter of great 
 length, dated December ist, he wrote to his master 
 under the name of Lucidor, giving him an encou- 
 raging account of Elizabeth's attitude, and urging 
 him to fulfil his former intention of escaping to 
 England. He says : " She would not use the short 
 word you desire, but her heart seemed to speak to 
 me through her eyes — 'Tell him to come and to 
 despair of nothing ; if I marry any prince in the 
 world it will be he.' " ^ He urges Alengon that it 
 will be useless to attempt to bring about the match 
 by ordinary diplomacy, and above all by the inter- 
 vention of Madame la Serpente, as he calls Catha- 
 rine de Medici, the deepest distrust prevailing of 
 the ruling powers in France since St. Bartholomew. 
 The only way, he says, will be for Don Lucidor to 
 strike out a line independent of his relatives, to break 
 with the Catholics, draw to his side the Huguenots, 
 and the German and Swiss Protestants, come over 
 and marry Madame L'isle (Elizabeth) and become a 
 great sovereign. Maisonfleur, in a postscript which 
 he showed to Burleigh, laid down full instructions 
 for Alengon's escape and urged him to bring 
 Navarre and Condd with him, but only a few atten- 
 dants, amongst whom should be La Mole, to whom he 
 also wrote begging him to urge his master to escape. 
 A few days before this letter was written 
 Castelnau de la Mauvissiere arrived in London 
 with great ostentation, as a special ambassador from 
 the King of France. He was ^. persona grata with 
 Elizabeth, and his task on this occasion was to 
 smooth down the distrust and asperity caused by 
 the St. Bartholomew and thus to induce her to 
 » Hatfield Papers, Hist. MSS, Com., part a. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 169 
 
 refrain from actively helping the Huguenots in 
 France. Stern Rochelle, Protestant to the back- 
 bone, was still held firmly against the Catholics, 
 Guienne, Languedoc and Gascony, where the re- 
 formers were strongest, had now recovered the panic 
 of St. Bartholomew and were arming for the fray ; 
 Portsmouth, Plymouth, and the eastern ports of 
 England were swarming with shipping, being fitted 
 out for Rochelle and the Netherlands ; privateers 
 in the interest of Orange held command of the 
 North Sea, and emissaries were going backwards 
 and forwards between England and Germany to plan 
 concerted action for the defence of Protestantism 
 the world over. Henry of Navarre, Cond6, and 
 Alen^on were looked upon by the Catholics in 
 France with daily growing suspicion, whilst Mont- 
 gomeri and the Vidame de Chartres, at the Court 
 of Elizabeth, were unceasing in their vigilance to 
 pledge the young princes ever deeper to the cause 
 of England and the Protestants. Castelnau's task 
 was therefore not an easy one, and was only 
 partially successful. Elizabeth consented to stand 
 sponsor to Charles IX.'s infant daughter, and the 
 personal relations between the sovereigns became 
 somewhat less strained, but not for a moment did 
 Elizabeth's ministers slacken in their aid to be- 
 leaguered Rochelle and the stubborn Dutchmen in 
 the North. Anjou was at the head of the Catholic 
 army before Rochelle and his brother Alen9on, 
 much against his will, was forced to accompany 
 him. Over and over again he planned to escape to 
 Montgomeri's fleet outside, and prayed his mother 
 to place him in command of the King's ships. But 
 the Catholics well knew they dared not trust him, 
 
I70 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 and he was never allowed out of sight. Month 
 after month Anjou cast his men fruitlessly against 
 the impregnable walls of Rochelle ; well supplied 
 with stores from England by Montgomeri's fleet, 
 the townspeople bade defiance to the Catholics, 
 and the reformers through the rest of France were 
 rendered the more confident thereby. It was clear 
 to Catharine and her son that Protestantism had 
 not been extinguished in the blood of St. Bartholo- 
 mew, and they began to think it time to make 
 terms with an enemy they saw they could not crush. 
 On the 7th of March, 1573, therefore. La Mothe 
 Fdndlon saw Elizabeth and assured her that "his 
 King would most faithfully continue in the league 
 and confederation which he had sworn to her, and 
 would strictly uphold it without departing therefrom 
 for any reason in the world." He begged her to 
 lay aside her distrust of him, and then again 
 broached the subject of her marriage with Alengon. 
 The King and Queen-mother, he said, would never 
 trouble her with the matter again if she would only 
 let them know her pleasure now. They reminded 
 her that she had said that she would be obliged to 
 marry for the sake of her subjects, and that the 
 only question at issue was that of religion. Al- 
 though Alen^on was a purely Catholic prince, and 
 she wduld be the first person to reject him as un- 
 worthy if he changed his religion out of the mere 
 ambition to marry her, yet he would be content to 
 perform his religious exercises behind closed doors, 
 guarded by one of her own ushers.^ The Queen 
 thought these approaches afforded her a good 
 opportunity for striking a bargain in favour of 
 ' Hatfield Paper?, Hist, MSS. Com., part 2. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. i;i 
 
 Protestantism, and said she would proceed no 
 further in the matter of the marriage unless fair 
 terms were given to the Huguenots and peace 
 made at Rochelle. There was nothing Catharine 
 desired more. Anjou was heartily sick of his un- 
 successful siege. The heroic Rochellais ostenta- 
 tiously feasted out of their meagre store, and danced 
 round the maypole on May-day, under his very eyes. 
 Montgomeri's swift smacks threaded their way 
 safely through the King's blockading fleet outside, 
 and it was seen that the starving, plague-stricken, 
 and disheartened besiegers were in far worse case 
 than the heroic besieged. The elective crown of 
 Poland, moreover, was already within Anjou's 
 grasp, and both he and his mother were only too 
 glad to end a bad business by granting to the 
 Protestants some of the terms they demanded. 
 The draft treaty was signed by Anjou on the 25th 
 of June and ratified a fortnight later by the King. 
 A general amnesty was granted, full religious 
 liberty was accorded in the towns of Rochelle, 
 Montauban, and Nismes, and private household 
 worship elsewhere in France. Anjou was then 
 elected to the throne of Poland, which he changed 
 for that of France a year later (May 24, 1574), 
 and thenceforward disappears as one of the possible 
 suitors for Elizabeth's hand. 
 
CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Revival of the Alencon match — Dr. Dale's interview with 
 Catharine de Medici — Alenpon's letters to Elizabeth — 
 Illness and death of Charles IX. — Imprisonment of 
 Alenfon — Huguenot plots and execution of La Mole and 
 Coconas — Alenfon kept in durance and the marriage 
 negotiations discontinued. 
 
 Dr. Valentine Dale had replaced Walsingham as 
 English ambassador in France, and soon after the 
 signing of the peace at Rochelle, he and his tem- 
 porary colleague, Edmund Horsey, were summoned 
 by Catharine and asked whether their mistress was 
 willing to carry through thte Alencon match, now 
 that her condition with regard to peace had been 
 fulfilled. Dale replied that if it were announced 
 that peace had been effected through Alen9on's 
 intervention their Queen would be willing to pro- 
 ceed in the matter. This was accepted, and it was 
 arranged that, as the Queen of England intended to 
 stay a week at Dover in the ensuing month of 
 August, an opportunity for a meeting between her 
 and the Prince might be found. The Queen- 
 mother told Dale that Alen9on had grown greatly 
 during his absence at Rochelle, " and that his beard 
 had grown, which helps much his imperfections." ' 
 He had good hopes, too, that the young Prince 
 » Foreign Calendar. 
 
THE COURTSHIPS OF QUEEN ELIZABETH. 173 
 
 would openly become a Protestant When August 
 came, however, Catharine began to cry off, and 
 Dale thought she would not let her son come unless 
 "some further word of comfort be given," thinking 
 of the " honte " if the affair fell through after all. 
 As for the Prince, he was not only ready but eager 
 to make the journey, and managed to convey as 
 much to Dale, who thus describes him on August 
 2nd : "His pock-holes are thick but not great, 
 as are seen in some men whose faces are little dis- 
 figured with them, if the visage and colour are other- 
 wise liked. He was bashful and blushing at parting. 
 His speech is not so fast as his brother's, and he 
 seems more advised. He is of ' statura mediocre.' " ' 
 A few days after this Catharine sent Cavalcanti 
 to see Dale and sound him about Elizabeth's present 
 sincerity. He talked about the " Aonie " to them all 
 if the Duke went to England and nothing came of 
 it, and hinted that he, Cavalcanti, or a greater 
 personage might first be sent to the English Court 
 to " learn the Queen's mind." Dale prudently 
 conselled Cavalcanti not to deal alone in the 
 matter, but to have some other pair of shoulders to 
 bear part of the responsibility if the affair fell 
 through. This was not very encouraging, and two 
 days afterwards Alenqon providentially fell ill of 
 fever. This was at once seized upon as the excuse 
 for his not meeting the Queen ; and Gondi, Count de 
 Retz, was sent to England in the last week of 
 August to see Elizabeth at Dover and explain the 
 reason for Alengon's absence. He took letters from 
 the King, Catharine, and Alengon, and was to 
 obtain, if possible, some assurance from the Queen. 
 ' Foreign Calendar 
 
174 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 He accompanied her as far on her journey to 
 London as Canterbury, and there took his leave with 
 many loving but vague messages. By him Elizabeth 
 wrote to Alen9on (September 15th) thanking him 
 for the visit he intends making her, and saying she 
 considers herself fortunate that the sea cannot 
 restrain his desire to see her. Besides the formal 
 letter he had sent by Retz, Alengon had written 
 another in much warmer terms. "He had been," 
 he says, " twice near his last sigh, but is now, thank 
 God, better, although still with continual fever. He 
 is told that there are some in France who, parfinese, 
 cotele, ou ruze, wish to bring about that she shall 
 love him no longer. He begs her not to believe 
 them, for if such should be the case he should 
 die," and he sends her a ring as a love token. This 
 was a fair beginning of a romance between a 
 " feather-headed " prince of eighteen and the clever 
 Queen of forty, and for a time all looked prosperous 
 again. Retz's report was favourable, and Catharine 
 was more inclined to let her son go. Dale saw the 
 Prince, and wrote to Burleigh in October that he 
 had "shot up" much since his sickness, and that his 
 " colour was amended of the ruddiness it had " ; but, 
 he adds, "as for the rest, the liking or misliking is 
 in the hands of God. " 
 
 Elizabeth had vigilant agents who kept her in- 
 formed of the progress of events in France, and it 
 was soon seen that great changes were impending 
 there, for which it behoved her to move with 
 caution. Charles IX., although only twenty-four, 
 was in declining health. The Huguenots were 
 clamorously discontented with the terms granted at 
 Rochelle, and were demanding further concessions ; 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 175 
 
 and above all the " politicians," or moderates, under 
 the Montmorencis, were joining the Huguenots, and 
 the combined parties were much stronger than the 
 Guises and Catholics. Elizabeth therefore began to 
 talk about the unfortunate pock-marks in Alen^on's 
 face again. It appears that Retz had raised some 
 difficulty about Alen^on's visit, and Elizabeth 
 affected to believe that the real reason was a fear 
 that the pock-marks were too deep, and she would 
 dislike him if he came. She therefore sent Thomas 
 Randolph, late in October, to see and report closely 
 on his appearance, and to compare it with a portrait 
 of the Prince that had been sent to her. If he 
 found the marks very bad, he was confidentially to 
 tell Retz that there were several obstacles to the 
 match, which was unpopular in England, and so put 
 off the matter. He was also to study how the im- 
 pending changes and Anjou's absence in Poland 
 would affect Alengon. Anjou had delayed his 
 departure until the sick king grew suspicious and 
 insisted upon his going. Catharine went with him 
 to the French frontier, and as she dared not lose 
 sight of Navarre and Alengon, she took them with 
 her. Whilst the party were in Picardy, a few miles 
 only from the English coast, the Huguenot agents 
 were busy planning the escape of the two younger 
 princes to England, from whence they might rally the 
 Protestant forces and work their will in France. As 
 soon as Alengon took leave of his brother, the new 
 King of Poland, he sent one of his valets de chambre 
 to Elizabeth with a loving letter dated early in 
 November, to communicate with her the details of 
 his proposed flight. Maisonfleur also, who had 
 now quite gained the Queen's good graces, wrote, 
 
 \ 
 
176 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 urging his master most emphatically not to fail this 
 time. If, he says, you do not hasten to come this 
 time, the Queen will have some reason to believe 
 that all your past delays, and all the fine words you 
 have written to her have only been so many decep- 
 tions practised upon her by the advice of Madame 
 la Serpente, in order to draw out matters and keep 
 them in hand for some design which nobody under- 
 stands. "What will you say to that, Lucidor? 
 You are summoned, you are entreated to hasten 
 your coming. O ! Lucidor, the most fortunate prince 
 in the world, if only he know how to take advantage 
 of his fortune."^ Once more the plan of escape 
 fell through, divulged this time by the faithless 
 Valois, wife of Henry of Navarre, and Catharine 
 took good care thenceforward that neither her son 
 nor her son-in-law should give her the slip. 
 
 The position was a somewhat curious one. The 
 King and his mother were quite as anxious to bring 
 about the marriage as were Alen^on and the 
 Huguenots, yet each party tried to frustrate the 
 other's efforts to that end. In fact, unless the 
 marriage were effected on such terms as would 
 enable the King to get rid of his turbulent brother 
 and protect him in future from Huguenot aggression 
 in France, it would have been worse than useless to 
 him ; whilst, on the other hand, it would have been 
 equally useless to the Protestant party if it were 
 effected on such conditions. When, therefore, La 
 Mothe Fdndlon, on Randolph's return from Picardy 
 with a fairly favourable report, submitted the final 
 terms for the match on the King's behalf, Elizabeth 
 fenced and prevaricated again. The Duke should 
 ' Record Office State Papers (France). 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 177 
 
 come to England incognito and not publicly. She 
 refused to fix a date for the visit. She alleged that 
 the Protestants at La Rochelle were being treated 
 treacherously ; and, in her usual fashion, thus again 
 involved the matter in clouds of uncertainty. Her 
 reason for this was not far to seek, She knew, as 
 we know now, that a vast Protestant conspiracy 
 enveloped France from one end to the other, strong 
 enough to overwhelm the Guises and seize the 
 Government. The absence of the figurehead 
 Alen9on in England at such a time would have been 
 unfavourable to the Huguenot cause, unless he had 
 gone thither under Huguenot auspices, and was 
 ready to sail from there at any moment to lead the 
 great revolt. Catharine had taken him and Navarre 
 to St. Germain with her, and it had been arranged 
 that the general movement was to be preceded by 
 the forcible rescue of the princes by a body of chosen 
 horsemen under an officer named Guitry. But the 
 intention was betrayed in time to frustrate it, panic 
 seized the courtiers. La Mole, Alengon's chosen 
 friend, lost his head, and told the whole story to 
 Navarre's wife Margaret, who divulged it to her 
 mother. Flight to Catholic Paris was the only 
 course for Catharine and the sick King, and thither 
 they fled during the night, the Queen-mother taking 
 with her in her own carriage both Alen9on and 
 Navarre. ' Both the princes were kept prisoners for 
 the next month or so, but the faithful La Mole and 
 the Count de Coconas were busy the while planning 
 their escape. Elizabeth had given a safe con- 
 duct, all was ready, and the horses waiting on the 
 
 ' La Ferriere, and " Memoires de la Reine Marguerite " 
 (The Hague, 1715), p. 78. 
 
 13 
 
i;8 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 1 8th of ^pril, but Catharine was on the alert and once 
 more stopped the princes. La Mole and Coconas 
 were seized with an Italian magician, and charged, 
 amongst other things, with causing the illness of the 
 King by witchcraft. Young La Mole was sub- 
 jected to the most inhuman torture, his legs crushed 
 by the boot, his flesh seared with fire, but the poor 
 lad could only cry out in pity for himself, and declare 
 that he had plotted nothing but his master's flight. 
 Coconas and others, who were probably deeper in 
 the secret intentions of the Huguenots, made more 
 incriminating admissions,' and Catharine grasped the 
 nettle firmly. Marshals Montmorenci and De Coss6, 
 the leaders of the "politicians," were imprisoned, and 
 armies were sent to crush the various Huguenot 
 risings in the South — an easy task now that all the 
 leaders were under lock and key. Elizabeth did not 
 forget young La Mole in his trouble, and Dr. Dale 
 besought his life as a favour to his Queen. But 
 Catharine refused coldly, and referred to the Duke 
 of Norfolk's execution as a similar case. Elizabeth 
 afterwards made a grievance of it against Catharine, 
 who, she said, had promised Dale to spare La 
 Mole's life. The King certainly had promised 
 Alengon to do so. The Duke was beside himself 
 with sorrow and rage. He alternately stormed and 
 implored, cast himself at his mother's feet in an 
 agony of tears ; and at last the King promised him 
 the life of his friend. But suddenly, and without 
 notice. La Mole and Coconas were beheaded on the 
 30th of April. Then Alenqon fell seriously ill of 
 excitement and fear for his own life. Elizabeth 
 evidently was also apprehensive, both as to the fate 
 ' Le Labourer's continuation of Castelnau's " Memoires." 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 179 
 
 of her youthful suitor and the immediate future of 
 the Protestant cause. She therefore sent, early in 
 May, Thomas Leighton, Governor of Guernsey, to 
 France, ostensibly to reassure the King with regard 
 to an anticipated Huguenot descent upon Normandy 
 from that island, but really to advise Catharine " to 
 avoid violent counsels, and especially in the division 
 of the two brothers," and to beg Charles IX., in 
 Elizabeth's name, not to be hard upon Alengon. 
 
 The King was dying by this time, and could not 
 receive Leighton for several days. On the 15 th of 
 May, although too ill to stand, he saw the envoy, 
 and in reply to his message affected to be surprised 
 at the rumours that he and his brother were bad 
 friends. They were on the best of terms, he said ; 
 and when Leighton asked whether he might see the 
 Duke, he replied : " Oui Jesus ! " as one would 
 say, why of course you can. But Alengon well 
 knew the falseness behind it all, and was afraid to 
 say anything ; so Leighton got no confirmation 
 from him. He afterwards saw the Queen-mother, 
 who was somewhat indignant at Elizabeth's meddling 
 in her family quarrels, and retorted, sarcastically, 
 that as "she was so careful of Alengon, it was 
 an undoubted argument and good augury of some 
 good effect to follow of the former matters that had 
 been moved." ' The result of Leighton's remon- 
 strances, however, was that Alen9on and Navarre 
 were "allowed to go abroad for supper for coun- 
 tenance sake." 
 
 When Leighton took leave of the King at the 
 end of May Charles was sinking, and Alengon was 
 in daily fear of poison and the Bastille from the 
 1 Foreign Calendar. 
 
i8o THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 Guises and their friends. Charles IX. finally 
 expired on the 30th of May, and almost before the 
 breath was out of his body his mother, without any 
 authority other than an alleged dying order of the 
 King, seized the regency, placed Navarre and 
 Alengon under strict guard in rooms with grated 
 windows, "where none dared speak with them." 
 To all of Dale's remonstrances she gave smooth 
 answers, and " took Alengon about with her as a 
 show," but she never relaxed her hold upon him and 
 Navarre for one moment. When her son himself 
 asked why she was keeping him prisoner, she told 
 him she must hold him fast until his brother Henry 
 came from Poland. She was no doubt right in doing 
 so, for the Huguenots were suspiciously busy, and 
 Catharine almost came to words with Leighton 
 about the plots of some of his suite. During the 
 interview she had with him she pointed out how 
 she had always desired to be friendly with his 
 mistress, and had offered her the hand of each one 
 of her sons in turn. Alengon entered the room at 
 the moment, and his mother turned to Leighton 
 and said, " Here is, another one whom I would 
 willingly give to her." The Duke, who had been 
 taught his lesson, protested his fidelity to the new 
 King, his brother, and when he took leave Leighton 
 whispered some words in the Duke's ear which 
 Catharine was curious to learn, and asked her son 
 what Leighton had said. "He told me," replied 
 Alengon, "that Queen Elizabeth had nothing that 
 was not at my service." ^ 
 
 Lord North was sent by Elizabeth to congratu- 
 late the new King, and was present at a grand ball 
 » La Ferriere, Projets de Manage." 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. i8i 
 
 in his honour at Lyons. He sat next to the Queen- 
 mother, and watched AIen9on and his frail and 
 beautiful sister Margaret dancing together. North's 
 eyes were all for the lovely Queen of Navarre, but 
 Catharine directed his attention to her brother. 
 " ' He is not so ugly nor so ill-favoured as they 
 say, do you think so ? ' she asked. North of course 
 agreed with her, when she replied, ' It is from no 
 fault on our part that the marriage with your 
 mistress has not taken place.' " ^ When Lord North 
 took leave of Alen9on in November the prince was 
 careful not to mention love matters, but only spoke 
 of " service " and " duty," but, says Dale, he wrung 
 him by the arm, the old token between them, as 
 one that would say " et cupio et iimeo." ^ North, 
 however, went home with the fixed idea that 
 Catharine was making fun of his mistress. He 
 thought her praises of Elizabeth's beauty were 
 suspiciously overdone, and told his Queen so. 
 She of course was furious ; and when La Mothe 
 F^ndlon, instructed by the Queen-mother, once 
 more advanced the marriage negotiations, he found 
 the Queen on her dignity, and advised Catharine to 
 discontinue the matter for the present. 
 
 ' La Mothe Fenelon Correspondence. 
 • Foreign Calendar. 
 
CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Henry III. King of France — Escape of Alenfon — Rising of 
 the Huguenots — Revival of the marriage negotiations — 
 Suggested marriage of Queen Elizabeth and Don John of 
 Austria — Efforts of Henry HI. and Catharine to provide 
 for Alen9on abroad — Alenpon's negotiations with the 
 Flemings — Flight of Alenfon from Paris — EUzabeth's 
 distrust of French interference in Flanders — Her nego- 
 tiations with Alen9on on the subject — De Bacqueville 
 and De Quincy's mission to England — L'Aubespine 
 and Rambouillet sent by the King — Spanish fears of the 
 Alenpon match — Alen9on enters Flanders and clamours 
 for English aid. 
 
 For the first year after the new King's arrival in 
 France, he and his brother seemed to hold rival 
 Courts. The King's, perhaps, was the more horribly 
 and shamelessly licentious, but both were filled 
 with quarrelsome, dissolute, and utterly unscrupulous 
 young men, who gloried in their vices. Those who 
 surrounded the King were mostly Catholics, whilst 
 Alengon's courtiers were oftener Huguenots and 
 moderates. Between the two Courts quarrels, duels, 
 and secret murders were incessant, and a fi"esh 
 civil war was the inevitable outcome of such a 
 rivalry. 
 
 At last matters came to a crisis, and Alen^on, on 
 the evening of September 15, 1575, walked out of 
 the Louvre with his face covered, and accompanied 
 only by a single attendant. Outside, in a quiet spot 
 near the Porte Ste. Honord, his faithful courtier, 
 
THE COURTSHIPS OF QUEEN ELIZABETH. 183 
 
 Jehan Simier, of whom more anon, was waiting 
 with a fair lady's carriage into which Alen9on 
 mounted, and was carried as fast as the horses 
 could gallop to where a body of three hundred 
 horsemen were ready to serve as his escort. They 
 got two hours' start before the King learnt of his 
 brother's flight, and orders were given in rage and 
 panic to bring him back at any cost. But Alen9on 
 was the heir to the crown, and the courtiers did not 
 care to risk his future displeasure by too much zeal, 
 and he reached Dreux unharmed. There he issued 
 his proclamation, demanding reform of abuses but 
 taking care not to identify himself too closely with 
 the Huguenot cause. 
 
 From town to town through Central France the 
 Queen-mother followed her flying son, but he always 
 escaped her. At last she had the boldness to 
 appeal for aid to the moderates, and released their 
 chief, Montmorenci, from the Bastille for the purpose 
 of influencing Alengon. By this time the Hugue- 
 nots were in arms everywhere. Wilkes, the clerk 
 of Elizabeth's Council, was sent to Condd and 
 Montmorenci's son, Meru, at Strasburg, with a 
 large sum of money, and thence across the Rhine 
 to raise, through Duke Casimir, "one of the finest 
 armies that for twenty years has issued from 
 Germany" to enable Alen9on to hold his own 
 against Henry HI. and the Guises. But before rein- 
 forcements could reach him Marshal Montmorenci 
 had indyced him to patch up a six months' truce 
 with his brother at. the end of November, and for 
 the moment the danger of civil war was averted 
 But Henry HI. found, as his brother Charles had 
 found before him, that France was not large enough 
 
i84 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 to hold both him and Alen9on. The latter must 
 be got rid of somehow. The Duke himself said 
 that an attempt was made to poison him, but in any 
 case his mother suggested to him that now that 
 Elizabeth had been so ready to help him with 
 money would be a good opportunity for reviving 
 the marriage negotiations. Alengon, nothing loath, 
 sent one of his friends, named La Porte, with two 
 letters of thanks to Elizabeth dated at Montreuil on 
 November 28, 1575.'' They contain no word about 
 marriage, but La Porte was instructed to co-operate 
 with Castelnau de la Mauvissiere, who was now 
 the ambassador in England, in bringing it forward. 
 Elizabeth insisted, however, as a preliminary, that 
 a complete reconciliation should take place between 
 the brothers and peace made with the Huguenots 
 before she would again entertain the matter. The 
 best way, said Catharine to Dale, to bring that about 
 is for your mistress to desist from helping the rebels ; 
 and again the negotiations were shelved. Eliza- 
 beth's new coolness is easily explained. Convinced, 
 probably, of the inutility of an alliance with France 
 in its present divided and unstable condition, she was 
 for the moment actively engaged in making friends 
 with Spain. Granvelle's brother Champigny, who 
 had come from Flanders as an envoy from Philip's 
 governor of the Netherlands to treat for a re- 
 sumption of friendly relations, had been received 
 with effusive civility. Philip's fleet, under Pedro 
 de Valdes, had been hospitably entertained at 
 Plymouth, and Corbet had been sent to Flanders 
 to arrange a commercial treaty between England 
 and the Spanish States. Elizabeth had, moreover, 
 * Hatfield Papers, part 2. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 185 
 
 hastily recalled the English levies serving with 
 Orange, although but few obeyed the call ; and 
 finally she had despatched young Henry Cobham 
 as an envoy to Philip himself, in order to smooth 
 matters over between them. In Philip's notes of 
 his interview with Cobham,' he says that the latter 
 told him that Elizabeth had seen a letter from the 
 King of France to the Prince of Orange, " making 
 him many fine promises " ; and then he said some- 
 thing about a marriage which I did not very well 
 understand." We shall probably not be far out if 
 we guess that Cobham's vague hint about marriage, 
 which was so lost upon Philip, was not altogether 
 unconnected with certain approaches which at the 
 same time were made on Elizabeth's behalf to Don 
 John of Austria, Philip's natural brother, the heroic 
 young victor of Lepanto, who at that very time was 
 dreaming of a marriage with the captive Queen of 
 Scots. Don John, writing to his brother, says : 
 " She (Elizabeth) has sent an agent to me, who has 
 hinted at a marriage. I am, in my replies, putting 
 the matter aside, but I beg your Majesty to tell me 
 if I am to follow it up. Although I may be led 
 thus to restore a Queen and her realm to the true 
 faith, I would not for all the world make a dis- 
 honourable choice. I blush whilst I write this to 
 think of accepting advances from a woman whose 
 life and example furnish so much food for gossip." 2 
 Philip told his brother that such an approach should 
 not be neglected ; but events marched quickly, and 
 before anything could come of it another turn of 
 the kaleidoscope made it impossible. 
 
 ' Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth). 
 
 » Gachard, Correspondence de Philippe II. 
 
i86 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 Alen9on's six months' truce had not stopped Duke 
 Casimir's mercenaries with Condd from crossing 
 the frontier. Navarre, too, had escaped from the 
 Court, and had assumed the leadership of the 
 Huguenots ; and then Henry HI., sorely against 
 his will, was forced to let his mother make the 
 best terms she could with the insurgents and their 
 allies. Alengon was bought over with 100,000 
 livres and the rich duchies of Berri Touraine and 
 Anjou ; Casimir got 300,000 crowns, a pension of 
 40,000 livres a year and rich estates in France ; 
 Cond^ was promised the governorship of Picardy ; 
 the Chatillons, Montgomeri, and even poor dead 
 La Mole and Coconas were rehabilitated, the crown 
 jewels were pawned to pay the German troops, and 
 so at last peace was made. But still the necessity for 
 getting Alengon out of the way existed ; and, in 
 despair of Elizabeth, active negotiations were opened 
 for him to marry elsewhere. Catharine of Navarre, 
 a princess of Cleves, and a daughter of the Palatine 
 were all mentioned, but the most tempting and 
 diplomatic project was to marry him to Philip's 
 eldest daughter and give him the government of 
 the Spanish Netherlands. This would have drawn 
 his claws indeed. The Walloons and Catholic 
 Flemings also approached him with similar sugges- 
 tions, and Alengon deserted the Protestant cause 
 entirely, and became suddenly a devout Catholic. 
 He even accepted the command of a force against 
 the Huguenots, upon whom he was implacable in 
 his severity. I 
 
 This change of front frightened Elizabeth, who 
 feared that if the Protestants in the Netherlands were 
 ' La FerriSre, " Projets de Mariage." 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 187 
 
 conquered her turn would come next, and she once 
 more held out the bait of marriage. She expressed 
 sorrow to Castelnau that the Duke had ceased to 
 write to her and had forgotten her. But this time 
 the fish failed to rise, and for the next three years 
 Alengon remained ostentatiously Catholic, sometimes 
 in arms against Huguenot resistance, sometimes at 
 Court with his brother, with whom he was nominally 
 on good terms. But the personal hatred and 
 jealousy between them continued still, and the duels 
 and murders between their respective courtiers went 
 on as before. The Duke's turbulent and discon- 
 tented friends openly scoffed at the painted mignons 
 who surrounded the King, and if they resented the 
 insult, Bussy d'Amboise, the first swordsman in 
 France, was ready to fight any number of them. 
 
 At length, at the beginning of 1578, Bussy d'Am- 
 boise was waylaid in Paris and nearly murdered by 
 some of the King's courtiers, and had to seek safety 
 in absence from the Court. Then several other of 
 the Duke's friends were bought over by favours to 
 the King's side, and the mignons, emboldened by his 
 isolation, went to the length of sneering at Alengon 
 himself. This was at a ball at the palace of the 
 Montmorencis to which Catharine had forced her 
 son to go against his will ; and fearing that this 
 demonstration of the mignons portended the Bastille 
 or poison for himself, the Duke lost patience, and 
 demanded permission to withdraw himself from 
 Court for a time. The only answer vouchsafed was 
 the rigid searching of his apartments by the Scots 
 guard at midnight, in the presence of the King 
 himself, with every circumstance of contumely. The 
 Duke was arrested, all his papers were seized, and 
 
i88 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 the principal friends who remained with him were 
 cast into the Bastille. 
 
 It must be confessed that, given Alengon's turbu- 
 lent character, there were circumstances which fully 
 justified the suspicions of Henry III. against his 
 brother. The " Spanish fury " in Antwerp in 1576 
 had turned even the Walloons and Catholic Flemings 
 against Philip's rule, and they had made common 
 cause with Orange's Protestants in the North. It 
 was seen then that all the arms of Spain would be 
 powerless to subdue them ; and, hardly pressed as 
 Philip was, he was forced to send his brother Don 
 John on a mission of pacification at all costs. But 
 Don John was a soldier, and it cut him to the heart, 
 as he said, to bend the knee and make terms " with 
 these drunken wineskins of Flemings " ; so after 
 swearing the perpetual edict of pacification, he 
 resented the continued exigencies of the States, 
 treacherously seized the citadel of Namur, summoned 
 troops from Italy and elsewhere, and bade the 
 " rebels " do their worst. In order to sow dissension 
 between the two branches of the house of Austria, 
 the Walloon nobles had brought to Flanders as 
 their governor the young Archduke Mathias as an 
 avowed rival of the Protestant Orange. He was a 
 poor creature, but the great Taciturn patriotically 
 persuaded his followers to recognise him as their 
 chief, he, Orange, being his lieutenant. This, after 
 some turmoil and bloodshed, they did, and it was in 
 his name that the hastily gathered levies of the 
 States went out to attack Don John who had 
 betrayed them. The victor of Lepanto with his 
 few veterans met them on the last day of January, 
 1578, and completely defeated them, and the in- 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 189 
 
 surgent Flemings once more were at the mercy of 
 the cruel Spanish soldiery, who were speeding back 
 again from Italy eager to shed the blood again of the 
 brave burghers who only a few months before had in- 
 sisted upon their withdrawal. Mathias was a broken 
 resd — he had no money, no followers, no influence, 
 and no prestige, so the Flemings were fain to look 
 elsewhere for help. Elizabeth had aided the Protes- 
 tant Hollanders bravely, but the Catholic Flemings 
 did not wish to be merged in and governed by the 
 Dutch States, and had to seek help from a Catholic 
 prince. Conciliation they had tried, and they had 
 been betrayed. A prince of the house of Austria 
 had been chosen, and had turned out useless. 
 Where, then, could they look but to a prince of 
 France, unfettered by Spanish sympathies ? So 
 Alen9on was approached, and expressed his willing- 
 ness to raise his friends, the moderate Catholics and 
 the Huguenots, to aid the Flemings in their resis- 
 tance. This, of course, was known to Catharine 
 and Henry HI., and as such an action on the part 
 of Alengon might have involved France in a war 
 with Spain, there was no doubt good ground for 
 the Duke's belief that his brother intended to put 
 him out of harm's way by quietly shutting him up in 
 the Bastille to keep company with his faithful friends 
 who were there already. 
 
 Bussy d'Amboise had not been idle outside in the 
 meanwhile. He had sent the fiery cross through 
 the provinces, and men-at-arms and nobles were 
 flocking to the Flemish frontier to join the standard 
 of Alengon when it should be raised. The gates of 
 Paris, it is true, were closely guarded, and Alengon 
 himself, with his sister Margaret (who herself tells 
 
190 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 the story so racily), were not allowed out of the sight 
 of the Scottish archers. But the Court was full of 
 nobles who were disgusted with the King's mode of 
 life, and plans were rife to rescue the captive. 
 Bussy crept back into Paris to plan an escape with 
 Simier, but both were captured and laid by the 
 heels. Then Catharine managed somehow to patch 
 up a reconciliation. Bussy was made to kiss his 
 principal antagonist Qudlus in the presence of the 
 whole Court, which he did in so exaggerated a 
 fashion as to make every one laugh, and left Qudlus 
 more enraged than ever. The prison doors were 
 opened, the guards removed, and the partisans of 
 both brothers swore eternal friendship. But the 
 mignons saw the wound was rankling, and told the 
 King so the same night. The guards were again 
 ordered to watch Alengon's door, and after three 
 days of semi-imprisonment, on the 14th of February, 
 his sister contrived his escape with Simier, from her 
 chamber on the second floor of the Louvre, by a 
 rope into the moat. Bussy was awaiting him in the 
 abbey of St. Gdn^vieve, where, by connivance of 
 the abbot, a hole had been knocked in the city wall, 
 through which they escaped, and swift horses carried 
 them to Angers, where they were safe.^ 
 
 All France was in a turmoil. Huguenots and 
 " malcontents " raised their heads once more, and 
 all the South was up in arms. Catharine, who was 
 never to rest, sped after her fugitive son, and with 
 tears and entreaties besought him to return, but 
 without avail. Henry III. pretended to put a good 
 face upon it, and told the Spanish ambassador 
 Mendoza, on his way to England a few days after- 
 » " Memoires de la Reine Marguerite." 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 191 
 
 wards, that his brother was still obedient and would 
 do nothing against Flanders. But all the world 
 knew better, and an entirely new complicating 
 element had entered into European politics, of which 
 it was difficult for the moment to guess the ultimate 
 effect. How disturbing an element it was to 
 Elizabeth may be seen by a minute in Burleigh's 
 handwriting,' putting the case from every point of 
 view. Envoys were sent from England both to 
 the States and to Don John to urge them to come 
 to a peaceful arrangement without French inter- 
 ference. The States were to be reminded how much 
 England had done for them, and the danger incurred 
 by allowing the French to enter, as, being poor, 
 they (the French) would seek to reimburse them- 
 selves by making themselves masters of the country, 
 or otherwise would end in turning to the side of 
 Don John and the Spaniards. In either of these 
 cases the English would have to oppose them, and 
 the only terms upon which Elizabeth would allow 
 the French to be employed were that an equal 
 number of Englishmen should enter with them. 
 Don John, on the other hand, was to be alarmed by 
 the idea that Alengon's entrance would only be a 
 cloak for a French national invasion of Flanders, 
 and that Elizabeth would be forced to aid the 
 States to repel it. In fact, if Alengon's adventure 
 was secretly under his brother's patronage, it would 
 have been as disastrous for England as for Spain, 
 whilst, if affairs could so be guided that Alengon 
 might depend upon English patronage and money 
 for his expedition, Elizabeth's ends would be well 
 served. For the next few years, therefore, the aim 
 » Hatfield Papers, Hist. MSS. Com., part 2, p. 179. 
 
192 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 of English diplomacy was to capture Alengon for 
 English interests and embroil him with his brother, 
 whilst at the same time avoiding an open rupture 
 with Spain. Alengon knew, as Elizabeth did not, 
 that he would get no aid, secret or overt, from his 
 brother, so he lost no time in protesting to the Eng- 
 lish Queen his "undying affection for her" in a letter 
 written from the town of Alen90n in May, 1578, and 
 to this an encouraging reply was sent. In vain his 
 brother and mother threatened and cajoled. Duke- 
 doms, money, marriage-alliances were offered him 
 in vain. On the 7th of July he crossed the frontier 
 at the request of the States and threw himself into 
 Mons for the purpose, as he declared, of " helping 
 this oppressed people, and humiliating the pride of 
 Spain." Two days before this he had despatched 
 one of his wisest friends — his chamberlain, de 
 Bacqueville — to Elizabeth, to assure her again of 
 his entire devotion to her, to explain his entry into 
 Flanders, to beg for her guidance and counsel, and 
 renew his offer ot marriage. But Elizabeth dis- 
 trusted the French, and half thought Alen^on's 
 move was only a cloak for a Catholic invasion of 
 England from France and Spain combined ; so she 
 could run no risks, and at once subsidised a mer- 
 cenary German army of 20,000 men, under the Duke 
 Hans Casimir, to be ready to cross the Flemish 
 frontier when necessary in her interest, whilst she 
 still actively continued her efforts to bring about a 
 fresh agreement on the basis of the pacification of 
 Ghent between Don John and the States, Under 
 no circumstances, she repeated again and again to 
 all parties, would she allow the French to become 
 paramount in Flanders, and she swore violently to 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 193 
 
 Mendoza, "three times by God that if Don John 
 did not re-enact the perpetual edict of peace, she 
 would help the States whilst she had a man left in 
 England." ' 
 
 English auxiliaries were allowed to slip over to 
 the States by the thousand with arms and money ; 
 and the Duke of Arschot's brother, the Marquis 
 d'Havrey, who came from the Walloons to beg for 
 aid, was made clearly to understand that for every 
 Frenchman in Flanders there must be an English- 
 man. The States desired nothing better ; it meant 
 double help for them, and they were ready to 
 promise anything for men and money. When de 
 Bacqueville first arrived in England Elizabeth was 
 still uncertain as to whether Henry III. was helping 
 his brother, and she kept the envoy at arm's length 
 for awhile, Sussex being the intermediary between 
 them ; but when Walsingham and Cobham returned 
 from an unsuccessful mission of peace in Flanders, 
 and her own agents in France had assured her that 
 Alen9on was really acting in despite of his brother, 
 her attitude towards her young suitor completely 
 changed. De Bacqueville had succeeded in im- 
 pressing honest Sussex with his master's sincerity, 
 and the desirability of the match. Alengon, he said, 
 was determined to marry " either the Queen or the 
 Netherlands " ; and if she would not listen to his 
 suit, he would join hands with Don John and the 
 Spaniards. Late in July Alen9on sent another 
 agent, named de Quincy, to England, to again 
 assure the Queen that "he would be directed by 
 her in all his actions in the Low Countries " ; and 
 Sussex, who was again the intermediary laid before 
 ' Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth'. 
 14 
 
194 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 the Queen strong arguments in favour of her 
 marriage. ' 
 
 At length Elizabeth felt assured. Hans Casimir 
 had entered Flanders with a strong force of mer- 
 cenary Germans ; Don John was chafing in Namur, 
 frantic with despair and disappointment, his heart- 
 broken cries for help all unheeded by cold-blooded 
 Philip and false Perez ; Alen9on depended entirely 
 upon England ; the Flemings, Catholics and Protes- 
 tants alike, having found the Archduke Mathias a 
 broken reed, could only look to Elizabeth and 
 Alen^on for rescue from their troubles. So, the 
 game being now entirely in her own hands, the Queen 
 could once more enter with full zest into the long- 
 neglected marriage negotiations. She was on a 
 progress through the eastern counties, and received 
 de Bacqueville and de Quincy at Long Melford. 
 Extraordinary efforts were made to show them 
 special honour, and Mendoza in one of his letters ^ 
 gives a curious instance of this, and of Elizabeth's 
 treatment of even her most distinguished ministers. 
 At a banquet given by her to Alengon's envoys, she 
 took it into her head that there ought to have been 
 more plate on the sideboard to impress the French- 
 men. Angrily calling Sussex, as Lord Steward, 
 she asked him why there was so little silver. He 
 replied that he had accompanied the sovereigns of 
 England on their progresses for many years past, and 
 he had never seen so much plate carried before as she 
 was carrying ; whereupon she flew into a rage, told 
 him to hold his tongue, called him a great rogue, 
 and said that the more she did for people like him 
 
 « Hatfield Papers, Hist. MSS. Com., part 2. 
 
 " Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), August 14, 1578. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 195 
 
 the worse they became. This was bad enough 
 before the envoys and the Frenchmen ; but it was 
 not all, for Elizabeth turned to Lord North, a friend 
 of Leicester's of course, and asked his opinion. 
 He, courtier-like, agreed that there was very little 
 silver, and threw the blame on Sussex. The latter 
 waited for him outside and called him a knave and 
 threatened to thrash him ; Leicester intervened, and 
 the whole Court was set by the ears, whereupon the 
 Spanish ambassador chuckles to think how easy 
 " they may all be brought to discord." In fact, no 
 sooner did the marriage negotiations assume a 
 serious aspect than Leicester and his friends 
 secretly thwarted them. The young Earl of 
 Oxford, for instance, was a very graceful dancer, 
 and was twice sent for by the Queen to show off 
 his agility before Alen^on's envoys, but he absolutely 
 refused, of course at Leicester's prompting, to 
 contribute to the pleasure or amusement of French- 
 men. After all the feasting and cajolery of de 
 Bacqueville and de Quincy they got but little solid 
 satisfaction from the Queen. She told them that it 
 was entirely their master's fault that the negotiations 
 had been dropped for two years. She herself 
 could give no other answer than that which she had 
 given so often before. She could not marry any 
 prince without seeing him, and if Alen9on was 
 going to take offence in case, after seeing him, she 
 did not accept him, he had better not come ; if, on 
 the other hand, he was in earnest, and would remain 
 friendly in any case, he could come on a simple visit 
 with but few followers. Cecil, at all events, did not 
 believe in the Queen's sincerity at this time, for he 
 said that if he were in de Baqqueville's place he would 
 
igS THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 not bring his master over on such a message. With 
 the message, such as it was, de Quincy went back 
 to his master at Antwerp at the end of August, but 
 the loan of 300,000 crowns for which de Bacqueville 
 had entreated was not forthcoming, at all events 
 without good security. Bussy d'Amboise soon 
 after came to England with a similar errand, but 
 with no better result. The Queen's first condition 
 of the marriage was the retirement of Alengon from 
 the Netherlands. Nor was pressure wanting from 
 other quarters to the same effect The Pope, 
 through his Nuncio, offered the young prince a great 
 pension if he would retire, his brother alternately 
 threatened and cajoled, Catharine de Medici held 
 out the bait of a marriage with one of the infantas, 
 and Alen9on himself was already disappointed at 
 the failure of the States to fulfil their promises to 
 him and place some strong places in his hands. In 
 fact, the French prince was looked upon by the 
 northern Dutchmen as coldly as Mathias had been, 
 and if he could bring neither the national support 
 of England or France he would be as useless as the 
 Austrian had been. And so everything hijing on 
 the caprice of Elizabeth. It was still desirable for 
 the King of France, if possible, to marry his 
 brother in England, and especially if, at the same 
 time, he could secure an alliance between the two 
 countries. The principal point he had to avoid was 
 being driven into an attitude of antagonism to 
 Spain whilst England remained unpledged and 
 Alengon unwed ; and these were the very objects 
 towards which Elizabeth's personal policy tended. 
 Whilst de Bacqueville was in England in the 
 autumn of 1578, two of the French king's principal 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 197 
 
 advisers were sent to forward the marriage negotia- 
 tions. These were Rambouillet and L'Aubespine, 
 who were received by the Queen at Norwich, and 
 satisfied her that Henry III. would give her and 
 his brother a free hand in Flanders and every help 
 in his power if a marriage and alliance could be 
 brought about, but not otherwise ; and another 
 attempt was made to disarm the secret opposition of 
 Leicester to the match by suggesting to him a 
 marriage between himself and a French princess. 
 These negotiations went on with varying success 
 during the months of September and October, 1578, 
 and it was publicly announced that Alengon himself 
 would come in November. Philip never believed 
 in the sincerity of the Queen and consequently told 
 his ambassador that it was "all pastime and would 
 end in smoke " ; but Mendoza, less experienced than 
 his master in Elizabeth's policy, was much perturbed 
 at the prospect. He had an interview with the 
 Queen early in October about the pacification of 
 Flanders, and turned the conversation to the subject 
 of her marriage with Alen9on. Mendoza asked her 
 when it was to take place ; to which she replied that 
 she did not know, but asked him whether he 
 thought she ought to marry Alen9on. His answer 
 was that, although she as usual would act with 
 wisdom, he knew the object of the French was to 
 prevent the aggrandisement of her crown and the 
 quietude of her country. Elizabeth at this time 
 was nerself again conceiving suspicions of the 
 French. Catharine de Medici and her dissolute 
 daughter between them, aided by their " flying 
 squadron" of beauties, had managed to sap the 
 vigour and Protestant ardour of Henry of Navarre 
 
198 THE COURTSHIPS OF QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 and his Court, and Paulet sent from France shortly 
 afterwards alarmist news that the King of France had 
 entered into the Papal league against England, and 
 had sent to engage mercenaries in Germany to 
 enable Alengon to keep a footing in Flanders in 
 spite of her opposition. The news was probably 
 untrue, but in any case it was clear to Alengon that 
 unless aid came to him promptly and liberally from 
 somewhere he must ignominiously turn tail again 
 and re-enter France. The country people looked 
 upon the Frenchmen as enemies and intruders ; 
 all stragglers were murdered without mercy, and 
 AlenQon himself was without means even to feed 
 his followers. He must therefore gain Elizabeth's 
 support or confess himself beaten and return to 
 the tender mercy of his affectionate brother, and 
 he had to choose an envoy more persuasive than 
 those he had sent before. The man he selected 
 was one who for the next three years played a pro- 
 minent and astounding part in this strange drama. 
 
CHAPTER IX. 
 
 An account of Sirnier — His mission to the Queen — Her 
 strange relations with him — Leicester's jealousy — 
 Simier's negotiations on behalf of Alenfon — Roche- 
 taille's mission — Leicester's attempts to have Simier 
 murdered — Alengon's first visit to England — Elizabeth's 
 infatuation for him — His departure and letters to the 
 Queen — Exhaustive discussion of the marriage negotia- 
 tions by the English Council — The Queen announces 
 her determination to marry Alen9on — Philip Sidney's 
 remonstrance. 
 
 Jehan de Simier, Alengon's Master of the Ward- 
 robe, and one of his firmest friends, was a consum- 
 mate courtier steeped in the dissolute gallantry of 
 the French Court, and, above all, 2i persona grata of 
 Catharine de Medici. He arrived in London on 
 January 5, 1579, having gone through Paris on his 
 way to England, and presumably can hardly have 
 been at the moment in a very happy frame of mind. 
 During his absence with Alen^on his wife had been 
 guilty of infidelity with his young brother, and on 
 Simier's arrival home the intrigue was divulged to 
 him. He sent his men ahead to kill his brother at 
 the gate of the chclteau before his arrival, and his 
 wife died, probably of poison, perhaps of grief, 
 soon afterwards, and the avenged husband then 
 went his way and came on his mission to England. 
 He was lodged and entertained at the Queen's cost, 
 
200 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 and brought with him twelve thousand crowns' worth 
 of jewels to win over the courtiers to his master's 
 cause. At his first interview with the Queen on 
 the nth of January she was not very cordial, and 
 said that Alengon could not have been very eager, 
 as Simier had tarried three months on his way since 
 his coming was first announced, but she spon 
 melted under the influence of the envoy's dulcet 
 words and the casket of jewels he handed her from 
 his master. After the interview Leicester enter- 
 tained him at supper, and the same night a grand 
 ball was given by the Queen in his honour, at which 
 we are told there was an entertainment in imitation 
 of a tournament between six ladies and a like 
 number of gentlemen who surrendered to them. 
 Young La Mole had charmed Elizabeth with his 
 language of French gallantry, but Simier was a 
 much more experienced hand at the game, and 
 artfully made violent love to the Queen under 
 shelter of his master's name. The sober ambassador, 
 Castelnau de la Mauvissiere, even could not avoid 
 seeing the effect upon Elizabeth, and wrote to the 
 Queen-mother : " This discourse rejuvenates the 
 Queen ; she has become more beautiful and bonny 
 than she was fifteen years ago. Not a woman or a 
 physician who knows her who does not hold that 
 there is no lady in the realm more fit for bearing 
 children than she is." ' 
 
 On the 1 6th of January, only a few days after her 
 first interview with Simier, the Queen wrote a 
 letter to Alenqon, in which her delight at his envoy 
 is clearly indicated. She says that she is so pleased 
 
 • Castelnau Correspondence. La Ferriere, " Projets de 
 Mariage." 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 20i 
 
 with him that no other advocate is necessary to 
 make his peace with her. Alen9on's own words, 
 she tells him, are worthy not of being written on 
 parchment, but graven on marble. She bids him 
 consult his wisest friends about coming over, but 
 if he thinks his honour will suffer the least thereby 
 she would not have him come for untold gold. She 
 assures him of her eternal friendship. She has 
 never, she says, broken her word in her life, so 
 that as constancy is rare amongst princes she is 
 offering no common thing. She ends by hoping 
 that he will reach the years of Nestor, and that 
 all his foes may be confounded.' 
 
 This was a pretty good beginning, but the 
 correspondence thereafter daily becomes more 
 affectionate. On the 8 th of February the Queen 
 writes a long letter to her lover, in which she 
 says : " Je voy clair la Constance rare rdsider 
 en vostre coeur qui ne se diminue par quelque 
 ombre d'ingratitude, qu'est asses de preuve pour 
 m'assurer de vostre affection sincere." She then 
 goes on to point out to her tres cher that her 
 people are strongly opposed . to the match, and 
 it will be best for Alengon and herself to settle 
 the conditions before commissioners are sent. 
 The meaning of this was that Simier, to whom 
 even thus early she had given the punning pet 
 name of her monkey (singe), was trying to get 
 better terms for his master, especially in the matter 
 of religion. In vain the young Prince flatters her 
 by saying that he should sink under his troubles 
 but for " I'imagination de vos beautds, et lesperance 
 que j'ai de vos bonnes grases " ; in vain he says he 
 ' Hatfield Papers, Hist. MSS. Com., part 2. 
 
202 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 will leave every other point to her sole discretion, 
 but cannot give up his religion, and so offend God ; 
 but Elizabeth and her advisers were firm, and 
 things dragged on month after month. In the 
 meanwhile Alencon was obliged to cross the border 
 and re-enter France, and in March made a voyage 
 of semi-reconciliation to see his brother in Paris. 
 Simier at the same time was pressing him warmly 
 to come over to England at once, strike the iron 
 whilst it was hot, and marry the Queen offhand ; 
 but the Queen's own letters persistently threw cold 
 water on this proposal, as did Castelnau, the French 
 ambassador, who was bitterly jealous of Simier ; 
 and Alengon, for the present contented himself with 
 staying at his town of Dreux awaiting her favour- 
 able decision as to the conditions " for which hope 
 alone he lives." But he was more loving than ever 
 in his letters, and writes on the 22nd of March : "Je 
 garde vostre belle pinture, qui ne se separara james 
 de moi que par la fin de mes os. C'est ou je fes mes 
 auresons et pase la pluspart du tans en ladoration 
 des divint^s qui y sont. Je supplie tres humble- 
 ment vostre majestd pardonner a mes pations {i.e., 
 passions) si trop presontuheuzement je dis se qui 
 est dans mon ame." It is evident that the Queen 
 was playing with him again, but she must have 
 deceived many of her ministers as well, for in the 
 Hatfield Papers there exists a whole series of 
 documents, mostly in Burleigh's hand, discussing 
 the advantages and disadvantages of the match 
 from every conceivable point of view at prodigious 
 length, at which grave State papers doubtless her 
 Majesty and Leicester laughed heartily in their 
 sleeves. The Queen told the Spanish ambassador 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 203 
 
 that it " was a fine idea for an old woman like her 
 to talk about marriage," and more than hinted to 
 him that the negotiations had only been undertaken 
 for the purpose of getting the French out of the 
 Netherlands, as she did not want them there. She 
 assured him that nothing would be arranged about 
 the marriage unless Alen9on came. All through 
 March the negotiations for Alen^on's visit continued, 
 whilst the Puritan pulpits rang with denunciations 
 of the proposed popish match, and London was in 
 a fever of apprehension of the coming of a French 
 King consort. At last it was settled that the 
 Prince should come over in April ; and it was then 
 considered necessary to secure Leicester's neutrality 
 at least. He and Hatton had very soon got jealous 
 of the bewitching "monkey," who rarely left the 
 Queen's side now, so Castelnau, the ambassador, 
 had to be the intermediary. Some letters signed 
 by the King of France, but really concocted by 
 Castelnau in London, were delivered to the Queen 
 and Leicester, saying that Alen9on would come in 
 May, and assuring Leicester on the King's word 
 that the marriage should in no way injure his 
 honour or position. Leicester urged that Alen9on 
 should come whilst Parliament was sitting, even 
 though the conditions were not agreed upon before- 
 hand, and said he would move the House to 
 demand the marriage. As the match was extremely 
 unpopular in London, this was about the very 
 worst advice that could be given, and was meant 
 to be so. Whilst the proposed conditions were 
 being discussed with Alengon's special envoy, Roche- 
 tailld, in April, and the marriage was looked upon in 
 London as inevitable, some persons told the Queen 
 
204 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 that papers had been found in the late Chancellor 
 Sir Nicholas Bacon's office, proving that when the 
 affair was under discussion before, the object of the 
 French was only to ruin the country, kill the Queen, 
 and place Mary of Scotland on the throne. If 
 Elizabeth had been in earnest she would have taken 
 fright at this ; but she only smiled and passed it 
 over. Both she and Leicester, however, were now 
 ostentatiously in favour of the match, as also were 
 Leicester's enemies, with a very different end in view. 
 Great preparations were made at Court for the 
 Prince's coming ; new clothes as fine as money 
 could buy them were brought from far and near. 
 Leicester himself wrote to his "cousin," Davison, 
 in Flanders, to send him 4,000 crowns' worth of 
 crimson, black, and coloured velvet, satin, and silk, 
 and ;^400 worth of gold and silver tissue " or 
 such-like pretty stuffs" '; but Philip IL was still 
 incredulous, and continued to assure his ambassador 
 that it was "a mere invention." During the billing 
 and cooing personally with Simier, and in writing 
 with his master, an occasional cloud of distrust 
 passed over. Once, late in April, 1579, news came 
 of a possible French naval expedition to Scotland in 
 the interest of Mary, and the dispatch of a papal 
 expedition from Spain to the Catholic insurgents 
 in Ireland ; and the Queen was in a panic for a day 
 or two and even turned her back on Simier. On 
 such occasions as these bribes found their way from 
 Mendoza to the Queen's ministers to large amounts, 
 to induce them to impede the marriage ; Burleigh, 
 Sussex, Crofts, Leicester, and Hatton, all got their 
 share, but seem to have given very little value for it, 
 • Domestic Calendar, April 25, 1579. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 205 
 
 for they were just as heavily bribed by the French 
 on the other side. 
 
 The new conditions demanded by Simier and 
 Rochetailld in the interest of Alen9on were, first 
 his coronation immediately after marriage, secondly 
 the association of him with the Queen in the 
 government, and thirdly the granting to him 
 of a life pension of ;^6o,ooo per annum. These 
 new demands had been strenuously resisted by 
 Cecil and Sussex and the other councillors, but at 
 length Simier began to get restive and threatened 
 to leave unless a decided reply were given within 
 two days. Representations were being made to the 
 Queen from all quarters, and especially from the 
 Spanish ambassador and his creatures as to the 
 danger she would incur if the match were effected, 
 but, says Mendoza, "she expresses to Simier such 
 a strong desire to marry that not a councillor, what- 
 ever his real opinion may be, dares to say a word 
 against it." At length she could procrastinate no 
 longer, and started for a short stay at Leicester's 
 house at Wanstead, in the last days of April, taking 
 Simier and Castelnau with her for the purpose 
 of giving them an answer. As usual she desired 
 to free herself from personal blame, and ordered 
 each member of her Council to give her his opinion 
 on the match in writing. This they all refused 
 to do, and confined themselves to stating the 
 arguments on both sides, leaving her to draw the 
 conclusion. During the stay at Wanstead, almost 
 day and night, Sussex, Leicester, Burleigh, and 
 Walsingham remained in conference, but could 
 come to no conclusion ; and the Court had to return 
 with the Queen to London still without an answer 
 
2o6 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 being given. At Whitehall on the 3rd of May, a full 
 meeting of the Council was held to finally discuss 
 the conditions, and Simier was invited to be present. 
 The second demand of the association of Alenqon 
 with the Queen in the government and distribution 
 of offices was at once declared to be impossible, and 
 was abandoned by Simier after some demur ; but 
 the other two conditions were insisted upon by him. 
 Simier then retired to an adjoining room whilst the 
 Council discussed these points. The first councillor 
 to speak was the new Lord Chancellor Bromley, 
 who set forth the danger of the match, in admitting 
 Frenchmen, their traditional enemies, into the 
 country, its unpopularity and the improbability of 
 there being any issue, and ended by declaring un- 
 compromisingly against the marriage. In the end 
 the whole of the Council except Sussex agreed with 
 him, and word was privately sent to the Queen that 
 the Council was well-nigh unanimously unfavourable. 
 Then Simier was called in and told that his new 
 demands were such as had never been made before, 
 and were absolutely inadmissible. The Frenchman's 
 suavity suddenly left him, and he flew into a great 
 rage, flinging out of the room before Sussex could 
 reach him, banged the door after him in a fury, and 
 went straight to the Queen, who was in the garden.' 
 She professed great sorrow at her Council's decision, 
 swore to Simier that she would marry in spite 
 of them all, assumed an appearance of settled 
 melancholy in his presence, and sent a loving letter 
 to the Prince by his secretary, de Vray, who was 
 despatched the same night to his master with the 
 Council's reply- 
 
 » Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth). 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH, 207 
 
 But Alen^on was not lightly put off. Rochetailld 
 was already on his way back to England with hand- 
 some presents for Leicester and the rest of them, 
 and de Vray returned at the end of May with his 
 master's answer. He would, he said, marry her on 
 her own terms, and only timidly stipulated that he 
 should be allowed the private exercise of the mass 
 in his own apartments, concluding by announcing 
 his approaching visit to the Queen to press his suit 
 in person. This was by no means welcome news to 
 Elizabeth, who at the time certainly had no inten- 
 tion of marrying him, and who feared the visit 
 might either force her hand or throw upon her 
 personally the responsibility of breaking off the 
 match. The Council, however,decided unanimously 
 that the Duke should not be affronted by a refusal 
 to receive him, and that the Queen could not 
 decently draw back now without at all events 
 seeing her suitor. So it was settled with Simier 
 that his master should come to England in the 
 middle of August, and the Queen's ships and safe- 
 conduct should await him at Calais. When this 
 was decided the Queen desired to be left alone with 
 Simier, and Leicester was obliged, however un- 
 willingly, to take Castelnau out hunting. When 
 they returned three hours afterwards Simier and 
 the Queen were still together, and whilst Castelnau 
 supped with Leicester Simier took his evening 
 repast at the Queen's table. 
 
 Castelnau, writing an account of affairs to the 
 Queen-mother, I says that all was now going as 
 smoothly as ever : " Not a day passes that she 
 
 ' Castelnau Correspondence. La Ferriere, " Projets de 
 Manage." 
 
2o8 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 fails to send for him (Simier). On one occasion 
 she came in her barge to my lodging to fetch him 
 before he had read his despatches, and when he was 
 not dressed. He was obliged to come out to see 
 her with only his doublet on, and she took him with 
 her. Those who are against it are cursing him, 
 and declare that Simier will cheat her, and has be- 
 witched her." Castelnau now quite believed in the 
 marriage. The Queen told him she really was con- 
 vinced that the Duke was seeking her for herself 
 alone, and not for her crown, but she feared that, 
 however much he might esteem her, he would only 
 love her for a year or two. She would, however, 
 promise before God that if he was a good husband 
 to her she would be the best wife in the world. 
 
 It is probable that by this time the Queen's feel- 
 ings were really getting the better of her judgment, 
 and that the satisfied vanity of having a young 
 prince at her feet was carrying all before it. The 
 whole country was ringing with the strange news 
 of her close intimacy with Simier, who had, it was 
 said, bewitched her with a love philtre ; and after- 
 wards Mary Stuart, in her prison, imprudently made 
 herself the echo of the scandal by writing to the 
 Queen the outrageous letter published by Labanoff, 
 accusing her of immorality with both Simier and 
 Alen^on. The murmurs were industriously fostered 
 (and paid for) by the Spanish ambassador, who did 
 his best to stir up trouble and make the match 
 unpopular. He writes to his King at the end of 
 June : " Although there is no binding undertaking 
 about the marriage, the Queen gives every sign of 
 being most anxious for it, and affirms that she will 
 never marry a man whom she has not previously 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 209 
 
 seen. She is burning with impatience for his 
 (Alengon's) coming, although her councillors have 
 laid before her the difficulties which may arise, the 
 other side having her support, has carried the day. 
 She herself is largely influenced by the idea that it 
 should be known that her talents and beauty are 
 so great that they have sufficed to cause him to 
 come and visit her without any assurance that he 
 will be her husband." ' 
 
 Leicester, who knew her better than any one, was 
 quick to see whither she was drifting, and became 
 violently jealous. When the time came for signing 
 the passport for Alengon, at the end of June, he 
 made a fervent appeal to the Queen not to sign 
 it ; but Simier was too strong for him, and the pass- 
 port was sent, whereupon Leicester went and sulked 
 at Wanstead, feigning illness, and refused to be 
 comforted, although the Queen herself went there 
 secretly and stayed two days to console him. 
 Shortly afterwards a desperate attempt was made 
 by one of the Queen's guard to assassinate Simier, 
 and it was at once concluded, doubtless correctly, 
 that it had been done at the instance of Leicester 
 and Hatton. The Queen was in a red-hot rage, 
 and so was Simier himself, who determined to 
 strike a blow at his rival, which no other had yet 
 dared to do. Leicester had been secretly married 
 some time before to the widowed Countess of 
 Essex, the daughter of Elizabeth's cousin, and 
 Vice-Chamberlain Sir Francis KnoUys : it was a 
 secret de polichinelle to everyone but the Queen, but 
 no one had ventured to tell her until Simier, 
 choosing the propitious moment, did so. Her fury 
 • Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth). 
 15 
 
210 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 passed all bounds of decency and decorum ; she 
 raged and swore against the " she- wolf," as she 
 called her cousin, who had thus been instrumental 
 in wounding her vanity ; but Simier was victorious, 
 for she became more inseparable from him than 
 ever, and for a time kept Leicester under lock and 
 key in a fort in Greenwich Park. Soon afterwards 
 another attempt was made upon Simier's life, this 
 time by a shot whilst he was on the river with the 
 Queen. He had previously lived with Castelnau 
 at the French embassy, but now, in order to avoid 
 the risk of his going backwards and forwards daily 
 by water, the Queen brought him to her palace at 
 Greenwich, and there lodged him, to the dismay 
 and disgust of the English courtiers. 
 
 The way seemed now clear. The King of 
 France and his mother had been convinced by 
 Simier and Castelnau that Alen9on had only to 
 appear before the Queen for her to marry him, and 
 they were willing to run the risk of his going secretly 
 on the chance, in order, if possible, to get rid of so 
 troublesome an element as Alen5on was in France. 
 In England the match was looked upon as settled ; 
 but still gloomy, patient Philip, in his cell, was in^ 
 credulous. " Whatever may be said," he wrote to 
 Mendoza, early in August, " I do not believe the 
 marriage will take place, as there can be on either 
 side no great desire for it, but a large amount of 
 pretence." The only thing he left out of the calcu- 
 lation was Elizabeth's passion and vanity, which for 
 a time were overmastering her judgment. 
 
 Alengon started from Paris on the 2nd of August, 
 sending a confidential messenger ahead of him to 
 announce his coming to the Queen and Simier. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 211 
 
 The latter had previously lodged in apartments 
 adjoining those of the Queen, to which he had a 
 key giving him private access, but now, for the sake 
 of appearances, he was transferred to a pavilion in 
 the garden at Greenwich, where rooms were also 
 prepared for the Prince. Various attempts at 
 mystification were made to prevent the knowledge 
 of his arrival becoming public and to throw people 
 off the scent, but as he was delayed by bad weather 
 at Boulogne for some days, the news spread and his 
 arrival was after all an open secret. The Queen 
 coyly told the Spanish ambassador that her lover 
 had not come, but her hints and her simpers clearly 
 implied that he had. The courtiers, to keep up an 
 appearance of innocence, stayed away as much as 
 possible, and they were prudent in doing so, for the 
 Countess of Derby and the Earl of Bedford's 
 daughter, who were caught gossiping about the 
 Prince's arrival, were incontinently placed under 
 arrest until after he had gone. 
 
 From a letter from Simier to the Queen, i it would 
 appear that the Prince's approach was first made 
 known to her early in the morning, and that she 
 instantly sent word to Simier, who was in bed. 
 Simier says that as her messenger left his room the 
 Prince himself entered it so effectively disguised that 
 he hardly knew him. He had, he said, been met in 
 the street by many persons, but had not been re- 
 cognised. He was, says Simier, tired to death, but 
 notwithstanding that, entreated Simier to go at once 
 to the Queen and beg her to let him go and salute 
 her, all travel-stained and weary as he was, " But 
 I showed him how impossible this was, as he would 
 ' Hatfield Papers, part 2, p. 468. 
 
212 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 have to pass through a dozen chambers before he 
 got to yours, and that you were still asleep. At last 
 I persuaded him to take some rest, and soon got 
 him between the sheets, and I wish to God you were 
 with him there, as he could then with greater facility 
 convey his thoughts to you, for I well know that 
 ' mal si riposa chi non ha contentezza.* " 
 
 Leicester in the meanwhile was furious, and the 
 Spanish ambassador was missing no opportunity 
 of fanning the flame of discontent against the mar- 
 riage. The Queen dined alone Avith Alengon in 
 Simier's room on the 17th of August, the day after 
 his arrival, and although the young Prince was no 
 beauty, with his swart, pocked-marked face, Eliza- 
 beth at once fell in love with him. He became 
 from the first day her " frog " (grenouille), and the 
 little endearments of the two young lovers went on 
 ceaselessly all day, and often far into the night. 
 "The Queen," writes Mendoza on the 25th of August, 
 " is delighted with Alengon, and he with her, as she 
 has let out to some of her courtiers, saying that she 
 was pleased to have known him, was much taken 
 with his good parts, and admired him more than 
 any man. She says that for her part she will not 
 stand in the way of his being her husband." ' 
 Castelnau, the French ambassador, writing at the 
 same time, says to the Queen-mother : " These 
 loving conferences have lasted eight days. The 
 lady has with difficulty been able to entertain the 
 Duke, being captivated, overcome with love : she 
 told me she had never found a man whose nature 
 and actions suited her better. She begs me to write 
 to your Majesty asking you not to punish him too 
 » Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth). 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 213 
 
 much for the great folly of risking so much in 
 coming to see a woman so unworthy as she is," 
 The young Prince had been brought up in a Court 
 where love-making was the great business of life, and 
 flattered and languished as successfully as La Mole 
 and Simier had done, and Elizabeth's overweening 
 vanity had probably never been so satisfied before. 
 She gave a ball on Sunday, the 23rd of August, 1579, 
 at Greenwich, Alen9on being only half hidden be- 
 hind the arras. The Queen danced and posed even 
 more than usual, and ever and anon made signals 
 to her guest, of whose presence all the courtiers 
 pretended to be ignorant. On the same night news 
 came to the Duke that his staunch friend, Bussy 
 d'Amboise, had at last been killed in a duel, and on 
 the 27th Alengon started by coach to Dover to take 
 the ship which was awaiting to carry him to Calais. 
 Castelnau said after he went that he wrote letters 
 " ardent enough to set fire to water," and to judge 
 from the curious letters sent by him and Simier 
 from Dover before he embarked, the ambassador 
 was not very wide of the mark. These letters are 
 in the Hatfield collection, and are worth transcribing 
 as a specimen of the love-letters of the time, 
 although that of the Prince seems to our eyes a 
 perfect burlesque, considering that it was written by 
 a lover of twenty-four to a mature beauty of nearly 
 double his age. He is, he says, envious of his 
 letter which will reach her hand. He dare not commit 
 himself to a long discourse, knowing well that he is 
 not himself, as he is continually occupied in stanch- 
 ing the tears which flow from his eyes without 
 intermission. He swears that his affection for her 
 will last for ever, and that he is and will remain 
 
214 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 the most faithful and affectionate slave who can 
 exist on earth. "As such," he says, "on the brink 
 of this troublesome sea I kiss your feet." 
 
 This was accompanied by a letter from Simier in 
 the quaint French of the time, which the reader 
 may well be spared. It runs as follows : " Madame: 
 I must tell you how little rest your frog had last 
 night, he having done nothing but sigh and weep. 
 At eight o'clock he made me get up to discourse to 
 him of your divine beauty and of his great grief at 
 leaving your Majesty, the jailor of his heart, the 
 mistress of his liberty. Only his hope that he will 
 soon see you again gives him some consolation. 
 He has sworn to me a thousand times, but for that 
 he would not wish to live another quarter of an 
 hour. Do not then be cruel to him as he desires 
 only to preserve his life so long as you are kind. 
 Before he was out of bed he seized the pen and has 
 ordered me to send off Captain Bourg with this, 
 pending my own return to you, which will be as 
 soon as I see him (Alenqon) at sea with his sails 
 spread. The weather is beautiful and the sea calm 
 and I expect he will have a fair passage unless he 
 swell the waves with the abundance of his tears. 
 The monkey takes the liberty of humbly kissing 
 your lovely hands." ' These letters were sent on 
 the 28th of August, and on the two following days 
 similar extravagant missives were sent by the 
 Prince, by Castelnau, and Simier ; and then, on his 
 arrival at Boulogne, more lovelorn epistles followed, 
 by the hands of Admiral Howard and Edward 
 Stafford, who had escorted the Prince so far. The 
 Queen could only talk of her ardent young lover, 
 ' Hatfield Papers, Hist. MSS. Com., part 2. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 215 
 
 who, by the way, had scattered liberally amongst 
 the courtiers the rich jewels his mother had pro- 
 vided for the occasion, the Queen herself receiving a 
 splendid diamond ring worth 10,000 crowns ; and in 
 conversation with the Spanish ambassador she could 
 find no words of praise strong enough for Catharine 
 de Medici, "whom she had formerly abominated." 
 The circumstances indeed again rendered a close 
 alliance between England and Fi-ance desirable 
 either by marriage or otherwise. Catharine had 
 managed to disarm Henry of Navarre, and the 
 signing of the treaty of Nerac in February, 1579, 
 had for a time brought harmony to France, and 
 when France was united it was always necessary 
 for Elizabeth to be in cordial agreement with that 
 country or Spain. Her undisguised help to the 
 revolted Flemings and her depredations on Spanish 
 shipping had alienated her more and more from 
 Philip, and now another circumstance had arisen 
 which must drive both her and Catharine de Medici 
 into more pronounced antagonism to Spain. The 
 King of Portugal was old, ailing, and childless, and 
 intrigues were ripe as to the succession of the crown. 
 The strongest claimant was Philip himself, and it 
 was felt that a further addition to his power and 
 the acquisition of so fine a seaboard as that of 
 Portugal would gravely prejudice the interest of 
 France and England. Catharine had a shadowy 
 claim to the crown herself for form's sake, but she 
 and Elizabeth were quite agreed that, whoever got 
 the prize, they would do their best to prevent Philip 
 from gaining it, by stirring up war elsewhere and 
 aiding the other pretenders. 
 
 Matters were therefore again ripe for an attempt 
 
2i6 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 to bring about a binding offensive and defensive 
 alliance between the two countries ; and as soon as 
 the lovelorn swain had gone home, serious and 
 exhaustive discussions of the pros and cons of the 
 projected match was undertaken by the Council at 
 Greenwich. They appear to have sat continuously 
 from the 2nd to the 8th of October, and the minutes 
 of their proceedings in great detail, written by 
 Burleigh, exist in the Hatfield Papers.' No phase 
 or eventuality seems to have been lost sight of, and 
 a sort of debit and credit account of advantages and 
 disadvantages is carefully drawn up. The main 
 result of the well-nigh interminable discussions was 
 that the possible dangers of the match outbalanced 
 the benefits, and an address to the Queen was drawn 
 up and signed by the whole Council, dated the 8th of 
 October, 1579, which, however, carefully avoided the 
 expression of a decided opinion, and cast the onus 
 of the final resolution on to the Queen, They say 
 that they " have not proceeded to a full resolution 
 as is usual in such consultations, feeling that inas- 
 much as her Majesty's own wishes and dispositions 
 are principally to be regarded, it was their duty first 
 to offer to her Majesty all their services and counsel 
 to do what best shajl please her." They beg her to 
 show them the inclination of her mind, and if she 
 pleases each councillor will state his opinion to her 
 and bear the responsibility she might lay upon 
 them." This message was taken to her by 
 Burleigh, Leicester, Sussex, and Lincoln in the 
 forenoon, and, as may be supposed, did not please 
 their mistress. She wept and railed at them in no 
 measured terms that their tedious disputations 
 ■ Hatfield Papers, Hist. MSS. Com., part 2. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 21; 
 
 should seem to imply a doubt as to the wisdom of 
 her marrying and " having a child of her own body 
 to inherit and continue the line of Henry VIII.; 
 and condemned herself of simplicity in committing 
 this matter to be argued by them, for that she 
 thought to have rather had a universal request 
 made to her to proceed in this marriage than to 
 have made a doubt of it, and being much troubled 
 thereby she requested them to forbear her till the 
 afternoon." When they went to her again they 
 found her even more indignant, "and shewed her 
 mislike of such as she thought would not proffer her 
 marriage before any device of surety." She com- 
 plained very bitterly that they should think so 
 " slenderly " of her as to assume that she would 
 not be as careful to safeguard religion as they were, 
 and that they should begrudge her marriage and 
 child-bearing for that reason. We are told (in 
 Burleigh's own hand) that " her answers were very 
 sharp in reprehending all such as she thought would 
 make argument against her marriage, and though 
 she thought it not meet to declare to them whether 
 she would marry or not, yet she looked from their 
 hands that they should with one accord have made 
 special suit to her for the same." ' This meant, of 
 course, that the responsibility should rest on other 
 shoulders than her own whilst she had her way. 
 Stubbs's famous book, " The discovery of a gaping 
 gulf wherein England is like to be swallowed by 
 another French marriage," had recently been pub- 
 lished, and a fierce proclamation had just been 
 issued by the Queen denouncing such publications 
 
 ' Hatfield Papers, Hist. MSS. Com., part 2, and Spanish 
 Calendar (Elizabeth). 
 
2i8 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 as " lewde and seditious." Stubbs himself had his 
 right hand chopped off and was exposed to public 
 contumely, but with his left hand he raised his 
 bonnet the moment after the blow was struck, and 
 cried, " God save the Queen 1 " Nearly all London 
 shared his opposition to the match and his personal 
 loyalty to the Queen ; and Elizabeth, who clung to 
 her popularity above all things, was desirous of 
 avoiding the blame for the marriage and yet to 
 bring it about. In the meanwhile almost daily 
 couriers sped backwards and forwards with ex- 
 changes of presents and loving missives between 
 the Queen and Alengon, who had had another 
 quarrel with his brother, and had retired to his own 
 town of Alengon. He cannot imagine, he says, 
 how her people can ever gainsay " une si bell royne 
 qui les a tousjours tant bien gouvernds qu'il ne se 
 peut mieus en monarchie du monde " : and her 
 Majesty was determined they should not gainsay 
 her if she could help it. Once Walsingham, in 
 conversation with her, expressed an unfavourable 
 opinion, whereupon she turned upon him in a fury, 
 and told him to be gone for a shielder of heretics ; 
 and when Sir Francis Knollys, presuming upon 
 his relationship, asked her how she could think of 
 marrying a Catholic, she threatened that he should 
 suffer for his zeal. His was a fine way, she said,' 
 of showing attachment to his sovereign. Why 
 should not she marry and have children like any 
 other woman? Even her faithful "sheep" Hatton 
 had a squabble with her about it, and was rusticated 
 for a week.' 
 
 Philip Sidney's bold and nobly-worded letter of 
 » Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth). 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 219 
 
 remonstrance with the Queen against the match 
 was accepted in a better spirit. The virtues and 
 talents of the writer, coupled with the disinterested 
 patriotism which evidently inspired his protest, 
 secured him against the vituperation which Eliza- 
 beth lavished on Walsingham and other Protestant 
 champions who timidly ventured to offer not a tithe 
 of Sidney's outspoken opinions. " These " (the 
 Protestants), said Sidney — " how will their hearts 
 be galled, if not alienated, when they shall see you 
 take a husband, a Frenchman and a papist, in 
 whom, howsoever fine wits may find further deal- 
 ings or painted excuses, the very common people 
 well know this : that he is the son of a Jezebel 
 of our age ; that his brother made oblation of his 
 sister's marriage, the easier to make massacres of 
 our brethren in belief. That he himself, contrary 
 to his promise and all gratefulness, having his 
 liberty and principal estate by the Huguenot's means 
 did sack La Charit^ and utterly spoil them with fire 
 and sword ! This I say, even at first sight gives 
 occasion to all truly religious to abhor such a master, 
 and consequently to diminish much of the hopeful 
 love they long held to you." The Queen wept 
 over this, as well she might, but to her credit it 
 may be said that she did not visit the writer with 
 her displeasure as she would have done in the case 
 of a less high-minded adviser. 
 
CHAPTER X. 
 
 Simier's departure with the draft agreement — The Queen 
 suddenly cools towards the match — Her perplexity — Her 
 efforts to temporise — Suggestions for an alliance with 
 France — Simier's letters pleading Alenfon's cause — 
 Alenfon's plans in Flanders — Signature of the Peace of 
 Fleix — Queen Margaret's intrigues against the Alengon 
 match — Simier's disgrace — Catholic intrigues to gain 
 Alenfon — Alenfon's new envoys to England — Clausse de 
 Marchaumont's negotiations — His favour with the Queen 
 — " La belle jarretiei-e." 
 
 On the 9th of November, 1579, Simier came to the 
 Queen and told her he could delay no longer going 
 back to his master ; and if a final decision was not 
 at once adopted, he must return without it. He was 
 closeted with her for several hours, and the next 
 day she summoned the principal councillors to her 
 chamber, and told them that she had made up her 
 mind to marry, and they need say no more about it ; 
 their duty now was simply to devise the necessary 
 means for carrying out her wishes. She then sent 
 post-haste to bring back Stafford, who was on his way 
 to Alengon, and for a day her councillors thought the 
 matter was settled. But the next day a cool gust of 
 prudence passed over her passion, and she again sent 
 to the councillors ordering them to give her indi- 
 vidually their opinions in writing. This did not suit 
 
THE COURTSHIPS OF QUEEN ELIZABETH. 221 
 
 Simier, and he rushed off to the Queen and told her 
 it was now unwise and unnecessary, as she had 
 made up her mind. She haughtily asked who told 
 him that, to which he replied that it was Cecil ; 
 whereupon she flew into one of her violent rages 
 against councillors who could not keep their mouths 
 shut, and flung out of the room, leaving Simier to 
 meditate upon the inconstancy of woman. She then 
 ordered the councillors to send a joint letter begging 
 Alengon to expedite his coming, but they refused to 
 do so, and urged that before the Prince himself 
 came a person of higher rank and more serious 
 standing than Simier should come to settle the con- 
 ditions. When Simier heard this he booted and 
 spurred without more ado, and went in a huff to 
 take leave of the Queen. She mollified him, how- 
 ever, with blandishments, and during the next few 
 days the terms of settlement were hastily agreed 
 upon and signed in draft, giving Alen9on and his 
 household the right to attend the Catholic service in 
 his own chapel. But when the protocol was handed 
 to Simier for conveyance to France the Queen 
 characteristically insisted upon his giving an under- 
 taking which always left her a loophole of escape. 
 The original document in Simier 's handwriting is at 
 Hatfield, and agrees that the articles shall remain in 
 suspense for two months, "during which time her 
 Majesty hopes to have brought her people to consent 
 to the marriage." If before that time she did not 
 write to the King and Alengon consenting to receive 
 ambassadors to sign the contract, the whole present 
 conditions were to be absolutely null and void. 
 
 Simier left London on the 24th of November, 
 loaded \fith presents, and from Gravesend wrote a 
 
222 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 long letter to the Queen, warning her against those 
 who, for their own ends, were trying to persuade 
 her to forego the match, and who had been publicly- 
 boasting in London that as soon as his back was 
 turned they would easily change her mind. He 
 finishes his letter by what comes perilously near a 
 bit of love-making on his own account, and during 
 his two days' stay at Dover, and from Calais, letter 
 followed letter from him to the Queen, in all of 
 which the hope is fervently expressed that " le singe 
 restera tousjours vostre, et que la distance des lyeus, 
 ni la longeur du tanps, ni les fausses invantions des 
 mes contreres, ne me pouront aporter aucun pr^ju- 
 disse en vos bonnes grasses ni enpecher le souleil de 
 mes yeulx, qui ne puevent dtre contans que voyent 
 vostre grenouille aupres de vostre Majestd et moy 
 coume singe me voyr hordinere k vos pids," and so 
 on, page after page. Stafford accompanied him 
 across, and brought back a letter with a great . 
 emerald embedded in the seal, from Alen^on to the 
 Queen, telling her of the efforts which were being 
 made to bring him and Navarre again into gpod 
 agreement with the King, to which the Queen 
 replied, leaving for once the philandering strain, and 
 writing a serious and statesmanlike warning against 
 his being too pliant. There is no doubt that for a 
 time after Simier left, the influence of Leicester, 
 Hatton, and Walsingham somewhat cooled her 
 towards the marriage. Stafford went first with 
 Simier to Paris to lay the draft conditions before 
 the King, and took the opportunity of demanding 
 some further limitation with regard to the exercise 
 of the Catholic religion. Henry HL would have 
 nothing to say to this, but left it to his brother's 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 223 
 
 conscience, but he wrote to his ambassador in 
 England pointing out that this was another of their 
 tricks to break off the affair. 
 
 Stafford found Alengon no more yielding than his 
 brother, and for a time matters looked unpromising, 
 the "monkey" continuing to write gushing letters 
 to the Queen, begging her not to be influenced by 
 the " mile faulx bruis " of Walsingham and others, 
 who are trying to render the affair abortive. At 
 this juncture, doubtless, the Queen wrote the long 
 letter without date to the Duke, ' pointing out to him 
 the unpopularity of the match and the many diffi- 
 culties of carrying it through, unless the terms taken 
 by Simier, particularly with regard to religion and 
 the pension, were relaxed. If this is impossible, she 
 says, and the affair falls through, let us not worry 
 any more about it, but remain faithful friends for 
 ever. This did not at all please the Prince, who 
 plainly told her (January 28, 1580, Hatfield Papers) 
 that some people believed that she was only making 
 use of the religious question as an excuse to break 
 off the match, and that he is not at all astonished 
 that she has requested that the departure of commis- 
 sioners for the ratification should be stayed. He 
 was probably right in his conjecture, for only a few 
 days before (January 17, 1580, Hatfield Papers) 
 the Queen tried to pick a quarrel about the rank of 
 the ambassadors to be sent. She had roundly told 
 the King, she said, that she did not think France 
 was so short of princes that he must needs send her 
 a child or a low-born person. A person of the very 
 highest lineage must come or none at all : she would 
 never have the chroniclers record that any slight was 
 ' Hatfield Papers, Hist. MSS. Com,, part 2, p. 298. 
 
224 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 offered to her honour on so great an occasion. The 
 poor " monkey " might write his inflated letters to 
 the Queen, deploring, and denouncing the enemies 
 who were impeding the match, and pleading in 
 heartbroken accents the cause of his lovelorn "frog" ; 
 but there can be no doubt that at the end of January, 
 1580, in London, the affair was looked upon as at 
 an end. A long and instructive State paper exists 
 at Hatfield in the writing of Sir Thomas Cecil, dated 
 the 28th of January, addressed to the Queen, and set- 
 ting forth that the Alengon marriage, having fallen 
 through, the Prince would probably seek revenge for 
 his disappointment, and ally himself to the King 
 of Spain, with the object of aiding a general 
 Catholic assault on England and Ireland. Sir 
 Thomas then lays down a certain course of action 
 necessary to meet this danger. Alen9on is to be 
 encouraged to push his ambitious projects in 
 Flanders in order to keep him at issue with Spain ; 
 the Queen's forces by sea and land are to be put on 
 a war footing, and German mercenaries are to be 
 hired ; English trade, as far as possible, is to be 
 carried in foreign bottoms ; the Irish are to be con- 
 ciliated by large concessions to their national tradi- 
 tions ; the Queen of Scots is to be more strictly held 
 and her son subsidised ; and the Netherlanders and 
 the Huguenots are to be vigorously helped. ThiS' 
 was a bold programme indeed, but was fully war- 
 ranted by the circumstances as we now know them. 
 The Guises were moving heaven and earth to 
 prevent an understanding between Alen9on and the 
 Huguenots ; the Queen of Scots was in active 
 negotiation with Philip, through Beaton and Guise, 
 for a Spanish invasion of England in her interest; 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 225 
 
 and the Spanish troops, under the Papal banner, 
 were backing up the insurgent Irish.' 
 
 The reason for Alengon's tardy resistance to 
 further surrender about his religion must be sought 
 in the fact that the Catholic Flemings were still in 
 active negotiations with him for his assuming the 
 sovereignty of the States, and any wavering on his 
 part in religion would at once have made him an 
 impossible candidate for them. The fact of the 
 Prince of Orange and the Huguenots being in his 
 favour was already rather against his chances with 
 the Walloons, and it was necessary for him to assume 
 a devotion to Catholicism, the sincerijty of which may 
 well be doubted. It will thus be seen that the 
 position was full of danger and uncertainty to Eliza- 
 beth, as she could never allow a Frenchman to be 
 dominant in the Netherlands unless he was her 
 humble servant. This, of course, was obvious to 
 Alengon as it was to her, and it was necessary for 
 him to know upon which side he would have to 
 depend for the promotion of his ambition, either the 
 Queen of England and the Huguenots, or the 
 Catholic Flemings and his brother. On the very 
 day, therefore, that the two months stipulated with 
 Simier expired, namely, the 24th of February, 1580, 
 Castelnau, the French ambassador, went to the 
 Queen and asked for a definite answer as to whether 
 she would marry the Prince on the terms arranged 
 or not. She replied that it was not a matter which 
 could be settled in such a hurry, and she must consult 
 her Council and her people. After a good deal of 
 bickering the ambassador unmasked his batteries, 
 and told her that if she did not carry out her agree- 
 » Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. iii. 
 16 
 
i226 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 ment to marry him, the Prince, in his own justifica- 
 tion and to show people that he had not come to 
 England out of mere flightiness, would be obliged 
 to publish all her letters. She replied, in her usual 
 vein, that she was surprised that Alengon should 
 think of treating any 4ady in this way, much less a 
 Queen, and with this she closed the colloquy in 
 great anger and indignation. 
 
 Mendoza tells the story,' and adds that after the 
 ambassador had left, " she being alone in her cham- 
 ber with Cecil and the Archbishop of York, whom 
 she considers a very clever man, she said. My lord, 
 here am I between Scylla and Chary bdis. Alen9on 
 has agreed to all the terms I sent him, and he is 
 asking me to tell him when I wish him to come and 
 marry me. If I do not marry him I know not 
 whether he will ' remain friendly with me ; and if I 
 do I shall not be able to govern my country with 
 the freedom and security I have hitherto enjoyed. 
 What shall I do ? " The answer of the Archbishop 
 was that every one would be glad with whatever 
 she decided upon. She then turned to Cecil and 
 asked him what he thought, as he had been absent 
 from the Council for three days past. He said that 
 if she wished to marry she should do so, as no harm 
 could come to the country now that Alengon had 
 agreed to their terms ; but, he added, if she did not 
 mean to marry him she ought to undeceive him at 
 once. She sharply told him that the rest of the 
 councillors were not of his opinion, but that the 
 Duke should be kept in hand by correspondence. 
 How could she tell, she asked, the feeling of the 
 King of Spain towards her, and whether it would 
 » Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. iii. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH, 227 
 
 be safe for her to let go her hold on France ? Cecil, 
 not relishing the snub, replied that those who tried 
 to trick princes were themselves generally tricked in 
 the end. The Spanish ambassador thought, and he 
 was no doubt right, that Alengon's pressure and 
 covert threats were for the purpose of forcing the 
 Queen to help him in his designs in Flanders as some 
 solatium for the slight she had put upon him and his 
 family by throwing him over in the marriage nego- 
 tiations ; and colour is given to this view by the 
 fact that envoys arrived simultaneously from La 
 Noue, the Huguenot chief, who was now in the 
 service of the States, from Orange, and the Prince 
 of Condd, to beg the Queen to send help to establish 
 Alengon in the Netherlands. This appeared to the 
 Queen a good way out of her difficulty, and she 
 seems to have seized it with avidity, though always 
 with a pretence that the marriage negotiations were 
 still pending, in order to save appearances and dis- 
 arm the French Government. On the receipt, 
 therefore, of a letter from Alen9on by Captain 
 Bourg, on the 7th of March, announcing that he 
 only awaited her permission to send Marshal de 
 Cossd, to settle the conditions, the Queen took what 
 was for her a very unusual step, namely, to pay a 
 ceremonious visit by water to the French ambas- 
 sador, to promise him shortly to fix a date for the 
 coming of the commissioners. How hollow the 
 pretence was, however, is seen by a letter written at 
 the same time by Simier to the Queen, headed by a 
 true lovers' knot, in which "her faithful monkey" 
 deplores that she has broken off the match which he 
 ascribes to the machinations of his enemies, and says 
 that he would rather have given his right arm and 
 
228 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 ten years of his life than it should have happened, or 
 if she had decided to break it off that she had not 
 done so ten months before. Elizabeth continued her 
 great show of cordiality to the French ambassador, 
 and when the Prince of Condd himself came in June 
 to complain to her of the treatment suffered by the 
 Protestants in France, and to beg her aid, she went 
 to the length of refusing to receive him excepting in 
 the presence of Castelnau, and by every means in 
 her power sought to bring about an understanding 
 with' the French Government before she pledged 
 herself single-handed too deeply in the troubled 
 affairs of Flanders. But this did not at all suit 
 Alen9on, who had his own game to play and knew 
 full well that if a cordial alliance were arranged 
 between his brother and the Queen of England 
 there would be no need for the latter to marry him, 
 or for either party to risk an open rupture with 
 Spain for the sake of his personal aggrandisement ; 
 particularly at the present moment, when Elizabeth 
 was in great alarm at a powerful Spanish fleet 
 which had just put to sea. So the faithful " frog " 
 and his attendant monkey began to get ardent 
 again. De Vray was sent to smooth down mis- 
 understandings and to mollify Leicester, who, after 
 grumbling that the French were not giving him 
 enough presents, had gone whining to the Spanish 
 ambassador to offer his services to impede the 
 understanding with the French — for a consideration. 
 Simier writes on the i8th of April : ' "As for your 
 frog, his flame is immortal, and his love towards you 
 can never end either in this world or the next. By 
 God, Madame, lose no more time ! Take counsel 
 » Hatfield Papers, Hist. MSS. Com., part 2. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 229 
 
 with yourself and those whose faithful attachment is 
 known to you for your own sake rather than their 
 advancement ... let Monseigneur soon approach 
 your charms. This is the daily prayer of your 
 monkey who, with all humility, kisses the shadow of 
 your footsteps." Alengon's letters, although some- 
 what less hyperbolical, are yet very loving, and 
 press the Queen urgently to allow commissioners to 
 come to finally settle the marriage conditions, and 
 in this request he was seconded by his mother and 
 brother. To all these letters answers were sent 
 after much delay, " containing many sweet words 
 but no decision ; " and the Spanish ambassador 
 writing an account of matters to his master on the 
 2 1 St of May, I says that the French were threatening 
 the Queen with Alen^on's resentment if she did not 
 marry him now the matter was so far advanced. 
 "In this way both parties are weaving a Penelope's 
 web simply to cover the designs which I have 
 already explained to your Majesty." These designs 
 were, on Alenqon's part, to force Elizabeth into a 
 marriage, or into supporting him in Flanders as the 
 price of throwing him over ; on Elizabeth's part that 
 if he went into Flanders at all he should do so only 
 as her tool and that of the Huguenots ; or otherwise 
 to bring about a close alliance between England and 
 France, or a rupture between the latter and Spain : 
 and on the part of Henry HI. and his mother, to 
 get rid of their " enfant terrible," by marrying him in 
 England, and to drive Elizabeth single-handed into 
 a contest with Spain. The States envoys from 
 Ghent meanwhile were pressing upon Alengon the 
 sovereignty of the Netherlands, and the matter 
 « Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. iii. 
 
230 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 could not brook long delay, for Alexander Farnese, 
 who was no sluggard, had just routed La Noue, and 
 was pressing them hard. Alengon therefore thought 
 that affairs must be precipitated or he would slip to 
 the ground between his brother and the Queen of 
 England, between Protestant and Catholic support ; 
 and the pressure put upon Elizabeth was now so 
 strong, and the danger that Alen9on would enter 
 Flanders independent of her so great, that a Council 
 was held on the 5th of June, and unanimoi;isly 
 decided that a request should be sent to France for 
 commissioners to be despatched to England. Sir 
 Edward Stafford at the same time was despatched 
 to Alen^on, to negotiate with him and obtain his co- 
 operation with the embassy. But Stafford found 
 the Duke in the sulks. He knew full well that the 
 sending of a formal embassy by his brother to Eng- 
 land would be more likely to lead to an alliance 
 than a marriage, or that if a marriage was brought 
 about by these means it would be on such 
 terms as would hamper rather than help his ambi- 
 tion ; so he stood out, and at last only gave his 
 concurrence with the embassy on condition that it 
 should solely be empowered to negotiate a marriage 
 and not a national alliance.' Shortly after this, on 
 the 1 2th of August, a formal deputation of the States 
 offered Alen9on the sovereignty of the Netherlands, 
 which he nominally accepted. He was, however, 
 powerless to move or assume his sovereignty until 
 peace was made between his brother and Henry of 
 Navarre, and his Huguenots, who were now at open 
 warfare. No French troops of either party were 
 
 » Alenpon and Simier to the Queen, July 21st and August 
 4th, 1580. Hatfield Papers, part 2. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 231 
 
 available for Alengon until he had persuaded the 
 Bearnais to come to terms, and had raised the siege 
 of La F^re, The Duke's first care, therefore, was 
 to patch up some sort of settlement between the two 
 factions in France, not a very easy matter, particu- 
 larly when the King, learning of the vast Spanish 
 plunder brought by Drake from America, and con- 
 cluded that Elizabeth's fear of reprisals would render 
 her powerless to back up the Huguenots. At last, 
 however, the peace of Fleix was signed in November, 
 1580, and the horizon for Alengon began to brighten 
 somewhat. Amongst those in the French Court 
 who most strongly opposed his marriage was his 
 sister Margaret, Queen of Navarre, for reasons 
 which the scandalmongers of the time had much to 
 say ; and in the correct belief that Simier was 
 largely instrumental in bringing about the match, 
 she prompted her great friend Fervaques and his ally 
 Balagny to pick a quarrel with the "monkey," and 
 if possible kill him. Thereupon ensued a bitter feud 
 in Alengon's household, which ended in the flight of 
 Simier to his abbey of Bourgueil, whence he wrote 
 a series of interesting letters to Elizabeth in his 
 usual strain, giving her a full account of all that had 
 happened. She, for her part, kept up the corre- 
 spondence actively, and zealously endeavoured to 
 induce his master to restore him to favour. Alen- 
 Qon seems to have treated his servitor very badly. 
 Simier tells the Queen that only a few days before 
 his disgrace he lent the Duke 90,000 crowns, and 
 that suddenly he had been deprived of all he pos- 
 sessed, " and turned out in his shirt." He ascribes 
 his trouble mostly to Margaret, and his letters — ^par- 
 ticularly that of the i8th of October ' — are so full of 
 ' Hatfield Papers, Hist. MSS. Com., part 2. 
 
232 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 scandal that one can well understand his fervent 
 prayers that the Queen will burn his letters and not 
 let a soul but herself read them. It is almost im- 
 possible to read these letters and believe in the 
 innocence of the Queen's relations with Simier, as 
 witness the final words in the aforesaid long letter 
 of the 1 8th of October: "I pray you, madame, 
 that no living soul shall know of my letters. I place 
 my life in your hands, and only wish to preserve it 
 to do you service. For I am your ape, and you are 
 my creator, my defender, my stay, and my saviour. 
 You are my god, my all, my life, my hope, my faith, 
 and my consolation. I supplicate you then, and 
 pray you with all my power to deign in your grace 
 to bring my affairs to a happy issue. You will thus 
 still further pledge the ape who in all humility will 
 render you complete obedience to death, as willingly 
 as he now humbly kisses and rekisses a hundred 
 million times your beautiful and loving hands." All 
 this is mighty fine, but he gives the Queen in a 
 postscript a piece of news which must have interested 
 her still more, and certainly influenced her attitude 
 towards AlenQon. " Saturn " (i.e., the King of 
 Spain), he says, "has informed the King and 
 Queen-mother that if they can dissuade Monsieur 
 from his plans in the Netherlands, he (the King of 
 Spain) will grant him the territory of Cambresis, 
 and will put him into possession of all the rest {i.e., 
 of Catholic Flanders). The Pope and the Dukes 
 of Savoy, Florence, Urbino, and Ferrara will 
 guarantee this grant ; and the Queen-mother has 
 undertaken to make these overtures to Monsieur, 
 who knows nothing of the matter yet. For God's 
 sake burn this letter and let no soul see it." 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 233 
 
 The effect of this was that loving letters were at 
 once sent to Alen^on, all difficulties were smoothed 
 over, the commissioners should be cordially wel- 
 comed as soon as they liked to come, and what was 
 of far more importance still, the Queen promised 
 the French ambassador that when they arrived she 
 would give Alen^on 200,000 crowns of Drake's 
 plunder to help him in the Netherlands enterprise 
 and subsidise Duke Casimir's mercenary army of 
 Germans to cross the frontier and co-operate with 
 him. 
 
 But it was not a very easy task to settle with 
 the King of France the preliminaries of the embassy, 
 the extent of its powers, and the choice of its 
 members. Cobham, in Paris, tried to pledge Henry 
 III. to break first with Spain on account of his 
 mother's claim to the Portuguese crown, which 
 Philip had usurped, but the King said he would 
 make no move until Elizabeth did so. Whilst these 
 discussions were going on in Paris, Alen9on sent an 
 embassy of his own to London (in February, 1581) 
 to pave the way, in his interest, for the coming 
 of the commissioners. The principal envoy was 
 Clausse de Marchaumont, Count de Beaumont, 
 who was accompanied by Jean Bodin, the famous 
 writer, and others ; and his principal task for many 
 months to come was to beg for money aid for his 
 master's enterprise. He was received with apparent 
 cordiality by the Queen, who was closeted with him 
 for hours every day, and especially recommended 
 him to the French ambassador as a great favourite 
 of Alengon ; but withal she must have watched him 
 closely at first, for in one of his most secret letters her 
 " faithful monkey " assures her that Marchaumont 
 
234 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 was entirely dependent upon the Guises, and re- 
 commends her to have a little secretary of his named 
 Obterre " untrussed," when she will find some news 
 about Scotland. The Duke of Guise, it seems, had 
 dropped a hint about it in the hearing of one of 
 Simier's friends. Whatever was the result of the 
 Queen's secret confereiv:es with Marchaumont, not 
 even her own councillors knew it, and she wrote 
 a private letter, which no one saw, for one of the 
 envoys, a cousin of Marchaumont's, M. de Mery, 
 to take to the Duke, and with it she sent a wedding- 
 ring a^ a token. Mendoza says that " she also said 
 publicly that she was now so anxious for the commis- 
 sioners to come that every hour's delay seemed like 
 a thousand years to her, with other tender speeches 
 of the same sort, which make most people who hear 
 them believe that the marriage will take place. The 
 three ministers (i.e., Sussex, Cecil, and Crofts) for 
 whom Marchaumont brought letters only replied to 
 him that they could say nothing further, but that the 
 Queen seemed very desirous that the wedding should 
 be effected," The tone of this last remark is suf- 
 ficient to prove that the Queen, at this tinje, was 
 not in earnest, and that her real design, as I have 
 already pointed out, was to compass her ends without 
 burdening herself with a husband. At a subsequent 
 stage, as we shall see, her passion once more, and for 
 the last time, nearly swept away her judgment, and 
 drove her into a position from which it was difficult 
 to extricate herself without matrimony or loss of 
 prestige. Marchaumont brought with him a secre- 
 tary of Alen^on's named de Bex, who kept up an 
 extremely active correspondence during the whole 
 of his stay in England, with a large circle of friends 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH 235 
 
 in France (Hatfield Papers), letters which are full of 
 curious sidelights on the manners of the times, but 
 which do not give us much fresh information on the 
 marriage negotiations. Another confidential agent 
 of Alen^on was also constantly about the Queen's 
 person, and his letters at Hatfield prove that for 
 many months the most secret instructions of the 
 French ambassador and the special envoys were 
 immediately conveyed to Elizabeth by this man, 
 who is only known to us under the pseudonym of 
 " Le Moyne," with which he signed his letters to 
 the Queen and to Alenqon, with both of whom he 
 seems to have been equally familiar. " Le Moyne " 
 has, I believe, never hitherto been identified, but 
 a careful comparison of his letters with certain known 
 facts of Marchaumont's life convinces me that the 
 mysterious " monk " who was so deep in the confi- 
 dence of the Queen was Marchaumont himself. 
 How highly she favoured him is proved by her 
 behaviour to him on the occasion of her famous 
 visit to Drake's ship, the Pelican, at Deptford early 
 in April, 1 58 1. When the great sailor approached his 
 sovereign after the banquet to receive the honour of 
 knighthood, she jokingly told him she had a gilded 
 sword wherewith to strike off his head, but turning 
 to Marchaumont she handed the sword to him and 
 authorised him to give Drake the accolade, which he 
 did. I When she was crossing the gangway to go 
 on board the Pelican, one of her purple and gold 
 garters slipped down and trailed behind her, where- 
 upon Marchaumont, who followed, seized it as a 
 lawful prize to send to his master. The Queen 
 besought him to return it to her, as she had nothing 
 » Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth). 
 
236 THE COURTSHIPS OF QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 else to prevent her stocking from slipping down ; 
 but the gallant Frenchman refused to surrender it 
 until she promised to restore it to him as soon as 
 she returned to Westminster. She made no ado 
 about putting the garter on before him, and the next 
 day M. de Mery was started off hastily to the love- 
 lorn "frog," again bearing with him a letter of high- 
 flown affection from the Queen and the precious 
 garter from Marchaumont.^ For a long time after- 
 wards Alengon, in his letters to the Queen, refers to 
 her " belle jartiere " as a talisman which is the cause 
 of all his good fortune. Garters and loving words 
 were very well in their way, but Alengon was 
 anxious to come to business. The embassy was 
 waiting to go over to England, and affairs both in 
 Flanders and France were reaching a point where 
 it was necessary for the Duke to know upon whom 
 he could depend. His answer, therefore, was most 
 pressing. "He could have," he said, " no rest 
 until the Queen gave him a certain and definite 
 answer as to the fulfilment of the marriage so long 
 treated of He earnestly beseeches her, in recom- 
 pense for his faithful affection, to put aside all 
 doubts, ambiguities, and irresolutions, and give 
 expression to her final wishes on the matter. If she 
 shall approve of the setting out of the embassy to 
 conclude the marriage, as soon as her reply to the 
 present despatch shall have been received, they shall 
 be sent with instructions to obey and satisfy her 
 rather by deeds than by words." 2 
 
 * Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth). 
 
 • Hatfield Papers, part 2. 
 
CHAPTER XL 
 
 Great French embassy to England to settle the Alengon 
 match — Elizabeth's efforts to gain her objects without 
 marriage — ^Alenpon's determination to relieve Cambrai — 
 Henry III. strenuously opposes his brother's plans in 
 Flanders — ^Alleged flying visit of Alenpon to England — 
 Catharine's efforts to divert Alenfon from his plans in 
 Flanders — Elizabeth attempts to draw France into war 
 with Spain without her marriage with Alenfon. 
 
 At length, after endless bickering about the rank 
 of the proposed ambassadors and the Queen's assent 
 had been received by Alen9on, the envoys were 
 ordered to rendezvous at Calais. There they were 
 delayed for some weeks, first for the young Prince 
 Dauphin, of Montpensier, whom the King had 
 added to the list of ambassadors to please the Queen 
 at Alengon's request, and then by the illness of 
 other members of the embassy. Early in April, 1 58 1, 
 however, all was ready for their crossing, and then 
 the English Council began to get alarmed at the 
 number of their following and the sumptuous nature 
 of the embassy, which most of the councillors knew 
 was destined to return with the marriage still un- 
 decided. At last, however, a general passport was 
 granted at the instance of the Queen, who said she 
 could not afford to offend Alen§on at this juncture. 
 Workmen were set on in furious haste to build a 
 grand-stand in the palace at Westminster, wherein 
 
 237 
 
238 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 to entertain the visitors. Ten thousand pounds' 
 worth of plate was ordered for presents, and jousts, 
 banquets, and balls were hastily organised. "The 
 Queen went to the length of issuing an order in 
 Council that shopkeepers were to sell their cloth 
 of gold, velvets, silks, and other such stuffs at a 
 reduction of one quarter from the price per yard, as 
 she says she wishes them to do her this service in 
 order that the ladies and gentlemen may be the better 
 able to bedizen themselves. " This seems an evident 
 sign that her only object is to satisfy her own 
 vanity and keep Alengon in hand." ' The writer goes 
 on to say that the Queen is paying no heed to the 
 weighty questions which will have to be settled 
 by the embassy, but is entirely absorbed by the 
 consideration of new devices for jousts, where a ball 
 is to be held, what beautiful women are to be at 
 Court, and such-like trifles. On the 14th of April 
 the glittering embassy embarked at Calais. It 
 consisted of nearly five hundred persons in all, and 
 included Francis de Bourbon, Dauphin of Auvergne, 
 the son of the Duke of Montpensier ; Charles de 
 Bourbon, Count of Soissons, the youngest of the 
 Condd family ; Marshal de Cossd ; the. Couijts of 
 Sancerre and Carrouges ; Lansac, Barnabd Brisson, 
 the famous president of the parliament of Paris ; 
 La Mothe Fenelon ; Pinart, Catharine's Secretary of 
 State ; de Vray ; Jean Bodin, and others of high 
 rank. Lord Cobham, Warden of the Cinque ports, 
 the Earl of Pembroke, and others, received them at 
 Dover with a great train of the Queen's carriages, 
 in which they were conveyed to Gravesend, where 
 
 ' Mendoza to Philip, April 6, 1581. Spanish Calendar, 
 vol. iii. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 239 
 
 a great number of nobility met them with the 
 Queen's barges to carry them to Somerset House. 
 London itself was crowded with the nobility and 
 Parliament-men, who had been specially ordered to 
 remain in town with their families. " They are also 
 collecting," says Mendoza, " all their servants and 
 trains, both for the sake of ostentation and because, 
 being a suspicious folk, they fear some disturbance, 
 particularly Leicester, who is making greater efforts 
 than any one to collect a large company of kinsmen 
 and servants." London itself was gloomy and dis- 
 contented at the coming of the embassy, but withal 
 was kept from open disturbance by the underlying 
 belief, now pretty general, that State alliance rather 
 than marriage would be the ultimate result of it all. 
 A salute of two hundred guns greeted the envoys 
 as they passed under London bridge in their barges 
 on the 2 1 St of April. Saturday, the 24th, was St. 
 George's Day, and the ambassadors were taken in 
 great state by water to visit the Queen at White- 
 hall. A vast banqueting-hall, says Hollingshead, 
 had been erected on the south side of the palace 
 covered with painted canvas and decorated in a 
 style of most fantastic splendour. Pendants of 
 fruits, and even vegetables were hung from festoons 
 of ivy, bay, rosemary, and flowers, the whole 
 lavishly sprinkled with spangles. The ceiling was 
 painted like a sky, with stars and sunbeams inter- 
 mixed with escutcheons of the royal arms, and a 
 profusion of glass lustres illuminated the whole. 
 The envoys themselves, giving an account of their 
 reception, I say that the walls of the chamber were 
 
 » Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris. Fonds francais, 3308. 
 La Ferriere. 
 
240 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 hung entirely with cloth of gold and silver ; the 
 throne, raised on a dais, being surmounted by a 
 silken canopy covered with roses embroidered in 
 pearls. The Queen herself was dressed in cloth of 
 gold spangled with diamonds and rubies, and 
 smilingly inclined her head as the less important 
 members of the embassy passed before her. When 
 the young Dauphin, a prince of the blood and the 
 representative of the King, approached, however, 
 she stepped down from the dais and in English 
 fashion kissed him on the lips, and said a few 
 gracious words to Marshal de Cossd, Brisson, 
 Carrouges, and La Mothe Fdndlon, who followed 
 him. Again and again she besought the young 
 Prince to don his plumed bonnet, and the crowd 
 being dense and the heat great, instead of again 
 mounting her dais she retired to an open window 
 overlooking the Thames. Lansac seized the 
 opportunity of presenting to her a French painter 
 who had been commissioned by Catharine de 
 Medici to paint her portrait, whereupon the Queen, 
 ever avid for compliments, said he must represent 
 her with a veil over her face, so that they might not 
 think her too old. That day and the next passed 
 in almost interminable entertainments, which, as 
 they are described in the pages of Hollingshead, 
 and by the ambassadors themselves, appear to us 
 incredibly far-fetched, childish, and absurd ; but 
 which doubtless at the time were considered models 
 of poetry and delicate compliment to the Queen and 
 her guests. At length, on taking leave of the 
 Queen after the third day of feasting, the Prince 
 Dauphin asked her when they should get to 
 business, and which councillors she would appoint 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 341 
 
 to negotiate with the embassy. She was of course 
 well prepared for the request, and had planned her 
 course before the envoys had set foot in England, 
 Leicester and Walsingham had done their best to 
 prevent the passport for them from being sent, but 
 had been overborne by Cecil, Sussex, and the 
 Queen herself; and when Leicester, on the day 
 before their crossing, came again to his mistress and 
 pointed out the danger she ran in, carrying the 
 matter so far, she tranquillised him by saying that 
 if the embassy became too pressing she would con- 
 fuse the negotiations by bringing Alengon himself 
 over to England for a few days, whilst the envoys 
 were here. She could, she said, square matters 
 without a marriage and without offence by giving 
 him a money aid to his Netherlands projects. To 
 Sussex, and, above all, to Marchaumont, she artfully 
 told an entirely opposite tale, and led them to 
 believe that if the Duke came suddenly and 
 secretly she would certainly marry him, and, need- 
 less to say, "the monk" at once wrote pressing his 
 master to make ready to come over if necessary. 
 But Marchaumont at the same time told the 
 ambassadors that he was of opinion that unless they 
 could get a distinct pledge that the marriage should 
 take place they ought to veto the Duke's visit. The 
 control of events was thus cunningly centred in the 
 Queen's hand. As the Spanish ambassador points 
 out to Philip, she had silenced the opposition of 
 Leicester and Jhis friends, had convinced those 
 favourable to the marriage of her sincerity, whilst 
 providing herself with a loophole of escape in any 
 case. If Alengon did come she could deal with 
 him over the heads of the embassy, and so confuse 
 
 17 
 
242 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 matters, whilst if he did not come she could allege 
 that as a reason for not marrying him, and infer 
 that the negotiations had fallen through by no fault 
 of her own.' When the Prince Dauphin therefore 
 asked her to appoint a committee of the Council 
 she was ready for him, and named Cecil, Bedford, 
 Leicester, Sussex, Hatton, and Walsingham — that 
 is to say, three men who were determined to prevent 
 the marriage if possible, one — Sussex — honestly in 
 favour of it, and the other two — Cecil and Bedford — 
 only concerned in rendering the match innocuous to 
 English interests, if the Queen determined to carry it 
 through, which neither of them believed she would. 
 Business began with a grand banquet at the Lord 
 Treasurer's new house in the Strand, hard by the 
 lodgings of the embassy. After a verification of 
 powers Cecil made a long speech to the effect that, 
 although he had formerly opposed the marriage, he 
 now considered that it would be conducive to the 
 interests of England, and Brisson replied in a 
 similar strain. Walsingham then launched his 
 thunderbolt. He alleged that since, and as a 
 consequence of, de Bacqueville's mission eighteen 
 months before, the Pope had flooded England with 
 Jesuit emissaries, and had sent armed forces to 
 Ireland. The projected marriage, he said, had 
 raised the hopes of the Catholics in England, who 
 were already discounting its effects. He dwelt 
 upon the dangers which might attend an accouche- 
 ment of the Queen at her age, and complained 
 bitterly that Alen9on, even since the negotiations 
 had been in progress, had entered into dealings 
 with the States-General of Flanders. The marriage 
 ' Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth). 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 243 
 
 might therefore drag England into war, and the 
 Queen had consequently written a letter to the 
 Duke, to which she was now awaiting the reply, i 
 The envoys replied in astonishment that they had 
 looked upon the principle of the marriage as settled 
 before they came, and could not enter into discussions 
 of that sort, but pointed out that as England had 
 now offended Spain past forgiveness, it was needful 
 for the Queen to gain the friendship of France by 
 means of the marriage. They were told that if the 
 Queen married it would be from no such considera- 
 tion as this, but out of pure affection, and suggested 
 that if the marriage did not take place an offensive 
 and defensive alliance against Spain might be 
 concluded. But this, although the main object of 
 the Englishmen, did not at all suit the French. 
 They were only authorised, they said, to conclude 
 the marriage, for which purpose they had come, and 
 not to arrange an alliance. Let the Queen marry 
 Monsieur first, and then she might be sure the 
 King of France would help her in the Netherlands 
 and elsewhere. " In the meanwhile," says Mendoza, 
 " no formal commission has been given to the 
 English ministers, by which it is clear that the 
 Queen is simply procrastinating about the marriage 
 in order to draw the French into an offensive 
 alliance without burdening herself with a husband, 
 whilst the French wish first to make sure of the 
 marriage. 2 That the Spanish ambassador was 
 quite right in his reading of events we may now see 
 by the note in Cecil's hand summarising the argu- 
 
 ' Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris. Fonds francais, 3308. 
 La Ferriere. 
 
 ^ Mendoza to Philip, May 4, 1581. Spanish Calendar 
 (Elizabeth). 
 
244 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 ments pro and con for the Queen's guidance, and 
 also by the draft of the discourse pronounced by 
 Walsingham to the ambassadors, which very plainly 
 show that the Queen at this time, notwithstanding 
 her honeyed words to " the monk " and loving 
 letters to Alengon, was not in earnest. Banquet 
 succeeded banquet, but the Frenchmen could get 
 no further. In vain they protested that they had 
 simply come to conclude the draft contract nego- 
 tiated by Simier, that their mission was limited, and 
 thcit they had no more time to waste in merry- 
 making. Let us get to business first, they said, 
 and feast afterwards. On the 7 th of May they 
 were invited to a ball at Whitehall, after which 
 the Queen again pressed upon them the necessity 
 for an alliance between England and France, 
 but said she could not go any further with the 
 marriage until she heard again from Alengon. In 
 vain her plaintive "monkey," from his abbey of 
 Bourgueil, wrote praying her to make her lovelorn 
 "frog" happy without further delay, in vain Mar- 
 chaumont pressed in his master's name that she 
 would not shame him by throwing him over after 
 all that had passed between them. Smiles, sweet 
 words, and vague protestations were all they could 
 get; and Secretary Pinart wrote on the 21st of 
 May to Catharine : " The Queen makes all sorts 
 of demonstrations to us, but we can get no further." 
 At a supper given by Sussex the Queen expressed 
 her satisfaction to La Mothe Fdndlon at the ap- 
 proaches the French had made to Leicester, who, 
 she said, had done his best to forward their views 
 and to maintain a friendly understanding between 
 the two countries. La Mothe drily replied that 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 245 
 
 such an understanding would be easy when the 
 marriage was concluded. Oh ! said the Queen, as 
 for the marriage, that is in the hands of God, and 
 she could say nothing more about that until she 
 received a reply from Alen9on. La Mothe there- 
 upon declined to discuss any other question and the 
 Queen closed the colloquy in a huff. Two days 
 after this, when the envoys had become quite dis- 
 heartened and perplexed at Marchaumont's secret 
 dealings with the Queen and Sussex over their 
 heads, Elizabeth suddenly sent de Vray to Alengon 
 with a private autograph letter, ^ in the sealing-wax 
 of which she embedded a diamond ; and at the 
 same time Marchaumont wrote urging his master 
 to come over and gain the prize by a coup-de-main, 
 on the strength of a document which he had 
 obtained from the Committee of the Council con- 
 taining some favourable expressions towards the 
 match. At the same time Marchaumont was 
 brought to a lodging in the gardens of Whitehall 
 and an elaborate pretence of keeping some im- 
 portant personage concealed there was made, partly 
 to prepare the public mind for the coming of the 
 Duke and partly to still further mystify the envoys. 
 In this the Queen and Marchaumont were entirely 
 successful, and the Queen was looking almost hourly 
 for the arrival of her suitor, with whom she could 
 make her own terms and force France into an 
 
 ' Probably the important letter misdated 1580 in the Hatfield 
 Papers (MSS. Com., part 2, p. 358) wherein the Queen 
 urges Alenpon to obtain a distinct pledge of aid from his 
 brother against the Spanish power in the Netherlands. The 
 main object of her policy was, of course, to bring about a 
 complete rupture between France and Spain, which would 
 have ruined the Guises, raised the Huguenots, weakened 
 Spain, and have rendered England secure on all sides. 
 
246 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 alliance. AlenQon himself was all eagerness to come, 
 but he had pledged himself solemnly to the States 
 to relieve Cambrai which was beleaguered by 
 Parma, and he dared not abandon his task. Simier, 
 moreover, was away from him, and his sister 
 Margaret's friend, Fervaques, was ever at his ear 
 urging him to wrath against poor " monkey " and 
 the Queen of England. Fervaques, writing to 
 Marchaumont, says that if Elizabeth succeeds in 
 getting Simier reinstated, " the very day he comes 
 back I will quit the service ; car s'il me donnait 
 tout son bien par la teste de Dieu je ne serverais 
 pas une heure. Send us some money or we shall 
 starve. Our master will make peace («'.^., in France) 
 for he rules the King of Navarre, and they say that 
 after that we are going to England. Je donne aux 
 mille diables le voyage etle premier qui mitlesjames 
 en avant. Tell my secretary if he comes not back 
 soon by God I will cut his throat." ' 
 
 Alengon accordingly wrote to Marchaumont on 
 the 20th of May saying that he could not come 
 until he had arranged for the relief of Cambrai at 
 any cost. He was, he said, like a bird on a branch 
 and might be able to fly off at any moment, and in 
 the meanwhile sent the clothes he would need on 
 his arrival. But events forced his hands. On the 
 17th of May the King issued a decree in Paris 
 ordering the dispersion by force of arms of all the 
 levies of Frenchmen being raised for the service of 
 his brother in Flanders. Great pressure, bribes, 
 persuasions and threats, were brought to bear upon 
 Alengon by his mother, to prevent him from again 
 entering Flanders to relieve Cambrai, and so, per- 
 • Hatfield Papers, part 2. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 247 
 
 haps, embroil France with Spain ; but he plainly 
 saw now that his ambition would never be served 
 by the Catholic party and that he must frankly 
 depend upon the Protestants and Elizabeth, so he 
 hurriedly made preparations for a flying visit to 
 England. When the Queen was satisfied that he 
 was coming and that the King of France was quite 
 determined not to offend Spain as a preliminary of 
 the marriage, her tone towards the ambassadors 
 immediately changed, and the clause in the draft 
 treaty giving the bridegroom the right of exercising 
 his religion in England was struck out. The envoys 
 were naturally indignant, refused to accept the 
 alteration, and said that as, under the circumstances, 
 the marriage was an impossibility, they would depart 
 at once. To preserve appearances it was decided 
 that some sort of draft agreement, based on the 
 marriage contract of Philip and Mary, should be 
 agreed to, and after long bickering as to which 
 party should sign first, the Queen insisted that the 
 draft should be accompanied by a letter from her 
 to the effect that the conditions did not bind her to 
 marry at all, but should be adopted if at any future 
 time she decided to do so. This appeared absurd 
 to the envoys, and, whilst the subject was being 
 discusised, the Queen learnt that Alenqon was on 
 his way and would submit to her will in all things. 
 She then turned round and said there was no need 
 for any capitulations at all. She and Alen9on were 
 the persons to be married and they understood each 
 other perfectly well, so that his brother's intervention 
 was unnecessary. This change of front completely 
 puzzled the ambassadors, but they were not long in 
 the dark as to the reason of it, for three days after- 
 
248 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 wards Leicester told them that an English merchant 
 had just arrived in London who had seen Alengon 
 embark from Dieppe for England two days before, 
 namely on the 28th of May. The envoys and 
 the ambassador Castelnau were chagrined beyond 
 measure at this new escapade of the King's brother 
 and obstinately shut themselves up to avoid seeing 
 him. Such rigorous silence did they maintain as to 
 this visit in their correspondence that even the most 
 recent and best informed French historian of the 
 events does not credit its having taken place. 
 The correspondence of Mendoza, the Spanish 
 ambassador in London, which has passed through 
 my hands, leaves me, however, little doubt upon 
 the subject * ; although Philip, writing to his 
 ambassador, says that the news he receives from 
 France is incompatible with Alengon's visit to 
 England on this occasion. 
 
 On the ist of June, 1581, Marchaumont visited 
 Castelnau, the ambassador, who showed him a 
 letter from a certain Cigogne, one of Alen9on's 
 gentlemen, giving him intelligence of his master's 
 movements. The Duke had embarked at Dieppe 
 at six o'clock on the morning of the 28th of May, 
 and after knocking about in the Channel for five 
 hours very seasick, had to return to land. He had 
 then ridden with all his suite to Evereux, whence he 
 had sent Cigogne to inform his brother of his going 
 to England, and had then himself started on horse- 
 back with a very small company towards Boulogne. 
 The faithful "monk" at once hastened to the 
 Queen with the news, which she had already heard 
 
 * Spanish Calendar. Mendoza to the King, 2nd and 5th 
 of June, 1581. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 249 
 
 elsewhere. She appeared overjoyed at the coming 
 of her suitor, and she was for sending Stafford at 
 once to greet him. But de Bex was sent to 
 Dover instead, bearing a written message from the 
 Queen, couched in the most loving terms, ^ and 
 rooms were ordered secretly to be prepared for the 
 Prince in Marchaumont's chambers. On the after- 
 noon of the and of June the visitor came up the 
 Thames with the tide, evading the spies whom the 
 King's envoys had posted everywhere, and was 
 safely lodged in the apartments destined for him in 
 the Queen's garden. Immediately afterwards one 
 of his gentlemen entered the presence-chamber as 
 if he had just come from France (as indeed he had) 
 bringing letters from his master to the Queen, and 
 Marchaumont sent to Leicester the agreed token of 
 his coming, namely, a jet ring. This strange prank 
 of the young Prince upset all calculations. He 
 had come without his brother's prior knowledge 
 or permission and without consultation with the 
 ambassadors, the whole affair having been 
 managed by Marchaumont over their heads. 
 Says Mendoza, writing to Philip a day or two 
 after his arrival : " No man, great or small, can 
 believe that he has come to be married, nor 
 can they imagine that she will marry him because 
 he has come. It may be suspected that her 
 having persuaded him to come with hopes that 
 they\ two together would settle matters better than 
 could be done by the intervention of his brother's 
 ministers, had been the motive which brought 
 him." 
 
 The fact is that Henry III. had shown his hand. 
 ' Hatfield Papers, part 2, pp. 360, 362, 483. 
 
250 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 AlenQon's levies had been attacked by the King's 
 troops, and it was evident that unless he consented 
 to forego his ambition and again become the 
 laughing-stock of the mignons he must cleave to 
 the Queen of England, marriage or no marriage. 
 This she knew better than any one, and it was this 
 for which she had been playing. If the French 
 under Alengon went to the Netherlands to weaken 
 Spain, they would go in her interest and at her 
 behest, and not in those of France. No words 
 accordingly could be too sweet for her to greet her 
 lover, no promises too brilliant which could pledge 
 him to go in person to relieve Cambrai, notwith- 
 standing the pressure to the contrary from his 
 mother and brother. Leicester, Hatton, and Wal- 
 singham, who feared their mistress's impressionable 
 nature, were frightened when Alengon appeared, 
 and began as usual to stir up discontent of the 
 match. " If he came to marry the Queen," said 
 the people, " he ought to have come as the brother 
 of a king should do and with proper means, whereas 
 if he did not come to marry, they heeded no poor 
 Frenchmen in this country." Money and support 
 for Cambrai were liberally promised by the Queen 
 if Alen9on would only go back again as quickly as 
 he came and undertake the relief in person. So 
 after only two nights' stay in London he dropped 
 down the river, unseen by any of his countrymen 
 except Marchaumont and de Bex, and went back 
 to France. No sooner was he gone than the 
 envoys came out of their hiding again and boldly 
 averred, with the aid of Leicester and his friends, 
 that he had not been in England at all ; and the 
 hollow negotiations to cover their retreat were once 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 251 
 
 more resumed. The capitulations with the nullify- 
 ing letter were signed, sealed, and delivered,' and 
 the pompous embassy took its departure on the 
 1 2th of June, much less hopeful of the result of the 
 mission than when it started. They were loaded 
 with gifts, cloyed with fine words, and some of them 
 even cajoled into the idea that Elizabeth was a 
 Catholic at heart; but whatever the young figure- 
 heads may have thought, statesmen like Pinart, 
 Brisson, and La Mothe, knew full well by this time 
 that the marriage was all moonshine. Sussex of 
 course threw all the blame on Leicester, and tried 
 to arouse the indignation of the French against 
 him, whilst Leicester boldly said the Queen had 
 never intended to marry, and those who said she 
 did only wished to bring about a quarrel between 
 England and France. The Spanish ambassador, 
 too, ever busy at mischief, was trying his best by 
 means of willing tools to embitter French feeling 
 at the way in which a great nation had been flouted, 
 as he said, to magnify the Queen's importance and 
 feed her insatiable vanity. 
 
 When Catharine had gone to see her younger 
 son at his town of Alengon late in May, she had 
 spent five days in fruitless entreaty to him not to 
 imperil the future of his country by entering 
 Flanders. But she found him obdurate, and re- 
 turned in despair to Chenonceaux, whilst he took his 
 flying visit to England. But the violent measures 
 adopted by Henry II L against his brother 
 frightened the poor lady, who once more had to 
 journey to St. Germain to endeavour to patch up 
 
 ' The original draft of tlie treaty is in the British Museum, 
 MSS. Add. 33963. 
 
252 THE COURTSHIPS OP 
 
 some sort of peace between the brothers. The King 
 was irreconcilable for a time, but when his mother 
 threatened to abandon him for good and set out for 
 Chenonceaux he soon followed her, and the result 
 of their long private conferences was that Catharine 
 again hurried north to meet Alen^on and exacted 
 from him a promise that he would go and see his 
 brother at St. Germain before taking any active 
 steps to relieve Cambrai. But Alen^on distrusted 
 his brother and preferred to stay safely at Chateau- 
 Thierry, awaiting the aid promised to him by the 
 English Queen. Elizabeth, however, was deter- 
 mined if possible to obtain the co-operation of the 
 King of France, or at all events a promise of 
 neutrality before she flew in the face of Spain to 
 the extent of aiding Alenijon to enter Flanders, and 
 she sent Somers, late in June, to sound Henry III. 
 as to his intentions. He and Cobham, the English 
 ambassador, found the French king and his mother 
 diplomatic and evasive, but they made it clear that 
 the marriage must precede all other negotiations, 
 and that the King would take no steps against 
 Spanish interests unless conjointly with England 
 after the marriage. When Alengon learnt this at 
 Mantes he instructed Marchaumont to assure the 
 Queen that he had resolutely refused to delay the 
 relief of Cambrai, and to beg her to urge his brother 
 to help him, at least by sending Marshal de Coss^ 
 to g^ide him in his military actions. He was more 
 ardent for the conclusion of the marriage than ever, 
 and the moment he could get away he would fly to 
 the Queen's side. But this did not suit Elizabeth 
 at all. It was clear that it might mean ruin to her 
 if she were driven into open war with Spain whilst 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 253 
 
 France, under the guidance of the Guises, was free 
 to join or make terms with the other side. So she 
 wrote an extremely interesting letter on the 21st of 
 July I to Alengon in which once more her tone is 
 completely changed. The time has come, she says, 
 when she can speak plainly to him. Nothing in the 
 world can bring her so much sorrow as to be unable 
 to pass the few years of life remaining to her in the 
 company of him she loves most in the world, who 
 has sought her in so many honourable ways. She 
 is sure that grief alone will be her future portion in 
 the world, not only by reason of her being deprived 
 of the society of him she most highly esteems, but 
 also because she will be accused of ingratitude, of 
 which she has the greatest horror. It appears, 
 however, by the King's answers to Somers, that 
 the marriage can only take place in conjunction 
 with a joint war of England and France against 
 Spain in the Netherlands. She has striven all her 
 life, and successfully, to secure peace for her people, 
 and to make her marriage a war-cry would alienate 
 them from her and it, and she cannot do it. But 
 still in order that he may see she has not forsaken 
 him, and to prevent the Spaniards from entirely 
 having their wicked way in the Netherlands, she is 
 sending Walsingham to France to persuade the 
 King how necessary it is for him to help his brother 
 in his noble task. This must have appeared plain 
 enough to the suitor as meaning that France must 
 pull the chestnuts out of the fire for her, and 
 Elizabeth probably thought it was rather too blunt, 
 for she has added in her own hand these words : 
 " Ne pences pas que chose du monde me changera 
 , » Hatfield Papers, part 2, p. 400. 
 
254 THE COURTSHIPS OF QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 de vous demourer telle que prendra toujours part de 
 vostre fortune, voyr la plus mauvaise ; et que si le 
 corps me soit, I'ame vous est tout d^did, comme 
 ces tabliers vous tesmoignent." 
 
 When at a subsequent stage the Queen found 
 fault with some of Walsingham's proceedings, he 
 wrote to her, recapitulating her private instructions 
 to him on his mission, and we are therefore in 
 possession of her real intentions at the time.^ He 
 says : " The principal cause why I was sent over 
 was to procure a straiter degree of amity between 
 the King and you without marriage, and yet to 
 carry myself in the procuring thereof, as might not 
 altogether break off the marriage." 
 
 ' Walsingham to the Queen. Hatfield Papers, part 2, 
 P- 415- 
 
CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Walsingham's mission to France — His alarm of the con- 
 sequences of the Queen's ficlileness — Alengon enters 
 Flanders — Relief of Cambrai — ^Alengon entreats Eliza- 
 beth's aid — ^Walsingham's remonstrance to the Queen 
 for her penuriousness — Alengon again visits England — 
 Elizabeth's severity to the Catholics during his stay — 
 Leicester's continued intrigues — The Queen's solemn 
 pledge to marry Alenfon — Dismay of Leicester and his 
 friends — ^The Queen's recantation — ^Arrival of Secretary 
 Pinart — Elizabeth's plan to evade the marriage — Her 
 correspondence with Simier — He arrives in England 
 again — Elizabeth's efforts to get rid of Alengon — He 
 refuses to leave unless she marries him — Simier's advice 
 to the Queen. 
 
 When Walsingham landed at Boulogne he found a 
 message from Alengon at Chateau-Thierry asking 
 him to meet him and his mother at La F6re before 
 going to see the King. This he did, where he was 
 met by the Duke with complaints and reproaches 
 at the indefinite postponement of the marriage by 
 the Queen until a national alliance had been 
 effected. He told Walsingham that he could never 
 get the King to consent to an alliance unless the 
 marriage took place first, as the King feared that 
 when they had pledged him too far for him to draw 
 back the Queen would slip out of it and leave 
 France alone face to face with Spain. The efforts 
 of Catharine and her adviser, Turenne, were 
 directed to obtaining at least a money subsidy to 
 
 2SS 
 
256 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 Alen9on first, which would have pledged Elizabeth 
 to some extent ; but Walsingham was too discreet to 
 be drawn, and tried to get an arrangement which 
 should embark France in the business before 
 England was compromised. Catharine said she 
 was well aware of the need for concerted action, 
 but she was afraid, as Elizabeth had apparently 
 thrown over the marriage for fear of offending her 
 subjects, she might afterwards throw over the 
 alliance for the same reason. 
 
 It is easy to see that both sides were finessing 
 with the same object, namely, to throw upon the 
 other the burden and onus of curbing the power 
 of Spain, which they both feared ; and when 
 Catharine saw she could make nothing of Wal- 
 singham or his mistress, she played her trump 
 card, with which she had come to La F^re fully 
 prepared. She promised Alengon that if he 
 would abandon his attempt, the Prince of Parma 
 would retire from Cambrai, Alengon should marry 
 the infanta, gain the support and friendship of 
 Spain, obtain a larger dotation from his brother, 
 and receive the investure of the sovereign states of 
 Saluzzo and Provence. But Alen^on could not 
 trust Spain and the Guises, and refused the 
 tempting bait. Cecil and Elizabeth mistrusted the 
 presence of Catharine near her son, and fearing that 
 he might at last cede to her influence, had sent a 
 considerable sum of money by Walsingham, accord- 
 ing to Mendoza, to help Alen9on to make masked 
 war upon Spain, without pledging England or 
 drawing the Queen into war through the marriage. 
 Alenqon was angry at this suggestion, and said that 
 he would take no such answer, which was quite at 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 257 
 
 variance with the Queen's own words. He 
 threatened and stormed until Walsingham almost 
 lost his temper, and Sir James Crofts told Mendoza 
 that when the Queen received the news of this " she 
 w^pt like a child, saying that she did not know 
 what to do, or into what trouble Leicester had 
 drawn her." Walsingham also reported that the 
 King of France was extremely offended that after 
 so grand an embassy had been sent to England 
 only Walsingham should be sent in return, "and 
 that if he could manage to have him put out of 
 the way he would attempt it." Lord Henry 
 Howard was at once sent off with a loving message 
 to Alen9on to mollify him, and urgent new instruc- 
 tions were despatched to Walsingham in Paris to 
 bring the marriage forward again on any terms. 
 But no sooner were Walsingham, Cobham, and the 
 French ministers in conference to settle the terms 
 of an alliance which was to accompany a marriage, 
 than Alengon sent, by de Vray, peremptorily re- 
 fusing to have anything to do with an alliance. It 
 must, he said, be a marriage pure and simple first, 
 and after that thisy could make what leagues they 
 pleased, but he was sure that if the endless negotia- 
 tions for an alliance had to be settled first he should 
 never be married at all. All things were therefore 
 again brought to a standstill, and Walsingham and 
 Cobham wrote a most serious, almost vehement, 
 memorandum to the Queen warning her of the 
 i danger of her fickle course. ^ They entreated her 
 
 I to make up her mind one way or the other. The 
 J French will think they are being played with and 
 
 ' » Memorandum to the Queen, August 13, 1581. Hatfield 
 
 II Papers, part 2. 
 
 18 
 
258 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 will be greatly exasperated. France, Spain, and 
 Scotland will all be against us, and then God alone 
 can help us. Surely they say the only question is 
 one of expense, and it is "very hard that treasure 
 should be preferred before safety. I beseech your 
 Majesty that without offence I may tell you that 
 your loathness to spend even when it concerns your 
 safety is publicly delivered out here. . . . For the 
 love of God, madame, look into your own estate, and 
 think that there can grow no peril so great unto 
 you as to have a war break out in your own realm, 
 considering what a number of evil subject^ you 
 have ; and you cannot redeem this peril at too high 
 a price." In another letter to Cecil, Walsingham 
 complains bitterly of the task that is set for him. 
 I would rather, he says, be shut up in the Tower 
 than be an English ambassador abroad. These 
 constant variations discredit us and shock the 
 King. 
 
 Suddenly, towards the middle of August, 1581, 
 Alen9on crossed the frontier into Spanish Flanders 
 with a fine army of 12,000 infantry and 5,000 
 cavalry, in which were enrolled half the young nobility 
 of France as volunteers, notwithstanding the King's 
 anathemas, Parma at once raised the siege of 
 Cambrai and stood on the defensive, and the whole 
 position was changed in a moment. The King of 
 France felt, or at least expressed, the utmost alarm 
 at his brother's action, lest he should be drawn into 
 the quarrel. Elizabeth, on the other hand, was no 
 less apprehensive that the King, the Guises, and 
 the Catholics might be after all behind the mover 
 ment. She, however, was soon tranquillised on 
 this score, and wrote a loving letter of congratula- 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 259 
 
 tion.^ No sooner was Alen^on in Cambrai than he 
 found himself without money. If the States will 
 not aid me, he wrote to the Prince of Orange, I can 
 go no further. But the attempt had been made 
 without the open patronage of the Queen of England, 
 and the Protestant States would do nothing. De 
 Bex was sent off post-haste by Alengon to take her 
 the news, and to beg for 300,000 crowns, "as he 
 had spent all his own money in the relief, and neither 
 the States nor his brother would give him a penny. 
 If she did not provide him with money he should 
 be obliged to return with his army to France with- 
 out going any further." 2 
 
 Marchaumont continued to urge his master's need 
 for money, and besides the ;^2 2,000 which had been 
 taken by Walsingham a further sum of ;^20,ooo in 
 gold was secretly sent from Drake's plunder to 
 Alen^on. But Elizabeth herself was somewhat 
 short of money, and still not without suspicion, 
 besides which she had no intention whatever of 
 defraying the whole expense of Alengon's army, 
 and would send him no more money. Things went 
 from bad to worse. The French troops deserted in 
 bodies and fell to pillage ; the young noblemen 
 slipped back over the frontier by hundreds. By 
 the first week in September Alengon had retired to 
 Chatelet, leaving a garrison in Cambrai ; only 3,000 
 of his men remained with him, and he sent again 
 de Bex to the Queen to beg for more help before 
 they were all gone. His victory at Cambrai he 
 attributes all to the "belle jartiere," which he says 
 he will never surrender whilst he lives, nor the 
 
 « Hatfield Papers, part 2, p. 458. 
 » Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth). 
 
26o THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 desire to see again " vostre belle Majesty a la quelle 
 pour la hate de ce porteur je me contenterd de 
 bayzer les belles mins et les belles greves qui ont 
 portd la belle jartiere." But the Queen was not to 
 be wheedled out of her money by talk about the 
 beautiful garter, and Marchaumont began to hint 
 that his master's only course would be to once more 
 cross the Channel and press his own suit. 
 
 In the meanwhile Walsingham was making no 
 progress in Paris, and the Queen as usual was 
 reproaching in no measured terms. Walsingham, 
 who knew his mistress well, gave her on this 
 occasion at least as good as she sent.' He told her 
 bluntly that if she was sincere about the marriage 
 she was losing time she could ill spare ; whilst, if 
 otherwise, it "is the worst remedy you can use." 
 " Sometimes when your Majesty doth behold in what 
 doubtful terms you stand with foreign princes, then 
 you do wish with great affection that opportunities 
 offered had not been overslipped ; but when they 
 are offered to you, accompanied with charges, they 
 are altogether neglected. The respect of charges hath 
 lost Scotland, and I would to God I had no cause 
 to think it might put your Highness in peril of the 
 loss of England." He reproaches her almost rudely 
 for her niggardliness, which he compares with the 
 wise liberality of her predecessors where expenditure 
 was needful for the safety of the realm. "If this 
 sparing and provident course be held on still, the 
 mischiefs approaching being so apparent as they 
 are, there is no one that serveth in place of coun- 
 cillor . . . who would not wish himself rather in 
 
 ' Walsingham to the Queen, September 12th. Hatfield 
 Papers, part 3, 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 261 
 
 the farthest parts of Ethiopia than enjoy the fairest 
 palace in England." On his way back to England 
 Walsingham saw Alen9on at Abbeville, in Picardy, 
 and rather encouraged the Duke in his desire to 
 come to England again. It is evident that, much 
 as Walsingham was attached to Leicester, he was 
 in grave alarm that the Protestant religion, to which 
 he was devoted, might be overborne by the 
 threatened union against England of the Catholic 
 powers, and at this time would have gladly wel- 
 comed the marriage of the Queen and Alen9on, 
 which would have prevented France from joining 
 the coalition and have banished the danger. When 
 Walsingham arrived in London at the end of 
 September, however, he found the Queen very 
 strongly opposed to her suitor's proposed visit, not 
 wishing to have her hands forced in this way. She 
 told Marchaumont that his master must not come 
 on any account, or a rising of the people might be 
 feared, so angry were they at the idea of the match. 
 On the other hand, both Marchaumont and Castel- 
 nau, the ambassador, took care to spread broadcast 
 the intelligence that the Duke would soon be here ; 
 and when no open discontent ensued they pointed 
 out that the Queen's fears were groundless. 
 Leicester, as usual, tried to run with the hare and 
 hunt with the hounds, to retain French bribes and 
 yet to stand in the way of French objects. Mendoza 
 says that he took good care to turn the Queen 
 against Alenqon's coming, but as soon as he was 
 sure that his efforts were effectual he went out of 
 town and hypocritically professed to the French that 
 Hatton and W-alsingham alone were to blame for 
 the opposition. 
 
262 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 But by the end of October the Queen's apprehen- 
 sions seem to have been dissipated. Walsingham 
 must have made it clear to her that unless the 
 marriage were again taken up with some show 
 of sincerity she had no chance of getting the close 
 understanding with France which was necessary to 
 her plans. She had, moreover, spent large sums 
 of money in Flanders, which she could never get 
 back unless the States could be enabled to hold 
 their own, and she accordingly decided to make the 
 best of Alengon's coming in the assurance that, if 
 the worst came to the worst, she could avoid a 
 marriage by supplying funds for his maintenance in 
 Flanders. 
 
 Shortly before the Duke's arrival the "monk" 
 (Marchaumont) wrote to de Bex saying that every 
 one, from the Queen downwards, was expecting his 
 Highness 's arrival with pleasure, but he hints that 
 he had better make haste as the Spanish ambassador 
 was making certain proposals to the Queen ; which 
 we now know to be true.^ He says that even 
 Leicester had now been won over, his only fear 
 being that if the marriage took place his bitter 
 enemy, Simier, might come, who, he was sure, 
 would plot his ruin. This state of things had not 
 been brought about without a good deal of friction. 
 Several sums of money had been sent by the Queen 
 with the hope of staving off the visit, but with no 
 effect. The Queen had a great row with Walsing- 
 ham in consequence of mischief-making of Sussex, 
 who had shown Marchaumont a letter written by 
 Walsingham from France, containing some slighting 
 expressions towards Alengon which had been re- 
 » Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. iii. p. 182. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 263 
 
 peated to the Queen; "although," says Mendoza, 
 "some people think that it is all put on, and that 
 she herself ordered Walsingham to write this so as 
 to hinder the marriage, as she is a woman very fond 
 of adopting such tricks. At all events Walsingham 
 takes very little notice of her anger, and Alengon 
 turns a deaf ear to everything, and only asks for 
 money, whilst Marchaumont keeps the negotiation 
 alive by pressing for a decision with regard to the 
 marriage." 
 
 The Queen had lent Marchaumont a small house 
 attached to her own palace at Richmond, to which 
 entrance could be gained through it by means of 
 a connecting gallery. Two chambers were re- 
 furnished and warmed in this house for the Prince's 
 use, the Earl of Arundel (son of the attainted and 
 executed Duke of Norfolk) and his uncle. Lord 
 Harry Howard, were charged by the Queen to 
 make all arrangements for his comfort ; and her 
 Majesty herself superintended the installation in one 
 of the rooms of a crimson bed, which she told 
 Marchaumont archly that his master would recog- 
 nise. A day or so before the Duke was expected 
 Marchaumont wrote to de Bex, who was with his 
 master on his journey hither, that he learnt by a 
 message the Queen had sent him " that every hour 
 seemed a month to her so anxious was she to see 
 her lover, for whose reception great preparations 
 had been made, although the Queen will pretend 
 that nothing special had been done. ^ 
 
 When Walsingham had seen the Prince in France 
 the latter had expressed a desire to rest a day and 
 a night in Walsingham's house in London before 
 ' Hatfield Papers, part 2. 
 
264 THE COURTSHIPS OP 
 
 going to see the Queen at Richmond, but when the 
 time approached for the visit Walsingham managed 
 to avoid the trouble of entertaining the guest by 
 saying that the plague was raging round the house, 
 arid it was settled that he should be lodged for the 
 night in the house of Sir Edward Stafford, the son 
 of Elizabeth's friend and Mistress of the Robes. 
 " But I need not tell you," says Marchaumont to 
 de Bex, "to keep strict secrecy as to the Prince's 
 movements, for if Lady Stafford knows anything it 
 will be easier to stem a torrent than to stop the 
 woman's tongue." 
 
 Alengon embarked from Calais at the end of 
 October, 1581, having met the Portuguese pretender, 
 Don Antonio, before going on board, and promised 
 him to plead his cause with the English Queen. 
 The heavy weather necessitated his anchoring in the 
 Downs instead of entering Dover, and it was only 
 at the cost of some risk and trouble that he landed. 
 Leaving the Prince Dauphin and most of his suite 
 of gentlemen to follow him, he pressed on in dis- 
 guise with de Bex to London, where he arrived and 
 slept at Stafford's house on the night of the ist of 
 November. The next morning he started off to 
 see the Queen privately at Richmond, the first 
 public reception being fixed for the 3rd of Novem- 
 ber, when the Prince Dauphin and the rest of the 
 suite were fetched from London in the Queen's 
 state coaches. It was, in truth, high time the 
 Prince came, for the Queen was very much out of 
 temper with him and every one else. She com- 
 plained to Castelnau that the Prince had acted in 
 Flanders without her permission, that the King of 
 France was intriguing with Spain for her ruin, that 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 265 
 
 the States were a lot of drunkards, who only 
 thought of borrowing money and not paying it back. 
 She was too old, she said, to be played with, and 
 would let them all see it. But when her young 
 lover came she was full of smiles and blandishments. 
 Fortunately he had plenty of money with him — 
 money, however, brought to him by St. Aldegonde, 
 at Calais, collected by the sorely pressed Flemings 
 for the support of his army, and not to be squan- 
 dered in England ; but he bribed the ladies and the 
 councillors liberally with it. At first all went as 
 merrily as a marriage-bell. The Queen again took 
 to calling Alengon her little Moor, her little Italian, 
 her little frog, and so on ; whilst she, as before, was 
 to him all the orbs of the firmament. Leicester 
 was radiant, however, which was a bad sign, and 
 Sussex was in the sulks, which was equally so ; but 
 the French, and Alengon himself grew more and 
 more confident of success. The Queen was playing 
 her usual game, and Leicester understood it per- 
 fectly, but she could not help having her fling at 
 Walsingham when he tried clumsily to humour her. 
 He was praising the good parts and understanding 
 of Alen^on one day to the Queen, and said that the 
 only thing against him was his ugly face. " Why, 
 you knave," she replied, " you were for ever speak- 
 ing ill of him before : you veer round like a weather- 
 cock." ^ At the same time all sorts of scandalous 
 tittle-tattle began to arise. Every morning little 
 love-letters signed " your prince frog," were sent 
 from Alengon to the Queen, and Lippomano, 
 the Venetian ambassador, assures the Doge and 
 Senate that the Queen entered his chamber every 
 ' Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth). 
 
266 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 morning before he was out of bed, and brought hint 
 a cup of broth. He was with her, says Mendoza, 
 all day and every day, no one being present but 
 Sussex and Stafford, and even they were not 
 allowed to hear their conversation. In order to 
 allay the fears of her Protestant subjects, some of 
 whom were grumbling because Alen^on heard mass 
 daily, unwonted severity was used towards the 
 Catholics during Alen9on's visit, and the Jesuit 
 priests Campion, Sherwin, and Briant, were exe- 
 cuted at Tyburn under circumstances of the most 
 heartrending cruelty. The Spanish ambassador at 
 last got somewhat anxious, and by Philip's orders 
 began to approach Cecil with suggestions of the 
 falsity of Frenchmen and the advisability of a close 
 union between England and Spain, all injuries on 
 each side being forgiven and forgotten. He went to 
 the length, indeed, of hinting that the French were 
 intriguing with Mary of Scotland under cover of the 
 marriage negotiations, although he himself at the 
 time was plotting with and for her. But Cecil was 
 a match for him, and let him understand that the 
 friendship proposed was more necessary for Spain 
 than it was for England. The position at the time 
 of Alen9on's visit is well summarised by Mendoza 
 in a letter to King Philip ' as follows : " as soon as 
 the Queen learnt that Alen^on had arrived, she said 
 to certain of the councillors separately that they 
 must consider what would have to be done with 
 him ; to which they replied that they could hardly 
 do that unless she made her own intentions upon 
 the subject clear. To this she answered that she 
 was quite satisfied with the person of Alengon. 
 ' Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. iii., November ii, 1581, 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 267 
 
 When he arrived here he told those who he knew 
 were in his favour that he would not go out in 
 public nor undertake any other affairs until he had 
 setded with the Queen the subject about which he 
 came. If this be so, present indications prove that 
 he has got an affirmative answer, as he now shows, 
 himself almost publicly, and appears to be in high 
 spirits, all the principal people at Court being 
 allowed to see him at dinner and supper. Leicester 
 leaves nothing undone, and in the absence of the 
 Prince Dauphin, always hands AlenQon the napkin, 
 publicly declaring that there seems to be no other 
 way for the Queen to secure the tranquillity of Eng- 
 land but for her to marry Alengon ; and Walsingham 
 says the same. The Frenchmen who came with 
 him, and the ambassadors who were here before, 
 look upon the marriage as an accomplished fact, but 
 the English in general scoff at it, saying that he is 
 only after money, and that he has already begged 
 the Queen to give him ;^ioo,ooo and 4,000 men to 
 aid your Majesty's rebels. The principal English- 
 men indeed are saying that if he wanted a regular 
 pension they would grant him ;^20,ooo a year, so 
 there are more indications of money being given 
 him than anything else. It is certain that the 
 Queen will do her best to avoid offending him, and 
 to pledge him in the affairs of the Netherlands, in 
 order to drive his brother into a rupture with your 
 Majesty, which is her great object, whilst she keeps 
 her hands free, and can stand by looking on at the 
 war." Few men were better informed than Men- 
 doza ; part of the Privy Council was in his pay, and 
 the most secret information was conveyed to him at 
 once by his spies, who were everywhere. He was, 
 
268 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 moreover, one of the most keen-sighted statesmen 
 of his time, and we may accept his opinion therefore, 
 confirmed as it is by much other evidence, that up 
 to this time (November nth) EHzabeth was once 
 more playing her old trick, and befooling Alen9on 
 and the French. 
 
 When Leicester thought that matters were going 
 a little too far he persuaded the Queen to urge her 
 lover to start at once for Flanders, for which pur- 
 pose she would give him three ships and ;^3o,ooo, 
 in order to receive the oath of allegiance which the 
 States were offering him, and then to return and 
 marry her ; but Sussex saw through the device, and 
 privately warned Alengon that whatever pledges 
 might be made to him now, he might be convinced 
 that if once he went away without being married 
 the marriage would never take place. He entreated 
 him on no account to be driven out of England, and 
 as Alengon well knew that Sussex at least was 
 honest in his desire to see the Queen married and 
 freed from the baleful influence of Leicester, he put 
 his back to the wall and plainly told the Queen that 
 not only would he refuse to leave England, but he 
 would not ever vacate the rooms in her palace until 
 she had given him a definite answer as to whether 
 she would marry him or not. Crofts, the privy 
 councillor in Philip's pay, told Mendoza that " when 
 the Queen and Alen^on were alone together she 
 pledges herself to him to his heart's content, and as 
 much as any woman could to a man, but she will 
 not have anything said publicly." 
 
 Things were thus getting to a deadlock again. 
 The King of France wrote to the Queen saying 
 that under no circumstances, whether his brother 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 269 
 
 married or not, would he help him against Spain in 
 the Netherlands, and the Queen-mother began 
 pressing her son with all sorts of promises, to return 
 and abandon his hopeless quest before he became 
 the laughing-stock of the world. This of course 
 made the Queen warmer in her protestations, and 
 by the third week in November she had contrived 
 to convince Alen^on again of her sincerity. He at 
 once wrote off to his brother, requesting that com- 
 missioners might be sent to settle the conditions of 
 the treaty which had been discussed with Walsing- 
 ham when he was in France. The Queen en- 
 couraged him to do this, knowing full well that 
 Henry HI. would refuse to take his brother's un- 
 supported word as to her bona fides, and send 
 another embassy, whilst his refusal to do so would 
 furnish her if necessary with an excuse for proceed- 
 ing no further in the matter. 
 
 On November 21, 1581, the Queen and Court 
 moved to Whitehall, where Alen9on was lodged in 
 the garden-house, and on the following morning — 
 coronation day — he and the Queen were walking in 
 the gallery, Walsingham and Leicester being present, 
 when Castelnau, the French ambassador, entered, and 
 said that he had been commanded by his master to 
 learn from her own lips what her intentions were with 
 regard to her marrying the King's brother. Either 
 because she was driven into a corner from which 
 there was no other escape, or because once more 
 her passions overcame her, she unhesitatingly replied 
 to Castelnau, " You may write this to the King : 
 that the Duke of Alen9on shall be my husband, and 
 at the same moment she turned to Alen9on and 
 kissed him on the mouth, drawing a ring from her 
 
270 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 own hand and giving it to him as a pledge. Alen- 
 gon gave her a ring of his in return, and shortly 
 afterwards the Queen summoned the ladies and 
 gentlemen from the presence-chamber to the gallery, 
 repeating to them in a loud voice in Alencon's 
 presence what she had previously said." ' 
 
 The French were naturally elated at this, and 
 Alengon at once sent off the great news to his 
 brother, but the feeling amongst the courtiers was 
 very different. Leicester and Hatton were in dis- 
 may ; they had felt certain hitherto that the Queen 
 was only play-acting, but surely matters were getting 
 serious, and tears, lamentations, and reproaches, 
 were the order of the day. But the Queen was 
 playing her own game, and sage old Cecil was 
 perhaps the only one of her advisers who really 
 understood her move. He was ill in bed with the 
 gout at the time, and was chatting with a couple of 
 gossips when the message reached him. Instead of 
 dismay he expressed great satisfaction, and placed 
 the matter at once in its true light. " Thank God," he 
 said, " the Queen, for her part, has done all that she 
 can ; it is for the country now to take the matter in 
 hand." This meant that the Queen, ever evasive of 
 responsibility, had shifted the onus upon Parliament, 
 which had been summoned for the 6th of December. 
 There was not the slightest need for Parliament to 
 be consulted at all, but Elizabeth had been driven 
 into a corner by Alen9on's presence and persistence 
 and the immovable determination of his brother to 
 stand aloof until the marriage had taken place. By 
 taking the course she did, she artfully attained three 
 objects which could have been compassed by no other 
 ' Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. iii. p. 226. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 271 
 
 way short of marriage : she secured further delay 
 without offence to the King, she personally bound 
 Alen^on to her, come what might, and, most imporr 
 tant of all, she sowed the germ of discord between 
 him and his brother, who now appeared the principal 
 obstacle to the marriage, as he refused the terms 
 demanded by the English (which Parliament would 
 be asked to insist upon) before the marriage 
 could take place. Having the most secret corre- 
 spondence before our eyes now, we are able to see 
 clearly that this was the clever plan of the Queen 
 herself; but her most intimate contemporaries were 
 puzzled and disturbed at her apparent instability. 
 The balance of opinion was that the Queen had 
 been caught at last, and had pledged herself too 
 deeply to draw back, although Leicester, after his 
 first dismay was over, went about industriously 
 spreading a contrary view. He and Hatton, how- 
 ever, were not so reassured as they would have had 
 it appear. Hatton weht to the Queen, and with 
 many tears and sighs boldly told her that even 
 if she wanted herself to marry, she ought to 
 consider the grief she was bringing upon the 
 country by doing so, not to mention what might 
 happen to her personally if she' married against the 
 will of her people, upon whose affection the security 
 of her throne depended. This almost seditious 
 speech at another time would have aroused 
 Elizabeth to fury, and consigned her " sheep " 
 Hatton to the Tower, but the Queen was quite 
 confident in her game and only smiled and petted 
 her future Lord Chancellor. Leicester, by right of 
 his greater intimacy with his mistress, was blunter 
 in his reproaches He asked her point blank 
 
272 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 whether she was a maid or a married woman, to 
 which she replied that she was a maid, as the 
 conditions upon which she gave the marriage pledge 
 would never be fulfilled. He told her that she had 
 acted very unwisely in carrying the matter so far 
 and so ostentatiously, and they put their heads 
 together there and then to devise some scheme by 
 which the Queen's words might be minimised, 
 probably solely at Leicester's instance, and contrary 
 to her own better judgment, as her plans were well 
 laid. A message was therefore sent to Alengon, 
 saying that the Queen had been pondering about 
 the ring she had given him, and she felt sure that if 
 she married him she would not have long to live. 
 He might, she said, see that for himself, as he was 
 a witness of the dissatisfaction of the English 
 people at her attachment to him, which attachment 
 she hoped he did not wish to be fatal to her. She 
 prayed him therefore to let the matter rest for the 
 present, and there was nothing in her country she 
 would refuse him. She would be more attached to 
 him as a friend, even than if he were her husband. 
 Walsingham took this message, and whilst he was 
 with the Prince the latter remained calm. All he 
 had said and done, he protested, was solely to 
 please the Queen, whose death, very far from 
 desiring, he would imperil his own life to avert and 
 to give her pleasure, as, indeed, he was doing now 
 to save her from annoyance by refraining from 
 pressing his suit with less ardour at her request.' 
 But as soon as Walsingham was gone the young 
 Prince lost all control over himself. He saw now 
 how he had been tricked ; it was too late to prevent 
 
 » Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. iii, p. 229. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 273 
 
 the coming of the commissioners whom his brother 
 had despatched to England to finally setrie the 
 conditions, and in his rage he cursed the inconstancy 
 of woman, tore the ring from his finger and cast it 
 upon the ground. ' He told Elizabeth he would leave 
 at once, hinted at revenge for his and his country's 
 slighted honour, and again brought matters to a 
 crisis. Then Elizabeth saw that her complaisancy 
 to Leicester had led her into a false position, 
 and once more resumed her original plan. She 
 mollified and lulled the Duke into a fool's paradise 
 again with : " nouvelles demonstrations accom- 
 pagndes de baisers, privaut^s, caresses, et mignar- 
 dises ordinaries aux amants." She received the 
 King's envoy, Secretary Pinart, with new protesta- 
 tions of her desire to marry, and appointed a 
 committee of the Council, consisting of the Lord 
 Chancellor, Cecil, Sussex, and Leicester to discuss 
 x}a& pourparlers with him. She asked them first to 
 report their opinion to her, as, desirous as she was of 
 the marriage, she would not entertain it if she was 
 not satisfied that it was for the benefit of her 
 country ; but they knew she was playing her own 
 game, of which most of them did not see the drift, 
 and were determined to avoid giving any opinion 
 which might offend and hamper her. In the mean- 
 while Leicester, through his agents, was stirring up 
 the Protestants to distrust and hatred of the match, 
 whilst the host of Catholic sympathisers in the 
 interests of Spain were equally working against it 
 on the ground that Alen9on had not raised a finger 
 to save the lives of his co-religionists who had been 
 martyred whilst he had been in England. Matters 
 » " M^moires du Due de Nevers." 
 19 
 
274 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 therefore did not look particularly promising when 
 the Council met Pinart eajrly in December, although 
 Alengon himself had been petted into hopefulness. 
 The English began by advancing claims for all sorts 
 of impossible conditions and assurances, and after 
 succeeding in making the marriage appear im- 
 practicable they proposed that in lieu of marriage 
 they should give Alen9on a regular subsidy for his 
 Netherlands projects if the King of France would 
 also support his brother. This had been proposed 
 and refused in different forms time after time, and 
 Pinart, who was an old diplomatist, at once retorted 
 that he had come to settle the marriage and nothing 
 else ; if the marriage was not to take place all 
 negotiations must cease, and he must go back. 
 Catharine was equally disillusioned, and told Priuli, 
 the Venetian ambassador in France, that although 
 Alen9on had given the Queen's ring back again, she 
 attached no importance to it, as the gift of a ring 
 did not constitute a binding engagement. " Queen 
 Elizabeth, she said, is very artful, and my son is 
 very young. He has allowed himself to be drawn 
 by her into this adventure, in spite of all our argu- 
 ments and advice ; he is being overwhelmed with 
 entertainments, and he has just written to me that 
 he still has hope." ^ 
 
 The next day there was a meeting of the Council,, 
 where it was proposed to settle matters by granting 
 to Alengon a pension of 10,000 marks a year, the 
 King of France a subsidy of ;^ 100, 000, and the 
 States ;^8o,ooo on condition of a similar amount 
 being contributed by the King for the purpose of 
 
 ' Bibliotheque Nationale, Ambassadeurs venetiena. La 
 Ferriere. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 275 
 
 making war upon Spain in the Netherlands under 
 the leadership of Alengon. If the King of France 
 refused this it was proposed to make an immediate 
 grant of ^^200,000 to Alen9on, in consideration of 
 the relief of Cambrai, and that the marriage nego- 
 tiations be dropped. This was Leicester's plan, 
 who undertook to answer for Alenqon's acquiescence 
 and the raising of the money by privy-seal loans 
 and exchequer bills, but when they sent the proposal 
 to the Queen as the result of their deliberation she 
 was furious. Her plans were working as she 
 intended them to work, and she could throw the 
 whole blame for the failure of her marriage upon 
 the King of France, whilst raising enmity between 
 him and his brother, and pledging Alen9on to her 
 hard and fast without marriage. And yet these 
 dense councillors of hers, and jealous, shallow 
 Leicester, would keep thwarting her with their 
 officious interference. Cecil was the only one 
 who refused to do so, and always had a diplomatic 
 attack of gout at critical times. Crofts gave an 
 account to Mendoza of the way in which the Queen 
 received the proposal of her Council. " She made, 
 he says, a great show of anger and annoyance, 
 saying that her councillors only thought of their 
 own profit, wasting the substance of the country 
 without reflection, and buying, under cover of her 
 authority, that which suited them best. As Alen9on 
 thought fit to forget her in exchange for her money, 
 she would neither marry him nor give him any 
 money, and he might do the best he could." Then 
 she sent for Alengon and angrily told him the same, 
 and a quarrel between them ensued. When she 
 had thus upset the results of her Council's officious- 
 
276 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 ness, she began her own game again. Pinart had 
 made clear to her that her demands for the resti- 
 tution of Calais, a rupture with Spain, and the 
 cessation of the old alliance between France and 
 Scotland were unreasonable, and that if the marriage 
 were broken off in consequence of such preposterous 
 conditions the responsibility would be cast upon 
 her and not upon his master. So she harked back 
 to somewhat more moderate-sounding claims, which 
 she knew would be also refused. She said that she 
 had given the ring and pledge to Alengon on 
 condition that he should make war on Spain in the 
 Netherlands at the expense of the King of France, 
 whilst she sent assistance from England in form of 
 men. She said she had distinctly understood that 
 this was to be the condition of the marriage ; but 
 of course if the French King could not fulfil it, 
 there was the end of the matter. She was extremely 
 sorry, but it was not her fault if there was a mis- 
 understanding, or the French failed to carry out the 
 condition, and she urged that Marchaumont, her 
 devoted " monk," whose letters are only a degree less 
 loving than those of Simier, should be sent to Paris 
 to urge this view upon the King and his mother. 
 
 Marchaumont had long been tiring of his task in 
 England, and had not ceased to entreat his master 
 to give him active employment, and especially to 
 bestow a stray abbey or two upon him instead of 
 giving everything to Fervaques and de Quincy. 
 He assures Elizabeth that he has received nothing 
 in consequence of his attachment to her, which had 
 aroused the jealousy of his fellows, and he left 
 England breathing vows and protestations of his 
 eternal devotion to hen' 
 
 ' Hatfield Papers, part 2, p. 468. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 277 
 
 Ever since Simier left England he had maintained 
 a copious cipher correspondence with Elizabeth, 
 which is now at Hatfield, containing the most minute 
 details of Alengon's movements and intentions, inter- 
 spersed with curious marks which presumably stand 
 for kisses, twin hearts, transfixed with Cupid's darts 
 and other lover-like devices. But amongst his frantic, 
 not to say impious, professions of adoration for the 
 Queen he continued to complain of the machinations 
 of Fervaques, the Queen of Navarre, and his other 
 enemies who had brought about his disgrace and 
 ruin. Elizabeth, for her part, was for ever urging 
 Alengon through Marchaumont, and by her own 
 letters to reinstate Simier in his good graces. 
 Sometimes more or less vague promises of acqui- 
 escence were sent, sometimes the Prince told her 
 that if she knew all she would not be so warm in 
 Simier's defence, and sometimes the revenues and 
 favours now enjoyed by her favourite were detailed 
 to prove that he had quite as much as he could 
 expect, but the net result was that Simier remained 
 in disgrace and Fervaques ruffled it more bravely 
 than ever. At last Simier appears to have got tired 
 of obscurity and entreaty, and finding he could get 
 no more by serving Alencon, bethought him that he 
 might employ his great influence with the Queen in 
 the service of Henry HI. The offers of such an 
 instrument to mould events to the liking of the 
 King were eagerly accepted, and at first an attempt 
 was made by Henry and Catharine to induce 
 Alengon to discard Fervaques and de Quincy and 
 take Simier back again. But, as Simier writes to 
 the Queen, this only made Alencon love them the 
 more, for Queen Margaret's influence on her brother 
 
2;8 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 was too strong to be overcome. So when Fervaques, 
 Champvallon, Queen Margaret's lover, and the rest 
 of the crew, came over with their master to 
 England, Simier, with the King's connivance, 
 followed them in order ostensibly to challenge his 
 foe, but really to watch Alengon's negotiations from 
 his point of vantage near the Queen, and, if 
 necessary, frustrate them in the King's interest. 
 With him he took a second, another fire-eater named 
 Baron de Viteau, and when the challenge was sent 
 to Fervaques, the latter, true to Gascon character, 
 would only accept a pitched battle with six on each 
 side. This was obviously impossible, as Simier had 
 not six partisans in England, but it gave Fervaques 
 time to arrange with Leicester, who hated Simier 
 more bitterly than any one, to have the poor " ape " 
 assassinated in cold blood. Simier was attacked 
 on the London 'Change by hired cut-throats, but 
 fortunately once more escaped. He again com- 
 plained to his protectress, whose rage knew no 
 bounds. Calling Leicester to her, she called him a 
 murderous poltroon who was only fit for the gallows 
 and warned him and Alengon's courtiers that if any- 
 thing happened to her "ape" in England they should 
 suffer for it. Fervaques, rightly or wrongly, thought 
 that Simier had been warned of the plot by a 
 certain Lafin, with whom he consequently picked a 
 quarrel in the palace itself. Lafin fled, pursued by 
 Fervaques with a drawn dagger, into the presence 
 of the Queen, who broke out into one of her un- 
 controllable rages at such disrespect for her, and 
 cried out that if Fervaques were one of her subjects, 
 she would soon have his head off. There were 
 ample materials, therefore, for dissensions, and by the 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 279 
 
 middle of December Alen9on had lost heart again. 
 He earnestly pressed the Queen for an answer, and 
 a pledge that she would marry him if the King 
 acceded to her last demands. But she then 
 advanced another claim which had hitherto not been 
 mentioned, namely, the suppression of the English 
 Jesuit seminary at Rheims. Alenqon, anxious to 
 make an end, asked her whether if he obtained this 
 concession she would bind herself to marry him ; but 
 she still held back. Even in such case, she said, 
 she would have to consider very deeply whether it 
 would be advisable for her to change her state. 
 This was mere trifling, and Alengon in despair 
 begged her to send an envoy to discuss these 
 conditions with his brother, but she replied that the 
 King of France had better send one to her. Pinart 
 was still in England, although waiting and ready to 
 depart, and he was consequently delayed to discuss 
 these new pretensions. In the meanwhile news 
 arrived of the fall of Tournai, and the States, at the 
 end of their wits and resources, sent a deputation to 
 Alen9on offering to invest him at once, if he would 
 come over, with the dukedom of Brabant, which he 
 had coveted from the first. This suited the Queen 
 excellently, as nothing was more likely to bring 
 about a rupture between France and Spain, but it 
 would never do to let the future sovereign of the 
 Netherlands leave her in dudgeon, or the control 
 might slip through her fingers after all. So she at 
 once changed her tone. Ships were made ready 
 with furious haste, money, munitions, and men were 
 promised in his aid, and every inducement was offered 
 for him to accept the States' invitation ; whilst at 
 the same time the Queen, with sighs and feigned 
 
28o THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 tears, entreated her lover not to leave her, but if he 
 must go to promise her faithfully soon to come back 
 again. Alen9on replied that he would not return 
 unless she now gave an unconditional promise to 
 marry him. But this was no part of the Queen's 
 programme, and she evaded the question with her 
 usual dexterity. 
 
 On the 20th of December all was ready for the 
 Duke's departure. The vessels were awaiting him, 
 and some of his baggage and household had started ; 
 a grand farewell supper was laid for him and the 
 Queen at Cobham House, near Gravesend, where 
 he was to take leave of her, and he was about to 
 embark in the barges which were to convey him 
 from Greenwich, when a strong north-east gale 
 sprang up and blew continuously for many days, 
 and prevented his departure. 
 
 Mendoza says that although she displayed pub- 
 licly great grief at his going, in the privacy of her 
 own chamber she danced for very joy at getting rid 
 of him. One day during his detention he reproached 
 her for letting him go so easily. He saw now, he 
 said, that she did not love him much, and that she 
 was tired of him, and she was sending him away 
 openly discarded. She protested with an abundance 
 of sounding oaths that she had only been induced 
 to let him go for his own gratification and not for 
 hers, and that she was sorry he was going so soon. 
 She did not mean it, of course, but it was enough 
 for Alen9on, who seized the opportunity at once. 
 " No ! no ! Madame," said he, " you are mine, as I 
 can prove by letters and words you have written to 
 me, confirmed by the gift of the ring, of which I 
 sent intelligence to my brother, my mother, and the 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 281 
 
 princes of France, and all those who were present 
 at our interviews are ready to bear testimony. If I 
 cannot get you for my wife by fair means and affec- 
 tion I must do so by force, for I will not leave this 
 country without you." The Queen was much per- 
 turbed at this, and exclaimed that she had never 
 written anything which she could not justify. She 
 did not care, she said, what interpretation people 
 chose to put upon her letters, as she knew her own 
 intentions better than any one else could ; and as for 
 the ring, it was only a pledge of perpetual friendship 
 and of a conditional contract, dependent upon his 
 brother the King acceding to her conditions, which 
 she was quite sure he never would do. She 
 repeated her repugnance to entering the married 
 state, but softened the blow by saying that there 
 was nothing she desired more than that he should 
 stay in England as her brother, friend, and good 
 companion, but not as her husband.^ Alencon was 
 deeply grieved at all this, but it ended in a promise 
 that after the new year's holidays she would see 
 what help she could give him in his enterprise, and 
 with this he was perforce to appear content. But 
 withal, Alenqon's fresh talk of remaining in Eng- 
 land disturbed her, especially as Cobham in Paris 
 sent her news that the King was anxious to prolong 
 negotiations in order to keep him there and prevent 
 his going to Flanders. So she instructed Cecil to 
 inflame his ambition for the great career there open 
 to him, and at the same time sent for Simier to con- 
 trive with him how she best might get him gone. 
 Simier had told her that if she really wished to avoid 
 the marriage she need only stand fast to the condi- 
 ' Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. iii. p. 243. 
 
282 THE COURTSHIPS OF QUEEN ELIZABETH. 
 
 tions she had demanded from the King of France 
 as a preliminary. She repeated to him her last 
 demands, and said she was sure the King would 
 not consent to break with Spain and bear the whole 
 cost of the war without any contribution from her, 
 and this would furnish her with the excuse she 
 sought after, while she might make a show 
 of approaching Spain, and this would ensure 
 Alengon's recall and the cessation of the marriage 
 negotiations. Simier, after all, said he was not 
 so sure of this. Alengon was such an evil 
 weed that his brother might consent' to any- 
 thing to get rid of him from France. " Well," 
 replied the Queen, "I do not believe the King 
 will grant such terms, but even if he do I shall 
 find a way out of it." And then she and Simier 
 began to make merry at the fine gallant who would 
 so readily give up his lady-love in consideration of a 
 money payment. I offered him, she said, so much 
 a month, and it has brightened him up to such an 
 extent that you would not know him. But as soon 
 as he is once across the sea I will tell him my 
 Council will not agree to the arrangement, on the 
 ground that my country cannot without unduly 
 weakening itself provide so large a sum, and that 
 the people would not allow it.' Both Elizabeth and 
 Cecil were strongly of opinion that whilst she held 
 large sums of money she would remain mistress of 
 the situation, and whatever promises were held out 
 to Alen^on to induce him to embark in the enter- 
 prise, the intention always was to dole out the sub- 
 sidies to him as sparingly as possible. 
 
 • Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. iii. p. 243. 
 
CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Simier and his former master — ^Alengon's altercation with the 
 Queen — the Queen appeals to Sussex — Unpopularity of 
 the match in England — Catharine de Medici plays Eliza- 
 beth with her own game — Cecil suggests a loophole of 
 escape — Elizabeth Remands French strongholds as 
 security — ^Alenfon undeceived — ^Vows vengeance against 
 Elizabeth and his brother for the failure of his suit — 
 Collapse of his resolution — Pinart threatens Elizabeth — 
 Alen9on's departure for Flushing — Extraordinary demon- 
 stration on the part of Elizabeth — Alen9on still doubtful. 
 
 As may be imagined, it was not very long before 
 matters came to a crisis between Simier and his 
 former master. The Prince urged Elizabeth again 
 and again, as she loved him, to expel Simier from 
 England, but she was shocked at such an idea. 
 He had only come to justify himself, and she could 
 testify that he had conducted the marriage negotia- 
 tions better ithan any one else before or since, and 
 she could not be so unjust as to expel him even to 
 gratify her "cheregrenouille." Then Alengon began 
 to hector and threaten Simier, and ordered him to 
 return. Simier replied that he was no longer in his 
 service, and would not budge until it suited him ; 
 and against this Alen9on could only chafe fruitlessly 
 and continue his complaints to the Queen. All that 
 she, and indeed the whole country, wanted was to 
 see her too persistent suitor himself across the sea. 
 
284 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 Cecil pointed out to him that if he stayed over New 
 Year's Day it would cost him a very large sum in 
 presents, which he might save if he left before ; but 
 still he would not go, and Elizabeth began to get 
 angry. She told Cecil on Christmas night that she 
 would not marry Alen9on to be empress of the 
 world, and the next day the Lord Treasurer made 
 another strenuous attempt to get him away, but he 
 found him more obstinate than ever. He said he 
 had been drawn into this Flemish adventure by the 
 English on the bait of a marriage with the Queen, 
 and until she had married him he would stir no 
 further, whatever might happen. If the Queen 
 contemned and threw him over he would arouse 
 Catholic Christendom to avenge him. This alarmed 
 her, and she again sought to bend him to her will 
 by tears, cajoleries, and blandishments. It was not 
 her fault, she said ; would he not accept her as a 
 dear friend and a sister instead of as a wife ? No, he 
 replied ; he had suffered, risked, and lost too much 
 to give up the quest now. He would rather die 
 than leave here unmarried to her. Did he, thte 
 Queen asked, mean to threaten a poor old woman 
 in her own country ? Was this the only result of all 
 his boasted love for her ? If she did not think that 
 his violence was inspired by the strength of his 
 affection for her she would surely think him crazy, 
 and she warned him not to sacrifice his best friends 
 by such words. He melted at this, poor, over- 
 wrought, sorely-beset lad as he was, burst into tears, 
 and swore he would rather be torn into a thousand 
 bits than lose the hopes of marrying her, and thus 
 become the laughing-stock of the whole world. In 
 1;his mood the Queen could deal with him; she 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 285 
 
 mingled her tears with his, wiped his wet cheelcs 
 with her own handkerchief, and " consoled him with 
 words more tender even than the occasion de- 
 manded." I As soon as Alen^on had left her she 
 sent for Sussex, and told him what had passed. 
 She would rather, she said, succeed in getting 
 Alengon gone without offence than possess another 
 kingdom. She was much disturbed, especially that 
 Alen9on had sent an account to France, as he said 
 he had, of the giving of the pledge and ring. For 
 his own dignity's sake she thought he ought not to 
 have done so, as her pledge was purely conditional, 
 and the King had not seen fit to accede to her con- 
 ditions. Besides, she could not bring herself to the 
 idea of marriage, which had always been repugnant 
 to her ; " and she hated it more every day, for 
 reasons which she would not divulge to a twin soul 
 if she had one, much less to any living creature." 
 She entered into a very complete defence of her 
 action in the matter to Sussex, and wound up with, 
 " And now, by God ! what living man in future will 
 ever dare to throw the blame on me, seeing that 
 they want to pin me down to a contract that was 
 only conditional ? " Poor, honest, consumptive 
 Sussex was certainly not the man to disagree with 
 her, and promised to do his best to get Alen^on 
 away in good humour. There was an excellent 
 reason why the Queen should prime Sussex with 
 arguments in her justification, because he was the 
 only councillor who was a hard-and-fast advocate of 
 the match, and she knew that all she said to him 
 would be repeated both to Castelnau and to 
 Alengon's friends. But Sussex could no more get 
 ' Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. iii. p. 351. 
 
286 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 rid ot him than could Cecil. The Queen, seeing the 
 possibility of her terms being accepted by Henry III., 
 tried on one occasion to raise the religious difficulty 
 again. Look how difficult it would be, she said to 
 Alengon, for them to live together if one were a 
 Protestant and the other a Catholic ; but he soon 
 met this objection by swearing that he would be a 
 Protestant for her sake, and she dropped the subject. 
 On New Year's Day a grand tournament was 
 given in his honour, where he made a determined 
 attempt to revive the idea of a romantic affection for 
 the Queen. When he had to appear in the jousts 
 he entered mounted on a chariot fashioned in tjie 
 form of a rock, to which he was bound by heavy 
 fetters. He was drawn by figures representing Love 
 and Fate to the Queen's feet ; and Fate addressed to 
 her Majesty some couplets beseeching her to restore 
 the prisoner to his cherished liberty, and then to 
 forget her vow of chastity and let Hymen bind their, 
 hearts together. The Duke acquitted himself well 
 in the tourney, and the Queen, before all the com- 
 pany, embraced him again and again for his gal- 
 lantry. At night she accompanied him to the door 
 of his apartment, and came to visit him before he 
 was out of bed the next morning. ^ This was all very 
 fine and quite raised poor Alengon's spirits for the 
 time ; but our present knowledge enables us to see 
 quite clearly that all these cajoleries were only with 
 the object of getting him away with a good grace. 
 
 But if Alengon failed to understand this his 
 
 astute mother had no doubt about it, and wrote 
 
 sharply, reproaching him for his sacrifice of dignity 
 
 and his interests in submitting to be played with ia 
 
 * " Memoires du Due de Nevers." 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 287 
 
 this way. A marriage with an infanta of Spain was 
 once more held out to him, but he knew that his re- 
 turn to France without an alliance and without money 
 would have reduced him to impotence and to the scorn 
 and derision of his brother's Catholic subjects ; and 
 he obstinately held on and refused to go. At last 
 matters began to look serious in England. The 
 murmurs at Alengon's continued stay became deeper 
 and deeper. Leicester and Hatton secretly fanned 
 the flame of discontent at the dreaded match until 
 it was ready to burst out at any time ; and Cecil 
 went to the Queen and told her that since promises 
 were ineffectual she had better give her suitor a 
 large sum of ready money to induce him to go to 
 the aid of the States, which were now in desperate 
 straits. They had sent a deputation to urge 
 AlenQon to give them a definite answer as to 
 whether he would accept their offer of sovereignty 
 and come over at once or not. He replied that 
 they must do the best they could with the small aid 
 he had already sent them, as he was determined 
 not to go until the Queen had married him, 
 convinced as he was that he would not be supported 
 in the war by her and his brother unless he was 
 married. But when it came to giving ready money 
 frugal Elizabeth was on her guard, and told Cecil 
 that the King of France had not yet sent her an 
 answer to her last conditions, and she was informed 
 that Lansac was on the way with it. She must 
 wait until he arrived. It was clear that if the reply 
 was negative the responsibility for breaking off" the 
 marriage would not be hers, and she was not bound 
 to give more money than she felt inclined. 
 
 But Simier knew what he was talking about when 
 
288 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 he warned her that the King would accept any terms 
 in the end for the sake of getting quit of his trouble- 
 some brother, and although Lansac did not come 
 with the reply, the son of Secretary Pinart arrived 
 in London on the nth of January bringing with 
 him a complete acceptance by the King, the Queen- 
 mother, and the leading Huguenots, of all 
 Elizabeth's conditions. This was a facer indeed. 
 Catharine de Medici had beaten her at her own 
 game. But the answer did not find her unprepared: 
 Simier had some days before informed her of its 
 purport, and she had privately summoned Cecil to a 
 conference to devise a way out of the difficulty. 
 He pointed out that as no one could bring the King 
 of France to book if he failed to fulfil the conditions 
 after the marriage had been effected, and Elizabeth 
 was running all the risk in marrying, whilst the 
 King of France incurred none at all, it was only 
 reasonable that he should place the town of Calais 
 into her hands as a security for the due execution 
 of the treaty. This was a device after Elizabeth's 
 own heart and she adopted it with effusion, pledging 
 Cecil to secrecy and at the same time beguiling 
 Sussex with the hope that the marriage would now 
 really take place, all difficulties being overcome. 
 This latter view was, as was intended, immediately 
 conveyed to Alengon, and when young Pinart came 
 with his message, the Prince burst into tears at his 
 brother's love and goodness to him, and bitterly 
 denounced those who had so long estranged them 
 by lies and intrigues. As soon as the Queen was 
 alone he flew to her, bursting with the great news, 
 and said that all her conditions being complied 
 with she had only to say yes and the marriage would 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 289 
 
 be concluded. She was kindjy, but cool and collected, 
 and told him she would settle the matter with him 
 in a couple of days. 
 
 The next morning Alengon sent Marchaumont 
 to implore the good offices of Cecil, but the old 
 minister said that the matter was entirely in the 
 Queen's hands, and he was powerless to do any- 
 thing but express his opinion if the Council was 
 consulted. Sussex was then appealed to, but it 
 happened that he was sulking just then because 
 Marchaumont had persuaded Alen9on to make 
 much of Leicester ; and he replied that they had 
 better get the support of their new friend as they 
 appeared to have forgotten their old one, who had 
 done so much for them. This rather damped the 
 young Prince's hopes, and when he saw the Queen 
 in the evening he pressed her very warmly for an 
 answer. She coolly answered that the King's com- 
 munication would be duly considered in Council and 
 a reply given in ordinary course — until then she 
 could say no more. Alengon lost his temper at 
 this, and they wrangled until they parted. 
 
 Elizabeth had to thank her " faithful ape " for the 
 fix in which she found herself. She had opened her 
 inmost heart to him, and he had understood that she 
 would really never marry, but proposed unacceptable 
 conditions in order that the King's rejection of them 
 might relieve her of the responsibility of the failure 
 whilst binding Alencon personally to her and raising 
 discord between him and his brother. Simier, as I 
 have said, was now in the King's pay and faithfully 
 transmitted his knowledge to France. It was per- 
 fectly safe, therefore, for Henry III. to promise on 
 paper to accept any conditions, and thus at one 
 
 20 
 
290 THE COU&TSHIPS OF 
 
 Stroke to earn the gratitude of his brother and cast 
 all responsibility upon the Queen of England. 
 Elizabeth must have had some suspicion of her 
 "ape's" falsity, because a day or so after young 
 Pinart arrived, Alengon, who looked upon Simier 
 as the author of all his disappointment, entered the 
 Queen's chamber and implored her to send him 
 away. She was apparently hesitating when the 
 Prince whipped out his dagger and pressed it 
 against his own breast, swearing by God that he 
 would drive it home and die at her feet if she would 
 not promise him on the spot to dismiss Simier. She 
 replied that he had no need to go to such extremes 
 as that, and that although it was hardly fair to send 
 him away until he had obtained justification, she 
 would do so to please Alengon. Simier was there- 
 fore sent off with letters to the Duke of Montpen- 
 sier, who, within a given time, was to exonerate 
 him from the charges against him in Alen9on's 
 name. Before he left, however, he asked the Queen 
 what she was going to do for Alengon to recom- 
 pense him for his expenditure in England ; to which 
 she replied that she had already done three things 
 for him. She had sent ;^30,ooo in cash to help 
 him in the Cambrai affair, she had maintained him 
 in England for a long time, whereby he saved his 
 usual outlay and could employ the money in Flanders, 
 and she had been no party to his going there at all. 
 She said she was very sorry she had carried the 
 marriage negotiations so far, but it was all Simier's 
 fault, "because the first time Alengon came he, 
 Simier, insisted upon his having another interview 
 with her before he left." ^ 
 
 ' Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. iii. 
 
QUEEN EJ^IZABETH. 291 
 
 In the meanwhile the sudden complaisance of the 
 King of France aroused all sorts of suspicion in the 
 Queen's mind. It might be a plan for her ruin, she 
 thought, to induce her to entrust large English forces 
 to Alen9on who might at once turn round and make 
 terms with the Spaniards to her detriment, and she 
 was more loath than ever to be over-liberal with him 
 or to allow him to obtain uncontrolled power in the 
 Netherlands. Orange kept writing to Alen9on, show- 
 ing him how badly he was acting in breaking his 
 promise to the States and lingering in England, but 
 Elizabeth and St. Aldegonde in England were at 
 the same time putting their heads together and 
 planning that if he did go. Orange and his Protes- 
 tants should always be the stronger power. 
 
 In order to ascertain whether anything was being 
 arranged between the French and the Spaniards 
 the Queen took the opportunity, on the night of the 
 2 1 st of January, as she was walking in the gallery 
 at Whitehall with Alengon, to say that she had 
 decided to come to terms with Philip. Poor Alengon 
 was thunderstruck at this specious piece of news, 
 and told Marchaumont afterwards that he could 
 only suppose the Queen meant to leave him flounder- 
 ing in the morass into which she had led him. But 
 this was not her only shot at the same interview. 
 She had already fully primed Simier, who was still 
 lingering here, with similar intelligence, and had ar- 
 ranged that he should enter the gallery by a private 
 door, of which he had the key, as soon as she had 
 fired her shot. Directly he entered she discreetly said 
 it would not become her to stand between master 
 and servant, and retired, leaving Alen9on and the 
 "ape" together. The Prince turned upon his 
 
292 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 ~" ■/ 
 
 former favourite, and sneeringly asked why he was 
 
 still staying in England. Was he afraid that he, 
 Alengon, would have him killed if he went to 
 France ? " No," said Simier, " I do not think you 
 would have me killed, but I do fear that I should 
 be murdered by some of my enemies." Then 
 Alengon opened the floodgates of his anger and 
 piled reproach upon reproach on the devoted head 
 of poor Simier. He had sold and betrayed his 
 master, he told him ; it was through him alone that 
 the marriage had fallen through, and he had been 
 the means of frustrating his hopes of intervening in 
 the Netherlands. As soon as he could get in a 
 \vord, Simier asked the Prince to tell him what he 
 had done to cause all this. " You have discredited 
 and defamed the best friend I have in England, the 
 Earl of Leicester," replied the irate Prince, " and he 
 has consequently been unable to influence the Queen 
 in my favour as he would otherwise have done." 
 
 Simier was not long in conveying this to the 
 Queen, and took care to have another fling at his 
 enemy, Leicester, at the same time. He was sur- 
 prised, he said, as all the world was, that she should 
 still favour a man who had deceived her as Leicester 
 had done by telling her he was not married when 
 he was. But Elizabeth's object was not to quarrel 
 with Leicester, but to learn by the hasty words of 
 Alen9on whether he was intriguing with the King 
 of Spain, and she turned the subject by saying that 
 Leicester was too powerful to be disgraced all at 
 once. The consideration of the King of France's 
 reply was undertaken the next day by the Council, 
 but no decision was arrived at, as the Queen and 
 Cecil alone really knew what her plans were. Cecil 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 293 
 
 said something to the Queen before the Council 
 about three masses being celebrated every morning 
 in London now, i.e., those of Alengon, the Dauphin, 
 and Marchaumont, whereas by the marriage treaty 
 one only could take place even after the marriage. 
 She told him to have a little patience and leave it to 
 her. They and their masses would soon be across 
 the sea. The same night at her customary walk in 
 the gallery with Alengon she opened her batteries. 
 She pointed out to him that it would be much better 
 to abandon the Netherlands enterprise ; nothing 
 but danger and trouble could come to him from it. 
 If she did not marry him she was sure the King of 
 France would not help him, and she alone was 
 unable to sustain the whole cost, particularly now 
 that the States themselves were exhausted and 
 wavering ; whereas, on the other hand, if she did 
 marry him, it was equally certain that her ministers 
 and people would not consent to be brought into 
 conflict with so powerful a state as Spain. She was 
 more inclined at present to come to terms and bring 
 about peace. He might see by this, she said, that 
 he was not likely to benefit whether he married her 
 or not. Alenqon quite broke down at this, and as 
 soon as he could get away flew to his false friend 
 Leicester to ask him what was the meaning of it. 
 It was all, said Leicester, the fault of Sussex, who 
 had continued to advise the Queen to make friends 
 with the King of Spain. So the next morning after 
 dinner the young Prince made a formal complaint 
 against Sussex, who he said had accepted Spanish 
 bribes to frustrate the marriage — which was not 
 true — and not only that, but he had undertaken to 
 serve Philip even against his own mistress, as he 
 
294 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 was informed by the French ambassador in Madrid. 
 Elizabeth stoutly defended honest Sussex against 
 this calumny, but she took care to repeat it all to 
 him as soon as Alengon was gone, and told him that 
 she would never trust the Prince again after he had 
 so defamed in this way those who were his oldest 
 and best friends. Sussex, for his part, could only 
 swear with tears in his eyes to be avenged upon 
 the authors of such a falsehood. Everything that 
 Alen9on did and said, therefore, was turned to his 
 disadvantage. At last, after all this preparation, 
 the Queen gave him her final reply. Calais and 
 Havre must both be garrisoned with Englishmen as 
 a security for her that the King of France would 
 fulfil all his promises. Alengon could hardly believe 
 his ears. Was she in earnest, he asked, and was 
 this the final reply ? Certainly, replied the Queen, 
 and she could give no other : and Alen^on, thunder- 
 struck, flung out of the room in a rage, now 
 thoroughly undeceived. He at once called a 
 council of his friends, and told them how he had 
 been betrayed. His honour must be avenged at all 
 costs, but for the present he must dissemble with 
 the Queen, as her help was necessary to enable 
 him first to wreak his vengeance upon the prime 
 author of his downfall, his false brother the King, 
 who had sent Simier hither, knowing he could do as 
 he liked with the Queen, in order to frustrate the- 
 marriage. The sinister tyrant his brother, and his 
 evil-minded mother had plotted against his welfare, 
 and he would be even with them. His mother's 
 only object was to keep him under her thumb in 
 France in order to hold his brother the better in her 
 thraldom. There were two courses open to him, he 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 29S 
 
 said : first, to carry on the war in Flanders ; and 
 secondly, to raise civil war in France. The first he 
 could not do without the English Queen's help, 
 which he probably could not get, as she was in 
 treaty with the Spaniards, and he was certain his 
 brother would not aid him ; but the Queen would 
 willingly support him in a Huguenot war in France, 
 as she had promised the King of Navarre to do so. 
 After much of this heated talk and denunciation of 
 the proud Guises, in which Marchaumont and de 
 Quincy added fuel to the fire, the Prince Dauphin, 
 old beyond his years, who had hitherto remained 
 silent, being urged by Alengon to give his opinion, 
 turned a cold stream of good sense on the inflated 
 balderdash of Alengon and his friends. He would 
 have nothing to do with treason, he said, and 
 warned them to take care they did not lose their 
 heads for such talk. This fairly frightened them 
 all, and Alen9on took him apart in a window recess 
 and prayed him earnestly not to desert him. But 
 the Dauphin was obdurate ; he would leave for 
 France at once, and consort no more with the 
 enemies of his King. He and the spies behind the 
 arras soon told everything to cautious old Pinart, who 
 had brought the King's reply and he flew to the 
 Queen to urge her not to help Alengon against his 
 brother. She had not heard a word about such a 
 project, she truly said, but Pinart did not quite know 
 whether to believe her, and warned her in almost 
 threatening words of her danger if she listened to 
 talk which would bring all Christendom down upon 
 her. Then he went and rated Alengon soundly, 
 who began to whimper, protesting that he did not 
 mean anything wrong, and collapsed completely. 
 
296 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 Elizabeth had now quite satisfied herself that 
 there was no arrangement between Alengonj his 
 brother, and Spain ; and at the same time had 
 brought the poor creature to a sufficiently chastened 
 and humble frame of mind, so she could without 
 misgiving send him off to the Netherlands on her 
 own terms. Seeing him in his barge on the river, 
 she ordered her own and joined him, and persuaded 
 him that it was at all events his duty to keep his 
 word and accede to the invitation of the States to 
 go to Flanders, and when he had been there he 
 might retire or stay as he thought best. She would 
 give him ;^30,ooo in cash for his expenses and a 
 regular subsidy for the war, with some ships to take 
 him to Flushing. Alengon was glum and tearful, 
 but had no alternative. The ships were waiting for 
 him, the money ready in the exchequer, and the de- 
 putation from the States with St. Aldegonde pressing 
 for his departure. Events and Elizabeth were too 
 strong for him, and he consented to sail next day 
 for Protestant Zeeland, instead of first to Catholic 
 Flanders, where he and his Frenchmen might have 
 caused trouble to the Queen of England. All was 
 settled for the Prince to sail on the next morning, 
 the 25th of January. Sussex was sent to say that 
 the Queen desired that all future correspondence 
 between them should be carried on through Simier, 
 but this Alengon refused point blank, said he would 
 have no more to do with him, and complained to 
 Sussex bitterly of the Queen's demand for Calais and 
 Havre, and of his brother for refusing them. But 
 before the morning came another change occurred. 
 A courier came post-haste to Pinart from France 
 urging him, as he loved his King and country to 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 297 
 
 keep Alen9on in England at any cost rather than 
 allow him to drag his brother into trouble with 
 Spain by going to the Netherlands. Alengon 
 thereupon feigned illness, and Pinart went to the 
 Queen and threatened that if she were too exacting 
 France might join with Spain and put Mary Stuart 
 on the throne. Although the King could not give 
 her Calais and Havre as security, he would send 
 such hostages as should satisfy her. This thoroughly 
 alarmed the Queen, who kept Lady Stafford awake 
 all night with her lamentations, and was in a high 
 fever in the morning. She was still in bed after 
 dinner, when she sent for Sussex in great trouble, 
 and told him she must marry Alengon after all. 
 Pinart threatened her with all sorts of dangers, and 
 besides that she must have a companion in the 
 government to enable her to curb her insolent 
 favourites, which she, a lone woman, could not do. 
 She knew this was the way to appeal to Sussex, 
 who hated Leicester with all his heart, but these 
 changes from hour to hour had completely obfus- 
 cated him, and he could only beseech her to do as 
 she thought best, and not to ask his opinion until 
 he knew hers. She begged him at least to say 
 what he thought about the proposal to give hos- 
 tages, and he gave it as his opinion that she ought 
 to insist upon her demand for the ports. Imme- 
 diately afterwards a Council was called, when, the 
 marriage now appearing again possible, Leicester 
 and Hatton, who had been loaded with French 
 bribes, showed in their true colours. They both 
 opposed the match strenuously. It was a danger, 
 they said, to England and to religion, and no words 
 were strong enough to condemn it. Sussex, of 
 
298 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 course, was in favour of it, and he and Leicester 
 were about to come to fisticuffs when Cecil stepped 
 between them, and told them that the question of 
 marriage or no marriage was in the hands of the 
 Queen — all they had to consider was what security 
 should be exacted if the marriage took place. They 
 broke up in confusion, without coming to any 
 decision, and Cecil alone remained afterwards in 
 conclave with the Queen, the result of their con- 
 ference being that the ships were a.gain ordered to 
 make ready to sail with Alen^on. 
 
 When Pinart found that his threats to Elizabeth 
 had produced no permanent result, he fell back upon 
 his alternative instructions, to threaten Alengon that if 
 he went to the Netherlands under English auspices he 
 and his followers should be treated as rebels and the 
 enemies of France. This again alarmed the Queen, 
 who next tried her cajoleries on Pinart. What were 
 his final instructions, she asked, with all her battery 
 of fascinations ; but he said he would not tell her 
 until he received her decided reply about the marriage, 
 and only warned her to desist from helping Alengon 
 in the Netherlands, or evil would come of it both to 
 him and to her. She said she had not urged him 
 to it, and had only helped him after he began, whilst 
 she now thought it was better for him to retire and 
 have done with the business. All this fickleness 
 left poor Alengon in a chaotic condition of mind 
 from day to day. First the Queen would give him 
 ;^30,ooo, then a mere trifle of 20,000 crowns, then 
 nothing, then ^^70,000, and so on, Cecil being 
 strongly of opinion that no large sum should be fur- 
 nished to him ; but withal every effort was made to 
 get him gone in a good humour. He was tardy 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 299 
 
 and unwilling, afraid of Pinart's threats, and full of 
 sulky vows of vengeance against the Queen for 
 sending him away unmarried. He was only dis- 
 sembling, he told his friends ; they should all see 
 what he would do before he went. Poor creature ! 
 he could do nothing but impotently grumble and 
 vapour, mere twig as he was on the torrent of 
 events, borne hither and thither by stronger minds 
 than his own. 
 
 The Queen on one occasion told him that he 
 would only be away three weeks, and should then 
 come back and marry her ; the castle of Dover was 
 already, she said, being prepared for his reception 
 when he returned ; and although he smiled at this, 
 and feigned pleasure, he was no sooner alone with 
 Marchaumont than he burst into an agony of tears, 
 swore that he would only live to be revenged on 
 her, if he had to make friends with his brother for 
 the sake of doing it. But still from that day he 
 hung back on one pretext or another. Marchau- 
 mont and most of his friends had been bribed by 
 the Queen to persuade him to go, and they used 
 every artifice with that object. How would he like, 
 they asked him, to go back to France, and dance 
 attendance on La Valette and d' Arques, his brother's 
 mignons ? Better surely, they said, suffer any hard- 
 ship in Flanders than put up with such an indignity 
 as that ! As soon as they had persuaded him, 
 Pinart would come and threaten all manner of 
 terrible things if he trusted to rebels and heretics. 
 At last, on the ist of February, on the arrival of a 
 new deputation from the States, the Queen prevailed 
 upon him to start for Dover with her by his side. 
 Leicester, Hunsdon, and Howard were to accom- 
 
300 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 pany him, and the Queen told the Prince that if he 
 did not Hke to stay he could come back with the Earl in 
 three weeks, and she would then have decided about 
 the marriage. Sussex took the opportunity of urging 
 Alengon secretly to keep Leicester in Flanders 
 when he arrived, but he was powerless to do any- 
 thing, for the money, except 20,000 crowns for his 
 expenses, was handed to Hunsdon and Leicester to 
 be laid out for the benefit of the States ; and it was 
 well understood that the French prince was to be a 
 mere figurehead to beguile the Catholic Flemings. 
 Every demonstration the Queen could make was 
 made. She went with him as far as Canterbury^ 
 weeping copiously all the way. On taking leave of 
 him she cast herself about his neck and asked him 
 not to go until they learnt whether there was any 
 danger from the Spaniards at Antwerp as was 
 reported. The Flushing deputation had urged him 
 somewhat roughly to set out ; and she flared up at 
 their disrespect, called them heretical cobblers and 
 tinkers to dare to talk like that to a prince. It was 
 all make-believe of course, though she swore to her 
 own ministers that she would not live an hour but for 
 the hope of her lover's prompt return, for she was 
 determined to marry him in spite of everything. ' 
 
 She gave him a personal present of ;^2S,ooo 
 when she left him, and told him that a wound on 
 his little finger would pierce her heart. Amongst 
 all these blandishments the real object appears when 
 we learn that she urged him above all things to 
 obtain help from his brother. If she could only 
 bring France and Spain to loggerheads she would 
 be safe. Leicester, by means of Hatton, tried at 
 ' Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. iii. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 301 
 
 the last moment to shirk the voyage, but the Queen 
 threatened them both with all sorts of penalties if 
 such disrespect were "shown to the person she 
 loved best in the world," but the real reason why 
 she was so anxious for Leicester to go was that he 
 bore secret instructions to Orange to detain Alengon 
 in Holland at any cost, and never let him come back 
 to England, notwithstanding that the Queen had 
 given him her word at parting that if he would only 
 return to her in six weeks she would marry him on 
 the conditions that Pinart had propounded. The 
 scales, however, were gradually falling from the 
 Prince's eyes, for before he went Marchaumont, who 
 stayed in England, was instructed to make ap- 
 proaches for his marriage with the wealthy daughter 
 of the Duke of Florence. 
 
CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 Arrival of Alenpon in the Netherlands — His investure as Duke 
 of Brabant — Leicester's suspicion and intrigues — Alen- 
 5on's ceaseless demands for money — Henry III. refuses 
 aid to his brother — the Queen's attempts to revive the 
 marriage negotiations — Universal distrust of her — At- 
 tempted assassination of William of Orange — Danger of 
 Alenfon — Elizabeth's fear of a French and Spanish 
 understanding — ^To prevent it she again declares she will 
 marry Alen9on — Her renewed efforts to pledge the King 
 of Frg.nce before the marriage — She threatens France 
 that she will make friends with Spain unless her terms 
 are granted. 
 
 On February lo, 1582, Alengon's fleet of fifteen ships 
 anchored before Flushing, where the Princes of 
 Orange and Epinay, with the members of the States, 
 were already assembled to welcome the new sove- 
 reign of Brabant. He entered the town in great 
 pomp with William the Silent on one side of him 
 and Leicester on the other, and followed by Huns- 
 don, Willoughby, Philip Sidney, Sir John Norris, 
 who was in command of the English auxiliaries, and 
 many other Englishmen. The bells rang, the guns 
 thundered their welcome, and the crowds acclaimed 
 their new ruler ; but as Orange in his speech to the 
 States clearly indicated, it was not the feeble prince, 
 a Frenchman, and a Catholic, they were greeting so 
 much as the strong Protestant Queen of England, 
 under whose auspices and protection he came. 
 
THE COURTSHIPS OF QUEEN ELIZABETH. 303 
 
 Wherever Frenchmen alone appeared they were 
 looked at askance : at Middleburg the townspeople 
 stoutly refused to admit even their new Duke's 
 French bodyguard until Leicester himself besought 
 them to do so on his guarantee. All the citadels 
 were open to Englishmen, but not a Frenchman, 
 except Alenqon, was allowed to enter them. Alen- 
 qon wrote to Marchaumont almost as soon as he 
 arrived that Orange and Leicester were arranging 
 everything over his head, and he saw clearly that 
 after all he was to play second fiddle. After some 
 delay and misgiving, and a dispute for precedence 
 between Brussels and Antwerp, the already dis- 
 illusioned Prince made his state entry into the latter 
 city, and received the oath of allegiance as Duke of 
 Brabant. Everything that pomp could do was done 
 to invest the ceremony with solemnity. When 
 Orange clasped around the new Duke his ermine- 
 bordered mantle he whispered to him, " I will fasten 
 it firmly, Monseigneur, so that no one shall deprive 
 you of it." Garbed in his ducal panoply he passed 
 through the city on horseback to the palace of St. 
 Michael, sums of money in coins stamped with his 
 effigy were flung to the crowd, and in appearance at 
 least his longing for sovereignty was satisfied. But 
 in appearance alone, for the States and Orange were 
 urged by Leicester never to let the power out of 
 their hands — ^and they never did. 
 
 In the meanwhile Elizabeth in England was still 
 playing her part of the comedy. When she had 
 parted from her lover at Canterbury she prayed him 
 to address her in his letters as his wife, and daily 
 epistles full of lovesick nonsense continued to pass 
 between them. She openly said that she would 
 
304 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 willingly ^ive a million for her dear " frog " to be 
 disporting himself in the clear waters of the Thames 
 rather than in the sluggish ponds of the Netherlands, 
 and again asserted her intention of marrying her 
 suitor if his brother would fulfil his promises. All 
 this made Leicester in Flanders and Hatton in 
 London somewhat distrustful. The former thought 
 that perhaps after all he might be duped, and that 
 Alengon might detain him against his will. The 
 Queen, moreover, iji Hatton's hearing had made 
 some remark about men never knowing how for- 
 tunate they were until fortune had left them, which 
 he applied to Leicester, and sent a special messenger 
 to urge him to return at once. Leicester needed no 
 second bidding. The very day after the investure of 
 Alen^on he suddenly left Antwerp at dinner-time 
 and hastened to England. He arrived in London 
 on the 26th of February in high glee, boasting of 
 the good service he had done in leaving the Queen's 
 troublesome suitor stuck fast in the bogs, like a 
 wrecked hulk, deserted by wind and tide. The 
 oath of allegiance, he said, was only a farce, and 
 Alen9on a laughing-stock. Pasquins and insulting 
 placards had been fixed to his chamber-door on the 
 very first day of his stay in Antwerp ; the Queen of 
 England, and she alone, was now arbitratress of the 
 peace of Europe. This was pleasant talk for Eliza- 
 beth, but was soon conveyed to Marchaumont, who 
 made a formal complaint to the Queen of Leicester's 
 words. For this reason or from fear of Spain, she 
 had a great wrangle with Leicester the next night. 
 She had never meant to sanction the formal inves- 
 ture, she said, and had not been informed of it 
 Leicester, for his own ostentation, had implied by his 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 305 
 
 presence at the ceremony her authority for it, and 
 had drawn her into an act of open hostility to the 
 King of Spain. He was a knave and a traitor, she 
 said, and much else of the same sort. It was all 
 a planned thing between him and that tyrannical 
 Orange, so that the latter might have his own way 
 in all things. She then turned on Walsingham, and 
 called him a scamp for persuading Alen9on to go 
 to the Netherlands at all. Probably all this extra- 
 ordinary talk, and the Queen and Cecil's sudden 
 attempt to gain the goodwill and friendship of Spain, 
 were caused by the intelligence sent by her ambas- 
 sador, Cobham, in France, that the King had stoutly 
 refused to countenance his brother's attempt, and 
 had declared traitors all those who helped him. 
 Henry's hand was then not to be forced, and after 
 all she might find herself alone face to face with all 
 the Catholic powers united. The fear of this always 
 brought her to her knees, and she insisted upon 
 Cecil's leaving a sick bed to come and advise her 
 what to do. He urged her emphatically either to 
 marry Alengon at once or make terms with the King 
 of Spain, as things had now come to a crisis which 
 could not be prolonged. She was peevish and 
 quarrelsome w(ith all about her, and perplexed to 
 the last degree. Cecil urged her one way, Wal- 
 singham another, and Sussex a third. Alen^on 
 was clamouring through Marchaumont for money, 
 more money, for not a penny could he get else- 
 where. His new subjects were bitterly distrustful 
 of him, and hated his Frenchmen almost as much 
 as they did their Spanish oppressors ; and the poor 
 Queen had nearly come to the end of her clever ser- 
 pentine devices. First she decided to write, pressing 
 
 21 
 
3o6 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 Alengon to come over at once and marry her — any- 
 thing to relieve herself of the sole and open respon- 
 sibility of the war — she solemnly swore to Castelnau 
 that this time she was in earnest, and would really 
 marry the Prince if he came. But Castelnau was 
 incredulous and irresponsive, Walsingham and 
 Leicester were inimical, and it is very doubtful 
 whether the letter to Alenqon was really sent. 
 Certain it is that the Queen wrote a letter with her 
 own hand, and handed it the same day (March 5th) 
 to Marchaumont to send to Alengon, urging him 
 not to trust the Flemish mob overmuch, or to 
 venture further in the business than the support he 
 was sure of would warrant. As his brother would 
 not help him he must not expect her to quarrel with 
 the King of Spain alone. She thus coolly left him 
 in the lurch. The very day after this letter left, 
 one of Pinart's secretaries brought important letters 
 from the King of France, his mother, and from 
 Cobham to the Queen, which once more entirely 
 changed the aspect of affairs. The King assured 
 her that under no circumstances would he help his 
 brother or break with Spain, whilst Cobham 
 detailed a long conversation he had had with the 
 King, in which the latter had expressed the greatest 
 anger and indignation at the way in which a vain 
 and fickle woman had befooled a prince of the blood 
 royal of France for her own hands. Thank God ! he 
 said, he was not such a fool as his brother, and if 
 the latter had only listened to him he would have 
 safely and surely raised him to a better place than the 
 Queen of England could do. In vain Cobham had 
 sought to mollify the King. The Queen might try 
 her cleverness upon others, said Henry, but if she 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 307 
 
 was not straightforward with him she should suffer 
 for it. He had already conceded too much to her, 
 and would go no further. In future all responsibility- 
 must rest on the Queen of England. Elizabeth did 
 not wait even to consult the Council, but at once sent 
 a special courier to Cobham, ordering him to assure 
 the King that there was nothing she desired more 
 than to marry if he would fulfil the conditions. 
 Then she summoned Sussex, and told him to 
 arrange with Marchaumont to renew the arrange- 
 ments for the marriage. But Sussex was sick of the 
 whole business ; he felt he was a mere catspaw, and 
 yet he was being blamed by all parties ; so he 
 declined to interfere, on the ground that the Queen 
 had so often expressed her natural repugnance to 
 marriage that he was sure she would never bring 
 herself to it, and she had better try to excuse 
 the slights she had offered to the French royal 
 house than commence a new series of them. 
 Besides, he said, however fit Alen^on might be 
 personally, his present position in the Netherlands 
 made it most dangerous for her to marry him now, 
 as it might bring her country face to face with 
 Spain. He should not be doing his duty, said 
 Sussex, did he not advise her, if she decided to 
 marry the Duke, only to do so in case he left the 
 Netherlands and surrendered the title of Duke of 
 Brabant. She assured Sussex in reply that if she 
 did marry she would make the Duke abandon the 
 Netherlands enterprise. She then went to visit Cecil, 
 who was ill with gout, and told him she had over- 
 come her last scruple, and had decided to marry ; 
 but he was just as cool as Sussex, and would have 
 nothing to do with it, and warned her to take care 
 
3o8 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 what she was about, or ill would come of it. 
 Marchaumont was next taken in hand, and told by 
 the Queen that at last she had decided to marry 
 in real earnest. She urged him to persuade his 
 master on this assurance, to retire from the Nether- 
 lands until she had arranged with his brother to 
 break with Spain jointly with her. Marchaumont 
 had long been begging for money, and seized the 
 opportunity of suggesting that he should himself go 
 to Flanders and bring Alengon round to her views, 
 taking with him the gold she had promised him 
 from Drake's plunder. The Council would not 
 consent to Marchaumont's going, but they sent the 
 ^15,000 with the letter the next night. This was 
 early in March, 1582, and on the i8th of the same 
 month Alen9on was giving an entertainment to 
 celebrate his birthday at the palace of St. Michael, 
 in Antwerp, when a young Biscayner discharged 
 a pistol in the face of the Prince of Orange and 
 wounded him in a way that kept him hovering 
 between life and death for weeks to come. At the 
 first news of the treacherous shot at the national 
 hero, the hatred of the stout Dutchmen for the 
 French flared out. It ran like wildfire from town to 
 town that this was another plot of the false brood 
 of Valois and Medici, and for a day Alengon's own 
 life was in danger. But for the courage and 
 presence of mind of Orange himself in his own 
 apparently mortal strait every Frenchman in 
 Flanders would probably have been massacred, and 
 Alengon amongst them. The moment the Queen 
 of England heard the news all the ports were 
 closed, and one of her Gentlemen of the Chamber 
 was instructed to hasten to Antwerp and tell 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH, 309 
 
 Alengon to leave the States instantly. When Wal- 
 singham learnt this he solemnly warned his mistress 
 to take care what she did. If Alen^on came again 
 she must marry him or bring all Catholic Chris- 
 tendom against her. She therefore, but very 
 unwillingly, took another course — namely, to send 
 for Castelnau, the French ambassador, and assure 
 him on her word of honour as a Queen that she 
 would marry Alengon. This and other things she 
 desired that he would convey to the King officially ; 
 but really the trick was getting too stale. Castelnau 
 replied that she had at various times made him 
 write so many things which she had no intention of 
 fulfilling that he must decline to do so any more. 
 After much persuasion, however, he consented to 
 write, although he made no secret of his derision of 
 the whole affair. 
 
 If Mendoza is to be believed, the Queen was 
 playing a doubly false game on the present occasion. 
 She was trying to prevent the King of France from 
 joining a, coalition against her by again professing 
 willingness to become his sister-in-law, she was 
 beguiling Alenqon with renewed ideas of marriage 
 and help, to prevent him in his despair from making 
 terms with Parma, she was sending messages urging 
 him to retire from the Netherlands for his safety's 
 sake in order to relieve herself of the responsibility 
 of helping him, whilst, by the very same messenger, 
 she was instructing Orange and the Protestants on 
 no account to let him go, so that she might not be 
 plagued again by his appearance in England as a 
 pressing suitor. All through March and April news 
 continued to arrive of the Prince of Orange's 
 desperate condition. For days he was only kept 
 
310 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 alive by the repression of the severed artery by 
 the fingers of relays of attendants night and day. 
 Several times apparently well-founded intelligence 
 came of his death, and Elizabeth and her councillors 
 had to consider the new aspect of affairs which such 
 an event would produce. Leicester, Hatton, and 
 Walsingham were in favour of the Queen herself 
 taking the protectorate of the Netherlands, as she 
 could then, if necessary, make better terms with 
 Spain ; whilst if Alengon and the French once got 
 their grip on the country it would be ruinous to 
 England. Sussex and Cecil, 'on the other hand, 
 were for making an arrangement with Spain at 
 once. When they submitted their diverse opinions 
 to the Queen she angrily complained that the 
 death of a single person made alPher councillors 
 tremble and deprived her subjects of their courage. 
 But she took her own tortuous course whatever her 
 councillors' opinions might be. First she publicly 
 declared on every occasion her fixed intention of 
 marrying AleuQon ; then she sent for Sussex and 
 begged him to write to the Duke that when he 
 had made terms with Spain or had otherwise 
 arranged to relieve her of the need for contributing 
 to the war, she would marry him at once ; and to 
 this she would pledge her word as a Queen and 
 her oath as a Christian. But Sussex refused this 
 time to be the instrument for still further injuring 
 her reputation, as he said. He had innocently done 
 so before, but he knew that marriage was repugnailt 
 to her, and he would have no more to do with it.' 
 Finding that Sussex was obdurate, the Queen, not 
 to be baulked, sent her message by a gentleman 
 • Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. iii. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 311 
 
 of AlenQon's named Pruneaux, who was then in 
 London. 
 
 The reason for this was that in case the amicable 
 settlement she feared was arrived at by Alen^on and 
 his brother after Orange's death, she should not be 
 left out of the arrangement, which she certainly 
 would not be if Alengon still hoped to be accepted 
 as her husband. She was indeed in greater fear of 
 the French now than ever; Henry III. had become 
 more and more complaisant with his brother as the 
 danger of Orange increased, and notwithstanding 
 all her diplomacy she could not extract even the 
 smallest conditional promise to break with Spain, 
 even, as she put it, as a matter of form. The 
 coast of Flanders and Holland in the hands of the 
 French would mean ruin to England, and, as usual, 
 she railed at Walsingham for his innocent share in 
 promoting Alengon's going thither. " You knave ! " 
 she greeted him with one day, " you ought to have 
 your head off your shoulders for persuading the 
 Duke to go to Antwerp. He is trying now to get 
 hold of the ports, but they will see whether I will 
 put up with that coolly ; " whereupon the secretary 
 answered not a word. She wrote again to Alen9on, 
 telling him she would marry him if he came, and 
 would not stand in the way of his Netherlands plans 
 if she were not expected to contribute to the cost ; 
 but if he continued the war without marrying her 
 she would be his mortal foe and would expend her 
 last man and her last shot in preventing him from 
 obtaining uncontrolled possession of the Nether- 
 lands. The ;^ 1 5,000 she had sent him, she said, 
 was a mark of affection rather than a subsidy for 
 the war, and indeed at this time — the end of April, 
 
312 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 1582 — it is clear that her most pressing fear was 
 lest the death of Orange should allow the French to 
 obtain the control of the country over her head, to 
 make their own terms with Philip, and leave her 
 and the Protestants in the lurch. She left no effort 
 untried to persuade the French that she really would 
 marry Alengon, but Castelnau, as well as his 
 master and the Queen-mother, were not very 
 credulous by this tirne, and were inclined rather to 
 make a joke of her newly-revived ardour. On one 
 occasion when she was setting forth in detail to 
 Castelnau the various reasons which she said made 
 her marriage with Alen§on now necessary, he told 
 her that she had forgotten the most important 
 reason of all, namely, that people were saying that 
 she had already given him the privileges of a 
 husband. This was expressed in words that would 
 in our day be considered unpardonably coarse and 
 insulting if applied to the humblest woman, but the 
 Queen only answered that she would soon stop the 
 rumour. The ambassador told her that she might 
 perhaps do so in her own realm, but it would be 
 impossible in other countries where it was public 
 talk. Excited and angi^y at this the Queen ex- 
 claimed that her conscience was clear and innocent, 
 and she therefore feared nothing ; she would stifle 
 such calumnies everywhere by her marriage.^ 
 
 Very anxiously she awaited the replies from the 
 King and Alen9on to her new approaches. After 
 some delay the former very coolly sent word that 
 he could go ho further than the terms which had 
 been conveyed by Pinart ; but day after day passed 
 without the arrival of and answer from Alen9on, and 
 • Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. iii. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 313 
 
 the Queen, in the interim, hardly sought to hide her 
 trepidation from her councillors, especially from 
 Sussex. In the meanwhile Leicester and his friends 
 were busy again stirring up Protestant fears against 
 the match, and Cecil and Sussex were urging an ar- 
 rangement with Spain. At last, on the 2nd of May, 
 Bacqueville arrived with a letter from Alengon to 
 the Queen full of extravagant professions of love 
 and rejoicing. He had, he said, ceased to mention 
 the marriage for the last two months as he had 
 despaired of it, she having told him herself that the 
 mountains would move ere she would willingly wed. 
 Now, however, that she had changed her mind, he 
 would not trust to letters, but would himself take 
 flight like a swallow and nest in England. This 
 was his final resolution, and he entreated her to send 
 him word immediately when he might come and 
 consummate his joy. This letter plunged the Queen 
 once more in the midst of the intrigue, and she 
 confidently resumed her masterly handling of the 
 tangled skein. She openly expressed her pleasure 
 at her approaching union, she scolded poor Walsing- 
 ham as if he were a pickpocket, because, she said, 
 he had caused dissension between her and her lover, 
 and then she sent for Castelnau and Marchaumont. 
 She conveyed to them Alengon's determination to 
 come, and swore solemnly that since she had given 
 him the ring she had never wavered for a moment 
 in her intention of becoming Alen^on's wife, if the 
 King of France would fulfil the conditions. Having 
 thus demonstrated her sincerity with regard to the 
 marriage itself, her next move was to dissociate 
 herself from Alengon's prospect in the Netherlands. 
 She turned upon Marchaumont like a fury, told him 
 
314 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 he was a sordid, venal fellow who had never ceased 
 to importune her for money since her master 
 left, as if they both of them only cared for her to 
 administer to his ambition, and his only object was 
 to torment the old woman until they had drgiined 
 her purse.' She then formally requested the am- 
 bassador to inform the King — first, that Alen9on was 
 coming to marry her as soon as word was sent to 
 him ; second, that she herself was of the same mind ; 
 and third, that the final word now rested with the 
 King. She had demanded that he should defray 
 half of the expenses of the war in the Netherlands, 
 not because she desired war with Spain — quite the 
 contrary. She desired universal peace and good- 
 will, but as Alengon, for his own ends, had entered 
 into the affair she did not want her subjects to say 
 that she had broken their long peace and prosperity 
 and wasted their treasure for the sake of marriage ; 
 and she therefore wished the King to promise to 
 defray half the cost of the war before the marriage. 
 It was of the utmost importance, she repeated, that 
 the King should hand the money over before the 
 ceremony, and she did not see how she could marry 
 unless he did so. She urged the ambassador to 
 impress upon the King how very straightforwardly 
 she had acted in the matter, and to request him to 
 send a person of sufficiently high rank fully em- 
 powered to settle ; and she would then summon 
 Alen9on and marry him without further ado. Cas- 
 telnau demurred at this. She had deceived him, he 
 said, so often, that his master had reproved him for 
 his credulity. How could he believe her word, he 
 asked. "These are not words alone," replied the 
 « Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. iii. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 3^5 
 
 Queen, " these are the solemn oaths of a Queen 
 and a Christian wonian," and she called God's 
 vengeance down upon herself if she broke them. 
 Then she began to hector. If the King did not 
 accede to so reasonable a demand, she said, she 
 would know that he had been tricking her all along, 
 and she would be his and his brother's mortal foe 
 for life. Her last man and her last penny should 
 be sacrificed, she swore, before she would permit 
 the French to gain a footing in the Netherlands. 
 She had plenty of powerful friends, the King of 
 Spain was seeking her, and if the King of France 
 did not make haste and consent to her terms, she 
 should consider his action as a negative, and imme- 
 diately throw him over and join the King of Spain. • 
 
 « Spanish Calendar (Elizabeth), vol. iii. 
 
CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Elizabeth temporises with Alenpon pending the King's reply 
 — ^Alen9on's joy at the false news of his brother's yielding 
 — EUzabeth throws upon Henry III. the blame for the 
 failure of the match — Fall of Oudenarde — Alenpon's 
 ultimatum to Elizabeth — Salcedo's plot — Henry HI. more 
 pliable — Alenpon again hopeful — New exigencies of 
 Elizabeth — She again declares she will marry Alenpon — 
 Is generally disbelieved — La Mothe's interview with her 
 — Alenpon's treacherous attempt to seize., the garrisons — 
 Elizabeth's jealousy of the French in the Netherlands — 
 Alenpon's flight to Vilvorde and Dunkirk — His flight 
 to Calais — His interview with his mother — Reconciliation 
 with Henry III. — Preparations for a new expedition- 
 Elizabeth offers her co-operation too late — Death of 
 Alenpon — Disappearance of the last serious suitor for 
 Elizabeth's hand and end of the negotiations for her 
 marriage. 
 
 The Queen's bold game of brag succeeded. Cas- 
 telnau wrote to his King urging him to give 
 way and not to drive Elizabeth into the arms of 
 Spain on the one hand or of the Huguenots on 
 the other. 
 
 On the same day, May 4, 1582, the Queen wrote 
 from Greenwich to Alen9on a reply full of vague 
 professions of affection, and with not a word about 
 his coming to marry her. God knows it is not her 
 fault ! She is ready, as she always was, to carry out 
 
 the contract " according to my last promise on the 
 
 316 
 
THE COURTSHIPS OF QUEEN ELIZABETH. 317 
 
 conditions, which you alone know — very difficult ones 
 I confess." " It is entirely the King's fault. She is 
 thoroughly ashamed of writing to him so often about 
 it. He (Henry) only repeats that he can go no further 
 than the conditions sent by Pinart. " Jugez sur ce, 
 mon tres cher, que puis je plus faire ? Considerez 
 mon tres cher ... si tout I'univers ne s'ebahist com- 
 ment la reine d'Angleterre ayt tant oh\i6 1'Angleterre 
 pour amener nouveaux voisins sur le continent prez 
 de son pais . . . et puis voyez si de ma part je n'ay 
 rien hazard^ pour vous ; m'estant I'amour de ma 
 nation plus cher que la vie," ^ and so on, but not a 
 word to cause him to come to England. Almost 
 at the same time as he received this letter false 
 news came to Alen^on from his sister Margaret that 
 the King had consented to the whole of Elizabeth's 
 demands. He was almost beside himself for joy ; 
 a letter, which is now at Hatfield,3 was instantly 
 sent off to the Queen, containing the most exuberant 
 expressions of pleasure and relief. There never was 
 happiness equal to his, which he can conceal no 
 longer. He has no further care now than to order 
 the clothes and everything necessary for the nuptials. 
 But she must more than ever fulfil her promise to 
 him, for now that he is to be her husband she would 
 not like to see him perish for want of assistance so 
 solemnly promised by her. " I have been sorry 
 hitherto," he says, " to importune you so much, 
 being uncertain of the King's intentions ; but now 
 ths-t I am sure of sleeping in the great bed and 
 being your husband, I claim, as the fulfilment of the 
 treaty between us, the payment of the whole sum of 
 money you were good enough to promise me at your 
 « Hatfield Papers, part 3. « Ibid. 3 Ibid. 
 
3i8 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 own instance." He begs her to send her proxy over 
 for the marriage contract, and he will authorise Cas- 
 telnau to enter into the engagement in his name ; 
 and concludes, " Adieu ma femme par immagination 
 que jespere sera bientost par effet. Celuy qui brulle 
 de dessir. Fran9oys." But a few days afterwards he 
 was informed that his sister's news was untrue, and 
 wrote in heartbroken strain to the Queen : " Quand 
 je pense les affayres du mariage en bon aytre je 
 suys gai, et quand je connois le contrere la mort nest 
 plus hideuze que moy." From the happy assurance 
 that he would soon be her husband he has now 
 become " froit et transi de tristesse " because of the 
 doubt she casts on the King's surety. " Mon Dieu, 
 Madame," he writes, "en quoi esse que je vous ay 
 est^ si desagreeable pour ne pouvoir tirer nuUe reso- 
 lution de vostre Majestd ? " ' Before this letter was 
 received by the Queen she had anticipated its con- 
 tents, and wrote a very long communication to her 
 suitor, casting great doubt upon Queen Margaret's 
 news. The delay, she said, was entirely owing to 
 the King of France. She, Heavens knows! had done 
 enough, even to the verge of impropriety. " Et 
 pense que le Roy pour telle me reputera, que je suis 
 la rdcherchante, qui sera tousjour une belle reputa- 
 tion pour une femme." But she still ke|tf tight hold 
 of the money and did not send him the aid he so 
 confidently requested. She was, she said, a poor 
 hand at financial affairs and had but little love for 
 playing the economist. She was, fain, therefore, 
 to leave money matters in the hands of those who 
 understood them better than she did, and the answer 
 would be given to Marchaumont. This meant that 
 » Hatfield Papers, part 3. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 319 
 
 she would send him no money until the position of 
 his brother was made clear, but she reminds him 
 that she has risked much already for him, and that 
 England has nothing to gain by the marriage and 
 very much to lose if the French should become 
 masters of Flanders. ^ This letter was cool enough 
 and contrasts greatly with a short note written by 
 Alengon the next day — May 25th — brought by one 
 of the English courtiers who was returning. He 
 winds up this note by bidding her farewell : " avec- 
 que autant dafection que je me souhet vostre mari 
 couch^ entre deus dras dedans vos beaus bras." 
 
 The fear that the French might after all dominate 
 the Netherlands or make terms with Spain, was 
 not only tightening her purse-strings but had led 
 her to consider an entirely new combination of the 
 European powers, by which the North was brought 
 in to redress the balance of the South. Eric of 
 Sweden had a fair daughter of fourteen, whom it 
 was proposed to marry to Alen^on : a confederacy 
 between England, Scotland, Sweden, Norway, 
 Denmark, Russia, and Poland being formed ; the 
 reversion of the elective crown of Poland being 
 secured to Eric, and a northern fleet being placed 
 at Alenqon's disposal to oppose any naval attack 
 upon him by Spain. Alen9on and his mother, it was 
 understood, were not indisposed to listen to this 
 arrangement, but the countries were distant, their 
 interests not identical, and whilst the negotiations 
 were slowly dragging, events outstripped them and 
 rendered them nugatory. 
 
 Oudenarde fell early in July, and Alengon imme- 
 diately afterwards sent an ultimatum to Elizabeth. 
 » Hatfield Papers, part 3. 
 
320 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 He was at the end of his resources. If she did not 
 at once send him the money she had promised he 
 must abandon his task, and Spain would crush 
 Flanders for good and for all under the heel ot 
 Alexander Farnese. The time had gone by for 
 high-strained compliments and billing and cooing, 
 and Alengon, in his letter to the Queen, says his 
 mind is too full of war to talk about marriage, and 
 he must leave Antwerp and await her answer else- 
 where. Leicester and his friends feared he might 
 go to Flushing, and thence run over to England, 
 and were consequently anxious to send him ;^20,ooo 
 at once. Cecil was strongly opposed to this, as at 
 the end of July there was in the Exchequer less 
 than ;^8o,ooo, which, with the ;^400,ooo in gold in 
 the Tower, formed the whole of the national trea- 
 sury. Whilst this was being discussed there came 
 news of the discovery of the Salcedo plot, said to 
 have been prompted by Spain, the Pope, and the 
 Guises, to assassinate AlenQon and the Prince of 
 Orange. The avowals made by Salcedo on the 
 rack satisfied even Henry HI. that a vast Catholic 
 conspiracy was in progress, from which he was 
 excluded, and this once more drew him nearer to 
 Elizabeth, and he instructed his a,mbassador to 
 assure her that he would accede to the conditions 
 she demanded as soon as she had decided upon the 
 marriage. Her answer was that since the King 
 consented to defray the cost of the war she must 
 have it under his own hand, with an undertaking 
 that England under no circumstances should be 
 called upon to contribute anything in case of a war 
 with Spain. The King's readiness to accede to 
 every demand of Elizabeth was of itself a source of 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 321 
 
 suspicion to her, and was by many attributed to a 
 deep Papist plot to throw the whole responsibility 
 for breaking off the marriage upon her, and so turn 
 Alengon against her. To a certain extent it had 
 this effect, for although Alengon's letters to the 
 Queen herself were a mixture of erotics and re- 
 proaches, his communications to Sussex were in a 
 different tone. The Queen, he said, was the cause 
 of his ruin, and if she will not at once come to his 
 aid or marry him he must join her enemies, and she 
 will have no cause to complain. Lierre had just been 
 captured by the Spaniards, and all Alengon's prayers 
 for money were ineffectual. A new turn of the 
 screw was applied to the King of France by Eliza- 
 beth nearly every day. The last demand was that 
 he was to defend her not against Spain alone, but 
 against all her enemies whatsoever, and that an 
 undertaking to this effect, stamped with the great 
 seal of France, was to be sent to her — anything, 
 indeed, to drag France into open enmity with 
 Spain before she showed her hand. Events seemed 
 to be working for her. Henry III. was already 
 jealous of the Guises, his mother's fleet to aid the 
 Portuguese pretender at Terceira against Philip 
 had been destroyed, and Catharine was vowing 
 vengeance, so that Henry was pliable. 
 
 Alenqon, writing to the Queen early in August, 
 " thanks God that his brother has at last sent the 
 despatch she asked for, and assures himself now 
 that, having, as all well-bred ladies must, caused her- 
 self to be sought, she will readily fulfil her promise 
 and receive him as her husband ; me fezant jouir du 
 fruit et contantement du mariage a quoy je me pre- 
 pare, fezant peu decquesersise (d'exercise) me nouri- 
 
 22 
 
322 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 sant si bien que je masure que en resceveres plus 
 de contantement que d'autre qui soit sur la terre." 
 But withal he entreats her again and again for 
 money. He is not, he says, a mercenary soldier, 
 but his honour is at stake, and he cannot obtain a 
 penny elsewhere. The answer to this was a re- 
 mittance of ;^ 2 0,000 and a fresh body of English 
 auxiliaries, but no fresh word about marriage, the 
 main line of policy now inaugurated being that which 
 was subsequently followed, namely, to nullify the 
 presence of Frenchmen in Flanders by the sending 
 of larger numbers of English volunteers. Catha- 
 rine de Medici also began to move in order to have 
 her revenge on Spain for her Terceira defeat, and 
 both men and money began to flow over the French 
 frontier to Alengon. At the same time the formal 
 document, signed and sealed by the King, was read 
 by Castelnau to Elizabeth. In it Henry bound him- 
 self to relieve the Queen of all expense of the war if 
 she married Alengon, but would not bind himself to 
 break openly with Spain. Castelnau had instruc- 
 tions in case the Queen were not satisfied with this 
 to drop the fruitless marriage negotiations, and 
 frankly propose an offensive and defensive alliance 
 between the two countries. The Guises were 
 openly discontented, and Paris swarmed with their 
 men-at-arms. It was clear to Henry and his mother 
 that they must cling to England and the Protestants, 
 or the house of Valois was doomed, and France 
 must become subservient to Spain and the bigots. 
 So, marriage or no marriage, Elizabeth must be 
 conciliated. 
 
 The task was not an easy one, for she knew the 
 position as well as anybody, and was hard to please. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 323 
 
 She was dissatisfied with the formal undertaking, 
 which was read to her, and demanded that the 
 King should add a personally binding confirmation 
 in his own handwriting ; but this he reftised to do. 
 When the Queen again talked about marrying 
 Alengon immediately, if certain new conditions were 
 granted, Castelnau besought her to speak frankly 
 and state her final terms, so that, in any case, a firm 
 national alliance might be arranged. She affected 
 to fly into a passion at this, and said she was not 
 such a simpleton as to trust Frenchmen if she did 
 not marry Alen9on. She then broke into strong 
 language, as was her wont, and called curses down 
 upon her own head if she did not instantly marry 
 the Prince after the King granted her demands. 
 Calling Cecil as witness to her words, she renewed 
 her vows, swearing like a trooper, until, as Castel- 
 nau says, it made his blood run cold, and Cecil 
 himself whispered to Lady Stafford as he left the 
 chamber that if the Queen did not fulfil her word 
 this time God would surely send her to hell for such 
 blasphemy, ' 
 
 The French, however, strongly backed up by 
 Leicester, were now all for a national alliance, 
 having lost belief in a marriage ; the Queen for 
 her part stoutly maintaining that one thing was im- 
 possible without the other ; and when Cobham, early 
 in December, approached the King with regard to 
 the new conditions demanded, he was made clearly to 
 understand that there was no belief whatever in the 
 Queen's sincerity, and that her object was what we 
 now know it to have been, namely, to pledge France 
 
 ' Spanish Calendar, vol. iii., Mendoza to the King, Novem- 
 ber IS, 1582. 
 
324 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 to a war with Spain, whilst her own hands were 
 free. The " monk " Marchaumont, too, was equally 
 undeceived and sick of the whole affair ; blamed by 
 Alengon for his ill-success, and ceaselessly begging 
 for his recall. Indeed, by this time there was not a 
 soul who believed any more in the marriage nego- 
 tiations, and Elizabeth began to grow angry that 
 the trusty weapon which had served her well for so 
 many years had lost its point. So when La Mothe 
 Fdndlon, on his way to Scotland, spoke to her about 
 the relations between France and England, she 
 gave him a piece of her mind. She told him that, 
 notwithstanding all his professions, the King of 
 France was the worst enemy she had. The 
 Dauphin and Marshal de Biron, she said, although 
 on the frontier of Flanders with troops, had tarried 
 long there, and had refused to go to the aid of the 
 States ; besides which France, Spain, and the Pope, 
 were all intriguing against her in Scotland and else- 
 where ; and the King was making friends with the 
 Guises again. Having thus tried to alarm La 
 Mothe, a desperate attempt was made once more to 
 drag up the marriage. Walsingham assured him 
 that the Queen really was in earnest, and a sug- 
 gestion was made that if the King of France would 
 break with Spain and help Alen^on, the Queen 
 would declare the latter heir to the English crown. 
 As all this was obviously only to delay La Mothe, 
 and after some days the Queen was peremptorily 
 told that if she did not allow him to proceed at 
 once to Scotland, he would return to France, and 
 another ambassador would be sent by sea. She 
 was very angry, and came to high words with 
 La Mothe, threatening Mary Stuart, in whose 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH, 325 
 
 behalf she said she knew all these plots were being 
 carried on. But as La Mothe was leaving she gave 
 him a last message for the King about the marriage, 
 saying that if she were exonerated from expense 
 in the Flemish war, and a regular dotation was 
 given to AlenQon, she would marry him. La Mothe 
 replied that they had no longer the slightest belief 
 in her sincerity, either about the marriage or the 
 Netherlands, and the King was not much concerned 
 on those points ; but if she sent a single man into 
 Scotland, or interfered there in any way, he would 
 send four times as many, and take the matter up 
 strongly. He softened this somewhat by saying 
 that, although the King would not openly make 
 war upon Spain, the Queen-mother would do so ; 
 but all this fencing ended in talk alone, and La 
 Mothe proceeded on his way to Scotland, leaving 
 matters in their former condition. 
 
 In the meanwhile Alengon's position was getting 
 more and more unpleasant. He had succeeded in 
 alienating his Protestant subjects, the backbone of 
 resistance to Spain ; Orange was disgusted with and 
 tired of him, and was praying Elizabeth and her 
 councillors to have him back in England, or any- 
 thing to rid him. Orange, of a profitless burden. 
 The Dutchmen hated the French more than ever, 
 and Alen9on himself was chafing in impotent fury 
 at his lack of means, his failure, and the undignified 
 figure he cut before the world. By the aid of his 
 mother, a number of Frenchmen flocked over the 
 frontier during the winter of 1582-3, and at length 
 Marshal de Biron himself joined the Prince, and 
 the plot that had long been hatching was attempted. 
 This was nothing less than by a coup-de-main to 
 
326 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 seize and garrison all the strong places in Flanders 
 with Frenchmen. If this succeeded, Alen9on might 
 demand his own terms, either from Philip or Eliza- 
 beth, and the combined attempt was made on the 
 1 6th of January, 1583. Alengon himself took charge 
 of the affair at Antwerp, wherein one thousand 
 additional Frenchmen had secretly entered. This 
 being noticed by the burghers aroused suspicion, 
 and certain despatches from Alen9on to Marchau- 
 mont in England having been intercepted and read 
 by Orange, the latter gave timely warning to the 
 Antwerpers. A large body of Frenchmen arrived 
 suddenly before the town, and an excuse was made 
 that Alengon was to review them outside the 
 Burgerhout gate. As he sallied from the gate 
 of the town with his Swiss and French Guard 
 of four hundred men, he was joined by three 
 hundred French horsemen, and turning towards 
 the gate he cried to his countrymen, " Courage, 
 comrades, Antwerp is yours ! " This was the 
 signal, and the Flemings at the gate were mas- 
 sacred. The slight resistance overcome, the 
 main force of the French, with banners flying, 
 entered the town with cries of " The Duke and the 
 mass 1 " The burghers, unaware at first what the 
 tumult meant, were taken by surprise, and sought 
 refuge in their houses. But soon pillage and 
 murder began to remind them of the " Spanish 
 fury " of six years before. AlenQon and Biron, 
 however, were very different men from Sancho de 
 Avila and Julian Romero ; and the stout Antwerpers 
 turned upon their false friends, blocked the streets, 
 mustered their companies, and fought like the 
 heroes they were in defence of their homes. Fire- 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 327 
 
 eating Fervaques was taken prisoner, as were du 
 Fargis, le Rieux, and Bodin. B iron's son, the 
 nephew of Cardinal Rambouillet, the Duke of St. 
 Aignan, and his son, and two hundred and fifty- 
 other gentlemen were killed ; the French loss 
 altogether reaching two thousand men, one-half 
 of their entire force, whilst the burghers lost 
 only about one hundred. Alen9on, from afar, 
 outside the town, watched with sinking heart the 
 failure of his treachery, and when he saw that all 
 was lost, fled with difficulty, by the swollen rivers 
 hotly pursued until he arrived at Vilvorde, where 
 the French had succeeded in gaining the upper 
 hand, as they also had at Ostend, Dixmunde, Alost, 
 and Dunkirk, whilst they had failed at Antwerp, 
 Ghent and Bruges. 
 
 The news came to England confusedly and in 
 fragments at first, and the Queen was inclined to 
 bring her suitor over to England for safety ; but 
 when full accounts came from the Prince of Orange, 
 and the treason was thoroughly understood, all 
 England growled at the falseness of Frenchmen in 
 general and Alengon in particular. Orange sought 
 to fasten some of the responsibility upon Elizabeth, 
 because, in answer to all remonstrances as to his 
 action and the increased number of Frenchmen with 
 him, Alenqon had invariably said that he was there 
 as the Queen of England's lieutenant, and was 
 acting with her full connivance. She was, more- 
 over, he said, already his wife before God and man, 
 and on this plea had obtained large sums of money 
 from her adherents for his own purposes. Orange 
 was strongly of opinion that Alengon was acting in 
 concert with the Spaniards, with the ultimate object 
 
328 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 of avenging himself upon the English Queen ; and 
 entreated her to help the States in the trouble that 
 had befallen them mainly through their attachment 
 to her, which had led them to trust Alen^on. On 
 the other hand, Marchaumont tried his best to stem 
 the torrent that was setting in against his master, 
 and to persuade the Queen that he was forced to 
 take the step he did ; and Elizabeth, who could not 
 yet entirely turn against him, sent Captain the 
 Honourable John Russell to inquire into the real 
 facts of the case, and, if necessary, to offer Alen9on 
 a refuge in England. But the Prince's power, such 
 as it was, had fled, and with it his spirit and his 
 health. Biron kept command of the French garri- 
 sons in the conquered towns, whilst Alengon 
 wandered from Vilvorde to Dendremond and thence 
 to Dunkirk, disavowed by his brother, and cursed 
 even by his mother for his perversity. 
 
 Whilst Alen^on was at Dendremond, in March, 
 the Queen made an attempt through Darcy, whom 
 she sent, to patch up a reconciliation between him 
 and the States. She made an elaborate pretence of 
 disavowing and threatening Sir John Norris and 
 the Englishmen who had abandoned him when he 
 attempted to assail the Flemings ; but when he 
 asked her to withdraw them all and leave him to 
 deal with the States alone, she thought better of it, 
 and the attempts at reconciliation fell through. But 
 all this time not a word of the marriage. Letter 
 after letter came from the Prince reproaching the 
 Queen for leaving him unsuccoured in his misery, 
 and complaining of Norris, who disregarded his 
 authority ; but even he apparently was undeceived 
 now. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 329 
 
 By the time he arrived at Dunkirk he was humble 
 indeed. The very sight of the coast ruled by his 
 " belle Majesty " revives him, and he beseeches her 
 favour: " a mins jointes avecques les petits dois." 
 He feels a sweet and gracious air from her 
 proximity, which he has not experienced since his 
 sad parting from her ; and finally, on the 30th of May, 
 when the dreaded Farnese was already approaching 
 his refuge, he ventures to remind her ot her 
 " promise and contract with him, and throws himself 
 on her favour." ' But all to no purpose ; he had 
 served her turn, and was now useless to her. A 
 month later he was forced to fly to Calais, and 
 from thence went to Chaulnes, where his mother 
 saw him for the first time since his adventure. She 
 had gone with anger on her lips, but found her son 
 with death in his heart, and had nothing but loving 
 words for him and consolation for his disappointment. 
 Once more for a short time an attempt was made 
 by Catharine to maintain an appearance of keeping 
 up the idea of marriage with Elizabeth, to prevent a 
 closer approach between England and Spain ; but 
 it was only momentary and meant nothing. A cold, 
 almost severe letter was written by the Queen to 
 Alengon on the loth of September, 1583, which 
 really sounds the death-knell of the marriage.^ She 
 has not, she says, been favoured with his letters for 
 a very long time, but now M. de Reaux had visited 
 her from him. She is much surprised at his 
 message asking what help she will give him to hold 
 the Netherlands. " My God ! Monsieur ! " she says, 
 " is this the way to keep our friends — to be always 
 draining them •■* Is the King your brother so weak 
 ' Hatfield Papers, part 3. " Ibid 
 
330 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 that he cannot defend his own blood without the 
 help of his neighbours?" . . . It is not her fault, 
 she says, that things have turned out as they have, 
 and she will not bear the blame ; and she ends the 
 cruel letter with : " God save you from painted 
 counsels, and enable you to follow those who respect 
 you more than you respect yourself," 
 
 In January, 1584, Catharine sought her son at 
 Chateau-Thierry, and at last persuaded him to a 
 reconciliation with his brother, and took him to Paris 
 with her. There, with tears and repentance on both 
 sides, the brothers embraced each other, and the 
 King promised his help towards another expedition 
 to Flanders. AleuQon returned to Chateau-Thierry 
 to make his preparations, and there fell gravely ill. 
 Guise, the Spaniards, and the Archbishop of Glasgow 
 in Paris, were busy at the time planning the invasion 
 of England and the liberation of Mary Stuart ; and 
 Catharine, in April, hastened to Alengon with a new 
 project^ — that he should share in the plot and marry 
 his sister-in-law, the Scottish Queen. But his health 
 was broken. For the next two months he was 
 battling with approaching death, though still actively 
 preparing for his new expedition. But Elizabeth 
 could not afford to allow the French to go alone to 
 Flanders, and when she saw that Henry III. was 
 helping his brother, she suddenly proposed to 
 Castelnau to join her aid with that of the King. 
 By the time the offer reached Paris Alen^on was 
 dying, and shortly afterwards, on the nth of June, 
 1584, he breathed his last. Catharine cursed the 
 Spaniards, and swore to be revenged upon them for 
 her dead son, though how they were to blame for 
 his death is not very clear ; but the messages, both 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 331 
 
 from the King and his mother to Elizabeth, kept up 
 to the last the fiction of love and marriage 
 negotiations between her and the dead Prince. 
 Cathari'ne, indeed, sent to the English Queen the 
 mourning which she wore for her so-called affianced 
 husband; and the letter in which Elizabeth sent 
 her condolence to Catharine is carefully conceived in 
 the same strain. " Your sorrow," she says, " cannot 
 exceed mine, although you were his mother. You 
 have another son, but I can find no other consolation 
 than death, which I hope will soon enable me to 
 rejoin him. If you could see a picture of my heart, 
 you would see a body without a soul ; but I will not 
 trouble you with my grief, as you have enough of 
 your own." ^ 
 
 In very truth the farce of marriage by this time 
 had been played out to the bitter end. Elizabeth 
 was now fifty years of age and there were no princes 
 left in Europe marriage with whom would have 
 given her any advantage. From the far-off Ivan 
 the Terrible, who had been dismissed with a gibe, 
 to the youngest of the Valois, with whom she had 
 played for years, every marriageable prince in 
 Christendom had, in his turn, been suggested as a 
 suitor for Elizabeth's hand. The long juggle she 
 had carried on had resulted in so much advantage 
 to her country that she was in any case strong 
 enough now to discard the pretence. Her old 
 enemy, Philip, was a sad and broken recluse, sorely 
 pressed even to hold his own, unable to avenge his 
 ruined commerce, swept from the seas by the ubi- 
 quitous Drake, whilst his destined successor was too 
 young to be feared, and he had no man of his house 
 » British Museum, MSS. Cotton Galba vi. 
 
332 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 to second him. One more despairing effort was he 
 to make in which he was to risk his all and lose it 
 on the hazard of regaining the paramount position 
 from which he had allowed himself to be ousted by 
 the bold chicanery of the English Queen. But the 
 armada was beaten by anticipatiqn years before it 
 was launched amid so much pompous mummery ; 
 for the English seaman knew full well that fast, 
 well-handled ships that would sail close to the wind 
 could harass the cumbrous galleons of Philip as 
 they pleased, and the victory for England was a 
 foregone conclusion. The King of France was a 
 childless cipher, incapable of great designs or im- 
 portant action ; his mother, whose busy brain had 
 for so long been the dominant factor in France, was 
 rapidly sinking to her rest. Protestantism was now 
 firmly rooted in England, and had nothing to fear 
 from within during the life of the great Queen, whose 
 popularity was unbounded amongst all sections of 
 her subjects, whilst in the rest of Europe it was 
 evidently a waxing rather than a waning power. 
 The Huguenot Henry of Navarre was next heir to 
 the French crown, and could be tnisted to give a 
 good account of the Pope, the Guises, and the league ; 
 the strong Protestant princes of Germany rendered 
 the Emperor harmless as a Catholic force, whilst 
 the stubborn determination of the brave Dutchmen 
 to hold to their faith at all costs, gave to their 
 sympathetic English neighbours the certainty of a 
 guiding voice in their affairs. 
 
 Elizabeth had, in fact, begun her long marriage 
 juggle in 1559 in hourly danger of being over- 
 whelmed and crushed by her own Catholic subjects, 
 in union with one or the other of her great Conti- 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 333 
 
 nental neighbours ; she ended it in 1583, triumphant 
 all along the line, with both her rivals crippled and 
 distracted, whilst she really held the balance of peace 
 and war of Europe in her hands. 
 
 So at length the elaborate pretence of marriage 
 negotiations, which for many years had been her 
 great card, always ready to be played in the interests 
 of England, could safely be abandoned. But it 
 was too much to expect an elderly woman of Eliza- 
 beth's temperament, who for the whole of her adult 
 lifetime had fed her colossal vanity with the tradition 
 of her irresistible beauty, who had gained great ends 
 and derived the keenest enjoyment from the comedy 
 of love-making, to give up entirely what for so long 
 had brought her pleasure, profit, and power. 
 
 It was no longer a question of marriage, of course, 
 but many gallant gentlemen, Raleigh, Essex, Blount, 
 Harrington, and the rest of them, were yet to keep 
 her hand in at the courtly old game, and bow their 
 handsome heads before the perennial beauty which 
 had now become an article of the national faith. 
 With these one-sided courtships, the vain amuse- 
 ments of the Queen in her declining age, we have 
 nought to do in these pages. The death of Francois 
 de Valois, Duke of Anjou, and Alen^on, removed 
 from the scene the last serious suitor for the Queen's 
 hand in marriage ; and his passing bell rang down 
 the curtain upon the longest and most eventful 
 comedy in the history of England. 
 
CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 In investigating the inner character of an individual 
 it is a safe rule to regard only as auxiliary indica- 
 tions the unsupported assertions, favourable or 
 otherwise, made by the person himself or by his 
 friends and foes. There are, at least in the case of 
 great historical personages, usually extant number- 
 less small circumstances, details of conversation and 
 demeanour, and scraps of correspondence, which, 
 pieced together and considered critically in the 
 light of worldly experience, form a much safer guide 
 to judgment than do interested protestations. 
 Queen Elizabeth's own proclamations of her spot- 
 less virginity were so constant and vociferous 
 that their emphatic repetition, whilst doubtless 
 serving the political purpose aimed at, positively 
 added to the social obloquy that was cast upon her 
 by the malicious gossip current throughout Europe 
 about her. On the other hand, the gross accusa- 
 tions of habitual immorality aimed at the Queen by 
 Father Persons and his followers, accusations which, 
 from the very nature of things, could only rest on 
 assumption, not only ranged the opposite political 
 party strongly on her side as a Queen, but raised 
 up countless friends to her who resented what 
 seemed an unfair attack upon a woman. Between 
 
 334 
 
THE COURTSHIPS OF QUEEN ELIZABETH. 335 
 
 these two extremes of immaculate virtue and aban- 
 doned viciousness opinion has usually had to choose. 
 They could not, it was urged, both be true ; and 
 belief in the one carried with it the complete 
 rejection of the other. The people of her own day, 
 with the exception of a few confidants, were in a 
 much worse position than we are for the formation 
 of a sound opinion on the subject ; and the fact 
 that, even in her own Court, and much more so 
 abroad, the scandals against her were generally 
 believed, should not be allowed to bias our judg- 
 ment, if the inferences to be drawn from evidence 
 now available, but not in the possession of the 
 Queen's contemporaries, seem to point in an 
 opposite direction. 
 
 The known facts, many of them cited in the 
 earlier chapters of this book, seem to prove beyond 
 doubt that the Queen was as much in love with 
 Leicester as it was in her nature to be with any man ; 
 and, consequently, that if he was not her favoured 
 lover no other of her suitors was likely to be. 
 Even before his wife's death the Queen was said to 
 visit his apartments night and day ; and it became 
 a regular subject of gossip at Court, eagerly seized 
 upon as a political instrument by the Conservative 
 nobles to discredit Leicester himself. That the 
 matter was made the most of by this powerful 
 party, with the result of rendering Leicester the 
 best-hated man in England, is unquestionable in 
 the face of numerous State papers now accessible in 
 the Calendars. But, after making all deductions, 
 the evidence available from so many trustworthy 
 sources leaves no doubt that the relations existing 
 between the Queen and her lover were very intimate, 
 
336 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 and even compromising, for at least ten years after 
 her accession. It is not surprising that, as a 
 natural outcome of the gossip referred to, rumours 
 were set afloat that children had been born to the 
 pair. As early as February, 1561, soon after Amy 
 Robsart's death, when Leicester's friends were 
 really hopeful of carrying the match, it was asserted 
 that the Queen had been already secretly married, 
 and had had childi-en previously by Leicester. 
 This statement was repeated, particularly abroad, 
 with many variations, until it became an article of 
 faith with Elizabeth's opponents. 
 
 In 1587, a young Englishman in the garb of a 
 pilgrim was arrested at Fontarrabia, in the north of 
 Spain, on suspicion of being a spy. It was at the 
 period when the great Arinada was in active pre- 
 paration, and the presence of an undomiciled 
 Englishman in maritime Spain was a serious 
 matter. The suspect was consequently sent to 
 Madrid for examination, and there confronted with 
 the King's English secretary. Sir Francis Engle- 
 field. To him he told verbally at first, and after- 
 wards reduced to writing in the Dominican Monas- 
 tery of the Atocha, an extraordinary story, which 
 Sir Francis at first was somewhat inclined to 
 believe. His name, he said, was Arthur Dudley, 
 and he was a son of Queen Elizabeth and the Earl 
 of Leicester. His story was carefully constructed, 
 and he evidently knew the personages about the 
 Court. He had been brought up, he asserted, in 
 his childhood by one Robert Southern, a dependent 
 of the Queen's closest confidant and former 
 governess, Mrs. Ashley. Southern had been sum- 
 moned to Hampton Court by his mistress, and was 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 337 
 
 ordered by Lady Harrington, a relative of the 
 Queen's, to procure a nurse "for the new-born 
 child of a lady who had been careless of her 
 honour." The next morning the babe was handed 
 to Southern in a corridor leading to the Queen's 
 apartments. Thenceforward the child was brought 
 up, at first in the country and afterwards in London, 
 being cared for and clothed much better than 
 Southern's own children. When the child had 
 reached the age of eight years, Mr. Ashley, who 
 was keeper of the royal domain of Enfield Chase, 
 made Southern his deputy there, and at Enfield 
 Arthur Dudley thenceforth passed the summers, 
 being instructed in all the accomplishments usual 
 for young gentlemen of birth. At the age of 
 fifteen he represented himself as stealing a handful 
 of silver from Southern, and running away to see 
 strange lands. Whilst waiting at Milford Haven 
 for a ship to take him abroad, he was the guest of 
 the Honourable George Devereux, the uncle of 
 the Earl of Essex, and during his stay there a horse 
 messenger came in hot haste from London, with a 
 letter signed by seven members of the Privy 
 Council, ordering his immediate return to London. 
 He was thereupon carried before the local justices 
 of the peace, whom he names, and conveyed under 
 their order to Pickering House in London, satisfied, 
 as he says, by this time, that he was really a much 
 more important personage than the son of Robert 
 Southern. He was gravely taken to task for his 
 escapade by John Ashley, Sir Henry Wotton, 
 and Sir Thomas Henage, who told him that Mr. 
 Ashley had paid for his education, and had 
 authority over him. Some time afterwards, he 
 
 23 
 
338 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 says, Mr. Ashley, finding that his determination to 
 go abroad was irresistible, sent him in charge of a 
 dependent of the Earl of Leicester to join General 
 La Noue, the famous Huguenot leader then serving 
 in the Netherlands against the Spaniards. This 
 was in the early spring of 1580. La Noue was 
 taken prisoner shortly afterwards, and Dudley then 
 went to France, where he stayed until his money 
 was all spent, upon which he returned to England 
 for a fresh supply. After another stay in France, 
 he was again recalled home at the end of 1 583 by 
 Robert Southern, who told him that his immediate 
 return would be advantageous to him. He found 
 Southern paralysed, and apparently mortally ill, at 
 Evesham, where he kept an inn ; and after much 
 hesitation on the one side, and entreaty and threats 
 on the other, Dudley learnt from Southern that he 
 was the son of the Queen by Leicester. Seeking 
 Mr. Ashley, who was with Sir Drue Drury in 
 London, Dudley taxed him with his knowledge, 
 and the alarm expressed by his hearers being very 
 great, the mysterious young man represents himself 
 as at once flying to France. There he seems to 
 have consorted with English Jesuits and other dis- 
 affected persons, not a very probable thing, one 
 would think, for a man in his position, and after 
 apparently endeavouring, without success, to extort 
 funds from Ashley by letter, and from Sir Edward 
 Stafford, the English ambassador in Frg,nce, per- 
 sonally, he returned to England. We may suppose 
 that the ostentatious mystery of his demeanour 
 frightened the shipmaster who brought him over, 
 and he was told that he would be denounced to the 
 justices of the peace on arrival at Gravesend. He 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 339 
 
 begged that instead of this the skipper would take 
 a letter from him to the Earl of Leicester. This 
 he did, and Leicester is represented as receiving 
 the missive graciously. The next day as the vessel 
 passed Greenwich two of the Earl's gentlemen, one 
 of them his equerry, Blount, came on board to 
 attend Dudley, and on their arrival at Ratclifif, Mr. 
 Fludd, the Earl's secretary, was in waiting to con- 
 duct him to the presence of his alleged father at 
 Greenwich. "The Earl was in the garden with the 
 Earls of Derby and Shrewsbury, and on Arthur's 
 arrival the Earl of Leicester left the others, and 
 went to his apartment, where, by his tears, words, 
 and other demonstrations, he showed so much 
 afifection for Arthur, that the latter believed he 
 understood the Earl's deep intentions towards him. 
 The secretary (Fludd) remained in Arthur's com- 
 pany all night ; and the next morning when the 
 Earl learned that the masters and crews of other 
 ships had seen and known Arthur, and had gone to 
 Secretary Walsingham to give an account of the 
 mysterious passenger, he said to Arthur : ' You 
 are like a ship under full sail at sea, pretty to look 
 at but dangerous to deal with.' The Earl then 
 sent his secretary with Arthur to Secretary Wal- 
 singham to tell him that he (Arthur) was a friend 
 of the Earl's, and Fltidd was also to say that he 
 knew him personally. Walsingham replied that if 
 that was the case he could go on his way. Fludd 
 asked for a certificate and license to enable Arthur 
 to avoid future molestation ; and Walsingham then 
 told Arthur to come again, and he would speak 
 with him." The young man then represents himself 
 as going that day with his alleged father to Wan- 
 
340 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 stead House, and returning for the night to Green- 
 wich with Fludd. But being afraid of Walsing- 
 ham's searching questions, on the renewed request 
 being made for the license, he again took fright and 
 appealed to Castelnau de la Mauvissidre, the French 
 ambassador, for a passport for France, which, after 
 much difficulty, he obtained in the disguise of a ser- 
 vant. He states that he supped that night with 
 the French ambassador, with whom he stayed 
 until midnight ; but finding on his arrival at 
 Gravesend that his passport would have to be 
 countersigned by Lord Cobham, Lord Warden of 
 the Cinque Ports, before he would be allowed to 
 embark at Dover, he surreptitiously went on board 
 an English transport carrying troops to Holland, 
 which lay in the river, and thus escaped, landing at 
 Bergen-op-Zoom, and apparently at once entering 
 the English service. This must have been early in 
 1585, and the relation thenceforward consists of an 
 extraordinary, and somewhat rambling, account of 
 Arthur Dudley's attempts to betray the English 
 cause in the Netherlands to the Spaniards, and his 
 wanderings in Germany and Italy, everywhere, 
 according to his own showing, entering into com- 
 munication with high personages, the enemies of 
 his country, and, it would appear from the context, 
 living luxuriously on his story. He claims that he 
 came to Spain on a pilgrimage to Monserrat in 
 Catalonia, and hearing of the condemnation of 
 Mary Queen of Scots, he took ship for France and 
 was cast back upon the Biscay coast, where he was 
 apprehended as a spy. His cool proposal to 
 Englefield was that the King of Spain should take 
 him under his protection, and make use of him in 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 341 
 
 his attack upon England. He suggests that a 
 rumour should be spread to the effect that he had 
 escaped, " As everybody knows now that I am 
 here, and my future residence could be kept secret. 
 I could then write simply and sincerely to the Earl 
 of Leicester, telling him all that had happened to 
 me in order to keep in his good graces ; and I 
 could also publish a book to any effect that might 
 be considered desirable, in which I should show 
 myself everybody's friend and nobody's foe." There 
 is in the manuscript much more to the same effect, 
 the poor, foolish young man being apparently under 
 the impression that King Philip was an amiable 
 altruist, who would help him to a crown for the 
 sake of his beaux yeux. Englefield, though in- 
 clined to believe the story, after much conference 
 and cogitation surmised that Dudley might be a 
 simple instrument in the hands of Elizabeth herself, 
 perhaps with the object of sounding the Catholic 
 Powers with regard to the murder of the King of 
 Scots, which Dudley suggested, and the absorption 
 of Scotland by England, jointly with the settlement 
 of the religious questions in a way satisfactory to 
 the Catholics, after which the claimant Dudley 
 might either be acknowledged as her son, or given 
 some other position as might be arranged with 
 neighbouring Powers. In any case Englefield 
 recommended that the unfortunate young fellow 
 should be held tight in the Monastery. ^ 
 
 I have given this strange story somewhat at 
 length, in the first place because, so far as I have 
 been able to discover, it had never received atten- 
 tion until I was fortunate enough to exhume it at 
 ' Spanish Calendar of Elizabeth, vol. iv. 
 
342 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 Simancas after the latest edition of this book was 
 pubHshed, and secondly, because it is the only 
 account known to me where details are given of 
 the birth and youth of Elizabeth's alleged off- 
 spring, the statements being usually so vague as 
 to d6fy examination. That Arthur Dudley did 
 appear in Spain and tell the story I have sum- 
 marised does not depend entirely upon my tran- 
 scription of the original documents. In the 
 Venetian Calendar, vol, viii., will be found a 
 letter from the Venetian ambassador at Madrid, 
 dated April 14, 1587, giving the news of Dudley's 
 apprehension at Fontarrabia, on the French frontier; 
 and saying that the King is very doubtful whether 
 to keep him prisoner or let him go ; and another 
 letter from the same ambassador a week later than 
 Englefi eld's interviews with Dudley informs us that 
 the latter had then been sent to the Castle of 
 Lameda, and was believed to be a spy. Then 
 darkness falls upon him, and we hear no more. 
 
 Now this story, on the face of it, is a very 
 plausible one. Lady Harrington and Mrs, Ashley 
 were, in fact, the only ladies about the Queen who 
 were absolutely in her confidence, and who would 
 be likely to undertake so delicate a task as the 
 disposal of her infant, Mrs. Ashley died on July 18, 
 1565, so that if Dudley was born, as the dates and 
 events he gives seem to indicate, in 1562 or 1563, 
 she well might have taken the part in the affair that 
 he represents. In October, 1562, the Queen fell ill 
 at Hampton Court of the serious illness which was 
 supposed to be small-pox, and in the extremity of 
 her illness made the famous protestation, which 
 has been quoted in an earlier chapter, to the effect 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 343 
 
 that, though she had always loved Leicester, she 
 called God to witness that nothing improper had 
 ever passed between them. It was then, moreover, 
 that she urged his appointment as protector of the 
 realm, with an income of ;^2o,ooo a year; and 
 granted to Tamworth, the earl's confidential man, 
 a pension of ;^500 per annum. So humble a person 
 as Robert Southern, it might be thought, could be 
 safely invented so many years after his death, as 
 when Dudley told his story in Spain; but such a 
 man actually was a dependent of the Ashleys, and 
 in 1576 was one of the deputy-keepers of Enfield 
 Chase." Fludd, moreover, was Leicester's private 
 secretary, and Blount was a member of his house- 
 hold, who was specially attached to his nephew, 
 Philip Sidney, when the latter went to the Nether- 
 lands. The more recent events in Flanders also fit 
 in accurately, so that, whoever Arthur Dudley was, 
 his story must have been very carefully drawn up 
 by some person much older than himself who could 
 recollect the date of the Queen's illness, the position 
 held by Mrs. Ashley at the time, shortly before her 
 death, and the details of situation of so inconsider- 
 able a person as Robert Southern. Dudley's inter- 
 views with Sir Edward Stafford in Paris must have 
 taken place some time in 1584, as the ambassador 
 only took up his residence there late in 1583; whilst 
 Dudley's retuf-n to England, coinciding as it did 
 with the projected protectorate of England over 
 the States, must have been in the early summer 
 of 1585 ; and it is a fact that the Earl of Derby, 
 who returned from his mission to France at the end 
 of March, was in London during that summer, 
 ' Hatfield Papers, vol. ii., 139. 
 
344 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 whilst the Earl of Shrewsbury, after many years' 
 absence in charge of Mary Stuart, had also come 
 to court earlier in the year, and remained prosecuting 
 his suit against his wife until September, when he 
 took leave of the Queen, saying that her Majesty 
 had released him from two devils, the Queen of 
 Scots and the Countess of Shrewsbury.' It thus 
 happens that at the very time indicated by Dudley 
 he might have seen these two noblemen with 
 Leicester, although it had not been possible for 
 years previously, nor was afterwards. The rein- 
 forcements sent for N orris from the Thames did in 
 fact leave Gravesend for Bergen-op-Zoom in July, 
 1585,2 so that the date of Arthur's flight is thus 
 confirmed. As he was shriven at Monserrat in July 
 of 1586, the period of his service in Flanders and 
 his wanderings in Germany are thus ascertained ; 
 and he must have remained in different parts of 
 Spain for about nine months before his capture. 
 
 All these independent confirmations of unimportant 
 details of the story prove beyond doubt that Arthur 
 Dudley was no common impostor, but must have 
 been well coached by persons who were intimately 
 acquainted with high political personages in England 
 for at least five-and-twenty years previously. But 
 withal, the inherent improbability of the main story 
 is rendered the more conspicuous by the careful 
 preparation evident in the details. In the first 
 place, the Queen's illness at the time stated was 
 certified to be smallpox by all her Council : she 
 was seen by a multitude of people during the 
 progress of her malady, and bore unmistakable 
 marks of it on her face for the rest of her life. I 
 ' Spanish Calendar, vol. iii. '^ Ibid. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 345 
 
 can find no record of her being laid up at Hampton 
 Court for years afterwards. N or can it be con- 
 sidered probable for a moment that Robert Southern 
 himself would be let into the secret of the birth of 
 the child confided to him, whatever his suspicions 
 might be ; and one of the weak points of the 
 narrative is that he is not stated to have been 
 told, although many years afterwards he divulged 
 the secret to Dudley. It is eq ually beyo nd belief 
 that a boy born in the condition represented would 
 have been allowed to run about the world at his 
 own free will, boasting, or at least strongly hinting, 
 urbe et orbi, that he was the child of the Queen. 
 Walsingham was far too well served by his spies, 
 and Leicester much too unscrupulous and wary, to 
 have allowed such a youth to slip through their fingers 
 with his dangerous tittle tattle when once they had 
 him safe in the hands of Fludd at Greenwich ; nor 
 would Castelnau de la Mauvissifere have dared to 
 give a passport to a mysterious stranger, unknown 
 and unintroduced to him, much less entertain him 
 at supper. On his own showing, moreover, Dudley 
 m ust have been utter ly blind to his own interest to 
 have left clandestinely, and without apparent reason, 
 a father who had received him with tears of tender- 
 ness (surely an unusual mood for Leicester) to go 
 wandering about the Continent picking up a pre- 
 carious living by betraying the country and the 
 faith from which alone be had anything to expect, 
 and consorting with the professed enemies of his 
 alleged father and mother, whose regard he must 
 have known might make or mar him. Sir Francis 
 Englefield was an astute old statesman, versed in 
 all the crooked political craft of the day, and his 
 
346 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 final judgment on the matter was doubtless the 
 correct one : namely, that Arthur Dudley was one 
 ^fVt he army o f jpjes, most of them faithless to both 
 sides, who had beeiTcarefully tutored in his plausible 
 tale in order that he might the better obtain access 
 to great personages, and save himself from summary 
 extinction in case he was caught, as, indeed, hap- 
 pened when he was apprehended on his attempt to 
 leave Spain. The fact that he had remained for 
 very nearly a year in Spain and did not divulge his 
 story until he was about to cross the few yards of 
 water between Fontarrabia and French soil, seems 
 to prove that the wonderful tale he had to tell was 
 kept for emergencies and had not in the first place 
 brought him to the territory of his alleged mother's 
 deadly enemy. Looking, then, at the whole of the 
 circumstances, I am most strongly of opinion that 
 Arthur Dudley's tale was false. If this be so, as I 
 contend it is, with the most detailed and circum- 
 stantial allegations ever made of Elizabeth's having 
 borne a child, then the vague and utterly unsup- 
 ported rumours of a son in Venice, and a dozen 
 other hazy hints of a similar character, may be 
 relegated to the limbo that awaits slanderous lies 
 without a sh red of real evidence.^ 
 
 It must be recognised that the demeanour and 
 relations of Leicester towards the Queen differed 
 
 ' Amongst the other assertions to the same effect may be 
 mentioned that of Antonio de Guaras, the acting Spanish agent 
 in London in December, 1574, to the effect that Mary Stuart's 
 marriage to Darnley was to be counteracted by the marriage of 
 the son of the Earl of Hertford by Catharine Grey, the next heir 
 to the throne by the will of Henry VIII., with " a daughter of 
 Leicester and the Queen of England, who, it is said, is kept 
 hidden, although there are bishops to witness that she is legiti- 
 mate. They think this will shut the door to all other claimants." 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 347 
 
 widely from those of any other of her lovelorn 
 favourites, except perhaps Essex, under entirely 
 dissimilar circumstances which will be considered 
 later. He had known her from childhood, and 
 was a great noble, much as the old Conservative 
 families might affect to contemn him ; her openly 
 confessed love for him and the protracted talk of 
 the match between them, placed him in some sort 
 upon a personal equality with Elizabeth. It is true 
 that on more than one occasion when he attempted 
 to assert his power on the strength of this, his 
 imperious mistress let him know in her usual 
 violent tones "that there was only one mistress 
 in England and no master." But at such out- 
 bursts as this, a tithe of which would have reduced 
 Hatton, Heneage, and Raleigh into an abject con- 
 dition of lachrymose maundering, Leicester flung 
 away in a huff, and sulked at Wanstead until 
 Elizabeth herself had to step down from her high 
 horse and coax into a good humour the man whose 
 presence she could not do without. Whatever 
 intimate personal relations may have existed 
 between them in the earlier years of the reign, 
 it is evident that from about 1571 or 1572 onwards 
 there was no real question of marriage between the 
 Queen and Leicester. His knowledge of her cha- 
 racter and his hold upon her affection were still 
 
 Guaras was a merchant living in Thames Street, and, although he 
 was allowed access to the Court when Elizabeth wished to be 
 friendly with Spain, he was not of a rank to mix familiarly with 
 courtiers, and is not likely to have had other sources of informa- 
 tion than the gossip of the Catholic party, in favour of which he 
 ceaselessly conspired and plotted until his head was in danger 
 and he was expelled from England. He was a fussy, injudicious 
 busybody whose ambition led him into all sorts of trouble. 
 
348 THE COURTSHIPS, OF 
 
 very great, but the appearance of Christopher 
 Hatton upon the scene persuaded him that, re- 
 garded simply as a lover to serve the Queen's 
 caprice, he was not now absolutely indispensable. 
 It remained to his advantage that other marriage 
 projects should be frustrated ; for his power and 
 favour would always depend upon the Queen's 
 regard for him, which would naturally be weakened 
 by the presence of a husband of royal blood by her 
 side. But his haste to be married himself,' as soon 
 as he became convinced that the Queen would not 
 marry him, and that she only sought her own grati- 
 fication and thirst for adoration, proves that, in the 
 absence of the ambitious prospect of marriage with 
 her, the other attractions provided by their relation- 
 ship . were not suc h as satisfied him. 
 
 No one can look at the best portraits of Elizabeth 
 without recognising at a glance that she was not^ 
 sensual_jBS[Qman. The lean, austere face, the tiglit, 
 thin lips, the pointed, delicate chin, the cold dull 
 eyes, tell of a character the very opposite of lasci- 
 vious ; but every feature of her countenance, as 
 every act of her life, cries aloud that here was a 
 woman whose personal vanity and love of dominion 
 conquered and crushed every other feeling in her 
 nature. She herself worshipped her own corporeal 
 beauty, and she yearned that others, especially that 
 men who took her fancy, should share in her adora- 
 tion. That such men, having been vouchsafed the 
 inestimable boon of gazing upon and approaching 
 
 ' He was secretly married to Lady Frances Howard, Lady 
 Sheffield, at this time j both she and her sister being in love with 
 him. By her he had the famous Robert Dudley, whose widow 
 was confirmed in the title of Duchess of Northumberland many 
 years after Elizabeth's death. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 349 
 
 ineffable charms such as hers, should dare to waver 
 in their worship of them and marry women of the 
 common mould, was to her not unfaithfulness alone 
 but impiety. Even in her old age this curious craze 
 possessed her. When she received the grave 
 French ambassador, De Maisse, in December, 
 1597, she being then nearly sixty-five years of age, 
 he found her standing in the embrasure of a window, 
 dressed in great magnificence, but to his eyes 
 strangely and with little decorum. Her black silk 
 robe, lined with crimson and with wide gold bands 
 across it, was open down the front like a dressing 
 gown. Under it was a fine white damask gown, 
 opening in the same way, covering a soft lawn 
 chemise, al§o open, the whole of the garments being 
 held together at the waist by a girdle. The Queen's 
 curious habit it was whilst speaking to throw up her 
 chin, and with both hands cast open the collars of her 
 dress, as if the heat oppressed her. De Maisse thus 
 describes this trick : ' ' Tellement quelle ouvrait souvent 
 cette robe, et lui voyait-on tout restomac jusques au 
 nombril, mats elle a cette fagon, quen rehaussant sa 
 teste, elle met les deux mains a sa robe et I'entre 
 'ouvre tellement quon lui voit tout restomac." ^ If 
 this was the case when she was receiving an elderly 
 ambassador at the time that she herself was an old 
 woman, it may be well imagined the lengths to 
 which this imperious fury for male admiration 
 might lead her in her comparative youth, and with 
 a man who had taken her fancy. That the indul- 
 gence of such a tendency, necessarily in private, 
 would compromise her in appearance almost as 
 much as if all the evil alleged against her had been 
 I Journal de De Maisse, Prevot-Paradol. 
 
350 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 true, is obvious ; and the solemn and almost blas- 
 phemous protestations she so frequently made that 
 no immorality had ever passed between her and 
 Leicester, much less any other man, notwithstand- 
 ing appearances, assume a fresh significance when 
 regarded in the light of this possibility. So long as 
 Leicester, whose position legitimately allowed him 
 frequent access to the Queen, was the principal, if 
 not the only, person with whose name people made 
 free in the scandalous talk, the matter did not 
 extend much beyond the Court and diplomatic 
 circles, and was utilised mainly by the party who 
 were enemies both of Elizabeth and of the Earl 
 himself; but when an upstart like Hatton was 
 brought from the obscurity of the Inner Temple, 
 and for no apparent merits of his own, was over- 
 whelmed with royal favour and bounty, and kept 
 dancing constant attendance upon the Queen's per- 
 son, then the jealousy of Leicester's friends, added 
 to the bitterness of the envious old aristocracy, gave 
 to the scandals a wider publicity ; and far outside 
 the Court circle indignation and annoyance found 
 tongue. In 1570 one Marsham, at Norwich, was 
 condemned to lose his ears, or pay a fine of a hun- 
 dred pounds, for saymg that the Queen had borne 
 two children to Leicester. In the following year a 
 spy named Bernay confessed to the Earl that one 
 Mather had said that the " Queen desireth nothing 
 but to feed her own lewd fantasy, and to cut off 
 such of her nobility as were not perfulned and 
 court-like to please her delicate eye, and place such 
 as were for her turn, meaning dancers, and meaning 
 you, my Lord of Leicester, and Mr. Hatton, who, 
 he said, had more recourse to her Majesty's Privy 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH, 351 
 
 Chamber than reason would suffer if she were so 
 virtuous and well inclined as some noiseth her." 
 Another prisoner at Dover, being examined by the 
 Mayor, " uttered most shameful words against the 
 Queen ; namely, that the Earl of Leicester and Mr. 
 Hatton were such towards her as the matter is so 
 horrible," that the Mayor would not venture to put 
 them on paper. There is, of course, no doubt that 
 Ha tton was allowed privil eges far greater than the 
 Queen had ever extended to a man of his rank 
 before. As captain of her bodyguard, he, like 
 Ralegh later, was always by her side ; and the 
 extraordinary tone of the letters that passed between 
 them testify to a philandering familiarity which cer- 
 tainly was not decorous considering their respective 
 positions. But in Hatton's lovelorn whimpering 
 there is never the unmistakable ring of the success- 
 ful wooer. He is always the pursuer, languishing 
 for the bliss which is for ever denied him ; and 
 yearns but for a glance again at the divine beauty 
 of which he is enamoured. This was the tone 
 which he doubtless found was the most profitable, 
 and it was that which he adopted, as did Ralegh 
 subsequently, until the last. But it is evident from 
 the letters of Sir Edward Dyer to him in October, 
 1572, that he was once perilously near adopting 
 another line, which would probably have caused his 
 ruin. It was at the time when the flighty young 
 Earl of Oxford had just caught the fancy of the 
 Queen. The Earl was as fine a dancer as Hatton 
 himself, though not so open to the influences to 
 which Hatton would succumb. Leicester, though 
 desperately trying to retain his influence over the 
 Queen, was in the midst of his secret lovt-making 
 
352 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 with Lady Sheffield ; and Hatton, fearing that in 
 mutual bumping of the brass pitchers he, the earthen 
 crock, would be smashed and sink, thought to take 
 high ground and reproach the Queen for her fickle- 
 ness towards her bleating " bell wethe r," as she 
 called him. Before doing so, however, he con- 
 sulted his friend Dyer, who at a later period was 
 himself brought forward by Leicester's friends to 
 divert the Queen from another flame. Dyer's letter 
 to Hatton ' wisely dissuades him thus : " First of 
 all, you must consider with whom you have to deal ; 
 and what we be towards her : who though she do 
 descend very much in her sex as a woman, yet we 
 may not forget her place, and the nature of it as our 
 sovereign. Now, if a man of secret cause known 
 to himself, might in common reason challenge it, 
 yet if the Queen mislike thereof, the world followeth 
 the sway of her inclination ; and never fall they in 
 consideration of reason as between private persons 
 they do. And, if it be after that rate for the most 
 part in causes that may be justified, then much more 
 will it be so in causes not to be avowed, , , . That 
 the Queen will mislike of such a course this is my 
 reason : she will imagine that you go about to im- 
 prison her fancy, and to warp her grace within your 
 disposition ; and that will breed despite and hatred 
 in her towards you, and so you may be cast forth to 
 the malice of every envious person, flatterer, and 
 enemy of yours, out of which you shall never 
 recover yourself. ... But the best and soundest 
 way in mine opinion is to put on another mind ; to 
 use your suits towards her Majesty in words, beha- 
 viour and deeds, to acknowledge your duty; de- 
 "' ' Sir Harris Nicolas' "Life of Hatton." 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 353 
 
 daring the reverence which in heart you bear, and 
 never seem deeply to condemn her frailties, but 
 rather joyfully to commend such things as should 
 be in her, as though they were in her indeed ; 
 hating my Lord (of Oxford) in the Queen's under- 
 standing for affection's sake and blaming him openly 
 for seeking the Queen's favours. For though in the 
 beginning, when her Majesty sought you {after her 
 good manner^, she did bear with rugged dealing of 
 yours, until she had what she fancied, yet now after 
 satiety and fulness it will rather hurt than help you; 
 whereas behaving yourself as I said before, your 
 place shall keep you in worship, your presence in 
 favour, your followers will stand to you, at the least 
 you shall have no bold enemies, and you shall 
 always dwell in the way to take all advantage, 
 wisely and honestly, to serve your turn." Hatton 
 prudently followed the advice, and prospered splen- 
 didly until death overtook him. Probably, however, 
 to prove his love, he fell ill shortly after Dyer's letter, 
 as the Queen's fancy for Oxford grew — which pas- 
 sion wise old Burghley, the Earl's father-in-law, 
 winked at, as Gilbert Talbot says, whilst Lady 
 Burghley indignantly railed — and Hatton went to 
 Spa, in Belgium, for a course of the waters, under 
 some displeasure of the Queen's ; probably for his 
 envy of Oxford. His letters from Spa are frantic 
 outpourings of love for an unattainable deity. The 
 Queen's anger, real or assumed, soon softened after 
 his departure, and Hatton's letters, even before he 
 left England, grew tearful in their gratitude. " If I 
 could express my feelings of your gracious letters " 
 (he wrote from Dover), " I should utter unto you 
 matter of strange effect. In reading them with my 
 
 24 
 
354 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 tears I blot them. In thinking of them I feel so 
 great comfort that I find cause, as God knoweth, to 
 thank you on my knees. Death had been much 
 more my advantage than to win health and life by 
 so loathsome a pilgrimage. The time of two days 
 hath drawn me further from you than ten when I 
 return can lead me towards you. Madam, I find 
 the greatest lack that ever poor wretch sustained. 
 No death, no, not hell, no fear of death, shall ever 
 win of me my consent so far to wrong myself again 
 as to be absent from you one day. God grant my 
 return. I will perform this vow. I lack that which 
 I live by. The more I find this lack, the further I 
 go from you. Shame whippeth me forward. Shame 
 take them that counselled me to it. . . . My spirit 
 and soul agree with my body and life, that to serve 
 you is heaven, but to lack you is more than hell's 
 torment unto them. My heart is full of woe. Par- 
 don, for God's sake, my tedious writing — I will 
 wash away the faults of these poor letters with the 
 drops from your poor Lydds ; ^ and so enclose them. 
 Would to God I were with you but for one hour. 
 My wits are overwrought with my thoughts. I find 
 myself mazed. Bear with me, my most dear sweet 
 Lady. Passion overcometh me. I can write no 
 more. Love me : for I love you. God, I beseech 
 thee, witness the same on behalf of thy poor ser- 
 vant." This is a fair sample of Hatton's usual 
 letters to the Queen throughout the whole of his 
 life. The Queen's caprice often sent him away for 
 a time, and his letters beseeching leave to return 
 
 ' Lids, or rather Eyelids, was one of the Queen's pet names 
 for Hatton, and he always signed his letters with two or three 
 triangular marks representing closed eyelids. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 355 
 
 are never those of a spoilt and confident favourite, 
 as Leicester was, who could afford to wait in dig- 
 nified and wealthy retirement until his mistress's 
 tantrums had passed. In September, 1580, for 
 instance, on such an occasion Hatton writes thus : 
 " Your kingly benefits, together with your most rare 
 regard for your poor slave, hath put this passion 
 into me to imagine that for so exceeding and 
 infinite parts of unspeakable goodness, I can use no 
 other means of thankfulness than by bowing the 
 knees of my own heart, with all humility to look 
 upon your singular graces with love and faith per- 
 durable. I should sin, most gracious Sovereign, 
 against a Holy Ghost, most damnably, if towards 
 your Highness I should be found unthankful. 
 Afford me the favour therefore, my most dear 
 Lady, that your clear and most fair eyes may read 
 and register these my duties, which I beseech our 
 God to requite you for." Ralegh's sun was soon 
 to rise, and then Leicester and Hatton joined forces 
 to oppose the new favourite, who had been brought 
 forward by the Cecil interest to strengthen the 
 moderate party against Leicester. Hatton sent to 
 the Queen on the 25th October, 1582, through Sir 
 Thomas Heneage (it will be remarked that the 
 jealousy of the favourites was always political or 
 financial, it never seemed to extend to their amours), 
 a present, consisting of a gold hairpin to which a 
 little gold bucket was attached. This was handed 
 to the Queen by Heneage as she was hunting in 
 Greenwich Park in the morning, with a letter from 
 Hatton, and a sly message that he thought a bucket 
 would be handy as water (which was Ralegh's pet 
 name) would be sure to be near her as soon as she 
 
3S6 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 left her chamber, which, says Heneage, in his letter 
 to Hatton, was the fact, Elizabeth blushed and 
 pouted as she read his languishing letter, uncertain 
 whether to be cross with Hatton or to be pleased at 
 his jealous hint. At last she told Heneage to write 
 to his friend that she liked his preamble so ill that 
 she had a good mind not to look at his present ; 
 but " that if Princes were like gods, as they should 
 be, they would suffer no element so to abound as 
 would breed confusion ; and that her bell-wether 
 was so dear to her that she bounded herTijiks~so 
 sure as no water could ever be able to overthrow 
 them. For better assurance that you should fear 
 no drowning, she hath sent you a bird that, together 
 with the rainbow, brought the good tidings that 
 there should be no more destruction by water." 
 Behind all this trifling there is no sign on Hatton's 
 part of the self-satisfied glorification of a successful 
 lover for whom a proud Queen has humbled herself 
 even once. In Hatton's ravings, as in those which 
 we shall consider later of Alenqon, Simier, and 
 Ralegh, the erotic admiration expressed is never 
 accQUi Banied by the confid ential complacency~tKal 
 almost inevitably marks, even unconsciously, the 
 manifestations of a love that has triumphed over a 
 woman. The strange expression in Dyer's letter 
 which I have underlined is open, it is true, to a 
 sinister interpretation ; but the very fact of his 
 having written it thus openly sgems to negative the 
 idea that he wished such an interpretation to be 
 attached to it. Whatever gratification Elizabeth 
 might experience from the companionship of Hatton 
 would be just as applicable to the expression as 
 would be the suggestion that the relationship was 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 357 
 
 an actually immoral one ; whilst the tone of Hatton's 
 letters throughout seem to me to make the latter 
 conjecture ex tremely_ itnprobable. When years 
 afterwards (in November, 1584),! Mary Stuart con- 
 centrated into the famous letter which she wrote to 
 Elizabeth — but which probably never reached her 
 hands — all the hatred and bitterness she had nursed 
 so long against the Countess of Shrewsbury and 
 Elizabeth herself, she was not repeating the vague 
 tittle tattle of the market-place, but the words, care- 
 fully treasured, and presented in the form she knew 
 would wound Elizabeth most, that in the course of 
 years she had gathered from a woman who was 
 deep in the inner mysteries of the Court if any one 
 was. Old Bess of Hardwick, a clever, forceful ter- 
 magant, with her great wealth and her connections, 
 by her various marriages and different families of 
 children, with most of the principal people around 
 the Queen, would not be likely to invent false 
 details, though she well might blurt out in her rage 
 inconvenient truths. Mary Stuart herself, who 
 sought to attack Elizabeth through the Countess, 
 and gloated with vitriolic glee over the part of her 
 communication that told of the way in which her 
 lovers were laughing at her, would certainly not of 
 her own motion have introduced the slight pallia- 
 tive suggestion in the following sentence unless the 
 Countess of Shrewsbury herself had said it. " Que 
 vous aviez fait promesse de mariage {i.e., with 
 Leicester) . . . (et qu'il) avait couche infinies foys 
 avecques vous, avecque toute la licence et privault^ 
 qui se peut user entre mari et femme : mats quindu- 
 bitablement vous rCestiez pas comme les autres femmes, 
 ' Labanoif, " Recueil," vol. vi. 
 
358 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 et pour ce respect destoit toute folie 4 tous ceulx 
 qu'affectoient vostre mariage avec M. le Due 
 d'Anjou, d'aultant qu'il ne se pourroit accomplir, et 
 que vous ne vouldriez jamais perdre la libeft^ de 
 vous faire faire I'amour et avoir votre plaisir toujours 
 avec nouveaulx amoureulx, regrettant, ce disoit elle 
 (i.e., the Countess of Shrewsbury) que vous ne vous 
 contenti6z de Maistre Hatton et un autre {i.e., 
 Leicester) de ce royaume." The Queen proceeds to 
 give the Countess as her authority for saying that 
 the Queen made love so desperately to Hatton 
 before the whole Court that he for very shame had 
 to retire ; and that Killigrew, having failed to bring 
 Hatton back on another occasion, when the lovef 
 had left the Queen after some little squabble about 
 some gold buttons he wore on his coat, the Queen 
 boxed the unfortunate Killigrew's ears for his ill 
 success. There is much more to a similar effect, 
 but the sting in the letter — the more keen because 
 it was, according to my view, undoubtedly true — 
 was that the mainspring of Elizabeth's love affairs 
 > yas her pe rsonal vanity. The Countess had sug- 
 gested with a burst of laughter, said Mary Stuart, 
 that it would be a good plan for the latter to bring 
 forward her son, the boy King James, as a suitor 
 for Elizabeth's hand, as all suggestions for the 
 French match would thus be defeated. " I replied 
 that if I did such a thing it would be taken purely 
 as a piece of mockefy. She (the Countess of 
 Shrewsbury) i-eplied that you were so vain, and had 
 so great an opinion of your beauty — as if you were 
 some heavenly goddess — that she would wager her 
 head that you would easily be brought to believe it 
 sincere, and would encourage my son's suit. She 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 359 
 
 said that you took so great a pleasure in the exag- 
 gerated flattery paid to you, such as that no one 
 dared to look you full in the face because your 
 countenance shone like the sun, that she (the Coun- 
 tess of Shrewsbury) and the other ladies of the 
 Court were obliged to humour you in it ; and that 
 the last time she went to see you she and the late 
 Countess of Lennox, ' whilst they were in conversa- 
 tion with you, did not dare to look at one another 
 for fear they should burst out laughing at the flams 
 she was cramming you with. When she came back 
 she asked me to scold her daughter {i.e., the Coun- 
 tess of Lennox), whom she never could persuade to 
 treat you in the same way." 
 
 In this letter the Queen is represented by a 
 person who was trying to make the truth as dis- 
 agreeable and outspoken as possible, as being 
 moved in her amours mainly by her personal 
 vanity — apart, naturally, from her political objects 
 of which the other chapters of this book exclusively 
 deal — ^and although the private access to her apart- 
 ments allowed to certain of her favourites gave rise 
 to scandal, yet that : " indubitablement vous n'etiez 
 pas comme les autres femmes," and that it was " all 
 folly." How careful even an old and powerful 
 favourite like Leicester had to be in keeping up 
 the tradition that not he alone, but other suitors, 
 would naturally fall in love with the Queen, and 
 that, however certain he might be that a marriage 
 would not result, he should never express to 
 Elizabeth a conviction that it was unlikely, as 
 
 ' The Countess of Shrewsbury's daughter, who had married 
 Charles Stuart, Darnley's brother, and was the mother of the 
 unfortunate Arabella Stuart. 
 
36o THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 throwing a doubt upon her fatal fascination for 
 all men, is seen in a letter from the Earl to Wal- 
 singham (August 7, 1579) which has come to light 
 since this book was last printed. The letter was 
 written at the time that Alengon was expected daily 
 in England, Walsingham then being on a mission 
 to the Netherlands. Leicester says that the Queen 
 is afraid of Alengon's coming, but can think of 
 nothing better than to allow him to come, and 
 then " mislike him for it.'' In fact to practice 
 upon the poor fellow as we have seen her do in 
 the earlier pages of this book. Leicester then 
 seriously warns Walsingham not to appear to 
 disbelieve in Alen9on's wish for the match. " You 
 know her disposition as well as I do. ... I would 
 have you, as much as you may, avoid her Majesty's 
 suspicion that you doubt Monsieur's love for her, 
 or that you had devotion enough in you to forward 
 her marriage ; though I promise I think she has 
 little enough herself to it. Yet what she would 
 have others think and do, you have cause to 
 know." I The fiction that had to be maintained 
 at any cost was that of the Queen's personal de- 
 sirableness. Upon that the wealth and splendour 
 of her favourites depended ; and, as we have seen, 
 Hatton, at least, fooled her to the top of her bent. 
 That there was no physical reason that the Queen 
 should not marry and bear children may be deduced 
 not only from Lord Burghley's several State memo- 
 randa addressed to, or draWn up for, the Queen 
 herself, and in which the continuance of the direct 
 royal line is usually made one of the principal argu- 
 ments in favour of her marriage with one suitor after 
 ' Foreign Calendar, 1578-1579. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 361 
 
 another, but also from the many similar expressions 
 used in the private letters that passed between 
 Burghley, Sussex, Leicester, Walsingham, and 
 other ministers, who, even if they wished to keep 
 up a pretence to the Queen herself in public papers, 
 would not have done so in private and confidential 
 communications to each other if marriage and issue 
 had really been out of the question, which they 
 would certainly have known if such had been the 
 case. The reference in Mary Stuart's letter, to 
 Elizabeth's not bemgJike_other women, must there- 
 fore have had some different meaning from this. 
 In one respect, at least, she was unlike the Queen 
 of Scots herself; whilst indulging to the full her 
 mania for exciting the admiration of men and com- 
 pelling the worship of her physical endowments, 
 her own cold-blooded self-command was sufficiently 
 strong to enable her to dict ate t he limits and con- 
 
 o — „ ' 
 
 ditions to which her slaves were bound. Oppor- 
 tunities for admiration were generously furnished 
 where her fancy fell, doubtless to her own grati- 
 fication as well as to that of her friends. But 
 half-despairing hope rather than conquest was the 
 note she liked to hear ; and her favourites promptly 
 learnt one after the other that upon their sounding 
 that note in a, sufficiently languishing and adoring 
 tone their own wealth and power depended. 
 
CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 In Mary Stuart's letter repeating the Countess of 
 Shrewsbury's malicious gossip about the Queen 
 the grossest charge is that concerning the Queen's 
 favour to Simier and his master. " Pour I'honneur 
 du pays il lui {i.e., the Countess) fashoit le plus, que 
 vous aviez non seulement engage votre honeur 
 avecques un Stranger nommd Simier, I'allant 
 trouver de nuit dans la chambre d'une dame, que 
 la dicta Comtesse blasmait fort d c'este occasion 
 li, ou vous le baisiez et usiez avec lui de diverses 
 privautez ddshonestes : mais aussy lui rdvelliez les 
 segretz du royaume, trahaisant vos propres con- 
 seilliers avec lui. Que vous vous esties desport^e 
 de la meme dissolution avec le Due son maistre 
 {i.e., Alengon), qui vous avez 6te trouver une nuit 
 a la porte de votre chambre, ou vous I'aviez ren- 
 contre avec vostre seule chemise et manteau de 
 nuit et que par apr^z vous I'aviez laiss^ entrer, 
 et qu'il demeura avecques vous pres de trois 
 heures." ' It will be remarked that, although the 
 same private access to the Queen is alleged here 
 tohave been accorded to Simier and his master as 
 to certain of her English favourites, no accusat ion 
 of actual incontinence is in this case formulate3~by 
 
 » " Labanoif Recueil," vol. vi. 
 362 
 
THE COURTSHIPS OF QUEEN ELIZABETH. 363 
 
 Mary Stuart or the Countess of Shrewsbury. If it 
 had been it could not for a moment have been 
 believed. Simier, as will have been seen by the 
 earlier pages of this book, came as a vicarious 
 wooer for the Duke of Alengon, and he soon crept 
 into the Queen's good graces. She was hungry, 
 as usual, for the loving admiration of a royal prince, 
 but determined not to pledge herself beyond retreat. 
 Simier, the confidential agent and close friend of 
 Alengon, would of course give a precise account 
 to his master of all that he saw and heard in Eng- 
 land, and it is preposterous to believe that a 
 woman so able as Elizabeth, and with so tre- 
 mendous a stake as that for which she was playing, 
 would, at the age of forty-five years, have put 
 it into the power of such a man as Simier to upset 
 all the political marriage intrigues, present and 
 future, by surrendering herself to him. But it 
 was to her interest that he should be in a posi- 
 tion to inflame his young master's ardour and to 
 overcome the cautious counsels that bade Alengon 
 stand off and defer a compromising visit to Eng- 
 land until a positive unconditional pledge was given 
 that the Queen would marry him if he came. No 
 better means could be devised — and certainly none 
 more delightful to Elizabeth — than to bewitch 
 Simier himself and to enable him to describe to 
 the prince in glowing terms the supreme attrac- 
 tions of the prize for which the latter was bidding; 
 a prize so 'glorious, it would be contended, apart from 
 its political aspect, as to be worth the sacrifice of 
 some of the prized safeguards dictated by elderly 
 statesmen. The manners and ethics of the six- 
 teenth century were widely different from those of 
 
364 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 our own. Shocked as Mary Stuart affected to be 
 at Elizabeth's alleged reception of Simier in the 
 diaphanous garments of her hours of repose, 
 such a proceeding at the Court of France under 
 Henry II., or under Alengon's brother, Henry III., 
 would hardly have called for the notice of the most 
 prudish.! The famous and much-admired portrait 
 of Henry II.'s mistress, the proud and devout 
 Duchess of Valentinois, which forms the frontis- 
 piece of her Life recently published in the Goupil 
 series, will prove thus much, without further in- 
 sistence on the point. Actual unchastity was, it 
 is true, almost as much condemned as it is to-day ; 
 but short of that there was apparently not much 
 harm in anything, at least in the Court of France 
 where Simier had learnt his social code. Maison- 
 fleur, and perhaps poor young La Mole, had 
 previously to some extent been able to assure the 
 prince of the Queen's many attractions, and " ima- 
 gination de vos divins beaut^s " had for some time 
 been a stock phrase of his when writing to the 
 Queen. But Simier 's more detailed reports were 
 needed before Alengon could be worked up to the 
 pitch of throwing political prudence to the winds 
 and making the flying visit to England described 
 in Chapter IX. The moment he chose for coming 
 was, for political reasons, as has been related, an 
 unfortunate one, and Elizabeth, whilst anxious 
 
 ' A few months after Simier's arrival, for instance, Alengon 
 writes to the Queen saying that Simieif had " told him that it had 
 been his good fortune to find himself in her Majesty's chamber, 
 where he had robbed her of her nightcap, which he had sent to 
 him. This he will keep most carefully, together with her hand- 
 kerchief, and thanks her most humbly for allowing Simier so 
 much favour on his behalf." Hatfield Papers, vol. ii., 323. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 365 
 
 to satisfy her vanity by captivating the prince as 
 she had done his envoy, began now to blow hot 
 and cold alternately upon both. Castelnau shortly 
 before had written that Elizabeth at last was per- 
 suaded, " that you {i.e., Alengon) do not want her 
 for her crown, but rather for her good qualities and 
 her body, which she hopes will be agreeable to 
 you ; " but no sooner was the Prince's visit decided 
 upon than the Queen became less loving , and 
 Simier, astounded at the change, wrote, " Je ne 
 croirai au mariage, que lorsque les draps seront 
 lev6s, les flambeaux eteints, et mon maitre dans 
 le lit." 
 
 Of the loving relations which were promptly 
 established between the Queen and Alengon on his 
 arrival on this occasion enough has been said in the 
 earlier chapters ; and in the Prince's subsequent 
 letters, and those of Simier, must be sought a key 
 as to the extent to which the intimacy was carried. 
 Some specimens of the correspondence have been 
 given from the letters following Simier's departure 
 from England, and thereafter nearly every letter 
 from Alengon or his envoy contains the assurance 
 that the only thing that keeps either of them alive 
 is : "la souvenance de vos rares et grandes beaut^s, 
 sur les-quelles il a fond6 tous ses desirs." ^ The 
 letters of Simier throughout the whole protracted 
 correspondence arej^bject in the extreme ; nauseous 
 in their blasphemous adoration and in their slaver- 
 ing gratitude, which can never be repaid, for some 
 great special favour done him ; and on one occasion 
 when he was in disgrace with Alengon, in writing to 
 
 ' Simier to the Queen, February 25, 1580. Hatfield Papers, 
 vol. ii. 
 
366 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 Elizabeth he lets us see how well he understood 
 her character. Some one had told her, it appears, 
 that he was married again. To this he replies : 
 "Assurez vous, Madame, que je n'aurai jamais 
 aultre femme que la mort, estimant le mariage le 
 comble de tous malheurs." In the same letter he 
 writes : " Vous avez la sagesse de tout le monde, et 
 un beaut^ incomprensible. Aussi n'^tes vous fait 
 que pour le plus grand de tous les dieux ; et, d la 
 verit^, je serai hereux cent et cent fois tant qu'il 
 vous plaira m'onorer de vos bonnes graces." These 
 expressions, so often repeated by Simier in his 
 letters to the Queen, are inspired by a similar spirit 
 to that of Hatton's letters. There is never in them 
 a breath of self-assertion o r satisfied vanity. The 
 Queen is simply a radiant goddess, who for her own 
 satisfaction has granted to them the inestimable 
 boon of being able to judge betler than the ordinary 
 crowd of her perfections, and their eyes thence- 
 forward must be shut to all other attractions if they 
 are to keep intact in her good graces." ^ 
 
 When Alenqon made his long stay in England 
 during the winter of 1581, fully described in an 
 earlier chapter, the relations between the Queen 
 and him were those of betrothed persons of the 
 period, with the added familiarity arising from the 
 Queen's political methods and personal tendency. 
 To guess exactly what these relations were we must 
 analyse the expressions employed subsequently by 
 the Prince in his many confidential letters to the 
 Queen. In one of his half-despairing communica- 
 
 ' Marchaumont's (Moine's) letters, though just as humble, 
 are filled with a certain Gascon pride, and are bolder in their 
 expressions of love, though yearning is still the note. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 367 
 
 tions during the prolonged false negotiations which 
 followed his departure from England, he repeats his 
 usual frantic words of adoration of the Queen, 
 but continues very significantly thus : " Estant 
 continuellement en cplere contre cette miserable 
 fortune, qui ne m'a voulu tant favouriser jusque d 
 present que de me faire coucher a u grand l it ; au lit 
 ou je me souhaite sans intermission. Serd t'il 
 possible que je m'y puisse voir un jour? Si cela 
 est, je serai le plus content de la terre, et esipere 
 de vous en rendre si bons temoinages que votre 
 Majestd me tiendra pour bon compagnon. . . . 
 Baysant, et rebayzant, tout ce que votre belle 
 Majesty peut penser, je prie le Cr^ateur vous 
 donner cent mille ann^es de belle et contente vie, 
 avec un petit Prince de Galles, fait et forg^ du petit 
 fran9ais, qui est, et sera, en et^rnit6, votre humble 
 et affection^ esclave." ^ According to the ideas of 
 our century this, and many other letters of a similar 
 character, but too gross to be fully quoted here, 
 would be looked upon as an outrageous insult if 
 addressed to any honest woman ; but such was 
 evidently not_thecase in_the_days of Elizabeth ; 
 and, immodest as the words are, one fact stands 
 out perfectly clear, namely, that the privilege of 
 sleeping in the "great bed," to which so many 
 suggestive references are made — evidently the bed 
 in Elizabeth's own chamber — was as yet for Alengon 
 but a distant and doubtful vision of future felicity — 
 not a proud reminiscence ; and that, moreover, his 
 qualities as a fit helpmate to the Queen had yet to 
 be demonstrated to her. This impression is repeated 
 in various forms throughout the letters from the 
 ' Hatfield Papers, vol. ii. p. 476. 
 
368 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 Prince, as well as those from Simier. In the letters 
 written by the latter in the a;utumn of 1582, when 
 by means chiefly of Elizabeth's influence he was 
 endeavouring to regain the confidence of the Prince, 
 there occur many mysterious expressions which have 
 given rise to a doubt whether, after all, there had 
 not been a closer bond between the writer and the 
 Queen than that which I have suggested. But his 
 fervent prayers to the Queen to be careful that 
 their correspondence should not be discovered, and 
 his fears of Walsingham's vigilance, seem to supply 
 the key to the real reason for his fears. " Nothing 
 in the world," he says, "would cause me greater 
 disgrace than that Monsieur should discover what 
 has taken place between me and you" *' They all 
 hate me because I love you. . . . You, the Queen 
 of my soul." ' But a careful consideration of the 
 letter, long and obscure as it is, will show that what 
 Simier is afraid of is not the revelation_ of any in- 
 tjmate lov e-passages bet ween him and the Queen — 
 for which, indeed, there had been no opportunity 
 since the evidently incomplete philandering of some 
 years before — but the discovery of his treacherous 
 arrangement with Elizabeth to re-enter Alen9on's 
 service as her spy and instrument for the purpose of 
 thwarting every action of his master that might be 
 considered inimical to Elizabeth's interests. It 
 may, I think, be accepted, on a close consideration 
 of the whole of the facts and correspondence, that 
 Elizabeth's relations with Alengon and his envoy 
 were of a similar character to those with Hatton, 
 and probably also with Leicester, namely, that 
 
 ' See especially the letter of August 19, 1582. Hatfield Papers, 
 vol. ii. p. 517. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 369 
 
 whilst they extended to an amount of familiarity 
 that would be considered indecorous even in those 
 days, they were mainly prompted and maintained 
 to satisfy the overweening personal vanity of the 
 Queen, and that they stopped short of actual im- 
 morality. If we had not, in the words I have 
 quoted from Alen^on's letter, what is practically his 
 admission that this was the case with him, it would 
 still be quite incredible that it should be otherwise. 
 He was the Queen's suitor in marriage. Political 
 exigencies had compelled the Queen to pledge her- 
 self to him more deeply than she liked, and we have 
 seen throughout the latter half of this book that she 
 had devoted all her great craft and ability to gain 
 her political objects, whilst always minimising the 
 hold of the French Prince upon her. That a 
 woman of her cold-blooded nature, and of her 
 mature age, should"stuitify'the efforts of years and 
 imperil her imperial policy by giving him the 
 strongest possible claim upon her, whilst she for- 
 feited her greatest claim upon him, is quite beyond 
 belief in the case of Elizabeth, however possible it 
 might have been for Mary Stuart. 
 
 Whilst the lingering insincerity of the Alen^on 
 match was coming to a disappointing end, and the 
 "poor frog " was sighing his soul out in despair for 
 the joys that_jsi[fire ne ver to b e his, a far more 
 splendid figure than that of the dapper Frenchman, 
 with his swarthy, pockmarked visage, attracted the 
 notice of the Queen. He was a tall, handsome man 
 of thirty, with bold, dark eyes and curling, black 
 hair over a fair face, and he had done good service 
 in the Huguenot wars and the Irish rebellion. An 
 adherent of the Earl of Leicester, and wearing his 
 
 25 
 
370 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 livery, he attended the Earl on his voyage to 
 Flanders when poor Alen9on received the empty 
 title of Duke of Brabant, early in 1582, and only a 
 few weeks afterwards, on his return to England, he 
 was already a full-fledged favourite with the Queen, 
 privileged to plead the cause of that turbulent young 
 Earl of Oxford, upon whom the Queen's eyes had 
 now ceased to look upon with unrequited favour, and 
 who had fallen into fresh disgrace for his violence 
 at Court. Where the Queen saw WaherRalegh 
 first, and when, cannot now be said ,-pirabably at 
 the end of 1581, when he came from Ireland with 
 the Viceroy's despatches, and was bold enough to 
 attack the policy 6f his chief before the Council. 
 The son of a Devonshire yeoman, speaking always,^ 
 even in the days of his greatest splendour, with the 
 soft burr of the west country, he had, nevertheless, 
 that gift of the gods, a ready euphonic speech, to 
 vest in glowing garment clear-cut thoughts, throng- 
 ing from one_^fthe_brightestJbrains that ever dwelt 
 in English head. We have seenKow jealous Hatton 
 was of the growing favour of " water," but others, 
 too, soon began to look askance at the "jumping 
 jack," as they contemptuously called him. They 
 had some reason. Greedy as Hatton was, he 
 was modest in comparison to Ralegh. Not even 
 Leicester in his youth had been more splendid and 
 gaudy in his dress than this Devonshire squireling's 
 son. Elizabeth loved fine clothes, almost as much 
 as she loved herself without them, and this "fine 
 figure of a man," (decked by her bounty in shimmer- 
 ing satins and flashing jewels, absorbed for a time 
 all the admiration she had to spare from the con- 
 templation of her looking-glass. Lord Burghley, 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 37i 
 
 sorely tried by Leicester's influence, which was 
 always in favour of war with Spain, bethought him, 
 when he saw how the Queen was absorbed by her 
 new flame, that he might be used as a fit instrument 
 for his political ends, and Ralegh was enlisted on 
 the side of the moderate opportunist party in the 
 Council. Ralegh's own traditions and convictions, 
 if he had any, were entirely Puritan and anti- 
 opportunist ; but Burghley was powerful, and, 
 perhaps, before Ralegh well realised the process, 
 he found that his future was bound up in the success 
 of the Cecils and opposition to Leicester. Still, for 
 some years he was full of lip-service to the Earl, and 
 spoke humbly to the great nobles, who frowned and 
 sneered at him for a flashy upstart. During the 
 Earl's absence in the Netherlands he was told that 
 Ralegh was no well-wisher of his, and when Sir 
 Walter heard this he wrote to him as follows : "In 
 ought else your Lordshipe shall finde me most 
 assui^ed to my power to performe all offices of love, 
 honour, and service to you. But I have byn of late 
 very pestilent reported in this place to be rather a 
 drawer back than a furtherer of the action where 
 you govern. . .- . But all that I have desired at your 
 Lordship's hands, is that you will evermore deal 
 directly with mee in all matters of suspect dubleness, 
 and so ever esteme mee as you shall finde me de- 
 serving, good or bad. In the mean tyme I humblie 
 beseich you, lett no poetical scribe work your lord- 
 ship by any device to doubt that I am a hollow or 
 cold servant to the action, or a mean well-wilier and 
 follower of your own." ^ 
 
 " MSS. Harl. 6994, British Museum. Edward's " Ralegh." 
 
372 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 Though, as Spenser sang, Ralegh was 
 
 "... the summer nightingale, 
 Thy sovereign goddess's most dear delight," 
 
 he had to walk warily amidst the pitfalls set for him. 
 The Queen, for some years after his first appearance 
 at Court, would hardly willingly let him out of -her 
 sight, but at the slightest attempt on his part to 
 presume over others on the strength of his 
 sovereign's favour, the imperiousness of Elizabeth 
 blazed out as usual ; and to the day of her death 
 Ralegh was never allowed to enter the Privy 
 Council. On one occasion, when the Queen was at 
 Croydon in 1585, love-sick superannuated Hatton 
 sent to the Queen by Sir Thomas Heneage some 
 presents of jewellery, at which her old tenderness 
 for the giver was revived. She expressed to 
 Heneage her deep regard for Hatton, and said 
 the time of his absence seemed as long to her 
 as it did to him : " and she marvelled that you came 
 not." Heneage replied that he had learned that 
 there was no room for him at Croydon ; and the 
 Queen thereupon, in a great rage, asked who had 
 dared to occupy Hatton's usual lodgings. When 
 she was told that Ralegh was occupying theni, 
 " She grew more angry with my Lord Chamberlain 
 than I wished she had been, and used bitterness of 
 speech against Ralegh, telling me before them all 
 that she would rather see him hanged than equal 
 with you, or that the world should think she did so." 
 Though Ralegh's insolence and pride brought 
 enemies in plenty to him as his fortune grew so 
 prodigiously, it is plain to see that the jealousy of 
 Leicester and his friends — including Essex and 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 373 
 
 Hatton — was far more political and financial than 
 amorous, Hatton's affection, as well as Leicester's, 
 was certainly platonic by this time, whatever had 
 been the case years before ; and Ralegh's own readi- 
 ness to get married in the face of incalulable risk to 
 him certainly tends to the presumption that his 
 relations with the Queen were similar to those of 
 the favourites who had prece ded him. But we 
 discover something more than presumptive evidence 
 of this in Spenser's "Fairie Queen," where Timias 
 is avowedly intended to represent Ralegh, and 
 Belphoebe the Queen. Ralegh was Spenser's best 
 friend and benefactor, and perhaps no., man was 
 more likely to know the real truth of the matter 
 than he. In the course of his adventures Timias, 
 wounded and swooning in a wood, is succoured and 
 tended by Belphcebe, with whom he, as in duty 
 bound, falls in love. The fair lady on her side 
 lavishes upon the knight every boon that wealth 
 and affection can supply: 
 
 " But that sweet cordial, which can 
 Restore a love-sick heart, she did to him envy. 
 To him and all the unworthy world forebore. 
 She did him envy that sovereign salve in secret store." 
 
 Ralegh's own letter to the Queen when he was 
 in disgrace and banishment shortly before Eliza- 
 beth's death in 1602 leads to a similar conclusion. 
 He wrote to his sovereign in the low-spirited 
 strain common to him, even more than to other 
 favourites, when he was denied her presence, send- 
 ing her certain notes, which might be useful to her 
 to repulse those who are again urging upon her the 
 recognition of a successor — " But I feare I have 
 
374 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 alreddy presumed too much, which love, stronger 
 than reason, hath encouraged : for my errors are 
 eternal, and those of others mortal ; and my labours 
 thankless— I mean unacceptable, for thanks be- 
 longeth not to vassals. If your Majesty pardon it, 
 it is too greate a rewarde. And so humbly embrac- 
 ing and admiringe the memory of those celestial 
 bewtys, which, with the people, is denied me to review, 
 I pray God your Majesty may be eternal in joys 
 and happiness. Your Majesty's most humble slave, 
 W. R." When in 1592 Ralegh disobeyed the 
 Queen and sailed with his ships to attack the 
 Spanish silver fleet, his enemies gave out that he 
 was afraid to face his sovereign because he had 
 secretly married Elizabeth Throckmorton, who, for 
 the rest of his life, made him so faithful and noble a 
 wife. His letter to his friend Cecil the younger 
 with reference to this rumour shows him to have 
 been as mean in spirit as he was great in intellect. 
 His relations with the Queen, the object of which 
 was to pander to her vanity alone, were ag inade- 
 quate to him as similar relations had been to all her 
 other favourites, except meek Hatton, whose fear 
 was stronger than his desire for a married life. 
 It was perfectly legitimate and right that Ralegh 
 should marry in the circumstances ; but having 
 done so, and fearing to lose his wealth and 
 countenance at Court, he wrote : "I mean not 
 to come away, as they say, for fear of a marriage, 
 and I know not what. If any such thing weare 
 I should have imparted it unto yourself before 
 any man living : and therefore I pray believe it 
 not ; and I beseech you to suppress what you can 
 any such malicious report. For, I protest before 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 37s 
 
 God, there is none on the face of the earth that I 
 would be fastened unto" But notwithstanding his 
 denials, when driven back to England by tempest, 
 and, empty-handed, he went to Court in June, 1592, 
 he found himself and his wife suddenly lodged in 
 the Tower. There could have been no true nobility 
 in the man who, thus finding himself in disgrace 
 with the Queen for that which was, from all points 
 of view, a good action rather than a bad one, could 
 write such a letter as the following for the eyes of 
 the woman whose caprice having alighted upon him 
 and loaded him with favours, had now cast him into 
 prison because he had dared to marry a good 
 woman : " My heart was never broken till this 
 day, that I hear the Queen goes away so far off; 
 whom I have followed so many years with so great 
 love and desire in so many journeys, and am now 
 left behind her in a dark prison all alone. Whilst 
 she was yet near at hand, that I might hear of her 
 once in two or three dayes, my sorrows were less : 
 but even now my heart is cast into the depth of all 
 misery. I, that was wont to behold her riding like 
 Alexander, hunting like Diana, walking like Venus ; 
 the gentle wind blowing her fair hair about her pure 
 cheeks like a nymph : sometimes sitting in the 
 shade like a goddess, sometimes singing like an 
 angel; sometimes playing like Orpheus. Behold 
 the sorrow of this world! Once amiss hath be- 
 reaved me of all. O ! glory that only shineth in 
 misfortune, what is become of thy assurance? All 
 wounds have scars but that of fancy ; all affections 
 their releiiling_buttl]a.t of womankind. Who is the 
 judge of friendship but adversity, and when is grace 
 witnessed but in offences .? There were no divinity 
 
3;6 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 but by reason of compassion ; for revenges are 
 brutish and mortal. All those times past — the 
 loves, the sighs, the sorrows, the desires, can they 
 not weigh down one frail misfortune ? Cannot one 
 drop of gall be hidden in so great heaps of sweet- 
 ness ? I may then conclude spes ei fortuna valete. 
 She is gone in whom I trusted, and of me hath not 
 one thought of mercy, nor any respect of that that 
 was. Do with me now, therefore, what you list. I 
 am more weary of life than they are desirous 
 I should perish, which if it had been for her, as 
 it is by her, I had been too happy born." 
 
 For doleful whimpering Hatton himself could 
 hardly have beaten this. It was to some extent 
 a courtly tradition that prompted it, and there is 
 no reason to believe that Ralegh was so incon- 
 solable about it from the amorous point of view, 
 however much he may have regretted the threatened 
 loss of his fat sinecures and rich royal grants. But 
 the main point to be considered in this letter, as 
 in the many others from former favourites, is the 
 complete absence of the slightest hint of any feeling 
 but JangjiishingjaaJtgined desire. In no case of 
 the four suitors whose despairing letters I have 
 quoted is even a veiled threat discernible, or pres- 
 sure of any sortbroi3gKt~"upon the Queen by a 
 suggestion of compromising relations in the past. 
 It is incredible that, if they had possessed such a 
 secret, none of the rejected or disgraced favourites 
 would sooner or later have attempted, at least, to 
 njaJge^g-pital or gain revenge for themselves by 
 suggesting their possession of information for which 
 Elizabeth's many enemies would have paid splen- 
 didly. 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 37; 
 
 When Ralegh was at the height of his fortune 
 in 1587, after the great Babington estates had been 
 granted to him, it seems to have been recognised 
 by Leicester's friends that a counter-attraction 
 sufficiently potent to distract the Queen's fancy 
 was for them a political necessity. Several young 
 men had been tried with indifferent success, and, 
 as what certainly looks like a desperate resource, 
 it had been determined in 1585 or 1586 to bring 
 prominently before the sovereign's notice Leicester's 
 very youthful stepson Robert Earl of Essex. It 
 was a risky experiment, for the Quee n was fifty -two, 
 whilst the lad was only nineteen years ofage~arihe 
 time, and had been wayward and pampered all his 
 life. His mother, moreover, was Elizabeth's cousin, 
 Lettice Knollys, whose marriage with Leicester, 
 indecently soon after her husband's suspicious death, 
 the Queen had so bitterly resented, and had never 
 forgiven. But those who had conceived the plan 
 of running the young noble against Ralegh knew 
 what they were at, absurd as the project appears 
 now. The fair youthful grace of Essex was no 
 doubt a welcome change from the mature attractions 
 of Ralegh's thirty-six years, and before many 
 months of 1587 had passed a courtier wrote: 
 " When she (the Queen) is abroad nobody is near 
 her but my Lord of Essex : and at night my Lord 
 is at cards, or one game or another, with her, till 
 the birds sing in the morning." Shortly after this, 
 when Essex was in attendance upon the Queen in 
 her progress through Hertfordshire, he wrote to his 
 friend Dyer a letter which shows, even thus early, 
 how insolently he regarded the favour shown to 
 him. He was complaining violently of some slight 
 
378 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 which he alleges that the Queen had put upon his 
 sister and repeating the Queen's excuses for it, and 
 continues : " Such bad excuses gave me a theme 
 large enough, both for answer. of them, and to tell 
 her what the true causes were, why she would offer 
 this disgrace both to me and my sister ; which was 
 only to please that knave Ralegh, for whose sake I 
 saw she would grieve both me and my love, and 
 disgrace me in the eye of the world. From thence 
 she came to speak of Ralegh ; and it seemed she 
 could not endure anything to be spoken against 
 him. And taking hold of the word disdain, she 
 said there was no such cause why I Should disdain 
 him. This speech did trouble me so much that, 
 as near as I could, I did describe unto her what 
 he had been and what he was. ... I did let her 
 know whether I had cause to disdain his competi- 
 tion of love, or whether I could have comfort to 
 give myself over to the service of a mistress who 
 was in awe of such a man. I spake, what of grief 
 and choler, as much against him as I could : and I 
 think that he, standing at the door (as Captain of 
 the Guard) might very well hear the worst that I 
 spoke of himself. In the end I saw she was 
 resolved to defend him and cross me. . . . For 
 myself, I told her, I had no joy to be in any place, 
 but was loth to be near about her when I knew my 
 affection so much throw n down, and such a wretch 
 as Ralegh highly esteemeH^oFher. , . . This strange 
 alteration is by Ralegh's means, and the Queen, 
 who hath tried all other ways, now will see whether 
 she can by these hard courses drive me to be 
 friends with Ralegh, which shall rather drive me 
 to many other extremities." This letter was written 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 379 
 
 to the universal confidant, Sir Edward Dyer,' and 
 it gives us a good insight into the character of the 
 overbearing young hot-head, EHzabeth's love for 
 whom was in her waning age to be the Nemesis 
 to avenge her former levities. 
 
 In all her other attachments, as we have seen, 
 the mere contemplation of her peerless beauties was 
 a boon so great — especially when accompanied by 
 lavish grants of estates and offices — as to reduce 
 her votaries to abject slaves of her caprice, and to 
 make them whining malingerers when they were 
 deprived of their ocular feast. Leicester, when 
 the Queen and he were both young, had sometimes, 
 it is true, shown some independence and indiffer- 
 ence at his royal mistress's crossness with him, but 
 they understood each other thoroughly, and in most 
 cases these tiffs were but comedies carefully got up 
 for political or party reasons. But, with this possible 
 exception, Elizabeth's flirtations had invariably been 
 conducted on the theory that the eternally unpay- 
 able obligation was on the side of the favourite, 
 and that the Queen, out of sheer pity for men dying 
 for love of her, occasionally unveiled her refulgence 
 before them. With Essex the matter was quite 
 different. Jealous, proud, and impatient, he was 
 willing to be petted and spoilt by an old maid 
 who was, as he knew, desperately in love with 
 him in her own way. But from his point of view 
 —not unnatural at their respective ages— the 
 Queen, and not he, was the obliged and favoured 
 party. Very far from feigning desperation when 
 he was banished from a view of her charms, he 
 
 I Tanner MSS., Bodleian Library; also quoted in Edwards 
 " Ralegh." 
 
38o THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 ran away from her gaily as often as he had the 
 chance, and was as peevish and exacting with her 
 as she hitherto had been with the men who had 
 caught her fancy. The tradition of her marvellous 
 beauty, which might have affected older men who 
 had been at Court before the Queen's attractions 
 began to fade, could not have had any hold upon 
 Essex, who as an adult neveir saw her until her 
 neck h ad gro wn scraggy, her bosom withered, her 
 cheeks wrinkled, and her coiffure was a red wig, 
 whilst he was in the first bloom of adolescent 
 virility. This change of standpoint, which is evi- 
 dent in all Essex's relations with the Queen, could 
 not be accepted contentedly by a woman of her 
 character and antecedents, and all the misery that 
 the connection brought to both parties was the 
 result of this natural incompatibility of view. Essex 
 was quite willing to humour the Queen so long as 
 he had all his own Wciy and was splendidly rewarded ; 
 but sulked and declared he would not play any 
 more the moment he was thwarted. Sir Robert 
 Naunton, who knew them both, writes thus, blaming 
 first " the violent indulgence of the Queen (which 
 is incident to old age where it encounters with a 
 pleasing and suitable object) towards this great 
 lord, which argued a non-perpetuity ; and the 
 second fault was in the object of her grace, my lord 
 himself, who drew in too fast, like a child sucking 
 on an over-uberous nurse : and had there been 
 more decent decorum observed in both, or either 
 of them, without doubt their affections would have 
 been more permanent, and not so in and out as 
 they were. . . . The greater error of the two, 
 though unwilling, I am constrained to impose on 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 381 
 
 my Lord of Essex, and rather on his youth . . . 
 he was noted for too bold an engrosser both of 
 fame and favour." That Essex proceeded with the 
 Queen peremptorily in the way he did was not the 
 result of petulant folly, but of conviction that she 
 might best be managed by that means, is seen in 
 Lord Bacon's letter to Lord Devonshire about him : 
 "My Lord (Essex) had a sort of settled opinion that 
 the Queen should be brought to nothing but by a 
 kind of necessity or authority : and I well remember 
 when by violent courses at any time he had got his 
 will, he would ask me : now, Sir, whose principles 
 be true ? and I would again say to him : my Lord, 
 these courses be like to hot waters ; they will help 
 at a pang, but if you use them you shall spoil the 
 stomach ; and you shall be fain still to make them 
 stronger and stronger, and yet in the end they will 
 lose their operation." 
 
 The Queen's ardent and unappeasable attachment 
 to such a lover as Essex brought her constant 
 inquietude. In 1587, only just after he wrote 
 the letter to Dyer quoted above, the Earl, thinking 
 doubtless, as Bacon says, to force the Queen to 
 banish Ralegh by adopting a violent course with her, 
 gave her the slip, and attempted to get away to the 
 Netherlands war. Elizabeth, nearly beside herself 
 with anger, sent messengers after him, and he was 
 brought back almost by force just as he was about 
 to embark at Sandwich. Even more incensed was 
 she two years afterwards, when her favourite 
 managed to escape and embark at Plymouth to join 
 Drake's expedition to capture Lisbon in the interest 
 of the Portuguese pretender Don Antonio.'' 
 
 ' Full particulars of this escapade will be found in the writer's 
 " The Year after the Armada," 
 
382 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 Knollys, and even the Earl of Huntington, were 
 sent galloping after him to the west country, as fast 
 as horses could carry them, with warrants of arrest 
 and the like ; but the Swifisure was out at sea before 
 the favourite was discovered, and thenceforward. 
 Elizabeth had nothing but bitter words and scowling 
 looks for the cause that had temporarily deprived 
 her of the delightful torture of having her pet near 
 her. Sir Roger Williams, the general second in 
 command of the troops, who had connived at the 
 escape, she ordered peremptorily to be hanged. 
 But neither Drake nor Norris, far away on the coast 
 of Portugal, would obey her in this, threaten as she 
 might; and when Essex came back in pretended con- 
 trition from his escapade the sin of helping him away 
 was forgotten in the Queen's delight in his return. 
 
 The undignified squabbles between the two were 
 as frequent as they were unprecedented in the case of 
 former favourites. Previously the Queen had done 
 all the railing, and her lovers had waxed lachry- 
 mose at her slightest hasty word. Now Essex con- 
 sidered himself entitled to retort in kind. The story 
 of how young Charles Blount at the age of twenty 
 attracted the Queen's nbtice at about the time of 
 Ralegh's disgrace (1592) illustrates not only Eliza- 
 beth's methods but Essex's jealous insolence. 
 Blount was the younger brother of a ruined peer. 
 Lord Mountjoy, and was a student at the Inner 
 Temple, being, as Naunton says, "brown haired of a 
 sweet face, and of a most neat composure; tall in his 
 person." "The Queen was then at Whitehall and at 
 dinner, whither he came to see the fashion of the 
 Court. The Queen soon found him out, and with a 
 kind of affected favour, asked her carver who he 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 383 
 
 was. He answered he knew him not; inasmuch 
 that enquiry was made one from another who he 
 might be, till it was told the Queen that he was 
 Lord Mountjoy's brother. This enquiry, with the 
 eye of her Majesty fixed upon him, as she was wont 
 to do, and to daunt men she knew not, stirred the 
 blood of the young gentleman, inasmuch as his 
 colour went and came ; which, the Queen observing, 
 called unto him and gave him her hand to kiss, 
 encouraging him with gracious words and new 
 looks ; and so turning her speech to the lords and 
 ladies, she said she had no sooner observed him 
 than she knew he was of noble blood, with some 
 expression of pity towards his house ; and then 
 again demanding his name, she said, "Fail you not to 
 come to Court, and I will bethink me how to do you 
 good." We may be sure that the Cecils and their 
 friends did their best to capture Blount as an instru- 
 ment of their policy ; but, as Naunton says, " though 
 he wanted not wit nor courage, for he had very fine 
 attractives, as being a good piece of a scholar, yet 
 were those accompanied with the retractives of 
 bashfulness and natural modesty." His "backward- 
 ness," and a desire to win fame in war rather than 
 by Court dalliance were such, we are told, that : "had 
 not some wise men about him laboured to remove 
 his desire for gadding abroad, and the Queen laid 
 her own command upon him, he would have marred 
 his own market." He came very nearly doing it 
 more than once, by rushing over to the Netherlands 
 on the pretext of visiting the regiment of which he 
 was nominally in command, and then rashly expos- 
 ing himself to danger, as he did also with Norris' 
 army in Brittany. When he was brought back from 
 
384 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 the latter place by the Queen's command, and came 
 into his irate mistress's presence : " She fell into a 
 kind of railing, demanding of him how he dared to 
 go over without her leave. Serve me so (quoth 
 she) once more, and I will lay you fast enough for 
 running. You will never leave off till you get 
 knocked on the head, as that inconsiderate fellow 
 Sidney was. You shall go when I send you ; in the 
 meantime see that you lodge in the Court, where 
 you may follow your book, and read and discourse 
 of the wars." Blount did more than this when he 
 grew older ; and as Lord Mountjoy was not the 
 least of Elizabeth's generals. 
 
 When Essex saw that Blount had attracted the 
 favourable notice of the Queen his insolent pride 
 burst out. The younger favourite distinguished 
 himself on one occasion by grace and dexterity at 
 tilting, and Elizabeth, as a token of her pleasure, 
 sent him a beautifully enamelled gold queen of a 
 chess set. Blount, as was the fashion, fastened it 
 upon his doublet sleeve with a crimson ribbon, 
 taking care, with youthful ostentation, to wear his 
 cape on the other shoulder only, in order to exhibit 
 his new ornament. Essex, passing through the 
 Privy Chamber, noticed it, and asked Greville what 
 w^as the meaning of wearing a chessman upon a 
 sleeve. He was told that it was the Queen's own 
 favour. " Ah ! I see," replied Essex ; " every fool 
 must have a favour nowaday." Blount, on t)eing 
 told this, sent the Earl a challenge, and they met in 
 what is now Regent's Park, to fight it out, Essex 
 being w ounded in the flesh of the thigh and dis- 
 armed. J^lizabeth, ever vigilant for the presence of 
 the men she loved, asked what had become of her 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 385 
 
 young favourites. No one dared tell her for a time ; 
 but when she heard the story — not altogether un- 
 pleasant to her, doubtless — she burst out with her 
 customary oath. "God's death! it was time that 
 some one or other should take him down, and teach 
 him better manners ; otherwise there would be no 
 rule with him." 
 
 It will be noticed that these two young favourites 
 of Elizabeth's old age stood upon a different footing 
 from those who had preceded them. Not only 
 were they younger when her fancy first fell upon 
 them, but she was proportionately older. Instead 
 of beseeching her in heartbroken supplications to 
 keep them near her, and to give them some hope 
 of the attainment of their elusive dreams of happi- 
 ness in her presence, as Simier, Alen9on, Hatton, 
 and Ralegh had done, these two young men were 
 with the greatest di fficulty kept from running away 
 from her ; and it is evident that the relationship, 
 apart from the honour and profit it brought, gave 
 them no gratification. The very fact of so violent 
 an attachment for them having been inspired in the 
 Queen at all, when she was between fifty and sixty, 
 and her anxiety to keep them near her, may be 
 advanced as another physiological argument, which 
 ;ieed not be further insisted upon, that the several 
 attachments she had formed in her prime had been 
 platnnir./ 
 
 How the imperious temper of Essex led him 
 down the steep slope that ended in treason and 
 rebellion against his benefactress, I have told fully 
 elsewhere,! but the unhappy domestic squabbles 
 
 1 " Treason and Plot : Struggles for Catholic Supremacy in the 
 last Years of Elizabeth," by Martin Hume. 
 
 26 
 
386 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 between him and the Queen before he entered upon 
 his final traitorous course, bring out in clear relief 
 her hankering yearning for his affection, and his 
 selfish want of consideration for her. His fractious 
 sneering and flouting of every suggestion for the 
 pacification of Ireland, except those which emanated 
 from himself, had stung the Queen deeply, and her 
 anger was met with fresh captiousness on the part 
 of the Earl. Burghley's rich sinecure of Master of 
 the Wards was refused to him, and this was a new 
 cause of complaint. But Elizabeth was now deter- 
 mined that she must humble him, or in her old age 
 she must forego her proud boast, that in England 
 there was only one mistress and no master. Shortly 
 before, in a fit of temper, Essex had ostentatiously 
 turned his back upon her, whilst she was arguing 
 with him about Ireland ; whereupon she rose from 
 her seat and gave him a sounding box on the ear, 
 and told him to go and be hanged. The Earl, 
 clapping his hand to his sword, swore that he would 
 take such an indignity from no one, not even from 
 Henry VIII. if he had been alive ; and he was 
 seized, and for a time he was forbidden the angry 
 sovereign's presence. His mother tearfully prayed 
 her "Sweet Robin" to humble himself to his 
 Queen ; and Lord Keeper Egerton warned him that, 
 unless he kept command of his own temper it would 
 lead him to destruction. 
 
 At last, but with a bad grace, he wrote an epistle 
 to the Queen in the approved strain of despairing 
 love, which always touched her vanity ; and a 
 reconciliation was patched up. When his enemies 
 cornered him by saying that, as he opposed all 
 suggestions for the Irish command, he had better 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 387 
 
 undertake it himself, he could hardly refuse ; and 
 thereafter there matured in his brain that wicked 
 scheme that brought about his ruin ; to insist upon 
 a great force being given to him, and then to use 
 the Queen's army for his own ambitious ends. His 
 danger long before he left England was patent to 
 all the Court. Egerton and Bacon both warned 
 him, and the Queen's heart was hardening against 
 him for his pride and presumption. 
 
 At length he himself saw the pitfall into which 
 his passion was leading him, and, in the old voice 
 of love and sorrow, deplored to the Queen that she 
 was banishing him, in the vain hope that her 
 tenderness would melt her to recall him ; for without 
 disgrace he could not retreat of himself from the 
 position into which he had allowed himself to be 
 manoeuvred. From the first day of his arrival in 
 Ireland he disobeyed the Queen's direct commands, 
 and she daily grew more and more angry at his 
 petulant discontent, his military incapacity or 
 worse, and his ceaseless demands for more troops. 
 His mysterious arrangement with Tyrone was 
 the last straw to the overburdened patience of 
 the Queen, and she wrote to her erstwhile favourite 
 a letter so bitter and scornful as to have bereft 
 him of what litde judgment his envy had left 
 him. 
 
 But one thing for him remained, he thought. 
 The old woman's love for him could not be dead, 
 surely. His tears of contrition, his languishing 
 sighs of love, that had served his turn so often 
 before, would not be in vain now. So he took the 
 disastrous step that ruined him : deserted his com- 
 mand, and, without orders, crossed the sea, and 
 
388 THE COURTSHIPS OF 
 
 rode night and day, until he came unbidden, 
 haggard and mudstained as he was, to cast himself 
 at the Queen's feet, whilst she sat in her nightdress 
 in her bedchamber. She forbore to chide him ; but 
 her heart was cold now ; for her reigning passion, 
 pride, had crushed the love that alone could con- 
 tend against it ; and Essex, a ruined man thence- 
 forward, was handed over to the tender mercies of 
 the enemies he had spurned and spat upon so long. 
 The hate he bore them for outwitting him, and to 
 the Queen for the waning of her love, led him, 
 depending upon the fickle crowd that idolised 
 him as the enemy of unpopular Ralegh, thence- 
 forward to plot against them all. His wild schemes 
 were known to the Cecils and the Queen, as they 
 are known to us now, though most of his con- 
 temporaries knew them not, and marvelled that 
 Elizabeth should have consented, in any case, to 
 sacrifice the man she had loved. That she did 
 so with bitter tears, and afterwards with endless 
 repentance, is certain. But she was a Queen, and 
 a great one. The man she had cherished and 
 loved had attacked her and her state ; and if she 
 had spared Essex no future traitor should ever have 
 been punished. 
 
 There was no more lovemaking after Essex 
 returned from Ireland, and Blount was sent as 
 his successor. The Queen's heart, so greedy of 
 flattery, was dead, because at last she had learnt 
 the hard lesson that she was a withered old woman 
 whom no man would love for her personal attra,c- 
 tions. But, if she could not inspire affection for 
 her beauty any longer, she could arouse fear for her 
 anger, and admiration for her strength. Of her 
 
QUEEN ELIZABETH. 389 
 
 two ruling passions, personal vanity and l ove o f 
 dominion, the latter outlived the former, and only 
 diedwith her last breath. 
 
 All the love affairs that we have glanced at 
 in their non - political aspect, were but the 
 solace of a great governing genius, who was 
 supremely vain. Though they were accompanied by 
 circumstances which were reprehensible, undignified 
 and indelicate for any virtuous woman, much less 
 a Queen, the arguments and evidence that I have 
 been able to adduce should lead, in my opinion, 
 to the delivery of a verdict of non-proven on the 
 generally believed main charge against the Queen 
 of actual immorality. Probably Lord Bacon, who 
 must have known the truth, states the case best. 
 " Some of the graver sort may perhaps aggravate 
 her levities ; in loving to be admired and courted, 
 nay to have love poems made on her ; and con- 
 tinuing this humour longer than was decent for her 
 years : yet these matters, taken in a milder sense, 
 may claim admiration, being often found in 
 fabulous stories ; as that of a certain Queen of 
 the fortunate islands, in whose Court love was 
 allowed but lust banished." 
 
 THE END. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Adolphus, Duke of Holstein, a 
 suitor for the Queen's hand, 
 26-7. 
 
 Alenpon Franpois de Valois, Duke 
 of, suggested match with Eliza- 
 beth, 143, 148-51 ; formal offer 
 of his band, 154 ; description of 
 bis person, 155-9; ^^e from 
 blame for St. Bartholomew, 166 ; 
 bis first letter to Elizabeth, 166- 
 7 ; his plan to visit England, 167 ; 
 at Rochelle, 169-71 ; revival of 
 bis suit, 172 ; Dale's description 
 of him, 173 ; projected escape 
 and visit to England, 175-6 ; 
 the plan divulged by Margaret, 
 177-8 ; ill and in durance, 178-81 ; 
 bis escape and flight, 182-3 > 'n 
 revolt against Henry III., 183-4; 
 is induced to make peace, 186 ; 
 made Duke of Anjou, 186 ; sug- 
 gested marriage with the Infanta, 
 &c., 186 ; becomes ostentatiously 
 Catholic, 187 ; quarrels with his 
 brother's Court, 187 ; his arrest, 
 187-^ ; escape, 178-90 ; is ap- 
 proached by the Flemish Catho- 
 lics, 189; enters Flanders to 
 relieve Mons, 192 ; sends envoys 
 to Elizabeth, 193 ; his position in 
 Flanders, 196-8 ; sends Simierto 
 London, 199 ; his love-letters to 
 
 Elizabeth, 201-2 ; unpopularity 
 of the match in England, 203 ; 
 discussion of his conditions, 
 204-7; his visit to England, 
 210-11 ; he captivates Elizabeth, 
 212-13 ; departs, 214 ; presses 
 his suit, 218 ; raises scruples 
 about religion, 225 ; his plans in 
 Flanders, 225-30; against an 
 alliance of England and France, 
 230 ; accepts the sovereignty of 
 Flanders, 230-1 ; Catholic efforts 
 to dissuade him, 233 ; sends 
 Marchaumont, 236; La belle 
 jarretiere, 236; his alleged sud- 
 den visit to England, 245-50 ; 
 determined to relieve Cambrai, 
 252-3 ; his mother's attempts to 
 dissuade him, 256; his anger 
 with Elizabeth, 257; he enters 
 Flanders, 258 ; prays Elizabeth 
 for money, 259-60 ; his visit to 
 England, 262-9; he refuses to 
 leave England, 268 ; Elizabeth's 
 pledge to him, 269-70 ; his rage 
 at her inconstancy, 273, 279 ; the 
 States offer him the sovereignty, 
 279 ; his unwillingness to leave 
 England, 280-1 ; threats of ven- 
 geance against Elizabeth, 284 ; 
 his romantic appeal to Elizabeth, 
 286 ; English discontent at his 
 stay, 287 ; the States press him, 
 
 391 
 
392 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 287 ; his joy at his brother's ac- 
 ceptance of Elizabeth's condi- 
 tions, 288 ; Elizabeth again cool, 
 289 ; he insists upon Simier's 
 leaving England, 290 ; he swears 
 to raise civil war in France ; 
 Pinart and the Dauphin re- 
 proach him, 295 ; at last sails for 
 Holland, 299-300 ; arrives at 
 Flushing, 302 ; crowned Duke 
 of Brabant, 302-3 ; Elizabeth's 
 feigned anger thereat, 303-5 ; 
 begs for money, 305-8 ; Eliza- 
 beth's fickleness with him, 
 309-11 ; new hopes of the mar- 
 riage, 313, 317, 318 ; in despair 
 begs for more money, 320, 322 ; 
 again hopeful, 322-3 ; desperate 
 position in Flanders, 325 ; his 
 seizure of the fortresses, 325-7 ; 
 his flight, 327; his humble appeals 
 to ElizabiSth, 329 ; her cold reply, 
 329-30 ; illness, 330 ; Catharine's 
 proposal to marry him to Mary 
 Stuart, 330 ; his proposed new 
 expedition to Flanders, 330 ; his 
 death, 331. 
 AngouISme, Duke of, offered in in- 
 fancy as a suitor for Elizabeth, 
 
 5- 
 Anjou, Duke of (see also Henry 
 III.), proposal to marry him to 
 Elizabeth, 114-43 ; personal 
 descriptions of him, i2o-i ; 
 is persuaded by the Catholics 
 against the match, 122 ; formal 
 offer of his hand, 128 } proposed 
 conditions, 129-30 ; his reported 
 Huguenot leanings, 133, 137-8 ; 
 the religious question to be 
 omitted from the conditions, 
 134, 136 ; stands firm about re- 
 ligion, 140-1 ; refuses to marry 
 Elizabeth, 143; renewed nego- 
 tiations for his marriage, 145-9 >" 
 besieges Rochelle, 169; elected 
 
 King of Poland, 171, 175 ; suc- 
 ceeds to the crown of France, 
 182. 
 
 Antonio, Don, the Portuguese pre- 
 tender, 264. 
 
 Antwerp, Alenfon's treacherous 
 attempt to seize, 325-7. 
 
 Aquila, Bishop of, see Quadra. 
 
 Arques, D', 299. 
 
 Arran, Earl of (Duke of Chatel- 
 herault), Elizabeth's hand offered 
 to him, 6 ; his proposed marriage 
 with Elizabeth, 40-1, 47, 49 ; 
 proposed marriage with Mary 
 Stuart, 66. 
 
 Arundel, Earl of (Fitzalan), liis son 
 offered to Elizabeth, 15-16 ; be- 
 comes a suitor himseff, 16, 21, 
 23-6, 29, 37, 41 ; falls to fisti- 
 cuffs with Clinton, 47 ; inquires 
 into Lady Robert Dudle/s 
 death, $3 ; favours the Archduke 
 Charles' suit, 96. 
 
 Arundel, Earl of (Philip Howard), 
 263, 
 
 Ashley, Mrs., governess to Princess 
 Elizabeth, 8-1 1. 
 
 Avila, Sancho de, 326. 
 
 B. 
 
 Bacon, Lady, 96. 
 
 Bacon, Sir Nicholas, 101, 103, no; 
 his posthumous papers against 
 the Alengon match, 204. 
 
 Bacqueville, M. de, sent by Alan 
 fon to England, 192, 193 ; re- 
 ceived by Elizabeth, 194-6, 313. 
 
 Baden, Margravine of (Cecilia of 
 Sweden), her visit to England, 
 
 95-6- 
 
 Balagny, 231. 
 
 Bayonne, the Catholic interviews 
 at, 76, 84-6. 
 
 Bedford, Earl of, 37, 41, 51 ; sent 
 to Catharine de Medici to pro- 
 pose joint action on Council of 
 
INDEX. 
 
 393 
 
 Trent, 58, 72 j action respecting 
 
 the Alenpon match, 242. 
 Bertie, Richard, proposed envoy 
 
 to the Emperor, 103. 
 Bex de, Alenpon's secretary, 234, 
 
 249-50, 263-4. 
 Biron, Marshal de, 324-6, 328. 
 Bochetel de la Forest, French 
 
 ambassador, 105. 
 Bodin, Jean, sent to England by 
 
 Alen?on, 233, 327. 
 Bolejm, Anne, 5-6. 
 Boulogne, siege of, 6. 
 Bourg, Captain, an envoy from 
 
 Alenfon, 214, 227. 
 Briant, execution of, 266. 
 Brisson Barnabe, 238, 240, 242, 
 
 251- 
 
 Bromley, Sir Thomas, Lord Chan- 
 cellor, against the Alenfon 
 match, 206, 273. 
 
 Bussy d'Amboise, 187, 189-90; 
 sent to England, 196 ; killed in a 
 duel, 213. 
 
 Calais,suggested recession to Eng- 
 land, 49 ; demanded as a pledge 
 by Elizabeth, 288, 294, 297. 
 
 Cambrai, the relief of, 246, 250, 
 252, 256, 258-60, 275. 
 
 Campion, execution of, 266. 
 
 Carew, 17. 
 
 Carlos Don, proposed marriage 
 with Mary Stuart, 66, 70 ; Eliza- 
 beth hints at him as a suitor, 76, 
 83, 89. 
 
 Carnavalet, Madame, 137. 
 
 C^rrouge, Count de, 238, 240. 
 
 Castelnau de la Mauvissi&re, French 
 ambassador, 149; sent to Eng- 
 land, 166, 168, 184, 187, 200, 202, 
 207-8, 210-11, 214 ; threatens 
 Elizabeth with the pubUcation 
 of her letters to Alengon, 225-6 ; 
 his interviews with Elizabeth, 
 
 264, 269, 306 ; declines to believe 
 Elizabeth's professed desire to 
 marry Alenfon, 309 ; his scan- 
 dalous words to Elizabeth, 312 ; 
 shocked at Elizabeth's profanity, 
 323- 
 Catharine de Medici, Queen- 
 mother of France, 3-4, 57, 66, 
 69, 71, 76 ; offers Charles IX. to 
 Elizabeth, 79-80, 82-7, 103 ; 
 favours Leicester's suit, 104-5 ; 
 proposals to marry Anjou to 
 Mary Stuart, 114 ; her negotia- 
 tions for Anjou's marriage with 
 Elizabeth, 115-17, 123-5 '• ^^'^ '"" 
 terview with Buckhurst, 124-5; 
 her interviews with Walsingham, 
 127, 135, 137 ; anxiety for the 
 Anjou match, 140-1 ; plans to 
 marry Anjou elsewhere, 144 ; 
 her renewed negotiations for 
 the Anjou match, 145-9 '> Pro- 
 poses Alenfon to Elizabeth, 149 
 passim ; her action after St. 
 Bartholomew, 166, 168-71 ; again 
 offers Alenfon, 172-3 ; keeps 
 Alen(on and Navarre in durance, 
 175-81 ; pursues Alengon in his 
 flight, 183 ; again pursues Alen- 
 fon, 190 ; her plans against the 
 Huguenots, 197-8 ; Elizabeth 
 praises her, 215 ; she opposes 
 Alenf on's entrance into Flanders, 
 246, 251 ; her interview with 
 Walsingham, 256 ; attempts to 
 bribe Alenfon, 256 ; makes light 
 of Elizabeth's pledge to Alenpon, 
 275 ; her anger with Alenpon 
 for trusting Elizabeth, 286; 
 helps Alenfon in the Nether- 
 lands, 322; meets Alenfon on 
 his flight from Flanders, 329; 
 proposes to marry him to Mary 
 Stuart, 330 ; swears to be re- 
 venged upon the Spaniards for 
 Alenfon's death, 330; Eliza- 
 
394 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 beth's letter to her on Alenfon's 
 death, 331. 
 
 Catharine of Aragon, 5, 16-17. 
 
 Catharine of Navarre, her sug- 
 gested marriage with Alenfon, 
 186. 
 
 Catholics, persecution of, during 
 Alenf on's stay in England, 266 
 
 Cavalcanti, Guide, Catharine de 
 Medici's envoy to Elizabeth, 
 about the Anjou match, 116, 
 128-9, 131, 136-7, 138, 140, 142 ; 
 his negotiations for the Alenfon 
 match, 148-50, 154, 173. 
 
 Cecil, Lady, 96. 
 
 Cecil, Sir Thomas, 224. 
 
 Cecil, William, Lord Burleigh, 2, 
 12, 32, 35, 40, 41, 43 ; favours 
 the Swedish match, 49 ; com- 
 plains of Dudley, 50-2 ; frus- 
 trates Dudleys Catholic in- 
 trigues, 57-63 ; opposed to the 
 match with Charles IX., 79-80, 
 81, 89 ; in favour of the Arch- 
 duke, loi, 103-4, ^'^° '> his atti- 
 tude towards the Anjou match, 
 129-30, 139, 142, 144; his atti- 
 tude towards the Alen? on match, 
 161-3, 195-6, 202, 204, 216, 
 226-7, 234, 241-^2, 256, 258, 266, 
 270, 273, 281, 287-8, 298, 305, 
 
 307, 31O; 313. 323- 
 
 Challoner, Sir Thomas, 32, 34. 
 
 Champigny (Perennot), Flemish 
 envoy to England, 184. 
 
 Champvallon accompanies Alen- 
 fon to England, 278. 
 
 Charles, Archduke, a suitor for the 
 Queen's hand, 34-6, 41-8 ; 
 proposed marriage with Mary 
 Stuart, 66-9 ; renewed pro- 
 posals to Elizabeth, 78, 81-2, 
 88-95, 97-105 ; the negotiations 
 finally abandoned, 11 1-13, 116. 
 
 Charles V. 5-6, 17. 
 
 Charles IX. of France, 71 ; pro- 
 
 posals for his marriage with 
 Elizabeth, 77-8, 83-7; his 
 marriage with a daughter of 
 the ^Emperor, 113 ; urges the 
 Anjou match with Elizabeth, 
 123-4, 128, 131-2, 135, 140-1; 
 his new alienation from England 
 and the Protestants, 160-1, 164 ; 
 his explanation of St. Bartholo- 
 mew, 165 ; renewed approaches 
 to England, 168-71 ; illness of, 
 174 j his death, 179-81. 
 
 Chartres, Vidame de, proposes the 
 Anjou match, 115, 118, 169. 
 
 Chastelard, 79. 
 
 Chateauneuf, Mdlle., Anjou's mis- 
 tress, 138, 145. 
 
 Chatillon, Cardinal, proposes the 
 Anjou match, 115, 118. 
 
 Chelsea, 7. 
 
 Cigogne reports Alenpon's depar- 
 ture for England, 248. 
 
 Cleves, Princess of, suggested 
 marriage with Alenfon, 186. 
 
 Clinton, Earl of Lincoln, 51 ; sent 
 to France to ratify the alliance, 
 154-5, 156-8 ; his attitude to- 
 wards the AlenQon match, 216. 
 
 Clinton, Lady, 119. 
 
 Cobham, Henry, sent to the Em- 
 peror, 113, 116 ; sent to Spain, 
 185 ; English ambassador in 
 France, 233, 252, 257, 281 ; his 
 accounts of the attitude of 
 Henry III. towards Alenfon 
 and Elizabeth, 305-7, 323. 
 
 Cobham, Lady, 96, 119. 
 
 Cobham, Lord, 96, 238. 
 
 Coconas, Count, his plan for Alen- 
 fon's escape discovered, 177 ; 
 his execution, 178, 186. 
 
 Coligny, 143, 144, 145, 157, 161, 165. 
 
 Coloredo, his description of Eliza- 
 beth, 60. 
 
 Cond6, Prince of, 76, 168-9, 183, 
 227 ; visits Elizabeth, 228. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 395 
 
 Corbet, English envoy to Flanders, 
 
 184. 
 Correro, Venetian ambassador, 
 
 his description of Anjou, 120. 
 Ck)ss6, Marshal de, 178, 227, 238, 
 
 240, 252. 
 Courtney, proposed marriage with 
 
 Mary, 13 ; proposed marriage 
 
 ■with Elizabeth, 14-15. 
 Cranmer, 16. 
 Crofts, Sir James, 204, 234, 257, 
 
 269, 275. 
 Crusol, Madame de, 79. 
 
 D. 
 
 Dale, Dr. Valentins, English Am- 
 bassador in France, his negotia- 
 tions with Catharine concerning 
 the Alenfon match, 172-3, 174 ; 
 intercedes for La Mole, 178 ; in- 
 tercedes for Alengon, 180-1. 
 
 Danett, Thomas, sent to the Em- 
 peror, 105. 
 
 Darcy sent by Elizabeth to recon- 
 cile Alenfon with the States, 
 328. 
 
 Darnley, Lord, 66-7 ; married to 
 Mary Stuart, 71, 74, 88, 90, 95, 
 100. 
 
 Dassonleville, Philip's Flemish 
 agent, 21. 
 
 Dauphin, Prince (of Auvergne), 
 special ambassador to England, 
 237-40, 242 ; accompanies Alen- 
 fon to England, 264, 267; re- 
 bukes Alenfon for his treason- 
 able talk, 29s ; on the Flemish 
 frontier, 324. 
 
 Denny, 10. 
 
 Dorset, Earl of, concerned in Sey- 
 mour's plot, 9. 
 
 Drake, Sir Francis, 231, 233; 
 knighted by Marchaumont, 235. 
 
 Dudley, Lady Robert, her hus- 
 band's alleged plot to murder, 
 31, 45 ; her death, 50, 54, 63, 83. 
 
 Dudley, Robert, Earl of Leicester, 
 2. 29-31, 33-4, 36, 38-40; intrigues 
 to prevent the Austrian match, 
 41-6, 48-9, 50 ; presses his own 
 suit, S3-65 ; solicits Spanish aid, 
 53-9; solicits Huguenot aid, 63- 
 4; favours Darnle/s marriage 
 with Mary Stuart, 67 ; proposed 
 marriage with Mary Stuart, 69- 
 70 ; made Earl of Leicester, 73 ; 
 his fresh Catholic intrigues, 75 ; 
 ostensibly favours the Archduke 
 Charles, 82-3 ; Spanish ap- 
 proaches to, 89-90 ; French ap- 
 proaches to, 94 ; suggested mar- 
 riage with an Austrian princess, 
 95 ; again feigns approval of the 
 Austrian match, 97-8; quarrel 
 with Heneage, 98 ; reproached 
 by Norfolk, 102 ; his suit 
 again in the ascendant, 103 ; 
 favoured by the French, 104-5,^ 
 106; quarrels with Sussex and 
 Ormond, 107 ; reproached by the 
 Queen, 108-9 '• feigns support to 
 the Anjou match, 1 16-17; pro- 
 posed marriage with the Princess 
 of Cleves, 138 ; his attitude to- 
 wards Alenfon's suit, 163, 197, 
 200, 202-3, 204, 207 ; his jealousy 
 of Simier, whom he attempts to 
 murder, 209; his second mar- 
 riage, 210 ; is against the Alenpon 
 match, 216, 222, 228, 239, 241-2, 
 244, 248-9, 250-1, 261, 265, 267, 
 268, 270-1, 273, 27s, 278, 292, 
 297, 298 ; accompanies Alenfon 
 to Holland, 299-301-3 ; his re- 
 turn to England, 304-6; anger 
 of the Queen with him, 305 ; in 
 favour of an English protecto- 
 rate of the Netherlands, 310; 
 fears of Alenfon's again visiting 
 England, 320 ; opposes the mar- 
 riage, 323. 
 Durham Place, 9, 46, 96. 
 
396 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 E. 
 
 Edward VL, 6-7. 
 
 Egmont, Count, 15. 
 
 Elector Palatine, 71-2. 
 
 Elizabeth, Queen, objects of her 
 diplomacy, 1-4; proposed be- 
 trothal to Philip II., 7 ; her con- 
 nection with Seymour, 8-1 1 j 
 various proposals for her mar- 
 riage, 12-13 ; Ck)urtney, 14-17 ; 
 Duke of Savoy, 16-20, 22 ; her 
 imprisonment, 17 ; released at 
 the request of Philip, 17-18 ; 
 Eric of Sweden offers his hand, 
 19-21 ; her accession, 21-3 ; 
 her English suitors, 25-6 ; 
 Philip's offer to her, 27-8 ; 
 Pickering, 29-30, 33-4 ; Dudley, 
 33-4 ; the Archdukes, 34-9 ; 
 rumoured plot to kill her and 
 Dudley, 41-2 ; the Archduke 
 Charles, 42-8, 49-52 ; her rela- 
 tions with Dudley, 53-70; de- 
 scription of her, 60 ; alleged mar- 
 riage with Dudley, 67-8 ; falls ill 
 of small-pox, 68 ; offers Dudley 
 to Mary Stuart, 69, 72-4 ; fresh 
 approaches to the house of 
 Austria, 76-7; proposals to marry 
 Charles IX., 77-81, 83-87, 88-95; 
 the Archduke Charles, 89-94; 
 the Swedish suit, 95-6 ; the 
 Austrian conditions, 97-9; Hene- 
 age, 98-100; she confesses her 
 attachment to Leicester, 102-3, 
 104 ; renewed hints to Charles 
 IX., 106 ; her rage with her 
 councillors and Parliament, 108- 
 9 ; end of the Austrian negotia- 
 tions, 111-13 ; proposed mar- 
 riage with the Duke of Anjou, 
 114-128; draft conditions for 
 the marriage, 129-30 ; obstinacy 
 of Anjou about religion, 133-43, 
 144-51 ; Alenfon proposed, 148 ; 
 draft treaty with France and 
 
 the Huguenots, 154 ; her recep- 
 tion of Montmorenci and de 
 Foix, 155-6 ; she objects to 
 Alenpon's appearance, 158-9 ; 
 desires to see him, 159-60; re- 
 ception of La Mole, 161-4 ; first 
 letter from Alenpon, 166-7 '> con- 
 sents to stand sponsor to Charles 
 IX.'s daughter, 169 ; renewed 
 negotiations with Alenpon, 172- 
 5 ; she cools towards the match, 
 176-81 ; marriage negotiations 
 with Alen?on again renewed, 
 184 ; she again approaches the 
 Spaniards, 184-5 ; her fresh ap- 
 proach to Alenfon rejected, 187; 
 she opposes French interference 
 in Flanders, 191-2 ; she ajges 
 Don John to make peace, 192-s; 
 Alenfon's suit again revived, 193 
 passim ; her reception of Simier, 
 200; her letters to Alenfon, 201- 
 2; her preparations for Alengon's 
 visit, 204 ; is offended at the 
 Council's opposition to the 
 match, 206 ; her attachment for 
 Simier, 207-8, 209-10 ; her rage 
 at Leicester's marriage, 210 ; 
 Alenfon's arrival, 211 ; she falls 
 in love with him, 212-13 i her 
 anger with the Council, 216-17 '> 
 her farewell to Simier, 221-2 ; 
 she cools towards the match, 
 225 ; her perplexity, 226-7 J de- 
 cides to aid Alengon in Flanders, 
 227-30, 233 ; her favour to Mar- 
 ctmumont, 234-5 ; the incident 
 of the garter, 236 ; reception of 
 the special French embassy, 
 237-^44 ; plans with Marchau- 
 mont Alenfon's secret visit, 245- 
 6 ; her reception of Alenfon, 
 247-9 ; her change of tone ; 
 letter to Alen9on, 253 ; her 
 attempts to draw Henry III. into 
 war with Spain, 255-6 ; her 
 
INDEX. 
 
 397 
 
 alarm, 257 ; the marriage nego- 
 tiations again resumed, 257-8 ; 
 her hesitancy, 258 ; opposes 
 Alenjon's coming, 261 ; gives 
 way, 262 ; her reception of him, 
 264-6 ; solemnly pledges herself 
 to Alen^on, 269-70; she mini- 
 mises the pledge at the instance 
 of Leicester, 272 ; Alenfon's 
 anger, 273 ; her negotiations 
 with Pinart, 273-4 '> offers Alen- 
 5on a subsidy, 274-5 '> ti^r de- 
 mands, 276 J her rage with 
 Leicester and Fervaques about 
 Simier, 278 ; her anxiety to get 
 rid of Alenf on, 279 ; her intri- 
 gues with this end, 281-6; Henry 
 in. accepts all her conditions, 
 288 ; she demands Calais as 
 security, 288 ; her alarm at 
 Henry III.'s complaisance, 291 ; 
 she dashes Alenp on's hopes, 294; 
 alarmed at Pinarf s threats, 297; 
 prevails upon Alencon to go, 
 299 ; her anger at Leicester, 305; 
 her fear of the consequences of 
 Alengon's action in Flanders, 
 305-6 ; her intrigues to induce 
 him to retire, 306-8 ; again be- 
 guiles him with hopes of mar- 
 riage, 309-12 ; her attempts to 
 cajole Henry IIL, 309-11 ; her 
 fear of French influence in 
 Flanders, 311, 314-15 ; her letter 
 to Alengon, 316-17, 318-19 ; her 
 plan for a confederation of 
 Northern powers, 319 ; Henry 
 HL again approaches her,320-i; 
 she swears to marry Alenfon, 
 323 ; promises to make him her 
 heir, 324 ; her sincerity now 
 generally distrusted, 323-5 ; her 
 coldness to Alen?on after his 
 flight, 329-30; but offers to aid his 
 new expedition, 330 ; her mourn- 
 ing for Alen9on, 331 ; the mar- 
 
 riage plans at an end, 331 ; 
 success of Elizabeth's policy, 
 
 332-3- 
 
 Elizabeth de Valois, Queen of 
 Spain, 76. 
 
 Eric XIV. of Sweden, his ap- 
 proaches to Elizabeth, 19-21, 31- 
 2, 40. 45. 47> 49-52. 62 ; proposes 
 to Mary Stuart, 66 ; renews his 
 suit to Elizabeth, 83, 95-6. 
 
 Essex,Countessof (Lettice Knollys), 
 98 ; her marriage to Leicester, 
 209-10. 
 
 Este, Francesco d', 12. 
 
 F. 
 
 Fargis, M. de, 327. 
 
 Ferdinand, Archduke, a suitor for 
 Elizabeth, 22-3, 24-5, 32-6, 38. 
 
 Ferdinand, Emperor, 35, 43-4, 48, 
 71 ; death of, 78, 88. 
 
 Fere, La, interview between Wal- 
 singham and Alen^on at, 256. 
 
 Feria, Count de, Spanish ambassa- 
 dor, 19-20; 21-3; 24-5, 26^, 
 31, 33. 43- 
 
 Ferrara, Duke of, his son sug- 
 gested as a suitor for Elizabeth, 
 12. 
 
 Fervaques, 231, 246, 276-8, 327. 
 
 Figueroa, Spanish ambassador, 
 20. 
 
 Finland, Duke of, offers his hand, 
 
 47- 
 Foix, Paul de, French ambassador, 
 
 79-80, 81-2, 83-7, 89-94, 103-5 ; 
 
 his negotiations for the Anjou 
 match, 125, 127, 13s, 136-7, 141- 
 2, 145-9; his visit to England 
 about the Alenpon match, 148, 
 155 ; reception by Elizabeth, 
 
 155-6- 
 Fleix, the peace of, 231. 
 Florent (Ajacet), 49. 
 Francis I., 5. 
 
398 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Francis II. of France, 41, 49 ; his 
 death, 57. 
 
 French special embassy to England 
 about the Alenfon match, 237- 
 44 ; dismay at Alen^on's sudden 
 visit, 248 ; departure of the em- 
 bassy, 251. 
 
 Frog, the Queen's pet name for 
 Alen50n. 
 
 G. 
 
 Gardiner, Bishop, won over to the 
 Spanish match, 15, 20. 
 
 Genlis, his rout in Flanders, by 
 Don Fadrique de Toledo, 160-1. 
 
 Gerau de Spes, Spanish ambas- 
 sador, 131, 133, 139. 
 
 Gondi, Count de Retz, sent to 
 England about Alenpon's match, 
 
 173-4- 
 
 Granvelle, Cardinal, 42, 60, 65. 
 
 Greenwich, 41 ; scene with Dudley 
 at, 61-2; meeting of the Council 
 at, 216 
 
 Grey, Lady Catharine, Spanish 
 plan to marry her to Archduke 
 Charles, 46. 
 
 Guidotti, Sir Anthony, 12. 
 
 Guises, the, 66, 69, 114, 122-3, 138, 
 140, 160, 166-7, i77> 224, 234, 
 256, 320, 322, 330. 
 
 Guzman de Silva, Spanish ambas- 
 sador, 75, 81-3, 86 ; his atti- 
 tude towards the Austrian match, 
 89-93, 96 ; his belief in Leices- 
 ter's success, 99, 102-3, 105 ; his 
 interview with the Queen con- 
 cerning Parliament, 108. 
 
 H. 
 
 Hampton Court, 41 ; Queen falls 
 ill of small-pox at, 69 ; receives 
 Melvil at, 72 ; receives La Mothe 
 at, 117. 
 
 Hans Casimir, Duke, proposes to 
 
 Elizabeth, 71-2 ; raises merce- 
 naries for the Huguenots, &c., 
 183, 186, 192,233. 
 
 Hans Frederick of Saxony^ his son 
 suggested as a suitor for Eliza- 
 beth, 12, 47. 
 
 Hanworth, 7. 
 
 Harrington, concerned in Sey- 
 mour's plot, 9. 
 
 Hatfield, 10, 20-21. 
 
 Hatton, Sir Christopher, 203, 204, 
 218, 222, 242, 250, 261, 270-1, 
 297. 300. 304. 310. 
 
 Havre, English occupation of, 68. 
 
 Havrey, Marquis d', 193. 
 
 Helfenstein, Imperial ambassador, 
 47-48. 
 
 Heneage, Sir Thomas, 98-100, loi, 
 
 113- 
 
 Heni-y VIII., 5-6, 16. 
 
 Henry III., King of France, 182, 
 186 ; arrests Alenfon, 187-91 ; 
 his attitude towards the Alen?on 
 match, 222-3, 229, 231, 233; 
 opposes Alenfon's plans in Flan- 
 ders, 246-7, 250-1, 252-3, 255-6, 
 268-9, 281, 287 ; he accepts all 
 of Elizabeth's conditions, 288 ; 
 refuses to countenance Alenpon 
 in Flanders, 305 ; his anger with 
 Elizabeth, 306 ; Elizabeth's dis- 
 trust of him, 311-15 ; fears of the 
 Guises again draw him to Eliza- 
 beth, 320-2 ; favours an alliance 
 but disbelieves in the marriage, 
 323 ; reconciled to Alenfon, 330; 
 now powerless to harm England, 
 
 332. 
 Horsey, Edmund, English envoy 
 
 in France, 172. 
 Howard, Admiral Lord, 214. 
 Howard, Lord, his son suggested 
 
 as a suitor, 25. 
 Howard, Lord Harry, 263. 
 Hunsdon, Lord, accompanies 
 
 Alen9on to Holland, 300, 302. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 399 
 
 I. 
 
 Isabel, Clara Eugenia Infanta, 
 suggested marriage with Alen- 
 9on, 186. 
 
 J. 
 
 James V. of Scotland, 6. 
 
 James VI. of Scotland, birth of, 
 107. 
 
 Jauregui, his attempt to assassinate 
 Orange, 308. 
 
 John Don, of Austria, Elizabeth 
 suggests marriage with him, he 
 seizes Namur, 188, 191 ; Eliza- 
 beth urges him to make peace, 
 192. 
 
 K. 
 
 Kenilworth, Elizabeth takes La 
 Mole thither, 162-3 '> Elizabeth 
 receives news of St. Bartholo- 
 mew at, 164. 
 
 Killigrew, 40-1. 
 
 Killigrew, Henry, English envoy in 
 France, 144 ; interview with the 
 Queen-mother, 145-7, I49-Si- 
 
 Knollys, Sir Francis, remonstrates 
 with the Queen about the Alen- 
 (on match, 218. 
 
 L. 
 
 Lafin, pursued by Fervaques into 
 
 Elizabeth's presence, 278. 
 Lansac, 238, 240, 287. 
 L'Archant, Captain of Anjou's 
 
 guard, sent to England, 136-9, 
 
 140. 
 L'Aubespine, Secretary, special 
 
 envoy to Elizabeth, 197. 
 Leicester, Earl of, see Dudley. 
 Leighton, Thomas, special envoy 
 
 to France, 179-80. 
 Lennox, Earl of, 72. 
 Lethington, William Maitland, 
 
 laird of, 67, 68-9, 70, 89. 
 Lignerolles, his murder, 141, 144. 
 Limoges, Bishop of, 147. 
 
 Lincoln, Earl of, see Clinton. 
 Lippomano, his story respecting 
 
 the Queen and Alenfon, 265. 
 L'isle, Madame, cipher name for 
 
 Elizabeth, 168. 
 Long Melf ord, Suffolk, De Bacque- 
 
 ville received by the Queen at, 
 
 194. 
 Lorraine, Cardinal, 69, 76, 137, 140. 
 Lucidor, Don, cipher name for 
 
 Alen^on, 168, 176. 
 Lumley, Lady, 25. 
 
 M. 
 
 Maisonfleur, his mission to Eliza- 
 beth, 167-8, 175-6. 
 
 Mansfeldt, Count, 48. 
 
 Marchaumont, Alengon's agent in 
 England, 233 ; knights Drake, 
 235 ; sends Elizabeth's garter 
 to Alenfon, 236 ; urges Alenfon 
 to visit England, 241, 244-5, 
 248-9, 250, 252 ; again urges 
 Alenfon to visit England, 260, 
 262 ; his reception of Alenfon, 
 262-3, 276 ; complains to Eliza- 
 beth of Leicester's talk about 
 Alenfon, 304 ; continually begs 
 for money for Alenfon, 305, 
 307-8, 313-14, 324- 
 
 Margaret de Valois, Queen of 
 Navarre, divulges the plot for 
 Alenfon's escape, 177, 181, 189- 
 go ; opposes the Alenfon match, 
 231, 277-8, 317-18. 
 
 Martyr, Peter, 41. 
 
 Mary Stuart, Queen of Scots, 2, 6, 
 28, 40 ; the question of her re- 
 marriage, 61-3, 65-6, 68-75, 77-8. 
 88, loi, 107 ; Catholic proposal 
 to marry her to Anjou, 114, 123, 
 134, 138, 143 ; her imprudent 
 letter to Elizabeth about Simier, 
 208 ; plots in her favour, 224, 
 330 ; proposal to marry her to 
 Alenfon, 330. 
 
400 
 
 INDEX, 
 
 Mary Tudor, Queen of England, 
 6 ; her accession, 13 ; projected 
 marriage with Courtney, 13 ; 
 captured by the Spanish interest, 
 13 ; married to Philip, 13-18 ; 
 her treatment of Elizabeth, 14- 
 20 ; her death, 21, 27. 
 
 Mary of Lorraine, Queen Dowager 
 of Scotland, 6. 
 
 Mathias, Archduke, 188. 
 
 Maximilian, Emperor, 78, 88-9, 
 97-9, 102-3, 105. 
 
 Medici, Duke of Florence, his 
 son suggested as a suitor for 
 Elizabeth, 12 ; a daughter of, 
 suggested as a match for Alen- 
 ?on, 301. 
 
 Melvil, Sir James, his visits to 
 Elizabeth, 71-74 ; his description 
 of her, 74-5. 
 
 Mendoza, Bernardino de, Spanish 
 ambassador, 190, 194, 197, 202, 
 204-5, 208, 212, 214; 226-7, 228, 
 241, 243, 248, 256-7, 256, 261-3, 
 266, 27s, 309. 
 
 ery, M. de, 234 ; carries the 
 Queen's garter to Alenpon, 
 236. 
 
 Michaeli, Venetian ambassador, 
 his description of Anjou, 120. 
 
 Moine, see Marchaumont. 
 
 Mole, La, his mission to England, 
 161 reception by Elizabeth, 
 162-4; t° accompany Alen(on 
 to England, 168 ; plans Alenpon's 
 escape, 177 ; his execution, 178, 
 186. 
 
 Monkey, the Queen's pet name for 
 Simier. 
 
 Montgomeri, Count de, 169; at 
 the siege of Rochelle, 17&-1. 
 
 Montmorenci, Marshal, 60, 135, 
 136, 145 ; reception by Eliza- 
 beth, 154-6 ; splendid entertain- 
 ment of him, 156 ; consulted by 
 Charles IX., 161 ; his party joins 1 
 
 the Huguenots, 175, 178 ; re- 
 leased from prison, 183. 
 
 Morette, envoy of the Duke of 
 Savoy, 59. 
 
 Morysine, Sir Richard, 12. 
 
 Mothe Fenelon, La, his negotia- 
 tions in favour of the Anjou 
 match, 116-18, 119-24, 127-8, 
 131-4, 137; suggests Alenfon 
 as a suitor, 150 ; his negotiations 
 respecting Alenfon, &c., 161-4 ; 
 visits the Queen after St. Bar- 
 tholomew's, 165-6, 170; re- 
 newed negotiations for Alenf on, 
 176 ; sent to England, 238, 240, 
 244-5, 251 ; his interviews with 
 Elizabeth on his way to Scot- 
 land, 324-5. 
 
 Mowbray sent by Dudley to Henry 
 of Navarre, 64. 
 
 N. 
 
 Navarre, King Henry of, ap- 
 proached by Dudley, 63 ; mar- 
 riage with Margaret de Valois, 
 138, 140, 142, 154, 166; to 
 accompany Alenfon to Eng- 
 land, 168-9; kept tightly by 
 Catharine, 175-6, 177 ; he es- 
 capes and heads the Huguenots, 
 186, 197, 230 ; next heir to the 
 crown of France, 332. 
 
 Navarre, Queen of, see Margaret. 
 
 Nemours, Duke of, proposed as a 
 suitor, 59. 
 
 Nerac, the treaty of, 215. 
 
 Nevers, Duke de, his son pro- 
 posed as a suitor, 49. 
 
 Noailles, French ambassador, his 
 intrigues against the Spanish 
 marriages, 14-18. 
 
 Norfolk, Duchess of, 26. 
 
 Norfolk, Duke of, 23, 29 ; in favour 
 of the match with Archduke 
 Charles, 45-6, 47 ; admitted to. 
 the Privy Council, 68 ; pressing 
 
INDEX. 
 
 401 
 
 the Archduke's suit, 95-6, 
 
 100-3; reproached by the 
 
 Queen, 108, no ; his conspiracy, 
 
 134. 144. 152, 178. 
 Norris, Sir John, with Alen?on in 
 
 Holland, 302, 328. 
 North, Lord, special envoy to 
 
 France, 180 ; conversation with 
 
 Catharine, 181 ; quarrels with 
 
 Sussex, 195. 
 Northampton, Marquis of, the 
 
 Queen's anger with him, 108. 
 Northumberland, Duke of, his 
 
 plans for Elizabeth's marriage, 
 
 11-12, 13. 
 Noue, La, 227, 230. 
 Nuncio, proposed dispatch of, to 
 
 England, 59. 
 
 Obterre, Marchaumonf s secretary, 
 
 234- 
 Orange, Prince of, 185, 188, 225, 
 
 227, 291, 301-3, 30s ; attempted 
 
 assassination of, 308-9, 311-12 ; 
 
 Salcedo's plot to murder, 320; 
 
 tired of Alenpon, 325, 326-7, 
 Ormond, Earl of, 103, 107. 
 Oudenarde, fall of, 319. 
 Oxford, Earl of, 29. 
 
 Paget, Lord, 14-15. 
 
 Parr, Catharine, marries Thomas 
 Se3miour, 7 ; her treatment of 
 Elizabeth, 7-8. 
 
 Parry, Sir "Thomas, Cofferer to 
 Princess Elizabeth, 8-1 1. 
 
 Paulet, Sir Amyas, English minis- 
 ter in France, 198. 
 
 Pelican, the, Drake's ship, 235 
 
 Pembroke, Earl of, 58, 67 ; the 
 Queen's anger with him, 108 ; 
 receives the special French em- 
 bassy, 238. 
 
 Philip IL, 3-4; his suggested 
 
 marriage with Elizabeth, 7 ; 
 marries Mary, 13-20 ; his ap- 
 proaches to Elizabeth, 21-3 ; 
 his attitude towards an Austrian 
 match, 24-s ; offers his hand to 
 Elizabeth, 27-8 ; inclined to 
 aid Dudley, 57, 62, 83, 100 ; 
 rejoices at St. Bartholomew, 
 166 ; his fleet well received by 
 Elizabeth, 184 ; Henry Cobham 
 sent to him, 185 ; disbelieves in 
 the Alengon match, 197 ; his 
 pretensions to the crown of Por- 
 tugal, 215 ; plots with Mary 
 Stuart for the invasion of Eng- 
 land, 224; crippled by Eliza- 
 beth's policy, 331. 
 
 Pickering, Sir William, a suitor 
 for Elizabeth's hand, 25, 29-30 ; 
 arrives in England, 33-4, 36-7 ; 
 quarrels with Bedford and Arun- 
 del, 37. 
 
 Pinart, Secretary, 238, 244, 251, 
 273-4, 276, 279, 288 ; reproaches 
 Alen(on for his treasonable talk, 
 295 ; threatens Elizabeth, 297-8. 
 
 Porte, La, sent to England by 
 Alenfon, 184. 
 
 Pruneaux, M. de, 311. 
 
 Q. 
 
 Quadra, Alvaro de, Bishop of 
 Aquila, Spanish ambassador, 24, 
 26, 32, 34-6, 38-9, 41-4, 45-50, 
 53-62, 64-S ; accused of slander- 
 ing Elizabeth, 67. 
 
 Quelus, M. de, 190. 
 
 Quincy, M. de, an envoy from 
 AlenfOD, 193-4, 195-6, 276, 277. 
 
 R. 
 
 Rambouillet, Marquis de, special 
 French envoy to Elizabeth, 197. 
 
 Randolph, Sir Thomas, 40 ; sent 
 to report on Alenyon's appear- 
 ance, 175-6. 
 
 27 
 
402 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Ravenstein, Baron, Imperial am- 
 bassador, 34-6, 37, 38, 39, 48. 
 
 Renard, Simon, proposes Mary's 
 marriage with Philip, 13-14; 
 proposes Elizabeth's marriage 
 with Emmanuel Philibert of 
 Savoy, 16-20. 
 
 Reaux, M. de, visits Elizabeth from 
 Alenpon, 329. 
 
 Richmond, 17-18 ; Alen(on lodged 
 at, 263-4. 
 
 Ridolfi plot, 122, 131, 139. 
 
 Rochelle, siege of, 168-71, 172, 
 177. 
 
 Rochetaill6, an envoy from Alen- 
 fon, 203, 207. 
 
 Romero, Julian, 326. 
 
 Russell, Honble. John, sent to 
 Alenfon, 328. 
 
 S. 
 
 SackviUe, Sir Thomas, proposed 
 envoy to the Emperor, 103, 
 
 104-5- 
 
 Saint Aignan, Duke de, 327. 
 
 Saint Aldegonde, 265, 291, 296. 
 
 St. Bartholomew, 144, 148 ; recep- 
 tion of the news in England, 
 
 164-5- 
 
 Salcedo's plot to murder Alenfon 
 and Orange, 320. 
 
 Sancerre, Count de, 238. 
 
 Savoy, Duke of, a suitor for Eliza- 
 beth's hand, 16-20, 22. 
 
 Schafanojra, 28-9, 33. 
 
 Serpente, Madame la, cipher name 
 for Catharine de Medici, 168, 
 176. 
 
 Seymour, Thomas, Lord Seymour 
 of Sudeley, his treatment of 
 Elizabeth, 7-8 ; his plot, 9-1 1. 
 
 Sharington concerned in Sey- 
 mour's plot, 9. 
 
 Sherwin, execution of, 266. 
 
 Sidney, Lady Mary, 41, 55. 
 
 Sidney, Sir Henry, bespeaks 
 
 Spanish aid for Dudley's suit, 
 
 53-4, 58-9- 
 
 Sidney, Sir Philip ; he remon- 
 strates with the Queen about 
 the Alen9on match, 218-19 '> 
 with Alenpon in the Nether- 
 lands, 302. 
 
 Simier, Jehan de, aids Alenfon to 
 escape, 185, 190 ; his mission to 
 London, 199-200 ; urges Alen- 
 fon to come to England, 202 ; 
 his conditions for the match, 
 204-6 ; Elizabeth's intimacy with 
 him, 207-8, 209 ; divulges Leices- 
 ter's secret marriage, 209-10; 
 his letters to Elizabeth, 214 ; his 
 departure with the draft condi- 
 tions, 220-1 ; his letters to Eliza- 
 beth, 222, 227-8 ; in disgrace 
 with Alenfon, 231 ; his extra- 
 ordinary letter to Elizabeth, 232, 
 244; Elizabeth intercedes for 
 him, 246 ; sent to England by 
 Henry HI., 277-8 ; another 
 attempt to murder him, 278 ; 
 Elizabeth's rage thereat, 278; 
 his action against Alenpon's suit, 
 282 ; quarrel with Alenfon, 283 ; 
 his betrayal of Elizabeth, 289- 
 90 ; interview between him and 
 Alenpon, 291-2 ; he departs 
 from England, 290. 
 
 Smith, Sir Thomas, English envoy 
 to France, 77-8 ; his interviews 
 with Catharine de Medici and 
 Charles IX., 84-5 ; sent to 
 France about the Anjou match, 
 142, 144; audience with the 
 Queen-mother, 145-7 ; Alenfon 
 is suggested to him for the 
 Queen, 148-151 ; interview with 
 the Queen-mother, 152-3 ; pre- 
 sent at La Mole's interview with 
 Elizabeth, 162. 
 
 Soissons, Count de, 238. 
 
 Somers sent to France, 252-3. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 403 
 
 Somerset, Duke of, Protector, 7, 
 
 9-10, II. 
 Stafford, Edward, 214; sent to 
 
 France with Simier, 222-3 '• sent 
 
 to Alengon, 230 ; Alengon lodges 
 
 in his house, 264. 
 Stafford, Lady, Mistress of the 
 
 Robes, 264, 297, 323. 
 Stamford, 106. 
 Stuart, James, Earl of Murray, 66, 
 
 70. 
 Stubbs, his book against the Alen- 
 
 fon match, 217-18. 
 Stukeley, Thomas, his descent upon 
 
 Ireland, 122. 
 Succession to the Crown, question 
 
 of, urged upon the Queen by 
 
 Parliament, 107-9. 
 Sussex, Earl of, Thomas Ratcliff, 
 
 in favour of an Austrian match, 
 
 24. 32. 93-5) 98-9. ioo> loi, 
 103-4, 107-8, 110; sent to the 
 Emperor, iio-ii ; failure of 
 his mission, 1 12-13 '> his attitude 
 towards the Alengon match, 193 ; 
 the Queen's treatment of him in 
 the presence of Alencon's en- 
 voys, 194-5 ; bribed by Spain, 
 204-5 i in favour of the Alenfon 
 match, 206, 2i6, 234, 241-2, 244- 
 5, 251, 26s, 268, 273, 285, 289, 
 296-7, 298, 305, 307, 310, 313. 
 
 Sussex, Lady, 96. 
 
 Sweden, King of (Gustavus), 19, 
 31. Si-2- 
 
 Sweden, King of (Eric), see Eric 
 XIV. 
 
 Swedish ambassador offends Queen 
 Mary, 20, 31-2. 
 
 Swetkowitz, Adam, sent by the 
 Emperor on behalf of Archduke 
 Charles, 83-94, 97-9- 
 
 Tavannes, Marshal, 138. 
 Teligny, 124, 131. 
 
 Throgmorton, English ambassador 
 in France, 40, 89-90, 94. 
 
 Trent, Council of, Dudley's in- 
 trigues with regard to, 53-60. 
 
 Turenne, 255. 
 
 Tyrwhitt, Lady, 10. 
 
 Tyrwhitt, Sir Robert, lo-ii. 
 
 Valdez, Don Pedro de, Spanish 
 
 admiral, 184. 
 Valette, La, 299. 
 Viteau, Baron de, 278. 
 Vray, De, Alenfon's secretary, 
 
 206-7, 228, 238, 24s, 249, 257. 
 Vulcob, his interview with the 
 
 Queen, 105-6. 
 
 W. 
 
 Walsingham, Sir Francis, sent to 
 France about the Anjou match, 
 119; his description of Anjou, 
 120-1 ; considers the Queen's 
 marriage necessary, 123 ; his 
 negotiations, 124-8 ; inter- 
 views with Catharine, 127, 132, 
 134-5, 137 ; his opinion of 
 Anjou's religion, 138 ; desires to 
 bring about the match, 139, 
 141-2, 143, 144; his negotia- 
 tions for the Alenfon match, 
 152-63 ; sends news of St. 
 Bartholomew, 164 ; remonstrates 
 with the Queen about the Alen- 
 fon match, 218-19, 222, 241-2, 
 244, 250, 253-4; ^^ mission to 
 France, 255 ; his interview with 
 Alen?on at La Ffere, 256-7 ; he 
 warns Elizabeth of her fickle- 
 ness, 257-8, 259-61 ; returns to 
 London, 261-2, 263, 265, 267, 
 272 ; Elizabeth's anger with 
 him, 305, 306, 311. 
 
 Wanstead, Elizabeth's visits to 
 Leicester there, 205, 209. 
 
404 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Warwick, Earl of, 70. 
 Westmoreland, Earl of, 25. 
 Wightman concerned in Seymour's 
 
 plot, 9. 
 Wilkes, Clerk of the Privy Council, 
 
 183. 
 Willoughby, Lord, with Alen^on 
 
 in Holland, 302. 
 
 Winchester, Marquis of, 21. 
 Woodstock, 16-17, ^^ > Elizabeth 
 
 receives La Mothe at, after St. 
 
 Bartholomew, 165. 
 Wyatt, Sir Thomas, 17. 
 
 York, Archbishop of (Sandys), 
 
 5), 226, 
 
 UNWIN BROTHERS, UMFTED, PRINTERS, WOEING AND LONDON,