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 The silent trade. 
 
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THE 
 
 SILENT TRADE 
 
Printed by LORIMER AND Chalwers, Edittburgk 
 FOR 
 
 WILLIAM GREEN AND SONS 
 Fdn uary, 1903 
 
THE 
 
 SILENT TRADE 
 
 a Contribution to tbe Carlp i^tstorp 
 of ^uman intercourse 
 
 BY 
 
 P. J. HAMILTON GRIERSON 
 
 '^ Dederat natura omnia omnibus. Sed cum a r&rum multarum usUj quas 
 vita desiderai humana^ locorum ijttervalio ho7nines arcereiitur, quia . . . 
 non omnia ubique proveniunt^ opus fuit ti'ajectione ; nee adhuc tamen per- 
 mutatio erat, sed aliis vicissim rebus apud alios repertts sua arbitrio 
 iitebantur ; quo fere modo apud Seres dicitur rebus in solitudine relictis sola 
 mutantiufu religione peragi commerciiim." — Grotius. 
 
 EDINBURGH 
 WILLIAM GREEN & SONS 
 
 1903 
 

 A.uou^iT 
 
 t(y^ 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 The Silent Trade, — " Stummer Handel," — " Le Commerce 
 par depots," — -has been frequently mentioned, but has 
 never, so far as the writer is aware, been made the 
 subject of adequate treatment. In this little book, an 
 attempt is made to give some account of it in operation 
 and survival, — to show what were the circumstances 
 of its origin and what the effects produced by it ; — 
 in a word, — to assign it its place in the history of early 
 institutions. In the introductory pages, only those facts 
 relating to primitive society are presented, which seem 
 to have a direct bearing upon the practice ; and the 
 neutrality of the primitive market and the protection 
 of the stranger-guest are dealt with at a later stage of 
 the argument only in order to indicate their close 
 connection with the "peace," which it was the first to 
 introduce. 
 
 P. J. H. G. 
 
 Edinburgh, 1903. 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 I.— INTRODUCTION, Secs. i to 25. 
 I. — The Subject and Method of Inquiry, Secs. i to 4. 
 
 Subject of Inquiry, sec. I. Sense in which the terms "primitive," "modern,'' 
 " change," are used, sec. 2. We are to look among hunting tribes for the 
 evidence regarding the institutions with which we are concerned, sec. 3. 
 Typical hunting peoples, sec. 4. 
 
 II. — The Group and its Neighbours, Secs. 5 to 17. 
 
 Form of primitive social organisation, sec. 5. The family group ; mutual aid ; 
 woman's help indispensable, sec. 6. Mode of obtaining a wife : by means 
 of presents, services, exchanges ; conjugal relations, sec. 7. Personal pro- 
 perty ; position of women ; how personal property is acquired and 
 protected; "tapu," "tabu," "pomali," "mutue," "piece of medicine,'' 
 sec. 8. Character of relations between family groups ; hospitality ; formal 
 bond of friendship ; presents ; mutual aid and responsibility ; interchange 
 of visits, sec. g. Commerce, or usages leading to commerce, within the 
 related groups ; practice of giving and receiving ; expectation or under- 
 standing that return will be made, secs. 10 and 11. Are these peoples 
 ignorant of commerce? Refusal to trade may be due to causes other than 
 ignorance of trading, sec. 11. Union of related groups for common under- 
 taking, such as trading, defence, plundering, pursuit of criminal, religious 
 ceremonies ; signals between such groups ; union of unrelated groups 
 against common enemy, sec. 12. Authority of superior men ; of seniors, 
 sec. 13. Force of public opinion ; of tribal custom ; the singing combat, 
 sec. 14. Observance of custom secured by fear of the consequences of 
 disregarding it, sec. 15. Land rights of individuals and related groups, 
 sec. 16. Boundaries of tribal territory well defined ; regarded as under 
 supernatural protection ; Hermes- Mercurius, sec. 17. 
 
viii THE SILENT TRADE. 
 
 III. — The Stranger, Sees. i8 to 20. 
 
 The stranger held to be an enemy ; evidence of language ; hated and feared as 
 a being possessed of supernatural powers ; regarded as a monster or 
 demon ; sometimes safe in virtue of his totem, sec. i8. The stranger 
 regarded as without rights ; evidence of language ; the exile and the out- 
 law ; primitive conception of theft ; treatment of persons shipwrecked ; 
 confiscation of goods of deceased foreigner, sec. 19. The stranger hated 
 and feared most by that part of the population which lies farthest from 
 its borders, sec. 20. 
 
 IV. — Summary, Sees. 21 to 25. 
 
 II.— THE SILENT TRADE AND THE PRIMITIVE 
 MARKET, Secs. 26 to 40. 
 
 I. — The Silent Trade, Secs. 26 to 29. 
 
 Legend of Wayland Smith ; instances of the silent trade where the parties to 
 it are unseen by one another ; tribes near Arctic Ocean ; Lapps ; at 
 Khorasan ; among tribes near the Niger, on the Gambia, near Wangara 
 and Loanda, on the Congo, on the confines of Egypt and Ethiopia, on 
 islands of the Indian Ocean, in Sumatra, Buru, Ceram, and the Aru Archi- 
 pelago, in Ceylon, in Madura, in Guatemala, in the Mosquito Country, in 
 New Mexico, among a people of the Andes, and in Newfoundland, sec. 26. 
 Instances of the silent trade where the parties to it are not necessarily 
 unseen by one another ; among the Chukchi, the inhabitants of Livonia, 
 the people of Sasu, the Makuas, tribes on the West Coast of Africa, at 
 Fernando Po, on the Niger ; among the Seres, the Sesatai, and the natives 
 of Timor ; practice of the natives of Brazil, sec. 27. Instances of the silent 
 trade being carried on through a middle-man ; on the lower Niger, at 
 Hai-nan, and among the Aleuts and Puelches, sec. 28. Instances of a 
 religious element in the silent trade ; on West Coast of Africa and among 
 Sabseans ; query, — whether the Sabaeans are rightly credited with the 
 practice, sec. 29. 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS. ix 
 
 II. — The Primitive Market, Sees. 30 to 35. 
 
 Similarity of usages of the primitive market to those of the silent trade ; silent 
 trading in Mexican markets ; in oriental markets ; market at Somu-Somu ; 
 Eskimo fair ; market at Wairuku, sec. 30. Market in border-land a 
 neutral spot ; market cross, sec. 31. Markets under supernatural pro- 
 tection ; Hermes-Mercurius, sec. 32. Extension of the market-peace ; 
 the privilege becomes personal rather than local, sec. 33. This neutrality 
 frequently takes the form of a truce, sec. 34. The business of the market 
 often carried on through a middle- man; Hermes-Mercurius; ngia- 
 ngiampe ; inviolability of ambassador ; does it originate in the privilege 
 of the middle-man ? sec. 35. 
 
 III. — Comment, Sees. 36 to 40. 
 
 Explanations of the silent trade ; characteristics of the parties to the practice, 
 sec. 36. The practice is due to different causes ; examples ; explanation 
 suggested as the true explanation, sec. 37. A second form of the practice, 
 sec. 38. The practice as a survival, sec. 39. The market is a form of 
 intercourse higher than the earlier practice, sec. 40. 
 
 III.— PRIMITIVE HOSPITALITY, Secs. 41 to 51. 
 
 Hospitality within the tribe and between tribes ; words signifying at once 
 guest and enemy, sec. 41. Signs of friendship and welcome, sec. 42. 
 Protection of stranger and its limits ; escort ; tokens ; " tessera 
 hospitalis,'' &c. ; ngia-ngiampe ; characteristics of primitive hospitality; 
 lending wives, sec. 43. Person of guest sacred, sec. 44. Exchange of 
 names ; blood-brotherhood ; oath of friendship ; penalties for breach of 
 oath ; drinking blood prevents treachery, sec. 45. Protection of 
 stranger; "mopato" and " molekane," "pagally," "maat," sec. 46. 
 Protection of stranger; "dakheil," "nazil," sec. 47. Protection of 
 stranger; the "abban," sec. 48. Royal protection; guest-houses, 
 sec. 49. Punishment of inhospitality ; position of stranger in a foreign 
 land ; protection of "tabu," sec. 50. Summary, sec. 51. 
 
THE SILENT TRADE. 
 
 IV.— CONCLUSIONS, Secs. 52 to 62. 
 
 The silent trade and inter-tribal intercourse ; the conqueror and the slave, 
 sec. 52. The primitive market and inter- tribal intercourse, sec. 53- 
 Primitive and modern hospitality ; the former a public institution ; it is 
 obligatory ; its limits, sec. 54. Protector and protege ; the stranger either 
 a trader or an enemy, sec. 55. Individual and common interests ; public 
 opinion, sec. 56. Function of law ; legal development, sec. 57. The 
 course of legal development ; conservative character of change, sec. 58. 
 Law, morality, and religion ; corporate responsibility ; custom and 
 religion, sec. 59. Custom and individual character ; custom at once 
 legal, moral, and religious ; hospitality and the Phcenicians, sec. 60. 
 Later history of hospitality, sec. 61. Neutrality and hospitality are 
 extensions of the " peace " introduced by the silent trade, sec. 62. 
 
THE SILENT TRADE. 
 
 I.— INTRODUCTION. 
 
 The Subject and Method of Inquiry. 
 
 Sec. I. Man is a social animal, and, like other such 
 animals, enjoys the companionship of his fellows, gives 
 them more or less of his sympathy, and is more or less 
 ready to assist them. But just as the social instincts of 
 the brute extend, not to all the individuals of its kind, but 
 to those only of its pack, so the social feelings of primitive 
 man are effectively active only within the association to 
 which he belongs.^ The modern view and the modern 
 practice are altogether different. We profess, at all 
 events, to regard and treat our fellow-men as the subjects 
 of rights and duties, not because they are members of a 
 certain family, or tribe or nation, but because they are men. 
 And the question presents itself, — how has this change 
 been brought about ? To this question we shall not 
 attempt to furnish a complete answer. What we propose 
 to do is to turn to primitive man and his surroundings, — 
 
 ^ See C. Darwin, "Descent of Man," second "'edition, London, i8 
 i. 150 seq. 
 
2 THE SILENT TRADE. 
 
 to inquire what are tlie characteristics of the group of 
 which he is a member, what is the need which impels him 
 to enter into relations with men outside of that group, and 
 what are the methods which he employs in his endeavours 
 to supply that need. We believe that an examination of 
 the evidence which bears upon these points will enable us 
 to discover some of the more important factors which have 
 operated to produce the change with which we are 
 concerned. 
 
 Sec. 2. We have contrasted "primitive " with "modern," 
 and we have spoken of " change " ; and it is proper that 
 we should state at the outset what we mean when we use 
 these terms. Change can take place only in time, but 
 lapse of time does not necessarily imply change ; and a 
 mode of thought or action may remain unaltered during 
 the course of ages. Accordingly, when we speak of 
 "change," we have in mind not so much a succession in 
 time as a process of development ; and when we oppose 
 " primitive " to " modern," we intend to indicate not so 
 much an epoch in time as a stage in a process. Further, 
 such a term as " primitive " can be used with accuracy only 
 as a relative term ; and, accordingly, when we use the 
 expression " the primitive group," we mean not the simplest 
 form of human society, but the simplest form of human 
 society with regard to which we have reliable evidence.^ 
 
 Sec. 3. Where, then, are we to look for the evidence 
 regarding the primitive group? Plainly, not to pastoral, 
 still less to agricultural, peoples ; but rather to those who 
 are dependent for their daily sustenance upon the spoils of 
 the chase and the bounty of the untilled earth. The 
 rude hunter takes little or no thought for the morrow ; he 
 
 1 See R. V. Ihering, "Der Geist des Romischen Rechts," Leipzig, 1878, 
 i. 60 seq. 
 
METHOD OF INQUIRY. 3 
 
 lives by killing and does nothing to replace the life which 
 he has taken ; and he wastes and even destroys what he 
 cannot then and there consume. In favoured regions the 
 man who neither plants nor sows, who has neither flocks 
 nor herds, is not infrequently brought face to face with 
 starvation. For the means of subsistence, which any one 
 spot affords, are soon exhausted ; and, when these fail him, 
 he must change his ground ; he must follow the game in 
 its migrations; he must, in short, devote himself almost 
 continuously to a search for his daily food. The case of 
 the herdsman is widely different. His chief concern is not 
 to destroy animal life but to preserve and foster it, so that it 
 shall not only suffice to supply the wants of the moment, 
 but assure to him a resource upon which he can always 
 draw. To produce this result requires not only the 
 constant exercise of a far-sighted prudence, but the co- 
 operation of all the members of the community. In other 
 words, all must join in the endeavour to carry out a plan 
 which takes into account the future as well as the present. 
 Their practical life is not a mere series of unconnected 
 acts ; for it is formed upon a scheme, in which each act 
 has its place, and to the realisation of which each act 
 contributes. And this observation applies no less to those 
 who cultivate the lands upon which they have settled. 
 They, too, have common aims, common interests, and 
 common work ; and what they aim at, what they are 
 interested in, and what they work for, is to secure 
 the conditions of permanent well-being. In this con- 
 ception and conduct of life we can discern the begin- 
 nings of an economy and of a social organisation 
 unknown to the primitive hunter ;^ and, as we wish 
 
 ^ See H. Lotze, " Mikrokosmos," 3te Aufl. Leipzig, 1878, ii. 426, 427 ; 
 E. B. Tylor, "Anthropology," London, 1881, p. 220. 
 
4 THE SILENT TRADE. 
 
 to commence at the commencement, we shall return to 
 him.i 
 
 Sec. 4. Now we are told of the Fuegians that " they 
 never attempt to make use of the soil by any kind of 
 culture : seeds, birds, fish, and particularly shell-fish being 
 their principal subsistence."^ So, too, the Australian 
 "will hunt, fish, trap, dig up roots which are ready 
 for food, grind grass seeds into flour, but sow or plant 
 he will not."^ The food of the Bushman consists of 
 bulbous roots, ostrich eggs, the larvae of ants and locusts, 
 and fish and game. He does not cultivate the soil, 
 nor has he any permanent abode ; but wanders from 
 place to place, rarely passing two nights in the same 
 spot* A very similar account is given by Father 
 Baegert of the aborigines of the Californian Peninsula.* 
 The Veddahs of Nilgala " move about from forest 
 
 ^ Of course we do not mean to affirm that the institutions of a community 
 on the lowest level of economic development in every case represent the 
 earliest form of those institutions. A pastoral tribe may practise marriage 
 customs which have been handed down unchanged from their forefathers who 
 lived by the chase ; while the marriage customs of a hunting-tribe may be 
 very different from those followed by their ancestors. We can make such an 
 assertion only, and to a limited extent, in regard to those institutions which 
 are directly affected by the economic circumstances of the community 
 within which they subsist ; and it is with such institutions that we are 
 concerned in the following pages (see J. Kohler, zur Rechtsphilosophie 
 und vergleichenden Rechtswissenschaft, Juristisches Litteraturblatt, vii. 
 197. 
 
 ^ King and Fitz-Roy, " Narrative of the Voyages of the Adventurs and 
 Beagle," London, 1839, ii. 178; cp. Hyades et Deniker, "Mission du Cap 
 Horn, 1882-83," Paris, 1891, vii. 338 seq. 
 
 3 E. M. Curr, "The Australian Race," London, 1886, i. 79. 
 
 * H. Lichtenstein, "Travels in South Africa, in the years 1803-1806," transl. 
 Plumptre, London, 1815, ii. 44 seq. 193 ; J. Barrow, " An Account of Travels 
 into the Interior of South'Africa in the years I797i 1798," London, 1801, i. 276 \. 
 D. Livingstone, " Missionary Travels and Researches in South Africa," London, 
 1857, p. 49- 
 
 ^ " Report of . . . Smithsonian Institute for 1863," pp. 361-64. 
 
THE PRIMITIVE GROUP. 5 
 
 to forest ... in search of bees and game ; " ^ and the 
 Kubus of Sumatra " cultivate nothing for themselves, and 
 live entirely on the products of the forest." They occupy 
 their rude shelters for a few days only at a ti'me ; so long, 
 that is to say, as food is obtainable in the neighbourhood.^ 
 Again, it is said of the Shoshonee Indians that they never 
 plant a seed, but subsist upon roots, fish, and the flesh of 
 the buffalo ; * while Dobritzhoffer describes certain tribes 
 of the Abipones as " living like wild beasts, neither reap- 
 ing nor sowing, nor taking any heed of agriculture." * These 
 peoples we may take as types of the primitive hunting 
 and fishing community ; and accordingly, it is to them, and 
 to people such as they are, that we shall look for the 
 evidence regarding the relations, which, in early times, 
 subsisted between man and man and between group and 
 group.^ 
 
 II. 
 
 The Group and its Neighbours, 
 
 Sec. 5. According to King and Fitz-Roy, " scarcity of 
 food, and the facility with which they move from one 
 place to another in their canoes, are, no doubt, the reasons 
 why the Fuegians are always so dispersed among the 
 islands in small family parties, why they never remain 
 long in one place, and why a large number are not seen 
 
 ' J. Bailey, " An Account of the Wild Tribes of the Veddahs of Ceylon," in 
 Trans. Ethn. Soc, N.S., London, 1862, ii. 282. 
 
 ^ H. O. Forbes, "Journal of Anthrop. Inst.," xiv. 122. 
 
 ' H. R. Schoolcraft, " Historical and Statistical Information regarding the 
 History ... of the Indian Tribes of the United States,'' Philadelphia, 
 1851-60, i. 207, 211; Lewis and Clarke, "Travels to the Source of the 
 Missouri River ... in the years 1804-06," new edition, London, 1815, 
 ii. 162. 
 
 * " An Account of the Abipones," transl. from the Latin, London, 1822, 
 ii. no, 113. ' See above, sec. 3 last note. 
 
6 THE SILENT TRADE. 
 
 many days in society."^ Of a branch of this race — the 
 Yaghans of Cape Horn — Bridges ^ says that their families 
 live in clans of which the members are related ; but that 
 all the members of the clan are " only occasionally and 
 then always incidentally" to be found together. The 
 Australian tribe hunts, camps, and lives, not in a body, 
 but in small chance parties, which meet only from time to 
 time ; ^ and between the separate Bushman hordes, of 
 which each " commonly consists of the different members 
 of one family only," there is so little intercourse that the 
 names of the most ordinary objects are different in the 
 different hordes.* Of the Veddahs of Nilgala it is said that 
 " they are distributed through their lovely country in small 
 septs or families," which hold little communication with 
 one another ;^ and of the Kubus of Sumatra, that they live 
 in small hordes, each family having a separate existence.® 
 The Shoshonees are found in small detached bodies and 
 single families ; ^ and similar accounts are given of many 
 other hunting and fishing tribes.® 
 
 ' II. 177 ; cp. C. Wilkes, "Narrative of the United States' Exploring Ex- 
 pedition, during the years 1838-42," London, 1845, i. 124. 
 
 ^ Af. E. Westermark, " The History of Human Marriage," second edition, 
 London, 1894, p. 44. "The smaller divisions keep more together. . . . 
 Occasionally as many as five families are to be found living together in a 
 wigwam, but generally two families." 
 
 * Curr, i. 53 ; E. J. Eyre, "Journals of Expeditions of Discovery into 
 Central Australia ... in the years 1840-41," London, 1845, ii. 218 ; see 
 Westermark, 45, 48. According to B. Spencer and F. J. Gillen, "The 
 Native Tribes of Central Australia," London, 1899, p. 16, these small parties 
 consist, among the Central Australian natives, of one or two families. 
 
 * Lichtenstein, ii. 48, 49. '^ Bailey, 281. 
 
 ^ Globus, xxvi. 44. ' Schoolcraft, i. 224. 
 
 ° P. S. Pallas, "Voyages . . . dans plusieurs provinces de I'Empire de Russie, 
 et dans I'Asie Septentrionale, trad, de Gauthier de la Peyronie," Paris, l8oo, 
 iii. 310 (Voguls) ; Meyer in Peterm. Mittn., 1874, p. 19 (Negrittos in Luzon) ; 
 J. Hector and W. S. W. Vaux, " Notice of the Indians seen by the exploring 
 expedition under the command of Captain Palliser," in the Trans. Ethn. Soc, 
 N.S., i. 246 (Thickwood Crees) ; and Westermark, 46 (several Brazilian tribes). 
 
DIVISION OF LABOUR. 7 
 
 Thus it appears that amongst those peoples, whose 
 social organisation may be regarded as primitive, the 
 population is scattered over a wide ^ area in small groups 
 in the nature of families. 
 
 Sec. 6. The group is an association more or less per- 
 manent, brought about not merely, or even mainly, by the 
 cravings of passing appetite, but by the pressure of a 
 constant need, — the need of mutual assistanceif The man 
 protects the women and children, and hunts for their 
 support. He constructs the shelter, builds the canoe, 
 trains his dogs, and prepares his weapons for war and for 
 the chase. To the woman is left the rest of the work. 
 Her aid is indispensable in procuring food ; not only for 
 herself and her children, when her master is absent, but 
 for him, when his time is too much occupied in pursuit of 
 the larger animals to allow of his providing for himself. 
 Among the Fuegians, for example, she gathers mussels and 
 catches fish, and, in addition, attends to her children, 
 makes baskets, fishing-lines, and necklaces, and paddles 
 her lord's canoe.- / So necessary, indeed, is her help to the 
 unmarried Yahgan, who has no near relatives, that he is 
 forced to join some one more powerful than himself, who, 
 
 ^ See sec. i6 below. 
 
 2 King and Fitz-Roy, ii. 185 ; J. Weddell, " A Voyage towards the 
 South Pole in 1822-24," London, 1825, p. 156. Similar accounts are 
 given of many hunting and fishing tribes — e.^., Curr, i. 99 (Australian 
 tribes) ; R. Schomburgk, " Reisen in Britisch-Guiana in 1840-44," Leipzig, 
 1847, i. 166 (Warraus) ; E. H. Man, "On the Original Inhabitants 
 of the Andaman Islands," Jour, of Anthrop. Inst., London, 1883, xii. 
 328 (Andaman Islanders); Pallas, v. 129 (Ostiaks) ; Maximilian, "Prinz 
 zu Wied Neuwied, Reise nach Brasilien," Frankfort-am-M., 1820, ii. 
 17 (Botocudos) ; /d. i. 146 (Puris) ; Richardson, " Arctic Search- 
 ing Expedition," London, 1851, ii. 12 ('Tinne Indians) ; J. Chapman, 
 " Travels in the Interior of South Africa," London, 1868, i. 39 (Baman- 
 wato). 
 
8 THE SILENT TRADE. 
 
 in return for his work, will protect him and permit his 
 wives to fish for him.^ 
 
 Sec. 7. The Yahgan suitor acquires his bride by per- 
 forming certain services for her parents. Her inclinations 
 are not consulted ; and, when she has several suitors, she 
 is handed over to him whom her father fears most. There 
 is no marriage ceremony. If the bridegroom has not a 
 canoe of his own, he lives with his wife's parents, and 
 works for them until the first child is born. Even after 
 that event he gives them presents from time to time, and 
 always treats his father-in-law with the greatest deference. 
 Until the birth of the first child the marriage is not 
 regarded as a permanent bond, and the wife is free to 
 change her husband. Marriages between near relations 
 are looked on with disfavour. Sometimes, however, a man 
 marries mother and daughter. Polygamy is permitted, 
 some men having as many as four wives. If husband and 
 wife disagree, the former may divorce the latter without 
 any special form. Until marriage the conduct of the girls 
 is subject to no restraint, and jealousy seems to be un- 
 known to them. The husband will not yield his wife 
 either to his friends or to strangers ; and the observations 
 of voyagers to the contrary appear to be based on the 
 actions of men united neither by affection nor by marriage 
 to the women whom they offered.^ The Bushman does 
 not marry out of his own tribe ; and the only degrees of 
 relationship which he recognises as preventing marriage are 
 
 ' M. T. Bridges, trad, par Hyades, Bull, de la Soc. d'Anthrop. de Paris, 
 1884, ser. iii. t. vii. 180. In Tonga it is customary for a man to choose a 
 foster-mother, even while his own mother is alive, in order that he may be 
 the better provided with cloth, oil, food, &c. (Mariner, " Tonga Islands," i. 89, 
 167 ; ii. 96 ; in " Constable's Miscellany," Edinburgh, 1827, vols, xiii., xiv.). 
 
 2 Hyades et Deniker, 239, 377-379 5 Bridges, trad. Hyades, 171-73 ; Bridges 
 ap. Westermark, 299, 318. 
 
MARRIAGE CUSTOMS. 9 
 
 those of parent and child, brother and sister. The Bush- 
 man suitor asks leave to pay his addresses. He leaves 
 some trifling article at the girl's dwelling ; and, if it be not 
 returned within a few days, he takes for granted that he is 
 accepted. He then makes a hunting party with some of 
 his friends, and brings the spoils of the chase to the father 
 of the girl. A feast follows, and the suitor's friends make 
 small presents to the girl's family. The husband lives 
 with his father-in-law for the first two years, hunts for 
 him, and always treats him with great respect.^ Among 
 the Kubus, the suitor offers a gift to the girl's father. If 
 the latter approve of it, he calls his neighbours together, 
 and informs them that he has given his daughter in 
 marriage. One of the company strikes a tree several 
 times with a club, proclaiming the man and woman 
 husband and wife ; and there follows a feast, of which the 
 bridegroom's presents form the chief materials.^ Among 
 the Veddahs, the suitor presents the girl's father with a 
 gift, such as a pot of honey or a dried iguana. If the 
 father have no objections to offer, he calls for his daughter 
 who comes bringing with her a thin cord of her own 
 twisting. This she ties round the bridegroom's waist, and 
 they are man and wife. The Veddahs are constant to 
 their wives, and are exceedingly jealous of them. They are 
 monogamous and divorce is unknown to them.^ Among 
 the Australian natives the wife is " not the relative, but the 
 
 ' Chapman, i. 259, 260 ; cp. Barrow, i. 276. The wife may with the husband's 
 permission yield herself to any man (Lichtenstein, ii. 49) ; and her infidelity is re- 
 garded as almost of no moment (J. E. Alexander, "An Expedition of Discovery 
 into the Interior of Africa," London, 1838, ii. 23. See below sec. 8, note). 
 
 ^ H. O. Forbes, " A Naturalist's Wanderings in the Eastern Archipelago 
 from 1878 to 1883," London, 1885, p. 241. 
 
 ^ Bailey, 291-94. Formerly, the marriage of a man with his younger 
 sister was regarded as the proper marriage to make ; while marriage with an 
 elder sister or aunt would have been looked upon as incestuous (/</. ib.). 
 
lo THE SILENT TRADE. 
 
 property of her husband." Not infrequently he obtains 
 her in exchange for his sisters or for his daughters. He 
 may exchange her or lend her to any man of the class to 
 which he himself belongs.^ He has little real affection for 
 her ; and yet he is jealous, and will hardly allow her to 
 speak to any other man.^ 
 
 Sec. 8. All these peoples have some conception of rights 
 of property.^ Among the Yahgans, individual ownership 
 extends only to a man's necessary personal effects. What 
 he makes or kills or finds, — that is his.* So, too, the only 
 wealth of the Bushman,^ as of the Fenni,^ consists of bows 
 and arrows. The Veddahs most prized possessions are their 
 bows and their dogs ; '^ and, amongst the Australian natives, 
 each tribesman is regarded as the owner of his weapons, 
 implements, and ornaments.^ He is also held to be the 
 owner of his wife.* The Kubus are said to have no 
 
 ^ Curr, i. lo6, 107 ; G. F. Angas, " Savage Life and Scenes in Australia and 
 New Zealand," I^ondon, 1847, i. 93, 94 ; G. Grey, "Journals of Two Expedi- 
 tions of Discovery in N.W. and W. Australia, in 1837-39," London, 1841, 
 ii. 230; Eyre, ii. 318, 319; Wilkes, ii. 195. After 0. battle the gins not in- 
 frequently go over to the victors, even those with young children on their 
 backs (T. L. Mitchell, ' ' Three Expeditions into the Interior of Eastern 
 Australia," London, 1838, i. 304). " Eyre, ii. 321 ; Curr, i. 106. 
 
 •* As to rights of property in land, see sec. 16 below. 
 
 * Hyades et Deniker, 243. The rights of even a child are respected. 
 Observe, however, that when a large animal is found dead, the right of the 
 finder is limited to that of making the distribution (Bridges, trad. Hyades, 178). 
 
 ^ Lichtenstein, ii. 45. 
 
 ^ Tac. Germ., 46 ; — " Victui herba, vestitui pelles, cubile humus, solse in 
 sagittis opes." '' Bailey, 286. 
 
 ' Curr, i. 66. Even the wife, although she is her husband's property, is 
 allowed to keep as her own any small articles she may acquire. 
 
 ' The same conception of the woman's position prevails among the natives 
 of the Bihe (Capello and Ivens, "From Benguela to the territory of Yacca," 
 London, 1882, i. 112) ; the Puris (Maximilian Prinz zu Wied-Neuwied, 
 i. 146) ; the Eskimo near the mouth of the Mackenzie River (E. Petitot, 
 " Les Grands Esquimaux," Paris, 1887, p. 104); the Indians of British 
 Guiana (E. F. im Thum, "Among the Indians of Guiana," London, 1883, 
 
PERSONAL PROPERTY. ii 
 
 personal property, but " if one of them on finding a bee- 
 infested or dammar-yielding tree, clear the bush around it, 
 make one or two hacks in the bark, and repeat a form of 
 spell, it is recognised by the others as his possession, which 
 will be undisputed." ^ Practices similar to that last men- 
 tioned are widely prevalent, and, in general, serve as means, 
 not so much of acquiring ^ a right, as of keeping intact a 
 
 p. 223) ; and the Shoshonees (Lewis and Clarke, ii. 164, 165, 416) ; and 
 further indications of it are furnished by the fact, that, among many people, 
 adultery is regarded as an offence only when committed without the husband's 
 permission — e.g., Ricaras and Sioux (Lewis and Clarke, i. 144) ; Yumas 
 (H. H. Bancroft, " The Native Races of the Pacific States of North America,'' 
 London, 1875, i. 514); Knisteneaux Indians (A. Mackenzie, "Voyages 
 from Montreal ... to the Frozen and Pacific Oceans, in the years 1789 and 
 1793," London, 1801, xcvi.) ; cp, Lichtenstein, ii. 48, 49, and Alexander, 
 ii. 23, as to the Bushmen ; and Lisiansky, " A Voyage round the World in the 
 years 1803-06, London, 1814, p. 82, and Jarves, " History of the Sandwich 
 Islands," London, 1843, p. 80, as to the natives of Nukahiva and Hawaii. 
 Hyades et Deniker, p. 377, deny that the Yahgan husband condones his wife's 
 misconduct) ; and by the practice in use among the Incas (Waitz-Gerland, 
 " Anthropologie der Naturvblker,'' Leipzig, 1859-72, iv. 417), and Basutos 
 (E. Casalis, "The Basutos, London, 1861, p. 225), in Northern Queensland 
 (C. Lumholtz, "Among Cannibals," London, 1889, p. 126), and in Mada- 
 gascar (Rochon, " Voyage to Madagascar," in Pinkerton's " General Collection 
 of . . . Voyages and Travels," London, 1808-14, xiv. 747), of visiting it with 
 the penalty appropriate to theft. A similar view seems to prevail among the 
 tribes of Central Australia (Spencer and Gillen, p. 99), and to have prevailed 
 in Homeric times (A. G. Keller, " Homeric Society," New York, London, 
 and Bombay, 1902, p. 227). See sec. 43 below. 
 
 ^ Forbes, " A Naturalist's Wanderings," p. 242. 
 
 2 " There was a kind of variation on the tapu, called tapa, of this nature. 
 For instance, if a chief said, ' That axe is my head,' the axe became his to all 
 intents and purposes." (" Old New Zealand," by a Pakeha Maori, London, 
 1863, p. 160, see also pp. 161-63. Cp. also E. Shortland, "Traditions and 
 Superstitions of the New Zealanders," London, 1854, p. 91). So, too, the 
 finder of a piece of drift wood could tapa it to himself by tying something 
 round it, or by giving it a chop with his axe (R. Taylor, " Te Ika a Maui ; or. 
 New Zealand and its Inhabitants," London, 1855, p. 62. Cp. J. Chalmers, 
 " Pioneering in New Guinea," London, 1887, p. 186) ; and a canoe found adrift 
 was tapa to the finder (E. Dieffenbach, " Travels in New Zealand," London, 
 1843, ii. 102). 
 
12 THE SILENT TRADE. 
 
 right already acquired.^ Thus Livingstone^ says that in 
 the country of the Balonda, where artificial hives are 
 frequently attached to the trees, " a ' piece of medicine ' is 
 tied round the trunk, and proves sufficient protection 
 against thieves. The natives seldom rob each other, for all 
 believe that certain medicines can inflict disease and 
 death." In Ceram, a man preserves his property, — a 
 fruit-tree, for example, — from injury by the use of the 
 " mutue." Thus, if he hang the jaw-bone of a boar, — 
 " mutue hahua" — somewhere among its branches, he may 
 rest assured that whoever breaks the tree or steals its fruit 
 will be mangled by one of those animals.^ Again, Krapf * 
 
 ' E.g., in the Marquesas (H. Melville, "A Narrative of a Four Months' 
 Residence among the Natives of a Valley of the Marquesas Islands," London, 
 1846, p. 245) ; in New Zealand (Dieffenbach, ii. 48, loi) ; and among the 
 Muruts of Borneo (H. Ling Roth, " The Natives of Sarawak and British 
 North Borneo," London, i8g6, i. 419). 
 
 - " Missionary Travels," p. 285. 
 
 ' J. G. F. Riedel, " De sluik- en kroesharige Rassen tusschen Selebes en 
 Papua," S. Gravenhage, 1886, pp. 114, 115. He gives many other instances ; 
 see index, s.v. " Sasi." The punishment is attributed to the action of super- 
 natural influences. See also Kohler, " Recht d. Papuas," Zeits f. vergl. 
 Rechtsw., xiv. 371, 372, 374; as to the inhabitants of Tonga, see Mariner, 
 ii. 186, 187 ; and as to Samoans, see G. Turner, " Nineteen Years in 
 Polynesia," London, 1861, pp. 294-96; "Samoa a Hundred Years Ago and 
 Long Before," London, 1884, p. 34. As to Polynesia generally, see Waitz- 
 Gerland, vi. 343. 
 
 ■* "Travels in Eastern Africa," London, i860, p. 145. To tie a "piece of 
 medicine " to a specific article, or to lay it across a road, or to fasten it to the 
 boundary of a field or of a hunting-ground, is to place the article, or the road, 
 or the boundary, under the protection of supernatural powers, who will see to 
 the punishment of the man who disregards the sacred sign. Thus, Baikie 
 (" Narrative of an Exploring Voyage up the Rivers Kwora and Binue in 1854," 
 London, 1856, p. 279 ; see also Bastian, " Ein Besuch in San Salvador, die 
 Hauptstadt des Kdnigreichs Congo," Bremen, 1859, pp. 78, III) tells us that 
 in Yoruba " if there be two entrances to a hut, or two passages to any part of 
 a dwelling, one is kept closed by a string being put across it, and some djii-dju 
 article hung up over it." In Timor, a prevalent custom is the " pomali," 
 exactly equivalent to the tabu of the Pacific islanders, and equally respected. 
 Thus, a palm-branch laid across an open door is more effectual than bolts and 
 
INTERCOURSE BETWEEN GROUPS. 13 
 
 tells us that a cocoa-nut hanging over the gate of a village 
 "is supposed to be effectual in keeping thieves and robbers 
 at a distance from the trees and villages, and many 
 Wanika suspend a similar ugango before the door of their 
 huts ; . . . nobody dares to enter so long as it is not 
 removed." 
 
 Sec. 9. Each of these groups is in contact, at all events, 
 occasionally, with similar and related groups. Towards 
 these its attitude is essentially dissimilar from that which 
 it assumes towards alien groups. Thus, in Australia, the 
 relation between stranger tribes is one of unceasing hostility. 
 They practise sorcery against one another, and carry on 
 
 bars (A. R. Wallace, "The Malay Archipelago," London, 1890, pp. 149,. 150, 
 451). Thomson ("Through Masai Land," new edition, London, 1887, p. 271) 
 says of the Wa-kamasi that, until " hongo " or passage-money is paid, " the 
 road is shut " by placing some green twigs across the pathway. To pass over 
 that sacred symbol without permission is sufficient to drive the people into 
 iits of uncontrollable excitement. Riedel (p. 296) tells us that, in some of the 
 Spice Islands, to cross a boundary which is "moli," or tabu, is a. cause of 
 trouble or even of war ; and, according to C. F. Ph. von Martius ("Von den 
 Rechtszustande unter den Ureinwohnern Brasiliens," Munchen, 1832, p. 37), 
 the people of Cumana protect their plantations by drawing round them a single 
 cotton thread. It is considered a great crime to disregard the limits thus 
 marked out ; and it is the universal belief that he who fails to observe them 
 will not long survive. In his "Voyage to the Congo in 1682" (Pinkerton, 
 xvi. 238), MeroUa informs us that, "the fields of this country being without 
 fences, their owners, to preserve their corn, plant about them several rows of 
 stakes, which, being bound round with bundles of herbs by the wizards, they 
 tell you will kill any such as shall offer either to rob or do them damage." 
 This account presents a striking similarity to that of Hislop (quoted by E. B. 
 Tylor, "Primitive Culture," third edition, London, 1891, ii. 164) regarding^ 
 the stones which the ryot of Southern India sets up in his fields. He looks 
 upon them as the guardians of his crops, and calls them the five Pandtls. 
 As to the Land Dyaks of Borneo, see S. St. John, " Life in the Forests of the 
 Far East," London, 1862, i. 199 ; as to the New Zealanders, see J. S. Polack, 
 " Manners and Customs of the New Zealanders," London, 1840, ii. 70, cp. i. 276. 
 In Tahiti, carved images or "tiis" are employed to mark boundaries ; and the 
 removal of ancient land-marks is regarded as a heinous offence (Ellis, " Poly- 
 nesian Researches," London, 1831, iii. 116). A law ascribed to Numa is in 
 these terms : " eum qui terminum exarasset, et ipsum et boves sacros esse " (see- 
 
14 THE SILENT TRADE. 
 
 warfare by night attacks, in wliich men and children are 
 butchered, while the women are speared and carried off ;-^ on 
 the other hand, the members of associated ^ tribes visit and 
 intermarry, and decide their differences in fair fight, and 
 with little bloodshed.^ So, too, the Yahgans, amongst 
 whom, according to Hyades,* the tribe cannot in any 
 proper sense be said to exist, regard one another, even in 
 their quarrels, with feelings very unlike the intense fear and 
 hatred which they entertain towards the men of the other 
 Fuegian tribes — the Ona and Alakaluf^ No doubt, it 
 has been said of them, that, beyond the family circle, the 
 relation of man to man is doubtful, if not hostile.^ Still, 
 the visitor from another group is always sure of a seat by 
 the fire, and a portion of food, although the hut be 
 
 R. V. Ihering, " Vorgeschichte der Indo-Europaer," Leipzig, 1S94, p. 263); 
 and the laws of old Germany severely punished the man who "removed his 
 neighbour's landmark" (W. E. Wilda, "Das Strafrecht der Germanen," Halle, 
 1842, p. 925 seq.). It is to be noted that, among the aborigines of 
 Brazil, the pajes take an active part in the settlement of the boundaries of the 
 tribal hunting-grounds, performing many magical rites and ceremonies, with 
 the usual accompaniments of smoking and drumming. Sometimes baskets, 
 rags, and strips of bark are attached to the objects which mark the dividing 
 line (C. F. Ph. von Martius, 34, 35). Shortland (p. 83), observes that in New 
 Zealand "the dread of trespassing on any tapu spot was formerly so powerful, 
 that on going to a strange land, ceremonies were performed, in order to make 
 it noa, lest, perchance, it might have been previously tapu" 
 
 ^ Among the Samoans, a similar practice prevailed (Turner, " Nineteen 
 Years in Polynesia," p. 301). 
 
 ^ In Australia, every tribe has constant, and, for the most part, friendly 
 relations with other tribes. Still, each tribe within the association maintains 
 its separate existence (Curr, i. 63). Spencer and Gillen (p. 32), state that, 
 among the tribes of Central Australia, there is no such thing as two tribes 
 being constantly at enmity. They point out the mistake of speaking of the 
 <;ustoms of the "Australian native ; " for customs differ in different tribes (p. 34). 
 
 ' Curr, i. 63. 
 
 ^ " Ethnographie des Fuegians," Bull, de la Societe d'Anthropologie, Paris, 
 Ser. iii., t. x. 333. '" Hyades et Deniker, 16, 240. 
 
 ^ Stirling, in the " South American Missionary Magazine," iv. 11. 
 
INTERCOURSE BETWEEN GROUPS. 15 
 
 crowded, and the supplies scanty ; ^ and the men of different 
 families frequently enter into a bond of friendship, which 
 is marked by an exchange of gifts, and by a peculiar 
 fashion of painting the face and body.^ So, too, in their 
 disputes friends side with friends ; ^ and in Australia, men 
 who belong to the same class within the tribe, must make 
 common cause when quarrels arise.* Groups friendly oi" 
 related to a murdered Yahgan, join in pursuit of the 
 murderer,^ and treat those who shelter him as participants 
 
 ^ Hyades et Deniker, 243 ; if he have food with him he must share it. So, 
 too, the Wakuafi are hospitable to strangers of their own nation (Krapf, 364) ; 
 and, in the Andaman Islands, strangers introduced by mutual friends are 
 entertained with the best (Man, 148). Each Andaman family keeps a supply of 
 food in excess of its own requirements for its visitors (Id. 328). 
 
 " Bridges, trad. Hyades, 182. Among the Pehuenches there exists a system 
 of friendly association which enters into every relation of life. In times of 
 peace, the members visit one another frequently ; in time of war, they bivouac 
 together, fight on the same side, and in necessity or peril support one another 
 to the death (E. Poppig, " Reise in Chile, Peru, und auf der Amazonenstrome 
 wahrend der Jahre," 1827-32 ; Leipzig, 1835, i. 384, 385). Cp. P. F. X. 
 Charlevoix (" Histoire . . . de la Nouvelle France avec la Journal Historique 
 d'un Voyage fait . . . dans I'Amerique Septentrionale," Paris, 1744, vi. 14), 
 who speaks of a similar association among the Iroquois. Williams and 
 Calvert ("Figi and the Figians," second edition by Rowe, London, i860, 
 i. 45, 46), tell us that in Figi, " instances of persons devoting themselves specially 
 to deeds of arms are not uncommon. The manner in which they do this is 
 singular, and wears the appearance of a marriage-contract ; and the two men 
 entering into it are spoken of as man and wife to indicate the closeness of their 
 military union. By this mutual bond the two men pledge themselves to 
 oneness of purpose and effort, to stand by each other in every danger, defending 
 each other to the death, and, if needful, to die together. In the case of one of 
 the parties wishing to become married in the ordinary style to one of the other 
 sex, the former contract is duly declared void." Among the Tupis a man was 
 not permitted to marry a sister or daughter of the friend with whom he had all 
 things in common (J. Lery, " Voyage in Brazil " in De Bry, " Americse tertia 
 pars," Franc, a. M., 1594, c. 16) ; and at Zayla the tie of the "Nazil " (see 
 sec. 47 below) can be dissolved only by the formula of triple divorce (R. F. 
 Burton, " First Footsteps in East Africa," London, 1856, p. 124). 
 
 ' Hyades et Deniker, 241, 374 seq. 
 
 ■* Spencer and Gillen, p. 344, cp. p. S44) see also Eyre, ii. 224 ; Grey, 
 ii. 230 ; Curr, i. 6z, 72. ^ Hyades et Deniker, 241, 374 seq. 
 
i6 THE SILENT TRADE. 
 
 in his crime ; ^ and in this connection may be noted the 
 widely prevalent conception, that the family, the group, 
 or even the whole tribe is involved in the guilt of the mem- 
 ber.^ Further, among the Yahgans, the Yuracares and 
 Chiquitos, and the natives of King George's Sound, it is 
 the practice to interchange visits, and these visits are made 
 the occasion of festivities.^ But the visitor must make 
 
 ^ Bridges, trad. Hyades, 177. So, according to Waitz-Gerland (iii. 517), 
 among the Pehuenches, the robber's relations are implicated in his crime. 
 But see Starke, " The Primitive Family," London, 1889, p. 48, according to 
 whom it is only " those who are living in community with the robber who are 
 held to be responsible.'' 
 
 ^ See, for example, Scott Nind, " Description of Natives of King George's 
 Sound (Swan River Colony), and adjoining country," Journ. of R.G.S., i. 45 ; 
 Grey, ii. 239 (Australians) ; Thomson, " The Story of New Zealand," 
 London, 1859, i. 58 ; Shortland, p. 224 (New Zealanders) ; Wilkes, ii. 150 
 (Samoans) ; M. Macfie, " Vancouver Island and British Columbia, " London, 
 1865, p. 470 (Columbian Indians). Among the Efik tribesmen of Old 
 Calabar, " responsibility for debts is not a particular, but a universal, liability 
 on the district to which the debtor belongs " (T. L. Hutchinson, " On the Social 
 and Domestic Traits of the African Tribes, with a glance at their Superstitions, 
 Cannibalism, &c., &c.," in the Trans, of Ethn. Soc, N.S., i. 330). Upon this, 
 sense of corporate responsibility rests the Berber custom which allows a person 
 who has been robbed to seize some article belonging to the robber's family, or 
 to a man of his village or tribe (A. Hanoteau et A. Letourneux, " La Kabylie 
 at les coutumes Kabyles," Paris, 1872-73, iii. 82). Even among civilised 
 peoples are to be found traces of similar usages. Thus, " when Bordeaux 
 merchants had wines taken from them by Flemish pirates, they procured 
 letters of reprisal against Flemish merchants in England," so that the penalty 
 would fall on the right shoulders at last (W. Cunninghame, " The Growth of 
 English Industry and Commerce during the Early and Middle Ages," 
 Cambridge, 1890, p. 280; cp. L. Goldschmidt, "Handbuch des Handel- 
 rechts," 3te Aufl., Stuttgart, 1891, i. 121). Krapf (p. 333) tells us that, by 
 order of the king of Kilema, thirteen persons were killed because they came 
 from the same town as certain traders who had robbed him. See also Capello- 
 and Ivens, ii. 242 ; Angas, ii. 171. 
 
 * Sports and entertainments, among the Yahgans (Hyades et Deniker, 
 373, 374) ; dancing and carousing, among the Yuracares and Chiquitos 
 (A. D'Orbigny, "Voyage dans I'Amerique M^ridionale, 1826-1833," Paris, 1839, 
 iv. 164, 259) ; feasting, among the natives of King George's Sound (Scott 
 Nind, 44). As to the natives of Lower California, see Baegert, " Report of 
 . . . Smith. Inst, for 1863," p. 368. 
 
VISITS. 17 
 
 plain that he comes as a friend. Thus the Yuracares 
 announce their approach by sound of trumpet ; and the 
 Australians, of whom Scott Nind speaks, advance with 
 green boughs in their hands, and with fillets of green leaves 
 on their heads.^ When food is scarce at home, the Samoan 
 visits his friends ; ^ and, among the Andaman islanders, 
 " visits are usually followed by an interchange of gifts, the 
 host taking the initiative." ^ Towards strangers of their own 
 race the Wakuafi act liberally and kindly ;* and, according 
 to Catlin,^ " every man, woman, or child in Indian com- 
 munities is allowed to enter anyone's lodge, and even that 
 of the chief of the nation, and eat when they are hungry, 
 provided misfortune or necessity have driven them to it. 
 Even so can the poorest and most worthless drone of the 
 nation. . . . He, however, who thus begs when he is able 
 to hunt, pays dear for his meat, for he is stigmatised with 
 the disgraceful epithet of a poltroon and a beggar." 
 
 Sec. 10. Is there any trace, it may be asked of the 
 existence of commercial relations between the associated 
 groups ? We may say at once that there is ample evidence 
 of the prevalence of usages from which such relations might I 
 arise. Thus, the practice of giving and receiving is universal. | 
 When the Bushman,® or the Kubu,^ or the Veddah,^ thinks 
 of marrying a girl, he opens his suit by making a gift to 
 her father ; * and it is by means of a gift that the Yahgan 
 
 ^ D'Orbigny, Scott Nind, ubi cit. 
 
 ' Wilkes, ii. 148, 149. " Man, 392. * Krapf, 364. 
 
 ' " Letters and Notes on the Manners, Customs, and Conditions of the 
 American Indians," London, 1841, i. 122. ® Chapman, i. 259, 260. 
 
 ' Forbes, "A Naturalist's Wanderings," 241. * Bailey, 291-93. 
 
 ' The Yahgan suitor acquires his bride by performing certain services for her 
 parents (Hyades et Deniker, 377-79; Bridges, trad. Hyades, 172). This 
 practice, says Westermark (p. 390), who has collected many instances of it, "is 
 widely diffused among the uncivilised races of America, Africa, Asia, and the 
 Indian Archipelago." 
 2 
 
i8 THE SILENT TRADE. 
 
 cements the bonds of friendship, and buys off the vengeance 
 of his victim's kinsmen.^ To the Yahgan, one of the main 
 inducements to acquire property is that its possession 
 enables him to give. At the same time, he expects to 
 receive something in return.^ So, too, Sproat ^ says . that 
 " the gaining of property, with a view to its distribution, is 
 a ruHng motive for the action of the Ahts." But the gift is 
 regarded as an investment ; a return is expected ; and he 
 who gives most freely acquires rank and reputation.* 
 Among the Western Eskimo, according to Simpson,^ " a 
 free and disinterested gift is totally unknown ; " and, of the 
 Andaman islanders, it is said that they " give such objects 
 as are desired by another, in the hope of receiving in return 
 something for which they have expressed a wish, it being 
 tacitly understood that, unless otherwise mentioned before- 
 
 1 Bridges, trad. Hyades, 182, 177. As to the satisfaction made for crime by 
 means of payment, see A. H. Post, " Grandriss der Ethnol. Jurisprudenz," 
 Oldenburg, u. Leipzig, 1895, ii. 256 seq. ; W. E. Wilda, 314 seq. ; J. Grimm, 
 "Deutsche Rechts-Alterthiimer," Gottingen, 3te Aufl., 1881, pp. 648, 661. 
 
 ^ Bridges, trad. Hyades, 179 ; cp. Hyades et Deniker, 243. 
 
 ' "Scenes and Studies of Savage Life," London, i868, pp. 112, 113. 
 
 * W. H. Dall ("Alaska and its Resources," Boston, 1870, p. 150) says of the 
 tribes south of the Yukon River, that a man will accumulate his property for 
 many years, and then give it all away without expecting a return, in order to 
 gain reputation ; and similar statements are made regarding the natives of 
 Upper California by Kastromitonow (v. Wrangell, " Staatistische u. Ethno- 
 geographische Nachrichten uber die Russischen Besitzungen an die Nordwest- 
 kiiste von Amerika; ' in " Beitrage zur Kentniss d. Russischen Reiches von 
 K. C. von Baer u. Gr. von Helmersen," St. Petersburg, 1839, i. 92), and of the 
 Western Eskimo (H. Rink, "The Eskimo Tribes," London and Copenhagen, 
 1887, pp. 28, 29). J. L. Burckhart ("Travels in Arabia," London, 1829, p. 7, 
 note) observes that the real motive of a Turk in giving presents is either to 
 obtain a double return or to gratify his pride. 
 
 " " Observations on the Western Eskimaux and the Country they inhabit," in 
 " Further Papers relating to the recent Arctic Expeditions, presented to both 
 Houses of Parliament, January, 1855," London, 1855, p. 926. A similar state- 
 ment is made regarding the Thlinkets and Haidas (Kohler, "Rechtsver- 
 gleichende Skizzen," " Zeits. f. vergl. Rechtsw.," viii. 86). 
 
GIFTS AND EXCHANGES. 19 
 
 hand, no ' present ' is to be accepted without an equivalent 
 being rendered." ^ At Samoa,^ among the Kingsmill and 
 Marshall islanders,^ the natives of Central Brazil,* and some 
 of the Bantu tribes of Eastern Africa,^ a similar under- 
 standing prevails ; and Livingstone * says of the Chiboque 
 that " they are in the habit of making a present, and then 
 demanding whatever they choose in return." In Fiji, the 
 donor, if anything like equality subsist between him and 
 the donee, expects the return of similar gifts or entertain- 
 ment ; "^ in Tahiti, and in some parts of New Zealand, 
 he specifies the object which he desires in return;* 
 and, in Nigeria, the present which a king sends to 
 strangers is to be regarded, not as an expression of good- 
 will, but as the formal demand for a larger present.' It is 
 in Africa that this system is found in fullest operation. 
 The natives do not sell to the European, but make presents, 
 extorting from him all his goods, bit by bit, " until " — to 
 quote a singularly worded sentence — "the unhappy man 
 finds himself under the necessity of refusing all presents, 
 and thus giving birth to serious questions affecting the 
 customs and prejudices of the country." i" 
 
 Sec. II. According to Hyades, the Yahgans of Orange 
 Bay have no notion of commerce.^^ Wilkes ^^ says that, 
 at Orange Harbour, the natives received many presents 
 
 1 Man, 340, cp. 94, 389, 392. ^ Wilkes, ii. 127. 
 
 3 Wilkes, V. 89; Kohler, "Recht d. Marschallinsulaner," "Zeits. f. vergl. 
 Rechtsw.," xiv. 440. 
 
 ^ K. von den Steinen, " Unter den Naturvolkern Zentral-Braziliens," Berlin, 
 1894, p. 333. 
 
 * Kohler, " Das Banturecht in Ostrafrika," " Zeits. f. vergl. Rechtsw.,'' xv. 46. 
 
 * "Missionary Travels," 348. ' Williams and Calvert, i. 42. 
 
 ^ Cook and King, " A Voyage of Discovery to the Pacific Ocean in the Years 
 1777-80," London, 1784, ii. 73 ; Shortland, p. 199. 
 ^ C. H. Robinson, "Nigeria, Our Latest Protectorate," London, 1900, p. 98. 
 ^^ Capello and Ivens, i. 117. " P. 327. '^ L 122-25. 
 
20 THE SILENT TRADE. 
 
 for which they gave their spears, a dog, and some rude 
 trinkets ; and he observes that they had little idea of the 
 relative value of things. King ^ speaks of barter at Murray 
 Narrow, and Darwin ^ says, apparently of Yahgans, that 
 they " had a fair idea of barter. I gave one man a large 
 nail (a most valuable present) without making any signs 
 for a return ; but he immediately picked out two fish and 
 handed them up on the point of his spear. If my present 
 was designed for one canoe, and it fell near another, it was 
 invariably given to the right owner." Weddell,^ speaking 
 of the natives of St. Francis Bay, makes the following 
 statement. " In the early part of our acquaintance, when- 
 ever I expressed a desire for any of their small articles, 
 they gave me them without any return ; but now they had 
 acquired an idea of barter, and, in exchange for any of 
 their articles of simple manufacture, they demanded some- 
 thing bright, as buttons, &c. ; but bits of our hoops were 
 particularly their objects of esteem." He adds that acquaint- 
 ance with barter increased the spirit of thieving; — that they 
 pilfered from one of his vessels in order to sell the stolen 
 articles at the other. Cook* tells us of the Australians 
 at Endeavour Bay that "they had no idea of traffic, nor 
 could we communicate any to them ; they received the 
 things that we gave them, but never appeared to under- 
 stand our signs when we required a return. The same 
 indifference, which prevented them from buying what we 
 had, prevented them also from attempting to steal. . . . 
 Many of the things that we had given them we found left 
 negligently about in the woods, like the playthings of 
 children, which please only while they are new." When 
 
 1 King and Fitz-Roy, i. 444. ' Id. iii. 241. ' Pp. 153, 182. 
 
 * Hawkesworth's " Account of Voyages in the Southern Hemisphere,"' 
 London, 1773, iii. 634. 
 
GIFTS AND EXCHANGES. 21 
 
 Dampier ^ touched at the north coast of Australia, his men 
 clothed some of the natives in the expectation that they in 
 return would carry water for them. They could not make 
 the natives understand what they wanted, and so carried 
 the water themselves ; upon which the natives very fairly 
 put off the clothes. According to Le Vaillant,^ the 
 Hottentots had no notion of commerce at the time of the 
 first arrival of Europeans at the Cape. Wallis ^ found it 
 impossible to establish traffic with the natives a little 
 northwards of the Straits of Magellan. They seemed 
 to be desirous of the things which he showed to them ; but 
 they either could not, or would not, understand that he 
 required provisions in exchange. Further, it is related of 
 the inhabitants of that part of the American continent, at 
 which Alonso de Ojeda and Amerigo Vespucci first 
 touched, that they had no idea of commerce.* Labillardiere ^ 
 says of the Solomon Islanders that, while they were glad 
 to receive the presents made to them, it was impossible to 
 obtain anything from them. It is to be observed, however, 
 that, from refusal to trade, ignorance of trading is not 
 necessarily to be inferred ; and there is evidence that not 
 only the practice of giving and receiving presents, but that 
 of barter, were known to the ancestors of these islanders.^ 
 
 Where corroborees take place among the aborigines of 
 Victoria, there is on the first day " a distribution of presents, 
 
 ^ " A New Voyage Round the World," London, 1703, i. 467. 
 
 2 "Voyage dans I'lnterieur de I'Afrique dans les Annees 1780-85," Paris, 
 1790, ii. 120. ' Hawkesworth, i. 373. 
 
 * Herrera, " The Grand History . . . of America," transl. Stevens, London, 
 1725, i. 217 ; "A General Collection of Voyages and Discoveries made by the 
 Portuguese and the Spaniards during the isth and i6th Centuries," London, 
 1789, p. 258. 
 
 ^ " Relation du Voyage a la recherche de la P^rouse," Paris, 1797, ii. 264. 
 
 *"The Discovery of the Solomon Islands by A. de Mendafia in 1568," 
 London, 1901 (Hakluyt Society), pp. 113, 117, 265, 284, 337, 349, 351, 374- 
 
22 THE SILENT TRADE. 
 
 and an interchange of such little articles as are peculiar to 
 the locality from which they come ; one tribe may be rich 
 in wooden spears, another in reed spears or boomerangs, or 
 have a fortunate deposit of chinkey-chinkey or crystals of 
 kolkebanya (talc)." ^ We are told of the Samoans that 
 they carry on a sort of trade during the visits which friend 
 makes to friend when food is scarce at home, the visitor 
 bringing with him for purposes of exchange the staple of 
 his district ; ^ and a very similar usage is found among the 
 Andaman Islanders.^ According to Spencer and Gillen,* 
 shell ornaments are traded through the Australian 
 continent from tribes on the north coast, who make 
 them ; and we shall see ^ that the Kubus and Veddahs 
 are not unacquainted with the principles of commerce. 
 
 The evidence which we have been considering seems to 
 justify the statement that, in some instances, mercantile 
 relations subsist between the related groups, and that, in 
 very many instances, there prevails among them a practice 
 of giving presents in the expectation of a suitable return 
 being made. In some cases there is not merely an expecta- 
 tion,^ — there is a distinct understanding ; and, not infre- 
 quently, the object desired in return is specified.® 
 
 1 W. E. Stanbridge, "Some Particulars of the General Characteristics, 
 Astronomy and Mythology of the Tribes in the Central Part of Victoria, 
 Southern Australia," in the "Trans. ofEthno. Soc, N.S.,"i. 297. Cp. Short- 
 land, p. 198. ^ Wilkes, ii. 148, 149. ^ jjan, 389, 392. 
 
 ^ Pp. 544, 575 ; cp. Curr, i. 77. See also S. Gason in regard to "The Dieyerie 
 Tribe " (in J. D. Woods, " The Native Tribes of South Australia," Adelaide, 
 1879, p. 259) ; and in regard to the Narrinyeri Tribe, see below sec. 35, 
 note. 5 ggg jg|, 26 below. 
 
 ^ It is to be observed that, in some cases, conduct, which is explained as due 
 to ignorance of commerce, is really to be attributed to some other cause, such 
 as fear, dislike, suspicion, or misunderstanding. See, for an example of mis- 
 understanding, L. M. D'Albertis, "New Guinea," London, 1880, ii. 272 ; and 
 cp. J. Ross, " A Voyage of Discovery made in H.M.S. Isabella and Alexander 
 for the purpose of Exploring Baffin's Bay," London, 1819, p. 104. 
 
TEMPORARY UNION. 23 
 
 Sec. 12. Occasionally a temporary union of the separ- 
 ate groups is brought about by the requirements of a 
 common undertaking. Thus the Bushmen hordes will 
 combine to hunt or plunder ; 1 among the Western Eskimo 
 men of different settlements will form a boat's crew to 
 pursue a common prey, or will join in repelling a common 
 enemy; 2 the Yahgans will unite in the pursuit of the 
 
 ^ Lichtenstein, ii. 49. 
 
 - J. Simpson, 940 ; he adds that, " it is only when danger is common that 
 they will so unite." It is interesting to observe in this connection that, even 
 amongst the rudest peoples, there exist means of conveying information from 
 group to group. Thus Tierra del Fuego derives its name from the numerous 
 fires by which the natives signalled to one another (Magellan's Voyage, in 
 A. Dalrymple's " Historical Collection of the several Voyages and Discoveries 
 in the South Pacific Ocean,'' London, 1769, p. 27); and Lichtenstein (ii. 196, 
 cp. W. J. Burchell, "Travels in the Interior of South Africa," London, 1822, 
 i. 434 ; ii. 196), tells us of the Bushmen that " by means of fires on the summits 
 of the mountains they will indicate to each other the numbers of a herd or 
 flock which they mean to plunder, with the means of defence that the people 
 have who are guarding them." Macgillivray ("Narrative of the Voyage of 
 H.M.S. Rattlesnake" London, 1852, ii. 7) says of the Australian natives near 
 Cape York, that " the presence of an enemy upon the coast, a wish to com- 
 municate with another party at a distance, or the want of assistance, may be 
 denoted by making a small fire, which, as soon as it has given out a little 
 volume of smoke, is suddenly extinguished. ... If not answered immediately, 
 it is repeated ; if still unanswered, a large fire is got up, and allowed to burn 
 until an answer is returned." Spencer and Gillen (16 note) are of opinion that, 
 among the Central Australians, these smokes convey no more than the actual 
 presence of those who make them. Among the Central Californians (Ban- 
 croft, i. 380) and the Snake Indians (J. de Smet, " Voyages aux Montagnes 
 Roclieuses," nouvelle edition, Bruxelles et Paris, 1873, P- 3°) the intelligence 
 of hostile invasion is announced by such signals ; the natives of New Mexico 
 use them to summon aid (Bancroft, i. 580) ; and the Apaches have a regular 
 system of signalling in the day-time by smoke, and at night by fire-beacons 
 {Id. ib. 497). Fire signals are also used in some parts of the South Seas, — 
 e.g., at Tanna (Turner, "Nineteen Years in Polynesia," p. 326). In 
 Nigeria " a few beats of the drum will explain to the people to whom 
 he is coming, whether" the European traveller "is to be received as a 
 friend or an enemy, whether his party is large or small, and similar details of 
 interest" (Robinson, 48) ; and we have like accounts of the Mang-bettou 
 (J. Burrows, "The Land of the Pigmies," London, 1898, p. 83), of the 
 
24 THE SILENT TRADE. 
 
 murderer ; ^ and the groups of the Arunta, which are 
 locally contiguous, frequently meet to perform ceremonies.^ 
 Sometimes even unrelated tribes are forced into alliance 
 by the pressure of a powerful neighbour.' 
 
 Sec. 13. The Yahgans have neither kings nor chiefs, 
 castes nor classes. Still they recognise the superiority 
 that belongs to wisdom or daring. The wizard-doctor 
 holds among them a position of influence ; and, in the 
 family, the word of an old man is accepted as law.* In 
 Australia, the father of the family rules in his own circle ; 
 and, while the elders discuss and decide questions of 
 importance to the community, and announce their views to 
 the assembled tribesmen, they exercise little or no author- 
 ity save that of personal influence, each head of a family 
 being left free to act as he may think proper.^ Still, each 
 member must in a general way comply with the usages of 
 his tribe. Were he to persist in disregarding them he 
 would suffer death at the hands of his fellow-tribesmen. 
 Within the family group of the Veddahs, the authority of 
 the headman, who is usually the most energetic of the 
 seniors, is limited, in the ordinary case, to regulating the 
 distribution of food.^ The Kubus have no chiefs ; ^ their 
 elders, however, settle disputes, and award punishments.* 
 
 natives of the White Nile, and in Kaffa (Waitz-Gerland, ii. 164), and of 
 some of the Brazilian tribes (C. F. Ph. von Martius, p. 20 ; R. Southey, 
 " History of Brazil," London, 1810-19 ; i. 341). 
 
 1 See above, sec. 9. 2 Spencer and Gillen, 14. 
 
 ^ The association of the Shoshonees and the Flatheads, mentioned by Lewis 
 and Clarke (ii. 162), seems to be a case in point. It may be noted that, 
 according to R. Parkinson (" Im Bismark-Archipel," Leipzig, 1887, p. 137), 
 tribes, in those islands, living in peace and friendship, assist one another in 
 time of war. 
 
 ■* King and Fitz-Roy, ii. 178 seq. ; Hyades, 327 ; Wilkes, i. 124. 
 
 ^ Curr, i. 59; see Spencer and Gillen, p. 102. 
 
 * E. Tennant, "Ceylon," third edition, London, 1859 ; ii. 440. 
 
 '■ Globus, xxvi. 44. 8 Forbes, " A Naturalist's Wanderings,'' 243. 
 
PUBLIC OPINION. 25 
 
 The Western Eskimo acknowledge the influence of those 
 who are skilful and enterprising ; but they do not recognise 
 any established control or chieftianship ; ^ and among the 
 Snake Indians, there is little social organisation except 
 during the hunting and fishing seasons. At those times a 
 large number of tribesmen are collected together, and 
 " some person, called a chief, usually opens a trade or talk, 
 and occasionally gives directions as to the methods to be 
 pursued in capturing the fish or game." ^ 
 
 Sec. 14. But, while we may be unable to trace amongst 
 these peoples the presence of a permanent tribal authority 
 capable of restraining and coercing the separate groups, 
 we do find in many of them a force which compels recogni- 
 tion and obedience. Man, so far as he is known to us, 
 " is influenced in the highest degree by the wishes, appro- 
 bation, and blame of his fellow-men." ^ Thus, so great is 
 the desire to obtain a reputation for liberality among the 
 tribes south of the Yukon River, that a man will beggar 
 himself by giving away the accumulations of many years, 
 without looking for a return.* So, too, the Aht is said to 
 destroy his property to show his indifference to wealth ; ^ 
 while, to show that he is wealthy, the Aru islander will pay 
 the debts of his poorer brethren.* Nor is the desire of 
 praise more potent as a factor in conduct than the fear of 
 disapproval. Spencer and Gillen,'' in speaking of the 
 
 1 J. Simpson, 940. ' Schoolcraft, i. 207. ' Darwin, i. 167. 
 
 ■• Dall, 151. Similar accounts are given of the Western Eskimo 
 (Rink, 28, 29), of the Ahts (Sproat, 112, 113), of the Natives of Vancouver's 
 Island (Macfie, 429), and of the Upper Californians (Kastromitanow in v. 
 Wrangell, i. 92). ^ Bancroft, i. 191. 
 
 8 D. H. Kolff, "Voyages of the Dutch Brig of War, Dourga" transl. 
 G. W. Earl, London, 1840, p. 164. 
 
 ' P. 510 ; cp. p. II, where it is said that "the Australian native is bound 
 hand and foot by custom. What his fathers did before him that he must do, 
 
26 THE SILENT TRADE. 
 
 custom in accordance with which the mourner cuts and 
 hacks himself, and utters loud lamentations, say that 
 " there is nothing which a black-fellow is so sensitive to as 
 the contempt and ridicule of his fellows to which non- 
 compliance with a custom such as this will expose him ; 
 the excessive display being due to the fact that it is a 
 tribal custom, and as such has a very strong hold upon the 
 imagination of a people whose every action is bound and 
 limited by custom." The Indians of Guiana are actuated 
 " by their dread of adverse public opinion should they act 
 contrary to . . . tradition ; " ^ and a similar statement is 
 made regarding the Ojibways.^ Among the Dog-rib 
 Indians '' order is maintained solely by public opinion;"^ 
 and, according to Bridges,* public opinion plays no small 
 part in Yahgan social life. Crantz ^ observes that " nothing 
 so effectively restrains a Greenlander from vice as the 
 dread of public disgrace ; " and it is to this dread that the 
 curious singing contests which he describes owe their 
 moral influence. 
 
 Sec. 15. The observance of custom is not infrequently 
 
 . . . any infringement of custom, within certain limitations, is visited with 
 sure and often severe punishment." See also p. 15. ^ Im Thurn, 213. 
 
 '' Copway, " The Traditional History of the Ojibway Nation," London, 
 1850, p. 144. •' Richardson, ii. 26. 
 
 * Ilyades et Deniker, 243. When the Yahgan steals women or arms, he 
 tries to hide his theft. Public opinion is satisfied only when the guilty person 
 is discovered and punished. The murderer is either slain or treated as an 
 outcast. 
 
 ^ "The History of Greenland," London, 1820, p. 165. He tells us that 
 when a Greenlander thinks himself aggrieved, he challenges the person who 
 has committed the offensive act to a " singing-combat." Each party satirises 
 and lampoons the other, and the contest continues until one of them is reduced 
 to silence. ' ' He who has the last word wins the trial, and obtains henceforth 
 a reputable name.'' This practice "serves a higher purpose than mere 
 diversion. It is an excellent opportunity for putting immorality to the blush 
 and cherishing virtuous principles " (pp. 164, 165). 
 
LAND-RIGHTS AND BOUNDARIES. 27 
 
 secured by the belief that its breach will be attended with 
 disastrous consequences. Thus, Curr^ tells us that the 
 Australian " black is educated from infancy in the belief 
 that departure from the customs of his tribe is inevitably 
 followed by one at least of many evils, such as becoming: 
 grey, ophthalmia, skin eruptions, or skin sickness ; but 
 above all, that it exposes the offender to the danger of 
 death from sorcery." 
 
 Sec. 16. As to the rights of individuals and groups 
 within the tribe in the tribal territory, we find considerable 
 diversity of view. It is said of the Veddahs that " they have 
 their bounds in the woods among themselves, and one 
 company of them is not to shoot, nor gather honey or fruit 
 beyond those bounds." ^ The members of an Australian 
 tribe exclude all strange tribesmen from the tract of 
 country which they occupy in common. At the same 
 time, it is an undoubted fact, that, in many tribes, the land 
 is divided into portions, each of which is the property of 
 a group, or even of a single male.^ Between the Western 
 Eskimo and the Indians, their neighbours, there is the 
 greatest jealousy with respect to their boundaries. Any 
 man of either race found upon the wrong side of the line, 
 is liable to be shot at sight. There is, however, a tacit 
 understanding that he who kills a deer on the wrong side 
 of the boundary, may keep the meat, if he leave the skin at 
 the nearest village on that side.* It is said of the Ojibways 
 and Sioux that the right of possession in hunting and fish- 
 ing grounds is one of their main subjects of dispute f and 
 of the Puenches, that if they meet within a district, which 
 
 ^ I- S4, 55- 
 
 ' Knox, " Historical Relations of the Island of Ceylon," London, 1681, p. 63. 
 
 ' Grey, ii. 232-36 ; Eyre, ii. 297 ; Spencer and Gillen, 7 ; Curr, i. 61-65. 
 
 ■• Dall, 144. '" Copway, 21, 55. 
 
28 THE SILENT TRADE. 
 
 they have been taught by tradition to regard as their own, 
 one of another tribe, war is the immediate result.^ In 
 Brazil, each tribe has its hunting grounds marked by well- 
 defined boundaries ; and a disregard of these is one of the 
 most frequent causes of hostilities.^ And since a popula- 
 tion, which derives its main support from the buffalo or the 
 rein-deer, must follow their migrations, a sub-division of 
 the soil would be useless in practice. Accordingly, the 
 Indians, who occupy the country north of Great Slave 
 Lake, use the land as a possession common to all the 
 tribesmen.^ The Abipones do not recognise exclusive 
 rights of hunting or fishing.* Among the Wood Crees, 
 however, and other tribes related to them, each family has 
 its own hunting-ground.^ 
 
 On the whole, the evidence goes to show that, to what- 
 ever extent the views of one tribe may differ from those of 
 another regarding the rights of individuals or of groups of 
 individuals in the tribal land, they are agreed in this, — 
 that the tribe has exclusive rights in it as against the 
 stranger. 
 
 Sec. 17. The boundaries of the tribal territory are, in 
 general, clearly defined. The forest or the river, the lake, 
 the mountain, or the water-shed supplies a landmark.^ 
 
 ^ Poppig, i. 387. Similarly the Bedouin asserts an immemorial and inalien- 
 able right to the lands upon which his fathers fed their flocks (R. F. Burton, 
 " Personal Narrative of a Pilgrimage to El-Medinah and Meccah," London, 
 1855, iii. 86. See also Riedel, 297, as to the inhabitants of Timor-laut). 
 
 '■' C. F. Ph. von Martius, 35 ; Southey, i. 118. Schoolcraft (i. 227) observes 
 that " it has been noticed that all buffalo countries are the war-grounds of 
 several tribes." See also Riedel, 298, as to the natives of Timor-laut. 
 
 •• Rae, " Journ. of the Anthrop. Inst.," xii. 274 ; cp. Richardson, i. 351. 
 
 - Dobritzhoffer, ii. no. ^ Rae, ubi supr. cit. 
 
 ^ See Dall, 144 ; C. F. Ph. von Martius, 35 ; Dargun, " Ursprung u. Entwick- 
 lungs- Gesch. d. Eigenthums;" "Zeits. f. vergl. Rechtsw.," v. 51; Riedel, 408, 
 et passim ; Spencer and Gillen, 8. 
 
BOUNDARIES. 29 
 
 But, even at a very early period, artificial boundaries were 
 recognised. Sometimes one people was divided from 
 another by a vast stretch of uncultivated land. Thus. 
 Caesar^ says of the German tribes, "civitatibus maxima 
 laus est quam latissime circum se vastatis finibus solitu- 
 dines habere. Hoc proprium virtutis existimant, expulsos 
 agris finitimos cedere neque quemquam prope audere con- 
 sistere ; simul hoc se fore tutiores arbitrantur, repentinse 
 incursion is timore sublato." Sometimes a line of separa- 
 tion was marked by some object, such as an upright stone. 
 Thus Ammianus Marcellinus ^ speaks of a district " ubi 
 terminales lapides Alamannorum et Burgundiorum con- 
 finia distinguebant." In many cases, these boundaries were 
 considered to be under the protection of supernatural 
 powers. Dulaure * observes that it was only natural that 
 the border-land should be regarded as holy ground. It 
 was a waste — wild, solitary, and mysterious. Within it lay 
 lakes, mountains, and rivers, — objects of veneration and 
 worship, — and the burial places of those who had fallen 
 fighting in its defence. Its very aspect was awe inspiring ; 
 and it was associated with all men reverence most and 
 hold most dear. Whatever truth there may be in this 
 explanation, it is evident, on the mere statement of it, that 
 it is based upon a set of very special facts, and that, 
 accordingly, it can have only a very limited application. 
 This limitation is recognised by Lord Avebury,* in an 
 
 1 De Bell. Gall. vi. 23 ; cp. iv. 3. 
 
 2 xviii. 2, 15. As to the stelee used in Egypt to mark boundaries, see 
 Maspero, " The Dawn of Civilisation ; Egypt and Chaldea ; " transl. 
 M'Clure, third edition, London, 1897, p. 329 ; R. v. Ihering, " Vorgeschichte 
 d. Indoeuropaer," p. 263. 
 
 ^ Des Cultes qui ont precede et amene I'idolatrie, Paris, 1805, p. 1 10 seq. 
 * "Origin of Civilisation, and the Primitive Condition of Man," sixtL 
 edition, London, p. 318. 
 
30 THE SILENT TRADE. 
 
 interesting passage in which he undertakes to show how, 
 in some cases, boundary stones, by being identified with 
 the upright stones, which symbolised Hermes or Mercury, 
 came to be regarded as sacred. We have already noted ^ 
 that, among the aborigines of Brazil, the paj^s take an 
 active part in the settlement of the boundaries of the tribal 
 hunting grounds, performing many magical rites and cere- 
 monies, with the usual accompaniments of smoking and 
 drumming ; and that sometimes baskets, rags, and strips 
 •of bark are attached to the objects which mark the divid- 
 ing line. These, we take it, are '' dju-dju articles," — " pieces 
 -of medicine," — by the use of which the boundary is made 
 sacred ; placed, that is to say, under the protection of 
 supernatural powers, who will see to the punishment of any 
 stranger who may venture to cross it. 
 
 III. 
 The Stranger. 
 
 Sec. 1 8. The evidence of language illustrates the inten- 
 sity of the dislike with which the savage regards the stranger. 
 Thus, the fact that many national names mean nothing 
 more than "men," "people," seems to indicate that those who 
 employ them regard the rest of mankind as scarcely human.^ 
 
 ^ See above, sec. 8, note. 
 
 ^ Burton gives a number of examples taken from South and Central America 
 ("The Captivity of Hans Stade of Hesse in a.d. 1547-1555, among the Wild 
 Tribes of Eastern Brazil," London, 1874 (Hakluyt Society), Ixx., Ixxi. ; see 
 also im Thurn, 158) ; and further instances are supplied by certain North 
 American Tribes (Bancroft, i. 94, 474) ; the natives of Fernando Po (Hans 
 Stade, loc. cit.) ; the Eskimo (Bancroft, i. 140; Crantz, i. 123) ; the Narrinyeri 
 of South Australia (G. Taplin, in J. D. Wood's " The Native Tribes of South 
 Australia,'' p. l) ; the Ainu of Japan (J. Batchelor, "The Ainu of Japan," 
 London, 1892, p. 16); some of the islanders of the Nicobar group (Waitz- 
 ■Gerland, V. (Th. L) 81) ; the Namaquas (Kohler, "Das Recht d. Hottentot- 
 
HATRED OF STRANGER. 31 
 
 The Tupis of Brazil call everyone who is not of their race 
 by a term which signifies "barbarian," "savage," or 
 " stranger '' ; ^ and with this mode of speech Burton ^ 
 compares the use of the " Hebrew Goyi (Gentile), the Hindu 
 Mlenchla (mixed or impure breed), the Greek /Sap/Sapo?, 
 the Latin Barbarus,^ and the Chinese Fan Kwei (foreign 
 devil)." 
 
 The tribes of the Congo* and upper Beniie,^ and the 
 Abipones® regard every stranger as an enemy; and, among 
 the Australian tribes, strangers look upon one another with 
 the deadliest hatred.' The heathen Gallas murder every 
 stranger who is not under the protection of their chief ; ^ 
 and it was said of the heathen Russians that it was death 
 
 ten;" "Zeits. f. vergl. Rechtsw.," xv. 337); and other Australian tribes 
 (L. Fison and A. W. Howitt, " Kamilaroi and Kurnai," Melbourne, 
 1880, pp. 187, 275). As to the Kamchadales, see G. N. Steller " Besch- 
 reibung von d. Lande Kamtschatka,'' Frankfurt u. Leipzig, 1774, p. 3. 
 According to R. H. Codrington ("The Melanesians," Oxford, 1891, p. 21) ; 
 the natives in some of the Melanesian groups, when asked who they were, 
 answered that they were men — that is to say, living men, not ghosts or 
 demons. They took their visitors to be ghosts or spirits belonging to the sea. 
 Cp. Man's (101) statement regarding the Andaman Islanders. 
 
 1 Hans Stade, Ixx. ; cp. C. F. Ph. von Martius, 7. So, too, among the 
 Chippeways, the word signifying. " stranger " is used in the sense of " enemy " 
 (W. H. Keating, " Narrative of an Expedition to the Source of the St. Peter's 
 River ... in the year 1823," London, 1825, i. 336). See below, sec. 41, note. 
 
 2 Hans Stade, Ixx. ^ Cp. Grimm, D. R.-A., 396. 
 " Bastian, "Ein Besuch in San Salvador," 62. 
 
 ' A. F. Mockler-Ferryman, " Up the Niger," London, 1892, p. 85. 
 
 ' Dobritzhoffer, i. 63. 
 
 ' Curr, i. 64, 84. " There is no such thing as one tribe being in a constant, 
 state of enmity with another so far as these central tribes are concerned " 
 (Spencer and Gillen, 32). There is a great diversity of custom among Australian 
 tribes ; while at the same time they have much in common (Id. p. 34). 
 
 ^ Krapf, 82 : as to the Somali, see G. A. Haggenmacher, " Reise in Somali- 
 Lande," 1874 (" Erganzungshaft, No. 47 zu Petermann's Geogr. Mitth."), 
 Gotha, 1876, pp. 30, 31. The foreigner at Rome, unless under the protection 
 of a patron, was beyond the pale of the law (Mommsen, " History of Rome," 
 transl. Dickson, London, 1867, i. 165). 
 
32 THE SILENT .TRADE. 
 
 for a stranger to enter their country.^ The Yahgan dares 
 not go where he is a stranger or where he has no friends ; ^ 
 and Livingstone^ makes a statement to the same effect 
 with regard to the Manyuema. So, too, a western Eskimo 
 will not undertake a distant journey among strangers 
 unless in the company of those who can assure him of 
 a welcome.* 
 
 The stranger is always feared ; sometimes because he is 
 thought to have a more powerful fetish, and, in that case, 
 he may be killed or perhaps sacrificed to bring blessings on 
 the land ; * and sometimes because he has the reputation of 
 a sorcerer,® or of being endowed with supernatural powers.'^ 
 >.Thus it is said of the Australian natives that "sorcery 
 makes them fear and hate every man not of their own 
 coterie, suspicious of every man not of their own tribe ; it 
 tends to keep them in small communities, and is the great 
 bar to social progress." * Maine ^ observes of the stranger 
 
 1 C. M. Frahn, " Ibn Foszlan's u. Anderer Araber Berichte iiber die 
 Rnssen alterer Zeit," St. Petersburg, 1823, p. 51. " No Greek," says Cunning- 
 hame (" An Essay on Western Civilisation in its Economic Aspects " (Ancient 
 Times), Cambridge, 1898 ; p. 75 ; cp. B. W. Leist, " Civilistische Studien auf 
 d. Gebiete dogmatischer Analyse," Jena, 1877, iv. 70 seq.), " was ever at home 
 in another Greek city than his own ; he was liable to be sold in a city in which 
 he had no rights and no status." ^ Bridges, trad. Hyades, 180. 
 
 3 "The Last Journals," London, 1874, ii. 70. 
 
 ^ J. Simpson, 926. On the authority of Boas {6th Amer. Report of the 
 Bureau of Ethnology, Washington) Kohler states that among the Innuit the 
 stranger must engage in a fight with the tribesmen. If he be vanquished he 
 may be killed; if successful, he is treated as a guest ("Die Rechte d. 
 Urvolker Nordamerikas," " Zeit. f. vergl. Rechtsw.," xii. 363. It may be noted 
 that, in New Guinea, a stranger from a hostile tribe can visit in safety villages 
 where the clan of his totem is strong (A. C. Haddon, " Head-Hunters, Black, 
 White, and Brown," London, 1901, pp. 103, 135). 
 
 •' Bastian, " Ein Besuch in San Salvador," 104. 
 
 * Curr, i. 85. ' Hyades et Deniker, 16. * Curr, i. 50. 
 
 ^ " Ancient Law," fourth edition, London, 1870, p. 125 ; cp. W. W. Hunter, 
 "Orissa," London, 1872, i. 175; Cadamosto, in "A General Collection of 
 Voyages and Discoveries made by the Portuguese and the Spaniards during 
 
STRANGER IS WITHOUT RIGHTS. 33 
 
 that, if his aspect be strange, and his language unintelligible, 
 if his culture be of a lower, or at least of an unfamiliar type, 
 he is likely to be regarded as something less than human 
 and more than brutish, as a monster, perhaps as a demon. 
 
 Sec. 19. The stranger is everywhere looked upon as a 
 being without rights. Thus, according to old German law, 
 he had no claim to participate in the peace or protection 
 enjoyed by the district in which he found himself ; nor had 
 he a wergild.^ To this conception is to be attributed the 
 horror with which the ancients regarded exile,^ and the 
 misery of the outlaw's position.^ There was no place for 
 the man who had lost or broken the ties which bound him 
 to his family and his tribe. He must either perish of 
 want, or find his death at the hands of his enemies.* In 
 Sumatra the outlawed spendthrift is sent forth as a/ieer to 
 the woods, no longer to enjoy the privileges of society ; * 
 and, in old Germany, the criminal, expelled from the com- 
 panionship of his fellow-men, took his place with the beasts 
 of the forest.^ It may be noted that the position of the 
 
 the isth and i6th centuries," London, 1789, p. 58 ; J. Barbot, "A Description 
 of the Coasts of North and South Guinea," in Churchhill's "Collection of 
 Voyages and Travels," London, 1707-47, v. 79. See sec. 26 below. 
 
 1 Grimm, D. R.-A., 397; K. Weinhold, " Altnordisches Leben," Berlin, 
 1856, p. 472. But see Wilda, 673, and the authorities cited in Goldschmidt, 
 p. 120. 
 
 " R. V. Ihering, " Geist d. R. R.," 228 ; O. Schrader, " Handelsgeschichte 
 und Warenkunde," Jena, 1886, p. 7. 
 
 ' Language supplies us with clear indications of the impression which the lot 
 of the stranger and outcast made upon the mind of primitive man. Thus, the 
 German ''elend," the English "wretch," and a whole series of terms, which 
 originally signified "the alien" or "the outcast," have come to mean "the 
 miserable" or "the unfortunate" (Schrader, /oc. cit., 7; cp. Grimm, D. 
 R.-A., 396 seq.). 
 
 ■* Bridges, trad. Hyades, 177 ; Hyades et Deniker, 241 (Yahgans) ; Curr, 
 i. 62 ; " Waitz-Gerland," vi. 794 (Natives of Australia). ° Marsden, 207. 
 
 ^ The middle Latin " wargus," — i.e. "expulsus," is also the name of the 
 wolf; and thus the two conceptions,— that of the wild beast to be hunted 
 
 3 
 
34 THE SILENT TRADE. 
 
 homo sacer o{ Roman law^ was very similar to that occu- 
 pied by the outcast of the Vedas.^ According to the old 
 law of Iceland, the outlaw lost not only public but family 
 rights. His property was confiscated, his house was burnt 
 down, a price was set on his head, and whoever met him 
 might kill him — was, indeed, by duty bound so to do. His 
 wife, his children, and nis relations were forbidden to com- 
 municate with him, or afford to him the slightest assistance.^ 
 The same view is indicated by the usage, prevalent 
 among many peoples, of punishing the thief only when he 
 steals from a compatriot. Thus, it has been said that in 
 Gaul " latrocinia nullam habent infamiam quae extra fines 
 cuj usque civitatis fiunt."* Among the gipsies of Tran- 
 sylvania, a man may steal from the " white people " with 
 impunity ; but, if he steal from a fellow-tribesman, he is 
 treated as a criminal.' This distinction is recognised by 
 the Fijians,^ the Batta,'' the Eskimo at Kotzebue Sound * 
 and near Cape Bathurst,* the people of Ratak,^" the Mandin- 
 goes,^^ the Puenches,^^ and the Albanians ;^^ and, in Kunama, 
 
 down, and that of the man to be treated as a wild beast, — are intimately 
 associated (Wilda, 280; Grimm, D. R.-A., 733). 
 
 ' R. von Ihering, " Geist d. R. R.," i. 281 ; B. W. Leist, " Greece- Italische 
 Rechts-Gesch.," Jena, 1884, p. 319. 
 
 ^ H. Zimmer, " Altindisches Leben," Berlin, 1879, p. 185. 
 
 ' Wilda, 281-296. 4 Cssar, " De Bell. Gall.," vi. 22. 
 
 ^ Post, "Grundriss,'' i. 449, note I, citing as his authority. Von Wlislocki, 
 " Von Wanderden Zigeunervolke,'' 1890, p. 78. ^ Williams and Calvert, i. 127. 
 
 ' W. Marsden, " The History of Sumatra," London, 1783, pp. 299, 300. 
 
 ^ Seemann, " Narrative of the Voyage of H.M.S. Herald during the years 
 1845-51," London, 1853, ii. 65 ; see, however, J. Simpson, 926. 
 
 ' Richardson, i. 352. 
 
 ■"' O. v. Kotzebue, " A Voyage of Discovery into the South Sea and Behrings 
 Straits in the years 1815-1818," London, 1821, ii. 73. 
 
 " R. Caillie, " Travels through Central Africa to Timbuctoo," London, 1830, 
 i. 353. 12 Poppig, i. 391. 
 
 '^ A. Bastian, "Die Rechtsverhaltnisse bei Verschiedenen Volkern d. Erde," 
 Berlin, 1872, p. 228. 
 
STRANGER IS WITHOUT RIGHTS. 35 
 
 while pilfering is despised, the robbery of tribal enemies is 
 held in honour.^ 
 
 A similar conception seems to have found expression in 
 early customs relating to shipwrecked; persons. Formerly, 
 the natives of Fiji used to kill and devour even those of 
 their own race who were cast ashore.^ The Yahgans kill 
 shipwrecked crews, partly because they mistrust all strangers, 
 and partly from a desire to possess themselves of their 
 goods without trouble or discussion;^ and, in its most 
 rigorous form, the old law of wreck, which prevailed in 
 many parts of Europe and elsewhere throughout the 
 Middle Ages, not only effected the forfeiture of the goods 
 of the castaway, but attached his person.* 
 i Sec. 20. The conception that the stranger is an enemy l 
 is generally held most strongly by that portion of a popula- 
 tion which lies farthest from its borders. Thus, while those 
 of the Yahgans, who have no personal knowledge of the 
 Ona, regard them with fear and hatred, those who are their 
 immediate neighbours intermarry with them; and from 
 
 1 W. Munzinger, " Ostafrikanische Studien," Schaffhausen, 1864, p. 384. On 
 the Congo petty theft is regarded as worthy of a slave, open robbery as worthy 
 of a great man (Waitz-Gerland, ii. 218; cp. G. W. Dasent, "The Story of 
 Burnt Njal, ..." Edinburgh, 1861, i. xxxiv.) ; and the Ossetes, a hospitable 
 race, do not look upon robbery as a crime ; " what a man finds on the highroad 
 is God's gift" (Von Haxthausen, "Transcaucasia," London, 1854, pp. 398, 411. 
 
 ' Williams and Calvert, i. 210 ; J. E. Erskine, "Journal of a Cruise among 
 the Islands of the Western Pacific," London, 1853, p. 220, cp. p. 229. 
 
 ' Bridges, trad. Hyades, 180. 
 
 * W. Roscher, "System d. Volkswirthschaft," 7te Aufl., Stuttgart, 1899, 
 iii. 139, 141 ; cp. Hume, " Commentaries on the Law of Scotland respecting 
 Crimes,'' fourth edition, Edinburgh, 1844, i. 485. See also W. Pappafava, 
 " iJber die Biirgerliche Rechtsstellung d. Fremden," Ubersetz von Leesberg, 
 Pola, 1884, p. 16. Among the Arabs, the wreck fell to the Emir, while the 
 common people stripped the seamen and passengers (D'Arvieux, " Travels in 
 Arabia, the Desert," second edition, London, 1723, pp. 191 seq., cp. pp. 68 seq.). 
 In Borneo, wrecks and their crews belong to the chief of the district where the 
 disaster takes place (St. John, ii. 292). As to the New Zealander, see Polack, ii. 
 
36 THE SILENT TRADE. 
 
 this intercourse has resulted a reciprocal knowledge of 
 two languages, and a mutual assimilation of manners and 
 modes of life.^ So, too, Spencer and Gillen ^ speak of the 
 Arunta, and the tribes in contact with them, as influencing 
 one another in matters of usage. 
 
 IV. 
 
 Summary. 
 
 Sec. 21. In the preceding pages we have noted those 
 characteristics of primitive man which appear to be relevant 
 to the subject of our inquiry. Save that he is possessed of 
 weapons and implements, he follows, in the main, the 
 methods of the lower animals in procuring his daily food. 
 In other words, he lives upon what he can kill or find, and 
 does nothing to replace what he has consumed. It is 
 obvious that, by pursuing such a mode of life, even a few per- 
 
 68. When a merchant died in a foreign land, it not infrequently happened that 
 the king took all his property (Marco Polo, transl. and ed. by Col. Henry Yule, 
 second edition, London, 1875, i. 112 (Hormuz) ; H. Yule, "Cathay and the 
 "Way Thither," London, 1866 ; (Hakluyt Society), ii. 292 (Central Asia)). 
 In Cathay, however, the deceased's brother, if with him, or a comrade calling 
 himself his brother, received his goods (Id. ib. See also " India in the 
 Fifteenth Century . . . Account of the Journey of H. di Santo Stefano," 
 London, 1857 (Hakluyt Society), p. 7) ; and a similar rule prevailed in Lesser 
 Armenia (Yule, " Cathay," ii. 292, note), and in the case of a deceased hadjy 
 (J. L. Burckhart, "Travels in Arabia," p. 290). Ibn Batuta ("Voyages . . . 
 par C. Defremeny et B. R. Sanguinetti," Paris, 1853-58, iv. 421) observes that, at 
 Melli, in the Soudan, the successors of a deceased traveller obtained his property. 
 They were not always so fortunate in Europe during the Middle Ages ; see 
 Goldschmidt, p. 121. 
 
 ' Hyades et Deniker, 15 ; Humboldt (" Personal Narrative of Travels to the 
 Equinoctial Regions of the New Continent during the years 1799-1804," transl. 
 WilHams, London, 1814, v. 270) observes of the American tribes between, 
 the Equator and the eighth degree of north latitude that their mutual mistrust 
 is greatly intensified by the fact that they are broken up into little bands, each 
 speaking its own language, which appears to be radically distinct from those 
 spoken by its neighbours. ^ P. 306. 
 
SUMMARY. ^^ 
 
 sons would speedily exhaust the resources of any one spot ; 
 and so we find that a population of rude hunters or fisher- 
 men scatters itself over a wide area in small family-groups. 
 The family-group varies in size and composition. It 
 consists generally of one or two families. The men protect 
 the women and children, and hunt for their support. The 
 women procure food not only for themselves and their little 
 ones, but for their masters ; and thus, by relieving them of 
 the necessity of providing for the wants of the moment, 
 enable them to follow the game in its migrations, and to 
 employ, in pursuing it, methods which yield no immediate 
 result. This association of the sexes tends to become a 
 permanent association. Were it called into existence only 
 or even mainly by the cravings of passing appetite, it would, 
 in all likelihood, be dissolved so soon as they were gratified. 
 It is brought about rather by the constant pressure of a 
 common need, — the need of help in the struggle for life ; 
 and it is just because this struggle is unceasing that the 
 formation of alliances more or less permanent is essential 
 to the survival of those engaged in it. The benefits derived 
 from this union of forces are not confined to the men and 
 women concerned, but extend to their children. It assures 
 to the spouses the means of subsistence, to the offspring a 
 measure of parental care. It need hardly be said that the 
 relations of the members of the group inter se are not 
 those of free persons, conscious of a common aim and 
 seeking to realise it by common action. In the majority 
 of the instances which we have considered, the woman is 
 obtained in return for services rendered or in exchange for 
 presents. Her inclinations are not consulted, and she is 
 regarded and treated as a general drudge, owned by the 
 man, just as he owns his weapons, his dogs, and his 
 ornaments. 
 
38 THE SILENT TRADE. 
 
 " She is my goods, my chattels ; she is my house, 
 My household stuff, my field, my barn, 
 My horse, my ox, my ass, my anything . . ." 
 
 Neither she nor her children have rights as against the 
 husband and father, who is also their proprietor. Still, 
 their interests in relation to the world beyond the group 
 are identical with his ; and in his successful assertion of 
 the rights, of which he alone is possessor, they find their 
 existence secured. 
 
 ' Sec. 22. In every case which we have examined, we 
 have found that the social feelings of the members of 
 the family-group are confined in range. They are, as it 
 were, effectively active only within a narrow circle, beyond 
 the limits of which lies a hostile world, peopled by beings 
 at once feared and hated. It is plainly impossible to lay 
 down with any degree of precision the boundary-line where 
 good-will ceases and enmity begins. Outside of the 
 Yahgan family, the relations of man to man are said to be 
 at the least doubtful ; while, in Australia, there subsists 
 between the associated tribes a constant and, for the most 
 part, a friendly intercourse. We can only say that the 
 area throughout which the social feelings are operative is, 
 in every case, more extensive than that of the family-group, 
 and that its extent differs in different cases. 
 
 Sec. 23. The members of those related groups are very 
 susceptible to the influence of the man who excels in 
 strength or in wisdom or, it may be, in liberality. At the 
 same time, they will accept his leadership, if at all, only for 
 a limited period, and for a particular enterprise. But while 
 they know nothing of control or coercion by a central 
 authority, they submit without effort and without reflection 
 to the guidance of custom. Custom is not so much the 
 rule as the atmosphere of primitive life. The savage is 
 
SUMMARY. 39 
 
 born into and brought up in it ; and he accepts it much 
 as he accepts the light and air, — as matter of course, — 
 without question and without explanation. 
 
 ov yap Ti vvv ye Kay(6i<;, aXX' aei irore 
 ty ravra, KovBel^ olSev i^ otov 'tpavT]. 
 He is predisposed to follow the line of general conduct 
 which it has approved, for his natural propensity is to 
 imitate those with whom he is in touch. Besides, he is 
 extraordinarily sensitive to the praise or blame of his 
 fellows, and public opinion regards with extreme disfavour 
 any divergence from the beaten track.^ The tribesmen do 
 not rest content with forming and expressing their views ; 
 they support the man who conforms to custom, and 
 break the man who persists in disregarding it ; they punish 
 the thief and slay the murderer, or drive him across the 
 border to certain death. Further, the observance of custom 
 is not infrequently secured by religious sanctions. 
 
 Sec. 24. The members of the related groups join forces 
 in hunting, in plundering, and in repelling a common 
 enemy ; and they pay visits to one another, which are 
 made the occasion of dances, revellings, and other amuse- 
 ments, and, especially, of an interchange of presents. The 
 practice of making a present in the expectation of 
 receiving a suitable return seems to be well-nigh uni- 
 versal ; and there are many instances in which a dis- 
 tinct understanding that an equivalent will be given 
 prevails between donor and donee. It is true that 
 some of the tribes to which we have referred are said 
 to have no idea of commerce ; but it is to be observed 
 that, in some cases, the accounts are conflicting, and that, 
 in all cases, the allegation comes to little more than this, — 
 
 1 See T. H. Huxley, " Evolution and Ethics : " "Collected Essays," London, 
 1894, ix. 28, 29. 
 
40 THE SILENT TRADE. 
 
 that certain Europeans were unable to establish a traffic 
 with certain savages. It may well be that refusal to trade 
 is due, not to ignorance of trading, but to fear or suspicion 
 or misunderstanding ; and, besides, a savage may be ready 
 enough to trade with one of his own tribe, while he will 
 decline to hold communication of any kind whatsoever 
 with an unknown stranger. 
 
 Sec. 25. The association of groups forms for its mem- 
 bers the world of possible existence, and in it the stranger 
 has neither part nor place. It is not robbery to strip him 
 of his goods, nor is it murder to kill him, for he is outside 
 of the sphere within which alone rights are recognised and 
 enforced. He is looked upon as a mortal enemy, whose 
 life is a constant menace to the well-being of the com- 
 munity ; and, accordingly, it is a public duty, incumbent 
 upon each and all, to hunt him down and slay him like a 
 beast of prey. 
 
 This attitude of exclusiveness cannot, however, be per- 
 manently maintained except by a society which is wholly 
 self-sufficing and wholly unprogressive. For so soon as 
 men fail to find in the association to which they belong the 
 satisfaction of their desires and the supply of their wants, 
 they are compelled to go beyond it, and to enter into 
 relations of some sort with the surrounding populations. 
 To take all and give nothing is the line of action which 
 naturally enough commends itself to the savage in his 
 dealings with strangers. Still, a course of violence has its 
 inconveniences ; it is uncertain in its results, it is danger- 
 ous in itself, and it involves dangerous consequences ; 
 and, accordingly, many primitive peoples resort to a 
 practice by means of which they can obtain, without the 
 exercise of force, what they require from those who are 
 strangers to them, and, therefore, their enemies. 
 
II.— THE SILENT TRADE AND THE 
 PRIMITIVE MARKET. 
 
 The Silent Trade. 
 
 Sec. 26. Every reader of Scott will remember the use 
 which he makes in " Kenilworth " of the legend of Way- , 
 land Smith. The smith, according to tradition, dwelt in 
 former times in the midst of a heap of rude stones at the 
 foot of White Horse Hill in Berkshire. No one ever saw. 
 him, but his services were easily obtainable by anyone who ; 
 required a horse to be shod. It sufficed to leave it among 
 the stones with a piece of money placed on one of them. 
 After the lapse of a reasonable time, the horse was found 
 shod, and the money gone.^ Traces of this silent trade are 
 
 ' Wayland Smith, " A Dissertation on a Tradition of the Middle Ages," 
 from the French of G. B. Depping and Francisque Michel, with additions by 
 S. W. Singer, London, 1847, xxxv. A similar story regarding a legendary 
 smith near Osnaburgh is still current in Lower Saxony (Id. ib. xliv.). The 
 authors (p. Ixviii. ), quote a passage of the Scholiast on ApoUonius Rhodius, 
 iv. 761, regarding Hephaistos, which is in striking correspondence with the 
 English legend : — 'B;* tj Aiinipg. Kal ^rpoyyiiXri . . . SoKeX 6 "Kipaurros 
 SiaTpi^etv' 81' 6 Kal Trvpbs ^pb^ov d,Koiccxda,i Kal ijxov (X<poSp6i'. rb 5^ iraXaibv 
 iXiysTo, rbv PovK6iJ,evQV dpybv fflSijpoi' iinipipe^v Kal ryv aiipioi) eKBbvra 
 Xafi^dveiv ^ ^itpos ij et rt. &Wo ijdeXe /caraffKeuatrat, KaTa^aXbifra fiiadbv. 
 They tell us also that some of the German traditions place the smith's work- 
 shop in the Caucasus, — a country celebrated for the armour wrought by its 
 people ; and they say that " there is in these mountains an isolated community, 
 consisting of about 1200 families, who excel in the fabrication of arms ; they 
 are called Couvetchis. They defend their territory against intruding strangers, 
 
 41 
 
42 THE SILENT TRADE. 
 
 to be found in every quarter of the globe. In its simplest 
 form, it is a transaction by way of exchange between 
 persons who not only do not address, but do not see, one 
 another. Thus, Ibn Batuta^ informs us that he was told in 
 Bolghar of a land of darkness, at a distance of forty days' 
 journey, where, when the travellers have arrived, each of 
 them lays down at a certain spot the wares which he has 
 brought with him, and then retires. Next day he returns 
 and finds placed opposite to his goods, sables, ermines, and 
 other furs. If satisfied with what he finds, he takes it 
 away. If not, he leaves it, and the inhabitants of the 
 country add something more to it. Sometimes, however, 
 the natives take back their goods, and leave those of the 
 merchants. The latter do not know whether those with 
 whom they deal are genii or men, for they never see them. 
 Bakuwi ^ and Kazwini ^ give a precisely similar account of 
 the commerce between the inhabitants of Bolghar and 
 tribes living on the banks of the Bielo Osero,* Abulfeda,^ 
 
 and only sell the products of their manufacture at a village situated at the 
 extremity of their valley. . . . It is possible that the celebrity of these 
 armourers had penetrated in the Middle Ages even into Europe, and that it 
 gave rise to tales which may have been confounded with those the Scandi- 
 navians made regarding Weyland." We shall see that a connection such as is 
 here suggested between a tribe which traffics only on its borders, and a legend 
 which tells of a trade between persons unseen by one another, has a special 
 interest in relation to the matter in hand. ^ I. 401. 
 
 ^ " Notices et Extraics des Manuscrits de la Bibliotheque du Roi . . . 
 Academic royale des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres," Paris, 1789, ii. 543. 
 
 ' Quoted by Frahn, " Ibn Foszlan,'' 210. ■* See Frahn, loc. cit., 205 seq. 
 
 ^ Transl. by Reiske in Busching's " Magasin i. die neue Historie u. 
 Geographie," Hamburg, 1771, v. 359, thus: — "In Russorum Septentrione 
 sunt illae gentes, quae per absentiam suam cum peregrinis mercantur. 
 Quod si fieri narrat aliquis, qui eo iter instituit. Ait, eos esse finiti- 
 mos litori maris septentrionalis. Quando itaque catervae itineratorum 
 pervenerint ad ipsorum limites, turn subsistere, d6nec indigenae resciscant. 
 Dein mercatorem suam quemque mercem signo notato exponere in loco 
 emtionis et venditionis note atque destinato. Mercatoribus porro digressis 
 ad diversoria sua, accedere illam gentem, et ponere . . . mustelarum 
 
THE SILENT TRADE. 43 
 
 of a tribe on the shores of the Arctic Ocean, and Heber- 
 stein/ of tribes in the neighbourhood of the River Obi ; 
 while, according to Paulus Jovius,^ the Lapps traded, " yet 
 so that the flye the syght and ccompagnie of all merchantes. 
 . . . They bargayne with simple fayth with absent and 
 unknowen men." Massudi* says that this method of 
 exchange was practised in the remotest parts of Khorasan, 
 and by merchants from Segelmessa in trading with a tribe 
 which lived on the farther bank of a great river ; Bakuwi * 
 speaks of it as in use by the inhabitants of the Belad al 
 Tibri, a country about three months' journey from Segel- 
 messa ; and it was well known to the Arabs engaged in the 
 salt trade with the blacks of the Gambia.^ The same story 
 is told upon the authority of Arab traders of tribes 
 on the Niger,^ and in Guinea,^ and of a nation near 
 Wangara.^ In the instance last mentioned, the invisible 
 
 Scythicarum pelles et vulpium et alia similia, eaque omnia relinquere, et domum 
 suam discedere. Turn redire mercetores, et eum quidem, cui placeat permutatio 
 mercium, suirere Scythicas illas merces ; cui vero non placeat, eum relinquere 
 suas merces, donee tandem contenti uterque discedant et dirimantur." 
 
 ' " Notes upon Russia : being a translation of the earliest account of that 
 country, . . ." 1852, London, 1851-52 (Hakluyt Society), ii. 40. 
 
 ' Id., ii. 255. 
 
 ^ " Les Prairies d'Or," par Barbier de Maynard et Pavet de Courteille, 
 Paris, 1861-67, iv. 92, 93. 
 
 ^ " Notices et Extraits," ii. 394. He adds that the merchants announce 
 their arrival and departure by beat of drum. 
 
 * Barbot, " Churchhill's Voyages," v. 79. He says that " this way of trad- 
 ing lasts nine days successively, that they may have the more time to adjust the 
 prices of the goods, in case the first tender of gold is not accepted of by 
 the Moors.'' See also R. Jobson in Purchas, " His Pilgrims," London, 1625, 
 ii. 1573, and a similar account at p. 872. 
 
 * W. Winterbottom, "An Account of the Native Africans in the neighbour- 
 hood of Sierra Leone, ..." London, 1803, i. 177; T. Shaw, "Travels or 
 Observations relating to Barbary," in Pinkerton, xv. 467. 
 
 ' J. Windhus, " A Journey to Mequinez," in Pinkerton, xv. 422. 
 
 * G. F. Lyon, "A Narrative of Travels in Northern Africa, in the years 
 1818-20," London, 1821, p. 149. 
 
44 THE SILENT TRADE. 
 
 traders " are by many supposed to be devils, who are very 
 fond of red cloth, the favourite article of exchange." The 
 merchants of Morocco carried on trade by this method at a 
 fixed point on the borders between their own country and 
 that of the Blacks ; ^ and Cadamosto ^ tells us that the 
 salt trade between the negro merchants of Melli and blacks 
 who lived near " a certain water," — probably the Niger, — 
 was similarly conducted. A like mode of traffic was 
 employed in the clove trade in some of the islands of the 
 Indian Ocean ; ^ and the Mambari told Livingstone's men, 
 as they were approaching the sea-coast near Loanda, that, 
 in trading with the white men, " the ivory is left on the 
 shore in the evening, and next morning the seller finds a 
 quantity of goods placed there in its stead." * According 
 to Philostratus,^ Apollonius found, at a place on the confines 
 of Ethiopia and Egypt, gold and flax and ivory with many 
 spices piled in heaps in a place where four ways met ; and 
 the biographer adds that this custom survived in his own 
 day, and was practised by Ethiopian and Egyptian mer- 
 chants in exchanging their wares. This method of trading 
 is said to be employed by the Kubus of Sumatra,^ and by 
 the inhabitants of Buru, Ceram, and the largest island of 
 
 ^ G. Host, " Nachrichten von Morokos u. Fez," Kopenhagen, 1781, p. 279. 
 J. Graberg von Hemso ("Das Sultanat Mogh'rib ul Aksa," Stuttgart u. Tubingen, 
 1833, p. 103) makes the somewhat surprising statement that, if both parties are 
 satisfied with the bargain, " so vereinen sich Mauren und Neger und reisen 
 vierzehn Tage lang miteinander." 
 
 ' P. 57- 
 
 ' Kazwini, ap. J. Gildemeister, ' ' Scriptorum Arabum de rebus Indicis loci 
 et opuscula," Bonnse, 1838, Fasc. i. 202. 
 
 * "Missionary Travels," 384. 
 
 = "Apoll. Vit.," vi. 2. 
 
 <> Forbes, "A Naturalist's Wanderings," 235. See Mohnike, " Banka und 
 Palembang," Milnster, 1874, p. 196. 
 
THE SILENT TRADE. 45 
 
 the Aru Archipelago.^ Hardcastle^ says of two shy 
 mountain tribes of Guatemala that " they exchange dogs 
 and a species of very sharp red pepper by leaving them on 
 the top of the mountain and going to the spot in turn;" 
 and, in regard to the Akka in the Upper Welle district of 
 the Belgian Congo, Burrows ^ writes as follows. — " On 
 returning from a day's hunting the Pigmy carefully wraps 
 up several small pieces of meat in grass or leaves, betakes 
 himself to the nearest banana plantation, and having 
 selected the bunches of bananas he requires, shins up the 
 tree, cuts down the bananas selected, and in payment 
 affixes one of the small packets of meat to the stem by a 
 little wooden skewer." Again, we are told of Ceylon that 
 " it was originally uninhabited by man, only demons, genii, 
 and dragons dwelt there. Nevertheless merchants of other 
 countries trafficked with them. When the season for 
 traffic came the genii and demons appeared not, but set 
 forward their precious commodities marked with the exact 
 price ; if these suited the merchants, they paid the price and 
 took the goods." * It cannot be doubted that Fa Hian is 
 here referring to the Veddahs, of whom it is said that. 
 
 1 Riedel, pp. 15, 128, 271. This practice has fallen into disuse at Buru and 
 Ceram, but it is employed in dealing with the aborigines of Kola and Kobroor, 
 — districts in the largest of the Aru islands. According to Riedel's account, 
 the foreign merchants from Ternate and elsewhere lay down their goods in an 
 appointed place, sound a gong, and retire. Then the shy natives bring their 
 wares, and having placed them opposite the merchants' goods, sound the gong 
 in their turn, and retire. The foreigners return, and, if satisfied with the 
 native wares, take them away, leaving their own goods behind. The Ternate 
 merchants call this transaction "potage tagali vuru," — going to savages in 
 order to barter, — in contrast to "potage tagali damaroi," — barter in the 
 ordinary fashion in the presence of both parties. 
 
 2 "Historical Magazine and Notes and Queries," Boston, 1857-60, vi. 153. 
 
 3 " The Land of the Pigmies," p. 188. 
 
 •• " Pilgrimage of Fa Hian," from the French edition of the Foe Koui Ki of 
 Remusat, Klaproth, and Landresse, Calcutta, 1848, p. 332. 
 
46 THE SILENT TRADE. 
 
 when they want axes or arrows, they make models of 
 ■them, and carrying these by night to the armourer's 
 door, leave them with half a boar or stag. The armourer 
 makes the articles required, and hangs them up where 
 the flesh was laid ; and the Veddah takes them away 
 the following night.^ Bell ^ tells us that the Smoos 
 and Twakas, — tribes in the Mosquito territory, — have so 
 much confidence in the honesty of traders that they fre- 
 quently plant a peeled and painted stick in a conspicuous 
 place at the mouth of a tributary river, and attach to the 
 trees beside it bunches of plantains, baskets of maize, rolls 
 of toonoo cloth and skins, each article having affixed to it a 
 •sample of what is wanted in return. " These were placed 
 there in the expectation that the coast Indians passing by 
 ■on the main river would make the required barter. After 
 a while, if they are found to remain untouched, the river 
 Indians bring the articles to the coast villages.'' Cart- 
 wright^ informs us that formerly the inhabitants of 
 Bonavista in Newfoundland traded by laying goods in a 
 certain place, to which the natives, — probably Eskimo, — 
 resorted, took what they were in want of, and left furs in 
 return. Of some of the mountaineers of Madura, Markham * 
 says that they " occasionally trade with the country people, 
 who place cotton or grain on some stone, and the wild 
 ■creatures, as soon as the strangers are out of sight, take 
 them and put honey in their place, but they will allow no 
 one to come near them." Again, Humboldt,^ in speaking 
 
 ' Rilieyro, " Histoire de I'isle de Ceylon," Amsterdam, 1 701, p. 179. See 
 -also Knox, 62 ; Tennant, i. 592. Bailey (p. 285) says that the practice is not 
 jiow in use. ''■ "Tangweera," London, 1899, p. 267. 
 
 ^ "A Journal of Transactions on the Coast of Labrador," London, 1792, 
 i. 6. ^ "Travels in Peru and India," London, 1862, p. 404. 
 
 * " Essai politique sur le royaume de le Nouvelle Espagne," Paris, 1808, 
 ,i. 304. 
 
THE SILENT TRADE. 47 
 
 of the province of New Mexico, quotes from the diary of a 
 Bishop Tamaron a description of a similar mode of traffic. 
 According to his account, the natives of the Rio del Norte, 
 in seeking to trade with the whites, often come unseen and 
 plant along the road leading from Chihuahua to Santa Fe 
 little crosses, to each of which they attach a leathern bag 
 and a small piece of venison. At the foot of the cross is 
 spread a buffalo skin. By these signs the native indicates 
 that he wishes to trade by way of barter with the followers 
 of the Cross. He offers a skin in exchange for food, the 
 amount of which he does not specify. The soldiers of the 
 presidios, who understand this language of signs, take the 
 skins and leave some salted meat in exchange. Again, 
 Bastian ^- tells us that a rude people of the Andes entered 
 into relations with him by laying down freshly gathered 
 bananas near his camp. He found them there in the 
 morning, and at evening left a suitable return. 
 
 Sec. 27. A slightly different form of this silent trade, 
 in which the parties are not necessarily unseen by one 
 another, is described by Herodotus ^ as employed by the 
 Carthagenians in their dealings with an African people 
 beyond the Pillars of Hercules. When the former arrive 
 "forwith they unlade their wares, and having transposed 
 them after an orderly fashion along the beach, leave them, 
 and returning aboard their ships, raise a great smoke. 
 The natives, when they see the smoke come down to the 
 shore, and, laying out to view so much gold as they think 
 the worth of the wares, withdraw to a distance. The 
 Carthagenians upon this come ashore and look. If they 
 
 ' " Ein Besuch in San Salvador," p. 209. 
 
 ° II. 196, transl. Rawlinson. E. H. Bunbury (" History of Ancient Geo- 
 graphy," London, 1879, i. 289) observes that this people must have lived to 
 the south of the Sahara, as little gold is found to the north of it. 
 
48 THE SILENT TRADE. 
 
 think the gold enough, they take it and go their way ; but 
 if it does not seem to them sufficient, they go aboard ship 
 once more and wait patiently. Then the others approach 
 and add to their gold till the Carthagenians are content. 
 Neither party deals unfairly by the other." Very similar 
 accounts are given of the natives near Cape Blanco,^ of the 
 Chukchi in their dealings with the Eskimo of St. Lawrence 
 Island ^ and near Kotzebue Sound,^ of the North German 
 merchants in their early trading with the inhabitants of 
 Livonia,* of the Abyssinians in their intercourse with the 
 tribes to the southward,^ and of the merchants of Ceylon 
 
 '■ Claude Jannequin, "Voyage de Lybia au royaume de Senega, le long du 
 Niger," Paris, 1643, P- 44- 
 
 ^ A. Bastian, " Geographische u. Ethnologische Bilder," Jena, 1873, p. 341 ; 
 G. F. Miiller (" Sammlung Russischer Geschichte," St. Peterburg, 1732-64, 
 iii. 6), in describing a Russian voyage of the year 1646 a.d., says that the 
 voyagers being afraid to trust themselves among the Chukchi, traded with 
 them in the manner described above. ' O. von Kotzebue, i. 228. 
 
 * J. Falke, " Die Geschichte d. deutschen Handels," Leipzig, 1859, i. 277. 
 
 ^ Cosmas, "Christian Topography,'' London, 1897 (Hakluyt Society), 
 PP- 52, S3- He tells us that the King of the Abyssinians sent messengers 
 every other year to the inhabitants of Sasu to bargain for gold. The mes- 
 sengers were accompanied by many traders, — upwards of five hundred in 
 number, — bound on the same errand as themselves. When they reached their 
 destination they formed an encampment, which they fenced round with a 
 great hedge of thorns. On the top of these thorns they laid their wares. The 
 natives brought gold in nuggets, and if one of them saw an article which 
 pleased him he laid one or two of the nuggets upon it. The bargaining then 
 proceeded in the manner described by Herodotus. Sasu lay in the south- 
 eastern part of the Somali peninsula, near the coast, and only 5° to the north 
 of the equator (see M'Crindle's notes to "Cosmas," pp. 50 and 63). Ritter 
 (Die Erdkunde, 2te Aufl., Berlin, 1848, Th. xiv. 400) places it near Zanzibar. 
 According to Heeren (" Historical Researches into the Politics, Intercourse, 
 and Trade of the Carthagenians, Ethiopians, and Egyptians," Oxford, 1832, 
 i. 330), it was situated on the coast between Babelmandeb and Cape Guarda- 
 fui ; and, according to Yule ("Cathay," i. clxxxi, note), towards the centre 
 of the continent, and south-west from Abyssinia. No doubt Cosmas speaks of 
 it as not far from the ocean, but he supposed that the ocean cut across Africa 
 somewhere about the equator {/d. id. cp. "Cosmas," p. 65, and Dr. Glaser's 
 explanation, p. 63, note ^). 
 
THE SILENT TRADE. 49 
 
 when trafficking with the Seres.^ It is said of the natives 
 of the southern end of Timor, that they seldom exchange 
 words with those with whom they trade. When the 
 prows arrive off the coast, the merchants land on the 
 beach the articles they have for barter in small quanti- 
 ties at a time. The natives immediately come down 
 with the produce they have for sale, and place it 
 opposite the goods from the prows, pointing to the 
 articles or description of articles they want to obtain 
 in exchange. The trader then makes an offer, generally 
 very small at first, which he increases by degrees. If, 
 he hesitate a moment about adding more to it, the 
 native accepts it as sufficient, snatches it up, and darts j 
 off with it into the jungle, leaving his own goods. 
 If he consider it too little, he seizes up his own 
 property, and flies off with it in equal haste, never 
 returning a second time to the same person.^ A very 
 
 ^ Pliny, " H. N." vi. 24. He describes the people as having fair hair and 
 blue eyes ; and in Lassen's opinion (" Indische Alterthumskunde," Leipzig, 
 1858, iii. 86), this description applies, if Chinese accounts are to be credited, 
 to the Usun, a people of inner Asia. See also Humboldt, "Asie Centrale," 
 Paris, 1843, i. 393; Yule, "Cathay," i., clvii. It is somewhat remarkable 
 that traders from Ceylon should give this account of the Seres' mode of 
 exchange without mentioning that there were tribes within their own country 
 which practised a very similar method (see above, sec. 26). See also J. W. 
 M'Crindle, " The Commerce and Navigation of the; Erythraean Sea : being a 
 translation of the ' Periplus Maris Erythrasi,' . . ." Calcutta, 1879, cap. 65, 
 where an annual fair held on the confines of " Thtnai " is described. It was 
 attended by the Sesatai, with whom trading was carried on by methods some- 
 what resembling those of the silent trade. 
 
 ^ J. H. Moore, "Short Account of Timor, &c.," in Appdx. to "Notices of 
 the Indian Archipelago," Singapore, 1.837, p. 8. G. W. Earl ("Papuans," 
 London, 1853, p. 182) says that the more general method is for the traders to 
 remain on board their prows, which are anchored close to the land, and push 
 their goods on shore in a small canoe, to which a line is attached for the 
 purpose of hauling it back when the goods have been removed, and the articles 
 given in exchange have been deposited in their stead. Hans Stade (p. 88) 
 tells us that the natives of Brazil traded with the Portuguese in a somewhat 
 4 
 
50 THE SILENT TRADE. 
 
 similar account is given of the method of trading practised 
 by the Makuas in the neighbourhood of Mozambique.^ In 
 Fernando Po, a line is drawn upon the sand between the 
 trading parties. Yams, &c., are laid on one side of the line, 
 and beads or tobacco or whatever it may be on the other. 
 If the Booby be satisfied with the trader's articles, he steps 
 across the line and takes them, leaving the trader to take 
 his yams.2 Smith ^ says that a similar custom exists on 
 the banks of the River Niger, and his statement is borne 
 out by that of Ibn-al-Wardi.* The latter, in speaking of 
 tribes near that river, tells us that the merchants, on arriv- 
 ing at the spot where the trade takes place, drew a line. 
 On the one side of it the natives laid down their gold, and 
 on the other side the merchants set out their wares. Both 
 parties withdrew and did not return until the next morn- 
 ing. If the merchants were content with the amount of 
 gold offered, they took it away ; but if they delayed too 
 long, the natives took up their gold, burned the merchants' 
 goods, and killed all who opposed them. 
 
 Sec. 28. In some cases, the traffic is carried on through 
 
 similar fashion. Two or three of the natives " arrive in a canoe and deliver 
 the goods to them at the greatest possible distance. Then they declare what 
 they want in return, which is given to them by the Portuguese. But whilst 
 the two are near the ship, a number of full canoes keep in the offing to look 
 on, and when the trading is completed, the savages oftentimes approach along- 
 side, and skirmish with the Portuguese, and shoot arrows at them, after which 
 they again paddle away." 
 
 1 M. Thomans, " Reise-und Lebensbeschreibung," Augsburg, 1788, p. I19. 
 He says that they understand neither Portuguese nor the language of the 
 district. They deposit their ivory before a merchant's house. He comes out 
 and lays down what he is ready to give for it. If the Makua does not take 
 the goods, it is a sign that he desires more. Accordingly the merchant must 
 add something, and the Makua, as soon as he is satisfied, takes the goods, and 
 runs off as fast as if he had stolen them. 
 
 " J. Smith, " Trade and Travels in the Gulph of Guinea," London, 1851, 
 p, 203, 204. * Id., p. 204. ^ Notices et Extraits, ii. 36. 
 
THE SILENT TRADE. 51 
 
 a_middle-man.i Thus, Lander ^ says that, on halting at a 
 town on the lower Niger in order to purchase yams, he 
 was brought to the canoes by the townsmen. They were 
 armed, as were his own men, and had among them an old 
 woman who appeared to be a person of consequence. She 
 directed the yams to be placed in separate bundles, and 
 the owner to retire to a short distance. The purchaser 
 selected a bundle, and placed beside it what he considered 
 to be the equivalent in cloth, flints, &c. The old woman, 
 if she considered the equivalent sufficient, gave it to the 
 owner of the bundle, which was taken by the purchaser. 
 If she thought it insufficient, she allowed the purchaser an 
 opportunity of adding something. If the purchaser did 
 not add anything, she directed the owner to remove his 
 goods, and to leave what had been offered for them. All 
 this was done by means of signs, not a word passing 
 between the parties. The Abb6 Grosier^ says of the 
 natives of Hai-nan,* that twice a-year they exposed in an 
 appointed place gold and other articles. A deputy was 
 sent by them to the frontiers to examine the commodities 
 of the Chinese, "whose principal traders repaired to the 
 place of exchange . . . ; and after the Chinese wares were 
 delivered, they put into their hands with the greatest 
 fidelity what they had agreed for." Speaking of the 
 Aleuts, Dall ® says that they " never transact business with 
 each other personally, but always through a third person. 
 . . . Whoever wishes to sell anything, sends it by this 
 
 ^ See below, sec. 35. 
 
 ^ "Journal of an Expedition to Explore the Course and Termination of the 
 Niger," London, 1832, iii. 161-63. 
 
 ^ " A General Description of China," transl. from the French, London, 1788, 
 p. 108. 
 
 * I.e., The Les, of whom an account is given by R. C. Henry, Ling-nam, 
 London, 1886. ^ P. 394. • 
 
52 THE SILENT TRADE. 
 
 agent into another house (yourt) particularly if strangers 
 are present. The agent, on coming into the house, says 
 ' Here is the tayak ' (saleable object), without mentioning 
 the owner. The buyer looks at the object, asks what is 
 wanted in return, keeps the article, and sends as much as 
 he likes of the article required in return. The agent takes 
 this to the seller, and if he is satisfied, the bargain is con- 
 cluded ; if not, he proposes a new exchange, or an additional 
 quantity of tobacco or other ware, to boot. If the buyer 
 does not agree he returns the article, and some one else 
 makes an offer. They never bid over one another, and, 
 however long the barter may last, the buyer and seller 
 never know each other's names. This custom of buying and 
 selling among the Aleuts is of great age, and has been pre- 
 served without change." Anyone who wishes to trade with 
 the Puelches, goes straight to the cacique, to whom he 
 presents himself without speaking. The cacique, after 
 some words of greeting, inquires what present has been 
 brought for him, and the trader tells him. He is lodged by 
 the cacique, and is welcomed by the royal wives and 
 children, who beg for small presents, and these he must 
 give. The cacique informs his subjects by sound of 
 trumpet that a merchant has arrived. They come and 
 inspect his wares, and having agreed on the number of 
 cattle to be given in exchange, carry off the goods, so that 
 the merchant gives up his property without seeing any one 
 of his debtors. When he wishes to depart, a trumpet is 
 sounded, and an order given that payment is to be made. 
 Each purchaser brings the animals which he has agreed 
 to give, and provides men to drive them to the 
 frontier.^ 
 
 1 Frezier, " Relation du Voyage de la Mer du Sud, 1712-14," Amste^dam^ 
 1717, i. 128, . 
 
THE SILENT TRADE. 53 
 
 Sec. 29. Lastly, there are instances in which a religious 
 element enters into the practice. Thus, in writing of the 
 influence of the fetish religions on the West African, 
 Miss Kingsley ^ says that, when walking along a bush path, 
 far from human habitation, " you " will " notice a little 
 cleared space by the side of the path ; it is neatly laid with 
 plantain leaves, and on it are various little articles for sale 
 — leaf tobacco, a few yams, and so on — and beside each 
 article are so many stones, beans, or cowries, which indicate 
 the price of each article ; and you will see either sitting in 
 the middle of the things, or swinging by a piece of tie-tie 
 from a branch above, Egba, or a relation of his — the market 
 god — who will visit with death any theft from that shop, or 
 any cheating in price given, or any taking away of sums 
 left by previous customers." Again, We are told by Theo- 
 phrastus ^ that frankincense and myrrh were brought from 
 all quarters to the temple of the sun, — the most holy place 
 of the Sabaeans, — and were guarded there by armed Arabs. 
 Each owner set out his heap with a tablet above it on which 
 were stated the quantity and the price. The merchants who 
 came to buy laid down the price in place of these wares. 
 Then came the priest and took one-third part of the price 
 
 ^ "African Religion and Law," in the National Review, 1897, p. 134. 
 
 ^ Hist. Plant., ix . 4 ; see also Pliny, H. N., xii. 33; Cosmas (pp. 51, 63, 
 note ■') tells us that there was a trade between Barbaria, — a part of the Somali 
 Peninsula, lying towards the Indian Ocean, — and the Homerites, — i.e., the 
 Sabaeans (see A. H. Keane, "The Gold of Ophir," London, 1901, p. 72). To 
 the south of Barbaria lay the land of Sasu, and there the silent trade was 
 practised (see above, sec. 27). Accordingly, it seems not unlikely that the 
 Sabseans had some knowledge of this mode of traffic, derived from their deal- 
 ings with African tribes. If so, it maybe as Sigismund ("Die Aromata in 
 ihrer Bedeutung fiir Religion, Sitten, Gebraiiche, Handel, u. Geographic d. 
 Alterthums,'' Leipzig, 1884, p. 159) suggests, that Theophrastus, relying on 
 the statements of merchants who wished to conceal the name of the country 
 with which they traded (see Keane, p. 129), has transplanted an African 
 form of trade to Arabian soil. 
 
 ^, 
 
54 THE SILENT TRADE. 
 
 for the god ; and what was left remained in safety until 
 the sellers came and took it. 
 
 II. 
 
 The Primitive Market. 
 
 Sec. 30. Between the primitive commercial methods, 
 which we have been considering, and the usages of the 
 primitive market, there is, in many cases, a striking similar- 
 ity. Sometimes the business of the market is transacted 
 without a word being spoken. It was in silence that the 
 Indian women exchanged their wares in some of the Mexi- 
 can markets. The would-be seller held out the articles, of 
 which she wished to dispose, to the customer. The latter, 
 if she thought that they suited her, took them in her hand, 
 and, by making it appear that they were too few or too 
 small, induced the seller to add something more. Thus 
 they haggled with one another until the customer was satis- 
 fied ; and, in that case, she took away what was offered and 
 left her own wares in exchange. But, if the seller refused 
 to give more, the purchaser took her goods elsewhere.-' 
 
 ^ J. de Torquemada, " Monarchia Indiana," Madrid, 1723, xiv. 23. In 
 this connection we may quote Willies' (iii. 300-01) description of the market at 
 Somu-Somu, in the Fiji group. It "is held on a certain day in the square, 
 where each deposits in a large heap what goods and wares he may have. Any- 
 one may then go and select from it what he wishes, and carry it away to his 
 own heap ; the other then has the privilege of going to the heap of the former 
 and selecting what he considers to be an equivalent. This is all conducted 
 without noise or confusion. If any disagreement takes place, the chief is there 
 to settle it ; but this is said rarely to happen." We may also note a form of 
 trading which Burckhart (Arabia, 191) describes as prevailing at Mecca. 
 " Dealers when bargaining in the presence of others from whom they wish to 
 conceal their business, join their right hands under cover of the gown or sleeve of 
 one of the parties ; by touching the different joints of the fingers they note the 
 numerals, and thus silently conclude their bargain." The same practice pre- 
 vailed at Calicut ("The Travels of Varthema," London, 1863 (Hakluyt Society), 
 p. 108), and Goa (Pyrard de Laval, " Voyage to the East Indies, ..." Lon- 
 
THE PRIMITIVE MARKET. 55 
 
 Very frequently those feelings of mistrust and suspicion, 
 which form one of the most salient features of the silent 
 trade, are found to be prevalent. Thus Simpson ^ tells us 
 that " the conduct of the Point Barrow people in their inter- 
 course with those of the Mackenzie, or rather Demarcation 
 Point, seems to be very wary, as if they constantly keep in 
 mind that they were the weaker party, and in the country 
 of strangers. They describe themselves as taking up a 
 position opposite the place of barter on a small island to 
 which they can retreat on any alarm, and cautiously 
 advance from it making signs of friendship. They say that 
 great distrust was formerly manifested on both sides by the 
 way in which goods were snatched and concealed when a 
 bargain was made ; but in later years more women go, and 
 they have dancing and amusements, though they never 
 remain long enough to sleep there." The same suspicious 
 friendliness appears to exist at the fair at Wairuku, in the 
 Sandwich Islands. According to Ellis' ^ account, the 
 natives from the southern part of the island ranged their 
 goods on the south bank of a ravine, while those from the 
 northern part ranged their goods on the north bank. 
 " From bank to bank the traders shouted to each other and 
 arranged the preliminaries of their bargains. From them 
 the articles were taken down to " a " rock in the midst of 
 the stream. . . . Here they were examined by the parties 
 
 don, 1887-90 (Hakluyt Society), ii. 178), among the Somali (Haggenmacher, 
 37), and at Pegu (Ceesar Frederick, in Kerr's "Collection of Voyages," 
 Edinburgh, 1812, vii. 198), and in many other places. (In the notes to Var- 
 thema and Pyrard de Laval, uH cit., the practice is said to exist in many parts 
 of India (Tavernier, Pt. ii., Bk. ii., c. xi.), at the market of Base in Abyssinia 
 (Beke, " Letters on the Commerce and Politics of Abyssinia,'' p. 19), and in 
 Tartary (Hue's " Travels," ch. v.) ; and in explanation of it, reference is made 
 to Tylor, " Primitive Culture," i. 246). 
 1 P. 936. ^ " Polyn. Researches," iv. 325. 
 
56 THE SILENT TRADE. 
 
 immediately concerned in the presence of the" king's ''col- 
 lectors, who stood on each side of the rock, and were the 
 general arbiters in the event of any dispute arising. To 
 them was committed the preservation of good order during 
 the fair, and they, of course, received a suitable remunera- 
 tion from the different parties." 
 
 Sec. 31. We have seen that it was, in general, at a spot 
 within the border-land between two or more tribes, that the 
 silent trade, in its simplest form, at all events, was carried 
 on ; and, in very many cases, it was at just such a spot 
 that the primitive market was held.^ It was the interest of 
 those who frequented it to treat one another as friends so 
 long as it lasted ; and it seems only natural that those 
 places, where such a friendly intercourse was repeated 
 season after season, should, in course of time, become 
 impressed with the character of neutrality. In general, 
 those who attend old-established and thriving markets 
 have little cause of apprehending danger to life or pro- 
 perty. Thus, the large fairs at different points on the 
 lower Niger are regarded as neutral ground, whatever wars 
 
 ' In British New Guinea " women from different villages or districts meet at 
 appointed places, usually at the boundary between two tribes, and there barter 
 their specialties for commodities from other localities. The bartering is done 
 by women only, but they are accompanied by a few armed men, who, however, 
 do not go amongst the market women but stand a little way off. The men 
 bring a drum with them which is beaten at the opening and close of the 
 market" (Haddon, p. 269). It maybe noted that the most important of the 
 Italian fairs was held on the boundary which separated the Etruscan from the 
 Sabine lands, — at Soracte, in the grove of Feronia (Mommsen, i. 203). 
 Cunninghame ("The Growth of English Industry, . . ." p. 76) observes that, 
 even when each village was hostile to every other, "the advantages of trade 
 were so clearly felt that the boundary place between two or more townships 
 came to be recognised as a neutral territory where men might occasionally 
 meet for their mutual benefit, if not on friendly terms, at least without hostility. 
 The boundary stone was the predecessor of the market cross, and the neutral 
 area round it the market-place." 
 
THE PRIMITIVE MARKET. 57 
 
 may be in the land ; ^ and at the markets on the Congo, 
 usually held at a spot equidistant from several villages, the 
 natives meet without fear of violence.^ So, too, at the 
 great market at Prairie du Chien, hostile tribesmen were 
 obliged to abstain from all unfriendly acts;* and similar 
 accounts are given of the markets of Berbera * and Mogelo,^ 
 and of those among the Kabyles.^ 
 
 Sec. 32. We have already seen '' that there are many 
 instances in which the border-land is considered to be holy 
 ground ; and it appears to follow that the neutrality of a 
 market held within it will be secured not only by the 
 interest, which those who frequent it have in attracting 
 commerce, but by their firm conviction that, by breaking 
 the market-peace, they will incur the divine displeasure in 
 the form of disaster or disease or death.^ We know that 
 markets, held on the boundaries between the territories of 
 certain Greek States, were under the protection of 6eol 
 dyopaioi ; ^ and that Hermes-Mercurius was the guardian 
 
 ^ W. Allen and T. R. H. Thomson, "Narrative of Expedition sent to the 
 River Niger in 1841," London, 1848, i. 398. 
 
 ° Bastian, "Ein Besuch in Salvador," 116. 
 
 ^ Carver, " Travels through the Interior Parts of North America in the 
 years 1766-68," London, 1778, p. 99 
 
 * Haggenmacher, 37 ; see also Burton, " First Footsteps," 409. 
 
 ° Munzinger, O. S., 519. ^ Hamoteau et Letourneaux, ii. 81. 
 
 ' See above, sec. 1 7. 
 
 * In much the same way self-interest combined with religion seems to have 
 made the Red Pipe Stone Quarry, on the ridge between St. Peter's River and 
 the Missouri, neutral ground. The necessity of procuring the red stone of 
 which the natives made their pipes "introduced a certain law of nations by 
 which the banks of the creek are sacred " (Lewis and Clarke, i. 66) ; and 
 Catlin (ii. 167; cp. i. 31, ii. 160) observes that the spot was "a neutral 
 ground under the sanction of the vengeance of the Great Spirit." Cp. Carver, 
 p. 99. See Mommsen and Cunninghame as cited above (p. 56, note) ; and 
 Goldschmidt, p. 24. See also G. Grote, "A History of Greece," fourth 
 edition, London, 1872, iii. 294, and note ^, as to the place held by commerce 
 at the great festivals. 
 
 ' Schrader, Handelsgesehichte u. Warenkunde, 35. 
 
58 THE SILENT TRADE. 
 
 of merchants.^ In West Africa we find a market-god 
 who punishes the thief and the cheat ; ^ and we are in- 
 formed by Caesar that the Gauls worshipped Mercury, — 
 worshipped a god, that is to say, possessing attributes 
 similar to those of Mercury.^ 
 
 Sec. 33. We have seen that the spot upon which the 
 market was held was regarded as neutral, and, in some 
 cases, as sacred. Security of life and property is not, 
 however, a privilege attached only to some special locality ; 
 it is frequently enjoyed by persons while on their way to 
 trade or while engaged in trading. Thus Livingstone,* in 
 speaking of the markets upon the River Lualaba, says that 
 '' when men of the district are at war, the women take their 
 goods to market and are never molested ; " and Thomson ^ 
 observes that though the Masai and Wa-kikuyu " are 
 eternally at war to the knife with each other, there is 
 a compact between them not to molest the women-folk 
 of either party. Hence the curious spectacle is exhibited 
 of Masai women wending their way with impunity to a 
 Kikuyu village, while their relatives are probably engaged 
 in a deadly conflict close at hand." Among the Rifis, the 
 market, with the roads leading to it, is regarded as safe 
 from the exercise of private vengeance ; " and, among the 
 Batta, all hostilities are suspended on the occasion of their 
 markets. " Each man, who possesses one, carries his 
 musket with a green bough in the muzzle as a token of 
 
 ^ Id. ib. 107 ; the reason being, according to Lubbock (p. 303. See above, 
 sec. 17), tliat merchants transacted their business on the border- land, where his 
 symbols stood. ^ See above, sec. 29. 
 
 ^ " Deum maxime Mercurium colunt, hujus sunt plurima simulacra, hunc 
 omnium inventorem artium ferunt, hunc viarum et itinerum ducem, hunc ad 
 quEestus pecuniae mercaturasque habere vim maximam arbitrantur " (" De Bell. 
 Gall.," vi. 17). See Schrader, " Handelsgeschichte u. Warenkunde," lo8-iio. 
 
 ^ " Last Journals," ii. 56. ^ Pp. 177, 178 ; cp. p. 93. 
 
 " B. Meakin, " The Moors," London, 1902, p. 402. 
 
THE PRIMITIVE MARKET. 59 
 
 peace, and afterwards when he comes to the spot, follow- 
 ing the example of the director or manager of the fair, 
 discharges the loading into a mound of earth, in which, 
 before his departure, he searches for his ball." ^ Again, it 
 is said of the tribes of British Guiana that each has some 
 peculiar manufacture. Its members, from time to time, 
 visit other tribes, which are often hostile, for the purpose of 
 exchanging the products of their own labour for such as 
 are produced by the peoples visited, and they are allowed 
 to pass unmolested through the enemy's country.^ 
 
 Sec. 34. Sometimes this neutrality takes the form of a 
 truce, which is ended so soon as the barter is completed. 
 This practice is known on the Mosquito Coast.^ In the 
 Sagas of the Norse Kings,* we are told that, when the 
 voyagers came to Biarmaland, — the coasts of the White 
 Sea, — they went to the market town ; and, when the fair 
 was over, " they went out of the Vina river, and then the 
 truce with the country people was also at an end." The 
 natives of Brazil lay aside their weapons while transacting 
 with one another ; and, when the trading is done, seize 
 them again at one and the same moment ; — the fact that 
 the trade is over being indicated by the frequent repetition 
 of certain words.^ So, too, Polack^ says of the New 
 Zealanders that tribesmen at war will respect a truce, and 
 will, while it lasts, trade with one another, — sometimes even 
 
 ' Marsden, 308. ^ Im Thurn, 271. ^ Bancroft, i. 723. 
 
 '' Laing and Anderson, "The Heimskringia, or the Sagas of the Norse 
 Kings," from the Icelandic of Snorri Sturlason, London, 1889, iii. 92. 
 
 " C. r. Ph. V. Martius, 44 ; cp. Stade, 88 ; and the curious story told by Angas 
 (ii. 61, 62 ; cp. Curr, i. 78). He says that, during the course of a fight between 
 the tribes of Waikato and the inhabitants of Taranaki, a vessel arrived on the 
 coast. The combatants at once arranged a truce, and engaged in trading with 
 the stranger until his departure, when they at once resumed hostilities. 
 
 ^ " New Zealand, being a Narrative of Travels and Adventures," London, 
 1838, ii. 313. 
 
6o THE SILENT TRADE. 
 
 in muskets. Again, at Guzzula, — a mountainous region to 
 the south of the Atlas, — there prevailed continuous war 
 amongst the tribesmen, except on three days of the week, 
 when they, kept truce. While it lasted, every man could 
 bargain in safety with his enemy or travel whither he 
 would. ^ The most remarkable instance known to us is 
 that of the people of the Riff, given by Cotte.^ They were 
 engaged in besieging a fort held by a Spanish garrison. 
 Every day they brought fruits and vegetables, and set 
 them down in front of the gates. The soldiers came out 
 of the fort unarmed, mixed with the mountaineers on the 
 most friendly terms, and purchased what provisions they 
 required. At a fixed hour a bell was sounded, the trade 
 ceased, and the truce was at an end. The Spaniards re- 
 entered the fort, the gates were closed, the mountaineers 
 pocketed their gains, took their rifles from the bushes, and 
 recommenced the siege. 
 
 Sec. 35. Maine ^ makes the statement that those who 
 frequented neutral spots for the purposes of trade were 
 '' doubtless at first persons specially empowered to ex- 
 change the produce and manufactures of one little village 
 community for those of another." Unfortunately he does 
 not refer us to the evidence upon which he relies.* We have 
 
 1 Leo Africanus, " The History and Description of Africa," transl. by John 
 Pory, London, 1896 (Hakluyt Society), ii. 282. 
 
 ^ "Moeurs politiques et sociales du Maroc ; 1' Administration, . . . les 
 Pirates du Riff," Revue Contemporaine, Paris, 15th Dec, 1857, pp. 29, 30. 
 
 ' "Village Communities," new edition, London, 1890, p. 193. 
 
 ■■ He points out that there were three ideas associated with the primitive 
 market — that of being situated within a borderland, that of being neutral 
 ground, and that of being the home of sharp practice. These three ideas 
 seem all blended in the attributes of the God Hermes or Mercury — at once the 
 God of boundaries, the prince of messengers and ambassadors, and the patron 
 of trade, cheating, and lies." See Lord Avebury, p. 319, and Schrader, 
 " Handelsgeschichte und Warenkunde," pp. 97-110. 
 
THE PRIMITIVE MARKET. 6i 
 
 noted above ^ several instances in which the silent trade is 
 carried on through the medium of a third person ; and we 
 have been taught by the history of commerce to recognise, 
 as a familiar figure, the merchant who not only pursues his 
 own calling, but at the same time discharges the duties of 
 
 '■ See above, sec. 28. Taplin (in J. D. Woods' "The Native Tribes of 
 South Australia," p. 32 seg.) says, in his account of the Narrinyeri, that " there 
 appears to have existed a sort of traffic between the tribes on the Murray and 
 those near the sea, and a curious sort of provision is made for it, the object of 
 which may be the securing of perfectly trustworthy agents to transact the busi- 
 ness of the tribes — agents who will not by collusion cheat their employers and 
 enrich themselves. The way in which this provision is made is as follows : — 
 When a man has a child born to him, he preserves its umbilical cord by tying 
 it up in the middle of a bunch of feathers. This is called a kalduke. He 
 then gives this to the father of child or children belonging to another tribe, 
 and those children are thereafter ngia-ngiampe to the child from whom the 
 kalduke was procured, and that child is ngia-ngiampe to them. From that 
 time none of the children of the man to whom the kalduke was given may 
 speak to their ngia-ngiampe or even touch or go near him ; neither must he speak 
 to them. . . . When two individuals who are in this position with regard to each 
 other have arrived at adult age, they become the agents through which their 
 respective tribes carry on barter. For instance, a Mundoo blackfellow, who 
 had a ngia-ngiampe belonging to a tribe a little up the Murray would be sup- 
 plied with the particular articles . . . manufactured by the Mundoo tribes to 
 carry to his ngia-ngiampe, who, in exchange, would send the things made by 
 his tribe. . . . The estrangement of the ngia-ngiampes seems to answer two 
 purposes. It gives security to the tribes that there will be no collusion between 
 their agents for their private advantage, and also compels the two always to 
 conduct the business through third parties. ... I think it probable that the 
 custom may have arisen from this circumstance. The natives never marry into 
 their own lakalinyeri or tribe. Nevertheless it often happens that those who- 
 belong to different lakalinyeris are too nearly related to be allowed to marry. 
 Frequently, but not always, in such cases, the custom of ngia-ngiampe is 
 observed." We learn from the same authority (in Curr, ii. 254) that, "if one 
 ngia-ngiampe sees another in need of anything, he or she must send a supply 
 of it if possible ; but yet there must never be any direct personal intercourse 
 between the two. . . . The children who are thus estranged from each other 
 may belong to the same clan or to another clan ; this is a matter of indifference." 
 It may be observed that the Narrinyeri are divided into eighteen clans, of which 
 each has a tribal symbol, — a totem, consisting of some animal or vegetable, 
 — that the members of a clan regard one another as kinsmen, and that the 
 members of the same clan do not intermarry {/d. ib. pp. 244, 245). It seems 
 
62 THE SILENT TRADE. 
 
 an envoy. And so it may be that, in some cases at any 
 rate, the inviolability of the ambassador was originally the 
 privilege of the middle-man.^ 
 
 III. 
 
 Comment. 
 
 Sec. 36. An eminent writer^ on economics explains 
 the curious practice of the silent trade by the analogy 
 
 plain that this mode of trading is not connected with the silent trade. See 
 below, sec. 37. E. Crawley (" The Mystic Rose, a. Study of Primitive Mar- 
 riage," London, 1902, pp. 252, 257, 263, 391) explains the usage of ngia- 
 ngiampe by the custom of tabu — an explanation which he also applies to such 
 tribal institutions as hospitality, blood-brotherhood, &c. (p. 239). It is with 
 the effects rather than with the origins of such institutions that we are at present 
 concerned. See below, sec. 43. 
 
 ^ Among the Basutos the person of the messenger is sacred (Casalis, 224) ; 
 and, according to Curr {i. 149), "every tribe in Australia has its messenger, 
 whose life, while he is in performance of his duties, is held sacred by the 
 neighbouring tribes." Among the Arunta, he must carry his emblem of office, 
 — the churinga, — a sacred staff (Spencer and Gillen, 141). The insignia of 
 ambassadors are respected in Polynesia (Cook and King, ii. 64, 66, 69 ; 
 Vincendon-Dumoulin et C. Desgraz, "lies Marquises ou Noukahiva," Paris, 
 1843, p. 256), in Guinea (Waitz-Gerland, ii. 164), and among the Kaffir peoples 
 (Id. lb. 399). It is otherwise in New Zealand unless the envoy be related 
 to the tribe to which he is sent (Polack, ii. 20). Among the Brazilian 
 tribes foreign messengers, even if they have been received as guests, may 
 experience bad treatment, especially if they are bringers of evil tidings (C. F. 
 Ph. von Martius, 47). Whether, in former times, ambassadors were regarded 
 by the northern tribes of North America as inviolable is a question regarding 
 which authorities differ (see Waitz-Gerland, iii. 154). It may be noted that 
 the Mexicans looked upon the person of the envoy as sacred (Herrera, ii. 248) ; 
 and that in Tezcuco the killing of a messenger was a just cause of war (Id. 
 ib. iii, 317). 
 
 ^ Roscher, iii. 140. He discusses the practice, but his observations are 
 very brief, and are, we venture to think, based upon insufficient evidence. See 
 also M. Kulischer, "Der Handel auf den primativen Culturstufen, " "Zeits. f. 
 Volkerpsychologie u. Sprachwissenschaft," Berlin, 1878, x. yj%seq.; C. Koehne, 
 " Markt- Kaufmanns- und Handelsrecht in primativen Culturverhaltnissen," 
 "Zeits. f. vergl. Rechtswissenschaft," xi. 196; K. Andree, "Geographic d. 
 Welthandels," 2te Aufl., Stuttgart, 1877 ; and Ch. Letourneau, " L'Evolution 
 ■du Commerce," Paris, 1897. 
 
THE SILENT TRADE. 63 
 
 of the modern merchant who finds himself in a country, 
 with the language of which he is unacquainted. Such an 
 one is forced to conduct his business by means of signs, and 
 yet he is seldom cheated. Cosmas^ attributes the adoption 
 of the method by the Abyssinian traders to the fact that 
 they did not understand the speech of those with whom 
 they were dealing, and that interpreters were hard to be 
 found ; and Lander ^ observes that " it must have arisen 
 either from fear of quarrelling or from not understanding 
 each other's language, which is difficult to suppose." This, 
 at all events, seems to be plain, — that the facts that traders 
 can buy and sell by means of signs, and that they use 
 signs in dealing with those of whose language they are 
 ignorant, do not afford an adequate explanation of those 
 numerous and important instances in which they not only 
 do not address one another, but are careful to keep out of 
 one another's sight. 
 
 It is right to point out that, in far the^ larger number of 
 reported cases, one of the parties represents a relatively 
 high, the other a relatively low, type of culture. For 
 example, we find on the one side the Arab, or the Malay, 
 or the Chinaman, and on the other the negro, or the 
 Kubu, or the Veddah. And it has been suggested ' that 
 the usage in question is a consequence of the practice 
 adopted by traders and travellers belonging to civilised 
 peoples, in opening commercial relations with savages who 
 shun their approach, — the practice, namely, of placing such 
 articles as rude men value near their usual resorts, in the 
 hope of overcoming their fears, and inducing them to make a 
 return. Such an explanation, however, does not account for 
 this form of traffic where the parties to it are equally uncivil- 
 
 1 p. 53. 2 iii_ 163. 3 Rosscher, iii. 138. 
 
64 THE SILENT TRADE. 
 
 ised,^ or when the party who makes the first advances is 
 the less civiHsed of the two,^ or where the practice sur- 
 vives in the market usages of rude tribesmen who speak 
 the same language and occupy the same level of culture.^ 
 
 Sec. 37. It is not to be supposed that this usage is 
 invariably due to one and the same cause, or that it has 
 invariably followed the same course of development.* Thus 
 very similar methods have been adopted for the purpose of 
 avoiding contact with persons infected, or belonging to a 
 different caste. While the plague was raging at Win- 
 chester, those who wished to exchange without coming 
 into touch with those who were stricken, placed the 
 articles on a large stone outside the city walls : ^ Mateer "■ 
 says of the Pulayar of Travancore, that one of that caste 
 may not approach within ninety-six paces of a Brahman, 
 or within about forty-eight paces of a Sudra. " If he 
 wishes to make a purchase, he places his money on a stone, 
 and retires to the appointed distance. Then the merchant 
 or seller comes, takes up the money, and lays down what- 
 ever quantity of goods he chooses to give for the sum 
 received." Or the practice may be the result of obedience 
 to a law forbidding the reception of strangers,^ or of the 
 
 ' E.g., certain mountain tribes of Guatemala and the negro merchants of 
 Melli (see above, sec. 26). As to the Chukchi, see above, sec. 27. It is suffi- 
 ciently obvious that this type of case may occur very much more frequently than 
 the number of recorded instances would lead us to imagine. We are, of course, 
 not likely to hear of such cases from the parties. 
 
 ^ E.g., Akka, Veddahs, Smoos, and Twakas, the native tribes of the Rio del 
 Norte (see above, sec. 26), and the Makuas (see above, sec. 27). 
 
 ' As at Wairuku (see sec. 30 above). 
 
 '' See as to Ngia-ngiampe above, sec. 35, note. 
 
 ^ J. Milner, " History of Winchester," Winchester, 1798, i. 428. 
 
 ^ " The Land of Charity : A Descriptive Account of Travancore and its. 
 People," London, 1871, pp. 46, 47. 
 
 ' Diego de Torres (" Relacion del origen y su cesso de los Xarifes," Sevilla, 
 1585, p. 469) informs us that the inhabitants of Tomocotu, in consequence of a. 
 
THE SILENT TRADE. 65 
 
 special circumstances of a particular trade.^ Still, we are 
 led by a survey of the evidence to believe that, in the 
 majority of cases, it arose among men who desired to 
 obtain, without the exercise of force, certain articles which 
 were to be found, not within the limits of the association to 
 which they belonged, but in the possession of alien, and 
 therefore hostile, tribes. They were compelled to hit upon 
 some means of inducing those who owned the coveted 
 articles to part with them freely and voluntarily ; and, in 
 seeking for these means, they had no guide but their 
 experience of transacting with their fellow-tribesmen. 
 The principle which underlay these transactions was that 
 of giving on the understanding or, at all events, in the 
 expectation of receiving an adequate return ; and it was 
 this principle which they applied in their dealings with 
 strangers. They chose some spot on the border-land 
 between their own country and that of the tribe with 
 which they wished to traffic ; and there they set out their 
 
 law excluding strangers from their territory, were in danger of losing their 
 commerce. Accordingly they erected buildings beyond the city walls, and 
 permitted strangers to occupy them for purposes of trade. The strangers set 
 out their wares before the doors, and withdrew within. The citizens in- 
 spected the goods, and, having laid down little heaps of gold, retired in their 
 turn. Then the strangers came out, and, if they were satisfied, took the gold. 
 If they were not satisfied they retired again, and made a signal. Upon this the 
 citizens retired, and, if they wished the wares, added gold to the heaps. Then, 
 if the strangers were satisfied, they took the gold, and the citizens carried off 
 the wares. If this statement be well founded, it would seem that we have here 
 an application of the primitive method in circumstances not primitive. 
 
 1 According to Lansdell ("Through Siberia," London, 1882, i. 102), when 
 the merchants of Tobolsk go north in the summer to purchase fish " they take 
 with them flour and salt, place them in their summer stations, and on their 
 return leave unprotected what remains for the following year. Should a 
 Samoyede pass by and require it, he does not scruple to take what he wants, 
 but he leaves in its place an I.O.U., in the form of a duplicate stick, duly 
 notched, to signify that he is a debtor ; and then, in the fishing season, he 
 comes to his creditor, compares the duplicate stick he has kept with the one 
 he left behind, and discharges his obligation." 
 
 5 
 
66 THE SILENT TRADE. 
 
 wares in the hope of disposing of them and obtaining 
 what they wanted in exchange. And all the while they 
 secured their own safety by keeping out of sight. Having 
 once succeeded in opening a trade, they would naturally 
 endeavour to renew it from time to time. And, if those 
 with whom they traded were desirous that the trade should 
 continue, they would refrain from either carrying off the 
 articles offered without leaving a return, or attempting to 
 capture or maltreat those who made the offer.^ Thus a 
 trade in which self-interest is the guarantee of good faith 
 would become established at a fixed place, and, probably, 
 at fixed times ; and, if the articles were such as to command 
 high prices in the markets of the world, and if the spot, 
 where they were offered, was readily accessible, — if, for 
 example, it was situated on a river-side, at the sea-shore, 
 or where ways converged, — this trade would attract not 
 only near neighbours but the merchants of distant 
 countries. 
 
 Sec. 38. In many instances, the practice assumes a 
 somewhat different form, both parties being present ; and 
 it may be thought that this is a change due to a long- 
 continued course of fair dealing, — that the savage has become 
 less timorous, and, while keeping at a safe distance from 
 those with whom he is transacting, desires to see, and 
 allows himself to be seen by, them. Still, we must 
 remember that custom is slow to alter. Thus, we are told 
 of the merchants of Melli and the Blacks of the Niger that 
 "they have carried on their trade from time immemorial, 
 
 ' "An emperor of Melli, curious to see these people, four were captured by 
 stratagem. Of these one was retained. He never spoke, abstained from 
 nourishment, and died in four days. . . . No one of the successive emperors 
 have ever repeated a similar attempt, as, by the capture and death of the 
 negro, they had during three whole years carried their salt to no purpose, as 
 they never found any gold in return " (Cadamosto, 58 ; cp. Cartwright, i. 6). 
 
THE SILENT TRADE. 67 
 
 without seeing or speaking to each other in the greatest 
 harmony ; " 1 and we have a very similar account of the 
 Aleuts ; ^ and so it may be that, in some cases at all events, 
 this is not a later, but rather an independent, form, origina- 
 ting with men who were not too timid to show themselves. 
 Sec. 39. In some of the instances, the practice subsists 
 only as a survival, the conditions which occasioned it 
 having disappeared in whole or in part. Thus, in the case 
 of the Aleuts, the parties are not enemies ; they belong to 
 the same race and speak the same language ; and yet, in 
 order to avoid being seen in transacting business, they will 
 trade only through the medium of a third person.^ Among 
 the Sabseans, the place of exchange is said to have been the 
 temple of a god, who saw to the safe custody of the goods 
 in return for a third of the price ; * while the cacique of the 
 Puelches fills the double r61e of protector and broker, — a 
 r61e which, as we shall see,^ is of vast importance in the 
 transactions of early commerce. He provides for the safety 
 and maintenance of the foreign trader, he acts as middle- 
 man between him and his subjects, and he receives a present 
 for his trouble.* In the case of the natives of Fernando Po, 
 and of certain tribes on the Niger, the parties to the traffic 
 are separated from one another only by a line drawn in the 
 sand ; ^ and the mention of this line recalls to us Ibn-al- 
 
 ' Cadamosto, 57- ^ See above, sec. 28. 
 
 ^ Dall (p. 396) states that they are too shy to transact business personally ; and, 
 from what he says of them, it is plain that bashfulness is a marked characteristic 
 of their disposition. Dall's account of the silent trade is founded upon the 
 valuable description of the Aleuts by the Russian priest, Weniaminow (see v. 
 Wrangell, pp. 177-225). The case of the frequenters of the fair at Wairuku 
 (see above, sec. 30) is somewhat similar. The fact that the Smoos and Twakas 
 come down to the coast villages to dispose of their wares, when they have failed 
 to find a purchaser by means of the silent trade, shows that among them the 
 original conditions of that trade have disappeared (see above, sec. 26). 
 
 ■* See above, sec. 29. ° See below, sec. 48. 
 
 " See above, sec. 28. ' See above, sec. 27. 
 
68 THE SILENT TRADE. 
 
 Wardi's ^ description of the silent trade, and suggests that, 
 in this instance, one characteristic of the primitive practice 
 has alone survived. 
 
 Sec. 40. Viewed as a factor in the constitution of 
 relations which, if not friendly, are at least not hostile, the 
 primitive market, except in its rudest forms, shows a 
 marked advance upon the previous practice. Those who 
 engaged in the silent trade secured their safety by keeping 
 apart from those with whom they were dealing ; ^ but those 
 who frequent the market are safe, for the time being, at all 
 events, although they associate with one another in the 
 prosecution of their affairs. For the place itself is regarded 
 as neutral, and, in some cases, as sacred ; in other words, 
 the conception of a " peace " has been formed, — a peace 
 attached to a certain spot, and observed while the market 
 held there lasts. Sometimes the peace extends beyond 
 the limits of the market-place to the paths which lead to 
 it ; and a further advance is made when the privilege 
 becomes personal rather than local, — becomes, that is to 
 say, the privilege of the trader rather than of the place of 
 trade. 
 
 ^ See above, sec. 27. 
 
 ^ Dalton's statement (" Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal," Calcutta, 1872, 
 p. 279), regarding a tribe of Gonds is interesting in this connection. He says 
 that "the Marias are described as an intensely shy people ; so much so that 
 those who are most accustomed to deal with them are not admitted to an 
 interview. The officer who collects their annual rent approaches a Maria 
 village, beats a drum, and retires. The customary dues are then deposited for 
 him at a spot previously agreed upon, and left for him to appropriate." 
 
III.— PRIMITIVE HOSPITALITY. 
 
 Sec. 41. An examination of tiie methods of primitive 
 commerce serves to show us how the old view and the old 
 practice in regard to the stranger gradually yield to a new 
 view and a new practice. He does not cease to be an 
 enemy ; but, for a limited time and for a special purpose, he 
 is treated as a friend. This temporary friendliness assumes, 
 at an early stage of commercial intercourse, a form familiar 
 to primitive men in their dealings with those of their own 
 tribe. They are accustomed to exercise hospitality to- 
 wards their fellow-tribesmen, to visit them, and to receive 
 visits from them. These visits are not always, but are 
 almost always, accompanied by an exchange of gifts, which 
 is, in some cases, indistinguishable from barter. This 
 method of exchange was, as we have seen,^ adopted in the 
 earliest transactions of trade with strangers ; and, by a 
 somewhat similar process of adaptation, the exercise of 
 hospitality is extended beyond the tribal circle.^ 
 
 ^ See above, sec. 37. 
 
 - A striking testimony to this modification of view and practice in favour of 
 the stranger is supplied by language in a group of words, of which the original 
 meaning is that of the guest or stranger and the enemy. It is not doubtful that 
 the Latin "hostis," — "the stranger," "the enemy," — is identical with the 
 Goth. " gasts," Greek f^i-os, Old Germ. " gast," — " the stranger," " the enemy," 
 "the guest," — and with the old Slav, "gosti," — "guest"; but the Latin 
 word does not express the feeling of friendliness towards strangers. That 
 feeling finds expression for the first time, so far as Latin is concerned, in 
 
 69 
 
70 THE SILENT TRADE. 
 
 Sec. 42. But, in order to secure a friendly reception, the 
 stranger must show that his intentions are pacific. Even 
 the man who visits another member of the same tribe 
 must signify, in some way or other, that it is a friend who 
 is approaching. Thus, among the natives of King George's 
 Sound, the visitor advances with green boughs in his hand, 
 and a fillet of green leaves on his head ; ^ and, among 
 the Yuracares, he announces his presence by sound of 
 trumpet.^ In Mexico, the peaceful traveller, especially the 
 
 "hospes" ("hosti-pets") (Schrader, " Reallexikon d. Indogermanischen Alter- 
 thums-kunde," Strassburg, igoiip. 271 ; R. v. Ihering, " Geist d. R. R.,"i. 227). 
 In the Russian chronicles, the word " gosti " is applied especially to merchants ; 
 and it may be observed that, in the town-laws of Copenhagen, " gesteskud " 
 is the payment which the foreign merchant made for the privilege of trading 
 (A. L. von Schldzer, " Russische Annalen in ihrer Slavonischen Grundsprache : 
 . . . erklart und iibersetzt," Gbttingen, 1805, iii. 280, cp. iv. 64. 
 
 ^ Scott Nind, 44. The presentation of green boughs or the wearing of 
 green leaves is regarded as a token of peace by the Australian tribes (Curr, 
 i. 86), and in many parts of Polynesia (Ellis, " Polyn. Researches," i. 318 ; 
 "Byron's Voyage," in Hawkesworth, i. 105; Cook and King, i. 187, 191 ; 
 iii. 76 ; Wilkes, i. 320 ; v. 41 ; Kotzebue, ii. 23). A somewhat similar 
 account is given of some of the tribes of New Zealand (Forster, "A Voyage 
 Round the World," London, 1797, i. 161, 167; Dumont D'Urville, "Voyage de 
 la Corvette 1' Astrolabe pendant les Annees 1826-29 > " " Histoire du Voyage " 
 (Paris, 1830, ii. 556), of the Araucarians (Stevenson, "A Historical and 
 Descriptive Account of Twenty Years' Residence in South America," London, 
 1825, i. 55, 105), and of the Batta of Sumatra (Marsden, 308). In some instances, 
 it seems to be doubtful whether the symbol is meant to express submission or 
 amity. See Herrera (i. 170, iv. 207, 327) regarding the natives of Hispaniola, 
 New Spain, and Peru, Mariner (i. 153, 284) regarding the inhabitants of the 
 Tonga group, and Wilkes (v. 41) regarding those of Depeyster's group. To 
 set fire to green boughs, and wave them when burning, is considered by the 
 Australian aborigines as equivalent to a declaration of hostilities (Mitchell, 
 i. 243, 280. But see Brough Smyth, " The Aborigines of Victoria," London, 
 1878, i. 134, whom Crawley (p. 146) quotes in support of the statement that 
 when one Australian " tribe approaches another, that is unknown to it, they 
 carry burning sticks to purify the air "). When the Namaquas wish to be at 
 peace with the Kamaka Damaras, they hold unpeeled sticks in their hands 
 (Alexander, p. 170) ; and among the Shoshonees, the stranger paints the 
 women's cheeks with vermilion in token of peace (Lewis and Clarke, ii. 86). 
 
 ^ D'Orbigny, iv. 164. 
 
SYMBOLS OF GOOD-WILL. 71 
 
 pedlars by whom the trade of Anahuac was largely carried 
 on, bore a wooden staff in sign of peace.^ In East Africa, 
 the stranger " must sit under some tree outside the settle- 
 ment, till a deputation of elders, after formally ascertain- 
 ing his purpose, escort him to their homes." ^ In the 
 Marianne Islands, he must immediately on his arrival 
 announce himself to the headman of the village, on pain of 
 being treated as an outlaw.^ The same conception seems to 
 have found expression in the law of Ine, which provided 
 that if the stranger would not be taken for a thief, he must 
 either keep to the beaten track, or shout, or blow a horn ; * 
 and in the widely prevalent practice of savages, who show, 
 by displaying the articles of which they are ready to dis- 
 pose, that they have come, not to fight, but to trade.^ On 
 the other hand, it is all important for the stranger to know 
 whether those whom he is approaching are, or are not, well- 
 disposed towards him. The Masai women show their 
 friendly feelings by going to meet him with grass in their 
 hands, and chanting a salutation ; ^ and, at the Bay of Good 
 Success, the Yahgans rose to meet the voyagers, each of 
 them throwing away a small stick. By this action they 
 were understood to mean that they had cast aside their 
 weapons, and that their intentions were friendly.' So, too, 
 the Shoshonee warriors will not smoke the pipe of peace 
 with strangers until they have pulled off their own 
 moccasins. By this ceremony they intend to indicate 
 
 1 E. J. Payne, " History of the World called America," Oxford, 1892, i. 534. 
 
 " R. F. Burton, "The Lake Regions of Central Africa," London, i860, 
 ii. 55. Sometimes the object of his visit is first ascertained by divination 
 (D. and C. Livingstone, "Narrative of an Expedition to the Zambesi, 
 1858-64," London, 1865, p. 109). ' Waitz-Gerland, v. (Th. ii.) 125. 
 
 ^ Grimm, D, R.-A., 400; but see Wilda, 673, note ^ 
 
 ' e.g., O. V. Kotzebue, i. 189 ; see below, sec. 55, note K 
 
 « Thomson, p. 89 ; cp. p. 197. 
 
 ' Cook's " Voyage " in Hawkesworth, ii. 43. 
 
72 THE SILENT TRADE. 
 
 that their friendly professions are sincere, and imprecate 
 upon themselves the misery of going barefoot for ever, — 
 no small thing in their thorny country, — should they prove 
 neglectful of their guests.^ Among the Indians of Guinea, 
 the host expresses his kindly intentions by offering a bowl 
 of drink to his visitor,^ among the Brazilian natives by 
 handing him his lighted cigar,* and among some of the 
 Papuan tribes by presenting him with betel nut.* It seems 
 probable that the elaborate forms of greetings in use 
 among many peoples, — for example, among the Akawais, 
 Arawaaks, and Macusis, — have the same end in view, — 
 that of ascertaining and indicating the intentions of the 
 parties.^ 
 
 Sec. 43. Once received, the stranger is assured of pro- 
 tection ; but that protection has its limitations. Frequently 
 it lasts so long only as he is in actual residence with his 
 host. Thus, Burckhart * says of the Arab that " he robs 
 his enemies, his friends, and his neighbours, provided that 
 they are not actually in his own tent, where their property 
 is sacred."'' Burton tells us that the Warori resemble the 
 Bedouins in the one point, that the chief will entertain his 
 guests hospitably so long as they are in his village, and will 
 plunder them the^moment they leave it. Again, it is said 
 that at Meccah, "an inhabitant of one quarter passing 
 singly through another, becomes a guest ; once beyond the 
 walls, he is likely to be beaten to insensibility by his 
 
 ^ Lewis and Clarke, ii. 87. To smoke the calumet is to give the most 
 inviolable pledge of keeping the peace. The passing of the wampum belt is 
 a symbol of like meaning (Catlin, i. 235, 222, note). 
 
 2 Schomburgk, i. 197. '■> C. F. Ph. von Martius, 56. 
 
 '' Kohler, " Recht d. Papuas," " Zeits. f. vergl. Rechtsw.," xiv. 389. Similar 
 customs prevail at Amboina and Kissar (Riedel, 41, 405). 
 
 ° Schomburgk, i. 205, 361, 362 ; see also D'Orbigny, iv. 164. 
 
 " " Notes on the Bedouins and Wahabys," London, 1830, i. 158. 
 
 ' " The Lake Regions," ii. 274. 
 
PROTECTION OF STRANGER. 73 
 
 hospitable foes ; " ^ and Petitot ^ tells us that, while the 
 Eskimo of the Mackenzie River are truly hospitable to the 
 stranger, and regard his person as inviolable so long as he 
 is with them, they will, so soon as he has left their huts, or 
 crossed the boundary of the district which they occupy, 
 very probably rob him, and perhaps murder him. In 
 many cases, however, the host continues to protect his 
 guest after his departure, either by escorting^ him on his 
 way, or by giving him some token which will secure to him 
 a friendly reception.* 
 
 ' R. F. Burton, " Personal Narrative of a Pilgrimage to El-Medinah and 
 Meccah," London, 1885, iii. 145. 2 p gj 
 
 ' It is the invariable practice at Kordofan to escort the guest some distance 
 (J. Petherick, " Egypt, The Soudan, and Central Africa," London, 1861, 
 p. 237). In Fiji, guests are always escorted to the canoe or to the outskirts of 
 the town (Williams and Calvert, i. 155), and the Circassian host escorts his 
 departing guest to another lodging (J. von Klaproth, "Travels in the Caucasus 
 and Georgia, in 1807-08," transl. by F. Schoberl, London, 1814, p. 336). See 
 also, Meakin, " The Moors," p. 294, quoted in the next note. 
 
 * In Kunama, it is a common practice for the host to give his staff to his 
 guest as a passport and mark of protection (Munringer, O. S,, 384). Leo 
 Africanus (ii. 327) speaks of a chief's spear as being used for a like purpose. In 
 the edition of the Heiniskringla by Laing and Anderson (i. 68), the editors 
 observe that, " when kings or great people met in those ages, they exchanged 
 gifts or presents with each other, and do so still in the East ; and the original 
 object of this custom was that each should have tokens known to the other, by 
 which any bearer afterwards should be accredited to the original owner of the 
 article sent with him in token, and even the amount of confidence to be 
 reposed in him denoted. " A similar practice obtained in Old Russia (A. L. 
 von Schlozer, " Russische Annalen," iv. 59). The (ri/jificiXov of the Greeks, 
 the ' symbolum ' or ' tessera hospitalis ' of the Latins, the ' chirs aelychoth ' of 
 the Carthaginians, and the kalduke of the Narrinyeri (see sec. 35 above), seem 
 to have served a like purpose (Schrader, " Sprachvergleichung und Urge- 
 schichte,'' 2te Aufl., Jena, 1890, p. 507 ; Id. Handelsgeschichte u. Warenkunde, 
 p. n ; Id. Reallexikon, p. 273 ; R. von Ihering, Die Gastfreundschaft im 
 Alterthum, Deutsche Rundschau, Berlin, 1887, li. 387 se^.). Taplin (in 
 J. D. Wood's " Native Tribes of South Australia," p. 33) observes that " some- 
 times two persons are made ngia-ngiaupe to each other temporarily. This is 
 done by-dividing the kalduke, and giving one part to each of them. As long 
 as they retain the pieces they are estranged from each other, but when the 
 
74 THE SILENT TRADE. 
 
 It was the custom in old Germany for a guest to remain 
 not longer than three days ; ^ and a similar rule appears to 
 have prevailed among the Moors of Brakna, on the Sene- 
 gal.^ Among the Aenezes, the stranger, who has no friend 
 or protector in the camp, alights at the first tent, and is 
 received as a guest whether the host be at home or not. 
 On the expiry of three days and four hours, the host asks 
 him whether he intends to prolong his visit ; and, if his 
 answer be in the affirmative, he is expected to assist in such 
 domestic matters as fetching water and milking the camels. 
 He may decline to help, and, in that case, he incurs the 
 censure of public opinion ; or, he may go to another tent.* 
 The Aleuts are hospitable, but in a way peculiar to them- 
 selves. A stranger, who has no relative or friend to whom 
 to betake himself, may choose his quarters. He is not 
 invited by anyone, but all are ready to receive him. He is 
 entertained with the best, is asked for nothing, can stay as 
 long as he likes, and is supplied on his departure with pro- 
 visions for his journey.* We are told ° of the Kandhs of 
 Orissa that every stranger is an invited guest, and that a 
 guest can never be turned away. So, too, the Ostiak host 
 gives the stranger the best he has, and, after the repast, pre- 
 
 purpose for which this was done is accomplished, they return the pieces of the 
 kalduke to the original owner, and then they may hold intercourse with each 
 other again." According to Simpson (p. 926), "A man of good name would 
 have no difficulty in procuring food and shelter while travelling through any 
 part of the country " of the Western Eskimo, " as, when he ceased to be 
 known by his own reputation, he would be accepted as guest by mentioning 
 the name of his last entertainer." Meakin (" The Moors," p. 294) says that 
 the Moor entertains the traveller for the night, and tells him next day for 
 whom to ask in the first village on his route, a companion being sent 
 with him if necessary. ' Grimm, D. R.-A., 400. 
 
 ^ Caillie, i. 75. As to the New Zealanders, see Cook and King, i. 139. 
 
 ^ Burckhart, " Notes on the Bedouins," i. 179. See below, sec. 47. 
 
 •* Dall, p. 397. = Hunter, ii. 85. 
 
PRIMITIVE HOSPITALITY. 75 
 
 sents him with a gift without expecting anything in return.^ 
 In Java, food and lodging are provided for all strangers 
 arriving at a village. " It is not sufficient," say the Javan 
 Institutions, " that a man should place good food before his 
 guest ; he is bound to do more ; he should render the meal 
 palatable by kind words, and treatment to soothe him after 
 his journey, and to make his heart glad whiles he partakes 
 of the refreshment." ^ Among the Great Ingusches, who 
 have borrowed their manners and customs from the Ossetes 
 and Circassians, care for the comfort of the guest and 
 deferential behaviour towards him are carried still further ; 
 for the host is said to wait upon him, and to eat whatever 
 he may choose to throw to him.^ In addition to food and 
 lodging and an amiable host, there is, amongst many 
 peoples, further provision made for the stranger : he is, 
 that is to say, admitted to the marital privileges of his 
 entertainer. This custom illustrates the conception, widely 
 prevalent among savage societies, that the wife is the hus- 
 band's property, and can be disposed of as such. Nor is it 
 the wife only who is subjected to this treatment ; it is, in 
 many instances, extended to the daughter and the 
 slave.* 
 
 Sec. 44. The person of the guest is sacred. Thus, 
 
 ^ Pallas, V. 162. This custom of making a present to the departing guest 
 is very general. See Man, 94, 148 (Andaman Islands) ; Waitz-Gerland, 
 vi. 145 (Polynesia) ; Laing and Anderson, Heimskringla, i. 138 ; iii. 26, 52 
 (Norse Kingdoms). As to the interchange of gifts between host and guest 
 among the Homeric Greeks, see B. W. Leist, " Grseco-ital. Rechts- 
 geschichte," p. 213; Schrader, "Handelsgeschichte und Warenkunde,'' p. 9. 
 
 2 T. S. Raffles, "The History of Java," London, 1817, i. loi. 
 
 ^ J. von Klaproth, 349 ; the Mandans also wait on their guests (Catlin, 
 i. 115). 
 
 * Numerous authorities are cited in Westermark, pp. 73-75, in Yule's 
 edition of "Marco Polo," i. 214, and in A. H. Post, "Grundriss," i. 28. 
 Crawley's explanation of the practice will be found at pp. 248, 280, 285, 479 
 of his book. See sec. 8 above. 
 
76 THE SILENT TRADE. 
 
 among the Ossetes, the host considers himself respon- 
 sible for his safety, and, if he be murdered or wounded, 
 avenges him as if he were a kinsman. If he discover him 
 to be his enemy, he entertains him notwithstanding ; and 
 declares his enmity only on his departure.^ The Circas- 
 sian, when he has taken a person under his protection, or 
 received him, will never betray him ; and should an enemy 
 attempt to carry him off by force, the host's wife will give 
 him milk from her breast. He thus becomes her son, and 
 his brethren are bound to defend him and to avenge his 
 blood.2 Again, the Taktie regard the rights of the stranger 
 as peculiarly sacred ; and instances are recorded in which 
 a guest, who has killed a man in the village, has been dis- 
 missed unharmed to his native land.^ Among the Kabyles, 
 the anaya, — a form of protection, — maybe granted to an indi- 
 vidual, a gof, a village, or a tribe ; and to injure the protege 
 is punishable with death and confiscation of property.* 
 
 Sec. 45. Among the Pacific islanders, an exchange of 
 names^ constitutes the strongest pledge of friendship, each 
 
 ^ V. Haxthausen, p. 412 ; Keating ("Narrative of an Expedition to Explore 
 the Source of St. Peter's River," i. 98) says that among the Potowatami, the 
 stranger is protected ; but that, if he turn out to be an enemy, the laws of 
 hospitality will not save him. 
 
 ^ J. V. Klaproth, p. 318. Among the modern Moors, the murder of the 
 stranger is avenged by his late host as an insult to himself (Meakin, "The 
 Moors,'' p. 294). As to blood -brotherhood, see below, sec. 45. 
 
 ^ Munzinger, O. S., 208. 
 
 ■* Hanoteau et Letourneux, ii. 61, 62. The ^of is an association for the 
 purposes of mutual defence and offence, and reaches every relation of life. 
 Generally, each village is divided into two 9of ; and, in times of trouble, the 
 weaker of the two seeks the alliance of one of the 9of of the neighbouring 
 villages. The 9of thus extends, sometimes to the tribe, sometimes even to 
 alien tribes {/d. ib. ii. 14). 
 
 ' The practice is general in Polynesia (Waitz-Gerland, vi. 130-01 ; Cook and 
 King, ii. 9 ; iii. 18 ; v. Kotzebue, ii. 48, 107), and is in use in the 
 Solomon Islands (Mendafia, 113, 197, 232), in the islands of Torres Straits 
 (Waitz-Gerland, vi. 622), and in some of the Micronesian Archipelagos 
 
BOND OF BROTHERHOOD. 77 
 
 of the parties being bound to support and protect the other, 
 and to permit him to share in the most intimate rights. '^ 
 A ceremony, by which persons are joined together in an 
 artificial bond of brotherhood is found among nearly all the 
 tribes of Eastern and Central Africa.^ Among the Batuta, 
 those who are to be made brothers drink beer containing 
 the blood of each ; ^ and similar ceremonies are described 
 as taking place at Mruli,* among tribes near the east 
 African coast,^ in Timor,^ in Borneo,^ in Old Germany,* 
 and among some of the Indian tribes of North America.^ 
 Of the Sare or brother-oath of the Wazaramo Burton 1* 
 says that " like the ' manred ' of Scotland, and the ' munh 
 
 (Id, V. (Th. ii.) 130). It is also found in the Antilles (Id. iii. 388), among the 
 native tribes of South Australia (Angas, i. 59), the Chopunnish (Lewis and 
 Clarke, iii. 254), the Spokanes (Bancroft, i. 285, note), the Mohawks (C. 
 Golden, "The History of the Five Indian Nations of Canada,'' London, 
 1755, i. II), the Mapuches (E. R. Smith, "The Araucarians," New York, 
 1855, p. 262), and on the Zambesi (D. and C. Livingstone, " Narrative of an 
 Expedition to the Zambesi," p. 149). In the Marianne Islands the child 
 receives its name from the friends of the family ; and they in consequence of 
 giving it, are looked upon as related to the child, and as having undertaken 
 certain duties in regard to it (Waitz-Gerland, v. (Th. ii.) 109. 
 
 1 Ellis, "Polyn. Researches," iii. 124. 
 
 2 Kohler, "Das Banturecht in Ostafrika,'' "Zeits. f. vergl. Rechtsw.," xv. 
 40 ; G. Burrows, " The Land of the Pigmies," p. 28. 
 
 ' Livingstone, "Missionary Travels," 488 ; cp. Herodotus, iv. 70, as to the 
 manner in which the Scythians made oath. 
 
 * C. T. Wilson and R. B. Felkin, " Uganda and the Egyptian Soudan," 
 London, 1882, ii, 41. 
 
 = Krapf, 238 ; Thomson, 88. " " A Naturalist's Wanderings,'' 452^ 
 
 ' St. John, i. 116, 117 ; Ling Roth, ii. 205. 
 
 8 Brunhild says, " Rememberest thou that clearly, Gunnar ? How ye twain 
 (Sigurd and thyself) did let your blood flow together in the footprint (swear- 
 ing brotherhood) ..." ("The Long Lay of Brunhild, in 'Corpus Poeticum 
 Boreale,' " G. Vigfusson and F. York Powell, Oxford, 1883, i. 308). 
 
 ' See authorities in Kohler, "Die Rechte der Urvolker Nordamerikas," 
 "Zeitschrift f. vergl. Rechtsw.," xii. 392. 
 
 i» " The Lake Regions," i. 1 14. He observes that an exchange of small 
 presents generally concludes the ceremony. 
 
78 THE SILENT TRADE. 
 
 bola bhai' of India, and similar fraternal institutions 
 amongst most of the ancient tribes of barbarians, in whom 
 sociability is a passion, it tends to reconcile separate inter- 
 ests between man and man, to modify the feuds and dis- 
 cords of savage society, and principally to strengthen those 
 that need an alliance." He adds that it forms a strong tie, 
 as it is a matter of general belief that its infraction is fol- 
 lowed by death or slavery.^ 
 
 Sec. 46. Among the Bechuanas and other Kafirs certain 
 associations are formed, the members of which regard one 
 another as comrades. The association is called " mopato," 
 the comrade " molekane." When a fugitive comes to a 
 tribe he joins the " mopato," corresponding to that in his 
 own tribe to which he belongs. Further, the stranger 
 may attach himself to an individual as his "molekane," 
 from whom he will receive the necessary supplies.^ So, 
 too, the Eskimo of the Mackenzie River chooses a 
 protector among the strangers whom he frequents ; and 
 this alliance, once recognised, becomes inviolable, and 
 establishes between the parties a sort of relationship and 
 community of rights and duties. If the protege be rich, 
 his only difficulty is to choose between protectors.^ At 
 Rurutu, on the arrival of strangers, every native endeavours 
 to obtain one as a friend. If he succeed, he carries him 
 ■off to his own dwelling, where he and the other inhabitants 
 of the district treat him with the greatest kindness. Some- 
 
 ' In the Babar Archipelago, in the island of Wetar, and at Timor-laut, 
 death or disaster attends the breach of the oath of friendship (Riedel, 342, 446, 
 447, 284 ; see also 153, 198, 396 ; and cp. 128. A curious custom is noted by 
 Spencer and Gillen (pp. 461, 462) as existing among some of the Central Aus- 
 tralian tribes. If a party of natives are about to go on a punitive expedition, and 
 have among them a man of the locality whither they are bound, they force 
 him to drink blood with them. Having done so, he is bound not to warn his 
 friends. " Livingstone, "Missionary Travels," 148, 316. 
 
 ' Petitot, pp. 138, 239. 
 
PROTECTION OF STRANGER. 79 
 
 times competition for the possession of the stranger is so 
 keen that the natives come to blows.^ Again, when a ship 
 arrives at Mindanao, the natives come aboard and invite 
 the voyagers to their houses, inquiring who has a comrade 
 or " pagally." The former is a familiar male friend, the latter 
 a Platonic friend of the opposite sex. This friendship is 
 purchased with a small present, and afterwards confirmed 
 with trifling gifts from time to time ; and with this friend 
 the stranger stays whenever he goes ashore.^ Ibn Batuta ^ 
 describes a similar custom as existing at Makdeshu. The 
 host buys and sells for his guest ; and anyone attempting 
 to overreach the latter, or to deal with him in the absence 
 of his protector is censured by public opinion. When the 
 Klaarwater Hottentot went to barter at Litakun he sought 
 out his " maat,'' who, for a small present of tobacco, supplied 
 him with provisions, and assisted him in making his pur- 
 chases. When the " maat " visited the Hottentot village he 
 had free quarters.* A similar custom prevails among the 
 Bamaiiwato. They place food, shelter, and a wife at the 
 disposal of the friend.^ 
 
 Sec. 47. Among the Bedouins, the stranger, by payment 
 of a small sum, becomes " dakheil," — protected. It is then 
 a duty incumbent upon all to give him a brother's help ; 
 while to injure him is regarded as an offence greater than 
 to injure his protector. In some cases, — among the Arabs 
 of Sinai, for instance, — this protection is continued for 
 three days and eight hours after the "dakheil" has left 
 his protector's tent. But if the stranger neglect to make 
 such payment, he may expect to be plundered ; and, if he 
 
 ^ Ellis, " Polyn. Researches," iii. 104, 105. 
 
 ^ W. Dampier, "A New Voyage Round the World," London, 1703, i. 328. 
 
 ' II. l8l, 182. 
 
 ^ Burchell, ii. 555 ; cp. Burton, " The Lake Regions," ii, 55. 
 
 ^ Chapman, i. 97, note. 
 
8o THE SILENT TRADE. 
 
 resist, to be slain.^ At Zayla, the Bedouin becomes the 
 " Nazil " or guest of the townsman. This tie can be 
 dissolved only by the formula of triple divorce, and its 
 violation is severely punished.^ Again, every Abyssinian 
 merchant who transacts business at Massua enters into a 
 like relation with some inhabitant of the place, who, in 
 return for a payment, supplies him with food, and assists 
 him in buying and selling.^ 
 
 Sec. 48. According to Burton,* ' the Abban or protector 
 of the Somali country is the Mogasa of the Gallas, the 
 Akh of El Hejaz, the Ghafir of the Sinaitic Peninsula, and 
 the Rabia of Eastern Arabia. . . . The Abban acts at once 
 as broker, escort, agent, and interpreter, and the institution 
 may be considered the earliest form of transit dues. In all 
 cases he receives a certain percentage, his food and lodging 
 are provided at the expense of his employer, and he not 
 infrequently exacts small presents from his kindred. In 
 return he is bound to arrange all differences, and even to 
 fight the battles of his client against his fellow-countrymen. 
 Should the Abban be slain his tribe is bound to take up the 
 cause, and to make good the losses of their protdge. . . . 
 According to the laws of the country, the Abban is the 
 master of the life and property of his client." A similar 
 institution is found among the Abyssinians,^ and the 
 Bogos.8 Among the Beni-Amer the foreign merchant 
 
 ' Burton, " Meccah," iii. 86 ; Burckhart, " Notes on the Bedouins," 
 i. 174, 336. 
 
 - R. F. Burton, " First Footsteps in East Africa," London, 1856, p. 124. 
 
 ^ Munzinger, O. S., 121. 
 
 ■• Burton, " First Footsteps,'' p. 89. See Krapf (p. 83) as to Gallas, and 
 Haggenmacher (pp. 32-36) as to Somalis. 
 
 ^ Burton, " The Lake Regions," i. 253. 
 
 * W. Munzinger, " Sitten u, Recht der Bogos," Winterthur, 1859, pp. 44-46. 
 The relationship thus created is held among the Bogos to be hereditary (Id. ib. ; 
 cp. R. V. Ihering, "Die Gastfreundschaft," pp. 389-392). 
 
ROYAL PROTECTION. 8i 
 
 must take a temporary protector ; ^ and, according to 
 Leo Africanus,^ the traveller must, in some parts of 
 Morocco, have the escort of some saint or woman of 
 the country. 
 
 Sec. 49. When the royal power is absolute, the king 
 very generally monopolises commerce, at the same time 
 protecting the trader. Thus, in the Soolima country, he 
 does not permit mercantile transactions to take place 
 except with his knowledge and in his presence. Strangers 
 on arrival send their goods to his trading-house, and he 
 makes known what is for sale. The purchaser makes 
 his own bargain with the seller, and is responsible 
 to the king for payment. When the stranger wishes to 
 depart, the king collects the debt, retains custom, and 
 gives him the balance and a present with leave to go 
 away.^ At Shoa and Usambara, the foreigner, by giving 
 a small present to the king, whose power is absolute, can 
 secure his protection. He may not, however, leave the 
 country without permission.* At Ugogo, the passage- 
 money exacted by the Sultan takes, in Burton's opinion, 
 the place of the fees payable elsewhere to the Abban. No 
 doubt the Sultan nominally receives it, but he must 
 distribute the greater part of it among the members of 
 his family, his counsellors, and his attendants.^ 
 
 When the protection of the stranger is the concern of 
 the community or of the king, he is, in general, lodged in 
 a public building set apart for the entertainment of travel- 
 
 ^ Id, o. S., 314. ^ II. 229, 326. 
 
 ^ A. G. Laing, " Travels in the Timannee, Kooranko, and Soolima Countries 
 in West Africa," London, 1825, pp. 356, 357. ^ Krapf, p. 370. 
 
 * Burton, " The Lake Regions," i. 253 ; cp. ii. 55. As to passage-money in 
 Uganda and Masailand, see Wilson and Felkin, i. 58 ; Thomson, pp. 94, 271 ; 
 J. H. Speke, "Journal of the Discovery of the Source of the Nile," London, 
 1863, pp. 126, 131, 171. 
 6 
 
82 THE SILENT TRADE. 
 
 lers.i The royal hospitality is not always, however, an 
 unqualified benefit to the recipient. Thus, in Uganda, 
 where all strangers are the king's guests, while they 
 are permitted to help themselves to the garden-produce 
 belonging to his subjects, they are frequently in great 
 straits, for the people may not sell to them, and no one 
 may visit them without leave. The object of these restric- 
 tions is, in part at all events, to secure to the king the full 
 fleecing of his guests.^ 
 
 Sec. so. Not only does the hospitable man enjoy the 
 approval of his fellow-tribesmen ; ^ but he who refuses 
 
 ^ In Transoxiana buildings were reserved for strangers where, at any hour, 
 and in any number, they and their beasts of burden received entertainment 
 (" The Oriental Geography of Ebn Haukel, an Arabian Traveller of the Tenth 
 Century," translated by Sir W. Ouseley, London, 1800, p. 235). The Hovas 
 allotted a separate hut to the stranger, where he was provided for by the chief 
 of the place (Waitz-Gerland, ii. 437). In New Guinea, dwellings belonging to 
 the headman are set apart for the travellers' benefit (D'Albertis, i. 390). Part 
 of the Wahaby revenue is appropriated to the support of houses of public enter- 
 tainment for strangers (Burckhart, "Notes on the Bedouins," ii. 156). In the 
 large island of Dahalak, the village chief meets stranger, and provides him 
 with food in a house set apart (Munzinger, O. S., loi). Rest-houses were 
 built by the Incas (Herrera, v. 57) ; and, in South Yucatan, the village chief 
 provides inns for passing travellers (Waitz-Gerland, iv. 305). The Abassians 
 set apart rooms for the accommodation of guests (J. v. Klaproth, 248); and for 
 this purpose houses of public assembly are used by the Batta (Waitz-Gerland, 
 v. (Th. i.) 184), by the Caroline Islanders (Id. v. (Th. ii.) 128), in the Loyalty 
 Islands (M vi. 583), in Samoa (Wilkes, ii. 149), among the Hill Dyacks of 
 Borneo (H. Low, " Sarawak," London, 1848, p. 282), and in Timbuctoo (Waitz- 
 Gerland, ii. 94). In Fiji, temples are so used {/d. vi. 590, cp. 585) ; and the 
 mosque El Azhar is famous for its pious foundations for the relief of poor travellers 
 (J. L. Burckhart, "Travels in Nubia," London, 1819, p. 410, note). Moreover, 
 accommodation was provided for travellers by the peoples of northern and 
 classical antiquity (Schrader," Handelsgeschichte a. Warenkunde," pp. 28-31). 
 
 2 Wilson and Felkin, i. 209 ; ii. 17, 26 ; Speke, pp. 268, 304, 345, 373, 376. 
 As to the protection of the " pakeha," see "Old New Zealand," pp. 165 ei seq. 
 As to the treatment of Jews in the Middle Ages, see Goldschmidt, p. no. 
 
 2 Burckhart, " Notes on the Bedouins,'' i. 72 (Bedouins), cp. Ebn Haukel, 
 234. 23s (Transoxiana); Dall, 151 (Tribes S. of Yukon River); Rink, 28,29; 
 J, Simpson, 926 (Western Eskimo); Sproat, 112, 113 (Ahts). 
 
SUMMARY. 83 
 
 hospitality is regarded as blameworthy, and is, in some 
 cases, subjected to punishment.^ Still, a friendly reception 
 has, in some cases, inconvenient consequences. Thus, the 
 Fiji islanders regard all strangers in an enemy's country as 
 enemies ; ^ and the same view seems to be held by the 
 Black-feet and the Snake Indians.^ According to Basuto 
 custom, every stranger in a foreign country must, on war 
 breaking out, join with the inhabitants even against his 
 own countrymen ; * and, in Tonga, every man is bound to 
 espouse the cause of the chief on whose island he may 
 happen to be when war is declared.^ On the other hand, 
 in the Caroline Islands, strangers may pass without let or 
 hindrance through hostile parties, remaining on good terms 
 with both sets of combatants.^ 
 
 II. 
 
 Summary. 
 
 Sec. 51. We have seen that visits are frequently inter- 
 changed between the different groups which compose a 
 
 ^ It was provided by the Lex Burgundia that " quicunque hospiti venienti 
 tectum aut focum negaverit, trium solidorum inlatione mulctetur " (Grimm, D. 
 R.-A., 399). Lack of hospitality is punishable among the Mongols (G. Tim- 
 kowski, " Travels of the Russian Mission through Mongolia to China," . . . 
 London, 1827 ; ii. 345) ; and the Kabyles (Hanoteau et Letourneux, ii. 117). 
 
 ' Wilkes, iii. 298. 
 
 ^ J. Dunn, " History of the Oregon Territory," London, 1844, p. 324. 
 
 * Casalis, 224. ^ Mariner, i. 162, note. 
 
 ' Waitz-Gerland, v. (Th. ii.) 133. See also above, sec. 18, 33. In the 
 Marquesas, a tribesman, who has entered into a bond of friendship with the 
 members of a hostile tribe, may visit his friend's country in safety. " The 
 individual so protected is said to be ' taboo,' and his person to a certain 
 extent, is held as sacred" (Melville, p. 155; see Vincendon-Dumoulin et 
 Desgraz, p. 258). According to the author last-named (p. 265), during certain 
 festivities, of which each valley has its own, a solemn tabu protects strangers 
 who come to participate in them. Hostile tribes come without fear to join in 
 the pleasures of those with whom they have fought, or will shortly fight. 
 
84 THE SILENT TRADE. 
 
 tribe, and that this practice prevails even in the case of 
 tribes which have little, if any, acquaintance with commerce. 
 These visits are not always,^ but are almost always, the 
 occasion of an exchange of gifts, and this exchange is, in 
 some cases, indistinguishable from barter. It is not the 
 entertainment of guests, but the entertainment of strangers 
 as guests, which is unfamiliar to the primitive man. In the 
 early stages of this novel relation, the stranger is still 
 regarded as an enemy, but is treated as a friend for a 
 limited time, and for a specific purpose. He can count, at 
 the least, upon food and shelter, and protection, so long as 
 he is actually in residence with his host. In some cases, he 
 can prolong his stay as long as he likes ; in other cases, he 
 must bring it to a close on the expiry of a fixed period. 
 Sometimes his entertainer protects him, even after his 
 departure, by escorting him to the next village, or by pro- 
 tecting him with a token which will ensure his friendly 
 reception. Not infrequently this relation is indicated by an 
 exchange of names, or by some such ceremony as that of 
 blood-brotherhood. At first it seems to have been strictly 
 personal to the individuals concerned. We find, however, 
 instances in which it does not cease on the death of the 
 original parties to it. Further, in many cases, the stranger 
 is treated by his protector's tribe as its proteg^ ; and, in 
 this attitude of a community towards an individual, we see 
 
 They generally leave on the evening of the third day, — a point of time which 
 seems to be the limit of this friendly reception. Among the Nagas, if a 
 tribesman marry a girl of « tribe at war with his own, he is regarded as a 
 neutral (R. G. Woodthorpe, "Notes on the Wild Tribes, inhabiting the 
 so-called Naga Hills, on our N.-E. Frontier of India, 1882, J. A. I., xi. 
 56, 196). 
 
 ^ There does not appear to be evidence in regard to the Yahgans showing 
 that the giving and receiving of gifts were incidents of their visit. At the same 
 time it is to be kept in view that they exchanged presents on certain special 
 occasions (see above, sees. 7, 9). 
 
SUMMARY. 85 
 
 the beginnings of that public hospitahty which forms a 
 marked feature in the life of classical antiquity. Lastly, it 
 is to be observed, that to refuse hospitality is generally 
 regarded by public opinion as blameworthy, and is, in seme 
 cases, punishable by law. 
 
IV.— CONCLUSIONS. 
 
 Sec. 52. In the preceding pages, we have endeavoured 
 to marshal the evidence which bears upon the early history 
 of a remarkable change, — the change, that is to say, which 
 has taken place in the modes in which man thinks of, and 
 acts towards, his fellow-man. In primitive times, he re- 
 gards and treats him as the subject of rights and duties, 
 because he is a member of a group or association of 
 groups. This early practice proceeds upon the view 
 that the limits of the related groups, — of the tribe, — form 
 the ring-fence of all social existence, and that beyond 
 those limits lies a world, peopled with beings, at once 
 feared and hated, towards whom the only possible attitude 
 is one of unceasing hostility. The existence of these 
 beings is a danger not merely to this or that tribesman, 
 but to the tribe itself ; it is essential to its very life that 
 this danger be averted ; and, accordingly, the tribal law ^ 
 imposes upon each and all the duty of hunting down the 
 stranger and slaying him like a beast of prey. But a time 
 comes in the history of every society which has a history, — 
 which is, that is to say, not wholly unprogressive, — when its 
 members find that its unaided resources are insufficient for 
 the supply of their ever-increasing wants. They are 
 forced, in consequence, to enter into relations of some 
 sort with the surrounding populations ; and, in so doing, 
 
 1 See above, sec. 23, and below, sec. 56. 
 86 
 
CONCLUSIONS. 87 
 
 they must adopt one of two methods. Of these the most 
 natural to the savage is the method of violence ; for, 
 according to the only rule of conduct, legal or moral, with 
 which he is acquainted, — the rule of custom, — the stranger 
 is without right of any kind ; and so it is neither murder 
 to kill him, nor robbery to strip him of his goods. Still, 
 this method has its inconveniences, for it is uncertain in 
 result and dangerous in practice ; and its danger and 
 uncertainty lead the man, who desires to possess himself 
 of his enemy's belongings, to seek for some means of 
 inducing him to part voluntarily with them. The savage 
 has no guide but his past experience of transacting with 
 his fellow-tribesmen ; and, in these transactions, he pro- 
 ceeded upon the principle of giving in the expectation, or 
 upon the understanding, that he would receive a suitable 
 return. In dealing with his enemies he adopts a method, — 
 the method of the silent trade, — which gives effect to that 
 principle, and at the same time secures his safety. In its 
 simplest forms, this practice does little to improve the 
 mutual relations of the parties to it, for it leaves them as 
 it found them, enemies. They, indeed, keep faith with 
 one another ; but, in so doing, they are actuated, not by any 
 feeling of amity, but wholly and solely by the wish to 
 serve their own interests. Still, if the practice itself do 
 not improve these relations, it makes improvement 
 possible ; for it implies the view that an enemy, although he 
 is an enemy, can be dealt with otherwise than by violence.^ 
 
 ^ R. V. Ihering (" Der Zweck im Recht," 2te Aufl., Leipzig, 1884, i. 242 ; 
 Die Gastfreundschaft, 382) observes that, if the savage spare the stranger, he 
 spares him not from any friendly feeling towards him, for he hates and fears 
 him, but because he has discovered that a living slave is of more value than a 
 dead enemy ; and that this recognition of the worth of human life is the first 
 step towards the recognition of man quA man as a persona. The evidence 
 seems to show that, while primitive tribes may, in some instances, have spared 
 
88 THE SILENT TRADE. 
 
 Sec. 53. Upon this mode of intercourse that of the 
 primitive market shows an important advance, because in 
 all but its rudest forms it brings men together, whereas the 
 earlier usage keeps them apart. They run no risk of 
 violence, so long as the trade continues ; for the spot where 
 it is carried on is always neutral and often sacred. In 
 many instances, the privilege comes to be personal rather 
 than local ; — that of the trader rather than that of the 
 market-place ; and, in such cases, it assumes a form 
 familiar to the tribesmen in his intercourse with his fellows, 
 — the form of hospitality. 
 
 Sec. 54. Primitive hospitality resembles modern hospi- 
 tality in one, and only in one, respect, — it is concerned with 
 the relation of host to guest. The modern host entertains his 
 friends and acquaintances, and perhaps the friends of his 
 friends ; and, in so doing, he fulfils his so-called social duties. 
 But these are duties only in name ; they are neither morally 
 nor legally obligatory ; and the man who fails to discharge 
 them suffers no practical inconvenience other than that of 
 being left more or less to himself. In short, hospitality is 
 nowadays and at its best a matter of good fellowship only ; 
 it is not an affair of public concern. But, among primitive 
 peoples, it has an importance which can hardly be over- 
 estimated. It is not confined in its range to those who 
 are known to the host either personally or through the 
 introduction of a mutual friend, but is extended to absolute 
 strangers. Moreover, it is obligatory ; and he who neglects 
 or refuses to exercise it incurs the censure of public opinion, 
 and is, in some cases, made liable to the penalties of the 
 
 their enemies in order to barter them, they did not themselves keep slaves, 
 owing, no doubt, in part, at all events, to the difficulty of maintaining them. 
 The Australian and Samoan practice (see above, sec. 9) in regard to the 
 conquered probably represents the primitive practice. 
 
CONCLUSIONS. 89 
 
 law.^ At the same time the privilege accorded is not, 
 except in its later forms, a permanent privilege. In other 
 words, the stranger is protected by a certain person, for a 
 certain time, at a certain place ; and so soon as he has over- 
 stayed the prescribed time, or has left the appointed place, 
 he becomes once more the enemy of his quondam host. 
 
 Sec. 55. The relation of protector to protege is, in its 
 inception, a relation between individuals. It is, that is to 
 say, not the tribe but the tribesman who is responsible for 
 the safety of the stranger, who takes up his quarrels and 
 avenges his wrongs. Still, it is the community that insists 
 that he shall be protected, not from any wish to befriend 
 him, for it regards his existence as a standing menace to 
 its own, but because it recognises in him a capacity of 
 serving its interests.^ Enemy though he be, he is necessary 
 to it, for it is through him alone that some of its most pressing 
 wants can be supplied. The enforcement of the general rule 
 except in the one specific case, — the assumption that the 
 stranger, if he be not a trader, is an enemy, — is amply justi- 
 fied. For the savage does not travel for the sake of travelling, 
 or to advance the cause of religion or of science.^ He crosses 
 the border of his tribe for two purposes only, — for the purpose 
 of making war, and for the purpose of engaging in trade. 
 
 Sec. 56. It is perhaps necessary to explain what we 
 mean when we speak of a community as actuated by 
 motives ; and we can make ourselves clear most easily by 
 means of an illustration. Take for instance foreign trade 
 in its most primitive form. Certain members of a tribe 
 
 ^ See R. V. Ihering, " Die Gastfreundschaft," p. 357 seq. '^ Ibid., p. 378. 
 
 ^ The savage cannot be made to understand that an expedition can have 
 any object other than gain or conquest (see, for example, St. John, i. 265). 
 Livingstone observes (" Narrative of an Expedition to the Zambesi," p. 434), 
 that " the usual way of approaching an unknown people is to call out in a 
 cheerful tone, ' Malonda ! ' Things for sale, or do you want to sell anything?" 
 
90 THE SILENT TRADE. 
 
 desire to exchange their goods for those belonging to a 
 stranger. They employ the method which appears to them 
 to be the most suitable for their purpose ; and if, by its 
 means they succeed in opening a trade, others adopt it. 
 Savages are like sheep ; they follow the leader ; and what 
 was the innovation of the few becomes the practice of the 
 many ; what was the interest of the few becomes the com- 
 mon interest. Of course, it is not to be supposed that the 
 action of the individual is consciously directed to the 
 realisation of a common aim ; in the first instance, at all 
 events, he acts exclusively with a view to his own interest. 
 Still, his interest and the interests of his fellows converge 
 in one point, — in the establishment of a trade ; and, in 
 this coincidence of interests, are to be discerned the first 
 beginnings of community of interests.^ Conduct, according 
 as it serves or disserves these common interests, is approved 
 or disapproved by each and all ; and thus a public opinion 
 is gradually formed which assigns to individual activities 
 their limits, and determines their direction, — which, in short, 
 keeps them to the road which custom has built. 
 
 Sec. 57. These interests are not always and everywhere 
 the same ; they change, and as they change, the law of 
 tribal custom changes. In the early life of a society, its 
 main concern is to secure its bare existence in the midst 
 of hostile surroundings ; and, accordingly, its law proscribes 
 the stranger. If, at a maturer stage, it is forced by the 
 pressure of new wants to engage in a trade with aliens, it 
 can induce them to visit its markets only if it provide for 
 their safety ; and, accordingly, its law will protect them. 
 We are not to explain this change by supposing that the 
 older law proceeds on a misunderstanding of some eternal 
 
 ' See R. V. Ihering, " Der Zweck," i. 37 ; W. Bagehot, " Physics and 
 Politics,'' new edition, London, 1900, No. iii. 
 
CONCLUSIONS. 91 
 
 verity which the later law more clearly apprehends. Law 
 is not concerned with the ascertainment of eternal verities. 
 It exists, and exists only, to safeguard the interests of the 
 community within which it prevails ; and, if it perform this 
 its task, it needs no further justification. Law is warranted 
 in proscribing the stranger, when he is a danger to the com- 
 munity, and in protecting him, when he is of service to it. 
 In short, the earlier law constitutes a stage in a develop- 
 ment, — a stage which is the necessary prius of all sub- 
 sequent stages ; and it is as indispensable to the men of its 
 time, as is the later law to the citizens of the modern world.^ 
 Sec. 58. Law changes, and the change is brought about 
 by individual action. Still, the innovator is controlled by 
 a public opinion which is intensely conservative. When, 
 for example, the primitive tribesman seeks to induce the 
 stranger to part with his goods, he applies the principle 
 which he found effectual in dealing with his fellows 
 within the tribe. At the same time, he adapts the method 
 to the novel circumstances. He sets out his goods in the 
 expectation of receiving in exchange the articles which he 
 desires, and secures his own safety by keeping out of sight.^ 
 Again, when he extends his protection to the stranger, he 
 clothes it in a familiar garb. He is conversant with the 
 exercise of hospitality towards, and by, the men of his own 
 tribe, and he shields the stranger by receiving him as his 
 guest.^ Still, while the relation is in form that of host to 
 guest, it is in substance rather that of protector to protege. 
 Thus change proceeds as nearly as possible upon the lines 
 of the old usage.* 
 
 ' See R. V. Ihering, " Der Zweck,'' i. 435 seq., ii. 119; Id., "Die Gast- 
 freundschaft," 360. " See above, sees. 26, 27. ^ See above, sec. 41. 
 
 ■* As to the mode in which change in custom is brought about among some 
 of the tribes of Central Australia, see Spencer and Gillen, pp. 11-15, 272, 324. 
 
92 THE SILENT TRADE. 
 
 Sec. 59. We have seen that the exercise of hospitality 
 to the stranger is required by law. It is also a moral and 
 a religious duty. Of course, we must remember that, when 
 we contrast moral or religious with legal duties, we make a 
 distinction which is absolutely unknown to primitive man. 
 He lives subject, not to rules, but to a rule which is all- 
 inclusive, — the rule of custom. In observing it, he acts as 
 morality, religion, and law require ; in breaking it, he com- 
 mits a sin as well as a crime, and thus not only exposes 
 himself to the censure of his fellows, but brings himself into 
 antagonism with the supernatural. In all cases, accordingly, 
 in which hospitality to the stranger forms part of the tribal 
 custom, neglect or refusal to exercise it arouses the Divine 
 displeasure, not, be it observed, because that neglect or 
 refusal is injurious to the stranger, but because it constitutes 
 a breach of custom. Moreover, it is not the sinner or the 
 criminal alone who suffers for his fault. Corporate respon- 
 sibility forms one of the most striking characteristics of 
 primitive society. Custom exacts uniformity of conduct 
 from men whose natural propensity it is to imitate those 
 with whom they are associated ; ^ and this assimilation of 
 man to man within the tribe, taken in conjunction with the 
 isolation of the tribe itself, accounts in no small measure for 
 the solidarity which subsists between its members. The 
 community must answer for the guilt of the individual 
 belonging to it ; while it, on the other hand, is entitled to 
 hold the stranger liable for the deeds of other strangers 
 with whom he is wholly unconnected.^ This conception 
 is not limited to the affairs of earth ; it has its religious 
 side. The whole tribe is imperilled by the sin of the 
 
 ' See above, sec. 23. 
 
 - See above, sees. 9, 50. See also Turner, " Samoa," p. 92 ; Dieflfenbach, 
 ii. 127. 
 
CONCLUSIONS. 93 
 
 tribesman, — by his breach of custom ; — and accordingly, if 
 it would escape the Divine wrath, it must insist upon the 
 observance of custom. It is not to be supposed, however, 
 that it is only as an integral part of custom that the duty 
 of hospitality is brought into touch with religion. In many 
 instances, it is itself impressed with a sacred character. 
 Sometimes a religious significance attaches to the symbolic 
 act which not infrequently marks the relation of protector 
 to protdge. Thus, the presentation to the visitor of betel, 
 or of a bowl of drink, or of a lighted cigar,'^ has in itself a 
 certain sacramental quality.^ Sometimes the host, by 
 performing the act, not only expresses his kindly in- 
 tentions, but imprecates misfortune on himself, should he 
 prove false to his guest.^ And, where the act is in form 
 an oath, it is deemed certain that the oath-breaker will be 
 punished with death or disease or slavery.* 
 
 Sec. 60. Undoubtedly custom, which exacts uniformity 
 of action in all that directly concerns the community, 
 tends to make conduct in general uniform, — the similarity 
 between the members of a tribe is matter of common 
 observation, — and yet it does not obliterate all diversity of 
 disposition and character. One savage is by nature braver 
 or cleverer or more generous than another ; and his dis- 
 tinguishing quality is impressed on his actions, even when 
 he is following the mere routine of custom. Take for 
 instance the case of a community which has learned to 
 
 ' See above, sec. 42. 
 
 ° The religious meaning of these and similar symbolic acts is considered by 
 Crawley (" The Mystic Rose ;" see especially pp. 238, 263). 
 
 ' See above, sec. 42. 
 
 * See above, sec. 45. In considering this matter we may not leave out of 
 view the instances referred to above (see above, sees. 33, 40), in which not only 
 the markets, but the strangers frequenting them, are regarded as under Divine 
 protection. 
 
94 THE SILENT TRADE. 
 
 appreciate the advantages of foreign trade. It is its interest 
 to attract the merchant ; and, accordingly, its custom 
 prescribes to its members the duty of protecting him. 
 Still, as hospitality in its earlier forms is exercised only by 
 individuals towards individuals, the mode of its exercise 
 will differ as host differs from host and guest from guest. 
 The man who enjoys the society of his fellow-tribesmen, — 
 who receives and entertains them with kindliness and 
 generosity, — will, we may be sure, extend like treatment, 
 or treatment which is different only in degree, to the 
 guest whom custom assigns him. The exercise of hospi- 
 tality, even as a mere compliance with custom, tends to 
 stimulate the social feelings ; and, of course, the personal 
 element of which we have spoken will operate in the same 
 direction. Accordingly, the relation between the tribes- 
 man and the stranger ceases, in some instances, at all 
 events, to be what it was in its inception, — a purely 
 external relation. Custom finds a response in the hearts 
 of its followers. It, indeed, points out the path which they 
 must take ; but they, in taking it, not only conform to 
 legal requirement, but obey the promptings of benevolence. 
 
 Thus the rule of law, which prescribes that hospitality 
 shall be extended to the stranger, accords with the sugges- 
 tions of feeling, and has behind it the sanctions of religion ; 
 and these three elements co-exist undifferentiated in the 
 complex of custom.^ 
 
 Sec. 6i. It is at this point that we take leave of hospi- 
 tality. At the same time a single observation may be made 
 with regard to its later history. We have seen that the 
 
 ' The notion of a god of hospitality, such as the Zeiis f ^vios of the Greeks, 
 appears to belong to a stage of culture more advanced than that with which we 
 -are dealing. R. von Ihering identifies Zeis f^xtos with the Phoenician Baal 
 .(Die Gastfreundschaft, 393). In the essay just cited he expresses the view 
 
CONCLUSIONS. 95 
 
 sphere of morality coincides with that of law so long only 
 as the interests of the members of the community are identi- 
 cal in range and quality with those of the community itself. 
 Except in a society which is wholly unprogressive, such 
 an identity can endure but for a time. Now and again 
 new wants arise, evoking new activities ; and a practice 
 springs up which, in its inception at all events, lies beyond 
 the domain of law.^ Or it may be that, owing to some 
 change which has taken place in its own circumstances, or 
 in those of the persons, not its members, with whom it has 
 relations, the community finds that a course of conduct, 
 which law made obligatory in its interest, has ceased to 
 serve it. In such a case, the sphere of law, as it were, 
 contracts, and leaves without the conduct with which it is 
 no longer concerned. Of this separation the institution 
 of hospitality furnishes an instance. As we have seen,^ a 
 community which desires the presence of the foreign 
 trader must provide for his safety. It is, in short, its 
 interest to protect him. And since law exists, and exists 
 only to safeguard its interests, it is the business of law to 
 
 that whatever may have been the private motives which induced this or that 
 man to entertain the stranger, it was the practical necessity of a commercial 
 people which first made the exercise of hospitality a matter of public concern, 
 and raised it to the dignity of a public institution. The Phoenician was par 
 excellence the trader of antiquity, and what he required when he touched at a 
 foreign port, was not so much a host as a protector. He did not need to be 
 housed and fed, for he had a home in his ship. What he did need was to be 
 secured from danger to life and property ; and this security he could obtain 
 only by attaching himself to some native of the place willing and able to pro- 
 tect him (lb. 359, 373, 382 et seq.). It may quite well be that the origin of 
 Phoenician hospitality is to be sought in the trader's need of protection ; but 
 Von Ihering's view that this institution first saw the light among the Phoe- 
 nicians does not by any means follow, — it is, indeed, at variance with the 
 facts. An interesting account of guest-friendship in Homeric society is given 
 by Keller (pp. 299 ei j«^.). Schrader ("Reallexikon," p. 270) cites authority 
 to the effect that the Celts worshipped a god of hospitality under the name of 
 Ceroklis. ^ Cp. sees. 56, 57 above. ^ Cp. sec. 55 above. 
 
96 THE SILENT TRADE. 
 
 make the necessary provision, and this it makes in the 
 institution of hospitality. But where inns are numerous, 
 where the ways and places of commerce are secure, the 
 merchant requires neither host nor protector, and hos- 
 pitality as a legal institution passes away. Still, this 
 relation between man and man continues to subsist. The 
 host, in performing the duties which law imposed upon 
 him, found that his guest was a man like himself; and he 
 entertained and protected him not merely because, in so 
 doing, he consulted his own interest and that of the com- 
 munity to which he belonged, but because he saw in him a 
 human being who stood in need of assistance. The legal 
 duty disappears, the moral duty remains. The form con- 
 tinues the same, — the stranger, that is to say, is entertained 
 and protected, — but the substance of the relation has 
 altered, and the exercise of hospitality comes to be regarded 
 no longer as legally obligatory, but as a moral, it may be, 
 as a religious, act. Not only does hospitality change in 
 character, it becomes extended in range ; it reaches the 
 wanderer and the suppliant ; and it is only when it is 
 relieved of these cares that, ceasing to protect, and existing 
 only to entertain, it sinks to its modern level. 
 
 Sec. 62. We have reached the end of our inquiry. In 
 the introductory pages, we have endeavoured to supply 
 the setting in which inter-tribal commerce first appears, — 
 to bring together, in so far as they directly bear upon it, 
 the facts relating to the institutions of the primitive tribe 
 and its attitude towards its neighbours. We have given 
 some account of the silent trade; we have seen that it is 
 not a mere isolated curiosity, but a usage of which 
 instances are to be found in every quarter of the globe ; 
 and we have attempted to assign it its place in the history 
 of human intercourse. It may perhaps be thought that it 
 
CONCLUSIONS. 97 
 
 is irrelevant, in this connection, to examine the evidence 
 relating to the primitive market and primitive hospitality. 
 We are not of this opinion, however. We think that, until 
 we have made ourselves acquainted with that evidence, we 
 are not in a position to appreciate the true significance 
 of the silent trade. By its means, peaceful intercourse 
 between the men of alien tribes is for the first time made 
 possible ; and this introduction of a " peace " marks a new 
 era in human affairs. The usages of the primitive market 
 betray its close connection with the earlier practice, and 
 the affinity of the personal privileges of the guest with 
 those attached to the trading-place is hardly less obvious. 
 Accordingly, it appears to be clear that the later forms, — 
 the neutrality of the market and the protection accorded 
 by the host, — are not new expedients, but are extended 
 applications of the original device. 
 
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AUTHORS CITED. 99 
 
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I02 THE SILENT TRADE. 
 
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