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 DE FOE'S WORKS. 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIER, 
 
 MEMOIRS OF CAPTAIN CARLETON, 
 
 D ICKORY CRONKE, 
 
 ETC. 
 
NOVELS 
 
 •VWIS 
 
 MISCELLANEOUS WORKS 
 
 OP 
 
 DA^ilEL DE FOE. 
 
 WITH PREFACES AND NOTES, INCLUDING THOSE ATTRIBUTED TO 
 
 SIR WALTER SCOTT. 
 
 MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIEE, 
 lEIOmS OF CAPTAIN CAELETOB, 
 DICKORT CROME, 
 
 ETC. 
 
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 /cornellX, 
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 s ^ LIBRARY ^^ 
 
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 PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED, 
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CONTENTS. 
 
 MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIER. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 My birth and parentage — Strange dreams of my mother previoua to my 
 birth — My education — My father extremely indulgent — On nly return 
 from Oxford, he proposes mavriage to me, which I decline, and am 
 permitted to travel, accompanied by a young college acquaintance — 
 Journey from Dover to Paris, and incidents on the road — Adventures 
 which happen at Paris — Account of our journey to Italy . . 1 
 
 CHAPTER 11. 
 
 Reflections — Journey to Grenoble, and description of the Swiss troops 
 there — Account of the king and court — Depart for Pignerol — Siege of 
 Casal — I escape great danger in an action there — March to Saluces — 
 Death of the Duke of Savoy — I catch the plague — Recover and spend 
 the winter at Milan — Journey through Italy, and singular adventures 
 there '. . 13 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Arrive at Vienna — Account of the war in Germany — Of the famous 
 conclusions of Leipsic — Journey from Vienna to Prague — Dreadful 
 storm of Magdeburgh, and cruelties of the imperial soldiers — I leave 
 the emperor's service in disgust, and arrive at Leipsic — Account of 
 affairs there .......... 26 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 I quit the Saxon camp, and join the Swedish army — Discipline of the 
 Swedes — My comrade enters the Swedish service — Sir John Hepburn 
 introduces me to the king — His conversation — I enter into the service 
 — Battle with Tilly's army, who is completely defeated — The camp 
 given up to plunder ...... .40 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Arrival at Erfurt — I receive a wound before the Castle of Marienburgh — 
 Gracious reception of the king — Bravery of a private musketeer — 
 Battle of Oppenheim — March to Mentz — Letter from my father — The 
 king appoints me a colonel of horse — Battle of Lech, and defeat of 
 TiUy 57 
 
CONTENTS. — MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIER. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Farther proceedings of the campaign— Dangerous skirmish before Ausburg 
 —General Tilly dies almost at the minute the king has his horse shot 
 under him— Farther proceedings— Takiag of Freynstat— Battle of 
 Attemhergh— Gallantry of a Saxon captain— I am taken by the enemy 
 — Death of the king ' ' 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 Great lamentations for the loss of the king — The town of LeipMij 
 recovered by stratagem, whereby I regain re.y liberty — I leave Itie 
 service, and spend two years a wanderer — Battle of Nordlingen — 
 Bravery of old Horn — Melancholy event of the battle — I leave the 
 army, and visit Holland — Return to EHgland^Proceedings there 93 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 War with the Scots — I volunteer to meet the enemy — Bad behaviour of 
 our men — Conduct of the Scots — Base end of the expedition — A peace 
 concluded — I visit the Scotch camp — Uncouth appearance of the 
 soldiers — Character of the Highlanders 104 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 War breaks out again in the north — I join the king's army — Action with 
 the Scots, in which tbey are victorious — Great discontents in England — 
 Character of the king — I am sent on a message to the Scotch army — The 
 king is reduced to submit to their terms — Encroachments of the par- 
 liament — The gates of Hull shut against the king — The king raises an 
 army — Loyalty of the English gentry . . . . .114 
 
 CHAPTER X. ; 
 
 The royal army takes the field — Action with the rebels under Essex — * 
 Battle of Edgehill — The Parliament claims the victory — They vote an 
 address for peace — Sad reflections on the miseries of civil war . 128 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 Comical adventures, in which a female captain is victorious — Bravery of 
 ijie parliament troops at Brentford — The winter spent in fruitless treaties 
 — I am wounded in a skii-mish with the enemy — Farther proceedings of 
 the armies •......,,. 144 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Cromwell makes his appearance on the stage, and turns the fortune of the 
 war against the king's party— Frequent and disastrous actions — The 
 Scots declare for the parliament, and enter England, with an army in 
 the north — The king brings Irish regiments over, which gives great 
 disgust — I am detached with Prince Rupert to the relief of York, 
 which we accomplish — Disastrous action with Cromwell . .160 
 
CONTENTS. MEMOIRS OP A CAVALIER. 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Narrow escape from the battle — Dangers of our retreat — Two of our 
 party and myself disguise ourselves, and go to Leeds to learn news — 
 Engagement with the country fellows on our return — Our party 
 attempts to join Prince Rupert — Adventures on the road — We join the 
 prince at Kendal, in Westmoreland 174 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 State of the prince's army — Skirmishes — The king's army obtains some 
 partial successes in the west — The armies join at Oxford — Farther 
 proceedings — Bad conduct of the parliament soldiers — Negotiations 
 with the parliament for peace — Proceedings of the division to which 1 
 belonged in the army . . . . , , . . 1S9 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Action with Colonel Forbes, a Scotchman — I visit my father, who is 
 prisoner of war at Shrewsbury, and obtain his exchange — Sir Thomas 
 Fairfax appointed general of the parliament army — The king's obser- 
 vation thereupon — Leicester taken by storm — Battle of Naseby — Fatal 
 consequences thereof — The king retires to Wales . . . 203 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 The king's army attacks Newark — Successful excursion into Lincolnshire — 
 Siege of Huntingdon — Brave action of a dragoon— The Marquis of 
 Montrose does great service in Scotland — I leave the army on a visit to 
 my father's — Disastrous termination of the war, and fate of the king's 
 party 217 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 Various opinions on the king's throwing himself upon the fidelity of the 
 Scots — The Scotch parliament refuse to receive him into Scotland — The 
 king is given up — Consequences thereof — Reflections — The king's 
 death — Conclusion . 231 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 MEMOIRS OF CAPTAIN CAELETCN. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 I Tolinteer on board the London, and go out with the Duke of York's 
 expedition to Holland^ Join the French fleet — General engagement 
 with the Amsterdam squadron — Singular account of our pigeons aboard 
 the I/ondon — Prince of Conde routes our forces — March to Quarignan 
 and Valenciennes — The Prince of Orange leaves the army in disgust, 
 but recedes from that resolution — The siege of Maestrich — False attack 
 on Wyck — Siege of Cambray and St. Omars .... 27J 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 The famous peace concluded — Desperate battle at St. Dennis — Return to 
 England — Commission given by King James — Earthquake at Dixmuyd 
 — Siege of Namur — Prince Vaudemont's grand retreat — Destruction of 
 Brussels — ^Villeroy's great army 291 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Plot to assassinate King William — Account of the conspiracy — Dissi- 
 pation of the guard at Shoerbeck — Left in a garrison without ammu- 
 nition — Narrow escape from a hired incendiary — The advantage of a 
 Jew as proveditor to the army and troops — Short description of Valencia 
 and Barcelona ..'....... 305 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Negligence of the Governor of Monjouick — Extraordinary resolution of 
 the Dutch general — Account of the great action at Monjouick — Panic 
 among the soldiery — Great enterprise of the sailors at the siege of 
 Barcelona — Difficulty of mounting a battery — The Duchess of Popolii 
 in the engagement — Surrender of Barcelona — Remarkable instance of 
 Catholic zeal 322 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Barcelona under King Charles — Bold peremptory demand on the autho- 
 rities of Nules immediately to surrender — Singular interview between 
 Earl Peterborow and Mahoni, and the result therefrom — Short de- 
 scription of Valencia, and prodigious victory — Peterborow's stratagem, 
 to outwit the fleet at Barcelona — Ultimate release of Barcelona 339i 
 
CONTENTS. MEMOIRS OF CAPTAIN CARLETON. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 The king begins his journey to Madrid, and Peterborow to Valencia — 
 Sad accident at St. Jago — Peterborow leaves Valencia — Savage cruelty 
 of the Spaniards at Campilio — Amo|irs of two English officers with 
 nuns — Saint Vincent's procession — Curious customs of the Valencians 
 during Lent 358 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Alicant besieged by General Gorge — Remarkable feat of a Scotch dragoon 
 — ^Messenger to Alicant — Letter from the king of Spain to the queen of 
 England — The siege of Carthagena — Signal defeat of the English before 
 Villena — Comic appearance of Major Boyd on his journey to Venissa — 
 Interesting account of hermits' cells at Montserat . . . 375 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Denia a garrison, by order of King Charles — Extraordinary storm of 
 locusts — Singular mine explosion at AUcant — Sainte Clemente de la 
 Mancha, rendered famous by the renowned Don Michael Cervantes — 
 Interesting accounts — Surprising flight of eagles — The Inquisition 399 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Bull-iight at La Mancha — Temperance and bigotry of the Spaniards — 
 Reserve custom of gentlemen in company with ladies — Wretched music, 
 except at Valencia — Music at executions — Singular appeal of a clergy- 
 man to conscience, and very interesting conclusion . . . 416 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 The shade of Don Qnixotte — Concise account of Madrid — Anecdote of 
 Mahoni and General Stanhope — The Escurial — Account of the Convent 
 of the Carthusian Order 436 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 Brief description of Biscay and other towns — Isle of Conference, and 
 interview between the kings of France and Spain — Narrow escape from 
 being drowned — Tempest in the Bay of Biscay, and miraculous de- 
 liverance — Arrival in England — Conclusion .... 152 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 DICKOEY CEONKE; OE, THE DTOIB 
 PHELOSOPHEE. 
 
 PAET I. 
 
 Birth and Parentage Page 469 
 
 Loses his Master and Mistress . . . . . • • 47' 
 
 Constant Practice and Regular Management .... 473 
 
 Wonderful Recovery of Speech 475 
 
 Good Advice to his Sister and Friends 477 
 
 Mysteriously becomes again Dumb ...... 479 
 
 PAET II. 
 
 Abstract of Faith, &c 481 
 
 Meditations and Observations 483 
 
 PAET III. 
 
 Prophetic Observations ........ 489 
 
 An Elegy 493 
 
 EVEEYBODY'S BUSINESS IS NOBODY'S 
 BUSINESS. 
 
 Scarcity of Female Servants . 
 Thefts committed by Female Servants 
 Vails to Servants a bad practice 
 Servants' Apparel ought to be regulated 
 Anecdote of a Servant Wench . 
 Reform of many Abuses among Servants 
 Robberies committed by Shoe-blacks 
 Employment suggested for Vagrants . 
 Regulations for Porters and others . 
 
 499 
 501 
 503 
 505 
 507 
 509 
 511 
 513 
 515 
 
MEMOIRS or k CAVALIER. 
 
 Advertisement to the Edinburgh Edition of 1809. 
 
 Whether this interesting work is considere'l ay i, romance, 
 or as a series of autlientic memoirs, in which the only fabulous 
 circumstance is the existence of the hero ; it must un- 
 doubtedly be allowed to be of the best description of either 
 species of composition, and to reflect additional lustre, even 
 on the author of Robinson Crusoe. 
 
 There is so much simplicity and apparent fidelity of state- 
 ment throughout the narrative, that the feelings are little in- 
 debted to those who would remove the veil ; and the former 
 editors, perhaps, have acted not unwisely in leaving the cir- 
 cumstances of its authenticity in their original obscurity. 
 The Memoirs of a Cavalier, have long, however, been ascer- 
 tained to be the production of Daniel de Foe. Both the 
 first and second editions were published without date ; but, 
 from other evidence, the work appears to have been written 
 shortly after Robinson Crusoe, in 1720-1. 
 
 A few Notes have been added to the present edition, col- 
 lected from the periodical publications of the time (now rare 
 and curious), to exhibit the exact coincidence of the facts 
 themselves, with the transactions narrated in these Memoirs. 
 
 Edinburgh, 1809. 
 
THE 
 PEEFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. 
 
 As an evidence that it is very probable these memorials were 
 written many years ago, the persons now concerned in the 
 publication, assure the reader, that they have had them in 
 their possession finished, as they now appear, abo\e twenty 
 years. That they were so long ago found by great accident, 
 among other valuable papers, in the closet of an eminent 
 public minister, of no less figure than one of King William's 
 secretaries of state. 
 
 As it is not proper to trace them any farther, so neither is 
 there any need to trace them at all, to give reputation to the 
 story related, seeing the actions here mentioned have a suf- 
 ficient sanction from all the histories of the times to which 
 they relate, with this addition, that the admirable manner 
 of relating them, and the wonderful variety of incidents, 
 ■v^th which they are beautified in the course of a private 
 gentleman's story, add such delight in the reading, and give 
 such a lustre, as well to the accounts themselves as to the 
 person who was the actor, that no story, we believe, extar t 
 in the world ever came abroad with such advantage. 
 
 It must naturally give some concern in the reading, that 
 the name of a person of so much gallantry and honour, and 
 so many ways valuable to the world, should be lost to the 
 
 « 
 
 reader. "We assure them no small labour has been thrown 
 away upon the inquiry; and all we have been able to aiTive 
 to of discovery in this affair is, that a memorandum waa 
 
PEEFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. XIU 
 
 found with this manuscript, in these words, but not signed 
 by any name, only the two letters of a name, which gives us 
 no light into the matter ; which memoir was as follows : 
 
 Memorandum. — 1 found this manuscript among my father's 
 writings, and I understand that he got them as plunder, at, 
 or after, the fight at Worcester, where he served as major 
 
 of 's regiment of horse on the side of the parliament. 
 
 I. K. 
 
 As this has been of no use but to terminate the inquiry 
 after the person, so, however, it seems most naturally to give 
 an authority to the original of the work, viz., That it was 
 born of a soldier ; and, indeed, it is, through every part, 
 related with so soldierly a style, and in the very language of 
 the field, that it seems impossible anything, but the very, 
 person who was present in every action here related, could 
 be the relator of them. 
 
 The accovmts of battles, the sieges, and the several actions 
 of which this work is so full, are all recorded in the histories 
 of those times ; such as the great battle of Leipsic, the 
 sacking of Magdeburg, the siege of Nuremburg, the passing 
 the river Leek in Bavaria; such also as the battles of 
 Keynton, or Edge-hill ; the battles of Newbury, Marston- 
 moor, and Naseby, and the like. They are all, we say, 
 recorded in other histories, and written by those who lived 
 in those times, and, perhaps, had good authority for what 
 they wrote. But do those relations give any of the beautiful 
 ideas of things formed in this account? Have they one 
 half of the circumstances and incidents of the actions them- 
 selves that this man's eyes were witness to, and which liia 
 memory has thus preserved? He that has read the best 
 accounts of those battles will be surprised to see the par 
 
XIV PREFACE. MEMOIRS OF A CATALIEK. 
 
 ticulars of the story so preserved, so nicely, and so agree- 
 ably described ; and will confess -what we allege, that the 
 story IS inimitably told ; and even the great actions of the 
 glorious King Grustavus Adolphus receive a lustre from this 
 man's relations, which the world was never made sensible of 
 before, and which the present age has much wanted of late, 
 in order to give their affections a turn in favour of his late 
 glorious successor. 
 
 In the story of our own country's unnatural wars, he 
 carries on the same spirit. How effectually does he record 
 the virtues and glorious actions of King Charles I., at the 
 same time that he frequently enters upon the mistakes of his 
 majesty's conduct, and of his friends, which gave his enemies 
 all those fatal advantages against him ; which ended in the 
 overthrow of his armies, the loss of his crown and life, and 
 the ruin of the constitution. 
 
 In all his accounts he does justice to his enemies, and 
 honours the merits of those whose cause he fought against;' 
 and many accounts recorded in his story, are not to be found 
 even in the best histories of those times. 
 
 What applause does he give to the gallantry of Sir Thomas 
 Fairfax, to his modesty, to his conduct, under which he him- 
 self was subdued, and to the justice he did the king's troops 
 when they laid down their arms. 
 
 His description of the Scots' troops in the beginning of the 
 war, and the behaviour of the party under the Earl of 
 Holland, who went over against them, are admirable ; and 
 his censure of their conduct, who pushed the king upon the 
 quarrel, and then would not let him fight, is no more than 
 what many of the king's friends (though less knowing as 
 soldiers) have often complained of. 
 
 In a word, this work is a confutation of many errors in all 
 
PREFACE TO THE FIEST EDITIOK. XV 
 
 the writers upon the subject of our wars in England, and 
 even in that extraordinary history written by the Earl of 
 Clarendon ; but the editors were so just, that, when near 
 twenty years ago, a person who had "written a whole volume 
 in folio, by way of answer to, and confutation of. Clarendon's 
 history of the rebellion, would have borrowed the clauses in 
 this account, which clash with that history, and confront it ; 
 we say, the editors were so just as to refuse them. 
 
 There can be nothing objected against the general credit of 
 this work, seeing its truth is established upon universal 
 history ; and almost all the facts, especially those of moment, 
 are confirmed for their general part by all the writers of 
 those times. If they are here embellished with particulars, 
 which are nowhere else to be found, that is the beauty we 
 boast of; and that it is that must recommend this work to all 
 the men of sense and judgment that read it. 
 
 The only objection we find possible to. make against this 
 work is, that it is not carried on farther ; or, as we may say, 
 finished, with the finishing the war of the time : and this we 
 complain of also. But then we complain of it as a misfortune 
 to the world, not as a fault in the author ; for how do we 
 know but that this author might carry it on, and have 
 another part finished which might not fall into the same 
 hands, or may still remain with some of his family, and which 
 they cannot indeed publish, to make it seem anything perfect, 
 for want of the other parts which we have, and which we 
 have now made public. Nor is it very improbable, but that 
 if any such farther part is in being, the publishing these two 
 parts may occasion the proprietors of the third to let the 
 world see it ; and that, by such a discovery, the name of the 
 person may also come to be known, which would, no doubt, 
 be a groat satisfaction to the reader as well as to us. 
 
Xvi PREFACE. MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIER. 
 
 This, however, must be said, that if the same author should 
 have written another part of this work, and carried ii on to 
 the end of those times ; yet, as the residue of those melan- 
 choly days, to the restoration, were filled with the intrigues 
 of government, the political mapagement of illegal power, 
 and the dissensions and factions of a people, who were then 
 even in themselves but a faction, and that there was very 
 little action in the field ; it is more than probable, that our 
 author, who was a man of arms, had little share in those 
 things, and might not care to trouble himself with looking at 
 them. ' ! 
 
 But, besides all this, it might happen, that he might go 
 abroad again, at that time, as most of the gentlemen ol 
 quality, and who had an abhorrence for the power that then 
 governed here, did. Nor are we certain, that he. might live 
 to the end of that time, so we can give no account whether 
 he had any share in the subsequent actions of that time. 
 
 It is enough, that we have the authorities above to recom- 
 mend this part to us that is now published ; the relation, we 
 are persuaded, will recommend itself, and nothing more can 
 be needful, because nothing more can invite than the story 
 itself, which, when the reader enters into, he will find it very 
 hard to get out of, until he has gone through it. 
 
THE PUBLISHER OF THE SECOND EDITION TO 
 THE READER.* 
 
 Thk following iii^orical memoirs are writ with so much 
 spirit and good sense, that there is no doubt of their pleasing 
 all such as can form any just pretensions to either. How- 
 ever, as, upon reading of a book, it is a question that 
 naturally occurs, "Who is the author?" and as it is too 
 i|uch the custom in these days, to form our sentiments of a 
 performance, not from its intrinsic merit, but from the senti- 
 ments we form of the writer, the present republication of 
 these memoirs will renew an inquiry which has been often 
 made, " Who wrote them ?" Some have imagined the 
 whole to be a romance ; if it be, it is a romance the likest to 
 truth that I ever read. It has all the features of truth, it is 
 clothed with her simplicity, and adorned with her charms. 
 Without hazard I may venture to say, were all romance 
 writers to follow this author's example, their works would 
 yield entertainment to philosophers, as well as serve for the 
 amusement of beaux-esprits. But I am fully persuaded, our 
 author, whoever he was, had been early concerned in iJie 
 actions he relates. It is certain, no man could have given a 
 description of his retreat from Marston-moor to Rochdale, 
 and from thence over the moors to the north, in so apt and 
 proper terms, and in so exact a manner, unless he had really 
 travelled over the very ground he describes. I could point 
 
 * Printed at Leeds, by James Lister, without date. 
 VOL. II. b 
 
rvili TO THE BEADEE. 
 
 out many other instances in the course of the memoirs, which 
 evidence, that the author must have been 'well acquainted 
 vrith the towns, battles, sieges, &c., and a party in the 
 actions he relates. But, as it is needless to do this, all 
 that remains is, to trace our author to his name. 
 
 He says he was second son to a Shropshire gentleman, 
 who was made a peer in the reign of King Charles I., whose 
 seat lay eight miles from Shrewsbury. This account suits no 
 one so well as Andrew Newport, Esq., second son to Richard 
 Newport, of High ErcoU, Esq. ; which Richard was created 
 Lord Newport, October 14tli, 1642. This Andrew New- 
 port, Esq., whom we suppose our author to be, was, after the 
 Restoration, made a commissioner of the customs, probablv 
 in reward of his zeal and good services for the royal cause. 
 
 The several illustrations these memoirs furnish to the 
 history of those times they refer to, the variety of adventures 
 they contain, and the elegant account herein given of the 
 wars in Germany and England, will abundantly recommend 
 them to the curious. 
 
MEM0IE8 
 
 OF A 
 
 CAYALIEE; 
 
 OR A 
 
 MILITARY JOURNAL 
 
 OP 
 
 The WARS in Germany, 
 
 AND 
 
 The WARS in England, 
 
 From the Year 1632, to the Year 1648. 
 
 Written above Fourscore Years ago by an English Gentle- 
 man, who served first in the Army of Gustavus AdoVplim, 
 the glorious King of Sweden, till hi* Death ; and after that, 
 in the Eoyal Army of King Charles the First, from the 
 Beginning of the Eebellion, to the End of that War. 
 
 8ic vbi deledos per torva armenta juvencog 
 Agricola imposito sociare Affectat aratro : 
 Illi iniignantes qms rumdum vomere Multo 
 Ardna nodosos cervix descendit in Armos, 
 In diversa trdhunt, atq; aquis vencula laxani 
 Viribus, et vario coufundunt limite Sulcos : 
 Haud seats indomitos prceceps Discordia Fratre» 
 Asperat. 
 
 Stat. Theb. Lib. 1. 
 Et Fratres, natosq; suos videre, patresqite: 
 JDepresmm est civile nefas 
 
 Lucan, Lib. 4. 
 
MEMOIRS 
 
 OF 
 
 A CAVALIER. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 KV BIETH AND PARENTAGE STRANGE DREAMS OF ItT 
 
 MOTHER PREVIOUS TO MT BIRTH MY EDUCATION Ml 
 
 FATHER EXTREMELY INDULGENT ON MY RETURN FROM 
 
 OXFORD, HE PROPOSES MARRIAGE TO ME, WHICH I 
 DECLINE, AND AM PERMITTED TO ''RAVEL, ACCOMFAlSriED 
 
 BY A YOUNG COLLEGE ACQUAINIANCE JOURNEY FROM 
 
 DOVER TO PARIS, AND INCIDENTS ON THE ROAD AD- 
 VENTURES WHICH HAPPEN AT PARIS ACCOUNT OF OUR 
 
 JOURNEY TO ITALY. 
 
 It may suffice the reader, without being very inquisitive 
 after my name, that I was born in the county of Salop, in 
 the year 1608; under the governmient of what star I was 
 never astrologer enough to examine ; but the consequences 
 of my life may allow me to suppose some extraordinary 
 influence affected my birth. If there be anything in dreams 
 also, my mother, who was mighty observant that way, took 
 minutes, which I have since seen in the first leaf of her 
 Prayer Book, of several strange dreams she had while she 
 was with child of her second son, which was myself. Once 
 she noted that she dreamed she was carried away by a 
 regiment of horse, and delivered in the fields of a son, that 
 as soon as it was born had two wings came out of its back, 
 and in half an hour's time fl-ew away from her ; and the 
 very evening before I was born she dreamed she was brought 
 to bed of a son, and that all the while she was in labour a 
 man stood under her window beating on a kettle-drum, 
 which very much discomposed her. 
 My father was a gentleman of a very plentiful fortune, 
 
 VOI-. II. B 
 
2 MEMOIRS ()P A CAVALIER. 
 
 having an estate of above 5,000/. per annum, of a family 
 nearly allied to several of the principal nobility, and lived 
 about six miles from the town of High-Excol ; and my 
 
 mother being at on some particular occasion, was 
 
 surprised there at a friend's house, and brought me very safe 
 into the world. 
 
 I was my father's second son, and therefore was not 
 altogether so much slighted as younger sons of good families 
 generally are ; but my father saw something in my genius 
 also which particularly pleased him, and so made him take 
 extraordinary care of my education. 
 
 I was taught therefore, by the best masters that could be 
 had, everything that was needful to accomplish a young 
 gentleman for the world; and at seventeen years old my 
 tutor told my father an academic education was very proper 
 for a person of quality, and he thought me very lit for it : so 
 
 my lather entered me of college in Oxford, where I 
 
 continued three years. 
 
 A collegiate life did not suit me at all, though I loved 
 books well enough. It was never designed that I should be 
 either a lawyer, physician, or divine ; and I wrote to my 
 father that I thought I had stayed there long enough for a 
 gentleman, and with his leave I desired to give him a visit. 
 
 During my stay at Oxford, though I passed through the 
 proper exercises of the house, yet my chief reading was 
 upon history and geography, as that which pleased my mind 
 best, and supplied me with ideas most suitable to my genius : 
 by one I understood what great actions had been done in 
 the world, and by the other 1 understood where they had 
 been done. 
 
 My father readily complied with my desire of coming 
 home, for besides that he thought,, as I did, that three years' 
 time at the university was enough, he also most passionately 
 loved me, and began to think of my settling near him. 
 
 At my arrival I found myself extraordinarily caressed by 
 my father, and he seemed to take a particular delight in my 
 conversation. My mother, who lived in perfect union with 
 him, both in desires and affection, received me very pas- 
 sionately: apartments were provided for me by myself, and 
 horses and servants allowed me in particular. 
 
 My father never went a hunting, an exercise he was 
 exceeding fond of, but he would have me with him ; and it 
 
INDULGENCE OF MT FATHER. 3 
 
 pleased him when he found me like the sport. I lived thus, 
 in all the pleasures 'twas possible for me to enjoy, for about 
 a year more ; when going out one morning with my father 
 to hunt a stag, and having had a very hard chase, and 
 gotten a great way off from home, we had leisure enough 
 to ride gently back ; and as we returned, my father took 
 occasion to enter into a serious discourse witt me concerning 
 the manner of my settling in the world. 
 
 He told me, with a great deal of passion, that he loved 
 me above all the rest of his children, and that therefore he 
 intended to do very well for me; and that my eldest brother 
 being already married and settled, he had designed the same 
 for me, and proposed a very advantageous match for me 
 with a young lady of very extraordinary fortune and merit, 
 and offered to make a settlement of 2,QQ0L per annum on 
 me, which he said he would purchase for me without 
 diminishing his paternal estate. 
 
 There was too much tenderness in this discourse not to 
 affect me exceedingly. I told him I would perfectly resign 
 myself unto his disposal. But, as my father had, together 
 with his love for me, a very nice judgment in his discourse, 
 he fixed his eyes very attentively on me ; and though my 
 answer was without the least reserve, yet he thought he saw 
 some uneasiness in me at the proposal, and from thence 
 concluded that my compliance was rather an act of dis- 
 cretion than inclination ; and, that however I seemed so 
 absolutely given up to what he had proposed, yet my answer 
 was reaUy an effect of my obedience rather than my choice ; 
 so he returned very quick upon me. Look you, son, though I 
 give you my own thoughts in the matter, yet I would have 
 you be very plain with me ; for if your own choice does not 
 agree with mine, I will be your adviser, but will never 
 impose upon you; and therefore let me know your mind 
 freely. I don't reckon myself capable, sir, said I, with a 
 great deal of respect, to make so good a choice for myself as 
 you can for me ; and though my opinion differed from yours, 
 its being your opinion would reform mine, and my judgment 
 would as readily comply as my duty. I gather at least from 
 thence, said my father, that your designs lay another way 
 before, however they may comply with mine ; and therefore 
 I would know what it was you would have asked of me if I 
 had not offered this to you ; and you must not deny me your 
 
 B 2 
 
4 MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIEE. 
 
 obedience in this, if you expect I should believe your readi- 
 ness in the other. 
 
 Sir, said I, 'twas impossible I should lay out for myself 
 just what you have proposed ; but if my inclinations were 
 never so contrary, though at your command you shall know 
 them, yet I declare them to be wholly subjected to your 
 order. I confess my thoughts did not tend towards marriage 
 or a settlement ; for though I had no reason to question your 
 care of me, yet I thought a gentleman ought always to see 
 something of the world before he confined himself to any 
 part of it ; and if I had been to ask your consent to any- 
 thing, it should have been to give me leave to travel for a 
 short time, in order to qualify myself to appear at home like 
 a son to so good a father. 
 
 In what capacity would you travel ? replied my father ; 
 you must go abroad either as a private gentleman, as a 
 scholar, or as a soldier. If it were in the latter capacity, 
 sir, said I, returning pretty quick, I hope I should not 
 misbehave myself; but I am not so determined as not to be 
 ruled by your judgment. Truly, replied my father, I see no 
 war abroad at this time worth while for a man to appear in, 
 whether we talk of the cause or the encouragement; and 
 indeed, son, I am afraid you need not go far for adventures 
 of that nature, for times seem to look as if this part of 
 Europe would find us work enough. My father spake then 
 relating to the quarrel likely to happen between the king of 
 England and the Spaniard (upon the breach of the match 
 between the king of England and the infanta of Spain, and 
 particularly upon the old quarrel of the king of Bohemia 
 and the Palatinate), for I believe he had no notions of a 
 civU war in his head. 
 
 In short, my father, perceiving my inclinations very for- 
 ward to go abroad, gave me leave to travel, upon condition I 
 would promise to return in two years at farthest, or sooner, 
 if he sent for me. 
 
 While I was at Oxford I happened into the society of a 
 young gentleman, of a good family, but of a low fortune, 
 being a younger brother, and who had indeed instilled into 
 me the first desires of going abroad, and who 1 knew pas- 
 sionately longed to travel, but had not sufficient allowance to 
 defray lais expenses as a gentleman. We had contracted a 
 very close friendship, and our humours being vei^ agreeable 
 
START ON MT TEAVELS. 6 
 
 to one another, we daily enjoyed the conversation of letters. 
 He was of a generous free temper, without the least affecta- 
 tion or deceit, a handsome proper person, a strong body, very 
 good mien, and brave to the last degree. His name was 
 Fielding, and we called him captain, though it be a very un- 
 usual title in a college ; but fate had some hand in the title, 
 for he had certainly the lines of a soldier drawn in his coun- 
 tenance. I imparted to him the resolutions I had taken, and 
 how I had my father's consent to go abroad; and would know 
 his mind, whether he would go with me : he sent me word, 
 he would go vnth all his heart. 
 
 My father, when he saw him, for I sent for him imme- 
 diately to come to me, mightily approved my choice ; so we 
 got our equipage ready, and came away for London. 
 
 'Twas on the 22nd of April, 1630, when we embarked at 
 Dover, landed in a few hours at Calais, and immediately 
 took post for Paris. I shall not trouble the reader with a 
 journal of my travels, nor with the description of places, 
 which every geographer can do better than I ; but these me- 
 moirs being only a relation of what happened either to our- 
 selves, or in our own knowledge, I shall confine myself to that 
 part of it. 
 
 We had indeed some diverting passages in our journey to 
 Paris ; as, first, the horse my comrade was upon fell so very 
 lame with a slip, that he could not go, and hardly stand ; and 
 the fellow that rid with us express, pretended to ride away 
 to a town five miles off to get a fresh horse, and so left us on 
 the road with one horse between two of us ; we followed as 
 well as we could, but being strangers, missed the way, and 
 wandered a great way out of the road. Whether the man 
 performed in reasonable time or not, we could not be sure, 
 but if it had not been for an old priest, we had never found 
 him. We met this man, by a very good accident, near a 
 little village whereof he was curate : we spoke Latin enough 
 just to make him understand us, and he did not speak it much 
 better himself; but he carried us into the village to his house, 
 gave us wine and bread, and entertained us with wonderful 
 courtesy. After this he sent into the village, hired a peasant 
 and a horse for my captain, and sent him to guide us into the 
 road. At parting, he made a great many compliments to U9 
 in French, which we could just understand ; but the sum was, 
 to excuse him for a question he had a mind to ask us. Aftei 
 
6 MEMOIRS OP A CAVALIER. 
 
 leave to ask what he pleased, it was, if we wanted any money 
 for our journey, and pulled out two pistoles, which he offered 
 either to give or lend us. 
 
 I mention this exceeding courtesy of the curate, because, 
 though civility is very much in use in France, and especially 
 to strangers, yet it is a very unusual thing to have them 
 part with their money. 
 
 "We let the priest know, first, that we did not want money, 
 and next, that we were very sensible of the obligation he had 
 put upon us ; and I told him in particular, if I lived to see 
 him again, I would acknowledge it. 
 
 This accident of our horse was, as we afterwards found, 
 of some use lo us. We had left our two servants behind us 
 at Calais to bring our baggage after us, by reason of some 
 dispute between the captain of the packet and the custom- 
 house officer, which could not be adjusted, and we were will- 
 ing to be at Paris. The fellows followed as fast as they 
 could, and, as near as we could learn, in the time we lost our 
 way were robbed, and our portmanteaus opened. They took 
 what they pleased ; but as there was no money there, but 
 linen and necessaries, the loss was not great. 
 
 Our guide carried us to Amiens, where we found the ex- 
 press and our two servants, who the express meeting on the 
 road with a spare horse, had brought back with him thither. 
 
 We took this for a good omen of our successful journey, 
 having escaped a danger which might have been greater to 
 us than it was to our servants ; for the highwaymen in France 
 do not always give a traveller the civUity of bidding him stand 
 and deliver his money, but frequently fire upon him first, and 
 then take his money. 
 
 We stayed one day at Amiens, to adjust this little disorder, 
 and walked about the town, and into the great church, but 
 saw nothing very remarkable there ; but going across a broad 
 street near the great church, we saw a crowd of people gazing 
 at a mountebank doctor, who made a long harangue to them 
 with a thousand antic postures, and gave out bills this way, 
 and boxes of physic that way, and had a great trade, when 
 on a sudden the people raised a cry, Larron, Larron (in Eng- 
 lish, Thief, Tliief), on the other side the street, and all the 
 auditors ran away from Mr. Doctor, to see what the matter 
 was. Among the rest we went to see ; and the case was 
 plain and short enough, .Two English gentlemen an'l n 
 
A TEBNCH PICKPOCKET. 
 
 Seotchman, travellers as we were, were standing gazing at 
 this prating doctor, and one of them catched a fellow picking 
 his pocket. The fellow had got some of his money, for he 
 dropt two or three pieces just by him, and had got hold of 
 his watch ; but being surprised, let it slip again ; but the rea- 
 son of telling tliis story, is for the management of it. This 
 thief had his seconds so ready, that as soon as the English- 
 man had seized him, they fell in, pretended to be mighty 
 zealous for the stranger, take the fellow by the throat, and 
 make a great bustle ; the gentleman not doubting but the man 
 was secured, let go his own hold of him, and left him to them. 
 The hubbub was great, and it was these fellows cried Larron, 
 Larron ; but, with a dexterity peculiar to themselves, had let 
 the right feUow go, and pretended to be all upon one of their 
 own gang. At last, they bring the man to the gentleman, to 
 ask him what the fellow had done ? who, when he saw the 
 person they seized on, presently told them that was not the 
 man. Then they seemed to be in more consternation than 
 before, and spread themselves all over the street, ci-ying 
 Larron, Larron, Larron, pretending to search for the fellow ; 
 and so one one way, one another, they were all gone, the noise 
 went over, the gentlemen stood looking at one another, and 
 the bawling doctor began to have the crowd about him again. 
 
 This was the first French trick I had the opportunity of 
 seeing ; but I was told they have a great many more as 
 dexterous as this. 
 
 "We soon got acquaintance with those gentlemen, who were 
 going to Paris as well as we ; so the next day we made up 
 our company with them, and were a pretty troop of five 
 gentlemen and four servants. 
 
 As we had really no design to stay long at Paris, so, indeed, 
 excepting the city itself, there was not much to be seen there. 
 Cardinal Richelieu, who was not only a supreme minister in 
 the church, but prime minister in the state, wae now made 
 also general of the king's forces, with a title never known in 
 France before nor since, viz., lieutenant-general au place 
 du Roy, in the king's stead, or as some have since translated 
 it, representing the person of the king. 
 
 Under this character he pretended to execute all the royal 
 powers in the army, without appeal to the king, or without 
 waiting for orders ; and having parted from Paris the winter 
 before, had now actually begun the war against the duke of 
 
8 MEMOIRS or A CAVALIER. 
 
 Savoy; in the process of which, he restored the duke of 
 Mantua, and having taken Pignerol from the duke, put it 
 into such a state of defence, as the duke could never force it 
 out of his hands, and reduced the duke, rather by manage 
 and conduct than by force, to make peace without it ; so as, 
 annexing it to the crown of France, it has ever since been 
 a thorn in his foot, that has always made the peace of Savoy 
 lame and precarious ; and France has since made Pignerol 
 one of the strongest fortresses in the world. 
 
 As the cardinal, with all the military part of the court, was 
 in the field ; so the king, to be near him, ws« gone with the 
 queen and all the court, just before I reached Paris, to reside 
 at Lyons. All these considered, there was nothing to do at 
 Paris ; the court looked like a citizen's house when the family 
 was all gone into the country ; and I thought the whole city 
 looked very melancholy, compared to all the fine things I 
 had heard of it. 
 
 The queen-mother and her party were chagrined at the 
 cardinal, who, though he owed his grandeur to her immediate 
 favour, was now grown too great any longer to be at the 
 command of her majesty, or indeed in her interests ; and 
 therefore the queen was under dissatisfaction, and her party 
 looked very much down. 
 
 The protestants were everywhere disconsolate ; for the 
 losses they had received at Rochelle, Nismes, and Montpelier, 
 had reduced them to an absolute dependence on the kino-'s 
 will, without all possible hopes of ever recovering themselves, 
 or being so mueh as in a condition to take arms for their re- 
 ligion ; and therefore the wisest of them plainly foresaw their 
 own entire reduction, as it since came to pass ; and I remem- 
 ber very well, that a protestant gentleman told me once, as 
 we were passing from Orleans to Lyons, that the English 
 had ruined them ; and therefore, says he, I think the next 
 occasion the king takes to use us ill, as I know it will not be 
 long before he does, we must all fly over to England, where 
 you are bound to maintain us for having helped to turn us 
 out of our own country. I asked him what he meant by 
 saying the English had done it ? He returned short upon 
 me ; I do not mean, says he, by not relieving Eochelle, but 
 by helping to ruin Rochelle, when you and the Dutch lent 
 ships to beat our fleet, which all the ships in France could 
 laot have done without you. 
 
ETJN A MAN THROUGH THE BODY. 9 
 
 I was too young in the world to be very sensible of this 
 efore, and therefore was something startled at the charge ; 
 ut when I came to discourse with this gentleman, I soon saw 
 lie truth of what he said was undeniable, and have since re- 
 ected on it with regret, that the naval power of the protes- 
 mts, which was then superior to the royal, would certainly 
 lave been the recovery of all their fortunes, had it not been 
 mhappily broke by their brethren of England and Holland, 
 he former lending seven men-of-war, and the latter twenty, 
 or the destruction of the Rochellers' fleet ; and by these very 
 hips the Eochellers' fleet was actually beaten and destroyed, 
 ,nd they never afterwards recovered their force at sea, and by 
 lonsequence sunk under the siege, which the English after- 
 rards in vain attempted to prevent. 
 
 These things made the protestants look very dull, and ex- 
 lected the ruin of all their party; which had certainly 
 lappened had the cardinal lived a few years longer. 
 
 We stayed in Paris about three weeks, as well to see the 
 lourt, and what rarities the place afforded, as by an occasion 
 yhich had like to have put a short period to our ramble. 
 
 "Walking one morning before the gate of the Louvre, with 
 I design to see the Swiss draw up, which they always did, 
 ind exercised just before they relieved the guards ; a page 
 lame up to me, and speaking English to me. Sir, says he, the 
 iaptain must needs have your immediate assistance\, I that 
 lad not the knowledge of any person in Paris but my own. 
 lompanion, whom I called captain, had no room to question, 
 )ut it was he that sent for me ; and crying out hastily to him, 
 SVTiere ? followed the fellow as fast as it was possible. He 
 ed me through several passages which I knew not, and at last 
 hrough a tennis-court, and into a large room, where three 
 aen, like gentlemen, were engaged very briskly, two against 
 me. The room was very dark, so that I could not easily 
 :now them asunder; but being fully possessed with an opinion 
 lefore of my captain's danger, I ran into the room with my 
 word in my hand. I had not particularly engaged any of them, 
 lor so much as made a pass at any, when I received a very 
 langerous thrust in my thigh, rather occasioned by my too 
 lasty running in, than a real design of the person ; buj 
 nraged at the hurt, without examining who it was hurt me, 
 
 threw myself upon him, and run my sword quite through 
 is 'wdy. 
 
10 MEMOIRS OK A CAVALIER. 
 
 The novelty of the adventure, and the unexpected fall ol 
 the man by a stranger, come in nobody knew how, had be- 
 calmed the other two, that they really stood gazing at me. 
 By this time I had discovered that my captain was not there, 
 and that 'twas some strange accident brought me thither. I 
 could speak but little French, and supposed they could speak 
 no Enghsh ; so I stepped to the door to see for the page that 
 brought me thither ; but seeing nobody there, and the passage 
 clear, I made off as fast as I could, without speaking a word ; 
 nor did the other two gentlemen offer to stop me. 
 
 But I was in a strange confusion when, coming into those 
 entries and passages which the page led me through, I could 
 by no means find my way out ; at last, seeing a. door open 
 that looked through a house into the street, I went in, and out 
 at the other door ; but then I was at as great a loss to know 
 where I was, and which was the way to my lodging. The 
 wound in my thigh bled apace, and I could feel the blood in 
 my breeches. In this interval came by a chair ; I called, and 
 went into it, and bid them, as well as I could, go to the 
 Louvre ; for though I knew not the name of the street where 
 I lodged, I knew I could find the way to it when I was at 
 the Bastile. The chairmen went on their own way, and being 
 stopped by a company of the guards as they went, set me 
 down till the soldiers were marched by ; when looking out, 
 I found I was just at my own lodging, and the captain was 
 standing at the door looking for me. I beckoned him to 
 me, and, whispering, told him I was very much hurt, and bid 
 him pay the chairmen, and ask no questions, but come to me. 
 
 I made the best of my way up stairs, but had lost so much 
 blood, that I had hardly spirits enough to keep me from 
 swooning, till he came in : he was equally concerned with 
 me to see me in such a bloody condition, and presently called 
 up our landlord, and he as quickly called in his neighbours, 
 that I had a room full of people about me in a quarter of an 
 hour. But this had liked to have been of worse consequence 
 to me than the other ; for by this time there was great 
 inquiring after the person who killed a man at the tennis- 
 court. My landlord was then sensible of his mistake, and 
 came to me, and told me the danger I was in, and very 
 honestly oifered to convey me to a friend's of his, where I 
 should be very secure ; I thanked him, and suffered myself 
 to be carried at midnight whither he pleased. He visited me 
 
DISOEDEE OF FEENCH AFFAIRS. 11 
 
 very often, till I was well enough to walk about, which was 
 not in less than ten days, and then we thought fit to be gone ; 
 60 we took post for Orleans ; but when I came upon the 
 road I found myself in a new error, for my wound opened 
 again with riding, and I was in a worse condition than before, 
 being forced to take up at a little village on the road, called 
 
 , about miles fi-om Orleans, where there was no 
 
 surgeon to be had, but a sorry country barber, who never- 
 theless dressed me as well as he could, and in about a week 
 more I was able to walk to Orleans at three times. 
 
 Here I stayed till I was quite well, and then took coacK 
 for Lyons, and so through Savoy into Italy. 
 
 I spent near two years' time after this bad beginning, in 
 travelling through Italy, and to the several courts of Rome, 
 Naples, Venice, and Vienna. 
 
 When I came to Lyons, the king was gone from thence to 
 Grenoble to meet the cardinal, but the queens were both 
 at Lyons. 
 
 The French affairs seemed at this time to have but an 
 indifferent aspect ; there was no life in anything but where 
 the cardinal was. He pushed on everything with extraor- 
 dinary conduct, and generally with success ; he had taken 
 Suza and Pignerol from the Duke of Savoy, and was prepar- 
 ing to push the duke even out of all his dominions. 
 
 But in the mean time everywhere else things looked ill ; 
 the troops were ill paid, the magazines empty, the people 
 mutinous, and a general disorder seized the minds of the 
 court; and the cardinal, who was the soul of everything, 
 desired this interview at Grenoble, in order to put things into 
 some better method. 
 
 This politic minister always ordered matters so, that if 
 there was success in anything the glory was his; but if 
 things miscarried it was all laid upon the king. This con- 
 duct was so much the more nice, as it is the direct contrary 
 to the custom in like cases, where kings assume the glory of 
 all the success in an action ; and when a thing miscarries, 
 make themselves easy by sacrificing their ministers and 
 favourites to the complaints and resentments of the people ; 
 but this accurate refined statesman got over this point. 
 
 While we were at Lyons, and as I remember, the third 
 day after our coming thither, we had liked to have been 
 involved in a state broil, without knowing where we were. 
 
12 MEMOIRS OP A CAVALIER. 
 
 It was of a Sunday, in the evening ; the people of Lyons, 
 who had been sorely oppressed in taxes, and the war in Italy 
 pinching their trade, began to be very tumultuous ; we found 
 the day before the mob got together in great crowds, and 
 talked oddly ; the king was everywhere reviled, and spoken 
 disrespectfully of, and the magistrates of the city either 
 winked at, or durst not attempt to meddle, lest they should 
 provoke the people. 
 
 But on Sunday night, about midnight, we were waked- by 
 a prodigious noise in the street ; I jumpt out of bed, and, 
 running to the window, I saw the street as full of mob as it 
 could hold. Some, armed with muskets and halberds, marched 
 in very good order ; others in disorderly crowds, all shouting 
 and crying out, Du paix le Roy, and the like. One, that led 
 a great party of this rabble, carried a loaf of bread upon the 
 top of a pike, and other lesser loaves, signifying the smallness 
 of their bread, occasioned by dearness. 
 
 By morning this crowd was gathered to a great height ; 
 they run roving over the whole city, shut up all the shops, 
 and forced all the people to join with them ; from thence 
 they went up to the castle, and, renewing the clamour, a 
 strange consternation seized all the princes. 
 
 They broke open the doors of the officers, collectors of the 
 new taxes, and plundered their houses, and had not the 
 persons themselves fled in time, they had been very iU treated. 
 
 The queen-mother, as she was very much displeased to see 
 such consequences of the government, in whose management 
 she had no share, so I suppose she had the less concern upon 
 her. However, she came into the court of the castle and 
 showed herself to the people, gave money amongst them, 
 and spoke gently to them ; and by a way pecuhar to herself, 
 and which obliged all she talked with, she pacified the mob 
 gradually, sent them home with promises of redress and the 
 like ; and so appeased this tumult in two days, by her 
 prudence, which the guards in the castle had small mind to 
 meddle with, and if they had, would, in all probability, have 
 made the better side the worse. 
 
 There had been several seditions of the like nature in 
 sundry other parts of France, and the very army began to 
 murmur, though not to mutiny, for want of provisions. 
 
 This sedition at Lyons was not quite over when we left 
 ^he place, for, finding the city all in a broil, we considered 
 
MADE rUISONERS OF WAR. 13 
 
 we had no business there ; and what the consequence of a 
 popular tumult might be, we did not see, so we prepared to 
 be gone. We had not rid above three miles out of the city, 
 but we were brought as prisoners of war, by a party of 
 mutineers, who had been abroad upon the scout, and were 
 charged with being messengers sent to the cardinal for forces 
 to reduce the citizens ; with these pretences they brought us 
 back in triumph, and the queen-mother being by this time 
 grown something famUiar to them, they carried us before 
 her. 
 
 When they inquired of us who we were, we called ourselves 
 Scots ; for as the English were very much out of favour in 
 France at this time, the peace having been made not many 
 months, and not supposed to be very durable, because parti- 
 cularly displeasing to the people of England ; so the Scots 
 were on the other extreme vrith the French. Nothing was 
 so much caressed as the Scots, and a man had no more to do 
 in France, if he would be well received there, than to say he 
 was a Scotchman. 
 
 When we came before the queen-mother she seemed to 
 receive us with some stiifness at first, and caused her guards 
 to take us into custody ; but as she was a lady of most exquisite 
 politics, she did this to amuse the mob, and we were imme- 
 diately after dismissed ; and the queen herself made a handsome 
 excuse to us for the rudeness we had suffered, alleging the 
 troubles of the times ; and the next morning we had three 
 dragoons of the guards to convoy us out of the jurisdiction of 
 Lyons. 
 
 CHAPTER n. 
 
 EEFLECTIONS — JOUENET TO GRENOBLE, AND DESCRIPTION 
 
 or THE SWISS TROOPS THERE ACCOUNT OF THE KING 
 
 AND COURT DEPART FOR PIGNEEOL SIEGE OP CASAL 
 
 I ESCAPE GREAT DANGER IN AN ACTION THERE MARCH 
 
 TO SALUCES DEATH OP THE DUKE OP SAVOY 1 CATCH 
 
 THE PLAGUE RECOVER AND SPEND THE WINTER AT 
 
 MILAN JOURNEY THROUGH ITALY, AND SINGULAR AD- 
 VENTURES THERE. 
 
 I CONFESS this little adventure gave me an aversion to popu- 
 lar tumults all my life after, and if nothing else had bean in" 
 
14 MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIEil. 
 
 the cause, would have biassed me to espouse the king's party 
 in England, when our popular heats carried all before it at 
 home. 
 
 But I must say, that when I called to mind since, the 
 address, the management, the compliance in show, and in 
 general the whole conduct of the queen-mother with the mu- 
 tinous people of Lyons, and compared it with the conduct of 
 my unhappy master the king of England, I could not but see 
 that the queen understood much better than King Charles, 
 the management of politics, and the clamours of the 
 people. 
 
 Had this princess been at the helm in England, she would 
 have prevented all the calamities of the civU war here, and 
 yet not have parted with what that good prince yielded in 
 order to peace neither ; she would have yielded gradually, 
 and then gained upon them gradually ; she would have man- 
 aged them to the point she had designed them, as she did all 
 parties in France; and none could effectually subject her, 
 but the very man she had raised to be her principal support ; 
 I mean the cardinal. 
 
 We went from hence to Grenoble, and arrived there the 
 same day that the king and the cardinal, with the whole court, 
 went out to view a body of six thousand Swiss foot, which 
 the cardinal had wheedled the cantons to grant to the king, 
 to help to ruin their neighbour the duke of Savoy. 
 
 The troops were exceeding fine, well-accoutred, brave, 
 clean-limbed, stout fellows indeed. Here I saw the cardinal ; 
 there was an air of church gravity in his habit, but all the 
 vigour of a general, and the sprightliness of a vast genius in 
 his face ; he affected a little stiffness in his behaviour, but 
 managed all his affairs with such clearness, such steadiness, 
 and such application, that it was no wonder he had such 
 success in every undertaking. 
 
 Here I saw the king, whose figure was mean, his counte- 
 nance hollow, and always seemed dejected, and every way 
 discovering that weakness in his countenance, that appeared 
 in his actions. 
 
 If he was ever sprightly and vigorous, it was when the 
 cardinal was with him ; for he depended so much on every- 
 thing he did, that he was at the utmost dilemma when he was 
 absent, always timorous, jealous, and irresolute. 
 
 After the review the cardinal was absent some days, having 
 
AERIVE AT PIGNEEOL. 15 
 
 been to wait on the queen-mother at Lyons, where,' as it was 
 discoursed, they were at least seemingly reconciled. 
 
 I observed, while the cardinal was gone, there was no 
 court, the king was seldom to be seen, very small attendance 
 given, and no bustle at the castle ; but as soon as the c^-dinal 
 returned, the great councils were assembled, the coaches of 
 the ambassadors went every day to the castle, and a face of 
 business appeared upon the whole court. 
 
 Here the measures of the Duke of Savoy's ruin were con- 
 certed, and in order to it the king and the cardinal put 
 themselves at the head of the army, with which they imme- 
 diately reduced all Savoy, took Chamberry and the whole 
 duchy, except Montmelian. 
 
 The army that did this was not above twenty-two thousand 
 men, including the Swiss, and but indiiFerent troops neither, 
 especially the French foot, who, compared to the infantry I 
 have seen since in the German and Swedish armies, were not 
 fit to be called soldiers. On the other hand, considering the 
 Savoyards and Italian troops, they were good troops, but the 
 cardinal's conduct made amends for all these deficiencies. 
 
 From hence I went to Pignerol, which was then little more 
 than a single fortification on the hill near the town called St. 
 Bride's ; but the situation of that was very strong. I mention 
 this because of the prodigioms works since added to it, by 
 which it has since obtained the name of the right hand of 
 France ; they had begun a new line below the hill, and some 
 works were marked out on the side of the town next the fort ; 
 but the cardinal afterwards drew the plan of the works with 
 his own hand, by which it was made one of the strongest 
 fortresses in Europe. 
 
 While I was at Pignerol, the governor of Milan, for the 
 Spaniards, came with an army and sat down before Casal. 
 The grand quarrel, and for which the war in this part of Italy 
 was begun, was this : the Spaniards and Germans pretended 
 to the duchy of Mantua ; the Duke of Nevers, a Frenchman, 
 had not only a title to it, but had got possession of it ; but, 
 being ill-supported by the French, was beaten out by the im- 
 perialists, and after a long siege, the Germans took Mantua 
 itself, and drove the poor duke quite out of the country. 
 
 The taking of Mantua elevated the spirits of the Duke of 
 Savoy ; and the Germans and Spaniards, being now at more 
 
16 MEMOIES OF A CAVAIIER. 
 
 leisure, with a complete army, came to his assistance, and 
 formed the siege of Montserrat. 
 
 For as the Spaniards pushed the Duke of Mantua, so the 
 French hy way of diversion lay hard upon the Duke of Savoy; 
 they had seized Montserrat, and held it for the Duke of 
 Mantua, and had a strong French garrison under Thoiras, 
 a brave and experienced commander ; and thus affairs stood 
 when we came into the French army. 
 
 I had no business there as a soldier, but having passed as 
 a Scotch gentleman with the mob at Lyons, and after with 
 her majesty, the queen-mother, when we obtained the guard 
 of her dragoons ; we had also her majesty's pass, with which 
 we came and went where we pleased ; and the cardinal, who 
 was then not ou very good terms with the queen, but willing 
 to keep smooth water there, when two or three times our 
 passes came to be examined, showed a more than ordinary 
 respect to us on that very account, our passes being from the 
 queen. 
 
 Casal being besieged, as I have observed, began to be in 
 danger ; for the cardinal, who it was thought had formed a 
 design to ruin Savoy, was more intent upon that than upon 
 the succour of the Duke of Mantua ; but necessity calling upon 
 him to deliver so great a captain as Thoiras, and not to let 
 such a place as Casal fall into the hands of the enemy, the 
 king, or cardinal rather, ordered the Duke of Momorency, 
 and the Mareschal D'Effiat, with ten thousand foot and two 
 thousand horse, to march and join the Mareschals de la Force 
 and Schomberg, who lay already with an army on the frontiers 
 of Genoa, but to weak to attempt the raising the siege of 
 Casal. 
 
 As all men thought there would be a battle between the 
 French and the Spaniards, I could not prevail with myself to 
 lose the opportunity, and therefore, by the help of the passes 
 above mentioned, I came to the French army under the 
 Duke of Momorency. We marched through the enemy's 
 country with great boldness and no small hazard, for the 
 Duke of Savoy appeared frequently with great bodies of horse 
 on the rear of the army, and frequently skirmished with our 
 troops, in one of which I had the folly, I can call it no better, 
 for I had no business there, to go out and see the sport, as 
 the French gentlemen called it. I was but a raw soldier, 
 and did not like the sport at all, for this party -w as surrounded 
 
GREAT DANGER IN ACnON. 17 
 
 by the Duke of Savoy, and almost all killed, for as to quar- 
 ter, they neither asked nor gave. I ran away very faWy one 
 of the first, and my companion with me, and by the goodness 
 of our horses got out of the fray, and beiug not much known 
 in the army, we came into the camp an hour or two after, 
 as if we had been only riding abroad for the air. 
 
 This little rout made the general very cautious, for the 
 Savoyards were stronger in horse by three or four thousand, 
 and the army always marched in a body, and kept their par- 
 ties in or very near hand. 
 
 I escaped another rub in this French army about five days 
 after, which had Hked to have made me pay dear for my 
 curiosity. 
 
 The Duke de Momorency, and the Mareschal Schomberg 
 joined their army about four or five days after, and imme- 
 diately, according to the cardinal's instructions, put themselves 
 on the march for the relief of Casal. 
 
 The army had marched over a great plain, with some 
 marshy grounds on the right, and the Po on the left, and as 
 the country was so well discovered that it was thought im- 
 possible any mischief should happen, the generals observed 
 the less caution. At the end of this plain was a long wood, 
 and a lane or narrow defile through the middle of it. 
 
 Through this pass the army was to march, and the van 
 began to file through it about four o'clock ; by three hours' 
 time all the army was got through, or into the pass, and the 
 artillery was just entered, when the Duke of Savoy, with 
 four thousand horse, and fifteen hundred dragoons, with every 
 horseman a footman behind him, whether he had swam the 
 Po, or passed it above at a bridge, and made a long march 
 after was not examined, but he came boldly up the plain, and 
 charged our rear with a great deal of fury. 
 
 Our artillery was in the lane, and as it was impossible to 
 turn them about, and make way for the army, so the rear was 
 obhged to support themselves, and maintain the fight for 
 above an hour and a half. 
 
 In this time we lost abundance of men, and if it had not 
 been for two accidents, all that line had been cut off; one 
 was, that the wood was so near that those regiments which 
 were disordered presently sheltered themselves in the wood ; 
 the other was, that by this time the Mareschal Schomberg, 
 with the horse of the van, began to get back through the lane, 
 
 VOL. n. o 
 
18 MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIER. 
 
 and to make good the ground from whence the other had been 
 beaten, till at last by this means it came to almost a pitched 
 battle. 
 
 There were two regiments of French dragoons who did ex- 
 cellent service in this action, and maintained their ground till 
 they were almost all killed. 
 
 Had the Duke of Savoy contented himself with the defeat 
 of five regiments on the right, which he quite broke and drove 
 into the wood, and with the slaughter and havoc which he had 
 made among the rest, he had come off with honour, and might 
 have caUed it a victory ; but endeavouring to break the whole 
 party, and carry off some cannon, the obstinate resistance of 
 these few dragoons lost him his advantages, and held him in 
 play till so many fresh troops got through the pass again, as 
 made us too strong for him ; and had not night parted them 
 he had been entirely defeated. 
 
 At last, finding our troops increase and spread themselves 
 on his flank, he retired and gave over. We had no great 
 stomach to pursue him neither, though some horse were 
 ordered to follow a little way. 
 
 The duke lost above a thousand men, and we almost twice 
 as many, and but for those dragoons, had lost the whole rear- 
 guard and half our cannon. I was in a very sorry case in 
 this action too. I was with the rear in the regiment of horse 
 of Perigoort, with a captain of which regiment I had contracted 
 some acquaintance. I would have rid off at first, as the cap- 
 tain desired me, but there was no doing it, for the cannon 
 was in the lane, and the horse and dragoons of the van eagerly 
 pressing back through the lane, must have run me down, or 
 carried me with them. As for the wood, it was a good shelter 
 to save one's life, but was so thick there was no passing it on 
 horseback. 
 
 Our regiment was one of the first that was broke, and being 
 all in confusion, with the Duke of Savoy's men at our heels, 
 away we ran into the wood. Never was there so much dis- 
 order among a parcel of runaways as when we came to this 
 wood ; it was so exceeding bushy and thick at the bottom 
 there was no entering it, and a volley of small shot from a 
 regiment of Savoy's dragoons, poured in upon us at our 
 breaking into the wood, made terrible work among our horses. 
 
 For my part I was got into the wood, but was forced to 
 quit my horse, and by that means with a great deal of diffi- 
 
MARCH TO SALUCES, -WHICH SfEEENDEES. \i) 
 
 culty got a little farther in, where there was a little open 
 Dlace, and being qmte spent with labouring among the bushes, 
 J sat down resolving to take my fate there, let it be what it 
 would, for I was not able to go any farther. I had twenty 
 or thirty more in the same condition came to me in less than 
 half an hour, and here we waited very securely the success of 
 the battle, which was as before. 
 
 It was no small relief to those with me to hear the Savoy- 
 ards were beaten, for otherwise they had all been lost; as 
 for me, I confess, I was glad as it was, because of the danger, 
 but otherwise I cared not much which had the better, for I 
 designed no service among them. 
 
 One kindness it did me, that I began to consider what I 
 had to do here, and as I could give but a very slender account 
 of myself, for what it was I run all these risks, so I resolved 
 they should fight it among themselves, for I would come 
 among them no more. 
 
 The captain with whom, as I noted above, I had contracted 
 some acquaintance in this regiment, was killed in this action, 
 and the French had really a great blow here, though they 
 took care to conceal it all they could ; and I cannot, without 
 smiling, read some of the histories and memoirs of this action, 
 which they are not ashamed to call a victory. 
 
 We marched on to Saluces, and the next day the Duke of 
 Savoy presented himself in battalia, on the other side of a 
 small river; giving us a fair challenge to pass and engage him. 
 We always said in our camp that the orders were to fight 
 the Duke of Savoy wherever we met him ; but though he 
 braved us in our view, we did not care to engage him, but 
 we brought Saluces to surrender upon articles, which the 
 duke could not relieve without attacking our camp, which he 
 did not care to do. 
 
 The next morning we had news of the surrender of Mantua 
 to the imperial army ; we heard of it first from the Duke of 
 Savoy's cannon, which he fired by way of rejoicing, and 
 which seemed to make him amends for the loss of Saluces. 
 
 As this was a mortification to the French, so it quite 
 damped the success of the campaign, for the Duke de Momo- 
 rency imagining that the imperial general would send imme- 
 diate assistance to the Marquis Spinola, who besieged Casal, 
 they called frequent counsels of war what course to take, and 
 at last resolved to halt in Piedmont. 
 
 c 2 
 
20 MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIER. 
 
 A few days after, their resolutions were chimged again, by 
 the news of the death of the Duke of Savoy, Charles Emanuel, 
 who died, as some say, agitated with the extremes of joy and 
 grief. 
 
 "Bhis put our generals upon considering again, whether 
 they should march to the relief of Casal, but the chimera of ■ 
 the Germans put them by, and so they took up quarters in 
 Piedmont ; they took several small places from the Duke of 
 Savoy, making advantage of the consternation the duke's sub- 
 jects were in on the death of their prince, and spread them- 
 selves from the sea-side to the banks of the Po. 
 
 But here an enemy did that for them which the Savoyards 
 could not, for the plague got into their quarters and destroyed 
 abundance of people, both of the army and of the country. 
 
 I thought then it was time for me to be gone, for I had no 
 manner of courage for that risk ; and I think verily I was 
 more afraid of being taken sick in a strange country, than 
 ever I was of being killed in battle. Upon this resolution I 
 procured a pass to go to Genoa, and accordingly began my 
 journey, but was arrested at Villa Franca by a slow linger- 
 ing fever, which held me about five days, and then turned to 
 a burning malignancy, and at last to the plague. My friend, 
 the captain, never left me night nor day; and though for four 
 days more I knew nobody, nor was capable of so much as 
 thinking of myself, yet it pleased God that the distemper 
 gathered in my neck, swelled and broke ; during the swell- 
 ing I was raging mad with the violence of pain, which being 
 so near my head, swelled that also in proportion, that my 
 eyes were swelled up, and for twenty-four hours my tongue 
 and mouth ; then, as my servant told me, all the physicians 
 gave me over, as past all remedy, but by the good providence 
 of God the swelling broke. 
 
 The prodigious collection of matter which this swelling dis- 
 charged, gave me immediate relief, and I became sensible in 
 less than an hour's time ; and in two hours, or thereabouts, 
 fell into a little slumber, which recovered my spirits, and 
 sensibly revived me. Here I lay by it till the middle of Sep- 
 tember : my captain fell sick after me, but recovered quickly; 
 his man had the plague, and died in two days ; my man held 
 it out well. 
 
 About the middle of September, we heard of a truce cou- 
 cluded between all parlies, and being unwilling to winter ai 
 
SPEND THE WINTER AT MILAN. 21 
 
 Villa Franca, I got passes, and though we were both weak, 
 we began to travel in litters for Milan. 
 
 And here I experienced the truth of an old English pro 
 verb, that standers-by see more than the gamesters. 
 
 The French, Savoyards, and Spaniards, made this peace, or 
 truce, all for separate and several grounds, and every one 
 were mistaken. 
 
 The French yielded to it because they had given over the 
 relief of Casal, and were very much afraid it would fall into 
 the hands of the Marquis Spinola. The Savoyards yielded 
 to it, because they were afraid the French would winter in 
 Piedmont ; the Spaniards yielded to it, because the Duke of 
 Savoy being dead, and the Count de Colalto, the imperial 
 general, giving no assistance, and his army weakened by sick- 
 ness and the fatigues of the siege, he foresaw he should never 
 take the town, and wanted but to come off vdth honour. 
 
 The French were mistaken, because really Spinola was so 
 weak, that had they marched on into Montferrat, the Spaniards 
 must have raised the siege ; the Duke of Savoy was mistaken, 
 because the plague had so weakened the French, that they 
 durst not have stayed to winter in Piedmont ; and Spinola was 
 mistaken, for though he was very slow, if he had stayed 
 before the town one fortnight longer, Thoiras the governor 
 must have surrendered, being brought to the last extremity. 
 
 Of all these mistakes the French had the advantage ; for 
 Casal was relieved, the army had time to be recruited, and 
 the French had the best of it by an early campaign. 
 
 I passed through Montferrat in my way to Milan just as 
 the truce was declared, and saw the miserable remains of 
 the Spanish army, who by sickness, fatigue, hard duty, the 
 sallies of the garrison, and such like consequences, were re- 
 duced to less than two thousand men, and of them above a 
 thousand lay wounded and sick in the camp. 
 
 Here were several regiments which I saw drawn out to 
 their arms, that could not make up above seventy or eighty 
 men, officers and all, and those half starved with hunger, 
 almost naked, and in a lamentable condition. From thence 
 I went into the town, and there things were still in a worse 
 condition, the houses beaten down, the walls and works 
 ruined, the garrison, by continual duty, reduced from four 
 thousand five hundred men, to less than eight hundred, vrith- 
 
22 MEMOIES OF A CAVALIER. 
 
 out clothes, money, or provisions ; the brave governor weak 
 with continual fatigue, and the whole face of things in a 
 miserable case. 
 
 The French generals had just sent them thirty thousand 
 crowns for present supply, which heartened them a little, but 
 had not the truce been made as it was, they must have sur- 
 rendered upon what terms the Spaniards had pleased to 
 make them. 
 
 Never were two armies in such fear of one another with 
 so little cause ; the Spaniards afraid of the French whom the 
 plague had devoured, and the French afraid of the Spaniards 
 whom the siege had almost ruined. 
 
 The grief of this mistake, together with the sense of his 
 master, the Spaniards, leaving him without supplies to com- 
 plete the siege of Casal, so affected the Marquis Spinola, that 
 he died for grief, and in him fell the last of that rare breed of 
 Low Country soldiers, who gave the world so great and just 
 a character of the Spanish infantry, as the best soldiers of 
 the world ; a character which we see them so very much de- 
 generated from since, that they hardly deserve the name of 
 soldiers. 
 
 I tarried at Milan the rest of the winter, both for the 
 recovery of my health, and also for supplies from England. 
 
 Here it was I first heard the name of Gustavus Adolphus, 
 the king of Sweden, who now began his war with the 
 emperor ; and while the king of France was at Lyons, the 
 league with Sweden was made, in which the French con- 
 tributed one million two hundred thousand crowns in 
 money, and six hundred thousand per annum to the attempt 
 of Gustavus Adolphus. About this time he landed in 
 Pomerania, took the towns of Stetin and Straelsund, and 
 from thence proceeded in that prodigious manner, of which 
 I shall have occasion to be very particular in the prosecution 
 of these memoirs. 
 
 I had indeed no thoughts of seeing that king, or Ids 
 armies. I had been so roughly handled already, that I had 
 given over the thoughts of appearing among the fighting 
 people, and resolved in the spring to pursue my journey to 
 Venice, and so for the rest of Italy. 
 
 Yet I cannot deny, that as every gazette gave us some 
 accounts of the conquests and victories of this glorious 
 
DEMOKALIZED SOCIETT OF TTAT.Y. 23 
 
 prince, it prepossessed my thoughts with secret wishes of 
 seeing him ; but these were so young and unsettled, that I 
 drew no resolutions from them for a long while after. 
 
 About the middle of January I left Milan and came to 
 Genoa, from thence by sea to Leghorn, then to Naples, 
 Kome, and Venice, but saw nothing in Italy that gave me 
 any diversion. 
 
 As for what is modern, I saw nothing but lewdness, 
 private murders, stabbing men at the corner of a street, or 
 in the dark, hiring of bravoes, and the like; all the diversions 
 here ended in whoring, gaming, and sodomy. These were 
 to me the modern excellencies of Italy ; and I had no gust 
 to antiquities. 
 
 'Twas pleasant indeed when I was at Kome to say, Here 
 stood the capitol, there the colossus of Nero, here was the 
 
 amphitheatre of Titus, there the aqueduct of , here the 
 
 forum, there the catacombs, here the temple of Venus, there 
 of Jupiter, here the pantheon, and the like, but I never 
 designed to write a book ; as much as was useful I kept in 
 my head, and for the rest, I left it to others. 
 
 I observed the people degenerated from the ancient 
 glorious inhabitants, who were generous, brave, and the 
 most valiant of all nations, to a vicious baseness of soul, 
 barbarous, treacherous, jealous and revengeful, lewd and 
 cowardly, intolerably proud and haughty, bigoted to blind, 
 incoherent devotion, and the grossest of idolatry. 
 
 Indeed I think the unsuitableness of the people made the 
 place unpleasant to me, for there is so little in a country to 
 recommend it when the people disgrace it, that no beauties 
 of the creation can make up for the want of those excellen- 
 cies which suitable society procure the defect of; this made 
 Italy a very unpleasant country to me, the people were the 
 foil to the place, all manner of hateful vices reigning in 
 their general way of living. 
 
 I confess I was not very religious myself, and being come 
 abroad into the world young enough, might easily have been 
 drawn into evils that had recommended themselves with any 
 tolerable agreeableness to nature and common manners ; but 
 when wickedness presented itself full-grown, in its grossest 
 freedoms and liberties, it quite took away all the gust of 
 vice that the devil had furnished me with, and in thi» I 
 
24 MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIER. 
 
 cannot but relate one scene which passed between nobody 
 but the devil and myself. 
 
 At a certain town in Italy, which shall be nameless, 
 because I -y^on't celebrate the proficiency of one place more 
 than another, when I believe the whole country equally 
 wicked, I was prevailed upon, rather than tempted, a la 
 courtezan. 
 
 If I should describe the woman, I must give a very mean 
 character of my own virtue to say I was allured by any but 
 a woman of an' extraordinary figure ; her face, shape, mien, 
 and dress, I may, without vanity, say, the finest that I ever 
 saw. When I had admittance into her apartments, the riches 
 and magnificence of them astonished me ; the cupboard or 
 cabinet of plate, the jewels, the tapestry, and everything in 
 proportion, made me question whether I was not in the 
 chamber of some lady of the best quality; but when, after 
 some conversation, I found that it was really nothing but a 
 courtezan, in English, a common street whore, a punk of the 
 trade, I was amazed, and my inclination to her person 
 began to cool. Her conversation exceeded, if possible, the 
 best of quality, and was, I must own, exceeding agreeable ; 
 she sung to her lute, and danced as fine as ever I saw, and 
 thus diverted me two hours before anything else was dis- 
 coursed of; but when the vicious part came on the stage, I 
 blush to relate the confusion I was in, and when she made a 
 certain motion, by which I understood she might be made 
 use of, either as a lady, or as I was quite thunder- 
 struck, all the vicious part of my thoughts vanished, the 
 place filled me with horror, and I was all over disorder and 
 distraction. 
 
 I began however to recollect where I was, and that in this 
 country^ these were people not to be affronted ; and though 
 she easily saw the disorder I was in, she turned it off with 
 admirable dexterity, began to talk again a la gallant, received 
 me as a visitant, offered me sweetmeats and some wine. 
 
 Here I began to be in more confusion than before, for I 
 concluded she would neither offer me to eat or to drink now 
 without poison, and I was very shy of tasting her treat ; but 
 she scattered this fear immediately, by readily, and of her 
 own accord, not only tasting but eating freely of everything 
 she gave me;, whether she perceived my wariness, or the 
 
SlNaULAE ADVENTUKE. 25 
 
 reason of it, I know not, I could not help bauishing my 
 suspicion, the obliging carriage and strange charm of her 
 conversation had so much power of me, that I both eat and 
 drank with her at all hazards. 
 
 ^ When I offered to go, and at parting presented her five 
 pistoles, I could not prevail with her to take them, when she 
 spoke some Italian proverb which I could not readily under- 
 stand, but by my guess it seemed to imply, that she would 
 not take the pay, having not obliged me otherwise : at last I 
 laid the pieces on her toilette, and would not receive them 
 again ; upon which she obliged me to pass my word to visit 
 her again, else she would by no means accept my present. 
 
 I confess I had a strong inclination to visit her again, and 
 besides thought myself obliged to it in honour to my parole ; 
 but after some strife in my thoughts about it, I resolved to 
 break my word with her, when, going at vespers one evening 
 to see their devotions, I happened to meet this very lady 
 very devoutly going to her prayers. 
 
 At her coming out of the church I spoke to her, she paid 
 me her respects with a " Signior Inglese," and some words 
 she said in Spanish smiling, which I did not understand. I 
 cannot say here so clearly as I would be glad I might, that 
 I broke my word with her ; but if I saw her any more, I 
 saw nothing of what gave me so much offence before. 
 
 The end of my relating this story is answered in describing 
 the manner of their address, without bringing myself to 
 confession ; if I did anything I have some reason to be 
 ashamed of, it may be a less crime to conceal it than expose 
 it. 
 
 The particulars related, however, may lead the reader of 
 these sheets to a view of what gave me a particular disgust 
 at this pleasant part of the world, as they pretend to call it, 
 and made me quit the place sooner than travellers use to do 
 that come thither to satisfy their curiosity. 
 
 The prodigious stupid bigotry of the people also was 
 irksome to me ; I thought there was something in it very 
 sordid. The entire empire the priests have over both the 
 souls and bodies of the people, gave me a specimen of that 
 meanness of spirit, which is nowhere else to be seen but in 
 Italy, especially in the city of Rome. 
 
 At Venice I perceived it quite different, the civil authority 
 having a viaJbls superiority over the ecclesiastic ; and tha 
 
26 MEMOIRS jV a cavalier. 
 
 church being more subject there to the state than in any 
 other part of Italy. 
 
 For these reasons I took no pleasure in filling my memoirs 
 of Italy with remarks of places or things ; all the antiquities 
 and valuable remains of the Roman nation Are done better 
 than I can pretend to, by such people who made it more 
 their business ; as for me, I went to see, and not to write, 
 and as little thought then ot these memoirs, as I ill furnished 
 mvself to write them. 
 
 CHAPTER m. 
 
 ARRIVE AT VIENNA ACCOUNT OP THE WAR IN GERMANY 
 
 OF THE FAMOUS CONCLUSIONS OF LEIPSIC JOURNEY 
 
 FROM VIENNA TO PRAGUE DREADFUL STORM OF MAGDE- 
 
 BURGB, AND CRUELTIES OP THE IMPERIAL SOLDIERS 1 
 
 LEAVE THE EMPEROR'S SERVICE IN DISGUST, AND ARRIVE 
 AT LEIPSIC ACCOUNT OP AFFAIRS THERE. 
 
 I left Italy in April, and taking the tour of Bavaria, 
 though very much out of the way, I passed through Munich, 
 Passau, Lintz, and at last to Vienna. 
 
 I came to Vienna the 10th of April, 1631, intending to 
 have gone from thence down the Danube into Hungary, 
 and by means of a pass which I obtained from the English 
 ambassador at Constantinople, I designed to have seen all 
 the great towns on the Danube, which were then in the 
 hands of the Turks, and which I had read much of in the 
 history of the war between the Turks and the Germans ; but 
 I was diverted from my design by the following occasion. 
 
 There had been a long bloody vrar in the empire of 
 Germany for twelve years, between the emperor, the Duke 
 of Bavaria, the King of Spain, and the popish princes and 
 electors on the one side, and the protestant princes on the 
 other ; and both sides having been exhausted by the war, 
 and even the catholics themselves beginning to dislike the 
 growing power of the house of Austria, 'twas thought all the 
 parties were willing to make peace. 
 
 Nay, things were brought to that pass that some of tha 
 popish princes and electors began to talk of making alliances 
 with the King of Sweden. 
 
WAR IN GERMANY. 27 
 
 Here it is necessary to observe, that the two Dukes of 
 Mecklenburgh having been dispossessed of most of their 
 dominions by the tyranny of the Emperor Ferdinand, and 
 being in danger of losing the rest, earnestly solicited the 
 King of Sweden to come to their assistance ; and that 
 prince, as he was related to the house of Mecklenburgh, and 
 especially as he was willing to lay hold oi any opportunity 
 to break with the emperor, against whom he had laid up an 
 implacable prejudice, was very ready and forward to come to 
 their assistance. 
 
 The reasons of his quarrel with the emperor were grounded 
 upon the imperialists concerning themselves in the war of 
 Poland, where the emperor had sent eight thousand foot and 
 two thousand horse to join the Polish army against the king, 
 and had thereby given some check to his arms in that 
 war. 
 
 In pursuance therefore of his resolution to quarrel with 
 the emperor, but more particularly at the instances of the 
 princes above named, his Swedish majesty had landed the 
 year before at Straelsund with about twelve thousand men, 
 and having joined with some forces which he had left in 
 Polish Prussia, all which did not make thirty thousand men, 
 he began a war with the emperor, the greatest in event, filled 
 with the most famous battles, sieges, and extraordinary 
 actions, including its wonderful success and happy conclusion, 
 of any war ever maintained in the world. 
 
 The King of Sweden had already taken Stetin, Straelsund, 
 Kostock, Wismar, and all the strong places on the Baltic, 
 and began to spread himself in Germany ; he had made a 
 league with the French, as I observed in my story of Saxony ; 
 he had now made a treaty vnth the Duke of Brandenburgh, 
 and, in short, began to be terrible to the empire. 
 
 In this conjecture the empire called the general diet of the 
 empire to be held at Ratisbon, where, as was pretended, all 
 sides were-to treat of peace, and to join forces to beat the 
 Swedes out of the empire. Here the emperor, by a most 
 exquisite management, brought the affairs of the diet to a 
 conclusion, exceedingly to his own advantage, and to the 
 farther oppression of the protestants; and in particular, 
 in that the war against the King of Sweden was to be 
 tarried on in such a manner that the whole burthen and 
 
28 MEMOmS OF A CAVALIER. 
 
 charge would lie on the protestants themselves, and they be 
 made the instruments to oppose their best friends. Other 
 matters also ended equally to their disadvantage, as the 
 methods resolved on to recover the church lands, and to 
 prevent the education of the protestant clergy ; and what 
 remained was referred to another general diet to be held at 
 Frankfort-au-main, in August, 1631. 
 
 I won't pretend to say the other protestant princes of 
 Germany had never made any overtures to the King of 
 Sweden to come to their assistance, but it is plain that they 
 had entered into no league with him ; that appears from the 
 diiBculties which retarded the fixing of the treaties afterwards, 
 both vidth the Dukes of Brandenburgh and Saxony, which 
 unhappily occasioned the ruin of Magdeburgh. 
 
 But it is plain the Swede was resolved on a war with the 
 emperor ; his Swedish majesty might, and indeed could not 
 but foresee, that if he once showed himself with a sufficient 
 force on the frontiers of the empire, aU the protestant princes 
 would be obliged by their interest or by his arms to fall in 
 with him, and this the consequence made appear to be a just 
 conclusion ; for the electors of Brandenburgh and Saxony 
 were both forced to join with him. 
 
 First, they were willing to join with him, at least they 
 could not find in their hearts to join with the empei'or, of 
 whose powers they had such just apprehensions ; they wished 
 the Swedes success, and would have been very glad to have 
 had the work done at another man's charge ; but like true 
 Germans they were more willing to be saved than to save 
 themselves, and therefore hung back and stood upon terms. 
 
 Secondly, they were at last forced to it; the first was 
 forced to join by the King of Sweden himself, who being 
 come 80 far was not to be dallied with ; and had not the 
 Duke of Brandenburgh complied as he did, he had been 
 ruined by the Swede ; the Saxon was driven into the arms 
 of the Swede by force, for Count Tilly, ravaging hi? country, 
 made him comply with any terms to be saved from destruc- 
 tion. 
 
 Thus matters stood at the end of the diet at Eatisbon ; the 
 King of Sweden began to see himself leagued against at the 
 diet both hf protestant and papist; and, as I have often 
 heard his majesty say since, he had resolved to try to force 
 
ORIGINAL CAUSES OF THE WAE. 29 
 
 fliem off from the emperor, and to treat them as enemies 
 equally with the rest if they did not. 
 
 But the protestants convinced him soon after, that though 
 they were tricked into the outward appearance of a league 
 against him at Ratisbon, they had no such intentions ; and 
 by their ambassadors to him let him know, that they only 
 wanted his powerful assistance to defend their councils, when 
 they would soon convince him that they had a due sense of 
 the emperor's designs, and would do their utmost for their 
 liberty ; and these I take to be the first invitations the King 
 of Sweden had to undertake the protestant cause as such, 
 and which entitled him to say he fought for the liberty and 
 religion of the German nation. 
 
 I have had some particular opportunities to hear these 
 things from the mouths of some of the very princes them- 
 selves, and therefore am the forwarder to relate them ; and I 
 place them here, because previous to the part I acted on 
 this bloody scene, it is necessary to let the reader into some 
 part of the story, and to show him in what manner and on 
 what occasions this terrible war began. 
 
 The protestants, alarmed at the usage they had met with 
 at the former diet, had secretly proposed among themselves 
 form a general union or confederacy, for preventing that 
 ruin which they saw, unless some speedy remedies were ap- 
 plied, would be inevitable. The elector of Saxony, the head 
 of the protestants, a vigorous and politic prince, was the first 
 that moved it ; and the landgrave of Hesse, a zealous and 
 gallant prince, being consulted with, it rested a great while 
 between those two, no method being found practicable to 
 bring it to pass ; the emperor being so powerful in all parts, 
 that they foresaw the petty princes would not dare to nego- 
 tiate an affair of such a nature, being surrounded with the 
 imperial forces, who by their two generals Wallestein and 
 Tilly, kept them in continual subjection and terror. 
 
 This dilemma had like to have stifled the thoughts of the 
 union as a thing impracticable, when one Seigensius, a 
 Lutheran minister, a person of great abilities, and one whom 
 the elector of Saxony made great use of in matters of policy 
 as well as religion, contrived for them this excellent ex- 
 pedient. 
 
 I had the honour to be acquamted with this gentleman 
 *rhile I was at Leipsic ; it pleased him exceedingly to have 
 
30 MEMOIRS OP A CAVAIIEK. 
 
 been the contriver of so fine a structure as the conclusions of 
 Leipsic, and he was glad to be entertained on that subject. I 
 had the relation from his own mouth, when, but very 
 modestly, he told me he thought it was an inspiration darted 
 on a sudden into his thoughts, when the Duke of Saxony 
 calling him into his closet one morning with a face full of 
 concern, shaking his head and looking very earnestly : What 
 will become of us, doctor 1 said the duke, we shall aU be un- 
 done at Franklort-au-main. Why so, please your highness? 
 says the doctor. Why, they will fight with the King of 
 Sweden with our armies and our money, says the duke, and 
 devour our friends and ourselves,- by the help of our friends 
 and ourselves. But what is become of the confederacy then, 
 said the doctor, which your highness had so happily framed 
 in your thoughts, and which the landgrave of Hesse was so 
 pleased with ? Become of it, says the duke, it is a good 
 thought enough, but it is impossible to bring it to pass among 
 so many members of the protestant princes as are to be con- 
 sulted with, for we neither have time to treat, nor vdll half 
 of them dare to negotiate the matter, the Imperialists being 
 quartered in their very bowels. But may not some expedient 
 be found out, says the doctor, to bring them all together 
 to treat of it in a general meeting ? It is well proposed, says 
 the duke, but in what town or city shall they assemble, 
 where the very deputies shall not be besieged by TUly or 
 WaUestein in fourteen days time, and sacrificed to the cruelty 
 and fury of the emperor Ferdinand ? Will your highness be 
 the easier in it, replies the doctor, if a way may be found 
 out to call such an assembly upon other causes, at which the 
 emperor may have no umbrage, and perhaps give his assent? 
 You know the diet at Frankfort is at hand ; it is necessary 
 the protestants should have an assembly of their own, to 
 prepare matters for the general diet, and it may be no 
 difiicult matter to obtain it. The duke, surprised with joy 
 at the motion, embraced the doctor with an extraordinary 
 transport. Thou hast done it, doctor, said he, and immedi- 
 ately caused him to draw a form of a letter to the emperor, 
 which he did with the utmost dexterity of style, in which he 
 was a great master, representing to his imperial majesty, 
 that in order to put an end to the troubles of Germany, his 
 majesty would be pleased to permit the protestant princes of 
 the empire to hold a diet to themselves, to consider ot such 
 
PK0TE3TANTS CONCLUSIONS FOE MUTUAL DEFENCE. 31 
 
 matters as they were to treat of at the general diet, in order 
 to conform themselves to the will and pleasure of his imperial 
 majesty, to drive out foreigners, and settle a lasting peace in 
 the empire ; he also insinuated something of their resolution? 
 unanimously to give their suffrages in favour of the King of 
 Hungary, at the election of a king of the Eomans, a thing 
 which he knew the emperor had in his thought, and would 
 push at with all his might at the diet. This letter was sent, 
 and the bait so neatly concealed, that the electors of Bavaria 
 and Mentz, the King of Hungary, and several of the popish 
 princes, not foreseeing that the ruin oi them aU lay in the 
 bottom of it, foolishly advised the emperor to consent to it. 
 
 In consenting to this the emperor signed his own de- 
 struction, for here began the conjunction of the German 
 protestants vdth the Swede, which was the fatalest blow to 
 Ferdinand, and which he could never recover. 
 
 Accordingly the diet was held at Leipsic, February 8th, 
 1630; where the protestants agreed on several heads for 
 their mutual defence, which were the grounds of the follow- 
 ing war ; these were the famous conclusions of Leipsic, 
 which so alarmed the emperor and the whole empire, that to 
 crush it in the beginning, ihS emgeror commanded Count 
 Tilly immediately to fall upoL the Landgrave of Hesse, and 
 the Duke of Saxony, as the principal heads of the union ; 
 but it was too late. 
 
 The conclusions were digested into ten heads : 
 
 1. That since their sins had brought God's judgments upon 
 the whole protestant church, they should command public 
 prayers to be made to Almighty God for the diverting the 
 calamities that attended them. 
 
 2. That a treaty of peace might be set on foot, in order to 
 come to a right understanding with the catholic princes. 
 
 3. That a time for such a treaty being obtained, they should 
 appoint an assembly of delegates, to meet preparatory to the 
 treaty. 
 
 4. That all their complaints should be humbly represented 
 to his imperial majesty, and the catholic electors, in order to 
 a peaceable accommodation. 
 
 5. That they claim the protection of the emperor, accord- 
 ing to the laws of the empire, and the present emperor's solemn 
 oath and promise. 
 
 6. That they would appoint deputies who should meet at 
 
82 MEMOIRS OS' A CAVALIEK. 
 
 certain times to consult of their common interest, and wto 
 should be always empowered to conclude of what should be 
 thought needful for their safety. 
 
 7. That they will raise a competent force to maintain and 
 defend their liberties, rights, and religion. 
 
 8. That it is agreeable to the constitution of the empire, 
 concluded in the diet at Augsburg, to do so. 
 
 9. That the arming for their necessary defence shall by no 
 means hinder their obedience to his imperial majesty, but that 
 they will still continue their loyalty to him. 
 
 10. They agree to proportion their forces which in all 
 amounted to seventy thou,3and men. 
 
 The emperor, exceedingly startled at the conclusions, issued 
 out a severe proclamation, or ban against them, which im- 
 ported much the same thvng as a declaration of war, and 
 commanded Tilly to begii.; and immediately to fall on the 
 duke of Saxony, with all thv fury imaginable, as I have al- 
 ready observed. 
 
 Here began the flame to break out ; for upon the emperor's 
 ban, the protestants send away to the king of Sweden for 
 succour. 
 
 His Swedish majesty had already conquered Mecklenburgh, 
 and part of Pomerania, and "'as advancing with hia vicxo- 
 ■rious troops, increased by the addition of some regiments 
 raised in those parts, in order to carry on the war against 
 the emperor, having designed to follow up the Oder into Si- 
 lesia, and so to push the war home to the emperor's heredi- 
 tary countries of Austria and Bohemia, when the first mes- 
 sengers came to him in this case; but this changed his 
 measures, and brought him to the frontiers of Brandenburgh, 
 resolved to answer the desires of the protestants. But here 
 the duke of Brandenburgh began to halt, making some diffi- 
 culties and demanding terms which drove the king to use 
 some extremities with him, and stopt the Swedes for a while, 
 who had otherwise been on the banks of the Elbe, as soon a? 
 Tilly the imperial general had entered Saxony, which if they 
 had done, the miserable destruction of Magdeburgh had been 
 prevented, as I observed before. 
 
 The king had been invited into the union, and when h., 
 first came back from the banks of the Oder, he had accepted 
 it, and was preparing to back it with all his power. 
 
 The duke of Saxony had already a good army, which h« 
 
JOURNEY FROM VIENNA TO PRAGUE. 33 
 
 had with infinite diligence recruited, and mustered tbem under 
 the cannon at Leipsic. The king of Sweden having, by hia 
 ambassador at Leipsic, entered into the union of the protes- 
 tants, was advancing victoriously to their aid, just as Count 
 Tilly had entered the duke of Saxony's dominions. The fame 
 of the Swedish conquests, and of the hero who commanded 
 them, shook my resolution of travelling into Turkey, being 
 resolved to see the conjunction of the protestant armies, and 
 before the fire was broke out too far, to take the advantage 
 of seeing both sides. 
 
 WhUe I remained at Vienna, uncertain which way I should 
 proceed, I remember I observed they talked of the king of 
 Sweden as a prince of no consideration, one that they might 
 let go on and tire himself in Mecklenburgh, and thereabout, 
 till they could find leisure to deal with him, and then might 
 be crushed as they pleased ; but 'tis never safe to despise an 
 enemy, so this was not an enemy to be despised, as they af- 
 terwards found. 
 
 As to the conclusions of Leipsic, indeed at first they gave 
 the imperial court some uneasiness, but when they found the 
 imperial armies began to fright the members out of the union, 
 and that the several branches had no considerable forces on 
 foot, it was the general discourse at Vienna, that the union 
 at Leipsic only gave the emperor an opportunity to crush ab- 
 solutely the dukes of Sar.ony, Brandenburgh, and the land- 
 grave of Hesse, and they looked upon it as a thing certain. 
 
 I never saw any real concern in their faces at Vienna, tiU 
 news came to court that the king of Sweden had entered 
 into the union ; but as th is made them very uneasy, they be- 
 gan to move the powerf ilest methods possible to divert this 
 storm ; and upon this news Tilly was hastened to fall into 
 Saxony before this union could proceed to a conjunction of 
 forces. This was certainly a very good resolution, and no 
 measure could have been more exactly concerted had not the 
 diUgence of the Saxo is prevented it. 
 
 The gathering of f his storm, which from a cloud began to 
 spread over the empi; e, and from the little duchy of Mecklen- 
 burgh, began to threaten all Germany, absolutely determined 
 me, as I noted befon-, as to travelling ; and laying aside the 
 thoughts of Hungari'-, I resolved, if possible, to see the king 
 of Sweden's army. 
 
 I parted from Vienna the middle of May, and took post for 
 
 VOL. II. D 
 
34 IVIEMOIRS OF A CAVALIER. 
 
 Great Glogau in Silesia, as if I had purposed to pass into 
 Poland, but designing indeed to go down the Oder, to Cus- 
 trin, in the marquisate of Brandenburgh, and so to Berlin ; 
 but when I came to the frontiers of Silesia, though I had 
 passes I could go no farther, the guards on all the frontiers 
 were so strict ; so I was obliged to comeback into Bohemia, 
 and went to Prague. 
 
 From hence I found I could easily pass through the impe- 
 rial provinces, to the Lower Saxony, and accordingly took 
 passes for Hamburgh, designing however to use them no far- 
 ther than I found occasion. 
 
 By virtue of these passes I got into the imperial army, 
 under Count Tilly, then at the siege of Magdeburgh, May the 
 2nd. 
 
 I confess I did not foresee the fate of this city, neither I 
 believe did Count Tilly himself expect to glut his fury vsdth 
 so entire a desolation, much less did the people expect it. I 
 did believe they must capitulate, and I perceived by discourse 
 in the army, that Tilly would give them but very indiiferent 
 conditions ; but it fell out othervdse. The treaty of surren- 
 der was as it were begun, nay some say concluded, when 
 some of the outguards of the imperialists finding the citizens 
 had abandoned the guards of the works, and looked to them- 
 selves with less diligence than usual, they broke in, carried a 
 half-moon sword in hand vnth little resistance ; and though 
 it was a surprise on both sides, the citizens neither fearing, 
 nor the army expecting the occasion, the garrison, with as 
 much resolution as could be expected under such a fright, flew 
 to the walls, tvdce beat the imperialists off, but fresh men 
 coming up, and the administrator of Magdeburgh himself 
 being wounded and taken, the enemy broke in, took the city 
 by storm, and entered with such terrible fary, that without 
 respect to age or condition, they put all the garrison and in- 
 habitants, man, woman, and child, to the sword, plundered 
 the city, and when they had done this, set it on fire. 
 
 This calamity sure was the dreadfulest sight that ever I 
 saw ; the rage of the imperial soldiers was most intolerable, 
 and not to be expressed ; of twenty-five thousand, some said 
 thirty thousand people, there was not a soul to be seen alive, 
 till the fiames drove those that were hid in vaults and secret 
 places to seek death in the streets, rather than perish 
 in the fire. Of these miserable creatui es some were killed 
 
STOKM OF MAGDEBUESH. 35 
 
 too by the furious soldiers, but at last they saved the lives of 
 such as came out of their cellars and holes, and so about two 
 thousand poor desperate creatures were left ; the exact num- 
 ber of those that perished in this city could never be known, 
 because those the soldiers had first butchered, the flames after- 
 wards devoured. 
 
 I was on the other side of the Elbe when this dreadful 
 piece of butchery was done ; the city of Magdeburg had a 
 sconce or fort over against it, called the toll-house, which 
 joined to the city by a very fine bridge of boats. 
 
 This fort was taken by the imperialists a few days before, 
 and having a mind to see it, and the rather because from 
 thence I could have a very good view of the city, I was gone 
 over Tilly's bridge of boats to view this fort. About ten 
 o'clock in the morning I perceived they were storming by the 
 firing, and immediately all ran to the works ; I little thought 
 of the taking the city, but imagined it might be some out- 
 work attacked, for we all expected the city would surrender 
 that day, or next, and they might have capitulated upon very 
 good terms. 
 
 Being upon the works of the fort, on a sudden I heard the 
 dreadfulest cry raised in the city that can be imagined ; 'tis 
 not possible to express the manner of it, and I could see the 
 women and children running about the streets in a most 
 lamentable condition. 
 
 The city wall did not run along the side where the river 
 was with so great a height, but we could plainly see the mar- 
 ket-place and the several streets which run down to tjje river. 
 In about an hour's time after this first cry all was in confusion ; 
 there was little shooting, the execution was all cutting of 
 throats, and mere house murders ; the resolute garrieon, with 
 the brave Baron Falconberg fought it out to the last, and were 
 cut in pieces, and by this time the imperial soldiers having 
 broke open the gates and entered on aU sides, the slaughter 
 was very dreadful. We could see the poor people in crowds 
 driven down the streets, flying from the fury of the soldiers, 
 who followed butchering them as fast as they could, and re- 
 fused mercy to anybody ; 'till driving them to the river's edge, 
 the desperate wretches would throw themselves into the river, 
 where thousands of them perished, especially women and chil- 
 dren. Several men that could swim got over to our side, 
 where the soldiers, not heated with fight, gave them quartei-, 
 
 D 2 
 
36 MEMOmS OP A CATALIER, 
 
 and took them up ; and I cannot but do this justice to the 
 German officers in the fort, they had five small flat boats, and 
 they gave leave to the soldiers to go off in them, and get what 
 booty they could, but charged them not to kiU anybody, but 
 take them all prisoners. 
 
 Nor was their humanity ill rewarded; for the soldiers, 
 wisely avoiding those places where their fellows were em- 
 ployed in butchering the miserable people, rowed to other 
 places, where crowds of people stood crying out for help, and 
 expecting to be every minute either drowned or murdered ; 
 of these at sundry times they fetched over near six hundred, 
 but took care to take in none but such as offered them good 
 
 Never was money or jewels of greater service than now, 
 for those that had anything of that sort to offer were 
 soonest helped. 
 
 There was a burgher of the town, who seeing a boat coming 
 near him, but out of his caU, by the help of a speaking trumpet, 
 told the soldiers in it he would give them twenty thousand 
 dollars to fetch him off; they rowed close to the shore, and 
 got him with his wife and six children into the boat, but such 
 throngs of people got about the boat that had like to have 
 sunk her, so that the soldiers were fain to drive a great many 
 out again by main force, and while they were doing this, some 
 of the enemies coming down the street desperately drove them 
 all into the water. 
 
 The boat, however, brought the burgher and his wife and 
 children safe ; and though they had not all that wealth about 
 them, yet in jewels and money he gave them so much as made 
 all the fellows very rich. 
 
 I cannot pretend to describe the cruelty of this day, the 
 town by five in the afternoon was all on a flame ; the wealth 
 consumed was inestimable, and a loss to the very conquerer. 
 I think there was little or nothing left but the great church, 
 and about one himdred houses. 
 
 This was a sad welcome into the army for me, and gave me 
 a horror and aversion to the emperor's people, as well as to 
 his cause. I quitted the camp the third day after tliis execu- 
 tion, while the fire was hardly out in the city ; and from thence 
 getting safe conduct to pass into the Palatinate, I turned out 
 of the road at a small village on the Elbe, called Emerfield, 
 and by ways and towns I can ^ve but small account of, 
 
CRUELTIES OF THE IMPEEIAL SOLDIERS. 37 
 
 having a boor for our guide, whom we could hardlv under- 
 stand, I arrived at Leipsic on the 17th of May. 
 
 _ We found the elector intense upon the strengtheiiing of 
 his army, but the people, in the greatest terror imaginable, 
 every day expecting Tilly with the German army, who, by his 
 cruelty at Magdeburgh, was become so dreadful to theprotes- 
 tants, that they expected no mercy wherever he came. 
 
 The emperor's power was made so formidable to all the 
 protestants, particularly since the diet at Eatisbon left them 
 in a worse case than it found them, that they had not only 
 formed the conclusions of Leipsic, which all men looked on 
 as the eiFect of desperation rather than any probable means 
 of their deliverance, but had privately implored the protection 
 and assistance of foreign powers, and particularly the king of 
 Sweden, from whom they had promises of a speedy and power- 
 ful assistance. And truly if the Swede had not with a very 
 Strong hand rescued them, all their conclusions at Leipsic had 
 served to hasten their ruin. I remember very well, when I 
 was in the imperial army, they discoursed with such contempt 
 of the forces of the protestants, that not only the imperialists, 
 but the protestants themselves gave them up as lost; the 
 emperor had no less than two hundred thousand men in 
 several armies on foot, who most of them were on the back 
 of the protestants in every corner. If Tilly did but write a 
 threatening letter to any city or prince of the union, they 
 presently submitted, renounced the conclusions of Leipsic, and 
 received imperial garrisons, as the cities of Ulm and Memingen, 
 the duchy of Wirtemburgh, and several others, and almost 
 all Suaben. 
 
 Only the duke of Saxony and the landgrave of Hesse 
 upheld the drooping courage of the protestants, and refused 
 all terms of peace ; slighted all the threatenings of the imperial 
 generals, and the duke of Brandenburgh was brought in after- 
 wards almost by force. 
 
 The Duke of Saxony mustered his forces under the walls 
 of Leipsic, and I, having returned to Leipsic two days before, 
 saw them pass the review. The duke, gallantly mounted, 
 rode through the ranks, attended by his fieldmarshal 
 Arnheim, and seemed mighty well pleased with them, and 
 indeed the troops made a very fine appearance ; but I that 
 had seen TUley's army, and his old weather-beaten soldiers, 
 whose discipline and exercises were so exact, and their 
 
38 MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIER. 
 
 courage so often tried, could not look on the Saxon army 
 without some concern for them, when I considered who they 
 had to deal with. Tilly's men were rugged surly fellows, 
 their faces had an air of hardy courage, mangled with 
 wounds, and scars, their armour showed the bruises of 
 musket bullets, and the rust of the winter storms. I observed 
 of them their clothes were always dirty, but their arms were 
 clean and bright ; they were used to camp in the open fields, 
 and sleep in the frosts and rain ; their horses were strong 
 and hardy like themselves, arid well taught their exercises. 
 The soldiers knew their business so exactly that general 
 orders were enough ; every private man was fit to command, 
 and their wheelings, marchings, counter-marchings, and 
 exercise were done with such order and readiness, that the 
 distinct words of command were hardly of any use among 
 them ; they were flushed with victory, and hardly knew what 
 it was to fly. 
 
 There had passed messages between Tilley and the duke, 
 and he gave always such ambigious answers as he thought 
 m-ight serve to gain time ; but TiUey was not to be put oif 
 with words, and drawing his army towards Saxony, sends 
 four propositions to him to sign, and demands an immediate 
 reply. The propositions were positive. 
 
 1. To cause his troops to enter into the emperor's service, 
 and to march in person with them against the King of 
 Sweden. 
 
 2. To give the imperial army quarters in his country, and 
 supply them with necessary provisions. 
 
 3. To relinquish the union of Leipsic, and disown the ten 
 conclusions. 
 
 4. To make restitution of the goods and lands of the 
 church. 
 
 The duke being pressed by Tilly's trumpeter for an 
 immediate answer, sat all night, and part of the next day, 
 in council with his privy councillors, debating what reply to 
 give him, which at last was concluded, in short, that he would 
 live and die in defence of the Protestant religion, and the 
 conclusions of Leipsic, and bade Tilly defiance. 
 
 The die being thus cast, he immediately decamped with 
 his whole army for Torgau, fearing that Tilly should get 
 there before him, and so prevent his conjunction with the 
 Swede. The duke had not yet concluded any positive treaty 
 
ACCOUNT OF AFFAIRS AT LEIPSIC. 39 
 
 \nth the King of Swedeland, and the Duke of Brandenburgh 
 having made some difficulty of joining, they both stood on 
 some niceties till they had like to have ruined themselves 
 all at once. 
 
 Brandenburgh had given up the town of Spandau to the 
 king by a former treaty to secure a retreat for his army, and 
 the king was advanced as far as Frankfort upon the Oder, 
 when On a sudden some small difficulties arising, Branden- 
 burgh seems cold in the matter, and with a sort of indiffer- 
 ence demands to have his town of Spandau restored to him 
 again. Gustavus Adolphus, who began presently to imagine 
 the duke had made his peace with the emperor, and so would 
 either be his enemy, or pretend a neutrality, generously 
 delivered him his town of Spandau ; but immediately turns 
 about, and with his whole army besieges him in his capital 
 city of Berlin. This brought the duke to know his error, 
 and by the interpositions of the ladies, the Queen of Sweden 
 being the duke's sister, the matter was accommodated, and 
 the duke joined his forces with the king. 
 
 But the Duke of Saxony had like to have been undone by 
 this delay ; for the imperialists, under Count de Furstem- 
 burgh, were entered his country, and had possessed them- 
 selves of Halle, and Tilly was on his march to join him, as 
 he afterwards did, and, ravaging the whole country, laid 
 siege to Leipsic itself; the duke, driven to this extremity, 
 rather flies to the Swede than treats with him, and on the 
 second of September the duke's army joined with the King ot 
 Sweden. 
 
 I had not come to Leipsic but to see the Duke of Saxony's 
 army, and that being marched as I have said for Torgau, I 
 had no business there ; but if I had, the approach of Tilly and 
 the imperial army was enough 4;o hasten me away, for I had 
 no occasion to be besieged there ; so on the 27th of August 
 I left the town, as several of the principal inhabitants had 
 done before, and more would have done had not the governor 
 published a proclamation against it ; and besides they knew 
 not whither to fly, for all places were alike exposed. The 
 poor people were under dreadful apprehensions of a siege, and 
 of the merciless usage of the imperial soldiers, the example 
 of Magdeburgh being fresh before them, the duke and his 
 army gone from them, and the town, though well furnished, 
 but indifferently fortified. 
 
40 MEMOIKS OP A CAVALIER. 
 
 In this condition I left them, buying up stores of provisie its, 
 working hard to scour their moats, set up palisadoes, repair 
 their fortifications, and preparing all things for a siege ; and 
 following the Saxon army to Torgau, I continued in the 
 camp till a few days before they joined the King of Sweden. 
 
 I had much ado to persuade my companion from entering 
 into the service of the Duke of Saxony, one of whose colonels, 
 with whom we had contracted a particular acquaintance, 
 offering him a commission to be counet in one of the old 
 regiments of horse ; but the difference I had observed between 
 this new army and Tilly's old troops had made such an 
 impression on me, that I confess I had yet no manner of 
 inclination for the service ; and therefore persuaded him to 
 wait a while till we had seen a little farther into affairs, and 
 particularly till we had seen the Swedish army, which we 
 had heard so much of. 
 
 The difficulties which the elector Duke of Saxony made of 
 joining with the king were made up by a treaty concluded 
 with the king, on the 2nd of September, at Coswick, a small 
 town on the Elbe, whither the king's army was arrived the 
 night before ; for General Tilly being now entered into the 
 duke's country, had plundered and ruined all the lower part 
 of it, and was now actually besieging the capital city of Leip- 
 sic. These necessities made almost any conditions easy to him ; 
 the greatest difficulty was that the King of Sweden demanded 
 the absolute command of the army, which the duke submitted 
 to with less good will than he had reason to do, the king's 
 experience and conduct considered. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 1 QTJIT THE SAXON CAMP, AND JOIN THE SWEDISH ARMY 
 
 DISCIPLINE OP THE SWEDES MY COMRADE ENTERS THE 
 
 SWEDISH SERVICE SIR JOHN HEPBURN INTRODUCES ME 
 
 TO THE KING HIS CONVERSATION— I ENTER INTO THE 
 
 SERVICE BATTLE WITH TILLY's ARMY, WHO IS COSI- 
 
 PLETELY DEFEATED THE CAMP GIVEN UP TO PLUNDER. 
 
 I HAD not patience to attend the conclusions of their par- 
 ticular treaties, but as soon as ever the passage was clear I 
 
QUIT THE SAXON AND JOIN THE SWEDISH ARMY. 41 
 
 quitted the Saxon camp, and went to see the Swedish army. 
 I fell in with the out-guards of the Swedes at a little town 
 called Beltsig, on the river "Wersa, just as they were relieving 
 the guards, and going to march ; and, having a pass from the 
 English ambassador, was very well received by the officer 
 who changed the guards, and with him I went back into the 
 army. By nine in the morning the army was in fuU march, 
 the king himself at the head of them on a grey pad, and, 
 riding from one brigade to another, ordered the march of 
 every line himself. 
 
 When I saw the Swedish troops, their exact discipline, 
 their order, the modesty and familiarity of their officers, and 
 the regular living of the soldiers, their camp seemed a well 
 ordered city ; the meanest countrywoman with her market- 
 ware was as safe from violence as in the streets of Vienna. 
 There were no regiments of whores and rags as followed the 
 imperialists ; nor any woman in the camp, but such as being 
 known to the provosts to be the wives of the soldiers, who 
 were necessary for washing linen, taking care of the soldiers' 
 clothes, and dressing their victuals. 
 
 The soldiers were well clad, not gay, furnished vrith 
 excellent arms, and exceeding careful of them ; and thougli 
 they did not seem so terrible as I thought Tilly's men did 
 when I first saw them, yet the figure they made, together 
 with what we had heard of them, made them seem to me 
 invincible. The discipline and order of their marchings, 
 camping, and exercise was excellent and singular, and which 
 was to be seen in no armies but the king's, his own skill, 
 judgment, and vigilance, having added much to the general 
 conduct of armies then in use. 
 
 As I met the Swedes on their march I had no opportunity 
 to acquaint myself with anybody, tiU after the conjunction 
 of the Saxon army, and then it being but four days to the 
 great battle of Leipsic, our acquaintance was but small, 
 saving what fell out accidently by conversation. 
 
 I met with several gentlemen in the king's army who 
 spoke English very well, besides that there were three 
 regiments of Scots in the army; the colonels whereof I 
 found were extraordinarily esteemed by the king; as the 
 Lord Rea, Colonel Lumsdell, and Sir John Hepburn. The 
 latter of these, after I had by an accident become acquainted 
 with, I found had been for many years acquainted with my 
 
42 MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIER. 
 
 father, and on that account I received a great deal of civility 
 from him, which afterwards grew into a kind of intimate 
 friendship. He was a complete soldier indeed, and for that 
 reason so well-beloved by that gallant king, that he hardly 
 knew how to go about any great action without him. 
 
 It was impossible for me now to restrain my young 
 comrade from entering into the Swedish service, and indeed 
 everything was so inviting that I could not blame him. A 
 captain in Sir John Hepburn's regiment had picked acquaint- 
 ance with him, and he having as much gallantry in his face 
 as real courage in his heart, the captain had persuaded him 
 to take service, and promised to use his interest to get him a 
 company in the Scotch brigade, I had made him promise me 
 not to part from me in my travels without my consent, which 
 was the only obstacle to his desires of entering into the 
 Swedish pay ; and being one evening in the captain's tent 
 with him, and discoursing very freely together, the captain 
 asked him very short, but friendly, and looking earnestly at 
 me. Is this the gentleman, Mr. Fielding, that has done so 
 much prejudice to the king of Sweden's service? I was 
 doubly surprised at the expression, and at the colonel. Sir 
 John Hepburn, coming at that very moment into the tent; 
 the colonel hearing something of the question, but knowing 
 nothing of the reason of it, any more than as I seemed a 
 little to concern myself at it ; yet after the ceremony due to 
 his character was over, would needs know what I had done 
 to hinder his majesty's service. So much truly, says the 
 captain, that if his majesty knew it, he would think himself 
 very little beholden to him. I am sorry, sir, said I, that I 
 should offend in anything, who am but a stranger ; but if 
 you would please to inform me, I would endeavour to alter 
 anything in my behaviour that is prejudicial to any one, 
 much less to his majesty's service. I shall take you at your 
 word, sir, says the captain ; the king of Sweden, sir, has a 
 particular request to you. I should be glad to know two 
 things, sir, said I; first, how that can be possible, since I am 
 not yet known to any man in the army, much less to his 
 majesty? and secondly, what the request can be? Why, 
 sir, his majesty desires you would not hinder this gentleman 
 from entering into his service, who it seems desires nothing 
 more, if he may have your consent to it. I have too much 
 honour for his majesty, returned I, to deny anything which 
 
Mr COMRADE ENTERS THE SWEDISH SERVICE. 43 
 
 he pleases to command me ; but methinks it is some hard- 
 ship, you should make that the king's order, which it is verj 
 probable he knows nothing of. Sir John Hepburn took the 
 case up something gravely, and drinking a glass of Leipsic 
 beer to the captain, said, Come, captain, don't press these 
 gentlemen ; the king desires no man's service but what is 
 purely volunteer. So we entered into other discourse, and 
 the colonel perceiving by my talk that I had seen Tilly's 
 army, was mighty curious in his questions, and seeming very 
 well satisfied with the account 1 gave him. 
 
 The next day the army having passed the Elbe at "Wittem- 
 berg, and joined the Saxon army near Torgau, his majesty 
 caused both armies to draw up in battalia, giving every 
 brigade the same post in the lines as he purposed to fight in. 
 I must do the memory of that glorious general this honour, 
 that I never saw an army drawn up with so much variety, 
 order, and exact regularity since, though I have seen many 
 armies drawn up by some of the gTeatest captains of the 
 age. The order by which his men were directed to flank 
 and relieve one another, the methods of receiving one body 
 of men if disordered into another, and rallying one squadron 
 without disordering another, was so admirable; the horse 
 everywhere flanked, lined, and defended by the foot, and the 
 foot by the horse, and both by the cannon, was such, that if 
 those orders were but as punctually obeyed, it were im- 
 possible to put an army so modelled into any confusion. 
 
 The view being over, and the troops returned to their 
 camps, the captain with whom we drank the day before 
 meeting me, told me I must come and sup with him in his 
 tent, where he would ask my pardon for the affront he gave 
 me before. I told him he needed not put himself to the 
 trouble ; I was not affronted at all, that I would do myself 
 the honour to wait on him, provided he would give me his 
 word not to speak any more of it as an afltont. 
 
 We had not been a quarter of an hour in his tent but Sir 
 John Hepburn came in again, and addressing to me, told me 
 he was glad to find me there ; that he came to the captain's 
 tent to inquire how to send to me ; and that I must do him 
 the honour to go with, him to wait on the king, who had a 
 mind to hear the account I could give him of the imperial 
 army fi'om my own mouth. I confess I was at some loss in 
 my mind how to make my addresr to his majesty i but I had 
 
44 MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIER. 
 
 heard so much of the conversahle temper of the king, and his 
 particular sweetness of humour with the meanest soldier, that 
 I made no more difficulty, but having paid my respect to 
 Colonel Hepburn, thanked him for the honour he had done 
 me, and offered to rise and wait upon him. Nay, says the 
 colonel, we will eat first, for I find Gourdon (which was the 
 captain's name), has got something for supper, and the king's 
 order is at seven o'clock. So we went to supper, and Sir 
 John becoming very friendly, must know my name ; which, 
 when I had told him, and of what place and family, he rose 
 from his seat, and embracing me, told me he knew my father 
 very well, and had been intimately acquainted vnth him; 
 and told me several passages wherein my father had particu- 
 larly obliged him. After this we went to supper, and the 
 king's health being drank round, the colonel moved the sooner 
 because he had a mind to talk with me. When we were going 
 to the king, he inquired of me where I had been, and what 
 occasion brought me to the army. I told him the short his- 
 tory of my travels, and that I came hither from Vienna on 
 purpose to see the King of Sweden and his army ; he asked 
 me if there was any service he could do me, by which he 
 meant, whether I desired an employment. I pretended not 
 to take him so, but told him the protection his acquaintance 
 would affijrd me was more than I could have asked, since I 
 might thereby have opportunity to satisfy my curiosity, which 
 was the chief end of my coming abroad. He perceiving by 
 this that I had no mind to be a soldier, told me very kindly 
 I should command him in anything ; that his tent and equi- 
 page, horses and servants, should always have orders to be 
 at my service ; but that, as a piece of friendship, he would 
 advise me to retire to some place distant from the army, for 
 that the army would march to-morrow, and the king was 
 resolved to fight General Tilly, and he would not have me 
 hazard myself; that if I thought fit to take his advice, he 
 would have me take that interval to see the court at Berlin, 
 whither he would send one of his servants to wait on me. 
 His discourse was too kind not to extort the tenderest 
 acknowledgment from me that I was capable of; I told him 
 his care of me was so obliging, that I knew not what return 
 to make him, but if he pleased to leave me to my choice, I 
 desired no greater favour than to trail a pike under his com- 
 mand in the ensuing battle. I can never answer it to your 
 
INTRODUCED TO THE KING. 45 
 
 father, says he, to suifer you to expose yourself so far. I 
 told him my father would certainly acknowledge his friend- 
 ship in the proposal made me ; but I believed he knew 
 him better than to think he would be well pleased with me 
 if I should accept of it ; that I was sure my father would 
 have rode post five hundred miles to have been at such a 
 battle under such a general, and it should never be told him 
 that his son had rode fifty miles to be out of it. He seemed 
 to be something concerned at the resolution I had taken, and 
 replied very quickly upon me, that he approved very well of 
 my courage ; but, says he, no man gets any credit by run- 
 ning upon needless adventures, nor loses any by shunning 
 hazards which he has no order for. It^s enough, says he, 
 for a gentleman to behave well when he is commanded upon 
 any service ; I have had fighting enough, says he, upon these 
 points of honour, and I never got anything but reproof for it 
 from the king himself. Well, sir, said I, however, if a man 
 expects to rise by his valour, he must show it somewhere ; 
 and if I were to have any command of an army, I would 
 first try whether I could deserve it ; I have never yet seen 
 any service, and must have my induction some time or other. 
 I shall never have a better schoolmaster than yourself, nor a 
 better school than such an army. Well, says Sir John, but 
 you may have the same school and the same teaching after 
 this battle is over ; for I must tell you beforehand, this will 
 be a bloody touch. Tilly has a great army of old lads that 
 are used to boxing, fellows with iron faces, and it is a little 
 too much to engage so hotly the first entrance into the wars. 
 You may see our discipline this winter, and make your cam- 
 paign with us next summer, when you need not fear but we 
 shall have fighting enough, and you wiU be better acquainted 
 with things. We do never put our common soldiers upon 
 pitched battles the first campaign, but place our new men in 
 garrisons, and try them in parties first. Sir, said I, with a 
 little more freedom, I believe I shall not make a trade of the 
 war, and therefore need not serve an apprenticeship to it. It 
 is, a hard battle where none escapes ; if I come off, I hope 
 I shall not disgrace you, and if not, it will be some satisfac- 
 tion to my father to hear his son died fighting under the com- 
 mand of Sir John Hepburn, in the army of the King oi 
 Sweden, and I desire no better epitaph upon my tomb. 
 Well, says Sir John; and by this time we were just come to 
 
46 MEMOIKS OF A CAVALIER. 
 
 the king's quarters, and the guards calling to us interrupted 
 his reply ; so we went into the court yard where the king 
 was lodged, which was in an indifferent house of one of th« 
 burghers of Debien, and Sir John stepping up, met the king 
 coming down some steps into a large room which looked over 
 the town wall into a field where part of the artillery was 
 drawn up. Sir John Hepburn sent his man presently to me 
 to come up, which I did ; and Sir John, without any cere- 
 mony, carries me directly up to the Idng, who was leaning 
 on his elbow, in the window. The king turning about; This 
 is the English gentleman, says Sir John, who I told your 
 majesty had been in the imperial army. How then did he 
 get hither, says the king, without being taken by the scouts ? 
 At which question Sir John said nothing. By a pass, and 
 please your majesty, from the English ambassador's secretary 
 at Vienna, said I, making a profound reverence. Have you 
 then been at Vienna ? says the king. Yes, and please your 
 majesty, said I ; upon which the king folding up a letter he 
 had in his hand, seemed much more earnest to talk about 
 Vienna, than about Tilly. And pray what news had you at 
 Vienna ? Nothing, sir, said I, but daily accounts, one in the 
 neck of another, of their own misfortunes, and your majesty's 
 conquests, which makes a very melancholy court there. But 
 pray, said the king, what is the common opinion there about 
 these affairs ? The common people are terrified to the last 
 degree, said I; and when your majesty took Frankfort upon 
 Oder, if your army had marched but twenty miles into 
 Silesia, half the people would have run out of Vienna, and I 
 left them fortifying the city. They need not, replied the 
 king, smiling, I have no design to trouble them, it is the 
 Protestant countries I must be for. Upon this the Duke of 
 Saxony entered the room, and finding the king engaged, 
 offered to retire ; but the king, beckoning with his hand, 
 called to him in French. Cousin, says the king, this gentle- 
 man has been travelling, and comes from Vienna, and so 
 made me repeat what I had said before ; at which the king 
 went on with me, and Sir John Hepburn informing his 
 majesty that I spoke high Dutch, he changed his lan- 
 guage, and asked me in Dutch where it was I saw General 
 Tilly's army; I told his majesty at the siege of Magde- 
 burgh. At Magdeburgh ! said the king, shaking his head ; 
 Tilly must answer to me one day for that city, and, ii 
 
GITE AN ACCOUNT OF TILLY's ARMY. 47 
 
 not to me, to a greater king than I. Can you guess what 
 army he had with him? said the king. He had two 
 armies with him, said I, but one I suppose will do your 
 majesty no harm. Two armies ! said the king. Yes, sir, he 
 has one army of about twenty-six thousand men, said I, and 
 another of above fifteen thousand whores and their atten- 
 dants ; at which the king laughed heartily. Ay, ay, saj« 
 the king, those fifteen thousand do us as much harm as the 
 twenty-six thousand ; for they eat up the country, and 
 devour the poor protestants more than the men. Well, says 
 the king, do they talk of fighting us ? They talk big enough, 
 sir, said I, but your majesty has not been so often fought 
 with, as beaten in their discourse. I know not for the men, 
 says the king, but the old man is as likely to do it as talk of 
 it, and I hope to try them in a day or two. The king 
 inquired after that, several matters of me about the Low 
 Countries, the prince of Orange, and of the court and afiairs 
 in England ; and Sir John Hepburn informing his majesty 
 that I was the son of an English gentleman of his acquaint- 
 ance, the king had the goodness to ask him what care he 
 had taken of me against the day of battle. Upon which 
 Sir John repeated to him the discourse we had together by 
 the way ; the king, seeming particularly pleased with it, 
 began to take me to task himself. You English gentlemen, 
 says he, are too forward in the wars, which makes you leave 
 them too soon again. Your majesty, replied I, makes war 
 in so pleasant a manner, as makes all the world fond of 
 fighting under your conduct. Not so pleasant neither, says 
 the king ; here's a man can tell you that sometimes it is not 
 very pleasant. I know not much of the warrior, sir, said I, 
 nor of the world, but, if always to conquer be the pleasure 
 of the war, your majesty's soldiers have all that can be 
 desired. Well, says the king, but however, considering all 
 things, I think you would do well to take the advice Sir 
 John Hepburn has given you. Your majesty may command 
 me to anything, but where your majesty and so many 
 gallant gentlemen hazard their lives, mine is not worth 
 mentioning ; and 1 should not dare to tell my father, at my 
 return into England, that I was in your majesty's army, and 
 made so mean a figure, that your majesty would not permit 
 me to fight under that royal standard. Nay, replied the 
 king, I lay no commands upon you, but you are young. I 
 
48 MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIES. 
 
 can never die, sir, said I, wit's more hono\ir than in youf 
 majesty's service. I spake this with so much freedom, and 
 his majesty was so pleased with it, that he asked me how I 
 would choose to serve, on horseback or on foot. I told his 
 majesty I should be glad to receive any of his majesty's 
 commands, but, if I had not that honour, I had purposed to 
 trail a pike under Sir John Hepburn, who had done me so 
 much honour as to introduce me into his majesty's presence. 
 Do so, then, replied the king, and, turning to Sir John 
 Hepburn, said, And pray do you take care of him ; at which, 
 overcome with the goodness of his discourse, I could not 
 answer a word, but made him a profound reverence, and 
 retired. 
 
 The next day but one, being the 7th of September, before 
 day the army marched from Dieben to a large field about a 
 mile from Leipsic, where we found Tilly's army in fuU 
 battalia in admirable order, which made a show both 
 glorious and terrible. Tilly, like a fair gamester, had taken 
 up but one side of the plain, and left the other free, and all 
 the avenues open for the* king's army ; nor did he stir to the 
 charge till the king's army was completely drawn up and 
 advanced towards him. He had in his army forty-four 
 thousand old soldiers, every way answerable to what I have 
 said of them before ; and I shall only add, a better army, I 
 believe, never was so soundly beaten. 
 
 The king was not much inferior in force, being joined 
 with the Saxons, who were reckoned twenty-two thousand 
 men, and who drew up on the left, making a main battle 
 and two wings, as the king did on the right. 
 
 The king placed himself at the right wing of his own 
 horse : Gustavus Horn had the main battle of the Swedes, 
 the Duke of Saxony had the main battle of his own troops, 
 and General Arnheim the right wing of his horse. 
 
 The second line of the Swedes consisted of the two 
 Scotch brigades, and three Swedish, with the Finland horse 
 in the wings. 
 
 In the beginning of the fight, Tilly's right wing charged 
 with SBch irresistible fury upon the left of the king's army, 
 where the Saxons were posted, that nothing could withstand 
 them ; the Saxons fled amain, and some of them carried the 
 news over the country that all was lost, and the king's army 
 overthrown; and indeed it passed for an oversight with 
 
EiTTLE WITH TILLt's AEMT. 49 
 
 some, thiit the king did not place some of his old troops 
 among the Saxons, who were new raised men. The Saxons 
 lost here near two thousand men, and hardly ever showed 
 their faces again all the battle, except some few of their 
 horse. 
 
 I was posted with my comrade, the captain, at the head of 
 three Scottish regiments of foot, commanded by Sir John 
 Hepburn, with express directions from the colonel to keep 
 by him. Our post was in the second line, as a reserve to 
 the king of Sweden's main battle, and, which was strange, 
 the main battle, which consisted of four great brigades of 
 foot, were never charged during the whole fight ; and yet 
 we, who had the reserve, were obliged to endure the whole 
 weight of the imperial army. The occasion was, the right 
 wing of the imperialists having defeated the Saxons, and 
 being eager in the chase, Tilly, who was an old soldier, and 
 ready to prevent aU mistakes, forbids any pursuit ; Let them 
 go, says he, but let us beat the Swedes, or we do nothing. 
 Upon this the victorious troops fell in upon the flank of the 
 king's army, which, the Saxons being fled, lay open to them. 
 Gustavus Horn commanded the left wing of the Swedes, 
 and, having first defeated some regiments which charged 
 him, faUs in upon the rear of the imperial right wing, and 
 separates them from the van, who were advanced a great 
 way forward in pursuit of the Saxons ; and having routed 
 the said rear or reserve, falls on upon Tilly's main battle, 
 and defeated part of them : the other part was gone in chase 
 of the Saxons, and now also returned, fell in upon the rear 
 of the left wing of the Swedes, charging them in the flank ; 
 for they drew up upon the very ground which the Saxons 
 had quitted. This changed the whole front, and made the 
 Swedes face about to the left, and make a great front on 
 their flank to make this good. Our brigades, who were 
 placed as a reserve for the main battle, were, by special 
 order from the king, wheeled about to the left, and placed 
 for the right of this new fi'ont to charge the imperialists ; 
 they were about twelve thousand of their best foot, besides 
 horse, and, flushed with the execution of the Saxons, jell on 
 like furies. The king by this time had almost defeated the 
 imperialists' left wing; their horse, with more haste than 
 good speed, had charged faster than their foot could follow, 
 and, having broke into the king's first line, he let them go ; 
 
 VOL. II. * 
 
50 MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIER. 
 
 where, vvhile the second line bears the shock, and bravely 
 resisted them, the king follows them on the crupper with 
 thirteen troops of horse, and some musketeers, by which, 
 being hemmed in, they were all cut djDwn in a moment as it 
 were, and the army never disordered with them. This fatal 
 blow to the left wing gave the king more leisure to defeat 
 the foot which followed, and to send some assistance to 
 Gustavus Horn in his left wing, who had his hands full with 
 the main battle of the imperialists. 
 
 But those troops, who, as I said, had routed the Saxons, 
 being called off from the pursuit, had charged our flank, and 
 were now grown very strong, renewed the battle in a terrible 
 manner. Here it was I saw our men go to wreck ; Colonel 
 Hall, a brave soldier, commanded the rear of the Swedes left 
 wing ; he fought like a lion, but was slain, and most of his 
 regiment cut off, though not unrevenged ; for they entirely 
 ruined Furstemberg' s regiment of foot. Colonel CuUembach, 
 with his regiment of horse, was extremely overlaid also, and 
 the colonel and many brave of&cers kiUed, and in short all 
 that wing was shattered and in an ill condition. 
 
 In this juncture came the king, and having seen what ha- 
 voc the enemy made of Cullembach's troops, he comes riding 
 along the front of our three brigades, and himself led us on 
 to the charge ; the colonel of his guards, the Baron Dyvel, 
 was shot dead just as the king had given him some orders. 
 When the Scots advanced, seconded by some regiments of 
 horse, which the king also sent to the charge, the bloodiest 
 fight began that ever men beheld ; for the Scottish brigades 
 giving fire three ranks at a time over one another's heads, 
 poured in their shot so thick, that the enemy were cut down 
 like grass before a scythe ; and following into the thickest of 
 their foot, with the clubs of their muskets made a most dread- 
 ful slaughter, and yet was there no flying. Tilly's men might 
 be killed and knocked down, but no man turned his back, 
 nor would give an inch of ground, but as they were wheeled, 
 or marched, or retreated by their ofiicers. 
 
 There was a regiment of cuirassiers, which stood whole to 
 the last, and fought like lions ; they went ranging over the 
 field when all their army was broken, and nobody cared for 
 iharging them; they were commanded by Baron Cronen- 
 burgh, and at last went off from the battle whole. These 
 were armed in black armour from head to foot, ind they car- 
 
Tilly's aemy defeated. 51 
 
 ried off theif general. About six o'clock the field was cleared 
 of the enemy, except at one place on the king's side, where 
 some of them rallied, and, though they knew aU was lost, 
 would take no quarter, but fought it out to the last man, 
 being found dead the next day in rank and file as they were 
 drawn up. 
 
 I had the good fortune to receive no hurt in this battle, 
 excepting a small scratch on the side of my neck by the push 
 of a pike ; but my friend received a very dangerous wound 
 when the battle was as good as over. He had engaged with 
 a German colonel, whose name we could never learn, and 
 having killed his man, and pressed very close upon him, so 
 that he had shot his horse, the horse in the fall kept the 
 colonel down, lying on one of his legs, upon which he de- 
 manded quarter, which Captain Fielding granted, helping him 
 to quit his horse, and having disarmed him, was bringing 
 him into line, when the regiment of cuirassiers, which I men- 
 tioned, commanded by Baron Cronenburgh, came roving over 
 the field, and with a flying charge saluted our front with a 
 salvo of carabin-shot, which wounded us a great many men ; 
 and among the rest the captain received a shot in his thigh, 
 which laid him on the ground, and being separated from the 
 line, his prisoner got away with them. 
 
 This was the first service I was in, and indeed I never saw 
 any fight since maintained with such gallantry, such despe- 
 rate valour, together with such dexterity of management, both 
 sides being composed of soldiers fully tried, bred to the wars, 
 expert in everything, exact in their order, and incapable of 
 fear, which made the battle be much more bloody than usual. 
 Sir John Hepburn, at my request, took particular care of my 
 comrade, and sent his own surgeon to look after him ; and 
 afterwards, when the city of Leipsic was' retaken, provided 
 him lodgings there, and came very often to see him ; and in- 
 deed I was in great care for him too, the surgeons being very 
 doubtful of him a great while ; for, having lain in the field 
 all night among the dead, his wound, for want of dressing, 
 and with the extremity of cold, was in a very ill condition, 
 and the pain of it had thrown him into a fever. 'Twas quite 
 dusk before the fight ended, especially where the last rallied 
 troops fought so long; and therefore we durst not break our 
 order to seek out our friends, so that 'twas near seven o'clock 
 the nej t morningbefore we found thecaptain, who, though very 
 
 E 2 
 
52 MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIER. 
 
 weak by the loss of blood, had raised himself up, and placed 
 his back against the buttock of a dead horse. I was the first 
 that knew him, and running to him embraced him with a 
 gi-eat deal of joy; he was not able to speak, but made signs 
 to let me see he knew me, so we brought him into the camp, 
 and Sir John Hepburn, as I noted before, sent his own sur- 
 geons to look after him. 
 
 The darkness of the night prevented any pursuit, and was 
 the only refuge the enemy had left ; for had there been three 
 hours' more daylight, ten thousand more lives had been lost, 
 for the Swedes, and Saxons especially, enraged by the obsti- 
 nacy of the enemy, were so thoroughly heated that they would 
 have given quarter but to few. The retreat was not sounded 
 'till seven o'clock, when the king drew up the whole army 
 upon the field of battle, and gave strict command that none 
 should stir from their order ; so the army lay under their arms 
 all night, which was another reason why the wounded soldiers 
 suffered very much by the cold ; for the king, who had a bold 
 enemy to deal with, was not ignorant what a small body of 
 desperate men rallied together might have done in the dark- 
 ness of the night, and therefore he lay in his couch aU night 
 at the head of the line, though it froze very hard. 
 
 As soon as the day began to peep, the trumpets sounded 
 to horse, and all the dragoons and light horse in the army 
 were commanded to the pursuit. The cuirassiers and some 
 commanded musketeers advanced some miles, if need were, 
 to make good their retreat, and all the foot stood to their 
 arms for a reserve ; but in half an hour word was brought to 
 the king, that the enemy were quite dispersed, upon which 
 detachments were made out of every regiment to search among 
 the dead for any of our friends that were wounded ; and the 
 king himself gave a strict order, that if any were found 
 wounded and alive among the enemy, none should kill them, 
 but take care to bring them into the camp : a piece of hu- 
 manity which saved the lives of near a thousand of the enemies. 
 
 This piece of service being over, the enemy's camp was 
 seized upon, and the soldiers were permitted to plunder it ; all 
 the cannon, arms, and ammunition were secured for the king's 
 use, the rest was given up to the soldiers, who found so much 
 plunder that they had no reason to quarrel for shares. 
 
 For my share, I was so busy with my wounded captain, 
 that I got nothing but a sword, which I found just by hint, 
 
CAMP GIVEN UP TO PLUNDEB. 53 
 
 wlien I first saw him; but my man brought me a very good 
 horse, with a furniture on him, and one pistol of extraor- 
 dinary workmanship. 
 
 I bade him get upon his back and make the best of the 
 day for himself, which he did, and I saw him no more till 
 three days after, when he found me out at Leipsic, so richly 
 dressed that I hardly knew him ; and after making his 
 excuse for his long absence, gave me a very pleasant account 
 where he had been. He told me, that according to my 
 order, being mounted on the horse he had brought me, he 
 first rid into the field among the dead, to get some clothes 
 suitable to the equipage of his horse, and having seized on a 
 laced coat, a helmet, a sword, and an extraordinary good 
 cane, was resolved to see what was become of the enemy, 
 and following the track of the dragoons, which he could 
 • easily do by the bodies on the road, he fell in with a small party 
 of twenty-five dragoons, under no command but a corporal, 
 making to a village, where some of the enemy's horse had 
 been quartered. The dragoons, taking him for an officer, 
 by his horse, desired him to command them, told him the 
 enemy was very rich, and they doubted not a good booty. 
 He was a bold brisk fellow, and told them with all his heart ; 
 but said he had but one pistol, the other being broke with 
 firing ; so they lent him a pair of pistols, and a small piece 
 they had taken, and he led them on. There had been a 
 regiment of horse and some troops of Crabats in the village, 
 but they were fled on the first notice of the pursuit, excepting 
 three troops, and these, on sight of this small party, supposing 
 them to be only the first of a greater number, fled in the 
 greatest confusion imaginable. They took the village and 
 about fifty horses, with all the plunder of the enemy ; and with 
 the heat of the service he had spoiled my horse, he said, for 
 which he had brought me two more ; for he, passing for the 
 commander of the party, had all the advantage the custom of 
 war gives an officer in like cases. 
 
 I was very weU pleased with the relation the feUow gave 
 me, and laughing at him, Well, captain, said I, and what 
 plunder have you got ? Enough to make me a captain, sir, 
 says he, if you please, and a troop ready raised too ; for the 
 party of dragoons are posted in the village by my command, 
 till they have farther orders. In short, he pulled out sixty 
 or seventy pieces of gold, five or six watches, thirteen or 
 
Si MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIER. 
 
 fourteen rings, whereof two were diamond rings, one of 
 which was worth fifty dollars ; silver as much as his 
 pockets would hold, besides that he had brought three horses, 
 two of which were laden with baggage, and a boor he had 
 hired to stay with them at Leipsic till he had found me out. 
 But I am afraid, captain, says I, jou have plundered the 
 village, instead of plundering the enemy. No indeed, not 
 we, says he, but the Crabats had done it for us, and w6 light 
 of them just as they were carrying it off. Well, said I, but 
 what will you do with your men ; for when you come to 
 give them orders they will know you well enough ? No, no, 
 says he, I took care of that ; for just now I gave a soldier 
 five dollars to carry them news that the army was marched 
 to Moersburg, and that they should follow thither to the 
 regiment. 
 
 Having secured his money in my lodgings, he asked me' 
 if I pleased to see his .horses, and to have one for myself? I 
 told him I would go and see them in the afternoon ; but the 
 fellow being impatient, goes and fetches them. There were 
 three horses, one whereof was a very good one, and, by the 
 furniture, was an officer's horse of the Crabats ; and that my 
 man would have me accept, for the other he had spoiled, as he 
 said. Iwas but indifferently horsed before, so I accepted of the 
 horse, and went down with him to see the rest of his plunder 
 there. He had got three or four pair of pistols, two or 
 three bundles of officers' linen, and lace, a field bed and a 
 tent, and several other things of value ; but at last, coming 
 to a small fardel. And this, says he, I took whole from a 
 Crabat running away with it under his arm ; so he brought 
 it up into my chamber. He had not looked into it, he said, 
 but he understood it was some plunder the soldiers had 
 made, and, finding it heavy, took it by consent. We opened 
 it, and found it was a bundle of some linen, thirteen or 
 fourteen pieces of plate, and in a small cup, three rings, a 
 fine necklace of pearl, and the value of one hundred rix- 
 doUars in money. The fellow was amazed at his own good 
 fortune, and hardly knew what to do with himself. I bid him 
 go take care of his other things, and of his horses, and come 
 again ; so he went and discharged the boor that waited, and 
 packed up all his plunder, and came up to me in his old 
 clothes again. How now, captain, says I, what, have you 
 altered your equipage already? I am no more ashamed, 
 
VALUE OF MT servant's PLUNDER. 55 
 
 Sir of your livery, answered he, than of your service, and 
 nerertheless your servant for what I have got by it. "Well, 
 says I to him, but what will you do now with aU your money ? 
 I wish my poor father had some of it, says he ; and for the 
 rest, I got it for you, sir, and desire you would take it. 
 
 He spoke it with so much honesty and freedom, that I 
 could not but take it very kindly ; but however, I told him I 
 would not take a farthing from him, as his master ; but I 
 would have him play the good husband with it now he had 
 such good fortune to get it. He told me he would take my 
 directions in everything. Why then, said I, I'll tell you 
 what I would advise you to do ; turn it all into ready money, 
 and convey it by return home into England, and follow 
 yourself the first opportunity, and with good management you 
 may put yourself in a good posture of living with it. The 
 fellow, with a sort of dejection in his looks, asked me, if he 
 had disobliged me in anything ? Why ? says I. That I was 
 willing to turn him out of his service. No, George (that 
 was his name), says I, but you may live on this money 
 without being a servant. I'd throw it all into the Elbe, says 
 he, over Torgau bridge, rather than leave your service ; 
 and besides, says he, can't I save my money without going 
 from you ? I got it in your service, and I'll never spend it out 
 of your service, unless you put i^e away. I hope my money 
 won't make me the worse servant ; if I thought it would I'd 
 soon have little enough. Nay, George, says I, I shall not 
 oblige you to it for I am not willing to lose you neither. 
 Come then, says I, let us put it all together, and see what 
 it will come to. So he laid it all together on the table ; and 
 by our computation he had gotten as much plunder as was 
 worth about one thousand four hundred rix-doUars, besides 
 three horses with their furniture, a tent, a bed, and some 
 wearing linen. Then he takes the necklace of pearl, a very 
 good watch, a diamond ring, and a hundred pieces of gold, 
 and lays them by themselves ; and having, according to our 
 best calculation, valued the things, he put up all the rest ; 
 and as I was going to ask him what they were left out for, 
 he takes them up in his hand, and coming round the table, told 
 me, that if I did not think him unworthy of my service and 
 favour, he begged I would give him leave to make that 
 present to me ; that it was my first thought, his going out ; 
 that he had got it ail in my service, and he should think 1 
 
56 MEMOIKS OF A CAVALIEK. 
 
 had no kindness for him if I should refuse it. I was resolved 
 in my mind not to take it from him, and yet I could find no 
 means to resist his importunity ; at last I told him, I would 
 accept of part of his present, and that I esteemed his respect 
 in that' as much as the whole, and that I would not have 
 him importune me farther ; so I took the ring and watch, 
 with the horse and furniture as before, and made him turn 
 all the rest into money at Leipsic ; and not suffering him to 
 wear his livery, made him put himself into a tolerable 
 equipage, and taking a young Leipsicer into my service, he 
 attended me as a gentleman from that time forward. 
 
 The king's army never entered Leipsic, but proceeded to 
 Moersburg, and from thence to Halle, and so marched on 
 into Franconia, while the Duke of Saxony employed his 
 forces in recovering Leipsic, and driving the imperialists out 
 of his country. I continued at Leipsic twelve days, being 
 not willing to leave my comrade until he was recovered ; but 
 Sir John Hepburn so often importuned me to come into the 
 army, and sent me word that the king had very often in- 
 quired for me, that at last I consented to go without him. 
 So having made our appointment where to meet, and how to 
 correspond by letters, I went to wait on Sir John Hepburn, 
 who then lay with the king's army at the city of Erfurt in 
 Saxony. As I was riding between Leipsic and Halle, I ob- 
 served my horse went very awkwardly and uneasy, and sweat 
 very much, though the weather was cold, and we had rid but 
 very softly. I fancied, therefore, that the saddle might hurt 
 the horse, and calls my new captain up : George, says I, I 
 believe .Ms saddle hurts the horse. So we alighted, and look- 
 ing under the saddle found the back of the horse extremely 
 galled ; so I bid him take off the saddle, which he did, and 
 giving the horse to my young Leipsicer to lead, we sat down 
 to see if we could mend it, for there was no town near us. 
 Says George, pointing with his finger. If you please to cut 
 open the pannel there, I'U get something to stuff into it, which 
 will bear it from the horse's back ; so while he looked for 
 something to thrust in, I cut a hole in the pannel of the sad- 
 dle, and following it with my finger I felt something hard, 
 which seemed to move up and down : again, as I thrust it 
 with my finger, Here's something that should not be here, 
 says I, not yet imagining what afterwards fell out, and calling. 
 Run back, bade him put up his finger ; Whatever it is, says 
 
FIND MONEY JN MY HOESe's SADDLE. 57 
 
 he, h is this hurts the horse, for it bears just on his back 
 when the saddle is set on. So we strove to take hold on it, 
 but could not reach it ; at last we took the upper part of the 
 saddle quite from the paunel, and there lay a small silk purse 
 wrapt in a piece of leather, and full of gold ducats. Thou 
 art born to be rich, George, says I to him, here's more 
 money. We opened the purse, and found in it four hundred 
 and thirty-eight small pieces of gold. There I had a new 
 skirmish with him whose the money should be. I told him 
 it was his ; he told me no, I had accepted of the horse and 
 furniture, and all that was about him was mine, and solemnly 
 vowed he would not have a penny of it. I saw no remedy 
 but put up the money for the present, mended our saddle, and 
 went on. We lay that night at Halle, and having hud such 
 a booty in the saddle, I made him search the saddles of the 
 other two horses ; in one of which we found three French 
 crowns, but nothing in the other. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 ARRIVAL AT ERFURT ^I RECEIVE A WOUND BEFORE THE 
 
 CASTLE OF MARIENBUEGH GRACIOUS RECEPTION OP THE 
 
 KING BRAVERY OF A PRIVATE MUSKETEER BATTLE OP 
 
 OPFENHEIM MAECH TO MENTZ LETTER FEOM MY 
 
 FATHER THE KING APPOINTS ME A COLONEL OP HORSE 
 
 BATTLE OP LECH, AND DEFEAT OF TILLY. 
 
 We arrived at Erfurt the 28th of September, but the army 
 was removed, and entered into Franconia, and at the siege 
 of Koningshoven we came up with them. The first thing I 
 did, was to pay my civiUties to Sir John Hepburn, who re- 
 ceived me very kindly, but told me withal, that I had not 
 done well to be so long from him ; and the king had particu- 
 larly inquired for me, had commanded him to bring me to him 
 at my return. I told him the reason of my stay at Leipsic, and 
 how I had left that place, and my comrade, before he was 
 cured of his wounds, to wait on him, according to his letters. 
 He told me the king had spoken some things very obliging 
 about me, and he beUeved would offer me some command in 
 the army, if I thought well to accept of it. I told him I had 
 promised my father not to take service in an army without 
 
58 MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIER. 
 
 his leave ; and yet if his majesty should offer it, I neither 
 knew how to resist it, nor had I an inclination to anything 
 more than the service, and such a leader ; though I had 
 much rather have served as a volunteer at my own charge 
 (which, as he knew, was the custom of our English gentle- 
 men), than in any command. Ho replied. Do as you think 
 fit ; but some gentlemen would give twenty thousand crowns 
 to stand so fair for advancement as you do. 
 
 The town of Koningshoven capitulated that day, and Sir 
 John was ordered to treat with the citizens, so I had no 
 farther discourse with him then ; and the town being taken, 
 the army immediately advanced down the river Main, for the 
 king had his eye upon Frankfort and Mentz, two great cities, 
 both which he soon became master of, chiefly by the pro- 
 digious expedition of his march ; for within a month after 
 the battle, he was in the lower parts of the empire, and had 
 passed from the Elbe to the Rhine, an incredible conquest ; 
 had taken all the strong cities, the bishoprics of Bamberg, of 
 Wurtzburg, and almost all the circle of Franconia, with jiart 
 of Schawberland ; a conquest large enough to be seven years 
 a making by the common course of arms. 
 
 Business going on thus, the king had not leisure to think 
 of small matters, and I being not thoroughly resolved in my 
 mind, did not press Sir John to introduce me. I had wrote 
 to my father, with an account of my reception in the army, 
 the civilities of Sir John Hepburn, the particulars of the 
 battle, and had indeed pressed him to give me leave to serve 
 the King of Sweden ; to which particular I waited for an 
 answer, but the following occasion determined me before an 
 answer could possibly reach me. 
 
 The king was before the strong castle of Marienburg, 
 which commands the city of Wurtzburg ; he had taken the 
 city, but the garrison and richer part of the burghers were 
 retired into the castle, and trusting to the strength of the 
 place, which was thought impregnable, they bade the Swedes 
 do their worst ; it was well provided with all things, and a 
 strong garrison in it ; so that the army indeed expected it 
 would be a long piece of work. The castle stood on a high 
 rock, and on the steep of the rock was a bastion, which de- 
 fended the only passage up the hill into the castle ; the Scots 
 were chose out to make this attack, and the king was an eye- 
 witness of their gallantry. In this action Sir John was not 
 
WOUNDED BErORE CASTLK OP MAKIENBUEG. 59 
 
 commanded out, but Sir James Eamscy led them on ; but I 
 ol),Miirvu(] that most of the Scotch officers in the other regi- 
 ments prepared to serve as volunteers for the honour of their 
 countrymen, and Sir John Hepburn led them on. I was re- 
 solved to Hcu this piece of service, and therefore joined myself 
 to the volunteers ; we were armed with partisans, and each man 
 two pistols at our belt. It was a piece of service that seemed 
 perfectly desporii,t(^ ; the advantage of the hill, the precipice 
 we were to mount, the height of the bastion, the resolute 
 courage and number of the garrison, who from a complete 
 covert made a terrible fire upon us, all joined to make the 
 action hopeless. But the fury of the Scots musketeers was 
 not to be abated by any difficulties ; they mounted the hill, 
 scaled the works like madmen, running upon the enemy's 
 pikes ; and after two hours' desperate fight, in the midst of 
 fire and smoke, took it by storm, and put all the garrison to 
 the sword. The volunteers did their part, and had their 
 share of the loss too, for thirteen or fourreoii were killed out 
 of thirty-seven, busides the wounded, among whom I received 
 a hurt more troublsonie than dangerous, by a thrust of a 
 halberd into my arm, which proved a very painful wound, 
 and I was a great while before it was thoroughly recovered. 
 
 The king received uh us we drew ofFut the foot of the hill, 
 calliii;^ the soldiers his brave Scots, and commending the 
 officers by name. The next morning the castle was also 
 taken by storm, and the greatest booty that ever was found 
 in any one conquest in the whole war ; the soldiers got here 
 so much money that they knew not what to do with it, and 
 the plunder (liey got licro and at the battle of Leipsic, made 
 them so unruly, thiit had not the king been the best master 
 of discipline in the world, they had never been kept in any 
 reasonable bounds. 
 
 The king had taken notice of our small party of volunteers, 
 and though I thought he had not seen me, yet he sent the 
 next morning for Sir John Hepburn, and asked him if I were 
 not come to the army. Yes, says Sir John, he has been here 
 two or three days ; and as he was forming an excuse for not 
 having brought me to wait on his majesty, says the king, in- 
 terrupting him, I wonder you would let him thrust- himself 
 into such a hot piece of service as storming the Port Graft ; 
 pray let him know I saw him, and have a very good account 
 of his behaviour. Sir John returned with this account to mo, 
 
60 MEMOIES OP A CAVALIEK. 
 
 and pressed me to pay my duty to his majesty the next 
 morning ; and accordingly, though I had but an ill night 
 with the pain of my wound, I was with him at the levee in 
 the castle. 
 
 I cannot but give some short account of the glory of the 
 morning ; the castle had been cleared of the dead bodies of 
 the enemies, and what was not pillaged by the soldiers, was 
 placed under a guard. There was first a magazine of very 
 good arms for about eighteen or twenty thousand foot, and 
 four thousand horse, a very good train of artUlery, of about 
 eighteen pieces of battery, thirty-two brass field pieces, and 
 four mortars. The bishop's^ treasure, and other public monies 
 not plundered by the soldiers, was telling out by the officers, 
 and amounted to four hundred thousand florins in money ; 
 and the burghers of the town, in solemn procession, bare- 
 headed, brought the king three ton of gold, as a composition 
 to exempt the city from plunder. Here was also a stable of 
 gallant horses, which the king had the curiosity to go and see. 
 
 When the ceremony of the burghers was over, the king 
 came down into the castle court, walked on the parade, where 
 the great train of artillery was placed on their carriages, and 
 round the walls, and gave order for repairing the bastion that 
 was stormed by the Scots ; and as, at the entrance of the 
 parade. Sir John Hepburn and I made our reverence to the 
 king, Ho, Cavalier, said the king to me, I am glad to see you, 
 and so passed forward ; I made my bow very low, but his 
 majesty sail} no more at that time. 
 
 When the view was over, the king went up into the lodg- 
 ings, and Sir John and I walked in an antichamber for about 
 a quarter of an hour, when one of the gentlemen of the bed- 
 chamber came out to Sir John, and told him the king asked 
 for him ; he stayed but a little with the king, and came out 
 to me, and told me the king had ordered him to bring me to 
 him. 
 
 His majesty, with a countenance full of honour and good- 
 ness, interrupted my compliment, and asked me how I did ; 
 at which, answering only with a bow, says the king, I am 
 sorry to see you are hurt, I would have laid my commands 
 on you not to have shown yourself in so sharp a piece of ser- 
 vice, if I had known you had been in the camp. Your 
 majesty does me too much honour, said I, in your care of a 
 life that has yet done nothing to deserve your favour. His 
 
HIS majesty's generosity to me. 61 
 
 majesty was pleased to say something very kind to me, relat- 
 ing to my behaviour in the battle of Leipsic, which I have 
 not vanity enough to write ; at the conclusion whereof, when 
 T replied very humbly, that I was not sensible that any service 
 I had done, or could do, could possibly merit so much good- 
 ness, he told me he had ordered me a small testimony of his 
 esteem, and vrithal gave me his hand to kiss. I was now 
 conquered, and, with a sort of surprise, told his majesty I 
 found myself so much engaged by his goodness, as well as my 
 own inclination, that if his majesty would please to accept ot 
 my devoir, I was resolved to serve in his army, or wlierever 
 he pleased to command me. Serve me ! says the king, why 
 so you do ; but I must not have you be a musketeer, a poor 
 soldier at a doUar a week will do that. Pray Sir John, says 
 the king, give him what commission he desires. No commis- 
 sion, sir, says I, would please me better than leave to fight 
 near your majesty's person, and to serve you at my own 
 charge, till I am qualified by more experience to receive your 
 commands. Why then it shall be so, said the king, and I 
 charge you, Hepburn, says he, when anything offers that is 
 eitlier fit for him, or he desires, that you tell me of it ; and 
 giving me his hand again to kiss, I withdrew. 
 
 I was followed, before I had passed the castle gate, by one 
 of the king's pages, who brought me a warrant, directed to 
 Sir John Hepburn, to go to the master of the horse, for an 
 immediate delivery of things ordered by the king himself for 
 my account ; where being come, the querry produced me a 
 very good coach with four horses, harness and equipage, and 
 two very fine saddle-horses, out of the stable of the bishop's 
 horses afore-mentioned ; with these there was a list for three 
 servants, and a warrant, to the steward of the king's baggage 
 to defray me, my horses and servants, at the king's charge, 
 till further order. I was very much at a loss how to manage 
 myself in this so strange freedom of so great a prince ; and 
 consulting with Sir John Hepburn, I was proposing to him 
 whether it was not proper to go immediately back to pay 
 my duty to his majesty, and acknowledge his bounty in the 
 best terms I could ; but while we were resolving to do so, 
 the guards stood to their arms, and we saw the king go out 
 at the gate in his coach to pass into the city, so we were 
 diverted from it for that time. I acknowledge the bounty of 
 the king was very surprising, but I must say it was not so 
 
62 MEMOIRS OP A CAVALIER. 
 
 very strange to me when I afterwards saw the couise of his 
 management. Bounty in him was his natural talent, but he 
 never distributed his favours but where he thought himself 
 both loved and faithfully served ; and when he was so, even 
 the single actions of his private soldiers he would take parti- 
 cular notice of himself, and publicly own, acknowledge, and 
 reward them, of which I am obliged to give some instances. 
 
 A private musketeer, at the storming the castle of Wurtz- 
 burg, when all the detachment was beaten off, stood in the 
 face of the enemy, and fired his piece ; and, though he had a 
 thousand shot made at him, stood unconcerned, and charged 
 his piece again, and let fly at the enemy, continuing to do so 
 three times ; at the same time, beckoning vrith his hand to 
 his fellows to come on again, which they did, animated by his 
 example, and carried the place for the king. 
 
 When the town was taken, the king ordered the regiment 
 to be drawn out, and calling for that soldier, thanked him 
 before them all for taking the town for him, gave him a 
 thousand dollars in money, and a commission -with, his own 
 hand for a foot company, or leave to go home, which he would ; 
 the soldier took the commission on his knees, kissed it, and 
 put it into his bosom, and told the king he would never leave 
 his service as long as he lived. 
 
 This bounty of the king's, timed and suited by his judg- 
 ment, was the reason that he was very well served, entirely 
 beloved, and most punctually obeyed by his soldiers, who 
 were sure to be cherished and encouraged, if they did well, 
 having the king generally an eyewitness of their behaviour. 
 
 My indiscretion rather than valour had engaged me so far 
 at the battle of Leipsic, that being in the van of Sir John 
 Hepburn's brigade, almost three whole companies of us were 
 separated from our line, and surrounded by the enemies' pikes. 
 I cannot but say also, that we were disengaged, rather by a 
 desperate charge Sir John made with the whole regiment to 
 fetch us oS, than by our own valour, though we were not 
 wanting to ourselves neither ; but this part of the action being 
 talked of very mmh to the advantage of the young English 
 volunteer, and possibly more than I deserved, was the occasion 
 of all the distinction the king used me vnth ever after. 
 
 I had by this time letters from my father, in which, though 
 with reluctance, he left me at liberty to enter into arms if I 
 thought fit, always obliging me to be directed, and, as he said, 
 
COMMAND A PARTY AT Fv^ilT JPPENHEIM. 63 
 
 commanded by Sir John Hepburn. At the same time he 
 wrote to Sir John Hepburn, commending his son's fortunes, as 
 he called it, to his care ; which letters Sir John showed the 
 king, unknown to me. 
 
 I took care always to acquaint my father of every circum- 
 stance, and forgot not to mention his majesty's extraordinary 
 favour, which so affected my father, that he obtained a very 
 honourable mention of it in a letter from King Charles to the 
 King of Sweden, written by his own hand. 
 
 I had waited on his majesty with Sir John Hepburn, to give 
 him thanks for his magniiSeeut present, and was received with 
 his usual goodness, and after that I was every day among the 
 gentlemen of his ordinary attendance ; and if his majesty went 
 out on a party, as he would often do, or to view the country, 
 I always attended him among the volunteers, of whom a great 
 many always followed him ; and he would often call me out. 
 talk with me, send me upon messages to towns, to princes, free 
 cities, and the like, upon extraordinary occasions. 
 
 The first piece of service he put me upon had like to have 
 embroiled me with one of hip favourite colonels. The king 
 was marching through the Bergstraet, a low country on the 
 edge of the Rhine, and, as all men thought, was going to 
 besiege Heidelberg, but, on a sudden, orders a party of his 
 gjiards, with five companies of Scots, to be drawn out ; while 
 they were drawing out this detachment, the king caUs me to 
 him. Ho ! CHvalier, says he, that was his usual word, you 
 shall commai-d this party ; and thereupon gives m3 orders to 
 march back all night, and in the morning, by break of day to 
 take post under the walls of the fort of Oppenheim, And 
 immediately to intrench myself as well as I could. Grave 
 Neels, the colonel of his guards, thought himself injured by 
 this command, but the king took the matter upon himself; 
 and Grave Neels told me very familiarly afterwards, We have 
 such a master, says he, that no man can be affronted by. I 
 thought myself wronged, says he, when you commanded my 
 men over my head ; and for my life, says he, I knew not 
 which way to be angry. 
 
 . I executed my commission so punctually, that by break of 
 day I was set down within musket shot of the fort, under 
 covert of a little mount, on which stood a windmill, and had 
 indifferently fortified myself, and at the same time had posted 
 some of my men on two other passes but at farther distance 
 
64 MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIER. 
 
 from the fort, so that the fort was effectually blocked up on 
 the land side. In the afternoon the enemy sallied on my first 
 intrenchment, but being covered from their cannon, and de- 
 fended by a ditch which I had drawn across the road, they 
 were so well received by my musketeers, that they retired 
 with the loss of six or seven men. 
 
 The next day, Sir John Hepburn was sent with two brigades 
 of foot to carry on the work, and so my commission ended. 
 The king expressed himself very well pleased with what I 
 had done ; and when he was so, was never sparing of telling 
 of it, for he used to say, that public commendations were a 
 great encouragement to valour. 
 
 While Sir John Hepburn lay before the fort, and was pre- 
 paring to storm it, the king's design was to get over the Rhine, 
 but the Spaniards which were in Oppenheim had sunk all the 
 boats they could find ; at last the king, being informed where 
 some lay that were sunk, caused them to be weighed with all 
 the expedition possible, and in the night of the seventh of 
 December, in three boats passed over his regiment of guards, 
 about three miles above the town, and as the king thought 
 secure from danger. But they were no sooner landed, and not 
 drawn into order, but they were charged by a body of Spanish 
 horse, and had not the darkness given them opportunity to 
 draw up in the inclosures in several little parties, they had 
 been in great danger of being disordered ; but by this means 
 they lined the hedges and lanes so with musketeers, that the 
 remainder had time to draw up in battalia, and saluted the 
 horse with their muskets, so that they drew farther off. 
 
 The king was very impatient, hearing his men engaged, 
 having no boats nor possible means to get over to help them. 
 At last, about eleven o'clock at night, the boats came back, 
 and the king thrust another regiment into them, and, though 
 his officers dissuaded him, would go over himself with 
 them on foot, and did so. This was three months that very 
 day when the battle of Leipsic was fought, and winter-time 
 too, that the progress of his arms had spread from the Elbe, 
 where it parts Saxony and Brandenburgh, to the lower 
 Palatinate and the Rhine. ^ 
 
 I went over in the boat with the king. I never saw him 
 in so much concern in my life, for he was in pain for his men ; 
 but before we got on shore the Spaniards retired. However 
 the king landed, ordered his men, and prepared to intrench, 
 
SCALE THE POKT AND TAKE POSSESSION. 65 
 
 but he had not time ; for by that time the boats were put ofl 
 again, the Spaniards, not knowing more troops were landed, 
 and being reinforced from Oppenheim came on again, and 
 charged with great fury ; but all things were now in order ; 
 and they were readily received and beaten back again : they 
 came on again the third time, and with repeated charges 
 attacked us, but at last finding us too strong for them, they 
 gave it over. By this time another regiment of foot was 
 come over, and as soon as day appeared, the king, with the 
 three regiments, marched to the town, which surrendered at 
 the first summons, and the next day the fort yielded to Sir 
 John Hepburn. 
 
 The castle of Oppenheim held out stUl with a garrison of 
 eight hundred Spaniards, and the king, leaving two hundred 
 Scots of Sir James Ramsey's men in the town, drew out to 
 attack the castle. Sir James Ramsey being left wounded at 
 Wurtzburg, the king gave me the command of those two 
 hundred men, which were a regiment, that is to say, all that 
 were left of a gallant regiment of two thousand Scots, which 
 the king brought out of Sweden with him, under that brave 
 colonel; there was about thirty officers, who, having no 
 soldiers, were yet in pay, and served as reformadoes with the 
 regiment, and were over and above the two hundred men. 
 
 The king designed to storm the castle on the lower side by 
 the way that leads to Mentz, and Sir John Hepburn landed 
 from the other side, and marched up to storm on the Rhine 
 port. 
 
 My reformado Scots, having observed that the town port 
 of the castle was not so well guarded as the rest, all the eyes 
 of the garrison being bent towards the king and Sir John 
 Hepburn, came running to me, and told me they believed 
 they could enter the castle sword in hand, if I would give 
 them leave. I told them I durst not give them orders, my 
 commission being only to keep and defend the town ; but 
 they being very importunate, I told them they were volun- 
 teers, and might do what they pleased ; that I would lend 
 them fifty men, and draw up the rest to second them, or 
 bring them off, as I saw occasion, so as I might not hazard 
 the town. This was as much as they desired ; they sallied 
 immediately, and in a trice the volunteers scaled the port, 
 cut in pieces the guard, and bnrst open the gate, at which 
 the fifty entered; finding the gate won, I advanced im- 
 
 VOL. 11. *■ 
 
66 MEMOIES OF A CAVALIER. 
 
 mediately with a liundred musketeers more, liaving locliod 
 ap all the gates of the town but the castle port, and leaving 
 fifty still for a reserve just at that gate ; the townsmen too, 
 seeing the castle as it were taken, run to arms, and followed 
 me with above- two hundred men. The Spaniards were 
 knocked down by the Scots before they knew what the 
 matter was, and the king and Sir John Hepburn, advancing 
 to storm, were surprised, when, instead of resistance, they 
 saw the Spaniards throwing themselves over the walls to 
 avoid the fury of the Scots. Few of the garrison got away, 
 but were either killed or taken, and, having cleared the 
 castle, I set open the port on the king's side, and sent his 
 majesty word the castle was his own. The king came on, 
 and entered on foot. I received him at the head of the 
 Scots reformadoes, who all saluted him with their pikes. 
 The king gave them his hat, and turning about. Brave Scots! 
 brave Scots ! says he, smiling, you were too quick for me ; 
 then beckoning to me, made me tell him how and in what 
 manner we had managed the storm, which he was exceeding 
 well pleased with, but especially at the caution I had used 
 to bring them oflf if they had miscarried, and secure the 
 town. 
 
 From hence the army marched to Mentz, which in four 
 days' time capitulated, with the fort and citadel, and the 
 city paid his majesty three hundred thousand dollars to be 
 exempted from the fury of the soldiers ; here the king 
 himself drew the plan of those invincible fortifications, 
 which, to this day, make it one of the strongest cities in 
 Germany. 
 
 Friburg, Koningstien, Niustat, Keiser-Lautern, and almost 
 all the Lower Palatinate, surrendered at the very terror of 
 the king of Sweden's approach, and never suffered the 
 danger of a siege. 
 
 The king held a most magnificent court at Mentz, attended 
 by the landgrave of Hesse, with an incredible number of 
 princes and lords of the empire, with ambassadors and ' 
 residents of foreign princes; and here his majesty stayed 
 till March, when the queen, with a great retinue of Swedish 
 nobility, came from Erfurt to see him. The king, attended 
 by a gallant train of German nobility, went to Frankfort, 
 and from thence on to Hoest, to meet the queen, where hei 
 majesty arrived February 8th. 
 
ARRIVAL OF THE KING OF BOHEMIA. 67 
 
 _ During the king's stay in these parts, his armies were not 
 idle ; his troops, on one side, under the Ehinegrave, a brave 
 and ever-fortunate commander, and under the landgrave of 
 Hesse, on the other, ranged the country from Lorrain to 
 Luxemburg, and past the Moselle on the west, and the 
 Weser on the north. Nothing could stand before them ; the 
 Spanish army, which came to the relief of the catholic 
 electors, was everywhere defeated, and beaten quite out of 
 the country, and the Lorrain army quite ruined ; 'twas a 
 most pleasant court sure as ever was seen, where every day 
 expresses arrived of armies defeated, towns surrendered, 
 contributions agreed upon, parties routed^ prisoners taken, 
 and princes sending ambassadors to sue for truces and 
 neutralities, to make submissions and compositions, and to 
 pay arrears and contributions. 
 
 Here arrived, February 10th, the king of Bohemia from 
 England, and with him my Lord Craven, with a body of 
 Dutch horse, and a very fine train of English volunteers, 
 who immediately, without any stay, marched on to Hoest to 
 wait upon his majesty of Sweden, who received him with n 
 great deal of civility, and was treated at a noble collation, 
 by the king and queen, at Frankfort. Never had the 
 unfortunate king so fair a prospect of being restored to his 
 inheritance of the Palatinate as at that time ; and had King 
 James, his father-in-law, had a soul answerable to the 
 occasion, it had been effected before ; but it was a strange 
 thing to see him equipped from the English court, with one 
 lord and about forty or fifty English gentlemen in his 
 attendance ; whereas, had the king of England now, as it is 
 well known he might have done, furnished him with ten 
 thousand or twelve thousand English foot, nothing could 
 have hindered him taking a full possession of his country ; 
 and yet even without that help did the king of Sweden clear 
 almost his whole country of imperialists, and after his death 
 reinstall his son in the electorate, but no thanks to us. 
 
 The Lord Craven did me the honour to inquire for me by 
 name, and his majesty of Sweden did me yet more, by 
 presenting me to the king of Bohemia; and my Lord Craven 
 gave me a letter from my father, and speaking something of 
 my father having served under the Prince of Orange in the 
 famous battle of Neuport, the king, smiling, returned. And 
 
 ' F 2 
 
68 MEMOIRS 01' A CAVALIEE. 
 
 pray tell him from me his son has served as well in the 
 warm battle of Leipsic. 
 
 My father, being very much pleased with the honour I 
 had received from so great a king, had ordered me to ac- 
 quaint his majesty, that if he pleased to accept of their 
 service he would raise him a regiment of English horse at 
 his own charge, to be under my command, and to be sent 
 over into Holland ; and my Lord Craven had orders trom 
 the king of England, to signify his consent to the said levy. 
 I acquainted my old friend Sir John Hepburn with the 
 contents of the letter, in order to have his advice, who, 
 being pleased wiih the proposal, would have me go to the 
 king immediately with the letter, but present service put it 
 ofF for some days. 
 
 The taking of Creutznach was the next service of any 
 moment ; the king drew out in person to the siege of this 
 town ; the town soon came to parley, but the castle seemed 
 a work of difficulty ; for its situation was so strong and so 
 surrounded with works behind and above one another, that 
 most people thought the king would receive a check from it ; 
 but it was not easy to resist the resolution of the king of 
 Sweden. 
 
 He never battered it but with two small pieces, but having 
 viewed the works himself, ordered a mine under the first ra- 
 velin, which being sprung with success, he commands a storm ; 
 I think there was not more commanded men than volunteers, 
 both English, Soots, French, and Germans : my old comrado 
 was by this time recovered of his wound at Leipsic, and made 
 one. The first body of volunteers of about forty, were led on 
 by my lord Craven, and I led the second, among whom were 
 most of the reformado Scots officers who took the castle of 
 Oppenheim. The first party was not able to make anything 
 of it ; the garrison fought with so much fury that many of the 
 volunteer gentlemen being wounded, and some killed, the rest 
 were beaten off with loss. The king was in some passion at 
 his men, and rated them for running away, as he called it, 
 though they really retreated in good order, and commanded 
 the assault to be renewed. It was our turn to fall on next ; 
 our Scots officers, not being used to be beaten, advanced im- 
 mediately, and my Lord Craven, with his volunteers, pierced 
 in with us, fighting gallantly in the breach with a pike in his 
 
COKTENTS OP MT FATHEE'S LETTEK. 69 
 
 hand, and, to give him the honour due to his bravery, he was 
 with the first on the top of the rampart, and gave his hand 
 to my comrade, and lifted him up after him ; we helped one 
 another up, till at last almost all the volunteers had gained 
 the height of the ravelin, aud maintained it with a great deal 
 of resolution, expecting when the commanded men had gained 
 the same height to advance upon the enemy, when one of the 
 enemy's captains called to my Lord Craven, and told him, ii 
 they might have honourable terms they would capitulate ; 
 which my lord telling him he would engage for, the garrison 
 fired no more, and the captain leaping down from the next 
 rampart, came with my Lord Craven intp the camp, where 
 the conditions were agreed on, and the castle surrendered. 
 
 After the taking of this town, the king hearing of Tilly's 
 approach, and how he had beaten Gustavus Horn, the king's 
 fieldmarshal, out of Bamberg, began to draw his forces to- 
 gether, and leaving the care of his conquests in these parts 
 to his Chancellor Oxenstein, prepares to advance towards 
 Bavaria. 
 
 I had taken an opportunity to wait upon his majesty with 
 Sir John Hepburn, and being about to introduce the discourse 
 of my father's letter, the king told me he had received a com- 
 pliment on my account in a letter from King Charles. I told 
 him his majesty had by his exceeding generosity bound me 
 and all my friends to pay their acknowledgments to him, and 
 that I supposed my father had obtained such a mention of it 
 from the king of England, as gratitude moved him to ; that 
 his majesty's favour had been shown in me to a family both 
 willing and ready to serve him ; that I had received some 
 commands from my father, which, if his majesty pleased to 
 do me the honour to accept of, might put me in a condition 
 to acknowledge his majesty's goodness, in a manner more 
 proportioned to the sense I had of his favour ; and with that 
 I produced my father's letter, and read that clause in it which 
 related to the regiment of horse, which was as follows : 
 
 " I read with a great deal of satisfaction the account you 
 give of the great and extraordinary conquests of the King 
 of Sweden, and with more his majesty's singular favour to 
 you. I hope you will be careful to value and deserve so much 
 honour. I am glad you rather chose to serve as a volunteer 
 at your own charge, than to take any command, which, for 
 want of experience, you might misbehave bx. 
 
?0 MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIER. 
 
 " I hare obtained of the king that he will particularly thank 
 his majesty of Sweden for the honour he has done you ; and 
 if his majesty gives you so much freedom, I could be glad you 
 should in the humblest manner thank his majesty in the name 
 of an old broken soldier. 
 
 " If you think yourself officer enough to command them, 
 and his majesty pleased to accept them, I would have you 
 offer to raise his majesty a regiment of horse, which I think 
 I may near complete in our neighbourhood with some of your 
 old acquaintance, who are very willing to see the world. Ii 
 his majesty gives you the word, they shall receive his com- 
 mand in the Maes, the king having promised me to give them 
 arms, and transport them for that service into Holland ; and 
 I hope they may do his majesty such service as may be for 
 your honour, and the advantage of his majesty's interest and 
 glory. 
 
 "Your loving father." 
 
 It is an offer like a gentleman and like a soldier, says the 
 king, and I'll accept of it on two conditions ; first, says the 
 king, that I will pay your father the advance money for the 
 raising the regiment;, and next, that they shall be landed in 
 the Weser or the Elbe, for which, if the King of England will 
 not, I wUl pay the passage ; for if they land in Holland, it 
 may prove very difficult to get them to us when the army 
 shall be marched out of this part of the country. 
 
 I returned this answer to my father, and sent my man 
 George into England to order that regiment, and made him 
 quarter-master. I sent blank commissions for the officers, 
 signed by the king, to be filled up as my father should think 
 fit ; and when I had the king's order for the commissions, 
 the secretary told me I must go back to the king with them. 
 Accordingly I went back to the king, who, opening the packet, 
 laid all the commissions but one upon a table before him, and 
 bade me take them, and, keeping that one still in his hand, 
 Now, says he, you are one of my soldiers ; and therewith gave 
 me his commission, as colonel of horse in present pay. I took 
 the commission, kneeling, and humbly thanked his majesty. 
 But, says the king, there is one article of war I expect of you 
 more than of others. Your majesty can expect nothing of 
 me which I shall not willingly comply with, said I, as soon 
 as I have the honour to understand what it is. Why, it is. 
 
COMMISSIONED AS COLONEL OP HORSE. 71 
 
 says the king, that you shall never fight but when you have 
 orders ; for I shall not be willing to lose my colonel before I 
 have the regiment. I shall be ready at aU times, sir, returned 
 I, to obey your majesty's orders. 
 
 I sent my man express with the king's answer, and the 
 commission to my father, who had the regiment completed in 
 less than two months' time, and six of the officers, with a list 
 of the rest, came away to me, whom I presented to his ma- 
 jesty when he lay before Nuremburg, where they kissed his 
 hand. 
 
 One of the captains offered to bring the whole regiment 
 travelling as private men into the army in six weeks' time, 
 and either to transport their equipage, or buy it in Germany ; 
 but it was thought impracticable. However, I had so many 
 came in that manner that I had a complete troop always 
 about me, and obtained the king's order to muster them as a 
 troop. 
 
 On the 8th of March the king decamped, and marching up 
 the river Maine, bent his course directly for Bavaria, taking 
 several small places by the way, and, expecting to engage 
 with Tilly, who, he thought, would dispute his entrance into 
 !^avaria, kept his army together; but TiUy, finding himself 
 too weak to encounter him, turned away, and leaving Bavaria 
 open to the king, marched into the Upper Palatinate. The 
 king finding the country clear of the imperialists, comes to 
 Nuremberg, made his entrance into that city the 21st of 
 March, and being nobly treated by the citizens, he continued 
 his march into Bavaria, and on the 26th sat down before 
 Donawert. The town was taken the next day by storm, so 
 swift were the conquests of this invincible captain. Sir John 
 Hepburn, with the Scots and the English volunteers at the 
 head of them, entered the town first, and cut all the garrison 
 to pieces, except such as escaped over the bridge. 
 
 I had no share in the business of Donawert being now 
 among the horse, but I was posted on the roads with five 
 troops of horse, where we picked up a great many stragglers 
 of the garrison, whom we made prisoners of war. 
 
 It is observable, that this town of Donawert is a very 
 strong place, and well fortified, and yet such expedition did 
 the king make, and such resolution did he use in his first 
 attacks, tlat he carried the town without putting himself to 
 
72 MEMOIRS OP A CAVAIIEE. 
 
 the trouble of formal approaches. It was generally his way, 
 when he came before any town with a design to besiege it, he 
 never would encamp at a distance, and begin his trenches a 
 great way off, but bring his men immediately within half 
 musket-shot of the place ; there, getting under the best 
 covert he could, he would immediately begin his batteries and 
 trenches before their faces ; and if there was any place possi- 
 ble to be attacked, he would fall to storming immediately. 
 By this resolute way of coming on, he carried many a town 
 in the first heat of his men,^which would have held out many 
 days against a more regular siege. 
 
 This march of the king broke aU Tilly's measures, for now 
 he was obliged to face about, and leaving the Upper Palati- 
 nate, to come to the assistance of the Duke of Bavaria ; for 
 the king being twenty thousand strong, besides ten thousand 
 foot and four thousand horse and dragoons which joined him 
 from the Duringer Wald, was resolved to ruin the duke, who 
 lay now open to him, and was the most powerful and invete- 
 rate enemy of the protestants in the empire. 
 
 TiUy was now joined with the Duke of Bavaria, and might 
 together make about twenty- two thousand men ; and in order 
 to keep the Swedes out of the country of Bavaria, had 
 planted themselves along the banks of the river Lech, which 
 runs on the edge of the duke's territories ; and having forti- 
 fied the other side of the river, and planted his cannon for 
 several miles, at all the convenient places on the river, 
 resolved to dispute the king's passage. 
 
 I shall be the longer in relating this account of the Lech, 
 being esteemed in those days as great an action as any battle 
 or siege of that age, and particularly famous for the disaster 
 of the gallant old general Tilly ; and for that I can be more 
 particular in it than other accounts, having been an eye- 
 witness to every part of it. 
 
 The king being truly informed of the disposition of the 
 Bavarian army, was once of the mind to have left the banks 
 of the Lech, have repassed the Danube, and so setting down 
 before Ingolstat, the duke's capital city, by the taking that 
 strong town, to have made his entrance into Bavaria, and the 
 conquest of such a fortress, one entire action; but the 
 strength of the place, and the difficulty of maintaining his 
 army in an enemy's country, while Tilly was so strong in the 
 
PEEPAEE TO ENGAGE \VITH TILLY AT LECH. 73 
 
 field, diverted him from that design ; he therefore concluded 
 that Tilly -was first to be beaten out of the country, and then 
 the siege of Ingolstat would be easier. 
 
 Whereupon the king resolved to go and view the situation 
 of the enemy. His majesty went out the 2nd of April with 
 a strong party ot horse, which I had the honour to command ; 
 we marched as near as we could to the banks of the river, 
 not to be too much exposed to the enemy's cannon, and hav- 
 ing gained a little height, where the whole course of the river , 
 might be seen, the king halted, and commanded to draw up. 
 The king alighted, and calling me to him, examined every reach 
 and turning of the river by his glass, but finding the river run 
 a long and almost a straight course, he could find no place 
 which he liked, but at last turning himself north, and looking 
 down the stream, he found the river fetching a long reach, 
 double short upon itself, making a round and very narrow 
 point. There's a point will do our business, says the king, and, 
 if the ground be good, I'll pass there, let Tilly do his worst. 
 
 He immediately ordered a small party of horse to view the 
 ground, and to bring him word particularly how high the 
 bank was on each side and at the point ; and he shall have 
 fifty dollars, says the king, that will bring me word how deep 
 the water is. I asked his majesty leave to let me go, which 
 he would by no means allow of; but as the party was draw- 
 ing out, a Serjeant of dragoons told the king, if he pleased to 
 let him go disguised as a boor, he would bring him an account 
 of everything he desired. The king liked the motion well 
 enough, and the fellow being very well acquainted with the 
 country, puts on a ploughman's habit, and went away imme- 
 diately with a long pole upon his shoulder ; the horse lay all 
 this while in the woods, and the king stood undiscerned by 
 the enemy on the little hill aforesaid. The dragoon with }iis 
 long pole comes down boldly to the bank of the river, and 
 calling to the centinels which Tilly had placed on the other 
 bank, talked with them, asked them if they could not help 
 him over the river, and pretended he wanted to come to 
 them. At last being come to the point, where, as I said, the 
 river makes a short turn, he stands parleying with them a 
 great whUe, and sometimes pretending to wade over, he puts 
 his long pole into the water, then finding it pretty shallow, he 
 pulls off his hose and goes in, still thrusting his pole in before 
 him, tUl being gotten up to his middle, he could reach beyond 
 
74 MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIER. 
 
 him, where it was too deep, and so shaking his head, comes 
 back again. The soldiers on the other side laughing at him, 
 asked him if he could swim ? He said no. Why you fool 
 you, says one of the centinels, the channel of the river is 
 twenty feet deep. How do you know that? says the dragoon. 
 Why our engineer, says he, measured it yesterday. This 
 was what he wanted, but not yet fully satisfied ; Ay but, 
 says he, may be it may not be very broad, and if one of you 
 would wade in to meet me till I could reach you with my 
 pole, I'd give him half a ducat to pull me over. The inno- 
 cent way of his discourse so deluded the soldiers, that one of 
 them immediately strips and goes in up to the shoulders, and 
 our dragoon goes in on this side to meet him ; but the stream 
 took the other soldier away, and he being a good swimmer, 
 came swimming over to this side. The dragoon was then in 
 a great deal of pain for fear of being discovered, and was once 
 going to kill the fellow, and make off; but at last resolved to 
 carry on the humour, and having entertained the fellow with 
 a tale of a tub, about the Swedes stealing his oats, the fellow 
 being cold, wanted to be gone, and as he was willing to be 
 rid of him,, pretended to be very sorry he could not get over 
 the river, and so makes off. 
 
 By this, however, he learned both the depth and breadth 
 of the channel, the bottom and nature of both shores, and 
 everything the king wanted to know. We could see him 
 from the hill by our glasses very plain, and could see the 
 soldier naked with him ; says the king, He will certainly be 
 discovered and knocked on the head from the other side : he 
 is a fool, says the king, if he does not kill the fellow and 
 run off; but when the dragoon told his tale, the king was 
 extremely well satisfied with him, gave him one hundred 
 dollars, and made him a quarter-master to a troop of cuiras- 
 siers. 
 
 The king having farther examined the dragoon, he gave 
 him a very distinct account of the shore and ground on this 
 side, which he found to be higher than the enemy's by ten or 
 twelve foot, and a hard gravel. 
 
 Hereupon the king resolves to pass there, and in order to 
 it, gives himself particular directions for such a bridge as I 
 believe never army passed a river on before nor since. 
 
 His bridge was only loose planks laid upon large trestles, 
 in the same homely manner as I have seen bricklayers raise 
 
PLAN A BEIDGE ACROSS THE EIVEE. 75 
 
 ft low scaffold to build a brick wall ; the trestles were made 
 higher than one another to answer to the river, as it became 
 deeper or shallower, and was all framed and fitted before any 
 appearance was made of attempting to pass. 
 
 When aU w as ready, the king brings his army down to the 
 bank of the river, and plants his cannon as the enemy had 
 done, some here and some there, to amuse them. 
 
 At night, April 4th, the king commanded about two 
 thousand men to march to the point, and to throw up a 
 trench on either side, and quite round it, with a battery of 
 SLs pieces of cannon, at each end, besides tliree small mounts, 
 one at the point and one of each side, which had each of 
 them two pieces upon them. ' This work was begun so 
 briskly, and so well carried on, the king firing all the night 
 from the other pstrts of the river, that by daylight all the 
 batteries at tlie new work were mounted, the trench lined 
 with two thousand musketeers, and all the utensils of the 
 bridge lay ready to be put together. 
 
 Now the imperialists discovered the design, but it was too 
 late to hinder it. Tlie musketeers in the great trench, and 
 the five new batteries, made such continual fire, that the 
 other bank which, as before, lay twelve feet below them, was 
 too hot for the imperialists ; whereupon Tilly, to be provided 
 for the king, at his coming over, falls to work in a wood right 
 against the point, and raises a great battery for twenty pieces 
 of cannon, with a breastwork, or line, as near the river as he 
 could, to cover his men, thinking that when the king had 
 built his bridge, he might easily beat it down with his 
 cannon. 
 
 But the king had doubly prevented him, first, by laying 
 his bridge so low that none of Tilly's shot could hurt it ; for 
 the bridge lay not above half a foot above the waters edge, 
 by which means the king, who in that showed himself an 
 excellent engineer, had secured it from any batteries to be 
 made within the land, and the angle of the bank secured it 
 from the remoter batteries on the other side, and the con- 
 tinual fire of the cannon and small shot beat the imperalists 
 from their station just against it, they having no works to 
 cover them. 
 
 And in the second place, to secure his passage, he sent 
 over about two hundred men, and after that two hundred 
 more, who had orders to cast up a large ravelin on the othei 
 
76 MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIER. 
 
 bank, just where he designed to land his bridge ; this was 
 done -with such expedition too, that it was finished before 
 night, and in condition to receive all the shot of Tilly's great 
 battery, and effectually covered his bridge. While this was 
 doing, the king on his side lays over his bridge. Both sides 
 wrought hard all day and all night, as if the spade, not the 
 sword, had been to decide the controversy, and that he had 
 got the victory whose trenches and batteries were first ready. 
 In the mean while the cannon and musket bullets flew like 
 hail, and made the service so hot, that both sides had enough 
 to do to make their men stand to their work ; the king in 
 the hottest of it, animated his men by his presence, and Tilly, 
 to give him his due, did thfe same ; for the execution was so 
 great, and so many oiRcers killed. General Attringer wounded, 
 and two serjeant-majors killed, that at last Tilly himself was 
 obliged to expose himself, and to come up to the very face 
 of our line to encourage his men, and give his necessary 
 orders. 
 
 And here, about one o'clock, much about the time that the 
 king's bridge and works were finished, and just as they said 
 he had ordered to fall on upon our ravelin with three thou- 
 sand foot, was the brave old Tilly slain with a musket bullet 
 in the thigh. He was carried off to Ingolstat, and lived some 
 days after, but died of that wound the same day as the king 
 had his horse shot under him at the siege of that town. 
 
 We made no question of passing the river here, having 
 brought everything so forward, and with such extraordinary 
 success ; but we should have found it a very hot piece of 
 work if Tilly had lived one day more ; and, if I may give my 
 opinion of it, having seen Tilly's battery and breastwork, in 
 the face of which we must have passed the river, I must say, 
 that whenever we had marched, if Tilly had fallen in with his 
 horse and foot, placed in that trench, the whole army would 
 have passed as much danger as in the face of a strong town 
 in the storming a counterscarp. The king himself, when he 
 saw with what judgment Tilly had prepared his works, and 
 what danger he must have run, would often say, that day's 
 success was every way equal to the victory of Leipsio. 
 
 Tilly being hurt and carried off, as if the soul of tie army 
 had been lost, they began to draw off'; the Duke of Bavaria 
 took horse, and rid away as if he had fled out of battle for 
 dis life. 
 
TILLY SLAIN AND ms AEMT DEFEATED. 77 
 
 The other generals, with a little more caution, as well as 
 courage, drew ofF by degrees, sending their cannon and bag- 
 gage away first, and leaving some to continue firing on the 
 bank of the river to conceal their retreat. The river pre- 
 venting any intelligence, we knew nothing of the disaster be- 
 fallen them; and the king, who looked for blows, having 
 finished his bridge and ravelin, ordered to ran a line of pah- 
 sadoes, to take in more ground on the bank of the river, to 
 cover the first troops he should send over; this being finished 
 the same night, the king sends over a party of his guards to 
 relieve the men who were in the ravelin, and commanded six 
 hundred musketeers to man the new line out of the Scots' 
 brigade. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 FARTHER PROCEEDINGS OF THE CAMPAIGN DANGEROUS 
 
 SKIRMISH BEFORE AUSBURG GENERAL TILLY DIES ALMOST 
 
 AT THE MINUTE THE KING HAS HIS HORSE SHOT UNDER 
 
 HIM ^FURTHER PROCEEDINGS TAKING OF FREYNSTAT 
 
 BATTLE OF ATTEMBERGH GALLANTRY OF A SAXON CAPTAIN 
 
 1 AM TAKEN BY THE ENEMY ^DEATH OP THE KING. 
 
 Early in the morning, a small party of Scots, commanded 
 by one Captain Forbes, of my Lord Rea's regiment, were 
 sent out to learn something of the enemy, the king observing 
 they had not fired all night ; and while this party were abroad, 
 the army stood in battalia, and my old friend, Sir John 
 Hepburn, whom of all men the king most depended upon for 
 any desperate service, was ordered to pass the bridge with his 
 brigade, and to draw up vrithout the line, with command to 
 advance as he found the horse, who were to second him, 
 came over. 
 
 Sir John being passed without the trench, meets Captain 
 Forbes with some prisoners, and the good news oi the enemy's 
 retreat. He sends him directly to the king, who was by this 
 time at the head of his army, in full battalia, ready to follow 
 his vanguard, expecting a hot day's work of it. Sir John 
 sends messenger after messenger to the king, entreating him 
 to give him orders to advance ; but the king would not suffer 
 him ; for he was ever upon his guard, and would not venture 
 
78 MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIER. 
 
 a surprise ; so the army continued on this side the Lech all 
 day and the next night. In the morning the king sent for 
 nie, and ordered me to draw out three hundred horse, and a 
 colonel with six hundred horse, and a colonel with eigh* 
 hundred dragoons, and ordered us to enter the wood by three 
 ways, but so as to be able to relieve one another ; and then 
 ordered Sir John Hepburn, with his brigade, to advance to 
 the edge of the wood, to secure our retreat ; and at the same 
 time commanded another brigade of foot to pass the bridge, 
 if need were, to second Sir John Hepburn, so warily did this 
 prudent general proceed. 
 
 "We aiivanced with our horse into the Bavarian camp, 
 which we found forsaken ; the plunder of it was inconsider- 
 able, for the exceeding caution the king had used gave them 
 time to carry off all their baggage ; we followed them three 
 or four miles, and returned to our camp. 
 
 I confess I was most diverted that day with viewing the 
 works which TiUy had cast up, and must own again, that had 
 he not been taken off, we had met with as desperate a piece 
 of work as ever was attempted. The next day the rest of the 
 cavalry came up to us, commanded by Gustavus Horn, and 
 the king and the whole army followed ; we advanced through 
 the heart of Bavaria, took Bain at the first summons, and 
 several other small towns, and sat down before Ausburg. 
 
 Ausburg, though .a protestant city, had a popish Bavarian 
 garrison in it of above five thousand men, commanded by a 
 Fugger, a great family in Bavaria. The governor had posted 
 several little parties, as outscouts, at the distance of two miles 
 and a half, or three mileSj from the town. The king, at his 
 coming up to this towii, sends me with my little troop, and 
 three companies of dragoons, to beat in these outscouts. The 
 first party I light on was not above sixteen men, who had 
 made a small barricado across the road, and stood resolutely 
 upon their guard. I commanded the di-agoons to alight, and 
 open the barricado, which, while they resolutely performed, 
 the sixteen men gave them two volleys of their muskets, and 
 through the enclosures made their retreat to a turnpike about 
 a quarter of a mile farther. We passed their first traverse, 
 and coming up to the turnpike, I found it defended by two 
 hundred musketeers. I prepared to attack them, sending 
 word to the king how strong the enemy was, and desired 
 eome foot to be sent to me. My dragoons fell on, and though 
 
DANGEROUS SKlUmSH BEFORE ATJSBURG. 79 
 
 the enemy made a very hot fire, had beat them from this 
 post before two hundred foot, which the king had sent me, 
 had come up. Being joined with the foot, I 'followed the 
 enemy, who retreated fighting, till they came under the can- 
 non of a strong redoubt, where they drew up, and I could see 
 another body of foot of about three hundred join them out of 
 the works ; upon which I halted, and considering I was in 
 view of the town, and a great way from the army, I faced 
 about, and began to march off; as we marched I found the 
 enemy followed, but kept at a distance, as if they only designed 
 to observe me. I had not marched far, but I heard a volley 
 of small shot, answered by two or three more, which I pre- 
 sently apprehended to be at the turnpike, where I had left a 
 small guard of twenty-six men, with a lieutenant. Immedi- 
 ately I detached one hundred dragoons to relieve my men, 
 and secure my retreat, following myself as fast as the foot 
 could march. The lieutenant sent me back word, the post 
 was taken by the enemy, and my men cut off ; upon this I 
 doubled my pace, and when I came up I found it as the lieu- 
 tenant said ; for the post was taken and manned with three 
 hundred musketeers, and three troops of horse ; by this time 
 also I found the party in my rear made up towards me, so 
 that I was like to be charged, in a narrow place, both in front 
 and rear. 
 
 I saw there was no remedy but with all my force to fall 
 upon that party before me, and so to break through before 
 those from the town could come up with me ; wherefore, 
 commanding my dragoons to alight, I ordered them to fall on 
 upon the foot ; their horse were drawn up in an enclosed field 
 on one side of the road, a great ditch securing the other side, 
 so that they thought, if I charged the foot in front, they would 
 fall upon my flank, while those behind would charge my rear ; 
 and indeed had the other come in time, they had cut me off. 
 My dragoons made three fair charges on their foot, but were 
 received with so much resolution, and so brisk a fire, that 
 they were beaten off, and sixteen men killed. Seeing them 
 so rudely handled, and the horse ready to fall in, I relieved 
 them with one hundred musketeers, and they renewed the 
 attack at the same time with my troop of horse ; flanked on 
 both wings with fifty musketeers, I faced their horse, but 
 did not offer to charge them ; the case grew now despera te, 
 aud the enemy behind were just at my heels, with near six 
 
80 MEMOIRS or A CAVALIEK. 
 
 hundred men. The captain who commanded the musketeers, 
 who flankec^ my horse, came up to me; says he, If we 
 do not force this pass all will be lost ; if you will drav,r out 
 your troop and twenty of my foot, and fall in, I'll engage to 
 keep off the horse with the rest. With all my heart, says J. 
 
 Immediately I wheeled off" my troop, and a small party of 
 the musketeers followed me, and fell in with the dragoons 
 »nd foot, who seeing the danger too, as well as I, fought like 
 madmen ; the foot at the turnpike were not able to hinder our 
 breaking through, so we made our way out, killing about one 
 hundred and fifty of them, and put the rest into confusion. 
 
 But now was I in as great a difficulty as before, how to 
 fetch off my brave captain of foot, for they charged home 
 upon him. He defended himself with extraordinary gallantry, 
 having the benefit of a piece of a hedge to cover him ; but he 
 lost half his men, and was just upon the point of being 
 defeated, when the king, informed by a soldier that escaped 
 from the turnpike, one of twenty-six, had seat a party of siy 
 hundred dragoons to bring me off. These came upon the spur, 
 and joined with me just as I had broke through the turnpike ; 
 the enemy's foot rallied behind their horse, and by this time 
 their other party was come in, but seeing our relief, they drew 
 off together. 
 
 I lost above a hundred men in these skirmishes, and killed 
 them about one hundred and eighty ; we secured the turn- 
 pike, and placed a company of foot there, with a hundred 
 dragoons, and came back well beaten to the army. The king, 
 to prevent such uncertain skirmishes, advanced the next day 
 in view of the town, and, according to his custom, sits down 
 with his whole army withm cannon-shot of their walls. 
 
 The king won this great city by force of words ; for by 
 two or three messages and letters to and fi-om the citizens, 
 the town was gained, the garrison not daring to defend them 
 against their wills. His majesty made his public entrance 
 into the city on the 14th of April, and, receiving the com- 
 pUments of the citizens, advanced immediately to Ingolstat, 
 which is accounted, and really is, the strongest town in all 
 these parts. 
 
 The town had a very strong garrison in it, and the Duke 
 of Bavaria lay intrenched with his army under the walls of 
 it, on the other side of the river. The king, who never loved 
 long sieges, having viewed the town, and brought his army 
 
THE king's horse SHOT UNDEK HIM. 81 
 
 ■within musket-shot of it, called a council of war, where it 
 was the king's opinion, in short, that the town would lose 
 him more than it was worth, and therefore he resolved to 
 raise his siege. 
 
 Here the king going to view the town, had his horse shot 
 with a cannon-bullet from the works, which tumbled the 
 king and his horse over one another, that everybody thought 
 he had been killed, but he received no hurt at all ; that very 
 minute, as near as could be learnt, General Tilly died in the 
 town, of the shot he received on the bank of the Lech as 
 aforesaid. 
 
 I was not in the camp when the king was hurt, for the 
 king had sent almost all the horse and dragoons, under Gus- 
 tavus Horn, to face the Duke, of Bavaria's camp, and after 
 thai to plunder the country, which truly was a work the 
 soldiers were very glad of, for it was very seldom they had 
 that liberty given them, and they made very good use of it 
 when it was ; for the country of Bavaria was rich and plen- 
 tiful, having seen no enemy before during the whole war. 
 
 The army having left the siege of Ingolstat, proceeds to 
 take in the rest of Bavaria ; Sir John Hepburn, with three 
 brigades of foot, and Gustavus Horn, with three thousand 
 horse and dragoons, went to the Landshut, and took it the 
 same day. The garrison was all horse, and gave us several 
 camisadoes at our approach, in one of which I lost two of 
 my troops, but when we had beat them into close quarters, 
 they presently capitulated. The general got a great sum of 
 money of the town, besides a great many presents to the 
 officers. And from thence the king went on to Munich, the 
 Duke of Bavaria's court ; some of the general officers would 
 fain have had the plundering of the duke's palace, but the 
 king was too generous ; the city paid him four hundred 
 thousand dollars, and the duke's magazine was there seized, 
 in which was a hundred and forty pieces of cannon, and 
 small arms for above twenty thousand men. The great 
 chamber of the duke's rarities was preserved by the king's 
 special order, with a great deal of care. I expected to have 
 stayed here some time, and to have taken a very exact account 
 of this curious laboratory ; but being commanded away, I had 
 no time, and the fate of the war never gave me opportunity 
 to see it again. 
 
 The imperialists, under the command of Commissary Osta, 
 
 VOL. II. *■ 
 
82 MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIER. 
 
 had besieged Bibrach, an imperial city not very well fortified, 
 and the inhabitants being under the Swede's protection, de- 
 fended themselves as well as they could, but were in great 
 danger, and sent several expresses to the king for help. 
 
 The king immediately detaches a strong body of horse and 
 foot, to relieve Bibrach, and would be the commander him- 
 self. I marched among the horse, but the imperialists saved 
 us the labour ; for the news of the king's coming frighted 
 away Osta, that he left Bibrach, and hardly looked behind 
 him till he got up to the Bodensee, on the confines of Swis- 
 serland. 
 
 At our return from this expedition, the king had the first 
 news of Wallestein's approach, who, on the death of Count 
 Tilly, being declared generalissimo of the emperor's forces, 
 had played the tyrant in Bohemia, and was now advancing 
 with sixty thousand men, as they reported, to relieve the 
 Duke of Bavaria. 
 
 The king, therefore, in order to be in a posture to receive 
 this great general, resolves to quit Bavaria, and to expect 
 him on the frontiers of Franconia ; and because he knew the 
 Nurembergers, for their kindness to him, would be the first 
 Sacrifice, he resolved to defend that city against him what- 
 ever it cost. 
 
 Nevertheless he did not leave Bavaria without a defence ; 
 but on the one hand he left Sir John Bannier, with ten 
 thousand men, about Ausburg, and the Duke of Saxe-Wey- 
 mer, with another like army, about Ulme and Meningen, 
 with orders so to direct their march, as that they might join 
 him upon any occasion in a few days. 
 
 We encamped about Nuremberg, the middle of June. The 
 army, after so many detachments, was not above nineteen 
 thousand men. The imperial army, joined with the Bavarian, 
 were not so numerous as was reported, but were really sixty 
 thousand men. The king, not strong enough to fight, yet, 
 as he used to say, was strong enough not to be forced to 
 fight, formed his camp so under the cannon of Nuremberg, 
 that there was no besieging the town, but they must besiege 
 him too ; and he fortified his camp in so formidable a manner 
 that Wallestein never durst attack him. On the 30th of 
 June, Wallestein's troops appeared, and on the 5th of July, 
 encamped close by the king, and posted themselves not on the 
 Bavarian side, but between the king an d his own friends ol 
 
THE KISw SKOMISES HIS StIPPOET TO NUEEMBEEG. 83 
 
 Schwaben and Frankenland, in order to intercept his provi- 
 sions, and, as they thought, to starve him out of his camp. 
 
 Here they lay to see, as it were, who could subsist longest ; 
 the king was strong in horse, for we had full eight thousand 
 horse and dragoons in the army, and this gave us great ad- 
 vantage in the several skirmishes we had with the enemy. 
 The enemy had possession of the whole country, and had 
 taken effectual care to furnish their army with provisions; 
 they placed their guards in such excellent order, to secure 
 their convoys, that their waggons went from stage to stage as 
 quiet as in a time of peace, and were relieved every five 
 miles by parties constantly posted on the road. And thus 
 the imperial general sat down by us, not doubting but he 
 should force the king either to fight his way through, on very 
 disadvantageous terms, op to rise for want of provisions, and 
 leave the city of Nuremberg a prey to his army ; for he had 
 vowed the destruction of the city, and to make it a second 
 Magdeburgh. 
 But the king, who was not to be easily deceived, had counter- 
 mined all Wf^lestein's designs ; he had passed his honour to 
 the Nurembergers, that he- would not leave them, and they 
 had undertaken to victual his army, and secure him from 
 want, which they did so effectually, that he had no occasion 
 to expose his troops to any hazard or fatigues for convoys or 
 forage on my account whatever. 
 
 The city of Nuremberg is a very rich and populous city, 
 and the king being very sensible of their danger, had given 
 his word for their defence ; and when they, being terrified 
 at the threats of the imperialists, sent their deputies to 
 beseech the king to take care of them ; he sent them word 
 he would, and be besieged with them. They, on the other 
 hand, laid in such stores of all sorts of provision, both for 
 men and horse, that had Wallestein lain before it six months 
 longer, there would have been no scarcity. Every private 
 house was a magazine, the camp was plentifully supplied 
 with all manner of provisions, and the market always full, 
 and as cheap as in times of peace. The magistrates were so 
 careful, and preserved so excellent an order in the disposal 
 of all sorts of provision, that no engrossing of corn could be 
 practised; for the prices were every day directed at the 
 town house ; and if any man offered to demand more money 
 for com, than the stated price, he could not sell, because at 
 
 G 2 
 
84 MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIEE. 
 
 the town store-house you might buy cheaper. Here are two 
 instances of good and bad conduct ; the city of Magdeburgh 
 had been entreated by the king to settle funds, and raise 
 money for their provision and security, and to liave a sufficient 
 garrison to defend them, but they made difficulties, either to 
 raise men for themselves, or to admit the king's troops to 
 assist them, for fear of the charge of maintaining them ; and 
 this was the cause of the city's ruin. 
 
 The city of Nuremberg opened their arms to receive the 
 assistance proiFered by the Swedes, and their purses to 
 defend their town and common cause, and this was the 
 saving them absolutely from destruction. The rich burghers 
 and magistrates kept open houses, where the officers of the 
 army were always welcome ; and the council of the city 
 took such care of the poor, that there was no complaining 
 nor disorders in the whole city. There is no doubt but it 
 cost the city a great deal of money ; but I never saw a 
 public charge borne with so much cheerfulness, nor managed 
 with so much prudence and conduct in my life. The city 
 fed above fifty thousand mouths every day, including their 
 own poor, besides themselves ; and yet, when the king had 
 lain thus three months, and finding his armies longer in 
 coming up than he expected, asked the burgrave how their 
 magazines held out ? he answered, they desired his majesty 
 not to hasten things for them, for they could mantain them- 
 selves and him twelve months longer, if there was occasion. 
 This plenty kept both the army and city in good health, as 
 well as in good heart ; whereas nothing was to be had of us 
 but blows ; for we fetched nothing from without our works, 
 nor had no business without the line, but to interrupt the 
 enemy. 
 
 The manner of the king's encampment deserves a particu- 
 lar chapter. Pie was a complete surveyor, and a master 
 in fortification, not to be outdone by anybody. He had 
 posted his army in the suburbs of the town, and drawn lines 
 round the whole circumference, so that he begirt the whole 
 city with his army ; his works were large, the ditch deep, 
 flanked ivith innumerable bastions, ravelins, hornworks, forts, 
 redoubts, batteries, and palisadoes, the incessant work of 
 eight thousand men for about fourteen days ; besides that 
 the king was adding something or other to it every day ; and 
 the very posture of his camp was enough to tell a bigger 
 
GEAND DESIGN TO PRESERVE THE CITY. 85 
 
 army than "WaUestein's, that he was not to be assaulted in 
 his trenches. 
 
 The king's design appeared chiefly to be the preservation 
 of the city ; but that was not all. He had three armies 
 acting abroad in three several places. Gustavus Horn was 
 on the Mosel ; the Chancellor Oxenstern about Mentz, Cologn, 
 and the Rhine ; Duke William and Duke Bernard, together 
 with General Bannier, in Bavaria : and though he designed 
 they should all join him, and had wrote to them aU to that 
 purpose, yet he did not hasten them, knowing that while he 
 kept the main army at bay about Nuremberg, they would, 
 without opposition, reduce those several countries they were 
 acting in to his power. This occasioned his lying longer in 
 the camp at Nuremberg than he would have done, and this 
 occasioned his giving the imperialists so many alarms by his 
 strong parties of horse, of which he was well provided, that 
 they might not be able to make any considerable detachments 
 for the relief of their friends ; and here he showed his 
 mastership in the war, for by his means his conquests went 
 on as effectually as if he had been abroad himself. 
 
 In the mean time, it was not to be expected two such 
 armies should lie long so near without some action. The 
 imperial army being masters of the field, laid the country for 
 twenty miles round Nuremberg in a manner desolate. What 
 the inhabitants could carry away had been before secured in 
 such strong towns as had garrisons to protect them, and 
 what was left the hungry Crabats devoured, or set on fire ; 
 but sometimes they were met with by our men, who often 
 paid them home for it. There had passed several small 
 encounters between our parties and theirs ; and, as it falls 
 out in such cases, sometimes one side, sometimes the other, 
 got the better ; but I have observed, there never was anj 
 party sent out by the king's special appointment, but always 
 came home with victory. 
 
 The first considerable attempt, as I remember, was made 
 on a convoy of ammunition. The party sent out was 
 commanded by a Saxon colonel, and consisted of one thousand 
 horse, and five hundred dragoons, who burnt above six 
 hundred waggons, loaded with ammunition and stores for the 
 army, besides taking about two thousand muskets, which 
 they brought back to the army. 
 
 The latter end of July the king received advice, that the 
 
86 MEMOIRS OF A CAVAUEE. 
 
 imperialists had formed a magazine for provision at a town 
 called Freynstat, twenty miles from Nuremberg. Hither all 
 the booty and contributions raised in the Upper Palatinate, 
 and parts adjacent, was brought and laid up as in a place of 
 security; a garrison of six hundred men being placed to 
 defend it ; and when a quantity of provisions was got 
 together, convoys were appointed to fetch it off. 
 
 The king was resolved, if possible, to take or destroy this 
 magazine ; and sending for Colonel Dubalt, a Swede, and a 
 man of extraordinary conduct, he tells him his design, and 
 withal, that he must be the man to put it into execution, and 
 ordered him to take what forces he thought convenient. 
 The colonel, who knew the town very well, and the country 
 about it, told his majesty he would attempt it with all 
 his heart, but he was afraid it would require some foot to 
 make the attack ; But we can't stay for that, says the king ; 
 you must then take some dragoons with you ; and immediately 
 the king called for me. I was just coming up the stairs, as 
 the king's page was come out to inquire for me ; so I went 
 immediately in to the king. Here is a piece of hot work for 
 you, says the king, Dubalt will tell it you ; go together and 
 contrive it. 
 
 We immediately withdrew, and the colonel told me the 
 design, and what the king and he had discoursed ; that, in 
 his opinion, foot would be wanted, but the king had declared 
 that there was no time for the foot to march, and had proposed 
 dragoons. I told him, I thought dragoons might do as well ; 
 so we agreed to take sixteen hundred horse and four hundred 
 dragoons. The king, impatient in his design, came into the 
 room to us to know what we had resolved on, approved our 
 measures, gave us orders immediately ; and turning to me, 
 You shall command the dragoons, says the king, but Dubalt 
 must be general in this case, for he knows the country. 
 Your majesty, said I, shall be always served by me in any 
 figure you please. The king wished us good speed, and 
 hurried us away the same afternoon, in order to come to the 
 place in time. We marched slowly on because of the 
 carriages we had with us, and came to Freynstat about one 
 o'clock in the night, perfectly undiscovered ; the guards were 
 BO negligent, that we came to the very port before they had 
 notice of us, and a Serjeant with twelve dragoons thrust in 
 upon the out-sentinels, and killed them without noise. 
 
TAKING OF FKBrNSTAT. 87 
 
 Immediately ladders were placed to the half-moon, which 
 defended the gate, which the dragoons mounted and carried 
 in a trice, about twenty-eight men being cut in pieces within. 
 As soon as the ravelin was taken, they burst open the gate, 
 at which I entered, at the head of two hundred dragoons, and 
 seized the drawbridge. By this time the town was in alarm, 
 and the drums beat to arms, but it was too late ; for, by tha 
 help of a petard, we broke open the gate and entered the 
 town. The garrison made an obstinate fight for about half 
 an hour, but our men being all in, and three troops of horse 
 dismounted coming to our assistance with their carabines, the 
 town was entirely mastered by three of the clock, and guards 
 set to prevent anybody running to give notice to the enemy. 
 There were about two hundred of the garrison killed, and the 
 rest taken prisoners. The town being thus secured, the gates 
 were opened, and Colonel Dubalt came in with the horse. 
 
 The guards being set, we entered the magazine, where we 
 found an incredible quantity of all sorts of provision. There 
 was one hundred and fifty tons of bread, eight thousand sacks 
 of meal, four thousand sacks of oats, and of other provisions 
 in proportion. We caused as much of it as could be loaded 
 to be brought away in such waggons and carriages as we 
 found, and set the rest on fire, town and all ; we stayed by 
 it till we saw it past a possibility of being saved, and then 
 drew off with eight hundred waggons, which we found in 
 the place, most of which we loaded with bread, meal, and 
 oats. While we were doing this, we sent a party of dragoons 
 into the fields, who met us again as we came out, with above 
 a thousand head of black cattle, besides sheep. 
 
 Our next care was to bring this booty home without 
 meeting with the enemy ; to secure which, the colonel imme- 
 diately despatched an express to the king, to let him know 
 of our success, and to desire a detachment might be made to 
 secure our retreat, being charged with so much plunder. 
 
 And it was no more than need ; for though we had used 
 all the diligence possible to prevent any notice, yet somebody 
 more forward than ordinary had escaped away, and carried 
 news of it to the imperial army. The general upon this bad 
 news, detaches Major-general Sparr, with a body of six thou- 
 sand men, to cut off our retreat. The king, who had notice 
 of this detachment, marches out in person, with three thousand 
 men, to wait upon General Sparr. All this was the account 
 
88 MEMOIES OP A CAVALIER. 
 
 of one day. The king met General Sparr at the moment 
 when his troops were divided, fell upon them, routed one 
 part of them, and the rest in a few hours after ; killed them 
 a thousand men, and took the general prisoner. 
 
 In the interval of this action, we came safe to the camp 
 with our booty, which was very considerable, and would 
 have supplied our whole army for a month. Thus we feasted 
 at the enemy's cost, and beat them into the bargain. 
 
 The king gave all the live cattle to the Nurembergers, 
 who, though they had really no want of provisions, yet fresh 
 meat was not so plentiful as such provisions which were 
 stored up in vessels and laid by. 
 
 After this skirmish, we had the country more at command 
 than before, and daily fetched in fresh provisions and forage 
 in the fields. 
 
 The two armies had now lain a long time in sight of one 
 another, and daily skirmishes had considerably weakened 
 them ; and the king beginning to be impatient, hastened the 
 advancement of his friends to join him, in which also they 
 were not backward ; but having drawn together their forces 
 from several parts, and all joined the Chancellor Oxenstern, 
 news came the 15th of August, that they were in fuU march 
 to join us ; and being come to a small town called Brock, the 
 king went out of the camp with about one thousand horse to 
 view them. I went along with the horsfe, and, the 22nd of 
 August, saw the review of all the armies together, which 
 were thirty thousand men in extraordinary equipage, old 
 soldiers, and commanded by officers of the greatest conduct 
 and experience in the world. There was the rich Chancellor 
 of Sweden, who commanded as general, Gustavus Horn, and 
 John Bannier, both Swedes and old generals ; Duke William 
 and Duke Bernard of Weymar, the landgrave of Hesse Cassel, 
 the palatine of Birkenfelt, and abundance of princes and 
 lords of the empire. 
 
 The armies being joined, the king, who was now a match 
 for Wallestein, quits his camp, and draws up in battalia 
 before the imperial trenches ; but the scene was changed. 
 Wallestein was no more able to fight now than the king was 
 before, but, keeping within his trenches, stood upon his guard. 
 The king coming up close to his works, plants batteries, and 
 cannonaded him in his very camp. 
 
 The imperialists finding the king press upon them, retreat 
 
BATTLE OF ATTEMBEEGH. 89 
 
 into a woody country about three leagues, and taking posses- 
 sion of an old ruined castle, posted their army behind it. 
 
 This old castle they fortified, and placed a very strong 
 guard there. The king having viewed the place, though it 
 was a very strong post, resolved to attack it with the whole 
 right wing. The attack was made with a great deal of order 
 and resolution, the king leading the first party on with sword 
 in hand, and the fight was maintained on both sides with the 
 utmost gallantry and obstinacy, all the day, and the next 
 night too ; for the cannon and musket never gave over tUl 
 the morning. But the imperialists having the advantage of 
 the hill, of their works and batteries, and being continually 
 relieved, and the Swedes naked, without cannon or works, 
 the post was maintained ; and the king finding it would cost 
 him too much blood, drew off in the morning. 
 
 This was the famous fight at Attembergh, where the 
 imperialists boasted to have shown the world the King of 
 Sweden was not invincible. They call it the victory at 
 Attembergh ; 'tis true, the king failed in his attempt of carry- 
 ing their works, but there was so little of a victory in it, that 
 the imperial general thought fit not to venture a second brush, 
 but to draw off their army, as soon as they could, to a safer 
 quarter. 
 
 I had no share in this attack, very few of the horse being 
 in the action ; but my comrade who was always among the 
 Scots volunteers, was wounded and taken prisoner by the 
 enemy. They used him very civilly, and the king and 
 WaUestein straining courtesies with one another, the king 
 released Major-general Sparr without ransom, and the imperial 
 general sent home Colonel Tortenson, a Swede, and sixteen 
 volunteer gentlemen, who were taken in the heat of the action, 
 among whom my captain was one. 
 
 The king lay fourteen days facing the imperial army, and 
 using aU the stratagems possible to bring them to a battle, 
 but to no purpose ; during which time we had parties con- 
 tinually out, and very often skirmishes with the enemy. 
 
 I had a command of one of these parties in an adventure, 
 wherein I got no booty, nor much honour. The king had 
 received advice of a convoy of provisions which was to come 
 to the enemy's camp from the Upper Palatinate, and having 
 a great mind to surprise them, he commanded us to waylay 
 them with twelve hundred horse, and eight hundred dragoons. 
 
90 MEMOIKS OF A CAVALIER, 
 
 I had exact directions given me of the way they were to come, 
 and posting my horse in a village a little out of the road, I lay 
 with my dragoons in a wood, by which they were to pass by 
 break of day. The enemy appeared with their convoy, and 
 being very wary, their outscouts discovered us in the wood, 
 and fired upon the centinel I had posted in a tree at the 
 entrance of the wood. Finding myself discovered, I would 
 have retreated to the village where my horse were posted, but 
 in a moment the wood was skirted with the enemy's horse, 
 and a thousand musketeers advanced to beat me out. In this 
 pickle I sent away three messengers, one after the other, for 
 the horse, who were within two miles of me, to advance to 
 my relief; but all my messengers fell into the enemy's hands. 
 Four hundred of my dragoons on foot, whom I had placed at 
 a little distance before me, stood to their work, and beat off 
 ;,wo charges of the enemy's foot, with some loss on both sides ; 
 .nean time, two hundred of my men faced about, and rushing 
 out of the wood, broke through a party of the enemy's horse, 
 who stood to watch our coming out. I confess I was exceed- 
 ingly surprised at it, thinking those fellows had done it to 
 make their escape, or else were gone over to the enemy ; and 
 my men were so discouraged at it, that they began to look 
 about which way to run to save themselves, and were just 
 upon the point of disbanding to shift for themselves, when one 
 of the captains called to me aloud to beat a parley and treat. 
 I made no answer, but, as if I had not heard him, immediately 
 gave the word for all the captains to come together. The 
 consultation was but short, for the musketeers were advancing 
 to a third charge, with numbers which we were not likely to 
 deal with. In short, we resolved to beat a parley, and demand 
 quarter, for that was all we could expect ; when on a sudden 
 the body of horse I had posted in the village, being directed 
 by the noise, had advanced to relieve me, if they saw occasion, 
 and had met the two hundred dragoons, who guided them 
 directly to the spot where they had broke through, and 
 altogether fell upon the horse of the enemy who were posted 
 on that side, and mastering them before they could be relieved, 
 cut them all to pieces, and brought me off". Under the shelter 
 of this party, we made good our retreat to the village, but we 
 lost above three hundred men, and were glad to make oft 
 from the village too, for the enemy were very much too strong 
 for us. 
 
OBLIGED SPEEDILY TO RETREAT. 91 
 
 Returning thence towards the camp, we fell foul with two 
 hundred Crabats, who had been upon the plundering account. 
 We made ourselves some amends upon them for our former 
 loss, for we showed them no mercy ; but our misfortunes were 
 not ended, for we had but just despatched those Crabats, 
 when we fell in with three thousand imperial horse, who, on 
 the expectation of the aforesaid convoy, were sent out to 
 secure them. 
 
 All I could do, I could not persuade my men to stand theii 
 ground against this party ; so that, finding they would run 
 away in confusion, I agreed to make off, and facing to the 
 right, we went over a large common at full trot, till at last 
 fear, which always increases in a flight, brought us to a plain 
 flight, the enemy at our heels. I must confess I was never 
 so mortified in my life ; it was to no purpose to turn head, 
 no man would stand by us, we run for life, and a great many 
 we left by the way, who were either wounded by the enemy's 
 shot, or else could not keep race with us. 
 
 At last, having got over the common, which was near two 
 miles, we came to a lane. One of our captains, a Saxon by 
 country, and a gentleman of a good fortune, alighted at the 
 entrance of the lane, and with a bold heart faced about, shot 
 his own horse, and called his men to stand by him and defend 
 the lane. Some of his men halted, and we rallied about six 
 hundred men, which we posted as well as we could, to defend 
 the pass ; but the enemy charged us with great fury. 
 
 The Saxon gentleman, after defending himself with exceed- 
 ing gallantry, and refusing quarter, was killed upon the spot. 
 A German dragoon, as I thought him, gave me a rude blow 
 with the stock of his piece on the side of my head, and was 
 just going to repeat it, when one of my men shot him dead. 
 I was so stunned vsdth the blow, that I knew nothing ; but 
 recovering, I found myself in the hands of two of the enemy's 
 officers, who offered me quarter, which I accepted; and indeed, 
 to give them their due, they used me very civilly. Thus this 
 whole party was defeated, and not above five hundred men 
 got safe to the army, nor had half the number escaped, had 
 not the Saxon captain made so bold a stand at the head of 
 the lane. 
 
 Several other parties of the king's army revenged the 
 quarrel, and paid them home for it ; but I had a particular 
 loss in this defeat, that I never saw the king after: for though 
 
92 MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIER. 
 
 his majesty sent a trumpet to reclaim us as prisoners the very 
 next day, yet I was not delivered, some scruple happening 
 about exchanging, till after the battle of Lutzen, where that 
 gallant prince lost his life. 
 
 The imperial army rose from their camp about eight or ten 
 days after the king had removed, and I was carried prisoner 
 in the army till they sat down to the siege of Coburgh Castle, 
 and then was left with other prisoners of war, in the custody 
 of Colonel Spezuter, in a small castle near the camp called 
 Newstad. Here we continued indifferent well treated, but 
 could learn nothing of what action the armies were upon, till 
 the Duke of Friedland, having been beaten off from the castle 
 of Coburgh, marched into Saxony, and the prisoners were 
 sent for into the camp, as was said, in order to be exchanged. 
 
 I came into the imperial leaguer at the siege of Leipsic, and 
 within three days after my coming, the city was surrendered, 
 and I got liberty to lodge at my old quarters in the town upon 
 my parole. 
 
 The King of Sweden was at the heels of the imperialists ; 
 for finding Wallestein resolved to ruin the elector of Saxony, 
 the king had re-collected as much of his divided army as he 
 could, and came upon him just as he was going to besiege 
 Torgau. 
 
 As it is not my design to write a history of any more of 
 these wars than I was actually concerned in, so I shall only 
 note, that, upon the king's approach, Wallestein halted, and 
 likewise called all his troops together, for he apprehended the 
 king would fall on him ; and we that were prisoners fancied 
 the imperial soldiers went unwillingly out, for the very name 
 of the King of Sweden was become terrible to them. In short, 
 they drew all the soldiers of the garrison they could spare out 
 of Leipsic, and sent for Papenheim again, who was gone but 
 three days before, with six thousand men, on a private expe- 
 dition. On the 16th of November, the armies met on the 
 plains of Lutzen ; a long and bloody battle was fought, the 
 imperialists were entirely routed and beaten, twelve thousand 
 slain upon the spot, their cannon, baggage, and two thousand 
 prisoners taken, but the King of Sweden lost his life, being 
 killed at the head of his troops in the beginning of the fight. 
 
LAMBNTATIONS FOB THE KING'S DEATH. 93 
 
 CHAPTER Vn. 
 
 6EEAT LAMENTATIONS FOB THE LOSS OF THE KING THE 
 
 TOWN OF LEIPSIO EEOOVEEED BY STEATEGEM, •WHEEEBr 
 
 I REGAIN MY LIBEETT 1 LEAVE THE SEEVICE, AND 
 
 SPEND TWO TEAES A WANDEEER BATTLE OP NOEDLINGEN 
 
 BEAVEET OP OLD HORN MELANCHOLY EVENT OP THE 
 
 BATTLE 1 LEAVE THE ARMY, AND VISIT HOLLAND^ 
 
 RETURN TO ENGLAND PROCEEDINGS THEEE. 
 
 It is impossible to describe the consternation the death of this 
 conquering king struck into all the princes of Germany ; the 
 grief for him exceeded all manner of human sorrow. All 
 people looked upon themselves as ruined and swallowed up; 
 the inhabitants of two-thirds of all Germany put themselves 
 into mourning for him ; when the ministers mentioned him 
 in their sermons or prayers, whole congregations would burst 
 out into tears. The elector of Saxony was utterly inconsol- 
 able, and would for several days walk about his palace like a 
 distracted man, crying the saviour of Germany was lost, the 
 refuge of abused princes was gone, the soul of the war was 
 dead ; and from that hour was so hopeless of outliving the 
 war, that he sought to make peace with the emperor. 
 
 Three days after thismournftil victory, the Saxons recovered 
 the town of Leipsic by stratagem. 
 
 The Duke of Saxony's forces lay at Torgau, and perceiving 
 the confusion the imperialists were in at the news of the over- 
 throw ot their army, they resolved to attempt the recovery of 
 the town. They sent about twenty scattering troopers, who, 
 pretending themselves to be imperialists fled from the battle, 
 were let in one by one, and still, as they came in, they stayed 
 at the court of guard in the port, entertaining the soldiers with 
 discourse about the fight, and how they escaped, and the like ; 
 till the whole number being got in, at a watchword, they fell 
 on the guard, and cut them all to pieces ; and immediately 
 opening the gates to three troops of Saxon horse, the t^owB, 
 was taken in a moment. 
 
 It was a welcome surprise to me, for I was at liberty of 
 
94 MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIER. 
 
 course ; and the war being now on another foot, as I hought, 
 and the king dead, I resolved to quit the service 
 
 I had sent my man, as I have already noted, into England, 
 in order to bring over the troops my father had raised for the 
 King of Svs^eden. He executed his commission so vrell, that 
 he landed with five troops at Embden, in very good condi- 
 tion ; and orders were sent them by the king, to join the 
 Duke of Lunenberg's army ; which they did at the siege of 
 Boxtude, in Lower Saxony. 
 
 Here, by long and very sharp service, they were most of 
 them cut off, and though they were several times recruited, 
 yet I understood there were not three full troops left. 
 
 The Duke of Saxe Weymar, a gentleman of great courage, 
 had the command of the army after the king's death, and 
 managed it with so much prudence, that all things were in as 
 much order as could be expected, after so great a loss ; for 
 the imperialists were everywhere beaten, and Wallestein never 
 made any advantage of the king's death. 
 
 I waited on him at Hailbron, whither he was gone to meet 
 the great Chancellor of Sweden, where I paid him my respects, 
 and desired he would bestow the remainder of my regiment 
 on my comrade the captain, which he did with all the civility 
 and readiness imaginable. So I took my leave of him, and 
 prepared to come for England. 
 
 I shall only note this, that, at this diet, the protestant 
 princes of the empire renewed their league with one another, 
 and with the crown of Sweden, and came to several regula- 
 tions and conclusions for the carrying on the vi^ar, which they 
 afterwards prosecuted under th6 direction of the said chan- 
 cellor of Sweden. But it was not the work of a small diffi- 
 culty, nor of a short time ; and having been persuaded to 
 continue almost two years afterwards at Frankfort, Hailbron, 
 a,nd thereabout, by the particular friendship of that noble wise 
 man, and extraordinary statesman, Axel Oxenstern, chan- 
 cellor of Sweden, I had opportunity to be concerned in, and 
 present at, several treaties of extraordinary consequence, suf- 
 ficient for a history, if that were my design. 
 
 Particularly I had the happiness to be present at, and have 
 some concern in, the treaty for the restoring the posterity of 
 the truly noble Palsgrave, King of Bohemia. King James 
 of England l.ad indeed too much neglected the whole family ; 
 
SPEND TWO TEA.RS AS A WANDERER. 9^ 
 
 and I may say with authority enough, from my own know- 
 ledge of aifairs, had nothing been done for them but what 
 was from England, that family had remained desolate and 
 forsaken to this day. 
 
 But that glorious king, whom I can never mention without 
 some remark of his extraordinary merit, had left particular 
 instructions with his chancellor to rescue the Palatinate to 
 its rightful lord, as a proof of his design to restore the liberty 
 of Germany, and reinstate the oppressed princes who were 
 subjected to the tyranny of the house of Austria. 
 
 Pursuant to this resolution, the chancellor proceeded very 
 much like a man of honour ; and though the King of Bohemia 
 was dead a little before, yet he carefully managed the treaty, 
 answered the objections of several princes, who, in the general 
 ruin of the family, had reaped private advantages, settled the 
 capitulations for the quota of contributions very much for 
 their advantage, and fully re-installed the Prince Charles in the 
 possession of all his dominions in the Lower Palatinate, which 
 afterwards was confirmed to him and his posterity by the 
 peace of Westphalia, where all these bloody wars were 
 finished in a peace, which has since been the foundation of 
 the Protestants' liberty, and the best security of the whole 
 empire. 
 
 I spent two years rather in wandering up and down thar. 
 travelling, for though I had no mind to serve, yet I could 
 not find in my heart to leave Germany ; and I had obtained 
 some so very close intimacies with the general officers, that I 
 was often in the army, and sometimes they did me the honour 
 to bring me into their councils of war. 
 
 Particularly at that eminent council before the battle of 
 Nordlingen, I was invited to the council of war, both by 
 Duke Bernard of Weymar, and by Gustavus Horn. They 
 were generals of equal worth, and their courage and expe- 
 rience had been so well and so often tried, that more than 
 ordinary regard was always given to what they said. Duke 
 Bernard was indeed the younger man, and Gustavus had 
 served longer under our great schoolmaster the king ; but it 
 was hard to judge which was the better general, since both 
 had experience enough, and shown undeniable proofs both of 
 their bravery and conduct. 
 
 I am obliged, in the course of my relation, so often to 
 
96 MEMOIRS OF A. CAVALIEH. 
 
 mention the great respect I often received from these great 
 men, that it makes me sometimes jealous, lest the reader 
 may think I affect it as a vanity. The truth is, and I am 
 ready to confess the honours I received, upon all occasions, 
 *'rom persons of such worth, and who had such an eminent 
 share in the greatest action of that age, very much pleased 
 me; and particularly, as they gave me occasions to see 
 everything that was doing on the whole stage of the war : 
 for, being under no command, but at liberty to rove about, I 
 could come to no Swedish garrison or party, but, sending 
 my name to the commanding officer, I could have the word 
 sent me ; and if I came into the army, I was often treated 
 as I was now at this famous battle of Nordlingen. 
 
 But I cannot but say, that I always looked upon this 
 particular respect to be the effect of more than ordinary 
 regard the great King of Sweden always showed me, rather 
 than any merit of my own ; and the veneration they all had 
 for his memory made them continue to show me all the 
 marks of a suitable esteem. 
 
 But to return to the council of war ; the great, and indeed 
 the only question before us was, shall we give battle to the 
 imperialists or not? Gustavus Horn was against it, and 
 gave, as I thought, the most invincible arguments against a 
 battle that reason could imagine. 
 
 First, they were weaker than the enemy by above five 
 thousand men. 
 
 Secondly, the cardinal infant of Spain, who was in the 
 imperial army, with eight thousand men, was but there en 
 passant, being going from Italy to Flanders, to take upon 
 him the government of the Low Countries; and if he saw no 
 prospect of immediate action, would be gone in a few days. 
 
 Thirdly, they had two reinforcements, one of five thou- 
 sand men, under the command of Colonel Cratz, and one of 
 seven thousand men, under the Rhinegrave, who were just 
 at hand, the last within three days' march of them. And, 
 
 Lastly, they had already saved their honour, in that they 
 had put six hundred foot into the town of Nordlingen, in the 
 face of the enemy's army, and consequently the town mi"-ht 
 hold out some days the longer. 
 
 Fate rather than reason certainly blinded the rest of the 
 generals against such arguments as these. Duke Bernard, 
 
BBAVERT OF OLD GENERAL HORN. 97 
 
 and almost all the genefkls, were for fighting, alleging the 
 afii-ont it would be to the Swedish reputation to see their 
 friends in the town lost before their faces. 
 
 Gustavus Horn stood stiff to his cautious advice, and was 
 against it ; and I thought the Baron D'Offkirk treated him a 
 little indecently; for, being very warm in the matter, he 
 told them. That if Gustavus Adolphus had been governed 
 by such cowardly council, he had never been conqueror of 
 half Germany in two years. No, replied old General Horn, 
 very smartly, but he had been now alive to have testified for 
 me that I was never taken by him for a coward ; and yet, 
 says he, the king was never for a victory with a hazard, 
 when he could have it without. 
 
 I was asked my opinion, which I would have declined, 
 being in no commission, but they pressed me to speak. I 
 told them I was for staying at least tiU the Ehinegrave came 
 up, who at least might, if expresses were sent to hasten 
 him, be up with us in twenty-four hours. But Offkirk 
 could not hold his passion, and, had not he been overruled, 
 he would have almost quarrelled with Marshal Horn. Upon, 
 which the old general, not to foment him, with a great deal 
 of mildness stood up, and spoke thus : 
 
 Come, Offkirk, says he, I'll submit my opinion to you 
 and the majority of our fellow-soldiers ; we will fight, but 
 upon my word we shall have our hands fuU. 
 
 The resolution thus taken, they attacked the imperial 
 army. I must confess the councils of this day seemed as 
 confused as the resolutions of the night. 
 
 Duke Bernard was to lead the van of the left wing, and 
 to post himself upon a hill which was on the enemy's right 
 without their intrenchments ; so that, having secured that 
 post, they might level their cannon upon the foot, who stood 
 behind the lines, and relieved the town at pleasure. He 
 marched accordingly by break of day, and, falling with 
 great fury upon eight regiments of foot, which were posted 
 at the foot of the hill, he presently routed them, and made 
 himself master of the post. Flushed with this success, he 
 never regards his ovm concerted measures of stopping there, 
 and possessing what he had got, but pushes on, and falls in 
 with the main body of the enemy's army. 
 
 While this was doing, Gustavus Horn attacks another 
 post on a hill, where the Spaniards had posted, and lodged 
 
 VOL. n. H 
 
98 MEMOIRS OP A CAVALIER. 
 
 themselves behind some works thef had cast up on the side 
 of the hill; here they defended themselves with extreme 
 obstinacy for five hours, and at last obliged the Swedes to 
 give it over with loss. This extraordinary gallantry ot the . 
 Spaniards was the saving of the imperial army; for Uukc 
 Bernard having all this while resisted the frequent charges ot 
 the imperialists, and borne the weight of two-thirds of their 
 army, was not able to stand any longer ; but, sending one 
 messenger in the neck of another to Gustavus Horn tor 
 more foot, he finding he could not carry his point, had given 
 it over, and was in full march to second the duke. But now 
 it was too late; for the King of Hungary seeing the duke^s 
 men as it were wavering, and having notice of Horns 
 wheeling about to second him, falls in with all his force 
 upon his flank, and, with his Hungarian hussars, made such 
 a furious charge, that the Swedes could stand no longer. 
 
 The rout of the left wing was so much the more unhappy, 
 as it happened just upon Gustavus Horn's coming up ; for, 
 being pushed on with the enemies at their heels, they were 
 driven upon their own friends, who, having no ground to 
 open and give them way, were trodden down by their own 
 runaway brftthren. This brought all into the utmost con- 
 fusion. The imperialists cried Victoria, and fell into the 
 middle of the infantry with a terrible slaughter. 
 
 I have always observed, it is fatal to upbraid an old 
 experienced officer with want of courage. If Gustavus 
 Horn had not been whetted with the reproaches of the 
 Baron D'Offkirk, and some of the other general oflicers, I 
 believe it had saved the lives of a thousand men ; for, when 
 all was thus lost, several officers advised him to make a 
 retreat with such regiments as he had yet unbroken ; but 
 nothing could persuade him to stir a foot, but, turning his 
 ■flank into a front, he saluted the enemy as they passed by 
 him in pursuit of the rest, with such terrible volleys of small 
 shot, as cost them the lives of abundance of their men. 
 
 The imperialists, eager in the pursuit, left him unbroken, 
 till the Spanish brigade came up and charged him. These 
 he bravely repulsed with a great slaughter, and after them a 
 body of dragoons ; till being laid at on every side, and most 
 of his men killed, the brave old general, with all the rest who 
 were left, were made prisoners. 
 
 The Swedes had a terrible loss here, for almost all their 
 
MELANCHOLY ETENT OP THE BATTLE. 99 
 
 infantry were killed or taken prisoners. Gustavus Horn re- 
 , fused quarter several times ; and still those that attacked 
 him were cut down by his men, who fought like furies, and, 
 by the example of their general, behaved themselves like 
 lions. But at last, these poor remains of a body of the 
 bravest men in the world, were forced to submit. I have 
 heard him say, he had much rather have died than been 
 taken, but that he yielded in compassion to so many brave 
 men as were about him; for none of them would take quarter 
 till he gave his consent. 
 
 I had the worst share in this battle that ever I had in any 
 action of my life ; and that was, to be posted among as brave 
 a body of horse as any in Germany, and yet not be able to 
 succour our own men ; but our foot were cut in pieces, as it 
 were, before our faces ; and the situation of the ground was 
 such as we could not fall in. All that we were able to do, 
 was to carry off about two thousand of the foot, who, run- 
 ning away in the rout of the left wing, rallied among our 
 squadrons, and got away with us. Thus we stood till we 
 saw all was lost, and then made the best retreat we could to 
 save ourselves ; several regiments having never charged nor 
 fired a shot; for the foot had so embarrassed themselves 
 among the lines and works of the enemy, and in the viner 
 yards and ' mountains, that the horse were rendered abso- 
 lutely unserviceable. 
 
 The Rhinegrave had made such expedition to join us, 
 that he reached within three mUes of the place of action that 
 night, and he was a great safeguard for us in rallying our 
 dispersed men, who else had fallen into the enemy's hands, 
 and in checking the pursuit of the enemy. 
 
 And indeed, had but any considerable body of the foot 
 made an orderly retreat, it had been very probable they had 
 given the enemy a brush that would have turned the scale of 
 victory; for our horse being whole, and in a manner un- 
 touched, the enemy found such a check in the pursuit, that 
 sixteen hundred of their forwardest men, following too eagerly, 
 fell in with the Ehinegrave's advanced troops the next day, 
 and were cut in pieces without mercy. 
 
 This gave us some satisfaction for the loss, but it was but 
 small compared to the ruin of that day. We lost near eight 
 thousand men upon the spot, and above three thousand pri- 
 Boncrs, all our cannon and baggage, and a hundred and 
 
 H 2 
 
100 MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIER. 
 
 twenty colours. I thought I never made so indifferent a 
 figure in my life, and so we thought all; to come away, lose 
 our infantry, our general, and our honour, and never fight 
 for it. Duke Bernard was utterly disconsolate for old Gus- 
 tavus Horn ; for he concluded him killed ; he tore the hair 
 from his head like a madman, and telling the Ehinegrave the 
 story of the council of war, would reproach himself with not 
 taking his advice, often repeating it in his passion. It is I, 
 said he, have been the death of the bravest general in Ger- 
 many ; would call himself fool and boy, and such names, for 
 not listening to the reasons of an old experienced soldier. 
 But when he heard he was alive in the enemy's hands, he 
 was the easier, and applied himself to the recruiting his 
 troops, and the like business of the war ; and it was not long 
 before he paid the imperialists with interest. 
 
 I returned to Franckfort au Main after this action, which 
 happened the 17th of August, 1634; but the progress of the 
 imperialist was so great that there was no staying at Franck- 
 fort. The Chancellor Oxenstern removed to Magdeburg, 
 Duke Bernard and the landgrave marched into Alsatia, and 
 the imperialists carried all before them for all the rest of the 
 campaign. They took Philipsburgh by surprise ; they took 
 Ausburgh by famine. Spire and Treves by sieges, taking the 
 elector prisoner. But this success did one piece of service to 
 the Swedes, that it brought the French into the war on their 
 side ; for the elector of Treves was their confederate. The 
 French gave the conduct of the war to Duke Bernard. This, 
 though the Duke of Saxony fell off, and fought against them, 
 turned the scale so much in their favour, that they recovered 
 their losses, and proved a terror to all Germany. The 
 farther accounts of the war I refer to the histories of those 
 times, which I have since read with a great deal of delight. 
 
 I confess, when I saw the progress of the imperial army 
 after the battle of Nordlingen, and the Duke of Saxony turn- 
 ing his arms against them, I thought their affairs declining ; 
 and, giving them over for lost, I left Franckfort, and came 
 down the Ehine to Cologne, and from thence into Holland. 
 
 I came to the Hague the 8th of March, 1635, having 
 spent three years and a half in Germany, and the greatest 
 part of it in the Swedish army. 
 
 I spent some time in Holland, viewing the wonderful power 
 of art, whick I observed in the fortifications of their towns, 
 
SPEND SGML TIME IN HOLLAND. 101 
 
 where the very bastions stand on bottomless moi-asses, and 
 yet are as firm as any in the world. There I had the oppor- 
 tunity of seeing the Dutch army, and their famous general 
 Prince Maurice. It is true the men behaved themselves 
 well enough in action, when they were put to it, but the 
 prince's way of beating his enemies without fighting, was so 
 unlike the gallantry of my royal instructor, that it had no 
 manner of relish with me. Our way in Germany was always 
 to seek out the enemy and fight him ; and, give the impe- 
 rialists their due, they were seldom hard to be found, but 
 were as free of their flesh as we were. 
 
 Whereas Prince Maurice would lie in a camp till he 
 starved half his men, if by lying there he could but starve 
 two-thirds of his enemies; so that indeed the war in Holland 
 had more of fatigues and hardships in it, and ours had more 
 of fighting and blows. Hasty marches, long and unwhole- 
 some encampments, winter parties counter-marching, dodg- 
 ing, and intrenching, were the exercises of his men, and 
 oftentimes killed him more men with hunger, cold, and dis- 
 eases, than he could do with fighting ; not that it required 
 less courage, but rather more, for a soldier had at any time 
 rather die in the field a la coup de mousquet, than be starved 
 with hunger, or frozen to death in the trenches. 
 
 Nor do I think I lessen the reputation of that great general, 
 for it is most certain he ruined the Spaniard more by spin- 
 ning the war thus out in length, than he could possibly have 
 done by a swift conquest ; for had he, Gustavus like, with a 
 torrent of victory, dislodged the Spaniard from all the twelve 
 provinces in five years (whereas he was forty years in beat- 
 ing them out of seven), he had left him rich and strong at 
 home, and able to keep the Dutch in constant apprehensions 
 of a return of his power ; whereas, by the long continuance 
 of the war, he so broke the very heart of the Spanish 
 monarchy, so absolutely and irrecoverably impoverished them, 
 that they have ever since languished of the disease, till they 
 are fallen from the most powerful, to be the most despicable 
 nation in the worid. 
 
 The prodigious charge the King of Spain was at in losing 
 the seven provinces, broke the very spirit of the nation ; and 
 that so much, that all the wealth of their Peruvian moun- 
 tains have not been able to retrieve it ; King Philip having 
 often declared that war, besides his armada for invaduig 
 
102 MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIER. 
 
 England, had cost him three hundred and seventy millions of 
 ducats, and four hundred thousand of the best soldiers in 
 Europe ; whereof, by an unreasonable Spanish obstinacy, 
 above sixty thousand lost their lives before Ostend ; a town 
 not worth a sixth part, either of the blood or money it cost 
 in a siege of three years ; and which at last he had never taken, 
 but that Prince Maurice thought it not worth the charge of 
 defending any longer. 
 
 However, I say, their way of fighting in Holland did not 
 relish with me at all. The prince lay a long time before a 
 little fort called Shenkscans, which the Spaniard took by sur- 
 prise, and I thought he might have taken it much sooner. 
 Perhaps it might be my mistake ; but I fancied my hero, the 
 King of Sweden, would have carried it sword in hand in half 
 the time. 
 
 However it was, I did not like it ; so in the latter end of 
 the year I came to the Hague, and took shipping for England, 
 where I arrived, to the great satisfaction of my father, and all 
 my friends. 
 
 My father was then in London, and carried me to kiss the 
 king's hand. His majesty was pleased to receive me very 
 well, and to say a great many very obliging things to my 
 father upon my account. 
 
 I spent my time very retired from court, for I was almost 
 wholly in the country ; and it being so much different from 
 my genius, which hankered after a warmer sport than hunt- 
 ing' among our Welch mountains, I could not but be peeping 
 in all the foreign accounts from Germany, to see who and 
 who was together. There I could never hear of a battle, 
 and the Germans being beaten, but I began to wish myself 
 there. But when an account came of the progress of John 
 Bannier, the Swedish general in Saxony, and of the constant 
 victories he had there over the Saxons, I could no longer con- 
 tain myself, but told my father this Ufe was very disagreeable 
 to me ; that I lost my time here, and might to much more 
 advantage go into Germany, where I was sure I might make 
 my fortune upon my own terms ; that, as young as I was, I 
 might have been a general officer by this time, if I had not 
 laid down my commission; that General Bannier, or the 
 Marshal Horn, had either of them so much respect for me, 
 that I was sure I might have anything of them ; and that if 
 he pleased to give me leave, I would go for Germany a^ain. 
 
AGAIN ACCEPT A COMMISSION. 103 
 
 My father was very unwilling to let me go, but seeing me un- 
 easy, told me, that, if I was resolved, he would oblige me to 
 stay no longer in England than the next spring, and I should 
 have his consent. 
 
 The winter following began to look very unpleasant upon 
 us in England, and my father used often to sigh at it ; and 
 would tell me sometimes, he was afraid we should have no 
 need to send Englishmen to fight in Germany. 
 
 The cloud that seemed to threaten most was from Scotland. 
 My father, who had made himself master of the arguments on 
 both sides, used to be often saying, he feared there was some 
 about the king who exasperated him too much against the 
 Scots, and drove things too high. For my part, I confess I 
 did not much trouble my head with the cause; but all my fear 
 was, they would not fall out, and we should have no fighting. I 
 have often reflected since, that I ought to have known better, 
 that had seen how the most flourishing provinces of Ger- 
 many were reduced to the most miserable condition that ever 
 any country in the world was, by the ravagings of soldiers, 
 and the calamities of war. 
 
 How much soever I was to blame, yet so it was ; I had a 
 secret joy at the news of the king's raising an army, and 
 nothing could have withheld me from appearing in it ; but my 
 eagerness was anticipated by an express the king sent my 
 father, to know if his son was in England ; and my father 
 having ordered me to carry the answer myself, I waited upon 
 his majesty with the messenger. The king received me with 
 his usual kindness, and asked me if I was willing to serve 
 him against the Scots ? 
 
 I answered, I was ready to serve him against any that his 
 majesty thought fit to account his enemies, and should count 
 it an honour to receive his comsnands. Hereupon his majesty 
 offered me a commission. I told him, I supposed there would 
 not be much time for raising of men ; that if his majesty 
 pleased, I would be at the rendezvous with as many gentle- 
 men as I could get together, to serve his majesty as volunteers. 
 
 The truth is, I found all the regiments of horse the king 
 designed to raise, were but two as regiments : the rest of the 
 horse were such as the nobility raised in several counties, and 
 commanded them themselves ; and, as I had commanded a 
 regiment of horse abroad, it looked a little odd to serve with 
 a single troop at home; and the king took the thing presently. 
 
104 MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIER. 
 
 Indeed it will be a volunteer war, said the king, for the 
 northern gentry have sent me an account of above four thou- 
 sand horse they have already. I bowed, and told his majesty 
 I was glad to hear his subjects were so forward to serve hinr.. 
 So taking his majesty's orders to be at, York by the end of 
 March, I returned to my father. 
 
 CHAPTER Vm. 
 
 WAR WITH THE SCOTS 1 VOLUNTEER TO MEET THE ENEMY 
 
 BAD BEHAVIOUR OF OUR MEN CONDUCT OF THE SCOTS 
 
 BASE END OF THE EXPEDITION A PEACE CONCLUDED 
 
 I VISIT THE SCOTCH CAMP UNCOUTH APPEARANCE OF 
 
 THE SOLDIERS CHARACTER OF THE HIGHLANDERS. 
 
 Mt father was very glad I had not taken a commission ; for, 
 1 know not from what kind of emulation between the western 
 and northern gentry, the gentlemen of our side were not very 
 forward in the service ; their loyalty to the king in the 
 succeeding times made it appear it was not from any dis- 
 affection to his majesty's interest or person, or to the cause ; 
 but this however made it diiiicult for me when I came to get 
 any gentleman of quality to serve vpith me ; so that I pre- 
 sented myself to his majesty only as a volunteer, with eight 
 gentlemen, and about thirty-six countrymen, well mounted 
 and armed. 
 
 And, as it proved, these were enough, for this expedition 
 ended in an accommodation with the Scots ; and they not 
 advancing so much as to their own borders, we never came 
 to any action ; but the armies lay in the counties of North- 
 umberland and Durham, eat up the country, and sent the 
 king a vast sum of money, and so this war ended, a pacifi- 
 cation was made, and both sides returned. 
 
 The truth is, I never saw such a despicable appearance of 
 men in arms to begin a war in my life ; whether it was that 
 1 had seen so many braver armies abroad that prejudiced me 
 against them, or that it really was so ; for to me they seemed 
 httle better than a rabble met together to devour, rather than 
 fight for their king and country. There was indeed a great 
 appearance of gentlemen, and those of extraordinary quality j 
 
BAD BEHAVIOUK OF OUR MEN. 105 
 
 but their garb, their equipages, and their mien, did not look 
 like war ; their troops were iillcd with footmen and servants, 
 and wretchedly armed, God wot. I believe I might say, 
 without vanity, one regiment of Finland horse would have 
 made sport at beating them all. There was such crowds of 
 parsons (for this was a church war in particular), that the 
 camp and court was full of them ; and the king was so 
 eternally besieged with clergymen of one sort or another, 
 that it gave offence to the chief of the nobility. 
 
 As was the appearance, so was the service. The army 
 marched to the borders, and the head-quarter was at Berwick- 
 upon-Tweed; but the Scots never appeared, no, not so much 
 as their scouts. Whereupon the king called a council of war, 
 and there it was resolved to send the Earl of Holland, with 
 a party of horse into Scotland, to learn some news of the 
 enemy; and truly the first news he brought us was, that 
 finding their army encamped at Coldingham, fifteen miles from 
 Berwick, as soon as he appeared, the Scots drew out a party 
 to charge him ; upon which most of his men halted, I don't 
 say run away, but it was next door to it ; for they could not 
 be persuaded to fire their pistols, and wheel off like soldiers, 
 but retreated in such a disorderly and shameful manner, that, 
 had the enemy but had either the courage or conduct to have 
 followed them, it must have certainly ended in the ruin of the 
 whole party. 
 
 I confess, when I went into arms at the beginning of this 
 war, I never troubled myself to examine sides ; I was glad to 
 hear the drums beat for soldiers, as if I had been a mere 
 Swiss, that had not cared which side went up or down, so I 
 • had my pay. I went as eagerly and blindly about my busi- 
 ness as the meanest wretch that listed in the army ; nor had 
 I the least compassionate thought for the miseries of my 
 native country, till after the fight at Edgehill. I had known 
 as much, and perhaps more, than most in the army, what it 
 was to have an enemy ranging in the bowels of a kingdom ; I 
 had seen the most flourishing provinces of Germany reduced 
 to perfect deserts, and the voracious Crabats, with inhuman 
 barbarity, quenching the fires of the plundered villages with 
 the blood of the inhabitants. Whether this had hardened me 
 against the natural tenderness which I afterwards found return 
 upon me or not, I cannot tell ; but I reflected upon myself 
 afterwards with a great deal of trouble for the unconceriied- 
 
106 MEMOIES OV A CAVALIEE. 
 
 ness jf my temper at the approaching ruin of my native 
 country. 
 
 I was in the first army at York, as I have already noted, 
 and, I must confess, had the least diversion there that ever I 
 found in an army in my life ; for when I was in Germany 
 with the King of Sweden, we used to see the king, with the 
 general oificers, every morning on horseback, viewing hia 
 men, his artillery, his horses, and always something going 
 forward ; here we saw nothing but courtiers and clergymen, 
 bishops and parsons, as busy as if the direction of the war 
 had been in them. The king was seldom seen among us, and 
 never without some of them always about him. 
 
 Those few of us that had seen the wars, and would have 
 made a short end of this for him, began to be very uneasy ; 
 and particularly a certain nobleman took the freedom to tell 
 the king, that the clergy would certainly ruin the expedition. 
 The case was this, he would have had the king have immedi- 
 ately marched into Scotland, and put the matter to the trial 
 of a battle ; and he urged it every day ; and the king finding 
 his reasons very good, would often be of his opinion ; but 
 next morning he would be of another mind. 
 
 This gentleman was a man of conduct enough, and of un« 
 questioned courage, and afterwards lost his life for the king. 
 He saw we had an army of young stout fellows, numerous 
 enough ; and though they had not yet seen much service, he 
 was for bringrQg them to action, that the Scots might not 
 have time to strengthen themselves ; nor they have time, by 
 idleness and sotting, the bane of soldiers, to make themselves 
 unfit for anything. 
 
 I was one morning in company with this gentleman, and 
 as he was a warm man, and eager in his discourse, A pox of 
 these priests, says he, it is for them the king has raised this 
 army and put his friends to a vast charge, and now we are 
 come, they won't let us fight. 
 
 But I was afterwards convinced the clergy saw farther into 
 the matter than we did. They saw the Scots had a better 
 army than we had ; bold and ready, commanded by brave 
 officers ; and they foresaw, that, if we fought, we should be 
 beaten, and if beaten, they were undone. And it was very 
 true, we had all been ruined if we had engaged. 
 
 It is true, Avhen we came to the pacification which followed 
 I confess I was of the same mind the gentleman had been of* 
 
CONDUCT OF THE SCOTS. 107 
 
 tor we had better have fought and been beaten, than have 
 made so dishonourable a treaty, without striking a stroke- 
 This pacification seems to me to have laid the scheme of all 
 the blood and confusion which followed in the civil war ; for 
 whatever the king and his friends might pretend to do by 
 talking big, the Scots saw he was to be bullied into anything, 
 and that, when it came to the push, the courtiers never cared 
 to bring it to blows. 
 
 I have little or nothing to say as to action in this mock 
 expedition. The king was persuaded at last to march to 
 Berwick ; and, as I have said already, a party of horse went 
 out to learn news of the Scots, and as soon as they saw them, 
 run away from them bravely. 
 
 This made the Scots so insolent, that whereas before they 
 lay encamped behind a river, and never showed themselves, 
 in a sort of modest deference to their king, which was the 
 pretence of not being aggressors or invaders, only arming in 
 their own defence ; now, having been invaded by the EngKsh 
 troops entering Scotland, they had what they wanted ; and 
 to show it was not fear that restrained them before, but 
 policy, now they came up in parties to our very gates, braving 
 and facing us every day. 
 
 I had, with more curiosity than discretion, put myself as 
 a volunteer at the head of one of our parties of horse, under 
 my Lord Holland, when they went out to discover the enemy ; 
 they went, they said, to see what the Scots were a-doing. 
 
 We had not marched far, but our scouts brought word they 
 had discovered some horse, but could not come up to them 
 because a river parted them. At the heels of these came 
 another party of our men upon the spur to us, and said the 
 enemy was behind, which might be true, for aught we knewj 
 but it was so far behind that nobody could see them, and yet 
 the country was plain and open for above a mile before us. 
 Hereupon we made a halt, and indeed I was afraid it would 
 have been an odd sort of a halt, for our men began to look 
 one upon another, as they do in like cases when they are 
 going to break ; and when the scouts came galloping in, the 
 men were in such disorder, that, had but one man broke 
 away, I am satisfied they had all run for it. 
 
 I found my Lord Holland did not perceive it ; but after 
 the first surprise was a little over, I told my lord what I had 
 observed ; and that unless some course was immediately 
 
108 MEMOIES OP A C-IVALIEK. 
 
 taken, they would all run at the first sight of the enemy. I 
 found he was much concerned at it, and bega,n to consult 
 what course to take to prevent it. I confess it is a hard 
 question, how to make men stand and face an enemy, when 
 fear has possessed their minds with an inclination to run 
 away ; but I'll give that honour to the memory ot that noble 
 gentleman, who, though his experience in matters of war 
 was small, having never been in much service, yet his courage 
 made amends for it ; for I dare say he would not have turned 
 his horse from an army of enemies, nor have saved his life at 
 the price of running away for it. 
 
 My lord soon saw, as well as I, the fright the men were in 
 after I had given him a hint of it ; and, to encourage them, 
 rode through their ranks, and spoke cheerfully to them, and 
 used what arguments he thought proper to settle their minds. 
 I remembered a saying which I had heard old Marshal Gus- 
 tavus Horn speak in Germany, If you find your men falter, or 
 in doubt, never suffer them to halt, but keep them advancing; 
 for while they are going forward it keeps up their courage. 
 
 As soon as I could get opportunity to speak to him, I gave 
 him this as my opinion. That's very well, says my lord, but 
 I am studying, says he, to post them so as that they can't 
 run if they would; and if they stand but once to face the 
 enemy, I don't fear them afterwards. 
 
 While we were discoursing thus, word was brought, that 
 several parties of the enemies were seen on the farther side 
 of the river, upon which my lord gave the word to march ; 
 and as we were marching on, my lord calls out a lieutenant, 
 who had been an old soldier, with only five troopers whom 
 he had most confidence in, and having given him his lesson, 
 he sends him away. In a quarter of an hour, one of the five 
 troopers comes back, galloping and hallooing, and tells us his 
 lieutenant had with his small party beaten a party of twenty 
 of the enemy's horse over the river, and had secured the pass, 
 and desired my lord would march up to him immediately. 
 
 It is a strange thing that men's spirits should be subjected 
 to such sudden changes, and capable of so much alteration 
 from shadows of things. They were for running before they 
 saw the enemy, now they are in haste to be led on, and, but 
 that in raw men we are obliged to bear with anything, the 
 disorder in both was intolerable. 
 
 The story was a premeditated sham, and not a word of 
 
NOVEL MIXTURE OF HORSE AND FOOT. 109 
 
 truth in it, invented to raise their spirits, and cheat them out 
 of their cowardly phlegmatic apprehensions, and my lord had 
 his end in it, for they were all on fire to fall on ; and I am 
 persuaded had they been led immediately into a battle begun 
 to their hands, they would have laid about them like furies, 
 for there is nothing like victory to flush a young soldier. 
 Thus, while the humour was high, and the fermentation 
 lasted, away we marched ; and passing one of their great 
 commons, which they call moors, we came to the river, as he 
 called it, where our lieutenant was posted with his four men. 
 It was a little brook, fordable with ease, and leaving a guard 
 at the pass, we advanced to the top of a small ascent, from 
 whence we had a fair view of the Scots' army, as they laid 
 behind another river larger than the former. 
 
 Our men were posted well enough, behind a small enclo- 
 sure, with a narrow lane in their front ; and my lord had 
 caused his dragoons to be placed in the front, to line the 
 hedges ; and in this posture he stood viewing the enemy at a 
 distance. The Scots, who had some intelligence of our 
 coming, drew out three smatt parties, and sent them by 
 different ways, to observe our number ; and forming a fourth 
 party, which I guessed to be about six hundred horse, 
 advanced to the top of the plain, and drew up to face us, but 
 never offered to attack us. 
 
 One of the small parties, making about a hundred men, one-* 
 third foot, passes upon our flank in view, but out of reach ; 
 and as they marched, shouted at us, which our men, better 
 pleased with that work than fighting, readily enough answered, 
 and fain would have fired at them for the pleasure of making 
 a noise ; for they were too far off to hit them. 
 
 I observed that these parties had always some foot with 
 them, and yet if the horse galloped or pushed on ever so 
 forward, the foot were as forward as they, which was an 
 extraordinary advantage. 
 
 Gustavus Adolphus, that king of soldiers, was the first 
 that I have ever observed found the advantage of mixing 
 small bodies of musketeers among his horse ; and had he 
 had such nimble strong fellows as these, he would have prized 
 them above all the rest of his men. These were those they 
 call highlanders ; they would run on foot with their arms and 
 all their accoutrements, and keep very good order too, and 
 yet keep pace with the horse, let them go at what rate they 
 
110 MEMOIES OF A OAVALIKB. 
 
 would. When I saw the foot thus interlined among the 
 horse, together with the way of ordering their flying parties, 
 it presently occurred to my mind, that here was some of our 
 old Scots come home out of Germany, that had the ordering 
 ot matters ; and if so, I knew we were not a match lor them. 
 
 Thus we stood facing the enemy till our scouts brought us 
 word the whole Scots' army was in motion, and in full march 
 to attack us ; and though it was not true, and the tear of our 
 men doubled every object, yet it was thought convenient to 
 make our retreat. The whole matter was, that the scouts 
 having informed them what they could of our strength, the 
 six hundred were ordered to march towards us, and three 
 regiments of foot were drawn out to support the horse. 
 
 I know not whether they would have ventured to attack 
 us, at least before their foot had come up ; but whether they 
 would have put it to the hazard or no, we were resolved not 
 to hazard the trial, so we drew down to the pass ; and, as 
 retreating looks something like running away, especially 
 when an enemy is at hand, our men had much ado to make 
 their retreat pass for a march*, and not a flight ; and, by their 
 often looking behind them, anybody might know what they 
 would have done if they had been pressed. 
 
 I confess, I was heartily ashamed when the Scots, coming 
 up to the place where we had been posted, stood and shouted 
 *at us. I would have persuaded my lord to have charged 
 them, and he would have done it with all his heart, but he 
 saw it was not practicable ; so we stood at gaze with them 
 above two hours, by which time their foot were come up to 
 them, and yet they did not offer to attack us. I never was so 
 ashamed of myself in my life; we were all dispirited; the 
 Scots' gentlemen would come out single, within shot of our 
 post, which, in a time of war, is always accounted a challenge 
 to any single gentleman, to come out and exchange a pistol 
 with them, and nobody would stir ; at last our old lieutenant 
 rides out to meet a Scotsman that came pickering on his 
 quarter. This lieutenant was a brave and a strong fellow, 
 had been a soldier in the Low Countries ; and though he was 
 not of any quality, only a mere soldier, had his preferment 
 for his conduct. He gallops bravely up to his adversary, and 
 exchanging their pistols, the lieutenant's horse happened to 
 be killed. The Scotsman very generously dismounts, and 
 engages him with his sword, and fairer;- masters him, and 
 
BASE END O" "HE EXPEDITION. Ill 
 
 carries nim away prisoner ; and I think this horse was all the 
 blood that was shed in that war. 
 
 The lieutenant's name, thus conquered, was English, and 
 as he was a very stout old soldier, the disgrace of it broke 
 his heart. The Scotsman indeed used him very generously ; 
 for he treated him in the camp very courteously, gave him 
 another horse, and set him at liberty, gratis. But the man 
 laid it so to heart, that he never would appear in the army, 
 but went home to his own country, and died. 
 
 I had enough of party-making, and was quite sick with 
 indignation at the cowardice of the men ; and my lord was 
 in as great a fret as I, but there was no remedy ; we durst 
 not go about to retreat, for we should have been in such 
 confusion, that the enemy must have discovered it. So my 
 lord resolved to keep the post, if possible, and send to the 
 king for some foot. Then were our men ready to fight with 
 one another who should be the messenger ; and at last, when 
 a lieutenant with twenty dragoons was despatched, he told 
 us afterwards, he found himself a hundred strong before he 
 was gotten a mile from the place. 
 
 In short, as soon as ever the day declined, and the dusk of 
 the evening began to shelter the designs of the men, they 
 dropt away from us one by one ; and at last in such numbers, 
 that, if we had stayed tiU the morning, we had not had fifty 
 men left, out of twelve hundred horse and dragoons. 
 
 When I saw how it was, consulting with some of the 
 officers, we all went to my Lord Holland, and pressed him 
 to retreat, before the enemy should discern the flight of our 
 men ; so he drew us off, and we came to the camp the next 
 morning, in the shamefulest condition that ever poor men 
 could do. And this was the end of the worst expedition 
 ever I made in my life. 
 
 To fight and be beaten, is a casualty common to a soldier, 
 and I have since had enough of it ; but to run away at the 
 sight of an enemy, and neither strike or be stricken, this is 
 the very shame of the profession, and no man that has done 
 it, ought to show his face again in the field, unless disadvan- 
 tages of place or number make it tolerable, neither of which 
 was our case. 
 
 My Lord Holland made another march a few days after, 
 in hopes to retrieve this miscarriage ; but I had enough of it, 
 BO I kept in my quarters ; and though his men did not desert 
 
112 MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIER. 
 
 him as before, yet, upon the appearance of the enemy, they 
 did not think fit to fight, and came off with but little more 
 honour than they did before. 
 
 There was no need to go out to seek the enemy after 
 this ; for they came, as I have noted, and pitched in sight of 
 us, and their parties came up every day to the very outworks 
 of Berwick ; but nobody cared to meddle with them ; and in 
 this posture things stood when the pacification was agreed on 
 by both parties ; which, like a short truce, only gave both 
 sides breath to prepare for a new war more ridiculously 
 managed than the former. When the treaty was so near a 
 conclusion, as that conversation was admitted on both sides, 
 I went over to the Scotch camp to satisfy my curiosity, as 
 many of our English officers did also. 
 
 I confess, the soldiers made a very uncouth figure, 
 especially the highlanders ; the oddness and barbarity of their 
 garb and arms seemed to have something in it remarkable. 
 
 They were generally tall swinging fellows ; their swords 
 were extravagantly, and, I think, insignificantly broad, and 
 they carried great wooden targets, large enough to cover the 
 upper part of their bodies. Their dress was as antique as 
 the rest ; a cap on tlieir heads, called by tliem a bonnet, long 
 hanging sleeves behind, and their doublet, breeches, and 
 stockings, of a stuff they called plaid, striped across red and 
 yellow, with short cloaks of the same. These fellows looked, 
 when drawn out, like a regiment of merry-andrews, ready 
 for Bartholomew fair. They are in companies all of a name, 
 and therefore call one another only by their christian names, 
 as Jemmy, Jockey, that is, John; and Sawny, that is, 
 Alexander, and the like. And they scorn to be commanded 
 but by one of their own clan or family. They are aU 
 gentlemen, and proud enough to be kings. The meanest 
 fellow among them is as tenacious of his honour, as the best 
 nobleman in the country, and they will fight and cut one 
 another's throats for every trifiing affront. 
 
 But to their own clans, or lairds, they are the wiUingest 
 and most obedient fellows in nature. Give them their due, 
 were their skill in exercises and discipline proportioned to 
 their courage, they would make the bravest soldiers in the 
 world. They are large bodies, and prodigiously strong ; and 
 two qualities they have above other nations, viz., hardy to 
 endure hunger, cold, and hardships, and wonderfully swift of 
 
CHARACTER OF THE HIGHLANDERS. 113 
 
 ffiot. The latter is such an advantage in the field, that I 
 know none like it ; for if they conquer, no enemy can escape 
 them ; and if they run, even the horse can hardly overtake 
 them. These were some of them, who, as I observed before, 
 went out in parties with their horse. 
 
 There were three or four thousand of these in the Scots' 
 army, armed only with swords and targets; and in their 
 belts some of them had a pistol, but no muskets at that time 
 among them. 
 
 But there were also a great many regiments of disciplined 
 men, who, by their carrying their arms, looked as if they 
 understood their business, and by their faces, that they durst 
 see an enemy. 
 
 I had not been half an hour in their camp after the 
 ceremony of giving our names, and passing their outguards 
 and mainguards was over, but I was saluted by several of 
 my acquaintance ; and, in particular, by one who led the 
 Scotch volunteers at the taking the castle of Openheim, of 
 which I have given an account. They used me with all the 
 respect they thought due to me, on account of old affairs ; 
 gave me the word, and a Serjeant waited upon me whenever 
 I pleased to go abroad. 
 
 I continued twelve or fourteen days among them, till the 
 pacification was concluded ; and they were ordered to march 
 home. They spoke very respectfully of the king, but I found 
 were exasperated to the last degree at Archbishop Laud and 
 the English bishops, for endeavouring to impose the Common 
 Prayer Book upon them ; and they always talked with the 
 utmost contempt of our soldiers and army. I always waived 
 the discourse about the clergy, and the occasion of the war ; 
 but I could not but be too sensible what they said of our 
 men was true, and by this I perceived they had an universal 
 intelligence from among us, both of what we were doing, a,nd 
 what sort of people we were that were doing it ; and they 
 were mighty desirous of coming to blows with us. I had an 
 invitation from their general, but I declined it, lest I should 
 give offence. I found they accepted the pacification as a 
 thing not likely to hold, or that they did not design should 
 hold ; and that they were resolved to keep their forces on 
 foot, notwithstanding the agreement. Their whole army wa.-) 
 full of brave officers, men of as much experience and conduct 
 
 VOL. II. I 
 
114 MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIEH. 
 
 as any in the world ; and all men who know anything of 
 war, know good officers presently make a good army. 
 
 Things being thus huddled up, the English came back to 
 York, where the army separated, and the Scots went home 
 to increase theirs ; for I easily foresaw, that peace was the 
 farthest thing from their thoughts. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 WAR BREAKS OUT AGAIN IN THE NORTH — ^I JOIN THE 
 
 king's army ACTION WITH THE SCOTS, IN WHICH THEY 
 
 ARE VICTORIOUS GREAT DISCONTENTS IN ENGLAND 
 
 CHARACTER OP THE KING 1 AM SENT ON A MESSAGE TO 
 
 THE SCOTCH ARMY THE KING IS REDUCED TO SUBSHT 
 
 TO THEIR TERMS ENCROACHMENTS OF THE PARLIAMENT 
 
 THE GATES OF HULL SHUT AGAINST THE KING THE 
 
 KING RAISES AN ARMY LOYALTY OF THE ENGLISH 
 
 GENTRY. 
 
 The next year the flame broke out again ; the king drew 
 his forces down into the north, as before, and expresses 
 were sent to all the gentlemen that had commands, to be at 
 the place by the 15th of July. As I had accepted of no 
 command in the army, so I had no inclination at all to go ; 
 ')r I foresaw there would be nothing but disgrace attending 
 My father observing such an alteration in my usual 
 forwardness, asked me one day, what was the matter, that 
 I, who used to be so forward to go into the army, and so 
 eager to run abroad to fight, now showed no inclination to 
 appear when the service of the king and country called me 
 to it ? I told him I had as much zeal as ever for the king's 
 service, and for the country too; but he knew a soldier 
 could not abide to be beaten ; and being from thence a little 
 more inquisitive, I told him the observations I had made in 
 the Scots' army, and the people I had conversed with there ; 
 And sir, says I, assure yourself, if the king offiirs tc fight 
 them, he wiU be l/aaten; and I don't love to engage. when 
 my judgment tells me beforehand I shall be worsted ; and, 
 as I had foreseen, it came to pass } for the Scots resolving to 
 
THE KING ACTS WITHOUT A PARLIAMENT. llf 
 
 firoceecl, never stood upon the ceremony of aggression, as 
 liofore, but on the 20th of August they entered England with 
 their army. 
 
 However, as my father desired, I went to the king's army, 
 which was then at York, but not gotten all together : the 
 king himself was at London, but upon this news takes post 
 for the army, and advancing a part of his forces, he posted 
 the Lord Conway and Sir Jacob Astley, with a brigade of 
 foot and some horse, at Newborn, upon the river Tyne, to 
 keep the Scots from passing that river. 
 
 The Scots could have passed the Tyne without fighting ; 
 but, to let us see that they were able to force their passage, 
 they fall upon this body of men ; and, notwithstanding all 
 the advantages of the place, they beat them from the post, 
 took their baggage and two pieces of cannon, with some 
 prisoners. Sir Jacob Astley made what resistance he could, 
 but the Scots charged with so much fury, and being also 
 overpowered, he was soon put into confusion. Immediately 
 the Scots made themselves masters of Newcastle, and the 
 next day of Durham, and laid those two counties under 
 intolerable contributions. 
 
 Now was the king absolutely ruined ; for among his own 
 people the discontents before were so plain, that had the 
 clergy had any forecast, they would never have embroiled 
 him with the Scots, till he had fuUy brought matters to an 
 understanding at home ; but the case was thus : — The king, 
 by the good husbandry of Bishop Juxon, his treasurer, had 
 a million of ready money in his treasury, and, upon that 
 account, having no need of a parliament, had not called one 
 in twelve years ; and perhaps had never called another, if he 
 had not, by this unhappy circumstance, been reduced to a 
 necessity of it ; Jbr now this ready money was spent in two 
 foolish expeditions, and his army appeared in a condition 
 not fit to engage the Scots ; the detachment under Sir Jocob 
 Astley, which were of the flower of his men, had been 
 routed at Newborn, and the enemy had possession of two 
 entire counties. 
 
 All men blamed Laud for prompting the king to provoke 
 the Scots, a headstrong nation, and zealous for their own 
 way of worship; and Laud himself found, too late, the 
 consequences of it, both to the whole cause and to himself, 
 for the Scots whose native temper is not easily to forgive an 
 
 I 2 
 
116 MEMOIRS OP A CAVALIER. 
 
 injury, pursued Urn by their party into England, and never 
 gave it over, till they laid his head on the block. _ ^ 
 
 The ruined country now clamoured in his majesty s ears 
 with daily petitions, and the gentry of other neighbouring 
 counties cry out for peace and a parliament. Ihe king 
 embarrassed with these difficulties, and quite empty ot 
 money, caUs a great council of the nobUity at York, and 
 demands their advice, which any one could have told him 
 before, would be to call a parliament. 
 
 I cannot, without regret, look back upon the misfortune ot 
 the king, who, as he was one of the best princes in his 
 personal conduct that ever reigned in England, had yet 
 some of the greatest unhappinesses in his conduct as a king, 
 that ever prince had, and the whole course of his life 
 demonstrated it. 
 
 1. An impolitic honesty. His enemies called it obstinacy: 
 but as I was perfectly acquainted with his temper, I cannot 
 but think it was his judgment, when he thought he was in 
 the right, to adhere to it as a duty, though against his interest. 
 
 2. Too much compliance when he was complying. 
 
 No man but himself would have denied, what at some- 
 times he denied, and have granted what at other times he 
 granted ; and this uncertainty of council proceeded from two 
 things : — 
 
 1. The heat of the clergy, to whom he was exceedingly 
 devoted, and for whom indeed he ruined himself. 
 
 2. The wisdom of his nobility. 
 
 Thus, when the counsel of his priests prevailed, all was 
 fire and fury ; the Scots were rebels, and must be subdued, 
 and the parliament's demands were to be rejected as ex- 
 orbitant. But whenever the king's judgment was led by the 
 grave and steady advice of his nobility and counsellors, he 
 was always inclined by them to temperate his measures 
 between the two extremes ; and had he gone on in such a 
 temper, he had never met with the misfortunes which after- 
 wards attended him, or had so many thousands of his friends 
 lost their lives and fortunes in his service. 
 
 I am sure, we that knew what it was to fight for him, and 
 that loved him better than any of the clergy could pretend 
 to, have had many a consultation how to bring over our 
 master from so espousing their iaterest, as to ruin himself 
 for it ; but it was in vain. 
 
A FLEET SENT OUT AGAINST THE SCOTS. 117 
 
 I took this interval, when I sat still and only looked on, 
 to make these remarks, because I remember the best friends 
 the king had were at this time of that opinion, that it was 
 an unaccountable piece of indiscretion, to commence a quarrel 
 with the Scots, a poor and obstinate people, for a ceremony 
 and book of church discipline, at a time when the king stood 
 but upon indiiferent terms with his people at home. 
 
 The consequence was, it put arms into the hands of his 
 subjects to rebel against him; it embroiled him with his 
 parliament in England, to whom he was fain to stoop in a 
 fatal and unusual manner to get money, all his own being 
 spent, and so to buy off the Scots, whom he could not beat oft'. 
 
 I cannot but give one instance of the unaccountable polities 
 of his ministers. If they overruled this unhappy king to it, 
 with design to exhaust and impoverish him, they were tlie 
 worst of traitors ; if not, the grossest of fools. They prompted 
 the king to equip a fleet against the Scots, and to put on 
 board it five thousand landmen. Had this been all, the design 
 had been good, that while the king had faced the army upon 
 the borders, these five thousand landing in the frith of Edin- 
 burgh, might have put that whole nation into disorder. But, 
 in order to this, they advise the king to lay out his money in 
 fitting out the biggest ships he had ; and the Royal Sovereign, 
 the biggest ship the world had ever seen, which cost him no 
 less than 100,000^. was now built, and fitted out for this 
 voyage. 
 
 This was the most incongruous and ridiculous advice that 
 could be given, and made us all believe we were betrayed, 
 though we knew not by whom. 
 
 To fit out ships of a hundred guns to invade Scotland, 
 which had not one man-of-war in the world, nor any open 
 cenfederacy with any prince or state that had any fleet ! it 
 was a most ridiculous thing. A hundred sail of Newcastle 
 colliers, to carry the men, with then- stores and provisions. 
 and ten frigates of forty guns each, had been as good a fleet 
 as reason and the nature of the thing could have made 
 tolerable. 
 
 Thus things were carried on, till the king, beggared by 
 the mismanagement of his counsels, and beaten by the Scots, 
 was driven to the necessity of calling a parhament in 
 England. 
 
 . It is not my design to enter into the feuds and brangles ot 
 this parliament. I have noted by observations of their 
 
118 KEMOIKS OF A CAVALIER. 
 
 mistakes, who brought the king to this happy necessitj of 
 calling them. 
 
 His majesty had tried parliaments upon several occasions 
 before, but never found himself so much embroiled with them 
 but he could send them home, and there was an end of it ; 
 but as he could not avoid calling these, so they took care to 
 put him out of a condition to dismiss ihem. 
 
 The Scots' army was now quartered upon the English, 
 The counties, the gentry, and the assembly of lords at York, 
 petitioned for a parliament. 
 
 The Scots presented their demands to the king, iu which 
 it was observed, that matters were concerted between them 
 and a party in England ; and I confess, when I saw that, I 
 began to think the king in an ill case ; for, as the Scots pre- 
 tended grievances, we thought, the king redressing those 
 grievances, they could ask no more ; and therefore all men 
 advised the king to grant their full demands. And 
 whereas the king had not money to supply the Scots in their 
 march home, I know there were several meetings of gentle- 
 men with a design to advance considerable sums of money to 
 the king to set him free, and in order to reinstate his majesty, 
 as before. Not that we ever advised the king to rule without 
 a parliament, but we were very desirous of putting him out 
 of the necessity of calling them, at least, just then. 
 
 But the eighth article of the Scots' demands expressly 
 required. That an English parliament might be called to 
 remove all obstructions of commerce, and to settle peace, 
 religion, and liberty ; and in another article they tell the king, 
 the 24th of September, being the time his majesty appointed 
 for the meeting of the peers, vrill make it too long ere the 
 parliament meet. 
 
 And in another. That a parliament was the only way of 
 settling peace, and bringing them to his majesty's obedience. 
 
 When we saw this in the army, it was time to look about. 
 Everybody perceived that the Scots' army would call an 
 English parhament ; and whatever aversion the king had to 
 it, we all saw he would be obliged to comply vrith it : and 
 now they all began to see their error, who advised the kmg 
 to this Scotch war. 
 
 While these things were transacting, the assembly ct the 
 peers met at York ; and by their advice a treaty was beo-un 
 with the Scots. I had the honour to be sent with the first 
 messaf^o, which was in writing. 
 
SENT MESSENGER TO THE SCOTCH ARMT. 119 
 
 I brought it, attended by a trumpet, and a guard of five 
 hundred horse, to the Scots' quarters. I was stopped at 
 Darlington, and my errand being known, General Lesly sent 
 a Scots' major and fifty horse to receive me, but would let 
 neither my trumpet or guard set foot within their quarters. 
 In this manner, I was conducted to audience in the chapter- 
 house at Durham, where a committee of Scots' lords, who 
 attended the army, received me very courteously, and gave 
 me their answer in writing also. 
 
 It was in this answer tiiat they showed, at least to me, 
 their design of embroiling the king with his English subjects; 
 they discoursed very freely with me, and did not order me to 
 withdraw when they debated their private opinions. They 
 drew up several answers, but did not like them ; at last, they 
 gave me one which I did not receive ; I thought it was too 
 insolent to be borne with. As near as I can remember, it 
 was thus : — 
 
 The commissioners of Scotland, attending the service in 
 the army, do refuse any treaty in the city of York. 
 
 One of the commissioners, who treated me with more dis- 
 tinction than the rest, and discoursed freely with me, gave me 
 an opportunity to speak more freely of this than I expected. 
 
 I told them, if they would return to his majesty an answer 
 fit for me to carry, or if they would say they would not treat 
 at all, I would deliver such a message. But I entreated them 
 to consider the answer was to their sovereign, and to whom 
 they made a great profession of duty and respect ; and at least 
 they ought to give their reasons, why they declined a treaty 
 at York, and to name some other place, or humbly to desire 
 his majesty to name some other place. But to send word 
 they would not treat at York, I could deliver no such message, 
 for, when put into English, it would signify, they would not 
 treat at aU. 
 
 I used a great many reasons and arguments with them on 
 this head ; and at last, with some diflSculty obtained of them 
 to give the reason, which was the Earl of StraiFord's having 
 the chief command at York, whom they declared their mortal 
 enemy, he having declared them rebels in Ireland. 
 
 With this answer I returned. I could make no observa- 
 tions in the short time I was with them ; for as I stayed but one 
 night, so I was guarded as a close prisoner all the while. I 
 saVv several of their officers whom I knew, but 'hey durst not 
 
120 MEMOIRS OF A CATALIEE. 
 
 speak to me ; and, if they would have ventured, my guard 
 would not have permitted them. 
 
 In this manner I was conducted out of their quarters to 
 my own party again, and having delivered my message to 
 the king, and told his majesty the circumstances, I saw the 
 king receive the account of the haughty behaviour of the 
 Scots with some regret; however, it was his majesty's time 
 now to bear, and therefore the Scots were complied with, 
 and the treaty appointed at Eippon ; where, after much 
 debate, several preliminary articles were agreed on, as a 
 cessation of arms ; quarters, and bounds to the armies ; sub- 
 sistence to the Scots' army ; and the residue of the demands 
 was referred to a treaty at London, &c. 
 
 We were all amazed at the treaty, and I cannot but 
 remember, we used to wish much rather we had been suffered 
 to fight ; for though we had been worsted at first, the power 
 and strength of the king's interest, which was not yet tried, 
 must, in fine, have been too strong for the Scots ; whereas 
 now we saw the king was for complying with anything, and 
 all his friends would be ruined. 
 
 I confess, I had nothing to fear, and so was not much con- 
 cerned ; but our predictions soon came to pass ; for no sooner 
 was this parliament called, but abundance of those who had 
 embroiled their king with his people of both kingdoms, like 
 the disciples, when their master was betrayed to the Jews, 
 forsook him and fled ; and now parliament tyranny began to 
 succeed church tyranny, and we soldiers were glad to see it 
 at first. The bishops trembled, the judges went to gaol ; the 
 ofiicers of the customs were laid hold on ; and the parliament 
 began to lay their fingers on the great ones, particularly 
 Archbishop Laud and the Earl of StraflFord. We had no 
 great concern for the first, but the last was a man of so much 
 conduct and gallantry, and so beloved by the soldiers and 
 principal gentry of England, that everybody was touched 
 with his misfortune. 
 
 The parliament now grew mad in their turn ; and, as the 
 prosperity of any party is the time to show their discretion, 
 the parliament showed they knew as little where to stop as 
 other people. The king was not in a condition to deny any- 
 thing, and nothing could be demanded but they pushed it. 
 They attainted the Earl of Strafibrd, and thereby made the 
 king cut off his right hand to save his left, and yet not save it 
 
THE KING SUBSnTS TO THEIR TERMS. 121 
 
 neither. They obtained another bill, to empower them to sit 
 during their own pleasure, and after them, triennial parlia- 
 ments, to meet whether the king call them or no ; and 
 granting this completed his majesty's ruin. 
 
 Had the house only regulated the abuses of the court, 
 punished evil counsellors, and restored parliaments to their 
 original and just powers, all had been well ; and the king 
 though he had been more than mortified, had yet reaped the 
 benefit of future peace ; for now the Scots were sent home, 
 after having eaten up two counties, and received a prodigious 
 sum of money to boot. And the king, though too late, goes 
 in person to Edinburgh, and grants them all they could desire, 
 ^nd more than they asked ; but in England, the desires of ours 
 were unbounded, and drove at aU extremes. 
 
 They threw out the bishops from sitting in the house, make 
 a protestation equivalent to the Scotch covenant ; and this 
 done, print their remonstrance. This so provoked the king, 
 that he resolves upon seizing some of the members, and, in 
 an ill hour, enters the house in person to take them. Thus 
 one imprudent thing on one hand produced another of the 
 other hand, until the king was obliged to leave them to them- 
 selves, for fear of being mobbed into something or other 
 unworthy of himself. 
 
 These proceedings began to alarm the gentry and nobility 
 of England; for, however willing we were to have evil 
 counsellors removed, and the government return to a settled 
 and legal course, according to the happy constitution of this 
 nation, and might have been forward enough to have owned 
 the king had been misled, and imposed upon to do things 
 which he had rather had not been done ; yet it did not follow, 
 that all the powers and prerogatives of the crown should 
 devolve upon the parliament, and the king in a manner be 
 deposed, or else sacrificed to the fury of the rabble. 
 
 The heats of the house running them thus to all extremes, 
 and at last to take from the king the power of the militia, 
 which indeed was all that was left to make him anything of 
 a king, put the king upon opposing force with force ; and 
 thus the flame of civil war began. 
 
 However backward I was in engaging in the second year's 
 expedition against the Scots, I was as forward now ; for I 
 waited on the king at York, where a gallant company of 
 geatlemen as ever were seen in England, engaged themselves 
 
122 MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIER. 
 
 to enter into his service ; and here some of us formed ourselves 
 into troops for the guard of his person. 
 
 The king having been waited upon by the gentry of York- 
 shire, and having told them his resolution of erecting his 
 royal standard, and received from them hearty assurances of 
 support, dismisses them, and marches to Hull, where lay the 
 train of artillery, and all the arms and ammunition belonging 
 to the northern army, which had been disbanded. But here 
 the pariiament had been beforehand with his majesty, so that 
 when he came to Hull, he found the gates shut, and Sir John 
 Hotham, the governor, upon the walls, though with a great 
 deal of seeming humility and protestations of loyalty to his 
 person, yet with a positive denial to admit any of the king'§ 
 attendants into the town. If his majesty pleased to enter the 
 town in person with any reasonable number of his household, 
 he would submit, but would not be prevailed on to receive 
 the king, as he would be received, with his force, though those 
 forces were then but very few. 
 
 The king was exceedingly provoked at this repulse, and 
 indeed it was a great surprise to us all ; for certainly never 
 prince began a war against the whole strength of his kingdom 
 under the circumstances that he was in. He had not a 
 garrison, or a company of soldiers in his pay ; not a stknd of 
 arms, or a barrel of powder, a musket, cannon, or mortar ; 
 not a ship of all the fleet, or money in his treasury to procure 
 them ; whereas the parliament had all his navy, and ordnance, 
 stores, magazines, arms, ammunition, and revenue, in their 
 keeping. And this I take to be another defect of the king's 
 counsel, and a sad instance of the distraction of his affairs ; 
 that when he saw how all things were going to wreck, as it 
 was impossible but he should see it, and it is plain he did see 
 it, that he should not, long enough before it came to extre- 
 mities, secure the navy, magazines, and stores of war, in the 
 hands of his trusty servants, that would have been sure to 
 have preserved them for his use, at a time when he wanted them. 
 
 It cannot be supposed but the gentry of England, who 
 generally preserved their loyalty for their royal master, and 
 at last heartily showed it, were exceedingly discouraged at 
 first, when they saw the parliament had all the means of 
 makhig war in their own hands, and the king was naked 
 and d-estitute either of arms or ammunition, or money *o pro< 
 cure them. 
 
THE QUEEN JOINS THE KING's JOECES. 123 
 
 Not but that the king, by extraordinary application, 
 ■^covered the disorder the want of these things had thrcwn 
 him into, and supplied himself with all things needful. 
 
 But my observation was this, had his majesty had the 
 magazines, navy, and forts in his own hand, the gentry, who 
 wanted but. the prospect of something to encourage them, had 
 come in at first, and the parliament being unprovided, would 
 bave been presently reduced to reason. 
 
 But this was it that baulked the gentry of Yorkshire, who 
 went home again, giving the king good promises, but never 
 appeared for him, tiU by raising a good army in Shropshire 
 and Wales, he marched towards London, and they saw there 
 was a prospect of their being supported. 
 
 In this condition the king erected his standard at Notting- 
 ham, August 2nd, 1642, and, I confess, I had very melancholy 
 apprehensions of the king's afiairs ; for the appearance to 
 the royal standard was but small. The affront the king had 
 met with at Hull had baulked and dispirited the northern 
 gentry, and the king's affairs looked with a very dismal 
 aspect. We had expresses from London of the prodigious 
 success of the parliament's levies, how their men came in 
 faster than they could entertain them, and that arms were 
 delivered out to whole companies listed together, and the like : 
 and all this while the king had not got together a thousand 
 foot, and had no arms for them neither. When the king saw 
 this, he immediately despatches five several messengers, 
 whereof one went to the Marquis of Worcester into Wales ; 
 one went to the queen, then at Windsor ; one to the Duke of 
 Newcastle, then Marquis of Newcastle, into the north ; one 
 into Scotland, and one into France, where the queen soon 
 after arrived, to raise money, and buy arms, and to get what 
 assistance she could among her own friends : nor was her 
 majesty idle, for she sent over several ships laden with arms, 
 and ammunition, with a fine train of artillery, and a great 
 many very good ofiicers; and though one of the first fell into 
 the hands of the parliament, with three hundred barrels of 
 powder and some arms, and a hundred and fifty gentlemen, 
 yet most of the gentlemen found means, one way or other to 
 get to us, and most of the ships the queen freighted arrived; 
 and at last her majesty came herself, and brought an extra- 
 ordinary supply, both of men, money, arms, &c., with which 
 she joined the king's forces under the Earl of Newcastle in 
 
124 MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIEB. 
 
 the north. Finding his majesty thus bestirring himself to 
 muster his friends together, I asked him, if he thought it 
 might not be for his majesty's service to let me go among my 
 friends, and his loyal subjects about Shrewsbury? Yes, says 
 the king, smiUng, I intend you shall, and I design to go with 
 you myself. I did not understand what the king meant 
 then, and did not think it good manners to inquire; but the 
 next day I found all things disposed for a march, and the king 
 on horseback by eight of the clock ; when calling me to him, 
 he told me I should go before, and let my father and all my 
 friends know he would be at Shrewsbury the Saturday follow- 
 ing. 1 left my equipages, and taking post with only one 
 servant, was at my father's the next morning by break of 
 day. My father was not surprised at the news of the king's 
 coming at all ; for, it seems he, together with the loyal gentry 
 of those parts, had sent particularly to give the king an invi- 
 tation to move that way, which I was not made privy to ; 
 with an account what encouragement they had there in the 
 endeavours made for his interest. In short, the whole coun- 
 tiy was entirely for the king ; and such was the universal joy 
 the people showed when the news of his majesty's coming 
 down was positively known, that all manner of business was 
 laid aside, and the whole body of the people seemed to be 
 resolved upon the war. 
 
 As this gave a new face to the king's affairs, so I must 
 own it filled me with joy ; for I was astonished before, when 
 I considered what the king and his friends were like to be 
 exposed to. The news of the proceedings of the parliament, 
 and their powerful preparations, were now no more terrible ; 
 the king came at the time appointed, and having lain at my 
 father's house one night, entered Shrewsbury in the morning. 
 The acclamations of the people, the concourse of the nobility 
 and gentry about his person, and the crowds which now came 
 every day into his standard, were incredible. 
 
 The loyalty of the English gentry was not only worth 
 notice, but the power of the gentry is extraordinarily visible 
 in this matter. The king, in about six week's time, which 
 was the most of his stay at Shrewsbury, was supplied with 
 money, arms, ammunition, and a train of artillery, and listed 
 a body of an army upwards of twenty thousand men. 
 
 His majesty seeing the general alacrity of his people, 
 immediately issued out commissions, and formed regiments of 
 
LOYALTY OF THK ENGLISH GENTRY. 125 
 
 horse and foot ; and having some experienced officers about 
 him, together with about sixteen who came from France, 
 with a ship loaded with arms and some field-pieces, which 
 ca;me very seasonably into the Severn, the men were exer- 
 cised, regularly disciplined, and quartered, and now we began 
 to look like soldiers. My father had raised a regiment of 
 horse at his own charge, and completed them, and the king 
 gave out arms to them from the supplies which I mentioned 
 came from abroad. Another party of horse, all brave, stout 
 fellows, and well mounted, came in from Lancashire, and the 
 Earl of Derby at the head of them. The Welchmen came 
 in by droves ; and so great was the concourse of people, that 
 the king began to think of marching, and gave the command, 
 as well as the trust of regulating the army, to the brave Earl 
 of Lindsey, as general of the foot; the parliament general 
 being the Earl of Essex ; two braver men, or two better 
 officers, were not in the kingdom ; they had both been old 
 soldiers, and had served together as volunteers in the Low 
 Country wars, under Prince Maurice. They had been com- 
 rades and companions abroad, and now came to face one 
 another as enemies in the field. 
 
 Such was the expedition used by the king and his friends, 
 in the levies of this first army, that, notwithstanding the 
 wonderful expedition the parliament made, the king was in 
 the field before them ; and now the gentry in other parts of 
 .the nation bestirred themselves, and seized upon and gar- 
 risoned several considerable places for the king. In the north, 
 the Earl of Newcastle not only garrisoned the most consider- 
 able places, but even the general possession of the north was 
 for the king, excepting Hull and some few places, which the 
 old Lord Jairfax had taken up for the parliament. On the 
 other hand, entire Cornwall, and most of the western counties, 
 were the king's. The parliament had their chief interest in 
 the south and eastern part of England ; as Kent, Surrey, and 
 Sussex, Essex, Suffislk, Norfolk, Cambridge, Bedford, Hun- 
 tingdon, Hertford, Buckinghamshire, and the other midland 
 counties. These were called, or some of them at least, the 
 associated counties, and felt little of the war, other than the 
 charges ; but the main support of the parliament was the city 
 of London. The king made the seat of his court at Oxford, 
 jyhich he caused to be regularly fortified. The Lord Say had 
 been liere, and had possession of the city for the enemy, 
 
126 MEMOIRS OP A CAVALIEK. 
 
 and was debating about fortifying it, but came to no resolu- 
 tion, which was a very great oversight in them ; the situation 
 of the place, and the importance of it, on many accounts, to 
 the city of London, considered ; and they would have retrieved 
 this error afterwards, but then it was too late ; for the king 
 made it the head-quarters, and received great supplies and 
 assistance from the wealth of the colleges, and the plenty of 
 the neighbouring country. Abingdon, Wallingford, Basing, 
 and Reading, were all garrisoned and fortified as outworks, 
 to defend this as the centre. And thus all England became 
 the theatre of blood, and war was spread into every corner 
 of the country, though as yet there was no stroke struck. I 
 had no command in this army ; my father led his own regi- 
 ment; and, as old as he was, would not leave his royal master ; 
 and my elder brother stayed at home to support the family. 
 As for me, I rode a volunteer in the rayal troop of guards, 
 which may very well deserve the title of a royal troop ; for 
 it was composed of young gentlemen, sons of the nobility, 
 and some of the prime gentry of the nation, and I think not 
 a person of so mean a birth or fortune as myself. We 
 reckoned in this troop two-and-thirty lords, or who came 
 afterwards to be such : and eight-and-thirty of younger sons 
 of the nobility, five French noblemen, and all the rest gentle- 
 men of very good families and estates. 
 
 And that I may give the due to their personal valour, many 
 of tills troop lived afterwards to have regiments and troops 
 under their command, in the service of the king ; many of 
 them lost their lives for him, and most of them their estates : 
 nor did they behave unworthy of themselves in their first 
 showing their faces to the enemy, as shall be mentioned in its 
 place. 
 
 While the king remained at Shrewsbury, his loyal friends 
 bestirred themselves in several parts of the kingdom. 
 Goring had secured Portsmouth; but being young in matters 
 of war, and not in time relieved, though the Marquis of 
 Hertford was marching to relieve him, yet he was obliged to 
 quit the place, and shipped himself for Holland, from whence 
 he returned with relief for the king, and afterwards did very 
 good service upon all occasions, and so effectually cleared 
 himself of the scandal the hasty surrender of Portsmouth had 
 brought upon his courage. 
 
 The chief power of the king's forces lay in three places in 
 
POSITION OF THE TEOOPS 127 
 
 Cornwall, in Yorkshire, and at Shrewsbury. In Cornwall, 
 Sir Ealph Hopton, afterwards Lord Hopton, Sir Bevil Granvil, 
 and Sir Nicholas Slamming, secured all the country, and 
 afterwards spread themselves over Devonshire and Somerset- 
 shire, took Exeter from the parliament, fortified Bridgewater 
 and Barnstable, and beat Sir William Waller at the battle of 
 Koundway Down, as I shall touch at more particularly, when 
 I come to recite the part of my own travels that way. 
 
 In the north, the Marquis of Newcastle secured all the 
 country, garrisoned York, Scarborough, Carlisle, Newcastle, 
 Pomfret, Leeds, and all the considerable places, and took the 
 field with a very good army, though afterwards he proved 
 more unsuccessful than the rest, having the whole power ol 
 a kingdom at his back, the Scots coming ^n with an army to 
 the assistance of the parliament; which indeed was the 
 general turn of the scale of the war ; for, had it not been for 
 the Scots' army, the king had most certainly reduced the 
 parliament, at least to good terms of peace, in two years' time. 
 
 The king was the third article : his force at Shrewsbury I 
 have noted already ; the alacrity of the gentry filled him with 
 hopes, and all his army with vigour, and the 8th of October, 
 1642, his majesty gave orders to march. The Earl of Essex 
 had spent above a month after his leaving London (for he went 
 thence the 9th of September) in modelling and drawing 
 together his forces ; his rendezvous was at St. Albans, from 
 Whence he marched to Northampton, Coventry, and Warwick, 
 and leaving garrisons in them, he comes on to Worcester. 
 Being thus advanced, he possesses Oxford, as I noted before, 
 Banbury, Bristol, Gloucester, and Worcester, out of all which 
 places, except Gloucester, we drove him back to London in 
 a very little while. 
 
 Sir John Biron had raised a very good party of five hundred 
 horse, most gentlemen, for the king, and had possessed Oxford ; 
 but on the approach of Lord Say quitted it, being now but an 
 open town, and retreated to Worcester ; from whence, on the 
 approach of Essex's army, he retreated to the king. And now 
 all things grew ripe for action, both parties having secured 
 their posts, and settled their schemes of the war, taken their 
 posts and places as their measures and opportunities directed, 
 the field was next in their eye, and the soldiers began to 
 inquire when they should fight ; for as yet there had been 
 little or no blood drawn, and it was not long before they had 
 
128 MEMOIKS OP A CAVALIEK. 
 
 enough of it ; for I believe I may challenge all the historians 
 in Europe to tell me of any war in the world where, in the 
 space of four years, there were so many pitched battles, sieges, 
 fights, and skirmishes, as in this war ; we never encamped or 
 intrenched, never fortified the avenues to our posts, or lay 
 fenced with rivers and defiles ; here was no leaguers in the 
 field, as at the story of Nuremberg, neither had our soldiers 
 any tents, or what they call heavy baggage. It was the 
 general maxim of this war. Where is the enemy? let us go 
 and fight them : or, on the other hand, if the enemy was 
 coming, What was to be done? why, what should be done? 
 draw out into the fields, and fight them. I cannot say it was 
 the prudence of the parties, and had the king fought less he 
 had gained more ; and I shall remark several times, when the 
 eagerness of fighting was the worst council, and proved our 
 loss. This benefit however happened in general to the country, 
 that it made a quick, though a bloody end, of the war, which 
 otherwise had lasted till it might have ruined the whole nation. 
 
 CIIAPTEB X. 
 
 THE EOTAL AEMT TAKES THE FIELD ACTIOK WITH THE 
 
 REBELS UNDER ESSEX BATTLE OF EDGEHILL THE PAR- 
 LIAMENT CLAIMS THE VICTORY THEY VOTE AN ADDRESS 
 
 FOR PEACE SAD EEFLECTIONF ON THE MISERIES OF 
 
 CIVIL WAR. 
 
 On the 10th of October the king's army was in fuU march, 
 his majesty generalissimo, the Earl of Lindsey, general of the 
 foot. Prince Rupert, general of the horse ; and the first action 
 in the field was by Prince Rupert and Sir John Biron. Sir 
 John had brought his body of five hundred horse, as I noted 
 <ilready, from Oxford to Worcester ; the Lord Say, with a 
 strong party, being in the neighbourhood of Oxford, and 
 expected in the town ; Colonel Sandys, a hot man, and who 
 had more courage than judgment, advances with about fifteen 
 hundred horse and dragoons, with design to beat Sir John 
 Biron out of Worcester, and take post there for the parliament. 
 The king had notice that the Earl of Essex designed for 
 Worcester, and Prince Rupert was ordered to advance witb 
 
ACTION ■WITH THE REBELS UNDER ESSEX. 129 
 
 a body of horse and dragoons, to face the enemy, and bring 
 ofi Sir John Biron. This his majesty did to amuse the Earl 
 of Essex, that he might expect him that way ; whereas the 
 king's design was to get between the Earl of Essex's army 
 and the city of London ; and his majesty's end was doubly 
 answered ; for he not only drew Essex on to Worcester, where 
 he spent more time than he needed, but he beat the party into 
 the bargain. 
 
 I went volunteer in this party, and rid in my father's 
 regiment ; for though we really expected not to see the 
 enemy, yet I was tired with lying still. We came to 
 Worcester just as notice was brought to Sir John Biron 
 that a party of the enemy was on their march for Worcester, 
 upon which the prince, immediately consulting what was to 
 be done, resolves to march the next morning, and fight them. 
 
 The enemy, who lay at Pershore, about eight miles from 
 Worcester, and, as I believe, had no notice of our march, 
 came on very confidently in the morning, and found us 
 fairly drawn up to receive them ; I must confess this was 
 the bluntest downright way of making war that ever was 
 seen. The enemy, who, in all the little knowledge I had of 
 war, ought to have discovered our numbers, and guessed by 
 our posture what our design was, might easily have informed 
 themselves that we intended to attack them, and so might 
 have secured the advantage of a bridge in their front ; but, 
 without any regard to these methods of policy, they came on 
 at aU hazards. Upon this notice, my father proposed to the 
 prince to halt for them, and suffer ourselves to be attacked, 
 since we found them willing to give us the advantage ; the 
 prince approved of the advice, so we halted within view of 
 a bridge, leaving space enough on our front for about half 
 the number of their forces to pass and draw up ; and at the 
 bridge was posted about fifty dragoons, with orders to retire 
 as soon as the enemy advanced, as if they had been afraid. 
 On the right of the road was a ditch, and a very high bank 
 behind, where we had placed three hundred dragoons, with 
 orders to lie flat on their faces till the enemy had passed the 
 bridge, and to let fly among them as soon as our trumpets 
 sounded a charge. Nobody but Colonel Sandys would have 
 been caught in such a snare ; for he might easily have seen 
 that, when he was over the bridge, there was not room 
 enough for him to fight in ; but " The Lord of Hosts" was 
 
 VOL. n. ^ 
 
130 MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIER. 
 
 SO much in their mouths, for that was the word for thfjt day, 
 that they took little heed how to conduct the host of the 
 Lord to their own advantage. 
 
 As we expected, they appeared, beat our dragoons from 
 the bridge, and passed it ; we stood firm in one line with a 
 reserve, and expected a charge; but Colonel Sandys, showing 
 a great deal more judgment than we thought he was master 
 of, extends himself to the left, finding the ground too straight, 
 and began to form his men with a great deal of readiness 
 and skill ; for by this time he saw our number was greater 
 than he expected ; the prince perceiving it, and foreseeing that 
 the stratagem of the dragoons would be frustrated by this, 
 immediately charges with the horse, and the dragoons at the 
 same time standing upon their feet, poured in their shot upon 
 those that were passing the bridge ; this surjirise put them 
 into such disorder that we had but little work with them ; 
 for though Colonel Sandys, with the troops next him, sus- 
 tained the shock very well, and behaved themselves gallantly 
 enough, yet, the confusion beginning in their rear, those that 
 had not yet passed the bridge were kept back by the fire of 
 the dragoons, and the rest were easily cut in pieces. Colonel 
 Sandys was mortally wounded and taken prisoner, and the 
 crowd was so gi-eat to get back, that many pushed into the 
 water, and were rather smothered than drowned. Some of 
 them who never came into the fight were so frightened that 
 they never looked behind them, till they came to Pershore ; 
 and, as we were afterwards informed, the life-guards of the 
 general who had quartered in the town, left it in disorder 
 enough, expecting us at the heels of their men. 
 
 If our business had been to keep the parliament army 
 from coming to Worcester, we had a very good opportunity 
 to have secured the bridge at Pershore; but our design lay 
 another way, as I have said, and the king was for drawing 
 Essex on to the Severn, in hopes to get behind him, which 
 feR out accordingly. 
 
 Essex, spurred by this affront in the infancy of their 
 affairs, advances the next day, and came to Pershore time 
 enough to be at the funeral of some of his men ; and from 
 thence he advances to Worcester. 
 
 We marched back to Worcester extremely pleased with 
 the good success of our first attack ; and our men were so 
 flushed with this little victory, that it put vigour into the 
 
THE KING CALLS A COUNCIL OF WAR. 131 
 
 whole army. The enemy lost about three thousand men, 
 and we carried away near one hundred and fifty prisoners, 
 with five hundred horses, some standards and arms, and, 
 among the prisoners, their colonel, but he died a little after 
 of his wounds. 
 
 Upon the approach of the enemy, "Worcester was quitted, 
 and the forces marched back to join the king's army, which 
 lay then at Bridgenorth, Ludlow, and thereabout. As the 
 king expected, it fell out ; Essex found so much work at 
 Worcester to settle parliament quarters, and secure Bristol, 
 Gloucester, and Hereford, that it gave the king a fuU day's 
 march of him ; so the king, having the start of him, moves 
 towards London ; and Essex, nettled to be both beaten in 
 fight, and outdone in conduct, decamps, and follows the king. 
 
 The parliament, and the Londoners too, were in a strange 
 consternation at this mistake of their general; and had the 
 king, whose great misfortune was always to follow precipi- 
 tant advices, — had the king, I say, pushed on his first design, 
 which he had formed with very good reason, and for which 
 he had been dodging with Essex eight or ten days, viz., of 
 marching directly to London, where he had a very great 
 interest, and where his fi-iends were not yet oppressed and 
 impoverished, as they were afterwards, he had turned the 
 scale of his aiFairs ; and every man expected it ; for the 
 members began to shift for themselves, expresses were sent 
 on the heels of one another to the Earl of Essex, to hasten 
 after the king, and, if possible, to bring him to a battle. 
 Some of these letters fell into our hands, and we might 
 easily discover that the parliament were in the last confusion 
 at the thoughts of our coming to London ; besides this, the 
 city was in a worse fright than the house, and the great 
 moving men began to go out of town. In short, they 
 expected us, and we expected to come ; but providence, for 
 our ruin, had otherwise determined it. 
 
 Essex, upon news of the king's march, and upon receipt 
 of the parhament's letters, makes long marches after us, and 
 on the 23rd of October reaches the village of Keynton, in 
 Warwickshire. The king was almost as far as Banbury, 
 and there calls a coimcil of war. Some of the old ofiicers 
 that foresaw the advantage the king had, the concern the 
 city was in, and the vast addition, both to the reputation of 
 his forces and the increase of his interest, it would be, if the 
 
 K 2 
 
132 MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIEK. 
 
 king could gain that point, urged the king to march on to 
 London. Prince Rupert, and the fresh colonels, pressed for 
 fighting ; told the king it dispirited their men to march with 
 the enemy at their heels; that the parliament army was 
 inferior to him by six thousand men, and fatigued with 
 hasty marching ; that, as their orders were to fight, he had 
 nothing to do but to post himself to advantage, and receive 
 them to their destruction ; that the action near Worcester 
 had let them know how easy it was to deal with a rash 
 enemy ; and that it was a dishonour for him, whose forces 
 were so much superior, to be pursued by his subjects in 
 rebellion. These and the like arguments prevailed with the 
 king to alter his wiser measures, and resolve to fight. Nor 
 was this all ; when a resolution of fighting was taken, that 
 part of the advice which they who were for fighting gave as 
 a reason for their opinion was forgot, and, instead of halting, 
 and posting ourselves to advantage till the enemy came up, 
 we were ordered to march back and meet them. 
 
 Nay, so eager was the prince for fighting, that when from the 
 top of Edgehill, the enemy's army was descried in the bottom 
 between them and the village of Keynton, and that the enemy 
 had bid us defiance, by discharging three cannons, we accepted 
 the challenge, and answering with two shots from our army, 
 we must needs forsake the advantage of the hills, which they 
 must have mounted under the command of our cannon, and 
 march down to them into the plain. I confess, I thought 
 here was a great deal more gallantry than discretion ; for it 
 was plainly taking an advantage out of our own hands, and 
 putting it into the hands of the enemy. An enemy that 
 must fight, may always be fought with to advantage. My old 
 hero, the glorious Gustavus Adolphus, was as forward to 
 fight as any man of true valour, mixt with any policy, need 
 to be, or ought to be ; but he used to say, an enemy, reduced 
 to a necessity of fighting, is half beaten. 
 
 It is true, we were all but young in the war ; the soldiers 
 hot and forward, and eagerly desired to come to hands with 
 the enemy. But I take the more notice of it here, because 
 the king in this acted against his own measures ; for it was 
 the king himself had laid the design of getting the start of 
 Essex, and marching to London. His friends had invited 
 him thither, and expected him, and suffered deeply for the 
 omission ; and yet he gave way to these hasty counsels and 
 
EHEOE IN DEPLOYMENT OP THE KINg's ARMY. 133 
 
 suffered his judgment to be overruled by majority of voices; 
 an error, I say, the King of Sweden was never guilty of; for 
 if all the officers at a council of war were of a different opi- 
 nion, yet, unless their reasons mastered his judgment, their 
 votes never altered his measures ; but this was the error of 
 our good, but unfortunate master, three times in this war, 
 and particularly in two of the greatest battles of the time, 
 viz., this of Edgehill, and that of Naseby. 
 
 The resolution for fighting being published in the army, 
 gave an universal joy to the soldiers, who expressed an extra- 
 ordinary ardour for fighting. I remember, my father talk- 
 ing with me about it, asked me what I thought of the ap- 
 proaching battle ; I told him, I thought the king had done 
 very well ; for at that time I did not consult the extent of 
 the design, and had a mighty mind, like other rash people, to 
 see it brought to a day, which made me answer my father as 
 I did. But, said I, sir, I doubt there will be but indifferent 
 doings on both sides, between two armies both made up of 
 fresh men, that had never seen any service. My fathei 
 minded little what I spoke of that; but, when I seemed 
 pleased that the king had resolved to fight, he looked angrily 
 at me, and told me he was sorry I could see no farther into 
 things. I tell you, says he, hastily, if the king should kill 
 and take prisoners this whole army, general and all, the par- 
 liament will have the victory; for we have lost more by 
 slipping this opportunity of getting into London, than we 
 shall ever get by ten battles. I saw enough of this after- 
 wards to convince me of the weight of what my father 
 said, and so did the king too ; but it was then too late ; ad- 
 vantages slipt in war are never recovered. 
 
 We were now in a full march to fight the Earl of Essex. It 
 was on Sunday morning the 24th of October, 1642, fair 
 weather over head, but the ground very heavy and dirty. As 
 soon as we came to the top of Edgehill, we discovered their 
 whole army. They were not drawn up, having had two 
 miles to march that morning; but they were very busy form- 
 ing their lines, and posting the regiments as they came up. 
 Some of their horse were exceedingly fatigued, having 
 marched forty-eight hours together ; and had they been 
 suffered to follow us three or four days' march farther, several 
 of their regiments of horse would have been quite ruined, 
 
134 MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIEB, 
 
 and tlieir foot would have been rendered unserviceatle for 
 the present. But we had no patience. 
 
 As soon as our whole army was come to the top of the 
 hill, we were drawn up in order of battle ; the king's army 
 made a very fine appearance ; and indeed they were a body 
 of gallant men as ever appeared in the field, and as well fur- 
 nished at all points; the horse exceeding well accoutred, 
 being most of them gentlemen and volunteers ; some whole 
 regiments serving without pay. Their horses very good and 
 fit for service as could be desired. The whole army were 
 not above eighteen thousand men, and the enemy not one 
 thousand over or under, though we had been told they were 
 not above twelve thousand; but they had been reiniorced 
 with four thousand men from Northampton. 
 
 The king was with the general, the Earl of Lindsey, in tho 
 main battle ; Prince Rupert commanded the right wing, and 
 the Marquis of Hertford, the Lord Willoughby, and several 
 other very good officers, the left. 
 
 The signal of battle being given with two cannon shot, we 
 marched in order of battalia down the hill, being drawn up 
 in two lines, with bodies of reserve ; the enemy advanced to 
 meet us much in the same form, with this difference only, 
 that they had placed their cannon on their right, and the 
 king had placed ours in the centre, before, or rather be- 
 tween two great brigades of foot. Their cannon began with 
 us first, and did some mischief among the dragoons of our 
 left wing ; but our officers perceiving the shot took the men 
 and missed the horses, ordered all to alight, and every man 
 leading his horse, to advance in the same order ; and this 
 saved our men, for most of the enemy's shot flew over their 
 heads. Our cannon made a terrible execution upon their 
 foot for a quarter of an hour, and put them into great con- 
 fusion, till the general obliged them to halt, and changed the 
 posture of his fi-ont, marching round a small rising ground, 
 by which he avoided the fury of our artillery. 
 
 By this time the wings were engaged, the king ha\-ing 
 given the signal of battle, and ordered the right wing to fall 
 on. Prince Rupert, who, as is said, commanded that wing, 
 fell on with such fury, and pushed the left wing of the par- 
 liament army so effectually, that in a moment he filled all 
 with terror and confusion. Commissary-general Ramsey, a 
 
BATTLE OF EDGEHILL. 135 
 
 Scotchman, a Low Country soldier, and an experienced 
 officer, commanded their left wing; and though he did all 
 that an expert soldier and a brave commander could do, yet it 
 was to no purpose ; his lines were immediately broken, and 
 all overwhelmed in a trice : two regiments of foot, whether 
 as part of the left wing, or on the left of the main body, I 
 know not, were disordered by their own horse, and rather 
 trampled to death by the horses, than beaten by our men ; 
 but they were so entirely broken and disordered, that I do 
 not remember that ever they made one voUey upon our men ; 
 for their own horse running away, and falling foul on these 
 foot, were so vigorously followed by our men, that the foot 
 never had a moment to rally or look behind them. The point 
 of the left wing of horse were not so soon broken as the rest, 
 and three regiments of them stood firm for some time : the 
 dexterous officers of the other regiments taking the oppor- 
 tunity, rallied a great many of their scattered men behind 
 them, and pieced in some troops with those regiments ; but 
 after two or three charges, which a brigade of our second 
 line, following the prince, made upon them, they also were 
 broken with the rest. 
 
 I remember, that at the great battle of Leipsic, the right 
 wing of the imperialists having fallen in upon the Saxons 
 with like fury to this, bore down all before them, and beat 
 the Saxons quite out of the field ; upon which the soldiers 
 cried, Victoria ! Let us follow ! No, no, said the old general 
 Tilly, let them go, but let us beat the Swedes too, and then 
 all's our own. Had Prince Rupert taken this method, and 
 instead of following the fugitives, who were dispersed so 
 effectually, that two regiments would have secured them from 
 rallying ; I say, had he fallen in upon the foot, or wheeled to 
 the left, and fallen in upon the rear of the enemy's right wing 
 of horse, or returned to the assistance of the left wing of our 
 horse, we had gained the most absolute and complete victory 
 that could be; nor had one thousand men of the enemy's 
 army got off: but this prince, who was fiiU of fire, and pleased 
 to see the rout of the enemy, pursued them quite to the town 
 of Keynton, where indeed he killed abundance of their men, 
 and some time also was lost in plundering the baggage : but 
 in the mean time, the glory and advantage of the day was 
 lost to the. king ; for the right wing of the parliament horse 
 could not be so broken. Sir William Balfour made a despe- 
 
136 MEMOIRS OF A CATALIEK. 
 
 rate charge upon the point of the king's left ; and had it not 
 been for two regiments of dragoons, who were planted in the 
 reserve, had routed the whole wing ; for he broke through 
 the first line, and staggered the second, who advanced to their 
 assistance, but was so warmly received by those dragoons, 
 who came seasonably in, and gave their first fire on horseback, 
 that his fury was checked, and having lost a great many men, 
 was forced to wheel about to his own men ; and had the king 
 had but three regiments of horse at hand, to have charged 
 him, he had been routed. The rest of this wing kept their 
 ground, and received the first fury of the enemy vdth great 
 firmness ; after which, advancing in their turn, they were 
 once masters of the Earl of Essex's cannon. And here we 
 lost another advantage : for if any foot had been at hand to 
 support these horse, they had carried off the cannon, or turned 
 it upon the main battle of the enemy's foot ; but the foot were 
 otherwise engaged. The horse on this side fought with great 
 obstinacy and variety of success a great while, Sir Philip 
 Stapylton, who commanded the guards of the Earl of Essex, 
 being engaged with a party of our Shrewsbury cavaliers, as 
 we called them, was once in a fair way to have been cut off 
 by a brigade of our foot, who, being advanced to fall on upon 
 the pariiament's main body, flanked Sir Philip's horse in their 
 way, and, facing to the left, so furiously charged him with 
 their pikes, that he was obliged to retire in great disorder, 
 and with the loss of a great many men and horses. 
 
 All this while the foot on both sides were desperately en- 
 gaged, and coming close up to the teeth of one another with 
 the clubbed musket and push of pike, fought with great 
 resolution, and a terrible slaughter on both sides, giving no 
 quarter for a great while ; and they continued to do thus, till, 
 as if they were tired, and out of wind, either party seemed 
 willing enough to leave off, and take breath. Those which 
 suffered most were that brigade which had charged Sir William 
 Stapylton's horse, who, being bravely engaged in the front 
 with the enemy's foot, were, on a sudden, charged again in 
 front and flank, by Sir Wilham Balfour's horse, and disordered, 
 after a very desperate defence. Here the king's standard was 
 taken, the standard-bearer. Sir Edward Varney, being killed • 
 but it was rescued again by Captain Smith, and brought to the 
 kmg the same night, for which the king knighted the captain 
 
 This brigade of foot had fought aU the day, and had not 
 
THE PARLIAMENT CLAIMS THE VICTORT. 1S7 
 
 been broken at last, if any horse had been at hand to support 
 them. The field began to be now clear, both armies stood, 
 as it were, gazing at one another, only the king, having 
 rallied his foot, seemed inclined to renew the charge, and 
 began to cannonade them, which they could not return, most 
 of their cannon being nailed while they were in our possession, 
 and all the cannoneers killed or fled, and our gunners did 
 execution upon Sir William Balfour's troops for a good while. 
 My father's regiment being in the right with the prince, I 
 saw little of the fight, but the rout of the enemy's left, and 
 we had as full a victory there as we could desire, but spent 
 too much time in it. We killed about two thousand men in 
 that part of the action, and having totally dispersed them, 
 and plundered their baggage, began to think of our fellows 
 when it was too late to help them. We returned however 
 victorious to the king, just as the battle was over ; the king 
 asked the prince what news ? He told him he could give his 
 majesty a good account of the enemy's horse : Ay, by G — d, 
 says a gentleman that stood by me, and of their carts too. 
 That word was spoken with such a sense of their misfortune, 
 anj made such an impression in the whole army, that it 
 occasioned some ill blood afterwards among us ; and, but that 
 the king took up the business, it had been of ill consequence ; 
 for some person who had heard the gentleman speak it, in- 
 formed the prince who it was, and the prince resenting it, 
 spoke something about it in the hearing of the party when 
 the king was present. The gentleman not at all surprised, 
 told his highness openly, he had said the words ; and though 
 he owned he had no disrespect for his highness, yet he could 
 not but say, if it had not been so, the enemy's army had been 
 better beaten. The prince replied something very disobliging ; 
 upon which the gentleman came up to the king, and kneeling, 
 humbly besought his majesty to accept of his commission, and 
 to give him leave to tell the prince, that, whenever his high- 
 ness pleased, he was ready to give him satisfaction. The 
 prince was exceedingly provoked, and, as he was very pas- 
 sionate, began to tali very oddly, and without aU government 
 of himself. The gentleman, as bold as he, but much calmer, 
 preserved his temper, but maintained his quarrel ; and the 
 king was so concerned, that he was very much out of humour 
 with the prince about it. However, his majesty, upon con- 
 sideration, soon ended the dispute, by laying his commands 
 
138 MEMOIRS OP A CAVALIER. 
 
 on them both to speak no more of it for that day ; and refus- 
 ing the commission from the colonel, for he was no less, sent 
 for them both next morning in private, and made them friends 
 again. 
 
 But to return to our story ; we came back to the king 
 timely enough to put the Earl of Essex's men out of all 
 humour of renewing the fight; and, as I observed before, 
 both parties stood gazing at one another, and our cannon 
 playing upon them, obliged Sir William Balfour's horse to 
 wheel off in some disorder, but they returned us none again ; 
 which, as we afterwards understood, was, as I said before, 
 for want of both powder and gunners ; for the cannoneers and 
 firemen were killed, or had quitted their train in the fight, 
 when our horse had possession of their artillery; and as they 
 had spiked up some of the cannon, so they had carried away 
 fifteen carriages of powder. 
 
 Night coming on, ended all discourse of more fighting ; 
 and the king drew off and marched towards the hiUs. I 
 know no other token of victory which the enemy had, than 
 their lying in the field of battle all night, which they did for 
 no other reason, than that, having lost their baggage and 
 provisions, they had no where to go ; and which we did not, 
 because we had good quarters at hand. 
 
 The number of prisoners and of the slain, were not very 
 unequal; the enemy lost more men, we most of quality. 
 Six thousand men on both sides were killed on the spot, 
 whereof, when our rolls were examined, we missed two 
 thousand five hundred. We lost our brave general the old 
 Earl of Lindsey, who was wounded and taken prisoner, and 
 died of his wounds; Sir Edward Stradling, Colonel Lunds- 
 ford, prisoners ; and Sir Edward Varney, and a great many 
 gentlemen of quality, slain. On the other hand, we carried 
 off Colonel Essex, Colonel Eamsey, and the Lord St. John, 
 who also died of his wounds ; we took five ammunition 
 waggons full of powder, and brought off about five hundred 
 horse in the defeat of the left wing, with eighteen standards 
 and colours, and lost seventeen. 
 
 The slaughter of the left wing was so great, and the flight 
 so effectual, that several of the officers rid clear away, coasting 
 round, and got to London, where they reported, that the parlia- 
 ment army was entirely defeated, all lost, killed, or taken, as 
 if none but them were left alive to carry the news. This 
 
ANOTHER ATTACK ANTICIPATED. 139 
 
 filled them with consternation for a while, but when other 
 messengers followed all was restored to quiet again, and the 
 parliament cried up their victory, and sufficiently mocked 
 God and their general, with their public thanks lor it. 
 Truly, as the fight was a deliverance to them, they were in 
 the right to give thanks for it ; but as to its being a victory, 
 neither side had much to boast of, and they less a great deal 
 than we had. 
 
 I got no hurt in this fight ; and indeed we of the right 
 wing had but httle fighting ; I think I discharged my pistols 
 but once and my carabin twice, for we had more fatigue than 
 fight ; the enemy fled, and we had little to do but to follow, 
 and kill those we could overtake. I spoiled a good horse, 
 and got a better from the enemy, in his room, and came home 
 weary enough. My father lost his horse, and, in the fall, 
 was bruised in his thigh by another horse treading on him, 
 which disabled him for some time, and, at his request, 
 by his majesty's consent, I commanded the regiment in his 
 absence. 
 
 The enemy received a recruit of four thousand men the 
 next morning; if they had not, I believe they had gone 
 back towards Worcester ; but, encouraged by that reinforce- 
 ment, they called a council of war, and had a long debate 
 whether they could attack us again ; but, notwithstanding 
 their great victory, they durst not attempt it, though this 
 addition of strength made them superior to us by three 
 thousand men. 
 
 The king indeed expected, that when these troops joined 
 them they would advance, and we were preparing to receive 
 them at a village called Arno, where the head-quarter 
 continued three or four days ; and, had they really esteemed 
 the first day's work a victory, as they called it, they would 
 have done it, but they thought not good to venture, but 
 marched away to Warwick, and from thence to Coventry. 
 The king, to urge them to venture upon him, and come to a 
 second battle, sits down before Banbury, and takes both 
 town and castle, and makes two entire regiments of foot, and 
 one troop of horse, quit the parliament service, and take up 
 their arms for the king. This was done almost before their 
 faces, which was a better proof of a victory on our side, than 
 they could pretend to. From Banbury we marched to 
 Oxford ; and now all men saw the parliament had made a 
 
140 MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIEB. 
 
 great mistake, for they were not always in the right any 
 more than we, to leave Oxford without a garrison. The king 
 caused new regular works to be drawn round it, and seven 
 royal bastions, with ravelins and outworks, a double ditch, 
 counterscarp, and covered way ; all which, added to the 
 advantage of its situation, made it a formidable place, and 
 from this time it became our place of arms, and the centre 
 of affairs on the king's side. 
 
 If the parliament had the honour of the field, the king 
 reaped the fruits of the victory ; for all this part of the 
 country submitted to him. Essex's army made the best of 
 their way to London, and were but in an ill condition when 
 they came there, especially their horse. 
 
 The parliament, sensible of this, and receiving daily 
 accounts of the progress we made, began to cool a little in 
 their temper, abated of their first rage, and voted an address 
 for peace ; and sent to the king to let him know they were 
 desirous to prevent the effusion of more blood, and to bring 
 things to an accomodation, or, as they called it, a right 
 understanding. 
 
 I was now, by the king's particular favour, summoned to 
 the councils of war, my father continuing absent and ill ; and 
 now I began to think of the real grounds, and, which was 
 more, of the fatal issue of this war. I say, I now began it, 
 for I cannot say that I ever rightly stated matters in my own 
 mind before, though I had been enough used to blood, and to 
 see the destruction of people, sacking of towns, and plunder- 
 ing the country ; yet it was in Germany, and among strangers ; 
 but I found a strange, secret, and unaccountable sadness 
 upon my spirits to see this acting in my own native country. 
 It grieved me to the heart, even in the rout of our enemies, 
 to see the slaughter of them ; and even in the fight, to hear a 
 man cry for quarter in English, moved me to a compassion 
 which I had never been used to ; nay, sometimes it looked to me 
 as if some of my own men had been beaten ; and when I heard 
 a soldier cry, God, I am shot ! I looked behind me to see 
 which of my own troop was fallen. Here I saw myself 
 at the cutting of the throats of my friends ; and indeed 
 some of my near relations. My old comrades and fellow- 
 soldiers in Germany were some with us, some against 
 us, as their opinions happened to differ in religion. For my 
 part, I confess I had not much religion in me at that time; but 
 
VOTE AN ADDRESS FOR PEACE. 141 
 
 I thought religion, rightly practised on both sides, would have 
 made us all better friends ; and, therefore, sometimes I began 
 to think, that both the bishops of our side, and the preachers 
 on theirs, made religion rather the pretence than the cause 
 of the war ; and from those thoughts I vigorously argued it 
 at the council of war against marching to Brentford, while 
 the address for a treaty of peace from the parliament was in 
 hand; for I was for taking the parliament by the handle 
 which they had given us, and entering into a ■egotiation 
 with the advantage of its being at their own request. 
 
 I thought the king had now in his hands an opportunity 
 to make an honourable peace ; for this battle of Edgehill, as 
 much as they boasted of the victory to hearten up their friends, 
 had sorely weakened their army, and discouraged their party 
 too, which in effect was worse as to their army. The horse 
 were particularly in an iU case, and the foot greatly dimi- 
 nished ; and the remainder very sickly. But, besides this, the 
 parliament were greatly alarmed at the progress we made 
 afterwards ; and stiU fearing the king's surprising them, had 
 sent for the Earl of Essex to London, to defend them ; by 
 which the country was, as it were, deserted and abandoned, 
 and left to be plundered ; our parties overrun all places at 
 pleasure. AH this while I considered, that whatever the 
 soldiers of fortune meant by the war, our desires were to sup- 
 press the exorbitant power of a party, to establish our king in 
 his just and legal rights ; but not with a design to destroy the 
 constitution of government, and the being of parliament ; and 
 therefore I thought now was the time for peace, and there 
 were a great many worthy gentlemen in the army of my 
 mind; and, had our master had ears to hear us, the war 
 might have had an end here. 
 
 This address for peace was received by the king at Maiden- 
 head, whither this army was now advanced, and his majesty 
 returned answer by Sir Peter Killegrew, that he desired no- 
 thing more, and would not be wanting on his part. Upon this 
 the parliament named commissioners, and his majesty, except- 
 ing against Sir John Evelyn, they left him out, and sent 
 others ; and desired the king to appoint his residence near 
 London, where the commissioners might wait upon him. 
 Accordingly the king appointed Windsor for the place of 
 treaty, and desired the treaty might be hastened. And thus 
 all things looked with a favourable aspect, when one unlucky 
 
142 MEMOIRS OP A CAVALIER. 
 
 action knocked it all on the head, and filled hoth parties 
 with more implacable animosities than they had before, and 
 all hopes of peace vanished. 
 
 During this progress of the king's armies, we were always 
 abroad with the horse ravaging the country, and plundering 
 the roundheads. Prince Rupert, a most active vigUant party- 
 man, and, I must own, fitter for such than for a general, was 
 never lying still, and I seldom stayed behind ; for our regi- 
 ment being very well mounted, he would always send for us, 
 if he had any extraordinary design in hand. 
 
 One time in particular he had a design upon Aylesbury, 
 the capital of Buckinghamshire ; indeed our view at first 
 was rather to beat the enemy out of the town, and demolish 
 their works, and perhaps raise some contributions on the rich 
 country round it, than to garrison the place, and keep it ; for 
 we wanted no more garrisons, being masters of the field. 
 
 The prince had two thousand five hundred horse with him 
 in this expedition, but no foot ; the town had some foot 
 raised in the country by Mr Hampden, and two regiments of 
 country militia, whom we made light of, but we found they 
 stood to their tackle better than well enough. We came 
 very early to the town, and thought they had no notice of us; 
 but some false brother had given them the alarm, and we 
 found them all in arms, the hedges without the town lined 
 with musketeers, on that side in particular where they 
 expected us, and two regiments of foot drawn up in view to 
 support them, with some horse in the rear of all. 
 
 The prince willing however to do something, caused 
 some of his horse to alight, and serve as dragoons ; and 
 having broken away into the enclosures, the horse beat the 
 foot from behind the hedges, while the rest who were alighted 
 charged them in the lane which leads to the town. Here 
 they had cast up some works, and fired fi-om their lines very 
 regularly, considering them as militia only, the governor 
 encouraging them by his example ; so that finding without 
 some foot there would be no good to be done, we gave it over 
 and drew off"; and so Aylesbury escaped a scouring for that 
 time. 
 
 I cannot deny but these flying parties of horse committed 
 great spoil among the country people ; and sometimes the 
 prince gave a liberty to some cruelties which were not at all 
 for the king's interest ; because, it being still upon our own 
 
THE MISERIES OF CIVIL WAR. 143 
 
 countiy, and the king's own subjects, wliom, in all his decla- 
 rations, he protested to be careful of, it seemed to contradict 
 all those protestations and declarations, and served to aggra- 
 vate and exasperate the common people ; and the king's 
 enemies made all the advantages of it that was possible, by 
 crying out of tvnce as many extravagancies as were com- 
 mitted. 
 
 It is true the king, who naturally abhorred such things, 
 could not restrain his men, no nor his generals, so absolutely 
 as he would have done. The war, on his side, was very much 
 a la voluntier ; many gentlemen served him at their own 
 charge, and some paid whole regiments themselves. Some- 
 times also the king's affairs were straiter than ordinary, and 
 his men were not very well paid, and this obliged him to 
 wink at their excursions upon the country, though he did not 
 approve of them ; and yet, I must own, that in those parts of 
 England where the war was hottest, there never was seen 
 that ruin and depopulation, murders, ravishments, and bar- 
 barities, which I have seen even among protestant armies 
 abroad in Germany, and other foreign parts of the world. 
 And if the parliament people had seen those things abroad, 
 as I had, they would not have complained. 
 
 The most I have seen was plundering the towns for provi- 
 sions, drinking up their beer, and turning our horses into 
 their fields, or stacks of corn ; and sometimes the soldiers 
 would be a little rude with the wenches ; but, alas ! what was 
 this to Count Tilly's ravages in Saxony ? Or what was our 
 taking of Leicester by storm, where they cried out of our 
 barbarities, to the sacking of New Brandenburgh, or the 
 taking of Magdeburgh? In Leicester, of seven or eight 
 thousand people in the town, three hundred were killed ; in 
 Magdeburgh, of twenty-five thousand, scarce two thousand 
 seven hundred were left, and the whole town burnt to ashes. 
 I myself have seen seventeen or eighteen villages on fire in a 
 day, and the people driven away from their dwellings, like 
 herds of cattle ; the men murdered, the women stript. and 
 seven or eight hundred of them together, after they had 
 sufiered all the indignities and abuses of the soldiers, driven 
 stark naked in the winter through the great towns, to seek 
 shelter and relief from the charity of their enemies. I do not 
 instance these greater barbarities to justify the lesser actions, 
 which are nevertheless irregular ; but, I do say, that circum- 
 
144 MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIEB. 
 
 Stances considered, this war was managed with as much 
 humanity on both sides as could be expected, especially also 
 considering the animosity ot parties. 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 COMICAL ADVENTTJRES, IN WHICH A FEMALE CAPTAIN IS 
 
 VICTORIOUS BRAVERY OF THE PARLIAMENT TROOPS AT 
 
 BRENTFORD THE WINTER SPENT IN FRUITLESS TREATIES 
 
 1 AM WOUNDED IN A SKIRMISH WITH THE ENEMY 
 
 FARTHER PROCEEDINGS OF THE ARMIES. 
 
 But to return to the prince; he had not always the same 
 success in these enterprises ; for sometimes we came short 
 home. And I cannot omit one pleasant adventure which 
 happened to a party of ours, in one of these excursions into 
 Buckinghamshire. The major of our regiment was soundly 
 beaten by a party, which, as I may say, was led by a woman ; 
 and, if I had not rescued him, I know not but he had been 
 taken prisoner by a woman. It seems our men had besieged 
 some fortified house about Oxfordshire, towards Tame, and 
 the house being defended by the lady in her husband's 
 absence, she had yielded the house upon a capitulation ; one 
 of the articles of which was to march out with all her 
 servants, soldiers, and goods, and to be conveyed to Tame; 
 whether she thought to have gone no farther, or that she 
 reckoned herself safe there, I know not; but my major, 
 with two troops of horse, meets with this lady and her party, 
 about five miles from Tame, as we were coming back from 
 our defeated attack of Aylesbury. We reckoned ourselves 
 in an enemy's country, and had lived a little at large, or at 
 discretion, as it is called abroad ; and these two troops with 
 the major were returning to our detachment from a little 
 village, where, at the farmer's house, they had met with 
 some liquor, and truly some of his men were so drunk they 
 could but just sit upon their horses. The major himself was 
 not much better, and the whole body were but in a sorry 
 condition to fight. Upon the road they meet this party ; the 
 lady having no design of fighting, and being, as she thought, 
 under the protection of the articles, sounds a parley, and 
 
A FEMALE CAPTAIN VICTORIOUS. 145 
 
 desired to speak with the officer. . The major, as drunk as 
 he was, could tell her, that by the articles she was to be 
 assured no farther than Tame, and being now five miles 
 beyond it, she was a fair enemy, and therefore demanded to 
 render themselves prisoners. The lady seemed surprised ; 
 but being sensible she was in the wrong, offered to compound 
 for her goods, and would have given him 300Z., and, I think, 
 seven or eight horses. The major would certainly have 
 taken it, if he had not been drunk ; but he refused it, and 
 gave threatening words to her, blustering in language which 
 he thought proper to frighten a woman, viz., that he would 
 cut them aU to pieces, and give no quarter, and the like. 
 The lady, who had been more used to the smell of powder 
 than he imagined, called some ot her servants to her, and, 
 consulting with them what to do, they all unanimously 
 encouraged her to let them fight ; told her it was plain that 
 the commander was drunk, and all that tvere with him were 
 rather worse than he, and hardly able to sit their horses ; 
 and that therefore one bold charge would put them all into 
 confusion. In a word, she consented, and, as she was a 
 woman, they desired her to secure herself among the 
 waggons ; but she refused, and told them bravely, she would 
 take her fate with them. In short, she boldly bade my 
 major defiance, and that he might do his worst, since she 
 had offered him fair and he had refused it ; her mind was 
 altered now, and she would give him nothing, and bade his 
 officer that parleyed longer with her, begone; so the parley 
 ended. After this, she gave him fair leave to go back to his 
 men ; but before he could tell his tale to them, she was at 
 his heels, with aU her men, and gave him such a home- 
 charge as put his men into disorder ; and, being too drunk 
 to rally, they were knocked down before they knew what to 
 do VTith themselves ; and in a few minutes more they took to 
 a plain flight. But what was still worse, the men, being 
 some of them very drunk, when they came to run for their 
 lives, fell over one another, and tumbled over their horses, 
 and made such work, that a troop of women might have 
 beaten them all. In this pickle, with the enemy at his heels, 
 I came in with him, hearing the noise; when I appeared, 
 the pursuers retreated, and, seeing what a condition my 
 people were in, and not knowing the strength of the enemy, 
 I contented myself with bringing them off' without pursuing 
 
 VOL. II. ^ 
 
146 MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIER. 
 
 the other; nor could I hear positively who this female 
 captain was. We lost seventeen or eighteen of our men, 
 and about thirty horses ; but, when the particulars ol' the 
 story was told us, our major was so laughed at by the whole 
 army, and laughed at everjivhere, that he was ashamed to 
 show himself for a week or a fortnight after. 
 
 But, to return to the king. His majesty, as I observed, 
 was at Maidenhead addressed by the parliament for peace, 
 and Windsor being appointed for the place of treaty, the van 
 of his army lay at Colnbrook. In the meantime, whether it 
 were true, or only a pretence, but it was reported the 
 parhament-general had sent a body of his troops, with a 
 train of artillery, to Hammersmith, in order to fall upon 
 some part of our army, or to take some advanced post, 
 which was to the prejudice of our men; whereupon, 
 the king ordered the army to march, and, by the favour of a 
 thick mist, came wthin half a mile of Brentford before he 
 was discovered. There were two regiments of foot, and 
 about six hundred horse in the tovm, of the enemy's best 
 troops ; these taking the alarm, posted themselves on the 
 bridge at the west end of the town. The king attacked 
 them with a select detachment of his best infantry, and they 
 defended themselves with incredible obstinacy. I must own, 
 I never saw raw men, for they could not have been in arms 
 above four months, act like them in my life. In short, there 
 was no forcing these men ; for, though two whole brigades 
 of our foot, backed by our horse, made five several attacks 
 upon them, they could not break them, and we lost a great 
 many brave men in that action. At last, seeing the obstinacy 
 of these men, a party of horse was ordered to go round from 
 Osterly ; and, entering the town on the north side, where, 
 though the horse made some resistance, it was not con- 
 siderable ; the town was presently taken. I led my regiment 
 through an enclosure, and came into the town nearer to the 
 bridge than the rest, by which means I got first into the 
 town ; but I had this loss by my expedition, that the foot 
 charged me before the body was come up, and poured in 
 their shot very furiously ; my men were but in an ill case, 
 and would not have stood much longer, if the rest of the 
 horse coming up the lane had not found them other employ- 
 ment. When the horse were thus entered, they immediately 
 dispersed the enemy's horse, who fled away towards London, 
 
BATTLE OP BEENTFOED DISHONC CEABLE. 147 
 
 and falling in sword in hand upon the rear of the foot, who 
 were engaged at the bridge, they were all cut in pieces, 
 except about two hundred, who, scorning to ask quarter, 
 desperately threw themselves into the river Thames, where 
 they were most of them drowned. 
 
 The parliament, and their party, made a great outcry at 
 this attempt; that it was base and treacherous while in a 
 treaty of peace ; and that the king, having amused them 
 with hearkening to a treaty, designed to have seized upon 
 their train of artillery first, and, after that, to have surprised 
 both the city of London and the parliament. And I have 
 observed since, that our historians note this action as contrary 
 to the laws of honour and treaties ; though, as there was no 
 cessation of arms agreed on, nothing is more contrary to the 
 laws of war than to suggest it. 
 
 That it was a very imhappy thing to the king and whole 
 nation, as it broke off the hopes of peace, and was the occa- 
 sion of bringing the Scots' army in upon us, I readily acknow- 
 ledge ; but that there was anything dishonourable in it, I 
 cannot allow : for, though the parliament had addressed to 
 the king for peace, and such steps were taken in it, as before; 
 yet, as I have said, there was no proposal made on either 
 side for a cessation of arms ; and aU the world must allow, 
 that in such cases the war goes on in the field, while the 
 peace goes on in the cabinet. And if the war goes on, admit 
 the king had designed to surprise the city or parliament, or 
 all of them, it had been no more than the custom of war 
 allows, and what they would have done by him, if they 
 could. The treaty of Westphalia, or peace of Munster, which 
 ended the bloody wars of Germany, was a precedent for this. 
 That treaty was actually negotiating seven years, and yet the 
 war went on with all the vigour and rancour imaginable, 
 even to the last : nay, the very time after the conclusion of 
 it, but before the news could be brought to the army, did he 
 that was afterwards King of Sweden, Carolus Gustavus, take 
 -the city of Prague, by surprise, and therein an inestimable 
 booty. Besides, all the wars of Europe are full of examples 
 of this kind ; and, therefore, I cannot see any reason to blame 
 the king for this action as to the fairness of it. Indeed, as to 
 the policy of it, I can say little ; but the case was this, the 
 king had a gallant army, flushed with success, and things 
 hitherto had gone on veiy prosperously, both with his own 
 
 L 2 
 
148 MEMOIES OF A CAVAMER. 
 
 army and elsewhere ; he had above thirty-five thousand men 
 in his own army, including his garrisons left at Banbury, 
 Shrewsbury, Worcester, Oxford, Wallingford, Abingdon, 
 Eoading, and places adjacent. On the other hand, the par- 
 liament army came back to London in but a sorry condition*; 
 for, what with their loss in their victory, as they called it, at 
 Edgehill, their sickness, and a hasty march to London, they 
 were very much diminished ; though at London they soon 
 recruited them again. And this prosperity of the king's 
 affairs might encourage him to strike this blow, thinking to 
 bring the parliament to better terms, by the apprehensions of 
 the superior strength of the king's forces. 
 
 But, however it was, the success did not equally answer 
 the king's expectation ; the vigorous defence the troops posted 
 at Brentford made as above, gave the Earl of Essex oppor- 
 tunity, with extraordinary application, to draw his forces out 
 to Turnham-green ; and the exceeding alacrity of the enemy 
 was such, that their whole army appeared with them, making 
 together an army of twenty-four thousand men, drawn up in 
 view of our forces, by eight o'clock the next morning. The 
 city regiments were placed between the regular troops, and 
 all together offered us battle ; but we were not in a condition 
 to accept it. The king indeed was sometimes of the mind to 
 charge them, and once or twice ordered parties to advance 
 to begin to skirmish, but, upon better 'advice, altered his 
 mind ; and indeed, it was the wisest counsel to defer the 
 fighting at that time. The parliament generals were as unfixed 
 in their resolutions on the other side, as the king : sometimes 
 they sent out parties, and then called them back again. One 
 strong party, of near three thousand men, marched off towards 
 Acton, with orders to amuse us on that side, but were coun- 
 termanded. Indeed, I was of the opinion we might have 
 ventured the battle ; for, though the parliament's army were 
 more numerous, yet the city trained bands, which made up 
 four thousand of then- foot, were not much esteemed, and the 
 king was a great deal stronger in horse than they ; but the 
 main reason that hindered the engagement was want of 
 ammunition, which the king having duly weighed, he caused 
 the carriages and cannon to draw off first, and then the foot, 
 
 • General Ludlow, ia his Memoirs, p. 52, says, "their men returned 
 trom Warwick to London, not like men who had obtained a viotorv but 
 Ulce men that had been beaten." ' 
 
WINTEK SPEKT IN FRUITLESS TREATIES. 149 
 
 the horse continuing to face the enemy till all was clear gone, 
 and then we drew off too, and marched to Kingston, and the 
 next day to Reading. 
 
 Now the king saw his mistake in not continuing his march 
 for London, instead of facing about to fight the enemy at 
 Edgehill. And all the honour we had gained in so many 
 successful enterprises lay buried in this shameful retreat from 
 an army of citizens' wives. For, truly, that appearance at 
 Turnham-green was gay, but not great. There were as many 
 lookers-on as actors ; the crowds of ladies, apprentices, and 
 mob, was so great, that, when the parties of our army ad- 
 vanced, and, as they thought, to charge, the coaches, 
 horsemen, and crowd, that cluttered away, to be out of harm's 
 way, looked little better than a rout ; and I was persuaded a ■ 
 good Lome charge from our horse would have sent their 
 whole army after them : but so it was, that this crowd of an 
 army was to triumph over us, and they did it ; for all the 
 kingdom was carefully informed how their drea,df ul looks had 
 fiightened us away. 
 
 Upon our retreat, the parliament resent this attack, which 
 they call treacherous, and vote no accommodation ; but they 
 considered of it afterwards, and sent six commissioners to the 
 king with propositions ; but the change of the scene of action 
 changed the terms of peace, and now they made terms like 
 conquerers, petition him to desert his army, and return to the 
 parliament, and the like. Had his majesty, at the head of 
 his army, with the full reputation they had before, and in the 
 ebb of their affairs, rested at Windsor, and commenced a 
 treaty, they had certainly made more reasonable proposals , 
 but now the scabbard seemed to be thrown away on both 
 sides. 
 
 The rest of the winter was spent in strengthening parties 
 and places ; also in fruitless treaties of peace, messages, re- 
 monstrances, and paper war, on both sides, and no action 
 remarkable happened anywhere, that I remember. Yet the 
 king gained ground everywhere, and his forces in the north 
 increased under the Earl of Newcastle ; also my Lord Goring, 
 then only called Colonel Goring, arrived from Holland, 
 bringing three ships loaden with arms and ammunition, and 
 notice that the queen was following with more. Goring 
 brought four thousand barrels of gunpowder, and twenty 
 thousand small arms ; all which came very seasonably, lor 
 
150 MEMOIRS OP A CATALIEK. 
 
 the king was in great want of them, especially the powder. 
 Upon this recruit, the Earl of Newcastle draws down to 
 York, and being above a thousand strong, made Sir Thomas 
 Fairfax give ground, and retreat to Hull. 
 
 Whoever lay still, prince Rupert was always abroad, and 
 I chose to go out with his highness as often as I had oppor- 
 tunity ; for hitherto he was always successful. About Ihis 
 time the prince, being at Oxford, I gave him intelligence of 
 a party of the enemy who lived a little at large, too much for 
 good soldiers, about Cirencester : the prince, glad of the 
 news, resolved to attack them ; and though it was a wet 
 season, and the ways exceeding bad, being in February, yet 
 we marched all night in the dark, which occasioned the loss 
 of some horses and men too, in sloughs and holes, which the 
 darkness of the night had suffered them to fall into. We were 
 a very strong party, being about three thousand horse and 
 dragoons, and coming to Cirencester very early in the morn- 
 ing, to our g^at satisfaction the enemy were perfectly sur- 
 prised, not having the least notice of our march, which 
 answered our end more ways than one. However, the Earl 
 of Stamford's regiment made some resistance ; but the town 
 having no works to defend it, saving a slight breastwork at 
 the entrance of the road, with a turnpike, our dragoons 
 alighted, and forcing their way over the bellies of Stamford's 
 foot, they beat them from their defence, and followed them 
 at their heels into the town. Stamford's regiment was entirely 
 cut in pieces, and several others, to the number of about 
 eight hundred men, and the town entered without any other 
 resistance. We took twelve hundred prisoners, three thousand 
 arms, and the county magazine, which at that time was con- 
 siderable; for there was about one hundred and twenty 
 barrels of powder, and all things in proportion. 
 
 I received the first hurt I got in this war, at this action ; 
 lor havmg followed the dragoons, and brought my regiment 
 within the barricado which they had gained, a musket-buUet 
 struck my horse just in the head, and that so efiectuaUy, that 
 he tell down as dead as a stone, all at once. The faU plunged 
 me into a puddle of water, and daubed me, and my man having 
 brought me another horse, and cleaned me a Uttle, I was iust 
 getting up, when another bullet struck me on my left hand 
 which I had just clapped on the horses mane, to lift myself 
 into the saddle. The blow broke one of mv finn-ers and 
 
PEOSPEEITY OF THK KING's .IFFAIES. 151 
 
 trruised my hand very much, and it proved a very painful 
 hurt to me. For the present I did not much concern myself 
 about it, but made my man tie it up close in my handkerchief, 
 and led up my men to the market-place, where we had a very 
 smart brush with some musketeers who were posted in the 
 churchyard ; but our dragoons soon beat them out there, and 
 the whole town was then our own. "We made no stay here, 
 but marched back with all our booty to Oxford, for we knew 
 the enemy were very strong at Gloucester, and that way. 
 
 Much about the same time, the Earl of Northampton, with 
 a strong party, set upon Lichfield, and took the town, but 
 could not take the close ; but they beat a body of four thou- 
 sand men coming to the relief of the town, under Sir John 
 Gell, of Derbyshire, and Sir William Brereton of Cheshire, 
 and killing six hundred of them, dispersed the rest. 
 
 Our second campaign now began to open ; the king marched 
 from Oxford to relieve Reading, which was besieged by the 
 parliament forces ; but Colonel Fielding, lieutenant-governor, 
 Sir Arthur Ashton being wounded, surrendered to Essex 
 before the king could come up ; for which he was tried by 
 martial law, and condemned to die, but the king forbore to 
 execute the sentence. This was the first town we had lost in 
 the war ; for still the success of the king's affairs was very 
 encouraging. This bad news however was overbalanced by 
 an account brought the king at the same time, by an express 
 from York, that the queen had landed in the north, and had 
 brought over a great magazine of arms and ammunition, 
 besides some men. Some time after this, her majesty marching 
 southward to meet the king, joined the army near Edgehill, 
 where the first battle was fought. She brought the king 
 three thousand foot, fifteen hundred horse and dragoons, six 
 pieces of cannon, fifteen hundred barrels of powder, and 
 twelve thousand small arms. 
 
 During this prosperity of the king's affairs, his armies 
 increased mightily in the western counties also. Sir WilUam 
 Waller indeed commanded for the parliament in those parts 
 too, and particularly in Dorsetshire, Hampshire, and Berk- 
 shire, where he carried on their cause but too fast ; but farther 
 west. Sir Nicholas Flamming, Sir Ralph Hopton, and Sir 
 Bevil Greenvil, had extended the king's quarters from Corn- 
 wall through Devonshire, and into Somersetshire, where they 
 took Exeter, Barnstaple, and Biddeford ; and the first of these 
 
152 MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIER. 
 
 they fortified very well, making it a place of arms for the west, 
 and afterwards it was the residence of the queen. 
 
 At last the famous Sir William Waller, and the king's forces 
 met, and came to a pitched battle, where Sir William lost all 
 his honour again. This was at Roundway-down, in Wiltshire. 
 
 Waller had engaged our Cornish army at Lansdown, and 
 in a very obstinate fight had the better of them, and made 
 them retreat to Devizes ; Sir William Hopton, however, 
 having a good body ot foot untouched, sent expresses and 
 messengers, one in the neck of another, to the king for some 
 horse, and the king being in great concern for that army, who 
 were composed of the flower of the Cornish men, commanded 
 me to march with all possible secrecy, as well as expedition, 
 with twelve hundred horse and dragoons from Oxford to join 
 them. We set out in the depth of the night, to avoid, if 
 possible, any intelligence being given of our route, and soon 
 joined with the Cornish army, when it was soon resolved to 
 give battle to Waller ; and, give him his due, he was as 
 forward to fight as we. As it is easy to meet when both sides 
 are willing to be found. Sir William Waller met us upon 
 Eoundway-down, where we had a fair field on both sides, and 
 room enough to draw up our horse. In a word, there was 
 little ceremony to the work; the armies joined, and we 
 charged his horse with so much resolution, that they quickly 
 fled, and quitted the field ; for we over-matched him in horse, 
 and this was the entire destruction of their army : for their 
 infantry, which outnumbered ours by fifteen hundred, were 
 now at our mercy ; some faint resistance they made, just 
 enough to give us occasion to break into their ranks with our 
 horse, where we gave time to our foot to defeat others that 
 stood to their work ; upon which they began to disband, and 
 run every way they could, but our horse having surrounded 
 them, we made a fearful havoc of them. 
 
 We lost not above two hundred men in this action ; WaUer 
 lost above four thousand killed and taken, and as many 
 dispersed that never returned to their colours ; those of foot 
 that escaped got into Bristol, and Waller, with the poor 
 remams of his routed regiments, got to London ; so that it is 
 plam some run east, and some run west, that is to say, they 
 fled every way they could. 
 
 My going with this detachment prevented my being at the 
 Biege of Bristol, which Prince Rupert attacked much about 
 
THE SIEGE OF BRISTOL. 153 
 
 the same time, and it surrendered in three days. The par- 
 liament questioned Colonel Nathaniel Fiennes, the governor, 
 and had him tried as a coward by a court-martial, and con- 
 demned to die, but suspended the execution also, as the king 
 did the governor of Reading. I have often heard Prince 
 Rupert say, they did Colonel Fiennes wrong in that affair ; 
 and that if the colonel would have summoned him, he would 
 have demanded a passport of the parliament, and have come 
 up and convinced the court, that Colonel Fiennes had not 
 misbehaved himself; and that he had not a sufficient garrison 
 to defend a city of that extent ; having not above one thousand 
 two hundred men in the town, excepting some of Waller's 
 runaways, most of whom were unfit for service, and without 
 arms ; and that the citizens in general being disaffected to 
 him, and ready on the first occasion to open the gates to the 
 king's forces, it was impossible for him to have kept the city; 
 and when I had farther informed them, said the prince, of the 
 measures I had taken for a general assault the next day, I am 
 confident I should have convinced them, that I had taken the 
 city by storm, if he had not surrendered. 
 
 The king's affairs were now in a very good posture, and 
 three armies in the north, west, and in the centre, counted 
 in the musters above seventy thousand men, besides small 
 garrisons and parties abroad. Several of the lords, and more 
 of the commons, began to fall off fi'om the parliament, and 
 make their peace with the king ; and the affairs of the par- 
 liament began to look very ill. The city of London was their 
 inexhaustible support and magazine, both for men, money, 
 and all things necessary ; and whenever their army was out 
 of order, the clergy of their party in but one Sunday or two, 
 would preach the young citizens out of their shops, the 
 labourers from their masters, into the army, and recruit them 
 on a sudden ; and all this was still owing to the omission I 
 first observed, of not marching to London, when it might 
 have been so easily effected. 
 
 We had now another, or a fairer opportunity than before, 
 but as iU use was made of it. The king, as I have observed, 
 was in a very good posture ; he had three large armies roving 
 at large over the kingdom. The Cornish army, victorious 
 and numerous, had beaten Waller, secured and fortified 
 Exeter, which the queen had made her residence, and was 
 there delivered of a daughter, the Princess Henrietta Maria, 
 
154 MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIEE. 
 
 afterwards Duchess of Orleans, and mother of the Duchess 
 Dowager of Savoy, commonly known in the French style by 
 the title of Madame Eoyal. They had secured Salisbury, 
 Sherborn Castle, Weymouth, Winchester, and Basing-house, 
 and commanded the whole country, except Bridgewater and 
 Taunton, Plymouth and Lynn ; all which places they held 
 blocked up. The king was also entirely master of all Wales, 
 Monmouthshire, Cheshire, Shropshire, Staffordshire, Worces- 
 tershire, Oxfordshire, Berkshire, and all the towns from 
 Windsor up the Thames to Cirencester, except Reading and 
 Henley ; and of the whole Severn, except Gloucester. 
 
 The Earl of Newcastle had garrisons in every strong place 
 in the north, from Berwick-upon-Tweed, to Boston in Lin- 
 colnshire, and Newark-upon-Trent, Hull only excepted, 
 whither the Lord Fairfax and his son Sir Thomas were 
 retreated, their troops being routed and broken. Sir Thomas 
 Fairfax, his baggage, with his lady and servants, taken 
 prisoners, and himself hardly escaping. 
 
 And now a great council of war was held in the king's 
 quarters, what enterprise to go upon ; and it happened to be 
 the very same day when the parliament were in a serious 
 debate what should become of them, and whose help they 
 should seek ? And indeed they had cause for it ; and had 
 our counsels been as ready and well grounded as theirs, we 
 had put an end to the war in a month's time. 
 
 In this council the king proposed the marching to London, 
 to put an end to the parliament, and encourage his friends 
 and loyal subjects in Kent, who were ready to rise for him ; 
 and showed us letters from the Earl of Newcastle, whereir 
 he offered to join his majesty with a detachment of four 
 thousand horse, and eight thousand foot, if his majesty thought 
 fit to march southward, and yet leave forces sufficient to 
 guard the north from any invasion. I confess, when I saw 
 the scheme the king had himself drawn for this attempt, I 
 felt an unusual satisfaction in my mind, from the hopes that 
 we might bring this war to some tolerable end ; for I pro- 
 fessed myself on all occasions heartily weary of fighting with 
 friends, brothers, neighbours, and acquaintance ; and I made 
 no question, but this motion of the kmg's would effectually 
 bring the parliament to reason. 
 
 All men seemed to like the enterprise but the Earl of 
 Worcester ; who, on particular views for securing the country 
 
THE CITY OF GLOUCESTER BLOCKADED. 155 
 
 tehind, as he called it, proposed the taking in the town of 
 jrloucester and Hereford first. He made a long speech of 
 .he danger of leaving Massey, an active bold fellow, with a 
 Strong party, in the heart of all the king's quarters, ready on 
 all occasions to sally out, and surprise the neighbouring 
 garrisons, as he had done Sudley Castle and others ; and of 
 the ease and freedom to all those western parts, to have them 
 fally cleared of the enemy. Interest presently backs this 
 advice, and aU those gentlemen whose estates lay that way, 
 or whose friends lived about Worcester, Shrewsbury, Bridge- 
 north, or the borders ; and who, as they said, had heard the 
 frequent wishes of the country to have the city of Gloucester 
 reduced, fell in with this advice, alleging the consequence it 
 was of for the commerce of the country, to have the naviga- 
 tion of the Severn free, which was only interrupted by this 
 one town from the sea up to Shrewsbury, dec. 
 
 I opposed this, and so did several others : Prince Eupert 
 was vehemently against it ; and we both offered, with the 
 troops of the county, to keep Gloucester blocked up during 
 the king's march for London, so that Massey should not be 
 able to stir. 
 
 This proposal made the Earl of Worcester's party more 
 eager for the siege than before ; for they had no mind to a 
 blockade, which would lead the county to maintain the troops 
 all the summer ; and of all men, the prince did not please 
 them ; for he having no extraordinary character for discipline, 
 his company was not much desired even by our friends. 
 Thus, in an ill hour, it was resolved to sit down before 
 Gloucester. The king had a gallant army of twenty-eight 
 thousand men, whereof eleven thousand horse, the finest body 
 of gentlemen that ever I saw together in my life ; their horses 
 without comparison, and their equipages the finest and the 
 best in the world, and their persons Englishmen, which, I 
 think, is enough to say of them. 
 
 According to the resolution taken in the council of war, 
 the army marched westward, and sat down before Gloucester 
 the beginning of August. There we spent a month to the 
 least purpose that ever army did ; our men received frequent 
 affronts from the desperate sallies of an inconsiderable enemy. 
 I cannot forbear reflecting on the misfortunes of this siege ; 
 our men were strangely dispirited in all the assaults they 
 
156 MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIEK. 
 
 gave upon the place ; there was something looked like disaster 
 and mismanagement, and our men went on with an ill-will 
 and no resolution. The king despised the place, and meaning 
 to carry it sword in hand, made no regular approaches, and 
 the garrison being desperate, made therefore the greater 
 slaughter. In this work our horse, who were so numerous 
 and so fine, had no employment. Two thousand horse had 
 been enough for this business, and the enemy had no garrison 
 or party within forty miles of us ; so that we had nothing to 
 do but look on with infinite regret, upon the losses of our 
 foot. 
 
 The enemy made frequent and desperate sallies, in one of 
 which I had my share. I was posted upon a parade, or 
 place of arms, with part of my regiment, and part of 
 Colonel Goring's regiment of horse, in order to support a 
 body of foot, who were ordered to storm the point of a 
 breastwork which the enemy had raised to defend one of the 
 avenues to the town. The foot were beat off with loss, as 
 they always were ; and Massey, the governor, not content to 
 have beaten them from his works, sallies out with near four 
 hundred men, and, falling in upon the foot as they were 
 rallying under the cover of our horse, we put ourselves in 
 the best posture we could to receive them. As Massey did 
 not expect, I suppose, to engage with any horse, he had no 
 pikes with him, which encouraged us to treat him the more 
 rudely ; but as to desperate men danger is no danger, when 
 he found he must clear his hands of us before he could 
 despatch the foot, he faces up to us, fires but one volley of 
 his small shot, and feU to battering us with the stocks of 
 their muskets in such a manner that one would have thought 
 they had been madmen. 
 
 We at first despised this way of clubbing us, and, charging 
 through them, laid a great many of them upon the ground ; 
 and, in repeating our charge, trampled more of them under 
 our horses' feet ; and wheeling thus continually, beat them 
 off from our foot, who were just upon the point of dis- 
 banding. Upon this they charged us again with their fire, 
 and at one volley killed thirty-three or thirty-four men and 
 horses ; and had they had pikes with them, I know not what 
 we should have done with them. But at last charging 
 through them agaiu, we divided them ; one part of them, 
 
THE KING S ARMY MUCH DISTRESSED. 157 
 
 being hemmed in between us and our own foot, were cut in 
 pieces to a man ; the rest, as I understood afterwards, re- 
 treated into the town, having lost three hundred of their men. 
 
 In this last charge I received a rude blow trom a stout 
 fellow on foot, with the butt-end of his musket, which per- 
 fectly stunned me and fetched me off from my horse ; and 
 had not some near me took care of me, I had been trod to 
 death by our own men. But the fellow being immediately killed, 
 and my friends finding me alive, had taken me up, and 
 carried me off some distance, where I came to myself again, 
 after some time, but knew little of what I did or said that 
 night. This was the reason why I say I afterwards under- 
 stood the enemy retreated ; for I saw no more what they did 
 then ; nor indeed was I well of this blow for all the rest of 
 the summer, but had fi:equent pains in my head, dizzinesses 
 and swimming, that gave me some fears the blow had in- 
 jured the scull, but it wore off again; nor did it at all hinder 
 my attending my charge. 
 
 This action, I think, was the only one that looked like a 
 defeat given the enemy at this siege ; we killed them near 
 three hundred men, as I have said, and lost about sixty of 
 our troopers. 
 
 All this time, while the king was harassing and weakening 
 the best army he ever saw together during the whole war, 
 the parliament generals, or rather preachers, were recruiting 
 theirs ; for the preachers were better than drummers to raise 
 volunteers, zealously exhorting the London dames to part 
 with their husbands, and the city to send some of their 
 trained-bands to join the army for the relief of Gloucester ; 
 and now they began to advance towards us. 
 
 The king, hearing of the advance of Essex's army, who 
 by this time was come to Aylesbury, had summoned what 
 forces he had within call to join him ; and, accordingly, he 
 received three thousand foot from Somersetshire, and, having 
 battered the town for thirty-six hours, and made a fair 
 breach, resolves upon an assault, if possible to carry the 
 • town before the enemy c^me up. The assault was begun 
 about seven in the evening, and the men boldly mounted the 
 breach ; but, afcer a very obstinate and bloody dispute, were 
 beaten out again by the besieged with great loss. 
 
 Being thus often repulsed, and the Earl of Essex's army 
 approaching, the king calls a council of war, and proposed 
 
.158 MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIER. 
 
 to fight Essex's army. The officers of the horse were for 
 fio'hting; and, without doubt, we were superior to him both 
 in number and goodness of our horse, but the foot were not 
 in an equal condition ; and the colonels of foot representing 
 to the king the weakness of their regiments, and how their 
 men had been baulked and disheartened at this cursed siege, 
 the graver counsel prevailed, and it was resolved to raise the 
 siege, and retreat towards Bristol, till the army was re- 
 cruited. Pursuant to this resolution, the 5th of September, 
 the king, having before sent away his heavy cannon and 
 baggage, raised the siege, and marched to Berkley Castle. 
 The Earl of Essex came the next day to Birdlip hiUs ; and 
 understanding, by messengers from Colonel Massey, that the 
 siege was raised, sends a recruit of two thousand five 
 hundred men into the city, and followed us himself with a 
 great body of horse. 
 
 This body of horse showed themselves to us once in a 
 large field fit to have entertained them in ; and our scouts 
 having assured us they were not above four thousand, and 
 had no foot with them, the king ordered a detachment of 
 about the same number to face them. I desired his majesty 
 to let us have two regiments of dragoons with us, which was 
 then eight hundred men in a regiment, lest there might be 
 some dragoons among the enemy, which the king granted, 
 and accordingly we marched, and drew up in view of them. 
 They stood their ground, having, as they supposed, some 
 advantage of the manner they were posted in, and expected 
 we would charge them. The king, who did us the honour 
 to command this party, finding they would not stir, calls me 
 to him, and ordered me, with the dragoons and my own 
 regiment, to take a circuit round by a village to a certain 
 lane, where in their retreat they must have passed, and 
 which opened to a small common on the flank, with orders, 
 if they engaged, to advance and charge them in the flank. 
 I marched immediately ; but though the country about there 
 was almost_ all enclosures, yet their scouts were so vigilant 
 that they discovered me, and gave notice to the body ; upon 
 which their whole party moved to the left, as if they in- 
 tended to charge me, before the king with his body of horse 
 could come; but the king was too vigilant to be circumvented 
 so ; and, therefore, his majesty, perceiving this, sends away 
 three regiments of horse to second me, and a messenger 
 
THE king's affairs BEGIN TO DECLINE. 159 
 
 before them, to order me to halt, and expect the enemy, for 
 that he would follow with the whole body. 
 
 But before this order reached me, I had halted for some 
 time ; for, finding myself discovered, and not judging it safe 
 to be entirely cut off from the main body, I stopt at the 
 village, and, causing my dragoons to ahght, and line a thick 
 hedge on my left, I drew up my horse just at the entrance 
 into the village, opening to a common ; the enemy came up 
 on the trot to charge me, but were saluted with a terrible 
 fire from the dragoons out of the hedge, which killed them 
 near a hundred men. This being a perfect surprise to them, 
 they halted ; and just at that moment they received orders 
 from their main body to retreat ; the king at the same time 
 appearing upon some small heights in their rear, which 
 obliged them to think of retreating, or coming to a general 
 battle, which was none of their design. 
 
 I had no occasion to foUow them, not being in a condition 
 to attack their whole body; but the dragoons coming out into 
 the common, gave them another voUey at a distance, which 
 reached them effectually ; for it killed about twenty of them, 
 and wounded more; but they drew off, and never fired a shot 
 at us, fearing to be enclosed between two parties, and so 
 marched away to their general's quarters, leaving ten or 
 twelve more of their fellows killed, and about a hundred and 
 eighty horses. Our men, after the country fashion, gave them 
 a shout at parting, to let them see we knew they were afraid 
 of us. 
 
 However, this relieving of Gloucester raised the spirits as 
 well as the reputation of the parliament forces, and was a 
 great defeat to us ; and from this time things began to look 
 with a melancholy aspect ; for the prosperous condition of 
 the king's affairs began to decline. The opportunities he had 
 let slip were never to be recovered ; and the parliament, in 
 their former extremity, having voted an invitation to the Scots 
 to march to their assistance, we had now new enemies to en- 
 counter; and indeed there began the ruin of his majesty's 
 affairs ; for the Earl of Newcastle, not able to defend himself 
 against the Scots on his rear, the Earl of Manchester in his 
 front, and Sir Thomas Fairfax on his flank, was everywhere 
 routed and defeated, and his forces obliged to quit the field tft 
 the enemy. 
 
160 MEMOIRS OF A CAVAIIEE. 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 CROMWELL MAKES HIS APPEAEANCE ON THE STAGE, AND 
 TURNS THE FORTUNE OP THE WAK AGAINST THE KING'3 
 
 PARTY FREQUENT AND DISASTROUS ACTIONS THE SCOTS 
 
 DECLARE FOR THE PARLIAMENT, AND ENTER ENGLAND, 
 
 WITH AN ARMY IN THE NORTH THE KING BRINGS 
 
 IRISH REGIMENTS OVER, WHICH GIVES GREAT DISGUST 
 
 1 AM DETACHED WITH PRINCE EUPEET TO THE RELIEF 
 
 OP YORK, WHICH WE ACCOMPLISH DISASTROUS ACTION 
 
 WITH CROMWELL. 
 
 About this time it was that we first began to hear of one 
 Oliver Cromwell, who, like a little cloud, rose out of the east, 
 and spread first into the north, till it shed down a flood that 
 overwhelmed the three kingdoms 
 
 He first was a private captain of horse, but now commanded 
 a regiment, whom he armed cap-a-pee a la cuirassier ; and 
 joining with the Earl of Manchester, the first action we heard 
 of him, that made him anything famous, was about Grantham, 
 where, with only his own regiment, he defe,<f.'.d twenty-four 
 troops of horse and dragoons of the king's forces : then at 
 Gainsborough, with two rej^nments, his own of horse, and 
 one of dragoons, where he defeated near three thousand of 
 the Earl of Newcastle's men, killed lieutenant-general Caven- 
 dish, brother to the Earl of Devonshire, who commanded 
 them, and relieved Gainsborough ; and though the whole 
 army came in to the rescue, he made good his retreat to Lin- 
 coln with Uttle loss ; and the next week he defeated Sir John 
 Henderson, at Winsby, near Horncastle, with sixteen regi- 
 ments of horse and dragoons, himself having not half that 
 number, killed the Lord Widdrington, Sir Ingram Hopton, 
 and several gentlemen of quality. 
 
 Thus this firebrand of war began to blaze, and he soon 
 grew a terror to the north ; for victory attended him like a 
 page of honour, and he was scarce ever known to be beaten 
 during the whole war. 
 
 Now we began to reflect again on the misfortune of oui 
 master's counsels. Had we marched to London, instead of 
 
KING'S TKOOPS SUEPEISED AT CIRENCESTER. 161 
 
 besieging Gloucester, we had finislied the war with a stroke. 
 The parliament's army was in a most despicable condition, 
 and had never been recruited, had we not given them a 
 month's time, which we lingered away at this fatal town of 
 Gloucester. But it was too late to reflect ; we were a dis- 
 heartened army, but we were not beaten yet, nor broken ; 
 we had a large country to recruit in, and we lost no time, but 
 raised men apace. In the mean time his majesty, after a 
 short stay at Bristol, makes back again towards Oxford with 
 a part of the foot, and all the horse. 
 
 At Cirencester we had a brush again with Essex ; that town 
 owed us a shrewd turn for having handled them coarsely 
 enough before, when Prince Rupert seized the county maga- 
 zine. I happened to be in the town that night with Sir 
 Nicholas Crisp, whose regiment of horse quartered there, 
 with Colonel Spencer, and some foot; my own regiment was 
 gone before to Oxford. About ten at night, a party of 
 Essex's men beat up our quarters by surprise, just as we had 
 served them before ; they fell in with us, just as people 
 were going to bed, and having beaten the outguards, were 
 gotten into the middle of the town, before our men could get 
 on horseback. Sir Nicholas Crisp hearing the alarm, gets up, 
 and, with some of his clothes on, and some off, comes into 
 my chamber. We are all undone, says he, the roundheads 
 are upon us. We had but little time to consult; but being in 
 one of the principal inns in the town, we presently ordered 
 the gates of the inn to be shut, and sent to all the inns where 
 our men were quartered to do the like, with orders, if they 
 had any back-doors, or ways to get out, to come to us. By 
 this means, however, we got so much time as to get on horse- 
 back, and so many of our men came to us by back-ways, that 
 we had near three hundred horse in the yards and places 
 behind the house ; and now we began to think of breaking 
 out by a lane which led from the back part of the inn ; but 
 a new accident determined us another, though a worse way. 
 The enemy being entered, and our men cooped up in the yards 
 of the inns, Colonel Spencer, the other colonel, whose regi- 
 ment of horse lay also in the town, had got on horseback 
 before us and engaged with the enemy, but being overpowered, 
 retreated fighting, and sends to Sir Nicholas Crisp for help. 
 Sir Nicholas, moved to see the distress of his friend, turning 
 to me, says he, What can we do for him 1 I told him I 
 
 VOL. II. M 
 
162 MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIER. 
 
 thought it was time to help him, if possible ; upon which, 
 opening the inn gates, we sallied out in very good order, about 
 three hundred horse ; and several of the troops from other 
 parts of the town joining us, we recovered Colonel Spencer, 
 and charging home, beat back the enemy to their main body. 
 But finding their foot drawn up in the church-yard, and seve- 
 ral detachments moving to charge us, we retreated in as good 
 order as we could. They did not think fit to pursue us, but 
 they took all the carriages which were under the convoy ot 
 this party, and loaden with provisions and ammunition, and 
 above five hundred of our horse. The foot shifted away 
 as well as they could. Thus we made oflF in a shattered con- 
 dition towards Farringdon, and so to Oxford, and I was very 
 glad my regiment was not there. 
 
 We had small rest at Oxford, or indeed anywhere else ; 
 for the king was marched from thence, and we followed him. 
 I was something uneasy at my absence from my regiment, 
 and did not know how the king might resent it, which caused 
 me to ride after them with all expedition. But the armies 
 were engaged that very day at Newbury, and I came in too 
 late. I had not behaved myself so as to be suspected of a 
 wilful shunning the action ; but a colonel of a regiment 
 ought to avoid absence from his regiment in time of fight, be 
 tlie excuse never so just, as carefully as he would a surprise 
 in his quarters. The truth is, it was an error of my own, 
 and owing to two days' stay I made at the Bath, where I met 
 with some ladies who were my relations ; and this is far from 
 being an excuse ; for if the king had been a Gustavus Adol- 
 phus, I had certainly received a check for it. 
 
 This fight was very obstinate, and could our horse have 
 come to action as freely as the foot, the parliament army had 
 suffered much more ; for we had here a much better body of 
 horse than they, and we never failed beating them where the 
 weight of the work lay upon the horse. 
 
 Here the city trained-bands, of which there were two 
 regiments, and whom we used to despise, fought very well. 
 They lost one of their colonels, and several oflicers in the 
 action ; and I heard our men say, they behaved themselves 
 as well as any forces the parliament had. 
 
 The parliament cried victory here too, as they always did ; 
 and, indeed, where the foot were concerned they had some 
 advantage; but our horse defeated th^m evidently. The 
 
DEATH OF THE EAEL OP CAENARVON. 163 
 
 king drew up his army in battalia, in person, and faced them 
 all the next day, inviting them to renew the fight, but they 
 liad no stomach to come on again. 
 
 It was a kind of a hedge-fight, for neither army was 
 drawn out in the field ; if it had, it would never have held 
 from six in the morning till ten at night. But they fough 
 tor advantages ; sometimes one side had the better, sometimes 
 another. They fought twice through the tdwn, in at one end, 
 and out at the other, and in the hedges and lanes with 
 exceeding fury. The king lost the most men, his foot having 
 suffered for want of the succour of their horse, who, on two 
 several occasions could not come at them. But the parlia- 
 ment foot suffered also, and two regiments were entirely cut 
 in pieces, and the king kept the field. 
 
 Essex, the parliament general, had the pillage of the dead, 
 apd left us to bury them ; for while we stood all day to our 
 arms, having given them a fair field to fight us in, their 
 camp rabble stript the dead bodies, and they not daring to 
 venture a second engagement with us, marched away towards 
 London. 
 
 The king lost in this action the Earls of Carnarvon and 
 Sunderland, the Lord Falkland, a French marquis, and some 
 very gallant officers, and about twelve hundred men. The 
 Earl of Carnarvon was brought into an inn in Newbury, 
 where the king came to see him. He had just life enough to 
 speak to his majesty, and died in his presence. The king was 
 exceedingly concerned for him, and was observed to shed 
 tears at the sight of it. We were indeed all of us troubled 
 for the loss of so brave a gentleman, but the concern our 
 royal master discovered moved us more than ordinary. 
 Everybody endeavoured to have the king out of the room, 
 but he would not stir from the bed-side till he saw all hopes 
 of life were gone. 
 
 The indefatigable industry of the king, his servants and 
 friends, continually to supply and recruit his forces, and to 
 harass and fatigue the enemy, was such, that we should still 
 have given a good account of the war, had the Scots stood 
 neuter. But bad news came every day out of the north ; as 
 for other places, parties were always in action ; Sir Wilham 
 Waller and Sir Ralph Hopton beat one another by turns ; 
 and Sir Ralph had extended the king's quarters from 
 Launceston in Cornwall, to Farnham in Surrey, where he 
 
 M 2 
 
1|)4 MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIER. 
 
 gave Sir William Waller a Mib, and drove him into the 
 castle. 
 
 But in the north the storm grew thick, the Scots advanced 
 to the borders, and entered England, in confederacy with the 
 parliament, against their king; for which the parliament 
 requited them afterwards as they deserved. 
 
 Had it not been for the Scotch army, the parliament had 
 easily been reduced to terms of peace ; but after this they 
 never made any proposals fit for the king to receive. Want 
 of success before had made them differ among themselves : 
 Essex and Waller could never agree ; the Earl of Manchester 
 and the Lord Willoughby difi'ered to the liighest degree ; and 
 the king's aftairs went never the worse for it. But this 
 storm in the north ruined us all ; for the Scots prevailed in 
 Yorkshire, and being joined with Fairfax, Manchester, and 
 Cromwell, carried all before them ; so that the king was 
 obliged to send Prince Rupert, with a body of four thousand 
 horse, to the assistance of the Earl of Newcastle, where that 
 prince finished the destruction of the king's interest, by the 
 rashest and unaccountablest action in the world, of which I 
 shall speak in its place. 
 
 Another action of the king's, though in itself no greater a 
 cause of offence than the calling the Scots into the nation, 
 gave great offence in general, and even the king's own friends 
 disliked it ; and was carefully improved by his enemies to 
 the disadvantage of the king, and of his cause. 
 
 The rebels in Ireland had, ever since the bloody massacre 
 of the protestants, maintained a war against the English, 
 and the Earl of Ormond was general and governor for the 
 king. The king finding his affairs pinch him at home, sends 
 orders to the Earl of Ormond to consent to a cessation of 
 arms with the rebels, and to ship over certain of his regiments 
 hither to his majesty's assistance. It is true, the Irish had 
 deserved to be very illtreated by the English ; but while the 
 parliament pressed the king with a cruel and unnatural war at 
 home, and called in an army out of Scotland to support their 
 quarrel with their king, I could never be convinced that it was 
 such a dishonourable action for the king to suspend the 
 correction of his Irish rebels, till he was in a capacity to do 
 it with safety to himself, or to delay any farther assistance 
 to preserve himself at home; and the troops he recalled 
 being his own, it was no breach of his honour to make uss 
 
THE KING BEINGS IRISH REGIMENTS OVER. 165 
 
 of them, since he now wanted them for his own security, 
 against those who fought against him at home. 
 
 But the king was persuaded to make one step farther, and 
 that, I confess, was unpleasing to us all ; and some of his 
 best and most faithful servants took the freedom to speak 
 plainly to him of it ; and that was, bringing some regiments 
 of the Irish themselves over. This cast, as we thought, an 
 odium upon our whole nation, being some of those very 
 wretches who had dipt their hands in the innocent blood of 
 the protestants, and, with unheard-of butcheries, had massa- 
 cred so many thousands of English in cool blood. 
 
 Abundance of gentlemen forsook the king upon this score ; 
 and, seeing they could not brook the fighting in conjunction 
 with this wicked generation, came into the declaration of the 
 parliament, and making composition for their estates, lived 
 retired lives all the rest of the war, or went abroad. 
 
 But as exigencies and necessities oblige us to do things 
 which at other times we would not do, and is, as to man, 
 some excuse for such things ; so I cannot but think the 
 guilt and dishonour of such an action must lie, very much of it at 
 least, at their doors who drove the king to these necessities and 
 distresses, by calling in an army of his own subjects, whom he 
 had not injured, but had complied with them in everything, to 
 make war upon him without any provocation. 
 
 As to the quarrel between the king and his parliament, 
 there may something be said on both sides ; and the king 
 saw cause himself to disown and dislike some things he had 
 done, which the parliament objected against, such as levying 
 money without consent of parliament, infractions on their 
 privileges, and the like. Here, I say, was some room for an 
 argument, at least ; and concessions on both sides were need- 
 ful to come to a peace ; but for the Scots, all their demands 
 had been answered, all their grievances had been redressed, 
 they had made articles with their sovereign, and he had per- 
 formed those articles ; their capital enemy, episcopacy, was 
 abolished ; they had not one thing to demand of the king 
 which he had not granted ; and, therefore, they had no more 
 cause to take up arms against their sovereign, than they had 
 against the grand signior. But it must for ever lie against 
 them as a brand of infamy, and as a reproach on their whole 
 nation, that, purchased by the parliament's money, they sold 
 their honesty, and rebelled against theu- king for hire ; and it 
 
166 MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIEE. 
 
 was not many years before, as I have said abeady, they were 
 tally paid the wages of their unrighteousness, and chastised 
 tor their treachery, by the very same people whom they thus 
 basely assisted ; then they would have retrieved it, if it had 
 not been to late. 
 
 But I could not but accuse this age of injustice and parti- 
 ality, who, while they reproached the king for his cessation 
 of arms with the Irish rebels, and not prosecuting them with 
 the utmost severity, though he was constrained by th(s 
 necessities of the war to do it, could yet, at the same time, 
 iustity the Scots taking up arms in a quarrel they had no 
 concern in, and against their own king, with whom they had 
 articled and capitulated, and who had so punctually complied 
 with all their demands, that they had no claim upon him, no 
 grievances to be redressed, no oppression to cry out of, nor 
 could ask anything of him which he had not granted. 
 
 But as no action in the world is so vile, but the actors can 
 cover with some specious pretence, so the Scots, now passing 
 into England, publish a declaration to justify their assisting 
 the parliament : to which I shall only say, in my opinion, it 
 was no justification at all ; for, admit the parliament's quarrel 
 had been never so just, it could not be just in them to aid 
 them, because it was against their own king too, to whom 
 they had sworn allegiance, or at least had crowned him, and 
 thereby had recognised his authority ; for if mal-administra- 
 tion be, according to Prynne's doctrine, or according to their 
 own Buchanan, a sufficient reason for subjects to take up arms 
 against their prince, the breach of his coronation oath being 
 supposed to dissolve the oath of allegiance, which, however, 
 I cannot believe ; yet this can never be extended to make it 
 lawful, that because a King of England may, by mal-adminis- 
 tration, discharge the subjects of England from their allegiance, 
 that therefore the subjects of Scotland may take up arms 
 against the King of Scotland, he having not infringed 
 the compact of government as to them, and they having 
 nothing to complain of for themselves : thus I thought their 
 own arguments were against them, and heaven seemed to 
 concur with it ; for although they did carry the cause for the 
 EngUsh rebels, yet the most of them left their bones here in 
 the quarrel. 
 
 But what signifies reason to the drum and the trumpet. 
 The parliament had the supreme argument with those men, 
 
THE SCOTS ENTER ENGLAND. 167 
 
 viz., the money ; and having accordingly advanced a good 
 round sum, upon payment of this (for the Scots would" not 
 stir a foot vsdthout it), they entered England on the 1.5th of 
 January, 1643, with an army of twelve thousand men, under 
 the command of old Lesley, now Earl of Leven, an old soldier 
 of great experience, having been bred to arms from a youth, 
 in the service of the Prince of Orange. 
 
 The Scots were no sooner entered England, but they were 
 joined by all the friends to the parliament party in the north ; 
 and first. Colonel Grey, brother to the Lord Grey, joined 
 them with a regiment of horse, and several out of Westmore- 
 land and Cumberland, and so they advanced to Newcastle, 
 which they summoned to surrender. The Earl of Newcastle, 
 who rather saw than was able to prevent this storm, was in 
 Newcastle, and did his best to defend it; but the Scots, 
 increased by this time to above twenty thousand, lay close 
 siege to the place, which was but meanly fortified ; and having 
 repulsed the garrison upon several sallies, and pressing the 
 place very close ; after a siege of twelve days, or thereabouts, 
 they enter the town sword in hand. The Earl of Newcastle 
 got away, and afterwards gathered what forces together he 
 could ; but not strong enough to hinder the Scots from advanc- 
 ing to Durham, which he quitted to them, nor to hinder the 
 conjunctioia of the Scots with the forces of Fairfax, Manchester, 
 and CromweU. Whereupon the Earl seeing all things thus 
 going to wreck, he sends his horse away and retreats with his 
 foot into York, making all necessary preparations for a 
 vigorous defence there, in case he should be attacked, which 
 he was pretty sure of, as indeed afterwards happened. York 
 was in a very good posture of defence ; the fortifications very 
 regular, and exceeding strong ; well furnished with provisions : 
 and had now a garrison of twelve thousand men in it. The 
 governor under the Earl of Newcastle was Sir Thomas 
 Glenham, a good soldier, and a gentleman brave enough. 
 
 The Scots, as I have said, having taken Durham, Tyne- 
 mouth Castle, and Sunderland, and being joined by Sir Thomas 
 Fairfax, who had taken Selby, resolve, with their united 
 strength, to besiege York ; but when they came to view the 
 city, and saw a plan of the works, and had intelligence of the 
 strength of the garrison, they sent expresses to Manchester 
 and Cromwell for help, who came on, and joined them with 
 
168 MjiJIOIRS Oi? A CAVALIER. 
 
 nine thousand, making together about thirty thousand men, 
 rather more than less. 
 
 Now had the Earl of Newcastle's repeated messengers 
 convinced the king, that it was absolutely necessary to send 
 some forces to his assistance, or else all would be lost in the 
 north. Whereupon Prince Rupert was detached with orders 
 first to go into Lancashire, and relieve Latham-house, defended 
 by the brave Countess of Derby ; and then, taking all the 
 forces he could collect in Cheshire, Lancashire, and York- 
 shire, to march to relieve York. 
 
 The prince marched from Oxford with but three regiments 
 of horse, and one of dragoons, making in all about two 
 thousand eight hundred men. The colonels of horse were 
 Colonel Charles Goring, the Lord Biron, and myself; the 
 dragoons were of Colonel Smith. In our march, we were 
 joined by a regiment of horse from Banbury, one of dragoons 
 from Bristol, and three regiments of horse from Chester : so 
 that when we came into Lancashire we were about five 
 thousand horse and dragoons. These horse we received from 
 Chester were those who having been at the siege of 
 Nantwich were obliged to raise the siege by Sir Thomas 
 Fairfax ; and the foot having yielded, the horse made good 
 their retreat to Chester, being about two thousand ; of whom 
 three regiments now joined us. 
 
 We received also two thousand foot from West Chester, 
 and two thousand more out of Wales ; and -"vith this strength 
 we entered Lancashire. We had not much time to spend, 
 and a great deal of work to do. 
 
 Bolton and Liverpool felt the first fury of our prince. At 
 Bolton, indeed, he had some provocation ; for here we were 
 like to be beaten off. When first the prince came to the 
 town, he sent a summons to demand the town for the king, 
 but received no answer but from their guns, commanding the 
 messenger to keep off at his peril. They had raised some 
 works about the town ; and having by their intelligence 
 learned that we had no artillery, and were only a flpng 
 party, so they called us, they contemned the summons, and 
 showed themselves upon their ramparts ready for us. The 
 prince was resolved to humble them, if possible, and takes up 
 his quarters close to the town. In the evening, he orders 
 me to advance with one regiment of dragoons, and my hors«, 
 
ATTACK UPON BOLTON, LANCASHIRE. 169 
 
 to bring them off, if occasion was, and to post myself as 
 near as possibly I coidd to the lines, yet so as not to be 
 discovered ; and at the same time having concluded what 
 part of the works to fall upon, he draws up his men on two 
 other sides, as if he would storm them there ; and on a 
 signal, I was to begin the real assault on my side, with my 
 dragoons. I had got so near the town with my dragoons, 
 making them creep upon their bellies a great way, that we 
 could hear the soldiers talk on the walls, when the prince, 
 believing one regiment would be too few, sends me word, 
 that he had ordered a regiment of foot to help, and that I 
 should not discover myself tiU they were come up to me. 
 This broke our measures ; for the march of this regiment 
 was discovered by the enemy, and they took the alarm. 
 Upon this I sent to the prince, to desire he would put oft 
 the storm for that night, and I would answer for it the next 
 day; but the prince was impatient, and sent orders we should 
 fall on as soon as the foot came up to us. The foot marched 
 out of the way, missed us, and fell in with the road that 
 leads to another part of the town ; and being not able to 
 find us, make an attack upon the town themselves ; but the 
 defendants being ready for them, received them very warmly, 
 and beat them off with great loss. I was at a loss now 
 what to do ; for hearing the guns, and by the noise knowing 
 it was an assault upon the town, I was very uneasy to have 
 my share in it; but as I had learnt under the king of Sweden 
 punctually to adhere to the execution of orders, and my 
 orders being to lie stiU tiU the foot came up vrith me, I would 
 not stir if I had been sure to have done never so much 
 service ; but however, to satisfy myself, I sent to the prince 
 to let him know that I continued in the same place, expecting 
 the foot, and none being yet come, I desired farther orders. 
 The prince was a little amazed at this; and finding there 
 must be some mistake, came galloping away in the dark to 
 the place, and drew off the men ; which was no hard matter, 
 for they were willing enough to give it over. 
 
 As for me, the prince ordered me to come off so privately, 
 as not to be discovered if possible, which I effectually did : 
 and so we were baulked for that night. The next day the 
 prince fell on upon another quarter with three regiments of 
 foot, but was beaten off -mth. loss ; and the like a third time. 
 At last, the prince resolved to carry it, doubled his numbers, 
 
170 MEMOIRS OF A OATALIER. 
 
 and renewing the attack with fresh men, the foot entered the 
 town over their works, killing, in the first heat of the action, 
 all that came in their way; some ol the foot at the same time 
 letting in the horse; and so the town was entirely won. 
 There was about six hundred of the enemy killed, and we 
 lost above four hundred in all, which was owing to the 
 foolish mistakes we made. Our men got some plunder here, 
 which the parliament made a great noise about ; but it was 
 their due, and they bought it dear enough. 
 
 Liverpool did not cost us so much, nor did we get so much 
 by it, the people having sent their women and children, and 
 best goods, on board the ships in the road ; and as we had 
 no boats to board them with, we could not get at them. 
 Here, as at Bolton, the town and fort was taken by storm, 
 and the garrison were many of them cut in pieces, which, by 
 the way, was their own faults. 
 
 Our next step was Latham-house, which the Countess of 
 Derby had gallantly defended above eighteen weeks, against 
 the parliament forces ; and this lady not only encouraged her 
 men by her cheerful and noble maintenance of them, but by 
 examples of her own undaunted spirit, exposing herself upon 
 the walls in the midst of the enemy's shot, would be with 
 her men in the greatest dangers ; and she well deserved our 
 care of her person; for the enemy were prepared to use her 
 very rudely, if she fell into their hands. 
 
 Upon our approach, the enemy drew off; and the prince 
 not only effectually relieved this vigorous lady, but left her 
 a good quantity of all sorts of ammunition, three great guns, 
 five hundred arms, and two hundred men, commanded by a 
 major, as her extraordinary guard. 
 
 Here the way being now opened, and our success answer- 
 ing our expectation, several bodies of foot came into us from 
 Westmoreland, and from Cumberland ; and here it was that 
 the prince found means to surprise the town of Newcastle- 
 upon-Tyne, which was recovered for the king, by the 
 management of the mayor of the town, and s°ome loyal 
 gentlemen of the country, and a garrison placed there an-idn 
 for the king. ° 
 
 But our main design being the relief of York, the prince 
 advanced that way apace, his army still increasing; and 
 bemg jomed by the Lord Goring, from Uichmondshire, with 
 four thousand horse, which were the same the Earl of 
 
ACCOMPLISH THE RELIEF OF YORK. 171 
 
 NeTTcastle had sent away when he threw himself into 
 York with the infantry. We were now eighteen thousand 
 effective men, whereof ten thousand horse and dragoons ; so 
 the prince, full of hopes, and his men in good heart, holdly 
 marched directly for York. 
 
 The Scots, as much surprised at the taking of Newcastle, 
 as at the coming of their enemy, began to inquire which way 
 they should get home if they should be beaten ; and calling a 
 council of war, they all agreed to laise the siege. The 
 prince, who drew with him a great train of carriages charged 
 with provision and ammunition, for the relief of the city, like 
 a wary general, kept at a distance from the enemy, and 
 fetching a great compass about, brings all safe into the city, 
 and enters into York himself with all his army. 
 
 No action of this whole war had gained the prince so 
 much honour, or the king's affairs so much advantage as 
 this, had the prince but had the power to have restrained 
 his courage after this, and checked his fatal eagerness for 
 fighting. Here was a siege raised, the reputation of the 
 enemy justly stirred, a city relieved and furnished with all 
 things necessary, in the face of an army, superior in number 
 by near ten thousand men, and commanded by a triumvirate 
 of Generals Leven, Fairfax, and Manchester. Had the 
 pTince but remembered the proceeding of the great duke of 
 Parma at the relief of Paris, he would have seen the relieving 
 the city was his business ; it was the enemy's business to 
 fight, if possible ; it was his to avoid it ; for having delivered 
 the city, and put the disgrace of raising the siege upon the 
 enemy, he had nothing farther to do, but to have waited till 
 he had seen what course the enemy would take, and taken 
 his farther measures from their motion. 
 
 But the prince, a continual friend to precipitant counsels, 
 would hear no advice ; I entreated him not to put it to the 
 hazard ; I told him, that he ought to consider, if he lost the 
 day, he lost the kingdom, and took the crown off from the 
 king's head. I put him in mind that it was impossible those 
 three generals should continue long together; and that, if 
 they did, they would not agree long in their counsels ; which 
 would be as well for us as their separating. It was plain 
 Manchester and Cromwell must return to the associated 
 counties, who would not suffer them to stay, for fear the 
 king should attempt them; that he could subsist well enough, 
 
172 MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIEB. 
 
 having York city and river at his back ; but the Scots would 
 eat up the country, make themselves odious, and dwindle 
 away to nothing, if he would but hold them at bay a little ; 
 other general officers were of the same mind ; but all I could 
 say, or they either, to a man deaf to anything but his own 
 courage, signified nothing. He would draw out and fight, 
 there was no persuading him to the contrary, unless a man 
 would run the risk of being upbraided with being a coward, 
 and afraid of the work. The enemy's army lay on a large 
 common, called Marston-moor, doubtful what to do. Some 
 were for fighting the prince, the Scots were against it, being 
 uneasy at having the garrison of Newcastle at their backs ; 
 but the prince brought their councils of war to a result ; for 
 he let them know they must fight him, whether they would 
 or no ; for the prince being, as before, eighteen thousand 
 men, and the Earl of Newcastle having joined him with eight 
 thousand foot out of the city, were marched in quest of the 
 enemy ; had entered the moor in view of their army, and began 
 to draw up in order of battle ; but the night coming on, the 
 armies only viewed each other at a distance for that time. 
 We lay all night upon our arms, and with the first of the day 
 were in order of battle ; the enemy was getting ready, but 
 part of Manchester's men were not in the field, but lay about 
 three miles off, and made a hasty march to come up. 
 
 The prince's army was exceedingly well managed ; he 
 himself commanded the left wing, the Earl of Newcastle the 
 right wing ; and the Lord Goring, as general of the foot, 
 assisted by Major-general Porter and Sir Charles Lucas, led 
 the main battle. I had prevailed with the prince, according 
 to the method of the King of Sweden, to place some small 
 bodies of musketeers in the intervals of his horse, in the left 
 wing, but could not prevail upon the Earl of Newcastle to 
 do it in the right ; which he afterwards repented. In this 
 posture we stood facing the enemy, expecting they would 
 advance to us, which at last they did ; and the prince began 
 the day by saluting them with his artillery, which being 
 pkced very well, galled them terribly for a quarter of an 
 hour ; they could not shift their front, so they advanced the 
 hastier to get within our great guns, and consequently out of 
 their danger, which brought the fight sooner on. 
 
 The enemy's army was thus ordered ; Sir Thomas Fairfax 
 had the right wing, in which was the Scots' horse, and tha 
 
DISASTROUS ACTION WITH CROMWELL. 173 
 
 horse of his own and liis father's army ; Cromwell led the left 
 wing, with his own and the Earl of Manchester's horse ; and 
 the three generals, Lesley, old Fairfax, and Manchester, led 
 the main battle. 
 
 The prince, with our left wing, fell on first, and, with his 
 usual fury, broke, like a clap of thunder, into the right wing 
 of the Scots' horse, led by Sir Thomas Fairfax, and as 
 nothing could stand in his way, he broke through and through 
 them, and entirely routed them, pursuing them quite out of 
 the field. Sir Thomas Fairfax, with a regiment of lances, 
 and about five hunctred of his own horse, made good the 
 ground for some time ; but our musketeers, which, as I said, 
 were placed among our horse, were such an unlooked-for 
 sort of an article, in a fight among the horse, that those 
 lances, which otherwise were brave fellows, were mowed 
 down with their shot, and all was put into confusion. Sir 
 Thomas Fairfax was wounded in the face, his brother killed, 
 and a great slaughter was made of the Scots, to whom, I 
 confess, we showed no favour at all. 
 
 While this was doing on our left, the Lord Goring, with 
 the main battle, charged the enemy's foot ; and particularly 
 one brigade, commanded by Major-general Porter, being 
 mostly pikemen, not regarding the fire of the enemy, charged 
 with that fury in a close body of pikes, that they overturned 
 all that came in their way, and breaking into the middle of 
 the enemy's foot, filled all with terror and confusion, inso- 
 much that the three generals thinking all had been lost, fled, 
 and quitted the field. 
 
 But matters went not so well with that always unfortunate 
 gentleman, the Earl of Newcastle, and our right wing of 
 horse ; for Cromwell charged the Earl of Newcastle with a 
 powerful body of horse ; and though the earl, and those about 
 him, did what men could do, and behaved themselves with 
 all possible gallantry, yet there was no withstanding Crom- 
 well's horse ; but, like Prince Rupert, they bore down all 
 before them ; and now the victory was wrung out of our 
 hands by our own gross miscarriage ; for the prince, as it was 
 his custom, too eager in the chase of the enemy, was gone, 
 and could not be heard of; the foot in the centre, the right 
 wmg of the horse being routed by Cromwell, was left, and 
 without the guard of his horse. Cromwell having routed 
 the Earl of Newcastle, and beaten him quite out of the field, 
 
174 MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIER. 
 
 and Sir Thomas Fairfax rallying his dispersed troops, tliey 
 lall all together upon the foot. General Lord Goring, like 
 himself, fought like a lion ; but forsaken of his horse, was 
 hemmed in on all sides, and overthrown ; and an hour after 
 this, the prince, returning too late to recover his friends, was 
 obliged with the rest to quit the field to conquerors. 
 
 This was a tatal day to the king's affairs, and the risk too 
 much tor any man in his wits to run ; we lost four thousand 
 men on the spot, three thousand prisoners, among whom 
 was Sir Charles Lucas, Major-general Porter, Major-general 
 Teller, and about one hundred and seventy gentlemen of 
 quality. We lost all our baggage, twenty-five pieces of 
 cannon, three huudred carriages, one hundred and fifty bar- 
 rels of powder, and ten thousand arms. 
 
 The prince got into York with the Earl of Newcastle, and 
 a great many gentlemen, and seven or eight thousand of the 
 men, as well horse as foot. 
 
 CHAPTER XIIL 
 
 NARROW ESCAPE FROM THE BATTLE DANGERS OP OUR 
 
 RETREAT TWO OF OUR PARTY AND MYSELF DISGUISE 
 
 OURSELVES, AND GO TO LEEDS TO LEARN NEWS 
 
 ENGAGEMENT WITH THE COUNTRY FELLOWS ON OUR RE- 
 TURN OUR PARTY ATTEMPTS TO JOIN PRINCE RUPERT 
 
 ADVENTURES ON THE ROAD WE JOIN THE PRINCE AT 
 
 KENDAL, IN WESTMORELAND. 
 
 I HAD but very coarse treatment in this fight ; for returning 
 with the prince from the pursuit of the right \Ting, and find- 
 ing all lost, I halted, with some other officers, to consider 
 what to do ; at first we were for making our retreat in a 
 body, and might have done so well enough, if we had known 
 what had happened before we saw ourselves in the middle of 
 the enemy ; for Sir Thomas Fairfax, who had got together 
 his scattered troops, and joined by some of the left wing, 
 knowing who we were, charged us with great fury. It was 
 not a time to think of anything but getting away, or dying 
 upon the spot; the prince kept on in the front, and Sir 
 Thomas Fairfax, by tliis charge, cut off about three regiments 
 
SOME OF THE king's TEOOPS MUCH PERPLEXED. 175 
 
 of US from our body, but bending his main strength at the 
 prince, left us, as it were, behind him, in the middle of the 
 field oi battle. We took this for the only opportunity we 
 could have to get off, and joining together, we made across 
 the place of battle in as good order as we could, with our 
 carabines presented. In this posture we passed by several 
 bodies of the enemy's foot, who stood with their pikes charged 
 to keep us off; but they had no occasion, for we had no 
 design to meddle with them, but to get from them. Thus we 
 made a swift march, and thought ourselves pretty secure ; 
 but our work was not done yet, for, on a sudden, we saw 
 ourselves under a necessity of fighting our way through a 
 great body of Manchester's horse, who came galloping upon 
 us over the moor. They had, as we suppose, been pursuing 
 some of our broken troops which were fled before, and seeing 
 us, they gave us a home charge. We received them as well 
 as we could, but pushed to get through them, which at last 
 we did with a considerable loss to them. However, we lost 
 so many men, either killed or separated from us (for all 
 could not follow the same way), that of our three regiments 
 we could not be above four hundred horse together when we 
 got quite clear, and these were mixt men, some of one troop 
 and regiment, some of another. Not that I believe many of 
 us were killed in the last attack, for we had plainly the better 
 of the enemy ; but our design being to get off, some shitted 
 for themselves one way, and some another, in the best manner 
 they could, and as their several fortunes guided them. Four 
 hundred more of this body, as I afterwards understood, having 
 broke through the enemy's body another way, kept together, 
 and got into Pontefract Castle, and three hundred more made 
 northward, and to Skipton, where the prince afterwards 
 fetched them off. 
 
 These few of us that were left together, with whom I was, 
 being now pretty clear of pursuit, halted, and began to 
 inquire who and what we were, and what we should do ; and 
 on a short debate, I proposed we should make to the first 
 garrison of the king's that we could recover, and that we 
 should keep together, lest the country -people should insult us 
 upon the roads. With this resolution we pushed on west- 
 ward for Lancashire ; but our misfortunes were not yet at an 
 end : we travelled very hard, and got to a village upon the 
 river Wharf, near Wetherby. At Wetherby there was a 
 
176 MEJIOIES OP A CAVALIEH. 
 
 bridge, but we understood that a party from Leeds had 
 secured the town and the post, in order to stop the flying 
 cavaliers, and that it would be very hard to get through 
 there, though, as we understood afterwards, there were no 
 soldiers there but a guard of the townsmen. In this pickle 
 we consulted what course to take ; to stay where we were 
 till morning, we all concluded would not be safe; some 
 advised to take the stream with our horses, but the river, 
 which is deep, and the current strong, seemed to bid us have 
 a care what we did of that kind, especially in the night. We 
 resolved therefore to refresh ourselves and our horses, which 
 indeed is more than we did, and go on till we might come to 
 a ford or bridge, where we might get over. Some guides we 
 had, but they either were foolish or false, for after we had 
 rid eight or nine miles, they plunged us into a river at a place 
 they called a ford, but it was a very ill one, for most of our 
 horses swam, and seven or eight were lost, but we saved the 
 men ; however, we got all over. 
 
 "We made bold with our first convenience to trespass upon 
 the country for a few horses, where we could find them, to 
 remount our men whose horses were drowned, and continued 
 our march ; but being obliged to refresh ourselves at a small 
 village on the edge of Bramham-moor, we found the country 
 alarmed by our taking some horses, and we were no sooner 
 got on horseback in the morning, and entering on the moor, 
 but we understood we were pursued by some troops of horse. 
 There was no remedy but we must pass this moor ; and 
 though our horses were exceedingly tired, yet we pressed on 
 upon a round trot, and recovered an enclosed country on the 
 other side, where we halted. And here, necessity putting us 
 upon it, we were obliged to look out for more horses, for 
 several of our men were dismounted, and others' horses dis- 
 abled by carrying double, those who lost their horses getting 
 up behind them ; but we were supplied by o.ur enemies against 
 their will. 
 
 The enemy followed us over the moor, and we having a 
 woody enclosed country about us, where we were, I observed 
 by their moving, they had lost sight of us ; upon which I 
 proposed concealing ourselves till we might judge of their 
 numbers. "We did so, and lying close in a wood, they past 
 hastily by us, without skirting or searching the wood, which 
 WAS what on another occasion they would not have done. I 
 
ENGAGE THE ENEMY IN A WOOD. 177 
 
 found they were not above a hundred and fifty horse, and 
 considering that to let them go before us, would be to alarm 
 the country, and stop our design ; I thought, since we might 
 be able to deal with them, we should not meet with a better 
 place for it, and told the res^of our oflicers my mind, which 
 all our party presently (for we had not time for a long debate) 
 agreed to. Immediately upon this I caused two men to fire 
 their pistols in the wood, at two different places, as far 
 asunder as I could. This I did to give them an alarm, and 
 amuse them ; for being in the lane, they would otherwise 
 have got through before we had been ready, and I resolved 
 to engage them there, as soon as it was possible. After this 
 alarm, we rushed out of the wood, with about a hundred 
 horse, and charged them on the flank in a broad lane, the 
 wood being on their right. Our passage into the lane being 
 narrow, gave us some difficulty in our getting out ; but the 
 surprise of the charge did our work ; tor the enemy thinking 
 we had been a mile or two before, had not the least thoughts 
 of this onset, till they heard us in the wood, and then they who 
 were before could not come back. We broke into the lane 
 just in the middle of them, and by that means divided them ; 
 and facing to the left, charged the rear. First our dismounted 
 men, which were near fifty, lined the edge of the ,wood, and 
 fired with their carabines upon those which were before, so 
 warmly, that they put them into a great disorder. Mean- 
 while, fifty more of our horse from the farther part of the 
 wood showed themselves in the lane upon their front ; this 
 put them of the foremost party into a great perplexity, and 
 they began to face about, to fall upon us who were engaged 
 in the rear ; but their facing about in a lane where there was 
 no room to wheel, and one who understands the manner of 
 wheeling a troop of horse must imagine, put them into a 
 great disorder. Our party in the head of the lane taking the 
 advantage of this mistake of the enemy, charged in upon them, 
 and routed them entirely. Some found means to break into 
 the enclosures on the other side of the lane, and get away. 
 About thirty were killed, and about twenty-five made pri- 
 soners, and forty very good horses were taken; all this while 
 not a man of ours was lost, and not above seven or eight 
 wounded. Those in the rear behaved themselves better ; for 
 they stood our charge with a great deal of resolution, and ^^^ 
 we could do could not break them ; but at last our men, who 
 
 VOL. U, ^ 
 
178 MEMOIRS or A CATALIEE. 
 
 had fired on foot through the hedges at the other party, 
 coining to do the like here, there was no standing it any 
 longer. The rear of them faced about, and retreated out of 
 the lane, and drew up in the open field to receive and rally 
 their fellows. We killed ahon\, seventeen of them, and fol- 
 lowed them to the end of the lane, but had no mind to have 
 any more fighting than needs musi, ; our condition at that 
 time not making it proper, the towns round us being all in 
 the enemy's hands, and the country but indiiferently pleased 
 with us ; however, we stood facing them till they thought fit 
 to march away. Thus we were supplied with horses enough 
 to remount our men, and pursued our first design of getting 
 into Lancashire. As for our prisoners, we let them off on 
 foot. 
 
 But the country being by this time alarmed, and the rout 
 of our army everywhere known, we foresaw abundance of 
 difficulties before us ; we were not strong enough to venture 
 into any great towns, and we were too many to be concealed 
 in small ones. Upon this we resolved to halt in a great wood, 
 about three miles beyond the place where we had the last 
 skirmish, and sent out scouts to discover the country, and 
 learn what they could, either of the enemy or of our friends. 
 
 Anybody may suppose we had but indifferent quarters here, 
 either for ourselves or for our horses ; but, however, we made 
 shift to lie here two days and one night. In the interim I 
 took upon me, with two more, to go to Leeds to learn some 
 news ; we were disguised like country ploughmen ; the clothes 
 we got at a farmer's house, which for that particular occasion 
 we plundered ; and I cannot say no blood was shed in a 
 manner too rash, and which I could not have done at another 
 time ; but our case was desperate, and the people too surly, 
 and shot at us out of the window, wounded one man, and 
 shot a horse, which we counted as great a loss to us as a man, 
 for our safety depended upon our horses. Here we got 
 clothes of all sorts, enough for both sexes, and thus dressing 
 myself up a la paisant, with a white cap on my head, and a 
 fork on my shoulder, and one of my comrade's in the farmer's 
 wife's russet gown and petticoat, like a woman ; the other 
 with an old crutch hke a lame man, and all mounted on such 
 horses as we had taken the day before from the country ; 
 away we go to Leeds by three several ways, and agreed to 
 meet upon the bridge. My pretended countrywoman acted 
 
VISIT LEEDS IN DISGUISE TO LEAKN NEWS. 179 
 
 her part to the life, though the party was a gentleman of 
 good quality of the Earl of Worcester's family ; and the 
 cripple did as well as he ; but I thought myself very awkward 
 in my dress, which made me very shy, especially among the 
 soldiers. We passed their sentinels and guards at Leeds un- 
 observed, and put up our horses at several houses in the town, 
 from whence we went up and down to make our remarks. 
 My cripple was the fittest to go among the soldiers, because 
 there was less danger of being pressed. There he informed 
 himself of the matters of war, particularly that the enemy sat 
 down again to the siege of York ; that flying parties were in 
 pursuit of the cavaliers ; and there he heard that five hundred 
 horse of the Lord Manchester's men had followed a party of 
 cavalier's over Bramham-moor ; and, that entering a lane, 
 the cavaliers, who were a thousand strong, fell upon them, 
 and kiUed them all but about fifty. This, though it was a lie, 
 was very pleasant to us to hear, knowing it was our party, 
 because of the other part of the story, which was thus ; that 
 the cavaliers had taken possession of such a wood, where 
 they rallied all the troops of their Sjiag army ; that they had 
 plundered the country as they came, taking all the good 
 horses they could get ; that they had plundered Goodman 
 Thompson's house, which was the farmer I mentioned, and 
 killed man, woman, and child ; and that they were about two 
 thousand strong. 
 
 My other friend in woman's clothes got among the good 
 wives at an inn, where she set up her horse, and there she 
 heard the same sad and dreadful tidings ; and that this party 
 was so strong, none of the neighbouring garrisons durst stir 
 out ; but that they had sent expresses to York for a party of 
 horse to come to their assistance. 
 
 I walked up and down the town, but fancied myself so 
 iU-disguised, and so easy to be known, that I cared not to 
 talk with anybody. We met at the bridge exactly at our 
 time, and compared our intelligence, found it answered our 
 end of coming, and that we had nothing to do but to get 
 back to our men ; but my cripple told me he would not stir 
 tUl he bought some victuals, so away he hops with his crutch, 
 and buys four or five great pieces of bacon, as many of hung 
 beef, and two or three loaves ; and, borrowing a sack at the 
 inn (which I suppose he never restored), he loads his horse, 
 and, getting a large leather bottle, he filled that of aqua vita 
 
 N a 
 
180 MEMOIRS OP A CAVALIER. 
 
 instead of small beer ; my woman comrade did the like. I 
 was uneasy in my mind, and took no care but to get out of 
 the town ; however, we all came off well enough ; but it 
 was well for me that I had no provisions with me, as you 
 will hear presently. We came, as I said, into the town by 
 several ways, and so we went out ; but about three miles 
 from the town we met again exactly where we had agreed. 
 I being about a quarter of a mile from the rest, I met three 
 country fellows on horseback ; one had a long pole on his 
 shoulder, another a fork, the third no weapon at all, that I 
 saw ; I gave them the road very orderly, being habited like 
 one of their brethren ; but one of them stopping short at me, 
 and looking earnestly, calls out. Hark thee, friend, says he, 
 in a broad north-country tone, whar hast thou thilk horse ? 
 I must confess I was in the utmost confusion at the question, 
 neither being able to answer the question, nor to speak in his 
 tone ; so I made as if I did not hear him, and went on. Na, 
 but ye's not gang soa, says the boor, and comes up to me, 
 and takes hold of the horse's bridle to stop me ; at which, 
 vexed at heart that I could not tell how to talk to him, I 
 reached him a great knock on the pate with my fork, aftd 
 fetched him off his horse, and then began to mend my pace. 
 The other clowns, though it seems they knew not what the 
 fellow wanted, pursued me, and, finding they had better 
 heels than I, I saw there was no remedy but to make use of 
 my hands, and faced about. The first that came up with me 
 was he that had no weapons, so I thought I might parley 
 with him ; and, speaking as country-like as I could, I asked 
 him what he wanted? Thou'st knaw that soon, says York- 
 shire, and I'se but come at thee. Then keep awa', man, said 
 I, or I'se brain thee. By this time the third man came up, 
 and the parley ended ; for he gave me no words, but laid at 
 me with his long pole, and that with such fury, that I began 
 to be doubtful of him. I was loath to shoot the fellow, 
 though I had pistols under my grey frock, as well for that 
 the noise of a pistol might bring more people in, the village 
 being in our rear, and also because I could not imagine what 
 the fellow meant, or would have; but at last, finding he 
 would be too many for me vrith that long weapon, and a 
 hardy strong feUow, I threw myself off my horse, and, 
 running in with him, stabbed my fork into his horse ; the 
 horse, being wounded, staggered awhile, and then fell down, 
 
ENGAGEMENT WITH THREE COUNTRY FELLOWS. 181 
 
 and the booby had not the sense to get down in time, but 
 fell with him ; upon which, giving him a knock or two with 
 my fork, I secm-ed him. The other, by this time, had fur- 
 nished himself with a great stick out of a hedge, and, before 
 I was disengaged from the last fellow, gave me two such 
 blows, that if the last had not missed my head, and hit me 
 on the shoulder, I had ended the fight and my life together. 
 It was time to look about me now, for this was a madman ; 
 I defended myself with my fork, but it would not do ; at 
 last, in short, I was forced to pistol him, and get on horse- 
 back again, and, with all the speed I could make, get away 
 to the wood to our men. 
 
 If my two fellow spies had not been behind, I had never 
 known what was the meaning of this quarrel of the three 
 countrymen, but my cripple had all the particulars ; for he 
 being behind us, as I have already observed, when he came 
 up to the first fellow, who began the fray, he found him 
 beginning to come to himself; so he gets ofi^, and pretends to 
 help him, and sets him upon his breech, and, being a very 
 merry fellow, talked to him, "Well, and what's the matter 
 now, says he to him ; Ah, wae's me, says the fellow, I'se 
 killed ! Not quite, mon, says the cripple. O that's a fause 
 thief, says he, and thus they parleyed. My cripple got him 
 on his feet, and gave him a dram of his aqua vitas bottle, 
 and made much of him, in order to know what was the 
 occasion of the quarrel. Our disguised woman pitied the 
 fellow too, and together they set him up again upon his 
 horse, and then he told them that that fellow was got upon 
 one of his brother's horses who lived at Wetherby ; they 
 said the cavaliers stole him, but it was like such rogues (no 
 mischief could be done in the country, but it was the poor 
 cavaliers must bear the blame), and the like ; and thus they 
 jogged on till they came to the place where the other two 
 lay. The first fellow they assisted as they had done the 
 other, and gave him a dram out of the leather bottle ; but 
 the last fellow was past their care ; so they came away. For 
 when they understood that it was my horse they claimed, 
 they began to be afraid that their own horses might be 
 known too, and then they had been betrayed in a worse 
 pickle than I, and must have been forced to have done some 
 Mischief or other to have got away. 
 
 I had sent out two troopers to fetch them off, if there was 
 
182 MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIER. 
 
 any occasion ; bi.t their stay was not long, and the two 
 troopers saw them at a distance coming towards us, so they 
 returned. 
 
 I had enough of going for a spy, and my companions had 
 enough of staying in the wood; for other intelligences 
 agreed with ours, and all concurred in this, that it was time 
 to be going : however, this use we made of it, that, while 
 the country thought us so strong, we were in the less danger 
 of being attacked, though in the more of being observed ; 
 but all this while we heard nothing of our friends, till the 
 next day. We then heard Prince Eupert, vnth about a 
 thousand horse, was at Skipton, and from thence marched 
 away to Westmoreland. 
 
 We concluded now we had two or three days' time good ; 
 for, since messengers were sent to York for a party to sup- 
 press us, we must have at least two days' march of them, and 
 therefore all concluded we were to make the best of our way. 
 Early in the morning, therefore, we decamped from those dull 
 quarters ; and as we marched through a village, we found the 
 - people very civil to us, and the women cried out, " God bless 
 them, it is a pity the roundheads should make such work with 
 such brave men," and the like. Finding we were among our 
 friends, we resolved to halt a little and refresh ourselves; 
 and, indeed, the people were very kind to us, gave us victuals 
 and drink, and took care of our horses. It happened to be 
 my lot to stop at a house where the good woman took a great 
 deal of pains to provide for us ; but I observed the good man 
 walked about with a cap upon his head, and very much out 
 of order. I took no great notice of it, being very sleepy, and 
 having asked my landlady to let me have a bed, I lay down 
 and slept heartily : when I waked, I found my landlord on 
 another bed, groaning very heavily. 
 
 When I came down stairs, I found my cripple talking with 
 my landlady ; he was now out of his disguise, but we called 
 him cripple still; and the other, who put on the woman's 
 clothes, we called Goody Thompson. As soon as he saw me, 
 he called me out ; Do you know, says he, the man of the 
 house you are quartered in ? No, not I, says I. No, so I 
 beUeve, nor they you, says he ; if they did, the good wife 
 would not have made you a posset, and fetched a white loaf 
 for you. What do you mean ? says I. Have you seen the 
 man ? says he. Seen him, says I, yes, and heard him too ; 
 
THE WOUNDED COUNTETMAN MY LANDLORD. 183 
 
 the man is sick, and groans so heavily, says I, that I could 
 not lie upon the bed any longer for him. Why, this is the 
 poor man, say he, that you knocked down with your fork 
 yesterday, and I have had all the story out yonder at the next 
 door. I confess it grieved me to have been forced to treat 
 one so roughly who was one of our friends, but to make some 
 amends, we contrived to give the poor man his brother's 
 horse ; and my cripple told him a formal story, that he believed 
 the horse was taken away from the fellow by some of our men ; 
 and, if he knew him again, if it was his friend's horse, he 
 should have him. The man came down upon the news, and 
 I caused six or seven horses, which were taken at the same 
 time, to be shown him ; he immediately chose the right ; so 
 I gave him the horse, and we pretended a great deal of sorrow 
 for the man's hurt ; and that we had not knocked the feUow 
 on the head as well as took away the horse. The man was 
 so overjoyed at the revenge he thought was taken on the 
 fellow, that we heard him groan no more. We ventured to 
 stay ail day at this town, and the next night, and got guides 
 to lead us to Blackstone-Edge, a ridge of mountains which 
 parts this side of Yorkshire from Lancashire. Early in the 
 morning we marched, and kept our scouts very carefully out 
 every way, who brought us no news for this day : we kept on 
 all night, and made our horses do penance for that little rest 
 they had, and the next morning we passed the hills, and got 
 into Lancashire, to a town called Littleborough, and trom 
 thence to Eochdale, a little market-town. And now we 
 thought ourselves safe as to the pursuit of enemies from the 
 side of York ; our design was to get to Bolton, but aU the 
 country was full of the enemy in flying parties, and how to 
 get to Bolton we knew not. At last we resolved to send a 
 messenger to Bolton ; but he came back and told us, he had, 
 with lurking and hiding, tried all the ways that he thought 
 possible, but to no purpose ; for he could not get into the 
 town. We sent another, and he never returned ; and some 
 time after we understood he was taken by the enemy. At 
 last one got into the town, but brought us word, they were 
 tired out with constant alarms, had been straitly blocked up, 
 and every day expected a siege, and therefore advised us 
 either to go northward, where Prince Rupert and the Lord 
 Goring ranged at liberty ; or to get over Warrington bridge, 
 and 80 secure our retreat to Chester. This double direction 
 
184 MEMOIKS OF A CAVALIER. 
 
 divided our opinions ; I was for getting into Chester, both to 
 recruit myself witk horses and with money, both which I 
 wanted, and to get refreshment, which we all wanted ; but 
 the major part of our men were for the north. First, they 
 said, there was their general, and it was their duty to the 
 cause, and the king's interest obliged us to go where we could 
 do best service ; and there were their friends, and every man 
 might hear some news of his own regiment, for we belonged 
 to several regiments ; besides, all the towns to the left of us 
 were possessed by Sir William Brereton; Warrington and 
 Northwich garrisoned by the enemy, and a strong party at 
 Manchester ; so. that it was very likely we should be beaten 
 and dispersed before we could get to Chester. These reasons, 
 and especially the last, determined us for the north, and we 
 had resolved to march the next morning, when other intelli- 
 gence brought us to more speedy resolutions. We kept our 
 scouts contmuaUy abroad, to bring us intelligence of the 
 enemy, whom we expected on our backs, and also to keep an 
 eye upon the country ; for, as we lived upon them something 
 at large, they were ready enough to do us any ill turn, as it 
 lay in their power. 
 
 The first messenger that came to us, was from our friends 
 at Bolton, to inform us, that they were preparing at Manchester 
 to attack us. One of our parties had been as far as Stockport, 
 on the edge of Cheshire, and was pursued by a party of the 
 enemy, but got off by the help of the night. Thus all things 
 looking black to the south, we had resolved to march north- 
 ward in the morning, when one of our scouts from the side 
 of Manchester assured us. Sir Thomas Middleton, with some 
 of the parliament forces, and the country troops, making above 
 twelve hundred men, were on their march to attack us, and 
 would certainly beat up our quarters that night. Upon this 
 advice we resolved to be gone ; and getting all things in 
 readiness, we began to march about two hours before night ; 
 and having gotten a trusty fellow for a guide, a tellow that 
 we found was a friend to our side, he put a project into my 
 head, which saved us all for that time ; and that was, to give 
 out in the village, that we were marched back to Yorkshire, 
 resolving to get into Pontefract Castle ; and accordingly he 
 leads us out of the town the same way we came in ; and 
 taking a boy with him, he sends the boy back just at night, 
 and bade him say he saw us go up the hills at Blackston* 
 
ADVENTURES ON THE ROAD. 185 
 
 Edge; and it happened very well; for this party were so 
 sure of us, that they had placed four hundred men on the 
 road to the northward, to intercept our retreat that way, and 
 had left no way for us, as they thought, to get away, but back 
 again. 
 
 About ten o'clock at night they assaulted our quarters, but 
 found we were gone ; and being informed which way, they 
 followed upon the spur, and travelling all night, being moon- 
 light, they found themselves the next day about fifteen miles 
 east, just out of their way ; for we had, by the help of our 
 guide, turned short at the foot of the hills, and through Wind, 
 untrodden paths, and with difficulty eijough, by noon the 
 next day, had reached almost twenty-five miles north, near a 
 tovrai called Clithero. Here we halted in the open field, and 
 sent out our people to see how things were in the country. 
 This part of the country, almost unpassable, and walled 
 round with hills, was indifferent quiet ; and we got some re- 
 freshment for ourselves, but very little horse meat, and so 
 went on ; but we had not marched far before we found our- 
 selves discovered ; and the four hundred horse sent to lie in 
 wait for us as before, having understood which way we went, 
 followed us hard ; and, by letters to some of their friends at 
 Preston, we found we were beset again. Our guide began 
 now to be out of his knowledge ; and our scouts brought us 
 word, the enemy's horse was posted before us ; andweknewthey 
 were in our rear. In this exigence, we resolved to divide our 
 small body, and so amusing them, at least one might get off, 
 if the other miscarried. I took about eighty horse with me, 
 among which were all that I had of my own regiment, 
 amounting to above thirty-two, and took the hiUs towards 
 Yorkshire. Here we met with such unpassable hiUs, vast moors, 
 rocks, and stony ways, as lamed all our horses, and tired our 
 men ; and sometimes I was ready to think we should never 
 be able to get over them, till our horses failing, and jack- 
 boots being but indifferent things to travel in, we might be 
 starved before we should find any road or towns, for guide 
 we had none, but a boy who knew but little, and would cry 
 when we asked him any questions. I believe neither men 
 nor horses ever passed in some places where we went, and 
 for twenty hours we saw not a town nor a house, excepting 
 sometimes from the top of the mountains, at a vast distance. 
 I am persuaded we might have encamped here, if we had had 
 
186 MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIER. 
 
 provisions, till the war had been over, and have met with no 
 disturbance ; and I have often wondered since, how we got 
 into such horrible places, as much as how we got out. That 
 which was worse to us than all the rest was, that we knew 
 not where we were going, nor what part of the country we 
 should come into, when we came out of those desolate crags. 
 At last, after a terrible fatigue, we began to see the western 
 parts of Yorkshire, some few vUlages, and the country at a 
 distance looked a little like England; for I thought before it 
 looked hke old Brennus hill, which the Grisons call the 
 grandfather of the Alps. We got some relief in the villages, 
 which indeed some of us had so much need of, that they 
 were hardly able to sit their horses, and others were forced 
 to help them oiF, they were so faint. I never felt so much 
 of the power of hunger in my life, for having not eaten in 
 thirty hours, I was as ravenous as a hound ; and if I had 
 had a piece of horseflesh, I believe I should not have had 
 patience to have stayed dressing it, but have fallen upon it 
 raw, and have eaten it as greedily as a Tartar. 
 
 However, I eat very cautiously, having often seen the dan- 
 ger of men's eating heartily after long fasting. Our next care 
 was to inquire our way. Halifax, they told us, was on our 
 right ; there we durst not think of going ; Skipton was before 
 us, and there we knew not how it was ; for a body of three 
 thousand horse, sent out by the enemy in pursuit of Prince 
 Rupert, had been there but two days before, and the country 
 people could not tell us, whether they were gone or no ; and 
 Manchester's horse, which were sent out after our party, 
 were then at Halifax, in quest of us, and afterwards marched 
 into Cheshire. In this distress we would have hired a guide, 
 but none of the country people would go with us ; for the 
 roundheads would hang them, they said, when they came there. 
 Upon this I called a fellowto me, Harkye friend, says I, dost thee 
 know the way so as to bring us into Westmoreland, and not 
 keep the great road from York ? Ay marry, says he, I ken 
 the ways weel enou. And you would go and guide us, said 
 
 just now. Na, and ye 
 serve me soa, says the feUow, I'se ene gang with ye ; for I 
 care not for hanging ; and ye'U get me a good horse, I'sa 
 
PALL IN WITH AN EXCELLENT GUIDE. 187 
 
 gang and be one of ye, for I'll nere come heame more. This 
 pleased us still better, and we mounted the fellow, for three 
 of our men died that night with the extreme fatigue of the 
 last service. 
 
 Next morning, when our new trooper was mounted and 
 clothed, we hardly knew him ; and this fellow led us by such 
 ■ways, such wildernesses, and yet with such prudence, keep- 
 ing the hills to the left, that we might have the villages to re- 
 fresh ourselves, that without him, we had certainly either 
 perished in those mountains, or fallen into the enemy's hands. 
 We passed the great road from York so critically as to time, 
 that from one of the hills he showed us a party of the enemy's 
 horse, who were then marching into Westmoreland. We 
 lay still that day, finding we were not discovered by them ; 
 and our guide proved the best scout that we could have had; 
 for he would go out ten miles at a time, and bring Us in all 
 the news of the country. Here he brought us word, that 
 York was surrendered upon articles, and that Newcastle, 
 which had been surprised by the king's party, was besieged 
 by another army of Scots, advanced to help their brethren. 
 
 Along the edges of those vast mountains we past, with the 
 help of our guide, till we came into the forest of Swale ; and 
 finding ourselves perfectly concealed here, for no soldier had 
 ever been here aU the war, nor perhaps would not, if it had 
 lasted seven years, we thought we wanted a few days rest, at 
 least for our horses, so we resolved to halt, and whilewe did 
 so, we made some disguises, and sent out some spies into the 
 country ; but, as here were no great towns, nor no post road, 
 we got very little intelligence. We rested four days, and 
 then marched again; and, indeed, having no great stock of 
 money about us, and not very free of that we had, four days 
 was enough for those poor places to be able to mamtam us._ 
 
 We thought ourselves pretty secure now ; but our chiet 
 care was, how to get over those terrible mountains ; for, 
 having passed the great road that leads from York to l^an- 
 caster? the crags, the farther northward we looked, looked 
 stiU the worse, and our business was aU on the other side. 
 Our suide told us he would bring us out if we would have 
 patience, which we were obliged to, and kept on this slow 
 march till he brought us to Stanhope, in the county of Dur- 
 ham, where some of Goring's horse, and two regiments of 
 foot had their quarters. This was nineteen days from the 
 
188 MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIEE. 
 
 battle of Maiston-moor. The prince, who was then at Ken- 
 dal, in Westmoreland, and who had given me over as lost, 
 when he had news of our arrival, sent an express to me to 
 meet him at Appleby. I went thither accordingly, and gave 
 him an account of our journey, and there I heard the short 
 history of the other part of our men, whom we parted from 
 in Lancashire. They made the best of their way north. 
 They had two resolute gentlemen who commanded ; and 
 being so closely pursued by the enemy, that they found them- 
 selves under the necessity of lighting, they halted, and faced 
 about, expecting the charge. The boldness of the action 
 made the officer who led the enemy's horse (which it seems 
 were the county horse only), afraid of them ; which they per- 
 ceiving, taking the advantage of his fears, bravely advance, and 
 charge them ; and, though they were above two hundred 
 horse, they routed them, killed about thirty or forty, got some 
 horses, and some money, and pushed on their march night 
 and day ; but coming near Lancaster, they were so waylaid 
 and pursued, that they agreed to separate, and shift every 
 man for himself; many of them fell into the enemy's hands, 
 some were killed attempting to pass through the river 
 Lune ; some went back again, six or seven got to Bolton, 
 and about eighteen got safe to Prince E-upert. 
 
 The prince was in a better condition hereabouts than I 
 expected ; he and my Lord Goring, with the help of Sir 
 Marmaduke Langdale, and the gentlemen of Cumberland, 
 had gotten a body of four thousand horse, and about six 
 thousand foot; they had retaken Newcastle, Tinmouth, 
 Durham, Stockton, and several towns of consequence from . 
 the Scots, and might have cut them out work enough still, if 
 that base people, resolved to engage their whole interest to 
 ruin their sovereign, had not sent a second army of ten thou- 
 sand men under the Earl of Calendar, to help their first. 
 These came and laid siege to Newcastle, but found more 
 vigorous resistance now than they had done before. 
 
 There were in the town Sir John Morley, the Lord 
 Crawford, Lord Eea and Maxwell, Scots, and old soldiers, 
 who were resolved their countrymen should buy the town 
 very dear, if they had it ; and had it not been for our disaster 
 at Marston-moor, they had never had it ; for Calendar finding 
 he was not able to carry the town, sends to General Leven 
 to come from the siege of York to help him. 
 
8TATE OF THE PRINCE'S AEMT. 189 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 STATE OP THE PEINCe's ARMY — SKIRMISHES — THE KING's 
 
 ARMY OBTAINS SOME PARTIAL SUCCESSES IK THE WEST 
 
 THE ARMIES JOIN AT OXFORD FARTHER PROCEEDINGS 
 
 BAD CONDUCT OF THE PARLIAMENT SOLDIERS NEGO- 
 TIATIONS WITH THE PARLIAMENT FOR PEACE PROCEED- 
 INGS OP THE DIVISION TO WHICH I BELONGED IN THE 
 ARMY. 
 
 Mean time the prince forms a very good army, and the 
 Lord Groring, with ten thousand men, shows himself on the 
 borders of Scotland, to try if that might not cause the Scots 
 to recall their forces ; and, I am persuaded, had he entered 
 Scotland, the parliament of Scotland had recalled the Earl of 
 Calendar, for they had but five thousand men left in arms to 
 send against him ; but they were loath to venture. 
 
 However, this effect it had, that it called the Scots north- 
 ward again, and found them work there for the rest of the 
 summer, to reduce the several towns in the bishopric of 
 Durham. 
 
 I found with the prince the poor remains of my regiment, 
 which, when joined with those that had been with me, could 
 not all make up three troops, and but two captains, three 
 lieutenants, and one comet ; the rest were dispersed, killed, 
 or taken prisoners. 
 
 However, with those, which we still called a regiment, I 
 joined the prince, and after having done all we could on that 
 side, the Scots being returned from York, the prince returned 
 through Lancashire to Chester. 
 
 The enemy often appeared and alarmed us, and once fell 
 on one of our parties, and killed us about a hundred men ; 
 but we were too many for them to pretend to fight us, so we 
 came to Bolton, beat the troops of the enemy near Warrington, 
 where I got a cut with a halberd in my face, and arrived at 
 Cliester the begining of August. 
 
 The parliament, upon their great success in the north, 
 thinking the king's forces quite broken, had sent their general, 
 Essex, into the west, where the king's army was commanded 
 
190 MEMOIRS OF A' CAVAXIER. 
 
 by Prince Maurice, Prince Rupert's elder brother, but not 
 very strong ; and the king being, as they supposed, by the 
 absence of Prince Rupert, weakened so much as that he might 
 be checked by Sir William Waller, who, with four thousand 
 five hundred foot, and fifteen hundred horse, was at that time 
 about Winchester, having lately beaten Sir Ralph Hopton. 
 Upon all these considerations, the Earl of Essex marches 
 westward. 
 
 The forces in the west being too weak to oppose him, 
 everything gave way to him, and all people expected he would 
 besiege Exeter, where the queen was newly lying-in, and sent 
 a trumpet to desire he would forbear the city, while she could 
 be removed ; which he did, and passed on westward, took 
 Tiverton, Biddeford, Barnstaple, Launceston, relieved Ply- 
 mouth, drove Sir Richard Grenvil up into Cornwall, and 
 followed him thither, but left Prince Maurice behind him with 
 four thousand men about Barnstaple and Exeter. The king, 
 in the mean time, marches from Oxford into Worcester, with 
 Waller at his heels ; at Edgehill his majesty turns upon 
 Waller, and gave him a brush, to put him in mind of the 
 place ; the king goes on to Worcester, sends three hundred 
 horse to reUeve Durley Castle, besieged by the Earl of Denby, 
 and sending part of his forces to Bristol, returns to Oxford. 
 
 His majesty had now firmly resolved to march into the 
 west, not having yet any account of our misfortunes in the 
 north. Waller and Middleton waylay the king at Cropedy 
 bridge. The king assaults Middleton at the bridge ; Waller's 
 men were posted with some cannon to guard a pass ; Middle- 
 ton's men put a regiment of the king's foot to the rout, and 
 pursued them. Waller's men, willing to come in for the 
 plunder, a thing their general had often used them to, quit 
 their post at the pass, and their great guns, to have part in 
 the victory. The king coming in seasonably to the rehef of 
 his men, routs Middleton, and at the same time sends a party 
 round, who clapt in between Sir William Waller's men and 
 their great guns, and secured the pass and the cannon too. 
 
 The king took three colonels, besides other officers, and 
 about three hundred men prisoners, with eight great guns, 
 nineteen carriages of ammunition, and killed about two hun- 
 dred men. 
 
 Waller lost his reputation in this fight, and was exceedingly 
 Blighted ever after, even by his own party ; but especially 
 
PARLIAMENT AEMT APPLY FOR HELP. 191 
 
 by such as were of General Essex's party, between whom 
 and Waller there had been jealousies and misunderstandings 
 for some time. 
 
 The king, about eight thousand strong, marched on to 
 Bristol, where Sir William Hopton joined him, and from 
 thence be follows Essex into Cornwall ; Essex still following 
 Grenvil, the king comes to Exeter, and joining with Prince 
 Maurice, resolves to pursue Essex; and now the Earl of 
 Essex began to see his mistake, being cooped up between two 
 seas, the king's army in his rear, the country his enemy, and 
 Sir Richard Grenvil in his van. 
 
 The king, who always took the best measures when he was 
 left to his own counsel, wisely refuses to engage, though 
 superior in number, and much stronger in horse. Essex 
 often drew out to fight, but the king fortifies, takes the passes 
 and bridges, plants cannon, and secures the country to keep 
 off provisions, and continually strengthens their quarters, but 
 would not fight. 
 
 Now Essex sends away to the parliament for help, and 
 they write to Waller, and Middleton, and Manchester to 
 follow, and come up with the king in his rear ; but some 
 were too far off, and could not, as Manchester and Fairfax ; 
 others made no haste, as having no mind to it, as Waller and 
 Middleton, and if they had, it had been too late. 
 
 At last the Earl of Essex finding nothing to be done, and 
 unwilling to fall into the kings hands, takes shipping, and 
 leaves his army to shift for themselves. The horse, under 
 Sir Wmiam Balfour, the best horse ofiicer, and, without com- 
 parison, the bravest in aU the parliament army, advanced in 
 small parties, as if to skirmish, but falling in with the whole 
 body, being three thousand five hundred horse, broke through, 
 and got off. Though this was a loss to the king's victbry-, 
 yet the foot were now in a condition so much the worse. 
 Brave old Skippon proposed to fight through with the foot 
 and die, as he cahed it, like Enghshmen, with sword in hand ; 
 but the rest of the ofiicers shook their heads at it : for, being 
 well paid, they had at present no occasion for dying. 
 
 Seeing it thus, they agreed to treat, and the king grants 
 them conditions, upon laying down their arms, to march off 
 free. This was too much ; had his majesty but obliged them 
 upon oath not to serve again for a certain time, he had done 
 his business; but this was not thought of; so they passed 
 
192 MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIEE. 
 
 free, only disarmed, the soldiers not being allowed so much 
 as their swords. 
 
 The king gained by this treaty forty pieces of cannon, all 
 of brass, three hundred barrels of gunpowder, nine thousand 
 arms, eight thousand swords, match and bullet in proportion, 
 two hundred waggons, one hundred and fifty colours and 
 standards, all the bag and baggage of the army, and about one 
 thousand of the men listed in his army. This was a complete 
 victory without bloodshed ; and, had the king but secured 
 the men from serving but for six months, it had most effec- 
 lually answered the battle of Marston-moor. 
 
 As it was, it infused new life into all his majesty's forces 
 and friends, and retrieved his affairs very much ; but 
 especially it encouraged us in the north, who were more 
 sensible of the blow received at Marston-moor, and of the 
 destruction the Scots were bringing upon us all. 
 
 While I was at Chester, we had some small skirmishes 
 with Sir William Brereton. One morning in particular Sir 
 William drew up, and faced us, and one of our colonels of 
 horse observing the enemy to be not, as he thought, above two 
 hundred, desires leave of Prince Rupert to attack them with 
 a like numbei. and accordingly he sallied out with two 
 hundred horse. I stood drawn up without the city with 
 eight hundred more, ready to bring him off, if he should be 
 put to the worst, which happened accordingly ; for, not 
 having discovered neither the country nor the enemy as he 
 ought. Sir William Brereton drew him into an ambuscade ; 
 so that before he came up wth Sir William's forces, near 
 enough to charge, he finds about three hundred horse in his 
 rear. Though he was surprised at this, yet, being a man of 
 a ready courage, he boldly faces about with a hundred and 
 fifty of his men, leaving the other fifty to face Sir William. 
 With this small party, he desperately charges the three 
 hundred horse in his rear, and putting them into disorder, 
 breaks through them, and, had there been no greater force, 
 he had cut them all in pieces. Flushed with this success, 
 and loath to desert the fifty men he had left behind, he faces 
 about again, and charges through them again, and vrith these 
 two charges entirely routs them. Sir William Brereton finding 
 himself a little disappointed, advances, and falls upon the fifty 
 men just as the colonel came up to them ; they fought him 
 with a greai deal of bravery, but the colonel being unfor- 
 
THE king's army MORE SUCCESSFUL. 193 
 
 tanately killed in the first charge, the men gave way, and 
 tame flying aU in confusion, with the enemy at their heels. 
 As soon as I saw this, I advanced, according to my orders, 
 and the enemy, as soon as I appeared, gave over the pursuit. 
 This gentleman, as I remember, was Colonel Marrow ; we 
 fetched off his body, and retreated into Chester. 
 
 The next morning the prince drew out of the city with 
 about twelve hundred horse and two thousand foot, and 
 attacked Sir William Brereton in his quarters. The fight 
 was very sharp for the time, and near seven hundred men, on 
 both sides, were kiUed ; but Sir William would not put it to 
 a general engagement, so the prince drew off, contenting 
 himself to have insulted him in his quarters. 
 
 We now had received orders from the king to join him ; 
 but I representing to the prince the condition of my regiment, 
 which was now a hundred men, and, that being within twenty- 
 five miles of my father's house, I might soon recruit it, my 
 father having got some men together already, I desired leave 
 to lie at Shrewsbury for a month, to make up my men. 
 Accordingly, having obtained his leave, I marched to Wrex- 
 ham, where, in two days' time I got twenty men, and so on 
 to Shrewsbury. I had not been here above ten days, but I 
 received an express to come away with what recruits I had 
 got together. Prince Eupert having positive orders to meet 
 the king by a certain day. I had not mounted a hundred 
 men, though I had listed above two hundred, when these 
 orders came ; but leaving my father to complete them for me, 
 I marched vsdth those I had, and Q^me to Oxford. 
 
 The king, after the rout of the parliament forces in the 
 west, was marched back, took Barnstaple, Plympton, Laun- 
 ceston, Tiverton, and several other places, and left Plymouth 
 besieged by Sir Richard Grenvil; met with Sir WiUiam 
 Waller at Shaftesbury, and again at Andover, and boxed him 
 at both places, and marched for Newbury. Here the king 
 sent for Prince Rupert to meet him, who, with three thousand 
 horse, made long marches to join him ; but the parliament 
 have joined their three armies together, Manchester from 
 the north, Waller, and Essex, the men being clothed and 
 armed, from the west, they attacked the king, and obliged 
 him to fight the day before the prince came up. 
 
 The king had so posted himself, as that he could not be 
 obliged to fight but with advantage ; the parliament's forces 
 
 VOL. ri. * 
 
194 MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIEK. 
 
 being superior in number, and tberefore, when they attacked 
 him, he galled them with his cannon, and declining to come 
 to a general battle, stood upon the defensive, expecting Prince 
 Rupert with the horse. 
 
 The parliament's forces had some advantage over our foot, 
 and took the Earl of Cleveland prisoner ; but the king, whose 
 foot were uot above one to two, drew his men under the 
 cannon of Dennington Castle, and having secured his artillery 
 and baggage, made a retreat with his foot in very good order, 
 having not lost in all the fight above three hundred men, and 
 the parliament as many. We lost five pieces of cannon, and 
 took two, having repulsed the Earl of Manchester's men on 
 the north side of the town, with considerable loss. 
 
 The king, having lodged his train of artillery and baggage 
 in Dennington Castle, marched the next day for Oxford ; 
 there we joined him with three thousand horse and two 
 thousand foot. Encouraged with this reinforcement, the 
 king appears upon the hiUs on the north-west of Newbury, 
 and faces the parliament army. The parliament having too 
 many generals as well as soldiers, they could not agree 
 whether they should fight or no. This was no great token of 
 the victory they boasted of; for they were now twice our 
 number in the whole ; and their foot three for one. The 
 king stood in battalia all day, and finding the parliament 
 forces had no stomach to engage him, he drew away his 
 cannon and baggage out of Dennington Castle in view of their 
 whole army, and marched away to Oxford. 
 
 This was such a false ^tep of the parliament's generals, 
 that all the people cried shame of them : the parliament 
 appointed a committee to inquire into it. Cromwell accused 
 Manchester, and he Waller, and so they laid the fault upoc 
 one another. Waller would have been glad to have charged 
 it upon Essex ; but as it happened he was not in the army, 
 having been taken ill some days before ; but, as it generally 
 is, when a mistake is made the actors faU out among them- 
 selves, so it was here. No doubt it was as false a step as 
 that of Cornwall, to let the king fetch away his baggage and 
 cannon m the face of three armies, and never fire a shot at 
 them. 
 
 The king had not above eight thousand foot in his army, 
 and they above twenty-five thousand. It is true, the km" 
 had eight thousand horse, a fine body, and much superior to 
 
BAD CONDUCT OP THE PARLIAMENT SOLDIERS. 195 
 
 theirs ; but the foot might, with the greatest ease in the world 
 have prevented the removing the cannon, and in three days' 
 time have taken the castle, with all that was in it. 
 
 Those differences produced their self-denying ordinance, 
 and the putting by most of their old generals, as Essex, 
 Waller, Manchester, and the like ; and Sir Thomas Fairfax, a 
 terrible man in the field, though the mildest man out of it, was 
 voted to have the command of all their forces, and Lambert 
 to take the command of Sir Thomas Fairfax's troops in the 
 north, old Skippon being major-general. 
 
 This winter was spent, on the enemy's side, in modelling, 
 as they called it, their army ; and on our side, in recruiting 
 ours, and some petty excursions. Amongst the many ad- 
 dresses, I observed one fi-om Sussex or Surrey, complaining 
 of the rudeness of their soldiers, and particularly of the 
 ravishing of women, and the murdering of men ; from which 
 I only observed, that there were disorders among them, as 
 well as among us, only with this difference, that they, for 
 r^sons I mentioned before, were under circumstances to 
 prevent it better than the king. But I must do the king's 
 memory that justice, that he used all possible methods, by 
 punishment of soldiers, charging, and sometimes entreating 
 the gentlemen not to suffer such disorders and such violences 
 in their men ; but it was to ho purpose for his majesty to 
 attempt it, while his officers, generals, and great men winked 
 at it ; for the licentiousness of the soldier is supposed to be 
 approved by the officer, when it is not corrected. 
 
 The rudeness of the parliament soldiers began from the 
 divisions among their officers; for, in many places, the 
 soldiers grew so out of all discipline, and so unsufferably rude, 
 that they, in particular, refused to march when Sir William 
 Waller went to Weymouth. This had turned to good account 
 for us, had these cursed Scots been out of our way, but they 
 were the staff of the party ; and now they were daily solicited 
 to march southward, which was a very great affliction to the 
 king and all his friends. 
 
 One booty the king got at this time, which was a very 
 seasonable assistance to his affairs, viz., a great merchant 
 ship richly laden at London, and bound to the East Indies, 
 was, by the seamen, brought into Bristol, and delivered up 
 to the king. Some merchants in Bristol offered the king 
 
 o 2 
 
196 MEMOIES OF A CAVALIER. 
 
 40,000?. for her, which his majesty ordered should be aC" 
 cepted, reserving only thirty great guns for his own use. 
 
 The treaty at Uxbridge now was begun, and we that had 
 been well beaten in the war, heartily wished the king would 
 come to a peace ; but we all foresaw the clergy would ruin it 
 all. The commons were for presbytery, and would never 
 agree the bishops should be restored ; the king was willinger 
 to comply with anything than this, and we foresaw it would 
 be so ; from whence we used to say among ourselves. That 
 the clergy was resolved, if there should be no bishop, there 
 should be no king. 
 
 This treaty at Uxbridge was a perfect war between the 
 men of the gown ; ours was between those of the sword ; and 
 I cannot but take notice how the lawyers, statesmen, and the 
 clergy of every side bestirred themselves, rather to hinder 
 than promote the peace. 
 
 There had been a treaty at Oxford some time before, 
 where the parliament insisting that the king should pass a 
 bill to abolish episcopacy, quit the militia, abandon several 
 of his faithful servants to be exempted from pardon, and 
 making several other most extravagant demands, nothing 
 was done, but the treaty broke off, both parties being rather 
 farther exasperated, than inclined to hearken to conditions. 
 
 However, soon after the success in the west, his majesty, 
 to let them see that victory had not puffed him up so as to 
 make him reject the peace, sends a message to the parliament 
 to put them in mind of messages of like nature which they 
 had slighted ; and to let them know, that, notwithstanding 
 he had beaten their forces, he was yet willing to hearken to 
 a reasonable proposal for putting an end to the war. 
 
 The parliament pretended the king, in his message, did 
 not treat with them as a legal parliament, and scT made 
 hesitations; but, after long debates and delays, they agreed to 
 draw up propositions for peace to be sent to the king. °As this 
 message was sent to the houses about August, I think they 
 made it the middle of November before they brought the 
 propositions for peace ; and when they brought them, they 
 had no power to enter either upon a treaty, or so much as 
 preliminaries for a treaty, only to deHver the letter, and 
 receive an answer. 
 
 However, such were the circumstances of afifairs at this 
 
THE PARLIAMENT SL'E FOE PEACE. 197 
 
 time, that the king was uneasy to see himself thus treated, 
 and take no notice of it. The king returned an answer to 
 the propositions, and proposed a treaty by commissioners, 
 which the parliament appointed. 
 
 Three months more were spent in naming commissioners. 
 There was much time spent in this treaty, but little done ; 
 the commissioners debated chiefly the article of religion, and 
 of the militia ; in the latter they were very likely to agree; in 
 the former both sides seemed too positive. Tlie king would 
 by no means abandon episcopacy, nor the parliament presby- 
 tery; for both, in their opinion, were jure divino. 
 
 The commissioners finding this point hardest to adjust, 
 went from it to that of the militia; but the time spinning 
 out, the king's commissioners demanded longer time for the 
 treaty ; the other sent up for instructions, but the house 
 refused to lengthen out the time. 
 
 This was thought an insolence upon tlie king, and gave all 
 good people a detestation of such haughty behaviour ; and 
 thus the hopes of peace vanished ; both sides prepared for 
 war with as much eagerness as before. 
 
 The parliament was employed at this time in what they 
 called modelling their army; that is to say, that now the 
 independent party beginning to prevail, and, as they outdid 
 all the others in their resolution of carrying on the war to all 
 extremities, so they were both the more vigorous and more 
 politic party in carrying it on. 
 
 Indeed the war was after this carried on with greater ani- 
 mosity than ever, and the generals pushed forward with a 
 vigour, that, as it had something in it unusual, so it told us 
 plainly from this time, whatever they did before, they now 
 pushed at the ruin even of the monarchy itself. 
 
 All this while also the war went on ; and though the par- 
 liament had no settled army, yet their regiments and troops 
 were always in action, and the sword was at work in every 
 part of the kingdom. 
 
 Among an infinite number of party skirmishings and fights 
 this winter, one happened which nearly concerned me, which 
 was the surprise of the town and castle of Shrewsbury. 
 Colonel Mitton, with about twelve hundred horse and foot, 
 having intelligence with some people in the town, on a Sunday 
 morning early broke into the town, and took it, castle and 
 all. The loss for the quality, more than the number, was 
 
198 MEMOIRS OF 4. CAVALIER. 
 
 very great to the king's affaira, They took there fifteen pieces 
 of cannon, Prince Maurice's magazine of arms and ammuni- 
 tion, Prince Eupert's baggage, above fifty persons ot quality 
 and officers : there was not above eight or ten men killed on 
 both sides ; for the town was surprised, not stormed. I had 
 a particular loss in this action ; for all the men and horses 
 my lather had got together for the recruiting my regiment 
 were here lost and dispersed ; and, which was the worst, my 
 father happening to be then in the town, was taken prisoner, 
 and carried to Beeston CaiStte, in Cheshire. 
 
 I was quartered all this winter at Banbury, and went little 
 abroad ; nor had we any action till the latter end of February, 
 when 1 was ordered to march to Leicester, with Sir Marma- 
 duke Langdale, in order, as we thought, to raise a body of 
 men in that county and Staffordshire, to join the king. 
 
 We lay at Daventry one night, and continuing our march 
 to pass the river above Northampton, that town being 
 possessed by the enemy, we understood a party of North- 
 ampton forces were abroad, and intended to attack us. Ac- 
 cordingly, in the afternoon, our scouts brought us word, the 
 enemy were quartered in some villages on the road to 
 Coventry; our commander thinking it much better to set 
 upon them in their quarters, than to wait for them in the 
 field, resolves to attack them early in the morning, before 
 they were aware of it. We refreshed ourselves in the field 
 for that day, and getting into a great wood near the enemy, 
 we stayed there all night, till almost break of day, without 
 being discovered. 
 
 In the morning, very early, we heard the enemy's trumpets 
 sound to horse ; this roused us to look abroad ; and, sending 
 out a scout, he brought us word a party of the enemy was at 
 hand. We were vexed to be so disappointed, but finding their 
 party small enough to be dealt with. Sir Marmaduke ordered 
 me to charge them with three hundred horse and two hundred 
 dragoons, while he, at the same time entered the town. 
 Accordingly I lay still till they came to the very skirt of the 
 wood where I was posted, when I saluted them with a volley 
 from my dragoons out of the wood, and immediately showed 
 myself with my horse on their front, ready to charge them; 
 they appeared not to be surprised, and received our charge 
 with great resolution ; and, being above four hundred men, 
 they pushed me vigorously in their turn, p^itting my men 
 
GREAT ACHIEVEMENTS OF MY DIVISION. 199 
 
 intD some disorder. In this extremity, I sent to order my 
 dragoons to charge them in the flank,. which they did with 
 great bravery, and the other still maintained the fight with 
 desperate resolution. There was no want of courage in our 
 men on both sides, but our dragoons had the advantage, and 
 at last routed them, and drove them back to the village. 
 Here Sir Marmaduke Langdale had his hands full too ; for 
 my firing had alarmed the towns adjacent, that when he came 
 into the town, he found them all in arms ; and, contrary to 
 his expectations, two regiments of foot with about three 
 hundred horse more. As Sir Marmaduke had no foot, only 
 horse and dragoons, this was a surprise to him ; but he caused 
 his dragoons to enter the town, and charge the foot, while his 
 horse secured the avenues of the town. 
 
 The dragoons bravely attacked the foot, and Sir Marma- 
 duke falling in vnth his horse, the fight was obstinate and 
 very bloody, when the horse, that I had routed came flying 
 into the street of the village, and my men at their heels. 
 Immediately I left the pursuit, and fell in with all my torce 
 to the assistance of my friends ; and, after an obstinate re- 
 sistance, we routed the whole party ; we killed about seven 
 hundred men, took three hundred and fifty, twenty-seven 
 ofiicers, one hundred arms, all their baggage, and two 
 hundred horses, and continued our march to Harborough, 
 where we halted to refresh ourselves. 
 
 Between Harborough and Leicester we met with a party 
 of eight hundred dragoons of the parliament forces. They 
 found themselves too few to attack us, and therefore, to avoid 
 us, they had gotten into a small wood ; but perceiving them- 
 selves discovered, they came boldly out, and placed themselves 
 at the entrance into a lane, lining both sides of the hedges 
 with their shot. We immediately attacked them, beat them 
 from their hedges, beat them into the wood, and out of the 
 wood again, and forced them at last to a downright run away, 
 ^n foot, among the enclosures, where we could not follow 
 them, killed about a hundred of them, and took two hundred 
 and fifty prisoners, with all their horses, and came that night 
 to Leicester. When we came to Leicester, and had taken 
 up our quarters. Sir Marmaduke Langdale sent for me to sup 
 with him, and told me that he had a secret commission in 
 his pocket, which his majesty had commanded him not to 
 
200 MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIER. 
 
 open until he came to Leicester ; that now he had sent for 
 me to open it together, that we might know what it was 
 we were to do, and to consider how to do it ; so pulling 
 out his sealed orders, we found we were to get what force 
 we could together, and a certain number of carriages 
 with ammunition, which the governor of Leicester was to 
 deliver us, and a certain quantity of provision, especially 
 corn and salt, and to relieve Newark. This town had been 
 long besieged ; the fortifications of the place, together with 
 its situation, had rendered it the strongest place in England ; 
 and, as it was the greatest pass in England, so it was of vast 
 consequence to the king's affairs. There was in it a garrison 
 of brave old rugged boys, fellows, that like Count Tilly's 
 Germans, had iron faces, and they had defended themselves 
 with extraordinary braveiy a great while, but were reduced 
 to an exceeding strait for want, of provisions. 
 
 Accordingly we received the ammunition and provision, 
 and away we went for Newark ; about Melton-Mowbray, 
 Colonel Roseter set upon us with above three thousand 
 men ; we were about the same number, having two thousand 
 five hundred horse and eight hundred dragoons. We had 
 some foot, but they were still at Harborough, and were 
 ordered to come after us. 
 
 Roseter, like a brave officer, as he was, charged us with 
 great fury, and rather outdid us in number, while we defended 
 ourselves with all the eagerness we could, and withal gave 
 him to understand we were not so soon to be beaten as 
 he expected. While the fight continued doubtful, especially 
 on our side, our people, who had charge of the carriages and 
 provisions, began to enclose our flanks with them, as if we 
 had been marching; which, though it was done without 
 orders, had two very good effects, and which did us extraor- 
 dinary service. First, it secured us from being charged 
 in the flank, which Roseter had twice attempted; and 
 secondly, it secured our carriages from being plundered, which 
 had spoiled our whole expedition. Being thus enclosed, we 
 fought with great security ; and though Roseter made three 
 desperate charges upon us, he could never break us. Our 
 men received him with so much courage, and kept their order 
 so well, that the enemy finding it impossible to force us, gave 
 it over, and left us to pursue our orders. We did not offer 
 
DETEEMINATION TO RELIEVE NEWAEK. 201 
 
 to cliase them, but contented enough to have repulsed and 
 beaten them off, and our business being to reUeve Newark, 
 we proceeded. 
 
 If we are to reckon by the enemy's usual method, we got 
 the victory, because we kept the field, and had the pillage of 
 their dead ; but, otherwise, neither side had any great cause 
 to boast. We lost about one hundred and fifty men, and 
 near as many hurt ; they left one hundred and seventy on the 
 spot, and carried off some. How many they had wounded 
 we could not tell ; we got seventy or eighty horses, which 
 helped to remount some of our men that had lost theirs in the 
 fight. "We had, however, this disadvantage, that we were to 
 march on immediately after this service ; the enemy only to 
 retire to their quarters, which was but hard by. This was 
 an injury to our wounded men, whom we were after obliged 
 to leave at Belvoir Castle, and from thence we advanced to 
 Newark. 
 
 Our business at Newark was to relieve the place, and this 
 we resolved to do, whatever it cost, though, at the same time, 
 we resolved not to fight, unless we were forced to it. The 
 town was rather blocked up than besieged ; the garrison was 
 strong, but iU provided; we had sent them word of our 
 coming, and our orders to relieve them, and they proposed 
 some measures for our doing it. The chief strength of the 
 enemy lay on the other side of the river ; but they having 
 also some notice of our design, had sent over forces to 
 strengthen their leaguer on this side. The garrison had often 
 surprised them by sallies, and indeed had chiefly subsisted for 
 some time by what they brought in in this manner. 
 
 Sir Marmaduke Langdale, who was our general for the 
 expedition, was for a general attempt to raise the siege ; but 
 I had persuaded him off that : first, because if we should be 
 beaten, as might be probable, we Jhen lost the town. Sir 
 Marmaduke briskly rephed, A soldier ought never to suppose 
 he shall be beaten. But, sir, says I, you'll get more honour 
 by relieving the town, than by beating them : one will be a 
 credit to your conduct, as the other will be to your courage ; 
 and, if you think you can beat them, you may do it after- 
 wards, and then, if you are mistaken, the town is nevertheless 
 secured, and half your victory gained. 
 
 He was prevailed with to adhere to this advice, and 
 accordingly we appeared before the town about two hours 
 
202 MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIEK. 
 
 before night. The horse drew up before the enemy's works ; 
 the enemy di Jw up within their works, and seeing no foot, 
 expected when our dragoons would dismount and attack them. 
 They were in the right to let us attack them, because of the 
 advantage of their batteries and works, if that had been our 
 design ; but, as we intended only to amuse them, this caution 
 of theirs effected our design ; for, while we thus tciced them 
 with our horse, two regiments of foot, which came up to us 
 but the night before, and was all the infantry we had, with 
 the waggons of provisions, and five hundred dragoons, taking 
 a compass clean round the town, posted themselves on the 
 lower side of the town by the river. Upon a signal the 
 garrison agreed on before, they sallied out at this very 
 juncture, with all the men they could spare, and dividing 
 themselves in two parties, while one party moved to the left 
 to meet our relief, the other party tell on upon part of that 
 body which faced us. We kept in motion, and upon this 
 signal advanced to their works, and our dragoons fired upon 
 them ; and the horse wheeling and countermarching often, 
 kept them continually expecting to be attacked. By this 
 means the enemy were kept employed, and our foot, with the 
 waggons, appearing on that quarter where they were least ex- 
 pected, easily defeated the advanced guards, and forced that 
 post, where entering the leaguer, the other part of the 
 garrison, who had sallied that way, came up to them, received 
 the waggons, and the dragoons entered with them into the 
 town. That party, which we faced on the other side of the 
 works, knew nothing of what was done till all was over ; the 
 garrison retreated in good order, and we drew off, having 
 finished what we came for without fighting. 
 
 Thus we plentifully stored the town with all things wanting, 
 and with an addition of five hundred dragoons to their 
 garrison ; after which we marched away without fighting a 
 stroke. Our next orders were to relieve Pontefract Castle, 
 another garrison of the king's, which had been besieged ever 
 since a few days after the fight at Marston-moor, by the Lord 
 Fairfax, Sir Thomas Fairfax, and other generals in their turn. 
 
 By the way, we were joined with eight hundred horse out 
 of Derbyshire, and some foot, so many as made us about four 
 thousand five hundred men in aU, 
 
COLONEL FORBES COMMANDS THE SIEGE. 203 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 ACTION WITH COLONEL FORBES, A SCOTCHMAN — I VISIT MT 
 FATHER, WHO IS PRISONER OP WAR AT SHREWSBURY, 
 AND OBTAIN HIS EXCHANGE SIR THOMAS FAIRFAX AP- 
 POINTED GENERAL OF THE PARLIAMENT ARMT THE 
 
 king's OBSERVATION THEREUPON LEICESTER TAKEN BY 
 
 STORM BATTLE OF NASEBY FATAL CONSEQUENCES 
 
 THEREOF THE MNG RETIRES TO WALES. 
 
 CoLONFX Forbes, a Scotchman, commanded at the siege, in 
 the absence of the Lord Fairfax ; the colonel had sent to my 
 lord for more troops, and his lordship was gathering his iorces 
 to come up to him ; but he was pleased to come too late. We 
 3ame up with the enemy's leaguer about the break of day, 
 and having been discovered by their scouts, they, with more 
 courage than discretion, drew out to meet us. We saw no 
 reason to avoid them, being stronger in horse than they ; and 
 though we had but a few foot, we had a thousand dragoons, 
 which helped us out. We had placed our horse and toot 
 throughout in one line, with two reserves of horse, and 
 between every division of horse, a division of foot, only that, 
 on the extremes of our wings, there were two parties of horse 
 on each point by themselves, and the dragoons in the centre 
 on foot. Their foot charged us home, and stood with push 
 of pike a great while ; but their horae charging our horse and 
 musketeers, and being closed on the flanks with those two 
 extended troops on our wings, they were presently disordered, 
 and fled out of the field. The foot thus deserted, were charged 
 on every side, and broken. They retreated still fighting, and 
 in good order, for a while ; but the garrison sallying upon 
 them at the same time, and being followed close by our horse, 
 they were scattered, entirely routed, and most of them killed. 
 The Lord Fairfax was come with his horse as far as Ferry- 
 bridge, but the fight was over ; and all he could do w^s to 
 rally those that fled, and save some of their carriages, which 
 else had fallen into our hands. We drew up our little army 
 in order of battle the next day, expecting the Lord Fairiax 
 
204 MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIER 
 
 would have charged us ; but his lordship was so far from any 
 such thoughts, that he placed a party of dragoons, with orders 
 to fortify the pass at Ferrybridge, to prevent our falling upon 
 him in his retreat, which he needed not have done ; for having 
 raised the siege of Pontefract, our business was done, we had 
 nothing to say to him, unless we had been strong enough to 
 stay. 
 
 "We lost not above thirty men in this action, and the enemy 
 three hundred, with about a hundred and fifty prisoners, one 
 piece of cannon, aU their ammunition, a thousand arms, and 
 most of their baggage ; and Colonel Lambert was once taken 
 prisoner, being wounded, but got off again. 
 
 We brought no relief for the garrison, but the opportunity 
 to furnish themselves out of the country, which they did very 
 plentifully. The ammunition taken from the enemy was 
 given to them, which they wanted, and was their due, for 
 they had seized it in the sally they made, before the enemy 
 was quite defeated. 
 
 I cannot omit taking notice, on all occasions, how exceeding 
 serviceable this method was of posting musketeers in the in- 
 tervals, among the horse, in all this war. I persuaded our 
 generals to it, as much as possible, and I never knew a body 
 of horse beaten that did so ; yet I had great difficulty to pre- 
 vail upon our people to believe it, though it was taught me 
 by the greatest general in the world, viz., the King of Sweden. 
 Prince Rupert did it at the battle of Marston-moor ; and had 
 the Earl of Newcastle not been obstinate against it in his 
 right wing, as I observed before, the day had not been lost. 
 In discoursing this with Sir Marmaduke Langdale, I had 
 related several examples of the serviceableness of these small 
 bodies of firemen, and, with great difficulty, brought him to 
 agree, telling him, I would be answerable for the success ; 
 but, after the fight, he told me plainly he saw the advantage 
 of it, and would never fight otherwise again, if he had any 
 foot to place. So having relieved these two places, we hast- 
 ened, by long marches, through Derbyshire, to join Prince 
 Rupert on the edge of Shropshire and Cheshire. We found 
 Colonel Roseter had followed us at a distance, ever since the 
 business at Melton-Mowbray, but never cared to attack us, 
 and we found he did the like still. Our general would fain 
 have been doing with him again, but we found him too shy. 
 Once we laid a trap for him at Dove-bridge, between Derbj 
 
JOIN PRINCE RUPERT IN CHESHIRE. 203 
 
 and Burton-upon-Trent, the body being marched two days 
 before ; three hundred dragoons were left to guard the bridge, 
 as if we were afraid he should fall upon us. Upon this we 
 marched, as I said, on to Burton, and, the next day, fetching 
 a compass round, came to a village near Titbury Castle, whose 
 name I forgot, where we lay still, expecting our dragoons 
 would be attacked. 
 
 Accordingly the colonel, strengthened with some troops of 
 horse from Yorkshire, comes up to the bridge, and finding 
 some dragoons posted, advances to charge them: the dragoons 
 immediately get a horseback, and run for it, as they were 
 ordered j but the old lad was not to be caught so ; for he 
 halts immediately at the bridge, and would not come over 
 tiU he had sent three or four flying parties abroad, to discover 
 the country. One of these parties fell into our hands, and 
 received but coarse entertainment. Finding the plot would 
 not take, we appeared, and drew up in view of the bridge, 
 but he would not stir ; so we continued our march into 
 Cheshire, where we joined Prince Rupert and Prince Mau- 
 rice, making together a fine body, being above eight thousand 
 horse and dragoons. 
 
 This was the best and most successful expedition I was in 
 during this war. It was well concerted, and executed with 
 as much expedition and conduct as could be desired, and the 
 success was answerable to it; and indeed, considering the 
 season of the year, for we set out from Oxford the latter end 
 of February, the ways bad, and the season wet, it was a 
 terrible march of above two hundred miles, in continual 
 action, and continually dodged and observed by a vigilant 
 enemy, and at a time when the north was overrun by their 
 armies, and the Scots wanting employment for their forces ; 
 yet, in less than twenty-three days, we marched two hundred 
 miles, fought the enemy in open field four times, relieved one 
 garrison besieged, and raised the siege of another, and joined 
 our friends at last in safety. 
 
 The enemy was in great pain for Sir William Brereton ana 
 his forces, and expresses rid night and day to the Scots in 
 the north, and to the parties in Lancashire, to come to his 
 help. The prince, who used to be rather too forward to fight, 
 than otherwise, could not be persuaded to make use of this 
 opportunity, but loitered, if I may be allowed to say so, till 
 the Scots, with a brigade of horse and two thousand foot, had 
 
206 MEMOIRS OP A CAVALIEK. 
 
 joined him; and then it was not thought proper to engage 
 them. 
 
 I took this opportunity to go to Shrewsbury to visit my 
 father, who was a prisoner of war there, getting a pass from 
 the enemy's governor. They allowed him the liberty of the 
 town, and sometimes to go to his own house upon his parole, 
 so that his confinement was not very much to his personal 
 injury ; but this, together with the charges he had been at 
 in raising the regiment, and above 20,000^. in money and 
 plate, which at several times he had lent, or given rather, to 
 the king, had reduced our family to very iU circumstances ; 
 and now they talked of cutting down his woods. 
 
 I had a great deal of discourse with my father on this 
 affair ; and finding him extremely concerned, I offered to go to 
 the king, and desire his leave to go to London, and treat 
 about his composition, or to render myself a prisoner in his 
 stead, while he went up himself. In this difficulty I treated 
 vnth. the governor of the town, who very civilly offered me 
 his pass to go for London, which I accepted ; and waiting on 
 Prince Eupert, who was then at Worcester, I acquainted him 
 with my design. The prince was unwilling I should go to 
 London, but told me he had some prisoners of the parliament's 
 fi'iends in Cumberland, and he would get an exchange for my 
 father. I told him if he would give me his word for it, I 
 knew I might depend upon it, otherwise there was so many of 
 the king's party in their hands, that his majesty was tired 
 with solicitations for exchanges ; for we never had a prisoner 
 but there was ten offers of exchange for him. The prince 
 told me, I should depend upon him ; and he was as good as 
 his word quickly after. 
 
 While the prince lay at Worcester he made an incursion 
 into Herefordshire, and having made some of the gentlemen 
 prisoners, brought them to Worcester ; and though it was an 
 action which had not been usual, they being persons not in 
 arms, yet the like being my father's case, who was really not 
 in commission, nor in any military service, having resigned 
 his regiment three years before to me, the prince insisted on 
 exchanging them for such as the parliament had in custody in 
 like circumstances. The gentlemen seeing no remedy, soli- 
 cited their own case at the parliament, and got it passed in 
 their behalf; and by this means my father got his liberty; 
 and, by the assistance of the Earl of Denbigh, got leave to 
 
PARLIAMENT ARMY VOTE PAIEFAX AS GENERAL. 207 
 
 come to London to make a composition, as a delinquent, for 
 his estate. This they charged at 7000/.; but by the assist- 
 ance of the same noble person, he got off for 4000/. Some 
 members of the committee moved very kindly, that my father 
 should oblige me to quit the king's service ; but that, as a 
 thing which might be out of his power, was not insisted on. 
 
 The' modelling of thft. parliament army took them up all 
 this winter, and we were in great hopes the division which 
 appeared amongst them might have weakened their party ; 
 but when they voted Sir Thomas Fairfax to be general, I 
 confess I was convinced the king's afiairs were lost and des- 
 perate. Sir Thomas, abating the zeal of his party, and the 
 mistaken opinion of his cause, was the fittest man amongst 
 them to undertake the charge : he was a complete general, 
 strict in his discipline, wary in conduct, fearless in action, 
 unwearied in the fatigue of the war, and, withal, of a modest, 
 noble, generous disposition. "We all apprehended danger 
 from him, and heartily wished him of our ovm side ; and the 
 king was so sensible, though he would not discover it, that, 
 when an account was brought him of the choice they had 
 made, he replied, he was sorry for it ; he had rather it had 
 been anybody than he. 
 
 The first attempts of this new general and new army 
 were at Oxford, which, by the neighbourhood of a numerous 
 garrison in Abingdon, began to be very much straitened for 
 provisions ; and the new forces under Cromwell and Skip- 
 pon, one lieutenant-general, the other major-general to Fair- 
 fax, approaching with a design to block it up, the king left 
 the place, supposing his absence would draw them away, as 
 it soon did. 
 
 The king resolving to leave Oxford, marches from thence 
 with all his forces, the garrison excepted, with design to 
 have gone to Bristol, but the plague was in Bristol, which 
 altered the measures, and changed the course of the king's 
 designs, so he marched for Worcester, about the beginning 
 of June, 1645. The foot, with a train of forty pieces of 
 cannon, marching into Worcester, the horse stayed behind 
 some time in Gloucestershire. 
 
 The first action our army did, was to raise the siege of 
 Chester. Sir William Brereton had besieged it, or rather 
 blocked it up, and when his majesty came to Worcester, ha 
 sent Prince Rupert with four thousand horse and dragoons, 
 
208 MEMOIRS OP A CAVALIER. 
 
 with orders to join some foot out of "Wales, to raise the 
 siege ; but Sir William thought fit to withdraw, and not stay 
 for them, and the town was freed without fighting. The 
 governor took care in this interval to furnish himself with 
 all things necessary for another siege ; and as for ammuni- 
 tion and other necessaries, he was in no want. 
 
 1 was sent with a party into Staffordshire, with design to 
 intercept a convoy of stores coming from London, for the use 
 of Sir William Brereton ; but they having some notice of the 
 design, stopt, and went out of the road to Burton-upon-Trent, 
 and so I missed them ; but that we might not come back 
 quite empty, we attacked Hawkesly-house, and took it, 
 where we got good booty, and brought eighty prisoners back 
 to Worcester. From Worcester the king advanced into 
 Shropshire, and took his head-quarters at Bridgenorth. This 
 was a very happy march of the king's, and had his majesty 
 proceeded, he had certainly cleared the north once more of 
 his enemies, for the country was generally for him. At his 
 advancing so far as Bridgenorth, Sir William Brereton fled 
 up into Lancashire ; the' Scots' brigades who were with him 
 retreated into the north, while yet the king was above forty 
 miles from them, and all things lay open for conquest. The 
 new generals, Fairfax and Cromwell, lay about Oxford, pre- 
 paring as if they would besiege it, and gave the king's army 
 so much leisure, that his majesty might have been at New- 
 castle before they could have been half way to him. But 
 heaven, when the ruin of a person or party is determined, 
 always so infatuates their counsels, as to make them instru- 
 mental to it themselves. 
 
 The king let slip this great opportunity, as some thought, 
 intending to break into the associated counties of North- 
 ampton, Cambridge, and Norfolk, where he had some interests 
 forming. What the design was, we knew not, but the king 
 turns eastward, and marches into Leicestershire, and having 
 treated the country but very indifferently, as having deserved 
 no better of us, laid siege to Leicester. 
 
 This was but a short siege ; for the king resolving not to 
 loose time, fell on with his great guns, and having beaten 
 down their works, our foot entered, after a vigorous resistance, 
 and took the town by storm. There was some blood shed 
 here, the town being carried by assault ; but it was their own 
 taults ; for, after the town was taken, the soldiers and towns- 
 
THE king's AEMT BESIEGES LEICESTER. 209 
 
 men obstinately fought us in the market-place ; insomuch that 
 the horse was called to enter the town to clear the streets. 
 But this was not all. I was commanded to advance with these 
 horse, being three regiments, and to enter the town ; the foot, 
 who were engaged in the streets, crying out, Horse, horse. 
 Immediately I advanced to the gate, for we were drawn up 
 about musket-shot from the works, to have supported our foot, 
 in case of a sally. Having seized the gate, I placed a guard 
 of horse there, with orders to let nobody pass in or out, and 
 dividing my troops, rode up by two ways towards the market- 
 place ; the garrison defending themselves in the market-place, 
 and in the church-yard, with great obstinacy, killed us a great 
 many men ; but as soon as our horse appeared, they demanded 
 quarter, which our foot refused them in the first heat, as is 
 frequent in all nations, in like cases ; till at last, they threw 
 down their arms, and yielded at discretion ; and then, I can 
 testify to the world, that fair quarter was given them. I am 
 the more particular in this relation, having been an eyewitness 
 of the action, because the king was reproached in all the public 
 libels, with which those times abounded, for having put a 
 great many to death, and hanged the committee of the parlia- 
 ment, and some Scots, in cold blood, which was a notorious 
 forgery ; and as I am sure there was no such thing done, so 
 I must acknowledge I never saw any inclination in his majesty 
 to cruelty, or to act anything which was not practised by the 
 general laws of war, and by men of honour in all nations. 
 
 But the matter of fact, in respect to the garrison, was as I 
 have related ; and, if they had thrown down their arms 
 sooner, they had had mercy sooner ; but it was not for a 
 conquering army, entered a town by storm, to offer conditions 
 of quarter in the streets. 
 
 Another circumstance was, that a great many of the 
 inhabitants, both men and women, were killed, which is most 
 true ; and the case was thus. The inhabitants, to show their 
 over-forward zeal to defend the town, fought in the breach ; 
 nay, the very women, to the honour of the Leicester ladies, 
 if they like it, officiously did their parts ; and afler the town 
 was taken, and when, if they had had any brains in their zeal, 
 they would have kept their houses, and been quiet, they fired 
 upon our men out of their windows, and from the tops of their 
 houses, and threw tiles' upon their heads ; and I had several 
 of my men wounded so, and seven or eight killed. This ex- 
 
 VOL. II. P 
 
210 MEMOIRS OF A CATALIEB. 
 
 asperated us to the last degree ; and, finding one house better 
 manned than ordinary, and many shot fired at us out of the 
 Tnndows, I caused my men to attack it, resolved to make them 
 an example for the rest ; which they did, and breaking open 
 the doors, they killed all they found there, without distinction ; 
 and I appeal to the world if they were to blame. If the par- 
 liament committee, or the Scots' deputies, were here, they 
 ought to have been quiet, since the tovm was taken ; but they 
 began with us, and, I think, brought it upon themselves. 
 This is the whole case, so far as came vsdthin my knowledge, 
 for which his majesty was so much abused. 
 
 We took here Colonel Gray and Captain Hacker, and about 
 tliree hundred prisoners, and about three hundred more were 
 killed. This was the last day of May, 1645. 
 
 His majesty having given over Oxford for lost, continued 
 here some days, viewed the town, ordered the fortifications 
 to be augmented, and prepares to make it the seat of war. But 
 the parliament, roused at this appearance of the king's army, 
 orders their general to raise the siege of Oxford, where the 
 garrison had, in a sally, ruined some of their works, and killed 
 them one hundred and fifty men, taking several prisoners, and 
 carrying them with them into the city ; and orders him to 
 march towards Leicester to observe the king. 
 
 The king had now a small, but gallant axmy, all brave tried 
 soldiers, and seemed eager to engage the new-modelled army ; 
 and his majesty, hearing that Sir Thomas Fairfax having 
 raised the siege of Oxford, advanced towards him, fairly saves 
 iiim the trouble oi a long march, and meets him half way. 
 
 The army lay at Daventry, and Fairfax at Towcester, about 
 eight miles off. Here the king sends away six hundred horse, 
 with three thousand head of cattle, to relieve his people in 
 Oxford ; the cattle he might have spared better than the men. 
 The king having thus victualled Oxford, changes his resolu- 
 tion of fighting Fairfax, to whom Cromwell was now joined 
 with four thousand men, or was within a day's march, and 
 rnarches northward. This was unhappy counsel, because late 
 given. Had we marched northward at first, we had done it ; 
 but thus it was. Now we marched with a triumphing enemy 
 at our heels, and at Naseby their advanced parties attacked 
 our rear. The king, upon this, alters his resolution again, 
 and resolves to fight, and at midnight calls us up at Harborough 
 to come to a council of war. Fate and the king's opinioo 
 
BATTLE OF NASEBT. 211 
 
 determinad the council of war ; and it was resolved to fight. 
 Accordingly the van, in which was Prince Eupert's brigade 
 of horse, of which my regiment was a part, countermarched 
 early in the morning. 
 
 By five o'clock in the morning, the whole army, in order 
 of battle, began to descry the enemy from the rising grounds, 
 about a mile from Naseby, and moved towards them. They 
 were drawn up on a little ascent in a large common fallow 
 field, in one line, extending from one side of the field to the 
 other, the field something more than a mile over ; our army 
 in the same order, in one line, with the reserves. 
 
 The king led the main battle of foot, Prince Rupert the 
 right wing of the horse, and Sir Marmaduke Langdale the 
 left. Of the enemy Fairfax and Skippon led the body, 
 CromweU and Roseter the right, and Ireton the left. The 
 numbers of both armies so equal, as not to diflfer five hundred 
 men, save that the king had most horse by about one thousand, 
 and Fairfax most foot by about five hundred. The number 
 was in each army about eighteen thousand men. 
 
 . The armies coming close up, the vdngs engaged first. The 
 prince with his right wing charged with his wonted fury, and 
 drove all the parliament's wing of horse, one division excepted, 
 clear out of the field, Ireton, who commanded this wing, give 
 him his due, rallied often, and fought like a lion ; but our 
 wing bore down all before them, and pursued them with a 
 terrible execution. 
 
 Ireton seeing one division of his horse left, repaired to them, 
 and keeping his ground, feU foul of a brigade of our foot, who 
 coming up to the head of the line, he like a madman charges 
 them with his horse. But they with their pikes tore him to 
 pieces ; so that this division was entirely ruined. Ireton 
 himself thrust through the thigh with a pike, wounded in the 
 face with a halberd, was unhorsed and taken prisoner. 
 
 Cromwell, who commanded the parliament's right wing, 
 charged Sir Marmaduke Langdale with extraordinary fury ; 
 but he, an old tried soldier, stood firm, and received the charge 
 with equal gallantry, exchanging all their shot, carabines, 
 and pistols, and then fell on sword in hand. Roseter and 
 WhaJey had the better on the point of the wing, and routed 
 two divisions of horse, pushed them behind reserves, where 
 they rallied, and charged again, but were at last defeated; 
 
 p 2 
 
212 MEMOIRS OV A CAVALIER. 
 
 the rest of the horse now charged in the flank retreated fight- 
 ing, and were pushed behind the reserves of foot. 
 
 While this was doing, the foot engaged with equal fierce- 
 ness, and for two hours there was a terrible fire. The king's 
 foot, backed with gallant officers, and full of rage at the rout 
 of their horse, bore down the enemy's brigade led by Skippon. 
 The old man wounded, bleeding, retreats to their reserves. 
 All the foot, except the general's brigade, were thus driven 
 into the reserves, where their officers rallied them, and brought 
 them on to a fresh charge ; and here the horse having driven 
 our horse above a quarter of a mile from the foot, face about, 
 and fall in on the rear of the foot. 
 
 Had our right wing done thus, the day had been secured ; 
 but Prince Rupert, according to his custom, following the 
 flying enemy, never concerned himself with the safety of those 
 behind ; and yet he returned sooner than he had done in like 
 cases too. At our return we found all in confusion, our foot 
 broken, all but one brigade, which, though charged in the 
 front, flank, and rear, could not be broken, till Sir Thomas 
 Fairfax himself came up to the charge with fresh men, and 
 then they were rather cut in pieces than beaten ; for they 
 stood with their pikes charged every way to the last 
 extremity. 
 
 In this condition, at the distance of a quarter of a mile, we 
 saw the king rallying his horse, and preparing to renew the 
 fight ; and our wing of horse coming up to him, gave him 
 opportunity to draw up a large body of horse, so large, that 
 all the enemy's horse facing us, stood still and looked on, but 
 did not think fit to charge us, till their foot, who had entirely 
 broken our main battle, were put into order again, and 
 brought up to us. 
 
 The officers about the king advised his majesty rather to 
 draw off; for, since our foot were lost, it would be too much 
 odds to expose the horse to the fury of their whole army, 
 and would be but sacrificing his best troops, without any 
 hopes of success. 
 
 The king, though with great regret at the loss of his foot, 
 yet seeing there was no other hope, took his advice, and 
 retreated in good order to Harborough, and from thence to 
 Leicester. 
 
 This was the occasion of the enemy having so gi-eat a 
 
FATAL CONSEQUENCES OP THE BATTLE. 213 
 
 number of prisoners ; for the horse being thus gone off, the 
 foot had no means to make their retreat, and were obliged 
 to yield themselves. Commissary-general Ireton being 
 taken by a captain of foot, makes the captain his prisoner, to 
 save his life, and gives him his liberty for his courtesy 
 before. 
 
 Cromwell and Eoseter, with all the enemy's horse, followed 
 us as far as Leicester, and killed all that they could lay hold 
 on straggling from the body, but durst not attempt to charge 
 us in a body. The king expecting the enemy would come to 
 Leicester, removes to Ashby-de-la-Zouch, where we had some 
 time to recollect ourselves. 
 
 This was the most fatal action of the whole war ; notsomuch 
 for the loss of our cannon, ammunition, and baggage, of which 
 the enemy boasted so much, but as it was impossible for the 
 king ever to retrieve it. The foot, the best that he was ever 
 master of, couM never be supplied ; his army in the west 
 was exposed to certain ruin ; the north overrun with the 
 Scots ; in short, the case grew desperate, and the king was 
 once upon the point of bidding us all disband, and shift for 
 ourselves. 
 
 We lost in this fight not above two thousand slain, and 
 the parliament near as many, but the prisoners were a great 
 number; the whole body of foot being, as I have said, 
 dispersed, there were four thousand five hundred prisoners 
 besides four hundred officers, two thousand horses, twelve 
 pieces of cannon, forty barrels of powder, all the king's 
 baggage, coaches, most of his servants,, and his secretary, 
 with his cabinet of letters, of which the parhament made 
 great improvement, and, basely enough, caused his private 
 letters between his majesty and the queen, her majesty's 
 letters to the king, and a great deal of such stuff, to be 
 printed. 
 
 After this fatal blow, being retreated, as I have said, to 
 Ashby-de-la-Zouch, in Leicestershire, the king ordered us to 
 divide; his majesty, with a body of horse, about three 
 thousand, went to Lichfield, and through Cheshire into North 
 Wales, and Sir Marmaduke Langdale, with about two thou- 
 sand five hundred, went to Newark. 
 
 The king remained in Wales for several months; and 
 though the length of the war had almost drained that country 
 of men, yet the king raised a great many men there, recruited 
 
214 MEMOIKS OF A CAVALIER. 
 
 his horse regiments, and got together six or seven regiments 
 of foot, which seemed to look like the beginning of a new 
 army. 
 
 I had frequent discourses with his majesty in this low ebb 
 of his affairs and he would often wish he had not exposed 
 his army at Naseby. I took the freedom once to make a 
 proposition to his majesty, which, if it had taken effect, I 
 verily believe would have given a new turn to his affairs ; 
 and that was, at once to slight all his garrisons in the 
 kingdom, and give private orders to all the soldiers, in every 
 place, to join in bodies, and meet at two general rendezvous, 
 which I would have appointed to be, one at Bristol, and one 
 at "West-Chester. I demonstrated how easily aU the forces 
 might reach these two places ; and both being strong and 
 wealthy places, and both sea-ports, he would have a free 
 communication by sea, vnth Ireland, and with his friends 
 abroad ; and having Wales entirely his own, he might yet 
 have an opportunity to make good terms for himself, or else 
 have another fair field with the enemy. 
 
 Upon a fair calculation of his troops in several garrisons 
 and small bodies dispersed about, I convinced the king, by 
 his own accounts, that he might have two complete armies, 
 each of twenty-five thousand foot, eight thousand horse, and 
 two thousand dragoons ; that the Lord Goring and the Lord 
 Hopton might ship all their forces, and come by sea in two 
 tides, and be -with him in a shorter time than the enemy 
 could follow. 
 
 With two such bodies he might face the enemy, and make 
 a day of it ; but now his men were only sacrificed, and eaten 
 up by piecemeal in a party war, and spent their lives and 
 estates to do him no service. That if the parliament 
 garrisoned the towns and castles he should quit, they would 
 lessen their army, and not dare to see him in the field ; and 
 if they did not, but left them open, then it would be no loss 
 to him, but he might possess them as often as he pleased. 
 
 This advice I pressed with such arguments, that the king 
 was once going to despatch orders for the doing it ; but to 
 be irresolute in council, is always the companion of a 
 declining fortune; the king was doubtful, and could not 
 resolve till it was too late. 
 
 And yet, though the king's foices were very low, his 
 majesty was resolved to make one adventure more, and it 
 
THE KING EETIKES TO WALES. 215 
 
 was a strange one ; for, with but a handful of men, he made 
 a desperate march, almost two hundred and fifty miles, in 
 the middle of the whole kingdom, compassed about with 
 armies and parties innumerable, traversed the heart of his 
 enemy's country, entered their associated counties, where 
 no army had ever yet come, and, in spite of all their 
 victorious troops facing and following him, alarmed even 
 London itself, and returned safe to Oxford. 
 
 His majesty continued in Wales from the battle at Naseby 
 till the 5th or 6th of August, and till he had an account 
 from all parts of the progress of his enemies, and the posture 
 of his own affairs. 
 
 Here we found, that the enemy, being hard pressed in 
 Somersetshire by the Lord Goring, and Lord Hopton's forces, 
 who had taken Bridgewater, and distressed Taunton, which 
 was now at the point of surrender, they had ordered 
 Fairfax and Cromwell, and the whole army to march west- 
 ward, to relieve the town ; which they did, and Goring's 
 troops were worsted, and himself wounded at the fight 
 at Langport. 
 
 The Scots, who were always the dead weight upon the 
 king's affairs, having no more work to do in the north, were, 
 at the parliament's desire, advanced southward, and then 
 ordered away towards South Wales, and were set down to 
 the siege of Hereford. Here this famous Scotch army spent 
 several months in a fruitless siege, iU provided of ammunition, 
 and worse with money ; and having sat near three months 
 before the town, and done little but eat up the country round 
 them; upon the repeated accounts of the progress of the 
 Marquis of Montrose in that kingdom, and pressing instances 
 of their countrymen, they resolved to raise their siege, and 
 go home to relieve their friends. 
 
 The king, who was willing to be rid of the Scots upon 
 good terms; and therefore to hasten them, and lest they 
 should pretend to push on the siege to take the town first, 
 gives it out, that he was resolved with all his forces to go 
 into Scotland and join Montrose; and so having secured 
 Scotland, to renew the war from thence. 
 
 And accordingly his majesty marches northwards, with a 
 body of four thousand horse ; and, had the king really done 
 this, and with that body of horse marched away (for he had 
 the start of all his enemies, by above a fortnight's march), 
 
216 MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIER. 
 
 he had then had the fairest opportunity for a general turn of 
 all his affairs, that he ever had in all the latter part of this 
 war: for Montrose, a gallant daring soldier, who from the 
 least shadow of force in the farthest corner of his country, 
 had, rolling like a snowball, spread all over Scotland, was 
 come into the south parts, and had summoned Edinburgh, 
 frightened away their statesmen, beaten their soldiers at 
 Dundee and other places, and letters and messengers in the 
 heels of one another, repeated their cries to their brethren 
 in England, to lay before them the sad condition of the 
 country, and to hasten the army to their relief. The Scots' 
 lords of the enemy's party fled to Berwick, and the chan- 
 cellor of Scotland goes himself to General Lesly, to press 
 him for help. 
 
 In this extremity of affairs Scotland lay, when we marched 
 out of Wales. The Scots at the siege of Hereford hearing 
 the king was gone northward with his horse, concluded he 
 was gone directly for Scotland, and immediately send Lesly 
 with four thousand horse and foot to follow, but did not yet 
 raise the siege. 
 
 But the king, still irresolute, turns away to the eastward, 
 and comes to Lichiield, where he showed his resentments at 
 Colonel Hastings, for his easy surrertder of Leicester. 
 
 In this march the enemy took heart; we had troops of 
 horse on every side upon us, like hounds started at a fresh 
 stag. Lesly, with the Scots, and a strong body followed in 
 our rear. Major-general Pointz, Sir John Gell, Colonel 
 Roseter, and others, in our way ; they pretended to be ten 
 thousand horse, and yet never durst face us. The Scots 
 made one attempt upon a troop which stayed a little behind, 
 and took some prisoners ; but when a regiment of our horse 
 faced them, they retired. At a village near Lichfield, 
 another party of about a thousand horse attacked my 
 regiment ; we were on the left of the army, and, at a little 
 too far a distance. I happened to be with tlie king at that 
 time, and my Lieutenant-colonel with him, so that the 
 major had charge of the regiment; he made a very handsome 
 defence, but sent messengers for speedy relief; we were on 
 a march, and therefore all ready, and the king orders me a 
 regiment of dragoons and three hundred horse, and the body 
 halted to bring us off, not knowing how strong the enemy 
 might be. When I came to the place, I found my major 
 
THE king's ARJIT ATTACK NEWARK. 217 
 
 hiivA laid to, but fighting like a lion ; the enemy had broke 
 in upon him in two places, and had routed one troop, cutting 
 them off from the body, and had made them all prisoners. 
 Upon this I fell in with the three hundred horse, and cleared 
 my major from a party who charged him in the flank ; the 
 dragoons immediately alighting, one party of them comes up 
 on my wing, and saluting the enemy with their muskets, put 
 them to a stand ; the other party of dragoons wheeling to 
 the left, endeavouring to get behind them. The enemy 
 perceiving they should be overpowered, retreated in as good 
 order as they could, but left us most of our prisoners, and 
 about thirty of their own. We lost about fifteen of our men, 
 and the enemy about forty, chiefiy by the fire of our dragoons 
 in their retreat. 
 
 In this posture we continued our march ; and though the 
 king halted at Lichfield, which was a dangerous article, 
 having so many of the enemy's troops upon his hands ; and 
 this time gave them opportunity to get into a body ; yet the 
 Scots, with their General Lesly, resolving for the north, the 
 rest of the troops were not able to' face us, till having 
 ravaged the enemy's country through Staffordshire, War- 
 wick, Leicester, and Nottinghamshire, we came to the 
 leaguer before Newark. 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 THE king's AEMT ATTACKS NEWARK SUCCESSFUL EXCURSION 
 
 INTO LINCOLNSHIRE SIEGE OP HUNTINGDON BRAVE 
 
 ACTION OP A DRAGOON THE MARQUIS OP MONTROSE 
 
 DOES GREAT SERVICE IN SCOTLAND 1 LEAVE THE ARMY 
 
 ON A VISIT TO MY PATHEe's ^DISASTROUS TERMINATION 
 
 OP THE WAR, AND FATE OP THE KING's PARTY. 
 
 The king was once more in the mind to have gone into 
 Scotland, and called a council of war to that purpose ; but 
 then it was resolved by all hands, that it would be too late 
 to attempt it ; for the Scots, and Major-general Pointz, were 
 before us, and several strong bodies of horse in our rear ; 
 and there was no venturing now, unless any advantage 
 presented to rout one of those parties which attended us; 
 Upon these, and like considerations, wo resolved for 
 
il8 MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIER. 
 
 Newark ; on our approach, the forces which blocked up 
 that town, drew ofi, being too weak to oppose us ; for the 
 king was now above five thousand horse and dragoons, 
 besides three hundred horse and dragoons he took with him 
 from Newark. 
 
 We halted at Newark to assist the garrison, or give them 
 time rather to furnish themselves from the country with 
 what they wanted, which they were very diligent in doing ; 
 for, in two days' time, they filled a large island, which lies 
 under the town, between the two branches of the Trent, 
 with sheep, oxen, cows, and horses, an incredible number; 
 and our affairs being now something desperate, we were not 
 very nice in our usage of the country; for really if it was not 
 with a resolution, both to punish the enemy, and enrich 
 ourselves, no man can give any rational account why this 
 desperate journey was undertaken. 
 
 It is certain the Newarkers, in the respite they gained by 
 our coming, got above 50,000?. from the country round 
 them, in corn, cattle, money, and other plunder. 
 
 From hence we broke into Lincolnshire, and the king lay 
 at Belvoir Castle, and from Belvoir Castle to Stamford. The 
 swiftness of our march was a terrible surprise to the enemy ; 
 for our van being at a village on the great road called Stilton, 
 the country people fled into the isle of Ely, and every way, 
 as if all was lost. Indeed our dragoons treated the country 
 very coarsely; and all our men, in general, made themselves 
 rich. Between Stilton and Huntingdon we had a small 
 bustle with some of the associated troops of horse, but they 
 were soon routed, and fled to Huntingdon, where they gave 
 such an account of us to their fellows, that they did not 
 think fit to stay for us, but left their foot to defend them- 
 selves as well as they could. 
 
 While this was doing in the van, a party from Burleigh 
 House, near Stamford, the seat of the Earl of Exeter, 
 pursued four troops of our horse, who straggling towards 
 Peterborough, and committing some disorders there, were 
 surprised before they could get into a posture of fighting; 
 and encumbered, as I suppose, vrith their plunder, they were 
 entirely routed, lost most of their horses, and were forced to 
 come away on foot ; but finding themselves in this condition, 
 they got into a body in the enclosures, and in that posture 
 turning dragoons, they lined the hedges, and fired upon the 
 
SIEGE OF HUNTINGDON-. 219 
 
 enemy -with their carabines. This -way of fighting, though 
 not very pleasant to troopers, put the enemy's horse to some 
 stand, and encouraged our men to venture into a village, 
 where the enemy had secured forty of their horse ; and 
 boldly charging the guard, they beat them off; and recover- 
 ing those horses, the rest made their retreat good to Wansford 
 Bridge ; but we lost near a hundred horses, and about twelve 
 of our men taken prisoners. 
 
 The next day the king took Huntingdon ; the foot which 
 were left in the town, as I observed by their horse, had posted 
 themselves at the foot of the bridge, and fortified the pass, 
 with such things as the haste and shortness of the time would 
 allow ; and in this posture they seemed resolute to defend 
 themselves. I confess, had they in time planted a good force 
 here, they might have put a full stop to our little army ; for 
 the river is large and deep, the country on the left marshy, 
 full oi drains and ditches, and unfit for horse, and we must 
 have either turned back, or took the right hand into Bed- 
 fordshire ; but here not being above four hundred loot, and 
 they forsaken of their horse, the resistance they made was to 
 no other purpose than to give us occasion to knock them in 
 the head, and plunder the town. 
 
 However, they defended the bridge, as I have said, and 
 opposed our passage. I was this day in the van, and our 
 forlorn having entered Huntingdon, without any great re- 
 sistance, till they came to the bridge, finding it barricaded, 
 they sent me word ; I caused the troops to halt, and rode up 
 to the forlorn, to view the countenance of the enemy, and 
 lound by the posture they had put themselves in, that they 
 resolved to sell us the passage as dear as they could. 
 
 I sent to the king for some dragoons, and gave him account 
 of what I observed of the enemy, and that I judged them to 
 be a thousand men ; for I could not particularly see their 
 numbers. Accordingly, the king ordered five hundred dra- 
 goons to attack the bridge, commanded by a major; the 
 enemy had two hundred musketeers placed on the bridge, 
 their barricade served them for a breastwork on the front, 
 and the low walls on the bridge served to secure their flanks ; 
 two bodies of their foot were placed on the opposite banks of 
 the river, and a reserve stood on the highway on the rear. 
 The number of their men could not have been better ordered, 
 and they wanted not courage answerable to the conduct of 
 
220 MEMOIRS OP A CAVALIER. 
 
 the party. They were commanded by one Bennet, a resolute 
 officer, who stood in the front of his men on the bridge with 
 a pike in his hand. 
 
 Before we began to fall on, the king ordered to view the 
 river, to see if it was nowhere passable, or any boat to be had; 
 but the river being not fordable, and the boats all secured on 
 the other side, the attack was resolved on, and the dragoons 
 fell on with extraordinary bravery. The foot defended them- 
 selves obstinately, and beat off our dragoons twice ; and 
 though Bennet was killed upon the spot, and after him his 
 lieutenant, yet their officers relieving them with fresh men, 
 they would certainly have beat us all off, had not a venturous 
 fellow, one of our dragoons, thrown himself into the river, 
 swam over, and, in the midst of a shower of musket-bullets, 
 cut the rope which tied a great flat-bottomed boat, and 
 brought her over. With the help of this boat, I got over a 
 hundred troopers first, and then their horses, and then two 
 hundred more without their horses ; and with this party fell 
 in with one of the small bodies of foot that were posted on 
 that side, and having routed them, and, after them, the re- 
 serve which stood in the road, I made up to the other party; 
 they stood their groun4, and having rallied the runaways of 
 both the other parties, charged me with their pikes, and 
 brought me to a retreat ; but by this time the king had sent 
 over three hundred men more, and they coming up to me, 
 the foot retreated. Those on the bridge finding how it was, 
 and having no supplies sent them, as before, fainted, and fled; 
 and the dragoons rushing forward, most of them were killed; 
 about a hundred and fifty of the enemy were killed, of which 
 all the officers at the bridge, the rest ran away. 
 
 The town suffered for it; for our men left them little 
 of anything they could carry. Here we halted, and raised 
 contributions, took money of the country, and of the 
 open towns, to exempt them from plunder. Twice we faced 
 the town of Cambridge, and several of our officers advised 
 his majesty to storm it ; but having no foot, and but twelve 
 hundred dragoons, vriser heads diverted him from it ; and leaving 
 Cambridge on the left, we marched to Woburn, in Bedford- 
 shire, and our parties raised money over all the county, 
 quite into Hertfordshire, within five miles of St. Albans. 
 
 The swiftness of our march, and uncertainty which "way 
 we intended, prevented all possible preparation to oppose ua, 
 
THE SCOTS, ILL PAID AKD FED, MARCH NORTHWARD, 221 
 
 and we met with no party able to make head against us. 
 From Woburn, the king went through Buckingham to 
 Oxford ; some of our men straggling in the villages for 
 plunder, were often picked up by the enemy ; but in all this 
 long march, we did not lose two hundred men, got an in- 
 credible booty, and brought six waggons loaden with money, 
 besides two thousand horses, and three thousand head of 
 cattle into Oxford. 
 
 From Oxford his majesty moves again into Gloucester- 
 shire, having left about fifteen hundred of his horse at Oxford, 
 to scour the country, and raise contributions, which they did 
 as far as Reading. 
 
 Sir Thomas Fairfax was returned from taking Endgewater, 
 and was sat down before Bristol, in which Prince Rupert 
 commanded, with a strong garrison, two thousand five 
 hundred foot, and one thousand horse. We had not force 
 enough to attempt anything there ; but the Scots, who lay 
 still before Hereford, were afraid of us, having before parted 
 with all their horse under Lieutenant-general Lesly, and but 
 ill stored with provisions ; and, if we came on their backs, 
 were in a fair way to be starved, or made to buy their pro- 
 visions at the price of their blood. 
 
 His majesty was sensible of this,, and had we had but ten 
 regiments of foot, would certainly have fought the Scots ; but 
 we had no foot, or so few as not worth while to march them. 
 However, the king marched to Worcester, and the Scots 
 apprehending they should be blocked up, immediately raised 
 the siege, pretending it was to go to help their brethren in 
 Scotland, and away they marched northwards. 
 
 We picked up some of their stragglers, but they were so 
 poor, had been so ill paid, and so harassed at the siege, that 
 they had neither money nor clothes ; and the poor soldiers 
 fed upon apples and roots, and eat the very green corn as it 
 grew in the fields, which reduced them to a very sorry con- 
 dition of health, for they died like people infected with the 
 plague. 
 
 It was now debated whether we should yet march for 
 Scotland, but two things prevented. 1. The plague was 
 broke out there, and multitudes died of it, which made the 
 king backward, and the men more backward. 2. The Mar- 
 quis of Montrose having routed a whole brigade of Lesly's 
 best horse, and carried all before him, wrote to his majesty, 
 
222 MEMoms OF a cavalier. 
 
 that he did not now want assistance, but was in hopes in a 
 few days to send a body of foot into England, to his majesty's 
 assistance. This over confidence of his was his ruin ; for, on 
 the contrary, had he earnestly pressed the king to have 
 marched, and fallen in with his horse, the king had done it, 
 and been absolutely master of Scotland in a fortnight's time ; 
 but Montrose was too confident, and defied them all, till at 
 last they got their forces together, and Lesly, with his horse 
 out of England, and worsted him in two or three encounters, 
 and then never left him till they drove him out of Scotland. 
 
 While his majesty stayed at Worcester several messengers 
 came to him from Cheshire for relief, being exceedingly 
 straitened by the forces of the parliament : in order to which, 
 the king marched; but Shrewsbury being in the enemy's 
 hands, he was obliged to go round by Ludlow, where he was 
 joined by some foot out of Wales. I took this opportunity 
 to ask his majesty's leave to go by Shrewsbury to my father's, 
 and taking only two servants, I left the army two days before 
 they marched. 
 
 This was the most unsoldier-like action that ever I was 
 guilty of, to go out of the army to pay a visit, when a time 
 of action was just at hand ; and, though I protest I had not 
 the least intimation, no, not from my own thoughts, that the 
 army would engage, at least before they came to Chester, 
 before which I intended to meet them ; yet it looked so ill, so 
 like an excuse, or a sham of cowardice, or disaffection to the 
 cause, and to my master's interest, or something I know not 
 what, that I could not bear to think of it, nor never had the 
 heart to see the king's face after it. 
 
 From Ludlow the king marched to relieve Chester : Poyntz, 
 who commanded the parliament's forces, follows the king, 
 with design to join with the forces before Chester, under 
 Colonel Jones, before the king could come up. To that end, 
 Poyntz passes through Shrewsbury the day that the king 
 marched from Ludlow ; yet the king's forces got the start of 
 him, and forced him to engage. Had the king engaged him 
 but three hours sooner, and consequently farther off from 
 Chester, he had ruined him ; for Poyntz's men, not able to 
 stand the shock of the king's horse, gave ground, and would 
 in halfi an hour more have been beaten out of the field ; but 
 Colonel Jones, with a strong party from the camp, which was 
 within two miles, comes up in the heat of the action, falls on 
 
DISASTROUS TERMINATION OP THE -WAR 223 
 
 ii- the king's rear, and turned the scale of the day. The 
 body was, after an obstinate fight defeated, and a great many 
 gentlemen of quality killed and taken prisoners ; the Earl of 
 Lichfield was of the number of the former, and sixty-seven 
 officers of the latter, with a thousand others. 
 
 The king, with about five hundred horse got into Chester, 
 and from thence into Wales, whither all that could get away 
 made up to him as fast as they could, but in a bad condition. 
 
 This was the last stroke they struck, the rest of the war 
 was nothing but taking all his garrisons from him, one by one, 
 tUl they finished the war with the captivating his person, and 
 then, for want of other business, feU to fighting with one 
 another. 
 
 I was quite disconsolate at the news of this last action, 
 and the more, because I was not there ; my regiment was 
 wholly dispersed, my lieutenant colonel, a gentleman of a 
 good family, and a near relation to my mother, was pri- 
 soner, my major and three captains kiUed, and most of the 
 rest prisoners. 
 
 The king, hopeless of any considerable party in "Wales, 
 Bristol being surrendered, sends for Prince Rupert, and 
 Prince Maurice, who came to him. With them, and the 
 Lord Digby, Sir Marmaduke Langdale, and a great train of 
 gentlemen, his majesty marches to Newark again, leaves a 
 thousand horse with Sir WiUiam Vaughan, to attempt the 
 relief of Chester, in doing whereof he was routed the second 
 time by Jones and his men, and entirely dispersed. 
 
 The chief strength the king had in these parts was 
 Newark, and the parliament were very earnest with the Scots 
 to march southward, and to lay siege to Newark ; and while 
 the parliament pressed them to it, and they sat still, and 
 delayed it, several heats began, and some iU blood between 
 them, which afterwards broke out into open war. The 
 English reproached the Scots with pretending to help them, 
 and really hindering their affairs. The Scots returned, that 
 they came to fight for them, and are left to be starved, and 
 can neither get money nor clothes. At last they came to 
 this, the Scots wiU come to the siege, if the parliament will 
 send them money, but not before. However, as people 
 sooner agree in doing ill, than in doing well, they came to 
 terms, and the Scots came with their whole army to the siege 
 of Newark. 
 
224 MEMOIKS OF A CAVALIER. 
 
 The king, foreseeing the siege, calls his friends about him, 
 tells them, he sees his circumstances are such, that they can 
 help him but little, nor he protect them, and advises thenri to 
 separate. The Lord Digby, with Sir Marmaduke Langdale, 
 with a strong body of horse, attempt to get into Scotland to 
 join with Montrose, who was still in the highlands, though 
 reduced to a low ebb ; but these gentlemen are fallen upon 
 on every side and routed, and at last being totally broken 
 and dispersed, they fly to the Earl of Derby's protection in 
 the Isle of Man. 
 
 Prince Rupert, Prince Maurice, Colonel Gerard, and abovo 
 four hundred gentlemen, all officers of horse, lay their com- 
 missions down, and seizing upon Wooton-house for a retreat, 
 make proposals to the parliament to leave the kingdom, upon 
 their parole, not to return again in arms against the parlia- 
 ment, which was accepted, though afterwards the princes , 
 declined it. I sent my man post to the prince to be included 
 m this treaty, and for leave for all that would accept ot like 
 conditions, but they had given in the list of their names, and 
 could not alter it. 
 
 This was a sad time ; the poor remains of the king's for- 
 tunes went everywhere to wreck ; every garrison of the 
 enemy was full of the cavalier prisoners, and every garrison 
 the king had was beset with enemies, either blocked up or 
 besieged. Goring and the Lord Hopton were the only 
 remainder of the king's forces which kept in a body, and 
 Fairfax was pushing them with all imaginable vigour with 
 his whole ai-my, about Exeter, and other parts of Devonshire 
 and Cornwall. 
 
 In this condition the king left Newark in the night, and 
 got to Oxford. The king had in Oxford eight thousand men ; 
 and in the towns of Banbury, Farrington, Dunnington-castle, 
 and such places, as might have been brought together in 
 twenty-four hours, fifteen or twenty thousand men, with 
 which, if he had then resolved to have quitted the place, and 
 collected the forces in Worcester, Hereford, Lichfield, Ashby- 
 de-la-Zouch, and all the small castles and garrisons he had 
 thereabouts, he might have had near forty thousand men, 
 might have beaten the Scots from Newark, Colonel Jones 
 from Chester, and all before Fairfax, who was in the west, 
 could be able to come to their relief, and this his majesty's 
 friends in North Wales had concerted ; and, in order to it, Sir 
 
THE king's PAETY are DISPERSED. 225 
 
 JacoL Ashby gathered what forces he could, in our parts, 
 and attempted to join the king at Oxford, and to have pro- 
 posed it to him ; but Sir Jacob was entirely routed at Stow- 
 on-the-Wold, and taken prisoner, and of three thousand men 
 not above six hundred came to Oxford. 
 
 AU the king's garrisons dropt one by one ; Hereford which 
 had stood out against the whole army of the Scots, was 
 surprised by six men and a lieutenant, dressed up for country 
 labourers, and a constable pressed to work, who cut the 
 guards in pieces, and let in a party of the enemy. 
 
 Chester was reduced by famine, all the attempts the king 
 made to relieve it, being frustrated. 
 
 Sir Thomas Fairfax routed the Lord Hopton at Torrington, 
 and drove him to such extremities, that he was forced up into 
 the farthest corner of Cornwall. The Lord Hopton had a 
 gallant body of horse with him of nine brigades, but no foot ; 
 Fairfax, a great army. 
 
 Heartless, and tired out with continual ill news and ill 
 
 success, I had frequent meetings with some gentlemen, who 
 
 had escaped fi-om the rout of Sir William Vaughan, and we 
 
 agreed upon a meeting at Worcester of all the friends we 
 
 coidd get, to see if we could raise a body fit to do any service ; 
 
 or, if not, to consider what was to be done. At this meeting 
 
 we had almost as many opinions as people ; our strength 
 
 I appeared too weak to make any attempt, the game was too 
 
 ! far gone in our parts to be retrieved ; all we could make up 
 
 < did not amount to above eight hundred horse. 
 
 I It was unanimously agreed not to go in to the parliament 
 
 as long as our royal master did not give up the cause ; but 
 
 i in all places, and by aU possible methods, to do him all the 
 
 i; service we could. Some proposed one thing, some another : 
 
 t at last we proposed getting vessels to carry us to the Isle of 
 
 a Man, to the Earl of Derby, as Sir Marmaduke Langdale, 
 
 li Lord Digby, and others had done. I did not foresee any 
 
 jl service it would be to the king's affairs, but I started a 
 
 )f proposal, that, marching to Pembroke in a body, we should 
 
 il there seize upon all the vessels we could, and embarking 
 
 (H ourselves, horses, and what foot we could get, cross the 
 
 18 Severn sea, and land in Cornwall to the assistance of Prince 
 
 St Charles, who was in the army of the Lord Hopton, and 
 
 \j\ where only there seemed to be any possibility of a chance for 
 
 Si the remaining part of our cause. 
 
 VOL. U. *i 
 
226 MEMOIRS OP A CAVALIER. 
 
 This proposal was not witliout its difficulties, as how to 
 get to the sea-side, and, when there, what assurance of 
 shipping. The enemy, under Major-general Langhorn, had 
 overrun "Wales, and it would be next to impossible to effect 
 it. 
 
 We could never cany our proposal with the whole assem- 
 bly ; but, however, about two hundred of us resolved to at- 
 tempt it, and the meeting being broke up without coining to 
 any conclusion, we had a private meeting among ourselves 
 to effect it. 
 
 We despatched private messengers to Swansea and Pem- 
 broke, and other places ; but they all discouraged us from 
 the attempt that way, and advised us to go higher towards 
 North Wales, where the king's interest had more friends, 
 and the parliament no forces. Upon this we met, and 
 reselved, and having sent several messengers that way, one 
 of my men provided us two small vessels in a little creek 
 near Harleigh Castle, in Merionethshire. We marched away 
 with what expedition we could, and embarked in the two 
 vessels accordingly. It was the worst voyage sure that ever 
 man went ; for, first, we had no manner of accomodation for 
 so many people ; hay for our horses we got none, or very 
 little, but good store of oats, which served us for our own 
 bread as well as provender for the horses. 
 
 In this condition we put off to sea, and had a fair wind 
 all the first night, but early in the morning a sudden storm 
 drove us within two or three leagues of Ireland. In this 
 pickle, sea-sick, our horses rolling about upon one another, 
 and ourselves stifled for want of room, no cabins nor beds, 
 very cold weather, and very indifferent diet, we wished our- 
 selves ashore again a thousand times ; and yet we were not 
 wiUing to go on shore in Ireland, if we could help it ; for the 
 rebels having possession of every place, that was just having 
 our throats cut at once. Having rolled about at the mercy 
 of the winds all day, the storm ceasing in the evening, we 
 had fair weather again, but wind enough, which being large, 
 in two days and a night we came upon the coast of Cornwall, 
 and, to our no small comfort, landed the next day at St. Ives, 
 in the county of Cornwall. 
 
 We rested ourselves here, and sent an express to the Lord 
 Hoptoii, who was then in Devonshire, of our arrival, and 
 desired him to assign us quarters, and send us his farther 
 
ENTIRE DEFEAT OF LORD HOPTON AND HIS HORSE. 227 
 
 orders. _ His lordship expressed a very great satisfaction at 
 our arrival, and left it to our own conduct to join him as we 
 saw convenient. 
 
 "We were marching to join him, when news came that 
 Fairfax had given him an entire defeat at Torrington. This 
 was but the old story over again ; we had been used to ill 
 news a great while, and it was the less surprise to us. 
 
 Upon this news we halted at Bodmin, till we should hear 
 farther ; and it was not long before we saw a confirmation 
 of the news before our eyes ; for the Lord Hopton, with the 
 remainder of his horse, which he had brought off at Torring- 
 ton in a very shattered condition, retreated to Launceston, the 
 first tovra in Cornwall, and hearing that Fairfax pursued 
 him, came on to Bodmin. Hither he summoned all the troops 
 which he had left, which, when he had got together, were a 
 fine body indeed of five thousand horse, but few foot but 
 what were at Pendennis, Barnstaple, and other garrisons ; 
 these were commanded by the Lord Hopton ; the Lord Go- 
 ring had taken shipping for France, to get relief, a few days 
 before. 
 
 Here a grand council of war was called, and several things 
 were proposed ; but, as it always is in distress, people are 
 most irresolute, so it was here. Some were for breaking 
 through by force, our number being superior to the enemy's 
 horse. To fight them with their foot would be desperation, 
 and ridiculous ; and to retreat would but be to coop up 
 themselves in a narrow place, where, at last, they must be 
 forced to fight upon disadvantage, or yield at mercy. Others 
 opposed this as a desperate action, and without probability 
 of success ; and all were of different opinions. I confess, 
 when I saw how things were, I saw it was a lost game, and 
 I was for the opinion of breaking through and doing it now, 
 while the country was open and large, and not being forced 
 to it when it must be with more disadvantage ; but nothing 
 was resolved on, and so we retreated before the enemy. 
 Some small skirmishes there happened near Bodmin, but 
 none that were very considerable. 
 
 It was the first of March when we quitted Bodmin, and 
 quartered at large at Columb, St. Denis, and Truro, and the 
 enemy took his quarters at Bodmin, posting his horse at the 
 passes from Padstow on the north, to Warbridge, Lestithel, 
 and Foy, spreading so from sea to sea, that now breaking 
 
 Q 2 
 
228 MEMOIRS OP A CAVAUBK. 
 
 through -was impossible. There was no more room for counsel ; 
 tor, unless we had ships to carry us off, we had nothing to do 
 but when we were fallen upon, to defend ourselves, and sell 
 victory as dear as we could to the enemies. 
 
 The Prince of Wales, seeing the distress we were in, and 
 loath to tall into the enemy's hands, ships himself on board 
 some vessel at Falmouth, with about four hundred lords and 
 gentlemen ; and, as I had no command here to oblige my 
 attendance, I was once going to make one ; but my comrades, 
 whom I had been the principal occasion of bringing hither, 
 began to take it ill, that I would leave them, and so I resolved 
 we would take our fate together. 
 
 While thus we had nothing before us but a soldier's death, 
 a fair field and a strong enemy, and people began to look one 
 upon another ; the soldiers asked how their officers looked, 
 and the officers asked how their soldiers looked, and every 
 day we expected to be our last, when, unexpectedly, the 
 enemy's general sent a trumpet to Truro to my Lord Hopton, 
 with a very handsome gentlemanlike offer. 
 
 That, since the general could not be ignorant of his 
 present condition, and that the place he was in could not 
 afford him subsistence or defence, and especially considering, 
 that the state of our affairs was such, that, if we should 
 escape from thence, we could not remove to our advantage, 
 he had thought good to let us know, that, if we would 
 deliver up our horses and arms, he would, for avoiding the 
 effusion of Christian blood, or the putting any unsoldierly 
 extremities upon us, allow such honourable and safe conditions, 
 as were rather better than our present circumstances could 
 demand, and such as should discharge him to all the world, 
 as a gentleman, as a soldier, and as a Christian. 
 
 After this followed the conditions he would give us, which 
 were as follow : viz., That all the soldiery, as well English 
 as foreigners, should have liberty to go beyond the seas, 
 or to their own dwellings, as they pleased ; and to such as 
 shall choose to live at home, protection for their liberty, 
 and from all violence, and plundering of soldiers, and to 
 give them bag and baggage, and all their goods, except 
 horses and arms. 
 
 That for officers in commissions, and gentlemen of quality, 
 he would allow them horses for themselves and one servant, 
 or more, suitable to their quality, and such arms as are 
 
HONOURABLE CONDITIONS OF SURRENDER OFFERED. 229 
 
 Bjitable to gentlemen of such quality travelling in times ol 
 peace ; and such officers as would go beyond sea, should 
 take with them their full arms and number of horses as are 
 allowed in the army to such officers. 
 
 That all the troopers shall receive, on the delivery of 
 their horses, twenty shillings a man to carry them home ; 
 and the general's pass and recommendation to any gentle- 
 man who desires to go to the parliament to settle the 
 composition for their estates. 
 
 Lastly, a very honourable mention of the general, and 
 offer of their mediation to the parliament, to treat him as a 
 man of honour, and one who has been tender of the country, 
 and behaved himself with all the moderation and candour 
 that could be expected from an enemy. 
 
 Upon the unexpected ifeceipt of this message, a council of 
 war was called, and the letter read ; no man offered to speak 
 a word ; the general moved it, but every one was loath to 
 begin. 
 
 At last, an old colonel starts up, and asked the general, 
 what he thought might occasion the writing this letter ? 
 The general told him, he could not teU ; but he could tell he 
 was sure of one thing, that he knew what was not the 
 occasion of it, viz., that is, not any want of force in their 
 army to oblige us to other terms. Then a doubt was started, 
 whether the king and parliament were not in any treaty, 
 which this agreement might be prejudicial to. 
 
 This occasioned a letter to my Lord Fairfax, wherein our 
 general returning the civilities, and neither accepting nor 
 refusing his proposal, put it upon his honour, whether there 
 was not some agreement or concession between his majesty 
 and the parliament, in order to a general peace, which this 
 treaty might be prejudicial to, or thereby be prejudicial 
 to us. 
 
 The Lord Fairfax ingenuously declared, he had heard the 
 king had made some concessions, and he heartily wished he 
 would make such as would settle the kingdom in peace, that 
 Englishmen might not wound and destroy one another ; but 
 that he declared he knew of no treaty commenced, nor 
 anything past, which could give us the least shadow of hope 
 for any advantage in not accepting his conditions. At last, 
 lelling us, that though he did not insult over our circum 
 
230 MEMOIES OF A CAVALIEB. 
 
 Stances, yet, if we thought fit, upow any such supposition, to 
 refuse his offers, he was not to seek in his measures. 
 
 And it appeared so, for he immediately advanced his 
 forlorns, and dispossessed us of two advanced quarters, and 
 thereby straitened us yet more. 
 
 We had now nothing to say, but treat, and our general 
 was so sensible of our condition, that he returned the 
 trumpet with a safe conduct for commissioners at twelve 
 o'clock that night; upon which a, cessation of arms was 
 agreed on, we quitting Truro to the Lord Fairfax, and he 
 left St. Albans to us to keep our head quarters. 
 
 The conditions were soon agreed on ; we disbanded nine 
 full brigades of horse, and aU the conditions were observed 
 with the most honour and care by the enemy that ever I saw 
 in my life. 
 
 Nor can I omit to make very honourable mention of this 
 noble gentleman, though I did not like his cause ; but I 
 never saw a man of a more pleasant, calm, courteous, down- 
 right honest behaviour in my life ; and, for his courage and 
 personal bravery in the field, that we had felt enough of 
 No man in the world had more fire and fury in him whUe in 
 action, or more temper and softness out of it. In short, and 
 I cannot do him greater honour, he came exceedingly near 
 the character of my foreign hero Gustavus Adolphus, and in 
 my account, is, of all the soldiers in Europe, the fittest to be 
 reckoned in the second place of honour to him. 
 
 I had particular occasion to see much of his temper in all 
 this action, being one of the hostages given by our general 
 for the performance of the conditions, in which circumstance 
 the general did me several times the honour to send to me to 
 dine with him ; and was exceedingly pleased to discourse 
 with me about the passages of the wars in Germany, which 
 I had served in ; he having been, at the same time, in the 
 Low Countries, in the service of Prince Maurice; but I 
 observed, if at any time my civilities extended to commen- 
 dations of his own actions, and especially to comparing him 
 to Gustavus Adolphus, he would blush like a woman, and be 
 uneasy, declining the discourse, and in this he was still more 
 like him. 
 
 Let no man scruple my honourable mention of this noble 
 enemy, since no man can suspect me of favouring the cause 
 
THE KING QUITS THE TOWN IN DISGUISE. 231 
 
 he embarked in, whicli I served as heartily against as any 
 man in the army ; but I cannot conceal extraordinary merit 
 for its being placed in an enemy. 
 
 CHAPTER XVn. 
 
 VARIOUS OPINIONS ON THE KINg's THROWING HIMSELF 
 UPON THE FIDELITY OF THE SCOTS THE SCOTCH PARLIA- 
 MENT REFUSE TO RECEIVE HIM INTO SCOTLAND THE 
 
 KING IS GIVEN UP CONSEQUENCES THEREOF ^REFLEC- 
 TIONS THE IQNG's death CONCLUSION. 
 
 This was the end of our making war ; for now we were all 
 ander parole never to bear arms against the parliament ; and 
 though some of us did not keep our word, yet I think a 
 soldier's parole ought to be the most sacred in such case, that 
 a soldier may be the easier trusted at all times upon his word. 
 
 For my part, I went home fully contented, since I could 
 io my royal master no better service, that I had come oiF no 
 worse. 
 
 The enemy going now on in a full current of success, and 
 the king reduced to the last extremity, and Fairfax, by long 
 marches, being come back within five miles of Oxford, his 
 majesty, loath to be cooped up in a town which could on no 
 account hold long out, quits the town in a disguise, leaving 
 Sir Thomas Glenham governor, and being only attended with 
 Mr. Ashburnham and one more, rides away to Newark, and 
 there fatally committed himself to the honour and fidelity of 
 the Scots, under general Leven. 
 
 There had been some little bickering between the parlia- 
 ment and the Scots' commissioners, concerning the propositions 
 which the Scots were for a treaty with the king upon, and the 
 parliament refused it. The parliament, upon all proposals of 
 peace, had formerly invited the king to come and throw him- 
 self upon the honour, fidelity, and aifection of his parliament ; 
 and now the king from Oxford offering to come up to London, 
 on the protection of the parliament for the safety of his person, 
 they refused him, and the Scots differed from them in it, and 
 were for a personal treaty. 
 
 This, in our opinion, was the reason which prompted the 
 
232 5IEM0IRS OF A CAVALIER. 
 
 king to throw himself upon the fidelity of the Scots, who 
 really by their infidelity had been the ruin of all his affairs, 
 and now, by their perfidious breach of honour and faith with 
 him, will be virtually and mediately the ruin of his person. 
 
 The Scots were, as all the nation besides them was, sur- 
 prised at the king's coming among them: the parliament 
 began very high with him, and sent an order to general Leven 
 to send the king to Warwick Castle ; but he was not so hasty 
 to part with so rich a prize. As soon as the king came to 
 the general, he signs an order to Colonel Bellasis, the governor 
 of Newark, to surrender it, and immediately the Scots decamp 
 homewards, carrying the king in the camp with them ; and, 
 marching on, a house was ordered to be provided for the king 
 at Newcastle. 
 
 And now the parliament saw their error, in refusing his 
 majesty a personal treaty, which, if they had accepted (their 
 army was not yet taught the way of huffing their masters), 
 the kingdom might have been settled in peace. Upon this 
 the parliament send to General Leven to have his majesty, 
 not to be sent, which was their first language, but be suffere4 
 to come to London, to treat with his parliament : before it 
 was. Let the king be sent to "Warwick Castle ; now it is, to 
 Let his majesty come to London to treat with his people. 
 
 But neither one or the other would do with the Scots : but 
 we, who knew the Scots best, knew that there was one thing 
 would do with them, if the other would not, and that was 
 money ; and therefore our hearts ached for the king. 
 
 The Scots, as I said, had retreated to Newcastle with the 
 king, and there they quartered their whole army at large 
 upon the country ; the parliament voted they had no farther 
 occasion for the Scots, and desired them to go home about 
 their business. I do not say it was in these words, but in 
 whatsoever good words their messages might be expressed, 
 this and nothing less was the English of it. The Scots reply, 
 by setting forth their losses, damages, and dues, the substance 
 of which was. Pay us our money, and we will be gone, or 
 else we won't stir. The parliament call for an account oi 
 their demands, which the Scots give in, amounting to a 
 million ; but, according to their custom, and especially finding 
 that the army under Fairfax inclined gradually that way, fall 
 down to 500,000Z. and at last to four; but all the while this 
 is transacting, a separate treaty is carried on at London with 
 
THE KING REFUSED ADMISSION TO SCOTLAND. 233 
 
 the commissioners of Scotland, and afterwards at Edinburgh, 
 by which it is given them to understand, that whereas, upon 
 payment of the money, the Scots' army is to march out of 
 England, and to give up all the towns and garrisons which 
 they hold in this kingdom, so they are to take it for granted, 
 that it is the meaning of the treaty, that they shall leave the 
 king in the hands of the English parliament. 
 
 To make this go down the better, the Scotch parliament, 
 upon his majesty's desire to go with their army into Scotland, 
 send him for answer, that it cannot be for the safety of his 
 majesty or of the state, to come into Scotland, not having 
 taken the covenant ; and this was carried in their parliament 
 but by two voices. 
 
 The Scots having refused his coming into Scotland, as was 
 concerted between the two houses, and their army being to 
 march out of England, the delivering up the king became a 
 consequence of the thing unavoidable, and of necessity. 
 
 His majesty thus deserted of those into whose hands he had 
 thrown himself, took his leave of the Scots' general at New- 
 castle, telling him only, in few words, this sad truth, that he 
 was bought and sold. The parliament commissioners received 
 him at Newcastle from the Scots, and brought him to 
 Holmby-house, in Northamptonshire ; from whence, upon 
 the quarrels and feuds of parties, he was fetched by a party 
 of horse, commanded by one Cornet Joyce, from the army, 
 upon their mutinous rendezvous at Triplow-heath ; and, after 
 this, suffering many violences, and varieties of circumstances 
 among the army, was carried to Hampton-Court, from 
 whence his majesty very readily made his escape ; but not 
 having notice enough to provide effectual means for his more 
 effectual deliverance, was obliged to deliver himself to Colonel 
 Hammond in the Isle of Wight. Here, after some very 
 indifferent usage, the parliament pursued a farther treaty with 
 him, and all points were agreed but two : The entire abolish- 
 ing episcopacy, which the king declared to be against his 
 conscience and his coronation oath, and the sale of the church 
 lands, which he declared, being most of them gifts to God 
 and the church, by persons deceased, his majesty thought 
 could not be alienated without the highest sacrilege, and, if 
 taken from the uses to which they were appointed by the 
 wills of the donors, ought to be restored back to the heirs 
 and families of the persons who beoueathed them. 
 
234 MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIER. 
 
 And these two articles so stuck with his majesty, that he 
 ventured his fortune and royal family, and his own life, for 
 them : however, at last, the king condescended so far in these, 
 that the parliament voted his majesty's concessions to be suf- 
 ficient to settle and establish the peace of the nation. 
 
 This vote discovered the bottom of all the counsels which 
 then prevailed ; for the army, who knew, if peace were once 
 settled, they should be undone, took the alarm at this, and, 
 clubbing together in committees and councils, at last brought 
 themselves to a degree of hardness above all that ever this 
 nation saw ; for, calling into question the proceedings of their 
 masters who employed them, they immediately fall to work 
 .upon the parliament, remove Colonel Hammond, who had 
 the charge of the king, and used him honourably, place a new 
 guard upon him, dismiss the commissioners, and put a stop 
 to the treaty ; and, following their blow, march to London, 
 place regiments of foot at the parliament-house door, and as 
 ^he members came up, seize upon all those whom they had 
 down in a list as promoters of the settlement and treaty, and 
 would not suffer them to sit ; but the rest, who being of their 
 own stamp, are permitted to go on, carry on the designs of 
 the army, revive their votes of non-addresses to the king, and 
 then, upon the army's petition, to bring all delinquents to 
 justice, the mask was thrown off; by the word all is declared 
 to be meant the king, as well as every man else they pleased. 
 It is too sad a story, and too much a matter of grief to me, 
 and to all good men, to renew the blackness of those days, 
 when law and justice was under the feet of power ; the army 
 ruled the parliament, the private officers their generals, the 
 common soldiers their officers, and confusion was in every 
 part of the government. In this hurry they sacrificed their 
 king, and shed the blood of the English nobility without 
 mercy. 
 
 The history of the times will supply the particulars which 
 I omit, being willing to confine myself to my own accounts 
 and observations : I was now no more an actor, but a melan- 
 choly observer of the misfortunes of the times. I had given 
 my parole not to take up arms against the parliament, and I 
 saw nothing to invite me to engage on their side ; I saw a 
 world of confusion in all their councils, and I always ex- 
 pected that in a chain of distractions, as it generally falls out, 
 the last link would bo destruction ; and though I pretended 
 
EEMAEKS AND OBSERVATIONS. 235 
 
 to no prophecy, yet the progress of affairs have brought it to 
 pass, and I have seen Providence, who suffered, for the 
 cOTTection of this nation, the sword to govern and devour us, 
 has at last brought destruction by the sword, upon the head 
 of most of the party who first drew it. 
 
 If, together with the brief account of what concern I had 
 in the active part of the war, I leave behind me some of my 
 own remarks and observations, it may be pertinent enough to 
 my design, and not unuseful to posterity. 
 
 1. I observed, by the sequel of things, that it maybe some 
 excuse to the first parliament, who began this war, to say that 
 they manifested their designs were not aimed at the monarchy, 
 nor their quarrel at the person of the king ; because, when 
 they had him in their power, though against his will, they 
 would have restored both his person and dignity as a king, 
 only loading it with such clogs of the people's power as they 
 at first pretended to, viz., the militia, and power of naming the 
 great officers at court, and the like ; which powers, it was 
 never denied, had been stretched too far in the beginning of 
 this king's reign, and several things done illegally, which his 
 majesty had been sensible of, and was willing to rectify; but 
 they having obtained the power by victory, resolved so to 
 secure themselves, as that, whenever they laid down their arms, 
 the king should not be able to do the like again ; and thus 
 far they were not to be so much blamed, and we did not, on 
 our own part, blame them, when they had obtained the power, 
 for parting with it on good terms. 
 
 But when I have thus far advocated for the enemies, I must 
 be very free to state the crimes of this bloody war, by the 
 events of it. It is manifest there were among them, from the 
 beginning, a party who aimed at the very root of the govern- 
 ment, and at the very thing which they brought to pass, viz., 
 the deposing and murdering of their sovereign ; and, as the 
 devil is always master where mischief is the work, this party 
 prevailed, turned the other out of doors, and overturned all 
 that little honesty that might be in the first beginning of this 
 unhappy strife. 
 
 The consequence of this was, the presbyterians saw their 
 error when it was too late, and then would gladly have joined 
 the royal party, to have suppressed this new leaven, which 
 had infected the lump ; and this is very remarkable, that most 
 of the first champions of this war. who bore the brunt of it 
 
236 MEMOIRS OP A CAVALIER. 
 
 when the king was powerful and prosperous, and when the/e 
 was nothing to be got by it but blows, first or last, were so ill 
 used by this independent powerful party, who tripped up the 
 heels of all their honesty, );hat they were either forced by ill 
 treatment, to take up arms on our side, or suppressed and re- 
 duced by them. In this the justice of Providence seemed very 
 conspicuous, that these having pushed all things by violence 
 against the king, and by arms and force brought him to their 
 will, were at once both robbed of the end, their church-govern- 
 ment, and punished for drawing their swords against their 
 masters, by their own servants drawing the sword against 
 them ; and God in his due time, punished the others too ; and, 
 what was yet farther strange, the punishment of this crime of 
 making war against their king, singled out those very men, 
 both in the army and in the parliament, who were the greatest 
 champions of the presbyterian cause in the councU and in the 
 field. Some minutes too of circumstances I cannot forbear 
 observing, though they are not very material, as to the fatality 
 and revolutions of days and times. 
 
 A Roman catholic gentleman of Lancashire, a very religious 
 man in his way, who had kept a calculate of times, and had 
 observed mightily the fatality of times, places, and actions, 
 being at my father's house, was discoursing once upon the 
 just judgment of God in dating his providences, so as to signify 
 to us his displeasure at particular circumstances ; and, among 
 an infinite number of collections he had made, these were 
 some which I took particular notice of, and from whence I 
 began to observe the like : 
 
 1. That King Edward the Vlth died the very same day 
 of the same month in which he caused the altar to be taken 
 down, and the image of the blessed Virgin, in the cathedral 
 of St. Paul's. 
 
 2. That Cranmer was burnt at Oxford the same day and 
 month that he gave Zing Henry the Vlllth advice to divorce 
 his queen Catherine. 
 
 3. That Queen Elizabeth died the same day and month 
 that she resolved, in her privy council, to behead the Queen 
 of Scots. 
 
 _ 4. That King James died the same day that he pubUshed 
 his book against Bellarmine. 
 
 5. That King Charles's long parliament, which ruined him, 
 began the very same day and month which that parliament 
 
COMPARATIVE VISITATIONS OF PROVIDENCE. 237 
 
 began, that, at the request of his predecessor, robbed the 
 Roman church of all her revenues, and suppressed abbeys 
 and monasteries. 
 
 Ho-w just his calculations were, or how true the matter of 
 feet, I cannot tell, but it put me upon the same in several 
 actions and successes of this war. 
 
 And I found a great many circumstances, as to time or 
 action, which befell both his majesty and his parties first. 
 
 Then others which befell the parliament and presbyterian 
 faction which raised the war. 
 
 Then the independent tyranny which succeeded and sup- 
 planted the first party. 
 
 Then the Scots who acted on both sides. 
 
 Lastly, The restoration and re-establishment of the loyalty 
 and religion of our ancestors. 
 
 1. For King Charles the First; it is observable, that the 
 charge against the Earl of StraiFord, a thing which his majesty 
 blamed himself for all the days of his life, and at the moment 
 of his last suffering, was first read in the lords' house on the 
 30th of January, the same day of the month sLk years that 
 the king himself was brought to the block. 
 
 2. That the king was carried away prisoner from Newark, 
 by the Scots, May 10th, the same day six years that, against 
 his conscience and promise, he passed the bill of attainder 
 against the loyal noble Earl of Strafford. 
 
 3. The same day seven years that the king entered the 
 house of commons for the five members, which all his friends 
 blamed him for, the same day the rump voted bringing 
 his majesty to trial, after they had set by the lords for 
 not agreeing to it, which was the 3ru of January, 1648. 
 
 4. The 12th of May, 1646, being the surrender of Newark, 
 the parliament held a day of thanksgiving and rejoicing, for 
 the reduction of the king and his party, and finishing the 
 war, which was the same day five years that the Earl ot 
 Strafford was beheaded. 
 
 5. The battle of Naseby, which ruined the king's affairs, and 
 where his secretary and his otfice was taken, was the 14th 
 of June, the same day and month the first commission was 
 given out by his majesty to raise forces. 
 
 6. The queen voted a traitor by the parliament the 3rd of 
 
238 MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIER. 
 
 May, the same day and month she carried the jewels into 
 France. 
 
 7. The same day the king defeated Essex in the west, his 
 son King Charles II. was defeated at Worcester. 
 
 8. Archbishop Laud's house at Lambeth assaulted by the 
 mob, the same day of the same month that he advised the 
 king to make war upon the Scots. 
 
 9. Impeached the 15th of December, 1640, the same day 
 twelvemonth that he ordered the Common Prayer Book of 
 Scotland to be printed, in order to be imposed upon the Scots ; 
 from which all our troubles began. 
 
 But many more, and more strange, are the critical junctures 
 of affairs in the case of the enemy, or at least more observed 
 by me. 
 
 1. Sir John Hotham, who repulsed his majesty, and 
 refused him admittance into Hull before the war, was seized 
 at Hull by the same parliament for whom he had done it, the 
 same 10th day of August two years that he drew the first 
 blood in that war. 
 
 2. Hampden, of Buckinghamshire, killed the same day one 
 year that the mob petition from Bucks was presented to the 
 king about him, as one of the five members. 
 
 3. Young Captain Hotham executed the first of January, 
 the same day that he assisted Sir Thomas Fairfax in the first 
 skirmish with the king's forces at Bramham-moor. 
 
 4. The same day and month, being the 6th of August, 
 1641, that the parliament voted to raise an army against the 
 king, the same day and month, anno 1648, the parliament 
 were assaulted and turned out of doors by that very army, 
 and none left to sit but who the soldiers pleased, which were 
 therefore called the Rump. 
 
 5. The Earl of Holland deserted the king, who had made 
 him general of the horse, and went over to the parliament; 
 and the 9th of March, 1 641, carried the commons' reproaching 
 declaration to the king ; and afterwards, taking up arms for 
 the king against the parliament, was beheaded by them the 
 9th of March, 1648, just seven years after. 
 
 6. The Earl of Holland was sent to by the king to come 
 to his assistance, and refused, the 11th of July, 1641, and 
 that very day seven years after was taken by the parliament 
 at St. Needs. 
 
C )MPABATiVE VISITATIONS OP PROVIDENCE. 239 
 
 7. Colonel Massey defended Gloucester against the king, 
 and beat him off the 5th of September, 1643 ; was taken after 
 by Cromwell's men fighting for the king, on the 5th of Sep- 
 tember, 1651, two or three days after the flght at Worcester. 
 
 8. Richard Cromwell resigning because he could not help 
 it, the parliament voted a free commonwealth, without a 
 single person or house of lords ; this was the 25th of May, 
 1658 ; the 25th of May 1660, the king landed at Dover, and 
 restored the government of a single person and house of lords. 
 
 9. Lambert was proclaimed a traitor by the parliament, 
 April the 20th, being the same day he proposed to Oliver 
 Cromwell to take upon him the title of king. 
 
 10. Monk being taken prisoner at Nantwich by Sir 
 Thomas Fairfax, revolted to the parliament ; the same day 
 
 nineteen years he declared for the king, and thereby restored 
 the royal authority. 
 
 1 1 . The parliament voted to approve of Sir John Hotham's 
 repulsing the king at Hull, the 28th of April, 1642 ; the 28th 
 of April 1660, the parliament first debated in the house the 
 restoring the king to the crown. 
 
 12. The agitators of the army formed themselves into a 
 cabal, and held their first meeting to seize upon the king's 
 person, and take him into their custody from Holmby, the 
 28th of April, 1647 ; the same day^ 1660, the parliament 
 voted the agitators to be taken into custody, and committed 
 as many of them as could be found. 
 
 13. The parliament voted the queen a traitor for assisting 
 her husband, the king, May the 3rd 1643; her son. King 
 Charles 11. was presented with the votes of parliament to 
 restore him, and the present of 50,000Z. the 3rd of May, 1660. 
 
 14. The same day the parliament passed the act for recog- 
 nition of Oliver Cromwell, October 13th, 1654, Lambert 
 broke up the parliament, and set up the army, 1659, Oc- 
 tober the 13th. 
 
 Some other observations I have made, which, as not so 
 pertinent, I forbear to publish ; among which I have noted 
 the fatality of some days to parties, as. 
 
 The 2nd of September, the fight at Dunbar ; the fight at 
 Worcester ; the oath against a single person past ; Oliver's 
 first parlitment called : for the enemy 
 
240 MEMOIRS OP A CAVALIER. 
 
 The 2nd ofSeptember, Essex defeated in Cornwall ; O.iver 
 died ; city works demolished : for the king. 
 
 The 29th of JMay, Prince Charles born ; Leicester taken 
 by storm ; king Charlee II. restored : ditto. 
 
 Fatality of circumstances in this unhappy war, as, 
 
 1. The English parliament call in the Scots, to invade 
 their king, and are invaded themselves by the same Scots, in 
 defence of the king, whose case, and the design of the parlia- 
 ment, the Scots had mistaken. 
 
 2. The Scots, who unjustly assisted the parliament to 
 conquer their lawful sovereign, contrary to their oath of 
 allegiance, and without any pretence on the king's part, are 
 afterwards absolutely conquered and subdued by the same 
 parliament they assisted. ♦ 
 
 3. The parliament, who raised an army to depose their 
 ki-ng, deposed by the very army they had raised. 
 
 4. The army broke three parliaments, and are at last broke 
 by a free parliament, and all they had done by the military 
 power, undone at once by the civil. 
 
 5. Abundance of the chief men, who, by their fiery spirits, 
 involved the nation in a civil war, and took up arms against 
 their prince, first or last, met with ruin or disgrace from their 
 own party : 
 
 1. Sir John Hotham and his son, who struck the first 
 stroke, both beheaded or hanged by the parliament. 
 
 2. Major-General Massey three times taken prisoner by 
 them, and once wounded at Worcester. 
 
 3. Major-General Laughorn, 4. Colonel Poyer, and, 5. 
 Colonel Powell changed sides, and, at last taken, could obtain 
 no other favour than to draw lots for their lives ; Colonel 
 Poyer drew the dead lot, and was shot to death. 
 
 6. Earl of Holland, who, when the house voted who 
 should be reprieved. Lord Goring, who had been their worst 
 enemy, or the Earl of Holland, who, excepting one ofibnce, 
 had been their constant servant, voted Goring to be spared, 
 and the earl to die. 
 
 7. The Earl of Essex, their first general. 
 
 8. Sir William Waller. 
 
 9. Lieutenant-General Ludlow. 
 
 10. The Earl of Manchester. 
 
ERRORS OF THE KING AND HIS FRIENDS. 241 
 
 All disgusted and voted out of the army, though they had 
 stood the first shock of the war, to make way for the new 
 model of the army, and introduce a party. 
 
 In all these confusions I have observed two great errors, 
 one of the king, and one of his friends. 
 
 Of the king, that, when he was in their custody, and at 
 their mercy, he did not comply with their propositions of 
 peace, before their army, for want of employment, fell into 
 heats and mutinies ; that he did not at first grant the Scots 
 their own conditions, which, if he had done, he had gone 
 into Scotland ; and then, if the English would have fought 
 the Scots for him, he had a reserve of his loyal friends, who 
 would have had room to have fallen in with the Scots to his 
 assistance, who were after dispersed and destroyed in small 
 parties attempting to serve him. 
 
 While his majesty remained at Newcastle, the queen wrote 
 to him, persuading him to make peace upon any terms; and, 
 in politics, her majesty's advice was certainly the best; for, 
 however low he was brought by a peace, it must have been 
 better than the condition he was then in. 
 
 The error I mention of the king's friends was this, that, 
 after they saw all was lost, they could not be content to sit 
 stUl, and reserve themselves for better fortunes, and wait the 
 happy time when the divisions of the enemy would bring 
 them to certain ruin ; but must hasten their own miseries by 
 frequent fruitless risings, in the face of a victorious enemy, 
 in small parties ; and I always found these effects from it : 
 
 1. The enemy, who were always together by the ears, when 
 they were let alone, were united and reconciled when we 
 gave them any interruption ; as, particularly, in the case of 
 the first assault the army made upon them, when Colonel 
 Pride, with his regiment, garbled the house, as they called 
 it : at that time, a fair opportunity offered, but it was omitted 
 tiU it was too late. That insult upon the house had been 
 attempted the year before, but was hindered by the little 
 insurrections of the royal party, and the sooner they had 
 fallen out the better. 
 
 2. These risings being desperate, with vast disadvantages, 
 and always suppressed, ruined all our friends ; the remnants 
 of the cavaliers were lessened, the stoutest and most daring 
 were cut ofi", and the king's interest exceedingly weakened, 
 there not being less than thirty thousand of his \iest friends 
 
 VOL. II. K 
 
242 MEMOIRS OF A CAVALIEH. 
 
 cut off in the several attempts made at Maidstone, Colchester, 
 Lancashire, Pembroke, Pontefract, Kingston, Preston, War- 
 rington, Worcester, and other places. Had these men all 
 reserved their fortunes to a conjunction with the Scots, at 
 either of the invasions they made into this kingdom, and 
 acted with the conduct and courage they were known masters 
 of, perhaps neither of those Scots' armies had been defeated. 
 
 But the impatience of our friends ruined all ; for my part, 
 I had as good a mind to put my hand to the ruin of the 
 enemy as any of them ; but I never saw any tolerable ap- 
 pearance of a force able to match the enemy, and I had no 
 mind to be beaten and then hanged. Had we let thein alone, 
 they would have fallen into so many parties and factions, and 
 so effectually have torn one another to pieces, that which- 
 soever party had come to us, we should, with them, have 
 been too hard for all the rest. 
 
 This was plain by the course of things afterwards, when 
 the independent army had rufHed the presbyterian parliament, 
 the soldiery of that party made no scruple to join us, and 
 would have restored the king with all their hearts ; and many 
 of them did join us at last. 
 
 And the consequence, though late, ended so, for they fell 
 out so many times, army and parliament, parliament and 
 army, and alternately puUed one another down so often, till 
 at last the presbyterians, who began the war, ended it ; and, 
 to be rid of their enemies, rather than for any love to the 
 monarchy, restored King Charles the Second, and brought him 
 in on the very day that they themselves had formerly resolved 
 the ruin of his father's government, being the 29th. of May, 
 the same day twenty years that the private cabal in London 
 concluded their secret league with the Scots, to embroil his 
 father King Charles the First. 
 
243 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 Note I. Page 31. 
 The Protestant diet at Leipsic was begun Feb. 8, 1630, and continued 
 to April 3, 1631. Fo'ir principal reasons were assigned for the con- 
 gress. " The first of these four was this : That whereas the Duke of 
 Saxony had, in the time of the diet of Frankfort, written advice unto the 
 emperour, of the King of Sweden's approacliing, the emperour tells him 
 againe, how he hoped that himselfe (Saxon) and Brandenburg would well 
 aide him. By which answer. Saxony perceived a new bill of charges 
 comming cpon the Protestants next those part? where the King of Sweden 
 was landed. The second was this : The rouuti course taken by the em- 
 perour for the recovery of the church-lands. A third was this : That 
 rigide course (taken by advice of the Jesuites) for reformation of the Pro- 
 testant churches and schooles, and the forbidding of the libertie of the 
 Augustane Confession. The fourth was, that decree of the emperour's for 
 the continuance of the warres against the King of Sweden." — The Swedish 
 Intelligencer, Part I. London, 1634. 4. p. 2(f. 
 
 Note II. Page 32, penult line. 
 
 Of these levies the Elector of Saxony was to raise six regiments ; Bran- 
 denburgh three ; each of the circles of Swabia, the Rhine, and Franconia, 
 three ; Lower Saxony one. Each regiment of foot was to consist of three 
 thousand, and of horse one thousand. — 16. p. 28. 
 
 Note III. Page 34. 
 
 The storming of Magdeburg by John Tsercla, Count of Tilly, has always 
 been considered as one of the most horrible butcheries which occurred in 
 any war ; and has only been paralleled by the conquerors of Ishmail and 
 Warsaw, in our days. The anniversary is still commemorated by the 
 inhabitants ; and their panic, during the late disgraceful siege, was con- 
 siderably increased by the recollection. The following is the account of 
 the siege in the Swedish Intelligencer: "Upon the 12th of April, TiUy 
 first presents himselfe in full battaglia vrithin a mile of the city ; at which 
 time believed it was, that he would at least have fallen upon the great star- 
 sconce, or toll-house, by the old Elbe ; but that day attempted he no 
 more, than to beat some guards out of their redoubts into the city. The 
 13th he laies his siege; himself, Pappenheim, SaveUi, Holstein, and Mans- 
 feldt, round begirting it. This done, twelve pieces of cannon are placed 
 against the bridge over the Elbe, upon which he made five hundred and 
 sixty-eight shot that same day; his intent being to cut that passage off, that 
 the town by it might send no succours to the foresaid sconce, or toll-house; 
 but the General Falkenburg conveniently flanking some paces upon the 
 
 R 2 
 
244 NOTES. 
 
 toll-house, quite at last dismantled the enemies cannon. This not sue- 
 ceeding, Tilly falls pell-mell at once upon both these places, giving eight 
 several assaults unto them : but the Lord Falkenburg, with four whole 
 cannon double charged with stones, old iron, &c., about twelve o'clocke at 
 night, made them to give over. Some prisoners the next day taken, con- 
 fesse thore were two thousand men that day slain of the assailants. This 
 toll-house was a notable piece of fortification,* built on the other side tlie 
 Elbe. To this Tilly now turned all his battery ; heere he falls to myning, 
 and all to no purpose. On the 15th, both by land and water he layes at 
 it ; but three hundred muskettiers being by him sent in boatos to assaile 
 it on the water's side, were by those of the fort driven ashoare, and either 
 all drownd or slaine by the citizens ; two hundred also at the same time 
 lost their lives on the land side. Now was there newes brought into 
 Tillie's campe, of the King of Sweden's being upon his march, for the 
 relieving of the besieged ; a council of warre thereupon being called, some 
 troups are sent towards Wittenberg and the Dessau bridge, there to stave 
 off the king's forces. The newes of his coming againe slackning, April 21, 
 to worke he fals againe ; and giving on upon the toll-house, that notable 
 piece is forsaken by the Magdeburgers ; who, at their retreate, offring to 
 tire it, the place was rescued by the Imperiahsts. Upon this, were all the 
 forts on that side of the Elbe, either taken or given over; the bridge also 
 by Tilly burned, and approaches made unto the city ; which was from 
 thence immediately battered. Now were the besieged forced to bume 
 their own New Towne; where two thousand Imperialists immediately 
 lodging themselves, fell to mining, and shooting of grenadoes into the city. 
 The 29th, by a sally out upon these in the New Towne, are some one 
 hundred slaine. The mynes doe no hurt, until one Farenback, a notable 
 enginer, takes them in hand j who sappes himselfe under the towne- 
 ditches to the very hard wals, which he much shakes, by springing of a 
 mine ; in return of which service and some others, the emperor makes 
 him a colonell, granting him commission to raise two new regiments. 
 May 2. The Imperialists in the new city, having suddenly in the night- 
 Kme cast up a battery, shrewdly punish the besieged. May 7. General 
 Tilly comes himselfe into the New Towne, together with Pappenheim, 
 then generall of the ordnance, and the Count of Schomberg, sergeant- 
 major-generall ; and a great shew of ladders is made, as if there were a 
 purpose of a general scaladoe. Tillie's hope was, that the towne would 
 presently parly, upon sight of these preparations ; but tliey taking tiie 
 alarme at it, instantly manne all their bulwarks. The 8th day is spent in 
 shooting at a certain high tower, from which the towne-cannon much 
 plagued the besiegers. This day Tilly sends a trumpet to summon the 
 towne J they send another to him to signify their willingness to yield, 
 might but their administrator still enjoy his bishopricke, and the towne 
 tlieir priviledges. This not consented to, the 9 th day Pappenheim at- 
 tempting to scale the wals; is by a sally beaten off; in which some of the 
 enemies' mines being discovered, are by countermines in the towne defeated. 
 That day is another trumpet sent into the towne. Towards evening, was 
 there much bustling observed, and carriages to and againe in the enemies 
 
 * It is still one of the strongest fortifications belonging to the town, 
 and denominated Stern-Schanse. 
 
S0T*.s. 245 
 
 leaguer : yea, they were perceived to rise with their whole army (as the 
 towne thought), and to march to Offenslehen, half a mile from them. All 
 that night was the ]jord Falkenburg upon the wals ; who perceiving in the 
 morning no danger of assault, cals the city together into the state-house, 
 to give answer to the enemies trumpet ; yea, so secure they were, that the 
 over-watcht souldiers are suffered to go from their courts of guarde to take 
 some sleepe ; and some say, that the townesmen were gone to church to 
 give Grod thanks for their deliverance from the siege. Thus, the wals being 
 found empty, about 7 on the Tuesday morning. May 10th, Pappenheim 
 having given the word, Jesu-Maria, to his souldiers, and a white string 
 about their armes, makes towards the Heideker port ; where, having thrown 
 turfs and faggots into the ditch to fiU it, thorow it, up to the middle, the 
 Imperialists runne, with scaling ladders upon their backs The walls are 
 in a trice mounted, the towne entered, and the souldiers fall to killing. 
 Falkenberg now flying in upon them, beates them back to the very wals 
 againe ; but a port being by this tyme opened, and the enemies horse let 
 in, the valiant Falkenberg is slayne with a shot ; the administrator hurt 
 both in the thigh and head, and so taken. Whilst all thus goes to wraike, 
 a mighty fire breakes out (how, none knowes), and it being a great windy 
 day, all was on the sudden become one great flame, the whole towne being 
 in twelve houres space utterly burnd to cinders, excepting a hundred and 
 thirty-nine houses. Six goodly churches are burnt: the cathedral!, 
 together with St. Marie's church and cloister, were by the monkes and 
 souldiers diligently preserved. Twenty thousand people, at least, were 
 killed, burned, and smoothered ; syxe thousand being observed to be 
 drowned in the Elbe. Tilly's Wallons* would give quarter to few ; and 
 the Crabatsf never used to give or beg any; so that all were killed. 
 May 12th, came Tilly into the towne, and finding some hundreds of 
 women and children in the church, he gives them their lives, and some 
 bread too ; next day he forbids pillaging. Upon Sunday, May 1 5th, 
 because he would have this cathedral] as like to Rome as might be, that 
 is, dedicated in blood ; he causes it to be cleansed and new consecrated ; 
 masse and Te Deum being sung in it, in thanksgiving for the victory. 
 Future ages may perhaps compare the destruction of this goodly city unto 
 that of Troy or of Jerusalem." — p. 116-119. 
 
 Note IV. Page 41. 
 
 The accession of King James to the throne of England, and toe suh 
 sequent pacification of the borders and Highlands, had not destroyed the 
 restless and impatient valour of the Scots. When the war in Germany 
 broke out, several chieftains raised regiments chiefly at their own expense. 
 Among these was Sir Houcheon Mackay, who had often been proceeded 
 against for his predatory incursions into Sutherland. Upon his return 
 from Germany, he was, for his services, created Lord Reay. Various 
 methods of raising recruits were employed, and. the following curious song. 
 
 * Soldiers raised in the Netherlands. 
 
 t The Croats, who rendered themselves so famous in the Seven Years' 
 War, and were by Joseph II. very impoliticly formed into regular regi. 
 ments. 
 
246 NOTES. 
 
 printed from on ancient MS., contributed probably net a little to incresso 
 the number oi volunteers : 
 
 All brave lads that would haisard for honour. 
 
 Hark ! how Bellona her trumpet doth blow ; 
 Mars, with many a warlike banner. 
 
 Bravely displayed invits yow to go ! 
 Germani, Suedden, Denmarke, are smoking 
 With a crew of brave lads others provoking. 
 
 All in their armour bright, 
 
 Daisling great Cesars sight. 
 
 Summons you to ane fight ! Tan la ra rau 
 
 O, "Viva ! Viva ! Gustavus we cry ! 
 
 Heir we shall either won honour or dye. 
 
 Thow that riseth before the day dawning. 
 
 Mounted ere Phoebus saluteth the morne, 
 
 YoflBng, crying, youUing, yelling, 
 
 Lyk ane citie swyne summonds out with an home. 
 
 What honour canst thou gain by thy conquisht attending;. 
 
 When thou hes brought a poor baist to her ending .'' 
 
 Please your yelping hounds. 
 
 And hear our martial sounds. 
 
 Till al the hills resounds : Tan la ra ra ! 
 
 fy, boyes ! fy, boyes ! leave it not there. 
 
 For honour is not gotten by hounting the hair. 
 
 Thou fyne thing, that still art resorting, 
 
 In princes pallaces deckt up like an ap. 
 Flattering, fawning, cringing, and courting. 
 
 Changing each moment in a new munkish shape ; 
 Thinkest thow that a denti thing, or a fyne galliard. 
 Or that my laidies glov honours appallart. 
 
 Or Madams sqwivering voice. 
 
 Or such a fidling noice. 
 
 Sounding like, Sa Sa boyes ! Tan la ra ra ! 
 
 XJp lads ! up lads ! up and advance. 
 
 For honour is not gotten by a cringe or a dance. 
 
 Thow that on thy pillow lyes sleiping, 
 
 Pampert with pleasures, and pufFt up with pride. 
 And in thy armes a wanton keeping 
 
 Thinking ther is no heavns besyd. 
 Slave to the womens lust, when thou doeth mount bar, 
 What honour canst thou gain by thy raincounter ? 
 
 Shame to the shall remain. 
 
 When we shall honour gain. 
 
 Where many a hero's slain ! Tan ta ra ra. 
 
 Fy, man T fy, man ! leave it for shame. 
 For honour is not gotten by so easie a gain. 
 All brave lads, raise up yovr spirits ! 
 Honour abydeth you attendit by fame ; 
 
NOTES. 247 
 
 Men are rewarded according to their mprits 
 
 Honour begeteth tliat winneth the same. 
 Vivat, Gustavns ! I pray God protekt him. 
 And send the devill to the colstreat, for it doth expect him I 
 
 Charge lads ! fall in a round. 
 
 Till Cesar shall give ground. 
 
 Hark, hark ! our trumpets sound. Tan ta ra ra I 
 
 Vivat Gustavus Adolphus ! we cry. 
 Here we shall either wone honour or dy. 
 
 At Frankfort upon the Oder, Colonells Hepburn and Lumsdell, men- 
 tioned in the text, performed prodigies of valour. " The king calling the 
 valiant Sir John Hebron (Hepburn) and Colonell Lumsdell unto him, 
 ' Now, my brave Scots (sales he), remember your countrymen slaine at 
 New Brandenburg.' Lumsdell, therefore, with his regiment of English 
 and Scots, and Hebron, with his High Dutchers, presse upon that sally 
 port, and the enemies bullets flying as thick as hail, Lumsdell, with his 
 drawne sword in his hand, cries, ' Let's enter, my hearts I ' thrusting-him- 
 self in amongst the thickest of them. His men followes resolutely, the 
 pikes first entring ; all knocking down the enemies most pitifully ; for the 
 inner port being shut behind them, they had no way to escape, but the 
 little clicket-gate ; through which as many as could crept into the towne. 
 And by this time the greater gate being broke open, Hebron and 
 Lumsdell, entering with their men, make a most pittifull slaughter ; and 
 when any imperialist cryed, 'Quarter!' * New Brandenburg!' cries the 
 other, and knocks him down. One Scotchman protested he had killed 
 eighteen men with his owne hand. Here did Lumsdell take eighteen 
 colours ; yea, such testimony shewed he of his valour, that the king, after 
 the battell, bade him aske what he would, and he would give it him. Sir 
 John Hepburn, shewing extraordinary valour, was here hvu:t in the 
 legge." — Swedish Intelligencer, ut mpra, p. 90. 
 
 Note V. Page 63. 
 The account of the siege and surrender of Oppenheim corresponds pretty 
 accurately with that given in the work we have had occasion to quote so 
 frequently, excepting in so far as respects the cavalier himself. During 
 the storming of the castle [p. 65], "fell there out a pretty merriment, 
 which some readers may perchance be pleased withall. Whilest the most 
 of the Spannish were begging for quarter, a certaine officer, with some 
 others of his men, not daring to trust the courtesy of an enemy, fairly slips 
 away from the Scots that had so ferryted them, running out of the towne 
 for hfe, even close beside the king's army. It chanced that a hare, start- 
 ing out of the bushes about the ditch, ranne directly before the Spaniards, 
 and, within -i few paces after, two or three other hares, also ranne as 
 directly after them. The Swedish soldiers laughed heartily to see, what a 
 convoy the Spaniards had gotten. 'Tis ill luck (sales one of their souldiers), 
 to have one's way crost with a hare ; and that ill lucke is now ours, for we 
 are likely to get but Mttle honour by them, should aU their countrimen run 
 Bway in the like manner." — Ibid P. II. p. 47 
 
248 Nuxjis. 
 
 Note VI. Page 68. 
 The siege of Creutznach was most obstinately contested, and the des. 
 perate valour of William, first Lord Craven, was such, that, on his coming 
 into the King of Sweden's presence, his majesty told him, ' he adventured 
 so desperately, he bid his younger brother fair play for his estate. In 
 1626 he had been created Lord Craven of Hamstead MarshaU, county 
 Berks. In 1637 he was, along with Prince Rupert, taken prisoner, and, 
 on obtaining his liberty, served the States of Holland, under the Prince 
 of Orange. The 16th of March, an. 16 Car. II. he was created Earl 
 Craven, of Craven, county Ebor. In 1670 he was appointed Colonel of 
 the Coldstream regiment of guards. When King James II. endeavoured 
 to. take it away from him, ' If they took away his regiment, they had as 
 good take away his life, since he had nothing else to divert himself with.' 
 He was, however, obliged to give it up, at King William's accession, to the 
 crown. He died April 9, 1597, aged eighty-eight years and ten montha. 
 
 Note VII. Page 76. 
 This celebrated bridge is described at full length in the Swedish 
 Intelligencer. It was framed by the Swedes, who acted as carpenters, 
 and the Fins as pioneers. The following note is singular; but the extra- 
 ordinary valour of the Swedes, even in the present day, must make us 
 hesitate how far we should believe the insinuations against them; though 
 the Fins are well known to be » pusillanimous people. " The Swedes 
 generally, one with another, are all carpenters ; and the Fins, being a 
 plain, simple, and droyling kinde of people, are more used for the spade 
 than for the sword ; notwithstanding we have heard so much of the great 
 exployts of these Finlanders. The Swedes and Finlanders, plainly, are 
 not the best souldiers of the army; 'tis the Scots and Germanes that have 
 done it; and yet have both the other done their parts also." — P. II. 
 p. 142. Marginal Note. — De Foe, in this part, as well as in many others, 
 has made great use of this interesting work. The account of the bridge 
 and the battle, as well as of the supposed means by which Tilly might 
 have gained the battle, eorrespond together accurately in both works. 
 " When Cardinall Passman, the emperor's ambassadour with the Pope, 
 had the first iiewes brought him of this victory, and of the manner of it, 
 he to his friends pronounced. Actum est, ' There is an end of all ;' which 
 some interpreted to be meant of the empire and of the Romish reUgion." 
 — "And yet had not the king escaped so cheap as with the lives of two 
 thousand brave men ; had not he that directed David's sling-stone into 
 Goliah's forehead, guided one bullet into Altringer's forehead, and another 
 into Tilly's thigh-bone ; had not this brave old count beene thus spoyled, 
 the king had found but an unfriendly welcome into Bavaria," &c. — Ibid, 
 p. 148. Tilly is one of the numerous list of imperial generals, who were 
 frequently unfortunate, yet still acquired a high reputation, such as 
 Wallenstein, Daun, Melas, &c. 
 
 Note VIII. Page 82. 
 
 The conditions under which the celebrated Wallenstein, Duka of 
 Friedland, took the charge of generalissimo of the army were most 
 peremptory. He was to be generalissimo for life, and that in the most 
 
WOTES. 249 
 
 absolute mannei , for the emperor, the king of Spain, and the whole house 
 of Austria. The emperor should not be present at the army, much lesu 
 have any command over it; the free liberty of confiscating and pardoning 
 the countries he concjuered was stipulated for by him : the duchy of 
 Mecklenburg, with other dominions, were promised to him, &c. 
 
 Note IX. Page 83. 
 
 "The king had now 132 ensignes of foot, which made up 10,767, in 
 the musterbooke; and 152 troops of horse, which came to 7,676. In 
 all 18,443 men." — Swedish Intelligencer, P. II. p. 140. 
 
 Note X. Page 92. 
 
 The celebrated victory of Lutzen was gained on the 6th of November, 
 1632, old style. In the Swedish Intelligencer, a long account of it is 
 introduced, consisting of 48 quarto pages. The king previously harangued 
 the Swedes and Germans, separately, both together consisting of seven- 
 teen thousand or eighteen thousand men. The watchword of his army 
 was, Gott mil uns, God with us; that of the imperialists, Jesus Maria. 
 Both the armies had had the same in the great battle of Leipsic. The 
 king, in the midst of the battle, had charged a numerous body of 
 cuirassiers, but, they being too powerful, he was forced to retreat, and 
 wounded In the left arm. As he was carried off the field, a cuirassier 
 who knew him came behind him, and, crying out, **This is the right 
 bird," shot him through the body ; but was immediately killed himself, by 
 Luchan, the king's master of the horse. The king's body was forced to 
 be abandoned, and he was stript of everything about him by the imperial 
 soldiers, who were anxious to have a relic of so renowned a commander. 
 It is well known that afterwards the body of the king was recovered, and 
 a most complete victory gained. One of the best imperial commanders. 
 Count Pappenheim, was slain by a bullet from a falconet. He had, 
 previous to the battle, taken the sacrament, confessed, and made this 
 short testament. His soul he commended to God ; his body (if he were 
 slain), to the emperor, and his wife and children to Wallenstein. The 
 imperialists vauntingly claimed the victory, but acknowledged that the 
 king of Sweden was the bravest enemy, and the best captain, that ever 
 was in Christendom. A stone pillar, to the north of the town of Lutzen, 
 still marks the spot where he fell. 
 
 Note XI. Page 99. 
 In this disastrous battle, the Swedish veteran. General Gustavus Home, 
 with Field-Marshal Gratz, and two other generals, were taken prisoners ; 
 and several generals and superior officers killed. The defeat would have 
 been still more complete, if the Rhmegrave Otto Ludwig, with his forces, 
 had not approached, and prevented the pursuit of the Swedes, by the 
 cavalry and Croats. 
 
 Note XII. Page 107. 
 The Earl of Holland entered Berwick with the king. May 30, 1639, 
 and the 31st he marched with two hundred horse to Dunse. " Upon th« 
 
250 NOTES. 
 
 coming of our forces into the town [the expected Scots army was not to 
 be found, but] the people cryed, ' God bless the king,' and that they 
 were all his majesty's obedient subjects, and readily brought forth their 
 Scots ale and what they had, to bid the English welcome." Rushworth's 
 Collections, vol. 11. p. 929. June 3, the earl again entered into Scotland, 
 with four thousand horse, but retired before the numbers of the Scots, 
 and the superior skill of the Scottish general, Lesley. 
 
 Note XIII. Page 115. 
 The 27th of August, 1640, at night, General Lesley arrived within a 
 mile of Newcastle, and finding it garrisoned, marched the next morning to 
 Newbum-ford, where he found the pass defended with strong works and 
 six cannon, and guarded with three thousand horse and twelve hundred 
 foot. He placed his own ordnance upon an adjoining hill, and so harassed 
 the English foot, that they fled in disorder, and abandoned their cannon. 
 The horse attempted to rescue them, but were put to flight by Colonel 
 Lesley, with about fifteen hundred horse. Upon this occasion, the cele- 
 brated gentleman-troop of Sir John Suckling was routed, and some of his 
 horses taken. 
 
 Note XIV. Page 125. 
 
 Robert Bertie, Earl of Lindsay, was eldest son of Peregrine Lord 
 Willoughby, of Bresby, a celebrated worthy of Queen Elizabeth's reign. 
 He was born in 1582 ; and, in 1603, succeeded to the office of Lord 
 High-chamberlain of England; in 1626 he was created Earl of Lindsay; 
 in 1635, appointed Lord High Admiral ; and in 1642, General of the 
 king's forces. The same year, 23rd October, he was killed at the battle of 
 Edgehill. 
 
 Note XV. Page 125. 
 
 Robert, Earl of Essex, was the only son of the great favourite of Queen 
 Elizabeth, and, when young, was married to Lady Frances Howard. His 
 divorce from her is well known ; and he retired in disgust from the court 
 in consequence of it. He died September 14th, 1646. 
 
 Note XVI. Page 138. 
 
 " Those of ours (the parliamentary army) taken by the enemy were, the 
 Lord St. John, who was mortally wounded, and declared, at his death, a 
 full satisfaction and cheerfulness to lay down his life for so good a cause; 
 Colonel Walton, a member of parliament; and Captain Austin, an eminent 
 merchant in London ; of whom the last died through the hard usage he 
 received in the gaol of Oxford, to which he was committed. It was 
 observed, that the greatest slaughter on our side was of such as ran away ; 
 and on the enemy's side, of those that stood ; of whom I saw about three- 
 score lie within the compass of threescore yards, upon the ground whereon 
 that brigade fought in which the king's standard was. — We took prisoners 
 the Earl of Lindsey, general of the king's army, who died of his wounds i 
 Sir Edward Stradling, and Colonel Lunsford, who were sent to Warwick 
 
NOTES. 251 
 
 Castle." Memoirs of Lieutenant-general Ludlow.* Edin. 1751, p. 44. — 
 The king published a declaration to his subjects after the late victory against 
 the rebels, which was answered by a similar declaration of the lords and 
 commons. 
 
 Note XVII. Page 152. 
 
 After the parliamentary army had possessed themselves of Reading, they 
 had several skirmishes with the royalists, in one of which, Hampden, the 
 great patriot, lost his life. Sir WilUam Waller engaged the king's western 
 army at Lansdown. The Cornish men stood their ground till they came 
 to push of pike, but were then routed, and their commander, Sir Bevil 
 Grenville, killed. General Ludlow, soon after, joined Waller. " But," 
 he says in his own Memoirs, " the great hopes we had conceived of enjoy- 
 ing some quiet in the west, by the means of this victory, were soon blasted. 
 For a body of horse sent from Oxford, not being attended by any of our 
 army (though, as I have heard, commanded so to do), engaged our horse 
 at Roundway-hill ; where the overforwardness of some of our party to 
 charge the enemy upon disadvantageous ground, was the principal cause of 
 their defeat. The horse being routed, our foot quitted their ground, and 
 shifted for themselves ; many of whom were taken, and many killed ; the 
 rest retreated to Bristol." — Vol. I. p. 54. 
 
 Note XVIII. Page 154. 
 
 " In the mean time, the king's army besieged Gloucester, the king being 
 there in person to countenance the siege. The besieged made a vigorous 
 defence for about a month ; during which time, the parliament took care 
 to recruit their army, in order to relieve them. Their rendezvous was 
 appointed on Hounslow-heath ; whither some members of parliament (of 
 which my father was one) were sent, to inspect their condition, that their 
 wants, being known, might be the better supplied, who found them a very 
 shattered and broken body ; but the city being then very affectionate to 
 the public, soon recruited them ; and drew forth so many of their trained 
 bands and auxiliary regiments, as made them up a gallant army. In their 
 march to Glcv^cester, some of ours fell upon a party of the enemy at Ciren- 
 cester, of whom they took many prisoners, and seized a great quantity of 
 provisions, which they found prepared for the enemy; who, upon our 
 approach, raised the siege." — Ibid. p. 50. A particular and very circum- 
 stantial detail was published of this siege, in quarto, by order of par- 
 liament. 
 
 Note XIX. Page 162. 
 
 " The Earl of Essex, having relieved the town of Gloucester, was 
 marching back again, when he perceived the enemy endeavouring to get 
 between him and London; and to that end, falling upon his rear with a 
 strong party of horse, they so disordered his men, and retarded the march 
 
 * Ludlow's statements, of course, lean towards the side most favourable 
 ■to the party he was engaged in ; but, for this reason, form proper annota- 
 ftious to those in the text, which are put into the mouth of one of the 
 cavalier faction. 
 
252 NOTES. 
 
 of his army, that he found himself obliged to engage them at Newbury. 
 The dispute was veiy hot on both sides, and the enemy had the better at 
 first; but our men resolving to carry their point, and the city regiments 
 behaving themselves with great bravery, gave them, before night, so little 
 to boast, that the next morning they were willing to permit the Earl of 
 Essex to march to London, without interruption. Few prisoners were 
 taken on either side. The enemy had several of quality killed. — We lost 
 a colonel of one of the city regiments, together with some inferior officers." 
 — Ludlow ut supra, p. 57. 
 
 Note XX. Page 167. 
 
 Alexander Lesley, Earl of Leven, for the first time, evinced his military 
 genius as a volunteer in Lord Vere's regiment, in Holland, and afterwards 
 went into the service of the great King of Sweden, who appointed him ta 
 defend the town of Stralsund against the imperialists. — This he accom- 
 pUshed, and obliged the great Wallenstein to retire, though he had 
 boasted he would take the town if it were even chained to the firmament. 
 In 1630, he drove the imperialists out of Rugen, and then returned home. 
 His actions at the head of the Scotch army are, for the most part, detailed 
 in the text. In 1C41, he was created Earl of Leven, and died at Balgony, 
 in Fife, in the year 1662. 
 
 Note XXI. Page 170. 
 
 This heroic lady, was Charlotte, daughter of Claude de la Tremouille, 
 Duke of Thouars, Prince of Palmont, &c., and wife of William, sixth Earl 
 of Derby, who suffered death in the year 1651, for his loyalty to his king. 
 She not only defended successfully Hotham-house, in 1644, but in 1651, 
 for a long time, the Isle of Man, which was the last place in the Englisii 
 dominions that submitted to the commonwealth. She was detained in 
 prison till the restoration ; and died March 2Ist, 1663. 
 
 Note XXII. Page 172. 
 
 The battle of Marston-moor was fought July 2nd, 1644. Ludlow has 
 the following observation, similar to some of our cavalier's : " If Prince 
 Rupert, who had acquired honour enough by the relief of York, in the view 
 of three generals, could have contented himself with it, and retreated, as he 
 might have done, without fighting, the reputation he had gained would have 
 caused his army to increase like the rolling of a snow-ball ; but he thinking 
 this nothing, unless he might have ably forced his enemies to a battle, 
 against the advice of many of those that were with him," &c. — Vol. 1. 
 p. 107. The country people, it is said, buried four thousand men, of 
 which the prince is reported to have lost three thousand. In a letter ftom 
 the parhamentary generals, they state their loss to have been one lieutenant- 
 colonel, some few captains, and only two or three hundred men ; whicli ii 
 not credible, considering the defeat of one of their wings. — Rushworth, III. 
 635-636. 
 
 Note XXIII. Page 203. 
 This affair is represented as a very slight skirmish by Ludlow, (1. 104.) 
 who hitherto had served under the defeated Sir William Waller. Of tli 
 parliamentary army, were taken prisoners Colonel Wemys, lieutenant' 
 
KOTES. 253 
 
 colonels Baker and Baynes, and several other officers. " Colonel Middleton 
 was dismounted amongst the king's forces, of whom one, taking him for a 
 commander of their's, mounted him again, and bid him make haste, and 
 kill a roundhead ; and so he escaped." — Rushworth, III. 676. 
 
 Note XXIV. Page 208. 
 
 According to Ludlow, the king lost, during the storm, about seventeen 
 hundred men ; and those of the town about one hundred. 
 
 Note XXV. Page 212. 
 
 "Being encouraged by his success at Leicester, and with the considera- 
 tion that he was to encounter with an unexperienced enemy, upon advice 
 that our army was in search of him, the king advanced towards them ; and 
 both armies met in the field of Naseby, on the 14th of June, 1645. Some 
 days before, one Colonel Vermuyden, an old soldier, who commanded a 
 regiment of horse, had laid down his commission ; whether through diffi- 
 dence of success, or any other consideration, I know not, and, in the 
 beginning of the engagement, Major-general Skipton, the only old soldier 
 remaining amongst the chief officers of the army, received a shot in the 
 body from one of our own party, as was supposed, unwittingly ; whereby 
 he was in a great measure disabled to perform the duty of his place that 
 day, though extremely desirous to do it. — Under these discouragements, 
 the horse upon our left wing were attacked by those of the enemy's right, 
 and beaten back to our cannon ; which were in danger of being taken, our 
 foot giving way also : but our right wing being strengthened by those of 
 our left that were rallied by our officers, fell upon the enemy's left wing; 
 and having broken and repulsed them, resolving to improve the opportunity, 
 charged the main body of the king's army ; and, with the assistance of two 
 or three regiments of our infantry, entirely encompassed the enemy's body 
 of foot ; who, findmg themselves deserted by their horse, threw down their 
 arms, and yielded themselves prisoners. By this means, our horse were at 
 leisure to pursue the king, and such as fled with him towards Leicester, 
 taking many prisoners in the pursuit; who, with those taken in the field, 
 amounted in all to about six thousand, and amongst them, six colonels, 
 eight lieutenant-colonels, eighteen majors, seventy lieutenants, eighty 
 ensigns, two hundred inferior officers, about a hundred and forty standards 
 of horse and foot, the king's footmen and servants, and the whole train of 
 artillery and baggage. This victory was obtained with the loss of a very 
 few on our side, and not above three or four hundred of the encicy."— 
 Ludlow, I. 131. 
 
 END OF THE CAVALIKB. 
 
MEMOIRS 
 
 CAPTAIN CAELETOK 
 
PEEFACE 
 
 TO 
 
 CARLETOFS MEMOIRS, 
 
 CONTAINING 
 
 BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES 
 or 
 
 THE EARL OF PETERBOROUGH. 
 
 Fkom an anecdote in Boswell's Life of Johnson, we are 
 referred to the following Memoirs for the best account of the 
 military achievements of the Earl of Peterborough. " The 
 best account of Lord Peterborough that I have happened to 
 meet with, is in Captain Carleton's Memoirs. Carleton was 
 descended of an officer who had distinguished himself at the 
 siege of Derry.* He was an officer, and, what was rare at 
 that time, had some knowledge in engineering. Johnson said 
 he had never heard of the book. Lord Elliot had a copy at 
 Port Elliot ; but, after a good deal of inquiry, procured a 
 copy in London, and sent it to Johnson ; who told Sir Joshua 
 
 * Mackenzie, in his " Narrative of the Siege of tondondeny," mentions 
 no officer called Carleton. There is indeed a Colonel Crofton frequently 
 spoken of. But as Carleton himself served in the great Dutch war of 1665, 
 we can hardly suppose him descended of a person distinguished by feats 
 of arms in 1 688. 
 
 VOL. n. 2 
 
258 PREFACE. 
 
 Eeynolds, that he was going to bed when it came, but was 
 so much pleased with it, that he sat up till he read it through, 
 and found in it such an air of truth, that he could not doubt 
 its authenticity; adding with a smile, in allusion to Lord 
 Elliot's having recently been raised to the peerage, I did not 
 think a young lord could have mentioned to me a book in the 
 English history that was not known to me." — BoswelVs Life 
 of Johnson. 
 
 A. short sketch of the life of this celebrated general may be 
 no unpleasing introduction to a volume, which derives its 
 chief value from narrating his glorious successes. 
 
 Charles Mordaunt, afterwards Earl of Peterborough, was 
 born in 1658; and, in June 1675, succeeded to the title of 
 Lord Mordaunt and the estate of his family. He was 
 educated in the navy, and in his youth served with the 
 Admirals Torrington and Narborough in the Mediterranean. 
 In 1680 he accompanied the Earl of Plymouth in the expe- 
 dition to Tangier, where he distinguished himself against the 
 Moors. 
 
 In the succeeding reign, Lord Mordaunt opposed the repeal 
 of the Test Act in the House of Lords ; and having thus 
 become obnoxious to the court, obtained liberty to go into 
 the Dutch service. When he arrived in Holland, he was, as 
 we learn from Burnet, amongst the most forward of those 
 who advised the Prince of Orange to his grand enterprise. 
 But the cold and considerate William saw obstacles, which 
 escaped the fiery and enthusiastic Mordaunt ; nor, although 
 that prince used his services in the Revolution, does he 
 appear to have reposed entu-e confidence in a character so 
 opposite to his own. Yet Mordaunt reaped the reward of 
 hi'i zeal, being in 1688 created Earl of Monmouth, lord of 
 the bedchamber, and first commissioner of the treasury, wl.icli 
 
PKEPACE, 259 
 
 last office he did not long retain. He accompanied William 
 in his campaign of 1692 ; and in 1697 succeeded to the title, 
 which he has so highly distinguished, by the death of his 
 uncle Henry, the second Earl of Peterborough. 
 
 In the first year of Queen Anne's reign, Peterborough was 
 to have been sent out as governor-general of Jamaica, but 
 the appointment did not take place. In 1705 he was 
 appointed general and commander-in-chief of the forces sent 
 to Spain, upon the splendid and almost romantic service of 
 placing Charles of Austria on the throne of that monarchy. 
 The wonders which he there wrought, are nowhere more 
 fuUy detailed than in the single pages of Carleton.* Barcelona 
 was taken by a handful of men, and afterwards relieved in 
 the face of a powerful enemy, wtom Peterborough compelled 
 to decamp, leaving their battering artillery, ammimition, 
 stores, provisions, and all their sick, and wounded men. He 
 drove before him, and finally expelled from Spain, the Duke 
 of Anjou, ■with, his army of twenty-five thousand French, 
 although his own forces never amounted to half that number. 
 All difficulties sunk before the creative power of his genius. 
 Doomed as he was, by the infatuated folly of Charles, and by 
 the private envy of his enemies at home, to conduct a perilous 
 expedition, in a country iU affected to the cause, without sup 
 plies, stores, artiUery, reinforcements, or money ; he created 
 substitutes for all these deficiencies, — even for the last of 
 them. He took waUed towns with dragoons, and stormed 
 the caskets of the bankers of Genoa, without being able to offer 
 them security. He gained possession of Catalonia, of the 
 
 * See also the " Earl of Peterborough's Conduct in Sjain/' by Dr. 
 JohnFreind. London, 1707. 
 
 S 2 
 
2G0 PREFACE. 
 
 kingdoms of Valencia, Aragon, and Majorca, with part of 
 Murcia and Castile, and thus opened the way for the Earl of 
 Galway's marching to Madrid without a blow. Nor was his 
 talent at conciliating the natives less remarkable than his 
 military achievements. "With the feeling of a virtuous, and 
 the prudence of a wise man, he restrained the excesses of his 
 troops, respected the religion, the laws, even the prejudices 
 of the Spaniards ; and heretic as he was, became more popular 
 aiftongst them than the catholic prince whom he was essaying 
 to place on their throne. Yet, as Swift has strongly expressed 
 it, " the only general, who, by a course of conduct and fortune 
 almost miraculous, had nearly put us into possession of the 
 kingdom of Spain, was left wholly unsupported, exposed to 
 the envy of his rivals, disappointed by the caprices of a young 
 unexperienced prince, under the guidance of a rapacious 
 German ministry, and at last called home in discontent.*" 
 The cause of this strange step it would be tedious here to 
 investigate. One ostensible reason was, that Peterborough's 
 parts were of too lively and mercurial a quality, and that his 
 letters showed more wit than became a general ; a common- 
 place objection, raised by the dull malignity of common-place 
 minds against those whom they see discharging with ease and 
 indifference the tasks which they themselves execute (if at 
 all) with the sweat of their brow, and in the heaviness of their 
 heart. It is no uncommon error of judgment to maintain 
 ii priori, that a thing cannot possibly be well done, which has 
 taken less time in doing than the person passing sentence had 
 anticipated. There is also a certain hypocrisy in business, 
 whether civil or military, as well as in religion, which they 
 will do weU to observe, who, not satisfied with discharging 
 
 * Conduct of the allies. 
 
PREFACE. 261 
 
 their duty, desire also the good report of men. To the want 
 of that grave, serious, business-like deportment, which admits 
 of no levity in the exercise of its office ; but especially to the 
 envy excited by his success, Britain owed the recall of the 
 Earl of Peterborough from Spain, during the fuU career of 
 his victories. The command of the troops devolved on the 
 Earl of Galway ; a thorough-bred soldier, as he was called ; 
 a sound-headed, steady, solid general, who proceeded, with all 
 decency, decorum, and formal attention to the discipline of 
 war, to lose the battle of Almanza, and to ruin the whole 
 expedition to Spain. 
 
 In June 1710-11, the thanks of the House of Peers were 
 returned to the Earl of Peterborough for his services in 
 Spain ; and the chancellor used these remarkable words in 
 expressing them : — " Had your lordship's wise counsels, par- 
 ticularly your advice at the council of war in Valencia, been 
 pursued in the following campaign, the fatal battle of Almanza, 
 and our greatest misfortunes which have since happened in 
 Spain, had been prevented, and the design upon Toulon might 
 have happily succeeded." 
 
 In the years 1710 and 1711, the earl was employed in 
 embassies to Turin, and other courts of Italy, and finally at 
 Vienna. He returned from the German capital with such 
 expedition, that none of his servants were able to keep 
 up with him, but remained scattered in the different towns 
 where he had severally outstripped them. He outrode, upon 
 this same occasion, several expresses which he had himself 
 despatched to announce his motions. Swift at this time 
 received a letter from him, dated Hanover, and desiring an 
 answer to be sent' to him at his coimtry-house in England.* 
 
 * Swift's Journal to Stella, 24th June, 1711. 
 
262 PREFACE. 
 
 Indeed, Peterborough's characteristic rapidity of travelling 
 was about this time celebrated by the dean, in a little poem 
 inscribed to him : — 
 
 Mordanto fills the trump of fame. 
 
 The Christian world his deeds proclaim. 
 
 And prints are crowded with his name. 
 
 In journeys he outrides the post. 
 Sits up till midnight with his host. 
 Talks politics, and gives the toast. 
 
 Knows every prince in Europe's faoey 
 Flies like a squib from place to place. 
 And travels not, but nms a race. 
 
 From Paris Gazette a-la-main, 
 This day arrived, without his train, 
 Mordanto in a week from Spain. 
 
 A messenger comes all a-reek, 
 Mordanto at Madrid to seek ; 
 He left the town above a week. 
 
 Next day the post-boy winds his horn. 
 And rides through Dover in the mora t 
 Mordanto's landed from Leghorn. 
 
 Mordanto gallops on alone, 
 
 The roads are with his followers strown. 
 
 This breaks a girth, and that a bone. 
 
 His body active as his mind. 
 Returning sound in limb and wind. 
 Except some leather lost behind. 
 
 A skeleton in outward figure ; 
 
 His meagre corpse, though full of vigoOT. 
 
 Would halt behind him, were it bigger. 
 
PEEFACE. 263 
 
 80 wonderful his expedition. 
 
 When you have not the least suspicion, 
 
 He's with you like an apparition. 
 
 Shines in all climates like a star; 
 In senates bold, and fierce in war ; 
 A land commander, and a tar. 
 
 Heroic actions early bred in, 
 
 Ne'er to be matched in modern reading. 
 
 But by his namesake, Charles of Sweden. 
 
 Peterborough's haste was, in 1711, probably stimulated by 
 the interest he took in the great public discussions on the 
 policy of continuing the war mth France. He argued in 
 the affirmative with great ability, but without success. 
 Although a strenuous Whig in principle, he was disliked by 
 most of his own party, and greatly caressed in consequence by 
 the Tories. After his return to England, he obtained the regi- 
 ment of the royal horse guards, and the honours of the garter, 
 being installed 4th August, 1713. In November following, we 
 find the earl British plenipotentiary to the King of Sicily and 
 other Italian potentates ; and in March, 1713-14, he was ap- 
 pointed governor of the island of Minorca. 
 
 Under George I. and George II. the Earl of Peterborough 
 was general of the marine forces in Great Britain. 
 
 In October, 1735, he found it necessary to set sail for Lis- 
 bon for recovery of his health ; " no body," to use Pope's ex- 
 pression, " being so much wasted, no soul being more alive." 
 He was cut in the bladder for a suppression of urine ; imme- 
 diately after which cruel operation, he took coach, and tra- 
 velled no less a journey than from Bristol to Southampton, 
 " like a man," says the same poet, "determined neither to 
 
264 PREFACE. 
 
 live nor die like any other mortal." He died on his voyage 
 to Lisbon, 25th October, 1735, aged seventy-seven. 
 
 The Earl of Peterborough was twice married, and left two 
 sons and a daughter by his first wife. 
 
 To all the talents of a general and negotiator, this won- 
 derful man added those belonging to • a literary character. 
 He associated with all the wits of Queen Anne's reign, was 
 a lively poet, and his familiar letters, are read to advantage 
 amongst those of Gay, Arbuthnot, Swift, and Pope. He lived 
 in great intimacy with the last, who boasts, that, 
 
 He, whose lightning pierced the Iberian lines, 
 Now forms my quincunx, and now ranks my vines ; 
 Or tames the genius of the stubborn plain, 
 Almost as quickly as he conquered Spain. 
 
 To Pope, Peterborough bequeathed on his deathbed hia 
 watch, a present from the King of Sardinia, that, as he ex- 
 pressed it, his friend might have something to put him every 
 day in mind of him. 
 
 The frame, in which were lodged such comprehensive 
 talents, was thin, short, spare, and well calculated to endure 
 the eternal fatigue imposed by the restless tenant within. The 
 famous lines of Dryden might be happily applied to the Earl 
 of Peterborough: — 
 
 A fiery soul, which, working out its way. 
 
 Fretted the pigmy body to decay. 
 
 And o'er informed the tenement of clay. 
 
 xlis face, judging from the print in Dr. Birch's Lives, was 
 thin ; his eye hvely and penetrating. 
 
 Such was Charles, Earl of Peterborough, one of those phe- 
 nomena whom nature produces once in the revolution of cen- 
 
PREFACE. 265 
 
 turies, to show to ordinary men what she can do in a mood 
 of prodigality. 
 
 To this short sketch of the principal character in these 
 Memoirs, the publishers would willingly have added some 
 particulars of the author ; but they are unable to say more 
 on the subject than may be collected from the work itself, and 
 the original preface. It is obvious that Captain George 
 Carleton was one of those men who choose the path of mili- 
 tary life, not from a wish to indulge either indolent or licen- 
 tious habits, but with a feeling of duty, which should be 
 deeply impressed on all to whom their country commits the 
 charge of her glory, and of the lives of their fellow-subjects. 
 There is a strain of grave and manly reflection through the 
 work, which speaks the author accustomed to scenes of dan- 
 ger, and familiar with the thoughts of death. From his 
 studies in mathematics, and in fortification, he is entitled to 
 credit for his military remarks, which are usually made with 
 simple modesty. His style is plain and soldier-like, without 
 any pretence at ornament ; though in narrating events of im- 
 portance, its very simplicity gives it occasional dignity. Of 
 the fate of the author after deliverance from his Spanish cap- 
 tivity, we know nothing ; but can gather from some passages 
 in his Memoirs, that it did not correspond with his merit.* 
 
 * The Memoirs were first printed in 1743,t with the following comprehen- 
 
 ■ sive title page : — " The Memoirs of Captain George Carleton, an English 
 
 officer, who served in the two last wars against France and Spain, and was 
 
 present in several engagements, both in the fleet and army. Containing 
 
 an account of the conduct of the Earl of Peterborough, and other general 
 
 t This is an error, as will be seen by the facsimile title-page prefixed to the 
 present edition. The book was originally printed in 1728, but the edition of 1743 is 
 the first which contains the preliminary account of the Earl of Feterborongh. — 
 
 H. a. B. 
 
266 PREFACE. 
 
 While we hope that our present army possesses many such 
 characters, as the reflecting, manly, and conscientious Carle- 
 ton, we heartily wish them better fortune. 
 
 officers, admirals, &c., and several remarkable transactions both by sea 
 and land. In which the genius, pride, and barbarity of the Spaniards, 
 during the author's being a prisoner of war among them, are set in a true 
 light. Together with a description of many of their cities, towns, &c. 
 particularly Valencia, Barcelona, Molviedro, Saguntum, Alicant, Montserat, 
 Denia, St. Clement de la Mancha, Madrid, VaUadolid, Bilboa, St. Jean de 
 Luz, Bayonne, Pont d'Esprit, Pampeluna, Saragoza, &c. Their manners 
 and customs, both religious and civU ; observations on their monasteries 
 and nunneries, and their manner of investing nuns. Likewise their bull- 
 feasts, and other public diversions." 
 
THE 
 
 MEMOIRS 
 
 OF AN 
 
 English Officer, 
 
 Who serv'd in the Dutch War in 1672. 
 to the Peace of Utrecht, in 1713. 
 
 Containing 
 Several Remarkable Transactions both by 
 Sea and Land, and in divers Countries, but 
 chiefly those wherein the Author was per- 
 sonally concern' d. 
 
 Together with 
 A Description of many Cities, Towns, and Coun- 
 tries, in which he resided; their Manners and 
 Customs, as well Religious as Civil, interspers'd 
 with many curious Obseevations on their Mo- 
 nasteries and Nunneries, more particularly of 
 the famous one at Montserat. 
 
 On the Bull-Feasts, and other puhlick Diversions ; 
 as also on the Genius of the Spanish People, 
 amongst whom he continued several Years a Pri- 
 soner of War. No Part of which has before been 
 made publick. 
 
 ByCapt. GEORGE CABLETON. 
 
 LONDON, Printed for E. Symon, over against the 
 Eoyal Exchange, CornMU. MDCO XXVIII. 
 
to 
 THE EIGHT HONOURABLE 
 
 SPENCER LORD COMPTON, 
 
 BARON OF WILMINGTON, 
 
 KNIGHT OP THE BATH, AND ONE OP HIS MAJESTY'S MOST HONODB- 
 ABLE PRIVY COUNCIL. 
 
 It was my fortune, my Lord, in my juvenile years, Mmas 
 cum marte commutare ; and truly I have reason to blush, when 
 I consider the small advantage I have reaped from that 
 change. But lest it should be imputed to my want of merit, 
 I have wrote these Memoirs, and leave the world to judge of 
 my deserts. They are not set forth by any fictitious stories, 
 nor embellished with rhetorical flourishes ; plain truth is cer- 
 tainly most becoming the character of an old soldier. Yet 
 let them be never so meritorious, if not protected by some 
 noble patron, some persons may think them to be of no 
 value. 
 
 To you, therefore, my Lord, I present them ; to you, who 
 have so eminently distinguished yourself, and whose wisdom 
 has been so conspicuous to the late representatives of Great 
 Britain, that each revolving age will speak in your praise ; 
 and if you vouchsafe to be the Mecsenas of these Memoirs, 
 your name will give them sufficient sanction. 
 
 An old soldier I may truly call myself, and my family 
 allows me the title of a gentleman ; yet I have seen many 
 favourites of fortuue, without being able to discern why they 
 
270 DEDICATION. 
 
 should be so happy, and myself so unfortunate. But let not 
 that discourage your Lordship from receiving these my Me- 
 moirs into your patronage ; for the unhappy cannot expect 
 favour, but from those who are enduQd with generous souls. 
 Give me leave, my Lord, to congratulate this good for- 
 tune, that neither Whig nor Tory (in this complaining age) 
 have found fault with your conduct. Your family has pro- 
 duced heroes, in defence of injured kings ; and you, when it 
 was necessary, have as nobly adhered to the cause of liberty. 
 
 My LoED, 
 
 Your Lordship's most obedient. 
 
 And most devoted humble Servant, 
 
 G. Caeleton. 
 
TO THE READER. 
 
 The author of these Memoirs began early to distinguish 
 himself in martial affairs, otherwise he could not have seen 
 such variety of actions, both by sea and land. After the last 
 Dutch war he went into Flanders, where he not only served 
 under the command of his Highness the Prince of Orange, 
 whilst he was generalissimo of the Dutch forces, but like- 
 wise aU the time he reigned King of Great Britain. Most of 
 the considerable passages and events, which happened during 
 that time, are contained in the former part of this book. 
 
 In the year 1705, the regiment, in which he served as 
 captain, was ordered to embark for the West Indies ; and 
 he, having no inclination to go thither, changed with an half- 
 pay captain ; and being recommended to the Earl of Peter- 
 borough by the late Lord Cutis, went vrith him upon that 
 noble expedition into Spain. 
 
 When the forces under his Lordship's command were 
 landed near Barcelona, the siege of that place was thought 
 by several impracticable, not only for want of experienced 
 engineers, but that the besieged were as numerous as the be- 
 siegers ; yet the courage of that brave earl surmounted those 
 difficulties, and the siege was resolved upon, 
 
 Our author having obtained, by his long service, some 
 knowledge of the practic part of an engineer, and seeing at 
 that critical time the great want of such, readily acted as 
 one, which gave him the greater opportunity of being an eye- 
 
272 TO THE EEADEK. 
 
 witness of his Lordship's actions; and consequently made 
 him capable of setting them forth in these his Memoirs. 
 
 It may not be, perhaps, improper to mention, that the 
 author of these Memoirs was bom at Ewelme in Oxford- 
 shire, descended from an ancient and an honourable family. 
 The Lord Dudley Carleton, who died secretary of state to 
 King Charles I., was his great uncle ; and in the same reign 
 his father was envoy at the Court of Madrid, •whilst his uncle. 
 Sir Dudley Carleton, was ambassador to the states of Hol- 
 land; men in those days respected both for their abilities and 
 loyalty. 
 
MEMOIRS 
 
 or 
 
 CAPTAIN CARLETON, 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 1 TOLUNTEER ON BOARD THE LONDON, AND GO OUT WITH 
 
 THE DUKE OF YORK'S EXPEDITION TO HOLLAND JOIN 
 
 THE FRENCH FLEET — GENERAL ENGAGEMENT WITH THE 
 
 AMSTERDAM SQUADRON SINGULAR ACCOUNT OF OUR 
 
 PIGEONS ABOARD THE LONDON PRINCE OF CONDE 
 
 ROUTES OUE FORCES — MARCH TO QUARIGNAN AND 
 
 VALENCIENNES THE PRINCE OF ORANGE LEAVES THE 
 
 ARMT IN DISGUST, BUT RECEDES FROM THAT RESOLUTION 
 
 THE SIEGE OF MAESTRICH FALSE ATTACK ON 'VyTCK 
 
 SIEGE OF OAMBEAY AND ST. OMARS. 
 
 In the year one thousand six hundred and seventy two, war 
 being proclaimed with Holland, it was looked upon, among 
 nobility and gentry, as a blemish not to attend the Duke of 
 York*, aboard the fleet, who was then declared admiral. 
 With many others, I, at that time about twenty years of age, 
 entered myself a volunteer on board the London, commanded 
 by Sir Edward Sprage, vice-admiral of the red. 
 
 The fleet set sail from the buoy of the Nore about the 
 beginning of May, in order to join the French fleet, then at 
 
 * Afterwards James II. By the treaty betwixt England and France, 
 six thousand of the British troops were to assist the French army against 
 the Dutch. The two fleets of France and England joined the 2nd May. 
 The English consisting of a hundred, and the French of forty sail. Tha 
 States had seveuty-two large ships and forty frigates. 
 
 VOL. U. t 
 
274 MEMOIRS OF CAPTAIN CAELETON. 
 
 anchor in St. Helen's road, under the command of the Count 
 de Estree. But in executing this design we had a very nar- 
 row escape: for De Ruyter, the admiral of the Dutch fleet, 
 having notice of our intentions, waited to have intercepted 
 us at the mouth of the river, tut by the assistance of a great 
 fog, we passed Dover before he was aware of it ; and thus he 
 miscarried, with the poor advantage of taking only one small 
 tender. 
 
 A day or two after the joining of the English and French, 
 we sailed directly towards the Dutch coast, where we soon 
 got sight of ftieir fleet ; a sand called the Galloper lying be- 
 tween. The Dutch seemed willing there to expect an attack 
 from us : but in regard the Charles man-of-war had been lost 
 on those sands the war before, and that our ships drawing 
 more water than those of the enemy, an engagement might 
 be rendered very disadvantageous, it was resolved in a coun- 
 cil of war to avoid coming to a battle for the present, and to 
 sail directly for Solebay ; which was accordingly put in 
 execution. 
 
 We had not been in Solebay above four or five days, when 
 De Euyter, hearing of it, made his signal for sailing, in order 
 to surprise us; and he had certainly had his aim, had there 
 been any breeze of wind to favour him. But though they 
 made use of all their sails, there was so little air stirring, that 
 we could see their fleet making towards us, long before they 
 came up ; notwithstanding which, our admirals found diffi- 
 culty enough to form their ships into a line of battle, so as to 
 be ready to receive the enemy. 
 
 It was about four in the morning of the 28th of May, 
 being Tuesday in Whitsun week, when we first made the 
 discovery ; and about eight the same morning, the blue squa- 
 dron, under the command of the Earl ot Sandwich, began to 
 engage with Admiral Van Ghent, who commanded the 
 Amsterdam squadron ; and about nine the whole fleets were 
 under a general engagement. The flght lasted till ten at 
 night, and with equal fury on all sides, the French excepted, 
 who appeared stationed there rather as spectators than par- 
 ties ; and as unwilling to be too much upon the offensive, for 
 fear of ofiending themselves. 
 
 During the fight the English admiral had two ships dis- 
 abled under him ; and was obliged about four in the afternoon 
 to remove himself a third time into the London, vfhere he re- 
 
LOSS OF THE KOTAL JAHES. 275 
 
 mained all the rest of the fight, and till next morning. Never- 
 theless, on his entrance upon the London, which was the ship 
 I was in, and on our hoisting the standard, De Ruyter and hia 
 squadron seemed to double their flre upon her, as if they re- 
 solved to blow her out of the water. Notwithstanding all 
 which, the Duke of York remained all the time upon quarter- 
 deck, and as the bullets plentifully whizzed around him, would 
 often rub his hands, and cry, Sprage, Sprage, they follow us 
 still. I am very sensible latter times have not been over 
 favourable in their sentiments of that unfortunate prince's 
 valour, yet I cannot omit the doing a piece of justice to his 
 memory, in relating a matter of fact, of which my own eyes 
 were witnesses, and saying, that if intrepidity and undaunted- 
 ness may be reckoned any parts of courage, no man in the 
 fleet better deserved the title of courageous, or behaved 
 himself with more gallantry than he did. 
 
 The English lost the Royal James, commanded by the Earl 
 of Sandwich, which, about twelve (after the strenuous en- 
 deavours of her sailors to disengage her from two Dutch fire- 
 ships placed on her, one athwart her hawsers, the other on 
 her starboard side), took fire, blew up, and perished, and with 
 her a great many brave gentlemen as well as sailors, and 
 amongst the rest the earl himself, concerning whom I shall 
 farther add, that in my passage from Harwich to the Brill, 
 a year or two after, the master of the packet-boat told me, 
 that having observed a great flock of gulls hovering in one 
 particular part of the sea, he ordered his boat to make up to 
 it; when discovering a corpse, the sailors would have re- 
 turned it to the sea, as the corpse of a Dutchman ; but keep- 
 ing it in his boat, it proved to be that of the Earl of 
 Sandwich. There was found about him between twenty and 
 thirty guineas, some silver, and his gold watch; restoring 
 which to his lady, she kept the watch, but rewarded their 
 honesty with all the gold and silver. 
 
 This was the only ship the English lost in this long engage- 
 ment. For although the Katherine was taken, and her 
 commander, Sir John Chichely, made prisoner, her sailors 
 soon after finding the opportunity they had watched for, 
 seized all the Dutch sailors who had been put in upon them, 
 and brought the ship back to our own fleet, together with all 
 the Dutchmen prisoners ; for which, as they deserved, they, 
 were well rewarded. This is the same ship which the Earl 
 
 T 2 
 
276 MEMOIRS OF CAPTAIN CAKLETON. 
 
 of Mulgrare, afterwards Duke of Buckingham, commanded 
 Hie next sea fight, and has caused to be painted in his house 
 in St. James's Park. 
 
 I must not omit one very remarkable occurrence which 
 happened in this ship. There was a gentleman aboard her, a 
 volunteer, of a very fine estate, generally known by the name 
 of Hodge Vaughan : this person received, in the beginning 
 of the fight, a considerable wound, which the great confusion 
 during the battle would not give them leave to inquire into ; 
 so he was carried out of the way, and disposed of in the hold. 
 They had some hogs aboard, which the sailor, under whose 
 care they were, had neglected to feed ; these hogs, hungry as 
 they were, found out, and fell upon the wounded person, and 
 between dead and alive eat him up to his very skull, which, 
 after the fight was over, and the ship retaken, as before, was 
 all that could be found of him. 
 
 Another thing, less to be accounted for, happened to a 
 gentleman volunteer who was aboard the same ship with my- 
 self. He was of known personal courage, in the vulgar 
 notion of it, his sword never having failed him in many pri- 
 vate duels. But notwithstanding all his land-mettle, it was 
 observed of him at sea, that whenever the bullets whizzed 
 over his head, or any way incommoded his ears, he immedi- 
 ately quitted the deck, and ran down into the hold. At first 
 he was gently reproached ; but after many repetitions, he was 
 laughed at, and began to be despised ; sensible of which, as 
 a testimonial of his valour, he made it his request to be tied 
 to the mainmast. But had it been granted him, I cannot see 
 any title he could have pleaded from hence to true magna- 
 nimity ; since to be tied from running away can import nothing 
 less than that he would have stiU continued these signs of 
 cowardice if he had not been prevented. There is a bravery 
 of mind which I fancy few of those gentlemen duellists are 
 possessed of. True courage cannot proceed from what Sir 
 Walter Raleigh finely calls the art or philosophy of quarrel. 
 No ! It must be the issue of principle, and can have no other 
 basis than a steady tenet of religion. This will appear more 
 plain,, if those artists in murder vdU give themselves leave 
 coolly to consider, and answer me this question, — ^why he 
 that had ran so many risks at his sword's point, should be so 
 shamefully intimidated at the whiz of a cannon-ball? 
 
SINGULAB ACCOUNT OF PIGEONS. 277 
 
 The names oj those English gentlemen who lost their lives, as I 
 remenier, in this engagement. 
 
 Commissioner Cox, captain of the Royal Prince, under the 
 command of the admiral ; and Mr. Travanian, gentleman to 
 the Duke of York ; Mr. Digby, captain of the Henry, second 
 son to the Earl of Bristol ; Sir Fletchvile Hollis, captain of 
 the Cambridge, who lost one of his arms in the war before, 
 and his life in this ; Captain Saddleton, of the Dartmouth ; 
 the Lord Maidstone, son to the Earl of Winchelsea, a volun- 
 teer on board the Charles, commanded by Sir John Harman.. 
 vice-admiral of the Red. 
 
 Sir Philip Carteret, Mr. Herbert, Mr. Cotterel, Mr. Poyton, 
 Mr. Grose, with several other gentlemen unknown to me, lost 
 their lives with the Earl of Sandwich, on board the Royal 
 James; Mr. Vaughan, on board the Katherine, commanded 
 by Sir John Chichely. 
 
 In this engagement, Sir George Rook was youngest lieu- 
 tenant to Sir Edward Sprage ; Mr. Russel, afterwards Earl 
 of Orford, was captain of a small fifth rat«, called the Phoe- 
 nix ; Mr. Herbert, afterwards Earl of Torrington, was captain 
 of a small fourth rate, called the Monck ; Sir Harry Dutton 
 Colt, who was on board the Victory, commanded by the Earl 
 of Ossory, is the only man now living that I can remember 
 was in this engagement. 
 
 But to proceed, the Dutch had one man-of-war sunk, 
 though so near the shore, that I saw some part ot her main- 
 mast remain above water ; with their Admiral Van Ghent, 
 who was slain in the close engagement with the Earl of 
 Sandwich. This engagement lasted fourteen hours, and was 
 looked upon the greatest that ever was fought between the 
 English and the Hollander. 
 
 I cannot here omit one thing, which to some may seem 
 trifling; though I am apt to think our naturalists may havff 
 a different opinion of it, and find it afford their fancies no un- 
 diverting employment in more curious, and less perilous 
 reflections. We had on board the London, where, as I have 
 said, I was a volunteer, a great number of pigeons, of which 
 our commander was very fond. These, on the first firing ot 
 our cannon, dispersed, and flew away, and were seen nowhere 
 
278 MEMOIRS OP CAPTAIN CARLETOW. 
 
 near U3 during the fight. The next day it blew a brisk gale, 
 and drcive our fleet some leagues to the southward of the 
 place where they forsook our ship, yet the day after they all 
 returned safe aboard; not in one flock, but in small parties 
 of four or five at a time. Some persons at that time aboard 
 the ship admiring at the manner of their return, and speaking 
 of it with some surprise, Sir Edward Sprage told them that 
 he brought those pigeons with him from the Straits; and that 
 when, pursuant to his order, he left the Revenge man-of-war 
 to go aboard the London, all those pigeons, of their own 
 accord, and without the trouble or care of carrying, left the 
 Revenge likewise, and removed with the sailors on board the 
 London, where I saw them : all which, many of the sailors 
 afterwards confirmed to me. What sort of instinct this could 
 proceed from, I leave to the curious. 
 
 Soon after this sea engagement I left the fleet. And the 
 parliament, the winter following, manifesting their resent- 
 ments against two of the plenipotentiaries, viz., Buckingham 
 and Arlington, who had been sent over into Holland ; and 
 expressing, vnthal, their great umbrage taken at the prodigious 
 progress of the French arms in the United Provinces ; and 
 warmly remonstrating the inevitable danger attending 
 England in their ruin ; King Charles from all this, and for 
 want of the expected supplies, found himself under a neces- 
 sity of clapping up a speedy peace with Holland. 
 
 This peace leaving those youthful spirits that had by the 
 late naval war been raised into a generous ferment, under a 
 perfect inactivity at home ; they found themselves, to avoid 
 a sort of life that was their aversion, obliged to look out for 
 one more active, and more suitable to their vigorous tempers 
 abroad. 
 
 I must acknowledge myself one of that number ; and 
 therefore in the year 1674 I resolved to go into Flanders, in 
 order to serve as volunteer in the army commanded by his 
 !ughness the Prince of Orange. I took my passage accord- 
 ingly at Dover for Calais, and so went by way of Dunkirk 
 for Brussels. 
 
 Arriving at which place, I was informed that the army of 
 the confederates lay encamped not far from NiveUe, and 
 under the daily expectation of an engagement with the 
 enemy. This news made me press forward to the service; 
 tor which purpose I carried along with me proper letters of 
 
TEHSIIBLE WHIRLWIND. 279 
 
 recommendation to Sir Walter "Vane, who was at that time a 
 major-general. Upon farther inquiry I understood that a 
 party of horse, which was to guard some waggons that were 
 going to Count Montery's army, were to set out next 
 morning ; so I got an Irish priest to introduce me to the 
 commanding officer, which he readily obliged me in ; and 
 they, as I wished them, arrived in the camp next day. 
 
 I had scarce been there an hour, when happened one of 
 the most extraordinary accidents in life. I observed in the 
 east a strange dusty-coloured cloud, of a pretty large extent, 
 riding (not before the wind, for it was a perfect calm) with 
 such a precipitate motion, that it was got over our heads 
 almost as soon as seen. When the skirts of that cloud began 
 to cover our camp, there suddenly arose such a terrible 
 hurricane, or whirlwind, that all the tents were carried aloft 
 with great violence into the air ; and soldiers' hats flew so 
 high and thick, that my fancy can resemble it to nothing 
 better than those flights of rooks, which at dusk of evening, 
 le"aving the fields, seek their roosting places. Trees were 
 torn up by the very roots ; and the roofs of all the barns, &c., 
 belonging to the prince's quarters, were blown quite away. 
 This lasted for about half an hour, until the cloud was wholly 
 past over us, when as suddenly ensued the same pacific calm 
 as before the cloud's approach. Its course was seemingly 
 directly west ; and yet we were soon after informed, that the 
 fine dome of the great church at Utrecht had greatly suffered 
 by it the same day. And, if I am not much mistaken. Sir 
 William Temple, in his Memoirs, mentions somewhat of it, 
 which he felt at Lillo, on his return from the Prince of 
 Orange's camp, where he had been a day or two before. 
 
 As soon after this as I could get an opportunity, I delivered, 
 at his quarters, my recommendatory letters to Sir Walter 
 Vane ; who received me very kindly, telling me at the same 
 time, that there were six or seven English gentlemen, who 
 had entered themselves volunteers in the prince's own 
 company of guards ; and added, that he would immediately 
 recommend me to Count Solmes, their colonel. He was not 
 worse than his word, and I was entered accordingly. Those 
 
 six gentlemen were as follows; Clavers, who since 
 
 was better known by the title of Lord Dundee ; Mr. Collier, 
 now Lord Portmore ; Mr. Eooke, since major-general ; Mr. 
 Hales, who lately died, and was for a long time governor of 
 
280 MEMOIRS OF CAPTAIN CAKI.''.TON. 
 
 Chelsea Hospital ; Mr. Venner, son of that Vernier remark- 
 able for his being one of the fifth-monai-chy men ; and Mr. 
 Boyce. The fom- first rose to be very eminent ; but fortune 
 is not to all alike favourable. 
 
 In about a week's time after, it was resolved in a council 
 of war, to march towards Einch, a small walled town, about 
 four leagues fromNivelle ; the better to cut off the provisions 
 from coming to the Prince of Conde's camp that way. 
 
 Accordingly, on the 1st of August, being Saturday, we 
 began our march ; and the English volunteers had the favour 
 of a baggage waggon appointed them. Count Souches, the 
 imperial general, with the troops of that nation, led the van ; 
 the main body was composed of Dutch, under the Prince of 
 Orange, as generalissimo ; and the Spaniards, under Prince 
 Vaudemont, with some detachments, made the rear-guard. 
 
 As we were upon our march, I being among those detach- 
 ments which made up the rear-guard, observed a great party 
 of the enemy's horse upon an ascent, which, I then imagined, 
 as it after proved, to be the Prince of Conde taking a view 
 of our forces under march. There were many defiles, which 
 our ai'my must necessarily pass ; through which that prince 
 politically enough permitted the imperial and Dutch forces to 
 pass unmolested. But when Prince Vaudemont, with the 
 Spaniards, and our detachments, thought to have done the 
 like, the Prince of Condi.' fell on our rear-guard ; and, 
 after a long and sharp dispute, entirely routed them ; the 
 Marquis of Assentar, a Spanish lieutenant-general, dying 
 upon the spot. 
 
 Had the Prince of Conde contented himself with this share 
 of good fortune, his victory had been uncontested : but being 
 pushed forward by a vehement heat of temper, which he 
 was noted for, and flushed with this extraordinary success, he 
 resolved to force the whole confederate army to a battle. 
 In order to which, he immediately led his forces between 
 our second line and our line of baggage ; by which means 
 the latter were entirely cut off, and were subjected to the will 
 of the enemy, who fell directly to plunder ; in which they 
 were not a little assisted by the routed Spaniards themselves, 
 who did not disdain at that time to share -with, the enemy in 
 the plundering of their friends and allies. 
 
 The English volunteers had their share of this ill fortune 
 with the rest, their waggon appointed them being among 
 
NARROW ESCAPE WITH THE ENEMY. 281 
 
 those intercepted by the enemy ; and I, for my part, lost 
 everything but life, which yet was saved almost as unaccount- 
 ably as my fellow-soldiers had lost theirs. The baggage, as 
 I have said, being cut off, and at the mercy of the enemy, 
 every one endeavoured to escape through or over the hedges. 
 And as in. all cases of like confusion, one endeavours to save 
 himself upon the ruins of others ; so here, he that found 
 himself stopt by another in getting over the gap of a hedge, 
 pulled him back to make way for himself, and perhaps met 
 with the same fortune from a third, to the destruction of all. 
 I was then in the vigour of my youth, and none of the least 
 active, and perceiving how it had fared with Some before me, 
 I clapt my left leg upon the shoulders of one who was thus 
 contending with another, and with a spring threw myself 
 over both their heads and the hedge at the same time. By 
 this means I not only saved my life (for they were all cut to 
 pieces that could not get over), but from an eminence, which 
 I soon after attained, I had an opportunity of seeing and 
 making my observations upon the remaining part of that 
 glorious conflict. 
 
 It was from that advantageous situation, that I presently 
 discovered that the imperialists, who led the van, had now 
 joined the main body. And, I confess, it was with an almost 
 inexpressible pleasure, that I beheld, about three o'clock, 
 with what intrepid fury they fell upon the enemy. In short, 
 bo^ armies were universally engaged, and with great 
 obstinacy disputed the victory tiU eleven at night, at which 
 time the French, being pretty weU surfeited, made their 
 retreat : nevertheless, to secure it by a stratagem, they left 
 their lighted matches hanging in the hedges and waving 
 with the air, to conceal it from the confederate army. 
 
 About two hours after, the confederate forces followed the 
 example of their enemies, and drew off. And, though neither 
 army had much reason to boast, yet, as the Prince of Orange 
 remained last in the field, and the French had lost what they 
 before had gained, the glory of the day fell to the Prince of 
 Orange; who, although but twenty-four years of age, had 
 the suffrage of friend and foe, of having played the part of 
 an old and experienced ofPcer. 
 
 There were left that day on the field of battle, by a general 
 computation, not less than eighteen thousand men on both 
 
282 MEMOIRS OF CAPTAIN OAKLETON. 
 
 sides, over and above those -who died of their wounds : the 
 loss being pretty equal, only the French carried off most 
 prisoners. Prince Waldeck was shot through the arm, which 
 I was near enough to be an eye-witness of; and my much- 
 lamented friend, Sir Walter Vane, was carried off dead. A 
 wound in the arm was all the mark of honour that I as yet 
 could boast of, though our cannon in the defiles had slain 
 many near me. 
 
 The Prince of Conde (as we were next day informed) lay 
 all that night under a hedge, wrapped in his cloak ; and 
 either from the mortification of being disappointed in his 
 hopes of victory, or from a reflection of the disservice which 
 his own natural overheat of temper had drawn upon him, 
 was almost inconsolable many days after. And thus ended 
 the famous battle of Seneff. 
 
 But though common vogue has given it the name of a 
 battle, in my weak opinion it might rather deserve that of a 
 confused skirmish ; all things having been forcibly carried on 
 without regularity, or even design enough to allow it any 
 "higher denomination; for, as I have said before, notwith- 
 standing I was advantageously stationed for observation, I 
 found it very often impossible to distinguish one party from 
 another. And this was more remarkably evident on the part 
 of the Prince of Orange, whose valour and vigour having led 
 him into the middle of the enemy, and being then sensible of 
 his error, by a peculiar presence of mind, gave the word of 
 command in French, which he spoke perfectly well. But 
 the French soldiers, who took him for one of their own 
 generals, making answer that their powder was all spent, it 
 afforded matter of instruction to him to persist in his attack, 
 at the same time that it gave him a lesson of caution, to 
 withdraw himself, as soon as he could, to his own troops. 
 
 However, the day after the Prince of Orange thought 
 proper to march to Quarignan, a village within a league of 
 Mons ; where he remained some days, till he could be supplied 
 from Brussels with those necessaries which his army stood in 
 need of. 
 
 From thence we marched to Valenciennes, where we again 
 encamped, till we could receive things proper for a siege, 
 Upon the arrival whereof, the prmce gave orders to decamp, 
 and marched his army with a design to besiege Aeth. But 
 
TKE PRINCE OP ORANGE LEAVES THE ARMT. 283 
 
 having intelligence on our march that the Mareschal de 
 Humiers had reinforced that garrison, we marched directly 
 to Oudenard, and immediately invested it. 
 
 This siege was carried on with such application and success, 
 that the besiegers were in a few days ready for a storm ; but 
 the Prince of Conde prevented them, by coming up to its 
 relief. Upon which the Prince of Orange, pursuant to the 
 resolution of a council of war the night before, drew off his 
 forces in order to give him battle ; and to that purpose, after 
 the laborious work of filling up our lines of contravallation, 
 that the horse might pass more freely, we lay upon our arms 
 all night. Next morning we expected the imperial general. 
 Count Souches, to join us ; but instead of that, he sent back 
 some very frivolous excuses, of the inconveniency of the 
 ground for a battle ; and after that, instead of joining the 
 prince, marched ofi" quite another way ; the Prince of Orange, 
 with the Dutch and Spanish troops, marched directly for 
 Ghent ; exclaiming publicly against the chicanery of Souches, 
 and openly declaring that he had been advertised of a con- 
 ference between a French capuchin and that general, the 
 night before. Certain it is, that that general lay under the 
 displeasure of his master, the emperor, for that piece of 
 management; and the Count de Sporck was immediately 
 appointed general in his place. 
 
 The Prince of Orange was hereupon leaving the army in 
 great disgust, till prevailed upon by the Count de Montery, 
 for the general safety, to recede from that resolution. How- 
 ever, seeing no likelihood of anything farther to be done, 
 while Souches was in command, he resolved upon a post of 
 more action, though more dangerous; wherefore ordering 
 ten thousand men to march before, he himself soon after 
 followed to the siege of Grave. 
 
 The Grave, a strong place, and of the first moment to the 
 Hollanders, had been blocked up by the Dutch forces all the 
 summer; the Prince of Orange therefore, leaving the main army 
 under Prince "Waldeck at Ghent, followed the detachment he 
 had made for the siege of that important place, resolving to 
 purchase it at any rate. On his arrival before it, things began 
 to find new motion ; and as they were carried on with the 
 utmost application and fury, the besieged found themselves, 
 in a little time, obliged to change their haughty summer note 
 for one more suitable to the season. 
 
28-t MEMOIES OF CAPTAIN CAKLETON. 
 
 The prince, from his first coming, having kept those within 
 hotly plied with ball, both from cannon and mortars, Monsieur 
 Chamilly, the governor, after a few days, being weary of 
 such warm work, desired to capitulate ; upon which hostages 
 were exchanged, and articles agreed on next morning. 
 Pursuant to which, the garrison marched out with drums 
 beating and colours flying two days after, and were conducted 
 to Charleroy. 
 
 By the taking this place, which made the Prince of Orange 
 the more earnest upon it, the French were wholly expelled 
 their last year's astonishing conquests in Holland. And yet 
 there was another consideration, that rendered the surrender 
 of it much more considerable. For the French being sensible 
 of the great strength of this place, had there deposited 
 all their cannon and ammunition, taken from their other 
 conquests in Holland, which they never were able to remove 
 or carry off, with tolerable prospect of safety, after that 
 prince's army first took the field. 
 
 The enemy being marched out, the prince entered the town, 
 and immediately ordered public thanksgivings for its happy 
 reduction. Then, having appointed a governor, and left a 
 sufficient garrison, he put an end to that campaign, and 
 returned to the Hague, where he had not been long before 
 he fell ill of the small pox. The consternation this threw 
 the whole country into, is not to be expressed ; any one that 
 had seen it would have thought that the French had made 
 another inundation greater than the former. But when the 
 danger was over, their joy and satisfaction for his recovery 
 was equally beyond expression. 
 
 The year 1675 yielded very little remarkable in our army. 
 Limburgh was besieged by the French, under the command 
 of the Duke of Enguien, which the Prince of Orange having 
 intelligence of, immediately decamped from his fine camp at 
 Bethlem, near Louvain, in order to raise the siege. But as 
 we were on a full march for that purpose, and had already 
 reached Ruremond,- word was brought, that the place had 
 surrendered the day before. Upon which advice, the prince, 
 after a short halt, made his little army (for it consisted not of 
 more than thirty thousand men) march back to Brabant. 
 Nothing of moment, after this, occurred all that campaign. 
 
 In the year 1676 the prince of Orange having, in concert 
 ■with the Spaniards, resolved upon the important siege of 
 
SERIOUS LOSS IN MAKING A BREACH. 285 
 
 Maestrich, the only town in the Dutch provinces then remain- 
 ing in the hands of the French, it was accordingly invested 
 about the middle of June, with an army of twenty thousand 
 ip^n, under the command of his highness Prince Waldeck, 
 with the grand army covering the siege. It was some time 
 before the heavy cannon, which we expected up the Maes, 
 from Holland, arrived; which gave occasion to a piece of 
 raillery of Monsieur Calvo, the governor, which was as hand- 
 somely reparteed. That governor, by a messenger, intimating 
 his sorrow to find we had pawned our cannon for ammunition 
 bread ; answer was made, that in a few days we hoped to give 
 him a taste of the loaves, which he should find would be sent 
 him into the town, in extraordinary plenty. I remember 
 another piece of raillery, which passed some days after between 
 the Ehinegrave and the same Calvo. The former sending word, 
 that he hoped within three weeks to salute that governor's mis- 
 tress within the^ place, Calvo replied, he would give him leave 
 to kiss her all over, if he kissed her anywhere in three months. 
 
 But our long expected artillery being at last arrived, all 
 this jest and merriment was soon converted into earnest. 
 Our trenches were immediately opened towards the dauphin 
 bastion, against which were planted many cannon, in order to 
 make a breach; myself, as a probationer, being twice put upon 
 the forlorn hope to facilitate that difficult piece of service. 
 Nor was it long before such a breach was effected as was 
 esteemed practicable, and therefore very soon after it was 
 ordered to be attacked. 
 
 The dispoation for the attack was thus ordered; two 
 Serjeants with twenty grenadiers, a captain with fifty men, 
 myself one of the number ; then a party carrying wool sacks, 
 and after them two captains with one hundred men more ; 
 the soldiers in the trenches to be ready to sustain them, as 
 occasion should require. 
 
 The signal being given, we left our trenches accordingly, 
 having about one hundred yards to run, before we could reach 
 the breach, which we mounted with some difficulty and loss ; 
 all our batteries firing at the same instant, to keep our action 
 in countenance, and favour our design. When we were in 
 possession of the bastion, the enemy fired most furiously upon 
 us with their small cannon through a thin brick wall, by 
 which, and their hand grenadoes, we lost more men than wo 
 did in the attack itself. 
 
286 MEMOIRS OF CAPTAIN CAKLETOK. 
 
 But well had it been had our ill fortune stopped there ; for 
 as if disaster must needs be the concomitant of success, we 
 soon lost what we had thus gotten, by a small but very odd 
 accident. Not being furnished with such scoops as our enemies 
 made use of in tossing their hand grenadoes some distance off, 
 one of our own soldiers aiming to throw one over the wall into 
 the counterscarp among the enemy, it so happened that he 
 unfortunately missed his aim, and the grenade fell down again 
 on our side the wall, very near the person who fired it. He, 
 starting back to save himself, and some others who saw it fall 
 doing the like, those who knew nothing of the matter fell into 
 a sudden confusion, and imagining some greater danger than 
 there really was, everybody was struck with a panic fear, and 
 endeavoured to be the first who should quit the bastion, and 
 secure himself by a real shame from an imaginary evil. Thus 
 was a bastion, that had been gloriously gained, inadvertently 
 deserted ; and that too with the loss of alm(»t as many men 
 in the retreat as had been slain in the onset ; and the enemy 
 most triumphantly again took possession of it. 
 
 Among the slain on our side in this action, was an ensign 
 of Sir John Fenvnck's regiment ; and as an approbation of my 
 services, his commission was bestowed upon me. 
 
 A few days after it was resolved again to storm that bastion, 
 as before ; out of three English, and one Scotch regiments, 
 then in the camp, a detachment was selected for a fresh attack. 
 Those regiments were under the command of Sir John 
 Fenwick (who was afterwards beheaded). Colonel Ralph 
 Widdrington, and Colonel Ashley, of the English ; and Sir 
 Alexander Collier, lather of the present Lord Portmore, of 
 the Scotch. Out of every of these four regiments, as before, 
 were detached a captain, a lieutenant, and an ensign, with 
 fifty men : Captain Anthony Barnwell, of Sir John Fenwick's 
 regiment, who was now my captain, commanding that 
 attack. 
 
 At break of day the attack was begun with great resolution; 
 and though vigorously maintained, was attended with the 
 desired success. The bastion was again taken, and in it the 
 commanding officer, who in service to himself, more than to 
 us, told us that the centre of the bastion would soon be blown 
 np, being to his knowledge undermined for that purpose. 
 But this secret proved of no other use than to make us, by 
 way of precaution, to keep as much as we could upon the 
 
FALSE ATTACK ON THE FOETEESS OP WYOK. 287 
 
 rampart. In this attack Captain Barnwell lost his life ; and 
 it happened my new commission was wetted (not, as too 
 frequently is the custom, with a debauch, but) with a bullet 
 through my hand, and the breach of my collar-bone with the 
 stroke of a halberd. 
 
 After about half an hour's possession of the bastion, the 
 mine under it, of which the French officer gave us warning, 
 was sprung ; the enemy at the same time making a furious 
 sally upon us. The mine did a little, though the less execu- 
 tion, for being discovered ; but the sally no way answered 
 their end, for we beat them back, and immediately fixed our 
 lodgment ; which we maintained during the time of the siege. 
 But to our double surprise, a few days after they fired 
 another mine under, or aside, the former, in which they had 
 placed a quantity of grenadoes, which did much more execution 
 than the other: notwithstanding all which, a battery of guns 
 was presently erected upon that bastion, which very consider 
 ably annoyed the enemy. 
 
 The breach for a general storm was now rendered almost 
 practicable; yet before that could be advisably attempted, 
 there was a strong hornwork to be taken. Upon this exploit 
 the Dutch troops only were to signalise themselves ; and they 
 answered the confidence reposed in them ; for though they 
 were twice repulsed, at the third onset they were more suc- 
 cessful, and took possession ; which they likewise kept to the 
 raising of the siege. 
 
 There was a stratagem laid at this time, which in its own 
 merit one would have thought should not have failed of a 
 good effect ; but to show the vanity of the highest human 
 wisdom, it miscarried. On the other side of the Maes, oppo- 
 site to Maestrich, lies the strong fortress of Wyck, to which 
 it is joined by a stone bridge of six fair arches. The design 
 was, by a false attack on that regular fortification, to draw the 
 strength of the garrison to its defence, which was but very 
 natural to imagine would be the consequence. Eeady to 
 attend that well-concerted false attack, a large flat-bottomed 
 boat, properly furnished with barrels of gunpowder, and other 
 necessaries, was to fall down under one of the middle arches, 
 and when fixed there, by firing the powder, to have blown up 
 the bridge, and by that means to have prevented the return ot 
 the garrison to oppose a real attack at that instant of time 
 to be made upon the town of Maestrich by the whole army. 
 
288 MEMOIRS OP CAPTAIN CARLETON. 
 
 ITie falje attack on Wyck was accordingly made, which, a* 
 proposed, drew the main of the garrison of Maestrich to its 
 defence, and the boat so fiimished fell down the river as pro- 
 jected, but unfortunately, before it could reach the arch, from 
 the darkness of the night, running upon a shoal, it could not 
 be got off; for which reason the men in the boat were glad 
 to make a hasty escape for fear of being discovered ; as the 
 boat was, next morning, and the whole design laid open. 
 
 This stratagem thus miscarrying, all things were immedi- 
 ately got ready for a general storm, at the main breach of the 
 town ; and the rather, because the Prince of Orange had 
 received incontestable intelligence, that Duke Schomberg, at 
 the head of the French army, was in full march to relieve the 
 place. But before everything could be rightly got ready for 
 the intended storm (though some there were who pretended 
 to say, that a dispute raised by the Spaniards with the Dutch, 
 about the propriety of the town, when taken, was the cause 
 of that delay), we heard at some distance several guns fired 
 as signals of relief ; upon which we precipitately, and, as most 
 imagined, shamefully drew off from before the place, and 
 joined the grand army under prince Waldeck. But it was 
 matter of yet greater surprise to most on the spot, that when 
 the armies were so joined, we did not stay to offer the enemy 
 battle. The well-known courage of the prince, then general- 
 issimo, was so far from solving this riddle, that it rather 
 puzzled all who thought of it ; however, the prevailing opinion 
 was, that it was occasioned by some great misunderstanding 
 between the Spaniards and the Dutch. And experience will 
 evince, that this was not the only disappointment of that 
 nature, occasioned by imperfect understandings. 
 
 Besides the number of common soldiers slain in this attack, 
 which was not inconsiderable, we lost here the brave Rhine- 
 grave, a person much lamented on account of his many other 
 excellent qualifications, as well as that of a general. Colonel 
 Ralph Widdrington, and Colonel Doleman (who had not en- 
 joyed Widdrington's commission above a fortnight). Captain 
 Douglas, Captain Barnwell, and Captain Lee, were of the slain 
 among the English ; who, indeed, had borne the whole brunt 
 of the attack upon the dauphin's bastion. 
 
 I remember the Prince of Orange, during the siege, re- 
 ceived a shot through his arm ; which giving an immediate 
 alarm to the troops under his command, he took his hat off 
 
SIEGE OP CAMBRAT AND ST. OMEES. 289 
 
 his head with the wounded arm, and smiling, waved it, to 
 show them there was no danger. Thus, after the most gallant 
 defence against the most courageous onsets, ended the siege 
 of Maestrich ; and with it all that was material that campaign. 
 
 Early in the spring, in the year 1677, the French army, 
 under the Duke of Orleans, besieged at once both Cambray 
 and St. Omers. This last the Prince of Orange seemed very 
 intent and resolute to relieve. In order to which, well know- 
 ing by sad experience, it would be to little purpose to wait 
 the majestic motions of the Spaniards, that prince got together 
 what forces he could, all in Dutch pay, and marching forward 
 with all speed, resolved, even at the hazard of a battle, to 
 attempt the raising the siege. Upon his appearing the Duke 
 of Orleans, to whose particular conduct the care of that siege 
 was committed, drew oif from before the place, leaving scarce 
 enough of his men to defend the trenches. The prince was 
 under the necessity of marching his forces over a morass ; and 
 "the duke well knowing it, took care to attack him near Mont 
 Cassel, before half his little army were got over. The dispute 
 was very sharp, but the prince being much outnumbered, and 
 his troops not able, by the straightness of the passage, to 
 engage all at once, was obliged at last to retreat, which he 
 did in pretty good order. I remember the Dutch troops did 
 not all alike do their duty ; and the prince seeing one of the 
 officers on his fullest speed, called to him over and over to 
 halt ; which the officer in too much' haste to obey, the prince 
 gave him a slash over the face, saying, By this mark I shall 
 know you another time. Soon after this retreat of the prince, 
 St. Omers was surrendered. 
 
 Upon this retreat the prince marching back, lay for some 
 time among the boors, who from the good disciphne, which 
 he took care to make his troops observe, did not give us their 
 customary boorish reception. And yet as secure as we might 
 think ourselves, I met with a little passage that confirmed in 
 me the notions, which the generality, as well as I, had imbibed 
 of the private barbarity of those people, whenever an oppor- 
 tunity falls in their way. I was strolling at a distance from 
 my quarters, all alone, when I found myself near one of their 
 houses; into which, the doors being open, I ventured to 
 enter. I saw nobody when I came in, though the house was, 
 for that sort of people, well enough furnished, and in pretty 
 decent order. I called, but nobody answering, I had the 
 
 VOL. n. ^ 
 
290 MEMOIRS OF CAPTAIN CAELETON. 
 
 curiosity to advance a little farther, when, at the mouth oi 
 tlie oven, which had not yet wholly lost its heat, I spied the 
 corpse of a man so bloated, swollen and parched, as left me 
 little room to doubt that the oven had been the scene of his 
 destiny. I confess the sight struck me with horror ; and as 
 much courage and security as I entered with, I withdrew in 
 haste, and with quite different sentiments, and could not 
 fancy myself out of danger till I had reached our camp. A 
 wise man should not frame an accusation on conjectures; 
 but, on inquiry, I was soon made sensible, that such bar- 
 barous usage is too common among those people ; especially 
 if they meet with a straggler, of what nation soever. 
 
 This made me not very sorry when we decamped, and we 
 soon after received orders to march and invest Charleroy; 
 before which place we stayed somewhat above a week, and 
 then drew off. I remember very well, that I was not the 
 only person then in the camp that was at a loss to dive into 
 the reason of this investiture and decampment ; but since I 
 at that time, among the politicians of the army, never heard 
 a good one, I shall not venture to offer my sentiments at so 
 great a distance. 
 
 We, after this, marched towards Mons ; and, in our march, 
 passed over the very grounds on which the battle of Seneff 
 had been fought three years before. It was with no little 
 pleasure, that I re-surveyed a place, that had once been of so 
 much danger to me ; and where my memory and fancy now 
 repeated back all those observations I had then made under 
 some unavoidable confusion. Young as I was, both in years 
 and experience, from my own reflections, and the sentiments 
 of others, after the fight was over, methought I saw visibly 
 before me the well-ordered disposition of the Prince of Conde ; 
 the inexpressible difficulties which the Prince of Orange had 
 to encounter with ; while at the same moment I could not 
 omit to repay my debt to the memory of my first patron, Sir 
 Walter Vane, who there losing his life, left me a solitary 
 wanderer to the wide world of fortune. 
 
 But these thoughts soon gave place to new objects, which 
 every hour presented themselves in our continued march to 
 Enghien, a place famous for the finest gardens in Flanders, 
 near which we encamped on the very same ground which the 
 French chose some years after at the battle of Steenkirk; 
 of which T shall speak in its proper place. Here the Prince 
 
END OF THE CAMPAIGN IN FLANDERS. 291 
 
 of Orange left our army, as we afterwards found, to pass into 
 England ; where he married the Princess Mary, daughter of 
 the Duke of York. And after his departure, that campaign 
 ended without anything farther material. 
 
 CHAPTER n. 
 
 THE FAMOUS PEACE CONCLUDED DESPERATE BATTLE AT 
 
 ST. DENNIS RETURN TO ENGLAND COMMISSION GIVEN 
 
 BT KING JAMES EARTHQUAKE AT DIXMUYD SIEGE OF 
 
 NAMUR PRINCE VAUDEMONt's GRAND RETREAT DESTRUC- 
 TION OF BRUSSELS VILLEROT's GREAT ARMT. 
 
 Now began the year 1678, famous' for the peace, and no 
 less remarkable for an action previous to it, which has not 
 failed to employ the talents of men, variously, as they stood 
 affected. Our army, under the Prince of Orange, lay 
 encamped at Soignies, where it was whispered that the peace 
 was concluded. Notwithstanding which, two days after, being 
 Sunday the 17th day of August, the army was drawn out, as 
 most others as well as myself apprehended, in order to a feux 
 de joye ; but in lieu of that, we found our march ordered 
 towards St. Dennis, where the Duke of Luxemburg lay, as 
 he imagined, safe in inaccessible intrenchments. 
 
 About three o'clock our army arrived there, when we 
 received orders to make the attack. It began with a most 
 vigorous spirit, that promised no less than the success which 
 ensued. The three English and three Scotch regiments, 
 under the command of the ever renowned Earl of Ossory, 
 together with the Prince of Orange's guards, made their 
 attack at a place called the Chateau ; where the French took 
 their refuge among a parcel of hop-poles ; but their resource 
 was as weak as their defence, and they were soon beaten out 
 with a very great slaughter. 
 
 It was here that a French officer having his pistol directed 
 at the breast of the prince. Monsieur D'Auverquerque inter- 
 posed, and shot the officer dead upon the spot. 
 
 The fight lasted from three in the afternoon till nine at 
 night, when, growing dark, the Duke of Luxemburg forsook 
 his intrenchments, into which we marched next morning. 
 
 V 2 
 
292 MEMOIRS OF CAPTAIN CAELETON, 
 
 And to see the sudden change of things ! that very spot of 
 ground, where nothing but fire and fury appeared the day 
 before, the next saw solaced with the proclamation of a 
 peace. 
 
 About an hour before the attack began, the Duke of 
 Monmouth arrived in the army, being kindly received by the 
 Prince of Orange, bravely fighting by his side all that day. 
 The woods, and the unevenness of the ground, rendered the 
 cavalry almost useless ; yet I saw a standard among some 
 others, which was taken firom the enemy, being richly 
 embroidered with gold and silver, bearing the sun in the 
 zodiac, with these haughty words, Nihil obstahit eunte. On 
 the news of this unexpected victory, the States of Holland 
 sent to congratulate the prince ; and to testify how much 
 they valued his preservation, they presented Monsieur 
 D'Auverquerque, who had so bravely rescued him, with a 
 sword, whose handle was of massy gold, set with diamonds. 
 I forgot to mention that this gentleman received a shot on 
 his head at the battle of Seneff ; and truly, in all actions, 
 which were many, he nobly distinguished himself by his 
 bravery. He was father of this present Earl of Grantham. 
 
 The names of the English officers which I knew to be killed in tUa 
 action. 
 
 Lieutenant-colonel Archer, Captain Pemfield, 
 Captain Charleton, Lieutenant Charleton, 
 
 Captain Richardson Lieutenant Barton, 
 
 Captain Fisher, Ensign ColvUe. 
 
 With several others, whose names I have forgot. 
 
 Lieutenant-colonel Babington, who began the attack hy 
 beating the French out of the hop-garden, was taken prisoner. 
 Colonel Hales, who was a long time governor of Chelsea 
 College, being then a captain, received a shot on his leg, of 
 which he went lame to his dying day. 
 
 The war thus ended by the peace of Nimeguen, the regi- 
 ment in which 1 served was appointed to lie in garrison at 
 the Grave. We lay there near four years, our soldiers being 
 mostly employed about the fortifications. It was here, and 
 by that means, that I imbibed the rudiments of fortification, 
 and the practical part of an engineer, which in my more 
 advanced years was of no small sen/ice to me. 
 
Monmouth's rebellion in England. 293 
 
 Nevertheless, in the year 1684, our regiment received 
 orders to march to Haren, near Brussels ; where, with other 
 forces, we encamped, till we heard that Luxemburg, invaded 
 by the French, in a time of the profoundest peace, had sur- 
 rendered to them. Then we decamped, and marched to 
 Mechlin ; where we lay in the field till near November. 
 Not that there was any war proclaimed, but as not knowing 
 whether those who had committed such acts of hostility in 
 time of peace, might not take it in their heads to proceed yet 
 farther. In November we marched into that town, where 
 Count Nivelle was governor : the Marquis de Grana, at the 
 same time, governing the Netherlands in the jurisdiction of 
 Spain. 
 
 Nothing of any moment happened after this, till the death 
 of King Charles II. The summer after which, the three 
 English and three Scotch regiments received orders to pass 
 over into England, upon the occasion of Monmouth's 
 rebellion; where, upon our arrival, we received orders to 
 encamp on Hounslow Heath. But that rebellion being soon 
 stifled, and King James having no farther need of us, those 
 regiments were ordered to return again to Holland, into the 
 proper service of those who paid them. 
 
 Though I am no stiff adherer to the doctrine of predesti- 
 nation, yet to the full assurance of a providence I never 
 could fail to adhere. Thence came it, that my natural 
 desire to serve my own native country prevailed upon me to 
 quit the service of another, though its neighbour and ally. 
 Events are not always to direct the judgment ; and therefore 
 whether I did best in following these fondling dictates of 
 nature, I shall neither question nor determine. 
 
 However, it was not long after my arrival in England 
 before I had a commission given me by King James, to be a 
 lieutenant in a new-raised regiment under the command of 
 Colonel Tufton, brother to the Earl of Thanet. Under this 
 commission I sojourned out two peaceable campaigns on 
 Hounslow Heath, where I was an eyewitness of one mock 
 siege of Buda: after which our regiment was ordered to 
 Berwick, where I remained till the Revolution. 
 
 King James having abdicated the throne, and the Prince 
 of Orange accepting the administration, all commissions 
 were ordered to be renewed in his name. The officers of 
 our regiment, as well as others, severally took out theirs 
 
294 MEMOIRS OF CAPTAIN CAELETON. 
 
 accordingly; a very few excepted, of which number was our 
 colonel, who refusing a compliance, his commission was 
 given to Sir James Lesly. 
 
 The Prince of Orange presently after was declared and 
 proclaimed king, and his princess queen, with a conjunctive 
 power. Upon which our regiment was ordered into Scotland, 
 where afiairs appeared under a face of disquietude. We 
 had our quarters at Leith, tiU the time the Castle of Edin 
 hurgh, then under the command of the Duke of Gordon, had 
 surrendered. After which, pursuant to fresh orders, we 
 marched to Inverness, a place of no great strength, and as 
 little beauty; though yet I think I may say, without the 
 least danger of an hyperbole, that it is as pleasant as most 
 places in that country. Here we lay two long winters, 
 perpetually harassed upon parties, and hunting of somewhat 
 wilder than their wildest game, namely, the Highlanders, 
 who were, if not as nimble-footed, yet fully as hard to be 
 found. 
 
 But General Mackay having received orders to build a 
 fort at Inverlochy, our regiment, among others, was com- 
 manded to that service. The two regiments appointed on 
 the same duty, with some few dragoons, were already on 
 their march, which having joined, we marched together 
 through Louquebar. This sure is the wildest country in the 
 Highlands, if not in the world. I did not see one house in 
 all our march ; and their economy, if I may call it such, is 
 much the same with that of the Arabs or Tartars. Huts, 
 or cabins of trees and trash, ai>e their places of habitation, 
 in which they dwell till their half-horned cattle have devoured 
 the grass, and then remove, staying nowhere longer than 
 that convenience invites them. 
 
 In this march, or rather, if you please, most dismal 
 peregrination, we could but very rarely go two on a breast, 
 and oftener, like geese in a string, one after another. So 
 that our very little army had sometimes, or rather most 
 commonly, an extent of many miles ; our enemy, the High- 
 landers, firing down upon us from their summits all the way. 
 Nor was it possible for our men, or very rarely at least, to 
 return their favours with any prospect of success; for as 
 they popped upon us always on a sudden, they never stayed 
 long enough to allow any of our soldiers a mark, or even 
 time enough to fire. And for our men to march or climb up 
 
TWO COMMANDERS ESCAPE NAKED. 295 
 
 those mountains, which to them were natural champaign, 
 would have been as dangerous as it seemed to us impractic- 
 able. Nevertheless, under all these disheartening disadvan- 
 tages, we arrived at Inverlochy, and there performed the 
 task appointed, building a iort on the same spot where 
 Cromwell had raised one before. And, which was not a 
 little remarkable, we had with us one HiU, a colonel, who 
 had been governor in Oliver's time, and who was now again 
 appointed governor by General Mackay. Thus the work on 
 which we were sent being effected, we marched back again 
 by the way of Gillycranky, where that memorable battle 
 under Dundee had been fought the year before. 
 
 Some time after. Sir Thomas Levingston, afterwards 
 Earl of Tiviot, having received intelligence that the High- 
 landers intended to fall down into the lower countries in a 
 considerable body, got together a party of about five hundred 
 (the dragoons, called the Scotch Greys, inclusive), with 
 which he resolved, if possible, to give them a meeting. We 
 left Inverness the last day of April, and encamped near a 
 little town called Forrest, the place where, as tradition still 
 confidently av«rs, the witches met Macbeth, and greeted 
 him with their diabolical auspices. But this story is so 
 naturally displayed in a play of the immortal Shakespeare, 
 that I need not descend here to any farther particulars. 
 
 Here Sir Thomas received intelligence that the High- 
 landers designed to encamp upon the Spey, near the laird of 
 Grant's Castle. Whereupon we began our march about 
 noon ; and the next day about the break thereof, we came to 
 that river, where we soon discovered the Highlanders, by 
 their fires. Sir Thomas, immediately on sight of it, issued 
 Ms orders for our fording the river, and falling upon them as 
 soon after as possible. Both were accordingly performed, 
 and with so good order, secrecy, and success, that Caijnon 
 and Balfour, their commanders, were obliged to make their 
 escape naked. 
 
 They were about one thousand in number, of which were 
 killed about three hundred ; we pursued them till they got 
 up Cromdale-hill, where we lost them in a fog. And 
 indeed, so high is that hUl, that they who perfectly knew it, 
 assured me that it never is without a little dark fog hanging 
 over it. And to me, at that instant of time, they seemed 
 
296 MEMOIRS OF CAPTAIN CAELETON. 
 
 rather to be people received up into clouds, than flying from 
 
 an enemy. , ■, -r i j 
 
 Near this there was an old castle, called Lethendy, into 
 which about fifty of them made their retreat, most of them 
 gentlemen, resolving there to defend themselves to the last. 
 Sir Thomas sent a messenger to them, with an oiFer of 
 mercy, if they would surrender: but they refused the 
 proffered quarter, and fired upon our men, killing two of our 
 grenadiers, and wounding another. During my quarters at 
 the Grave, having learnt to throw a grenado, I took three or 
 four in a bag, and crept down by the side of a ditch or dyke, 
 to an old thatched house near the castle, imagining, on my 
 mounting the same, I might be near enough to throw them, 
 so as to do execution. I found all things answer my 
 expectation; and the castle wanting a cover, I threw in a 
 grenado, which put the enemy immediately into confusion. 
 The second had not so good success, falling short ; and the 
 third burst as soon as it was well out of my hand, though 
 without damage to myself. But throwing the fourth in at a 
 window, it so increased the confusion which the first had 
 put them into, that they immediately called out to me, upon 
 their parole of safety, to come to them. 
 
 Accordingly I went up to the door, which they had barri- 
 caded, and made up with great stones ; when they told me they 
 were ready to surrender upon condition of obtaining mercy. 
 1 returned to Sir Thomas ; and telling him what I had done, 
 and the consequence of it, and the message they had desired 
 me to deliver (a great many of the Highland gentlemen, not 
 of this party, being with him). Sir Thomas, in a high voice, 
 and broad Scotch, best to be heard and understood, ordered 
 me back to tell them, He would cut them all to pieces, for 
 their murder of two of his grenadiers, after his proffer of 
 quarter. 
 
 I was returning, full of these melancholy tidings, when 
 Sir Thomas, advancing after me a little distance from the 
 rest of the company ; Hark ye, sir, says he, I believe there 
 may be among them some of our old acquaintance (for we 
 had served together in the service of the States in Flanders), 
 therefore tell them they shall have good quarter. I very 
 willingly carried back a message so much changed to my 
 mind ; and upon delivering of it, without the least hesitation, 
 
DEFEAT OP THE FRENCH FLEET. 297 
 
 they threw down the barricado, opened the door, and out came 
 one Brody, who, as he then told me, had had a piece of his 
 nose taken oiF by one of my grenadoes. I carried him to Sir 
 Thomas, who confirming my message, they all came out, 
 and surrendered themselves prisoners. This happened on 
 May-day in the morning ; for which reason we returned to 
 Inverness with our prisoners, and boughs in our hats ; and 
 the Highlanders never held up their heads so high after this 
 defeat. 
 
 Upon this success Sir Thomas wrote to court, giving a 
 full account of the whole action. In which being pleased to 
 make mention of my behaviour, with some particularities, I 
 had soon after a commission ordered me for a company in 
 the regiment under the command of Brigadier Tiffin. 
 
 My commission being made out, signed, and sent to me, 
 I repaired immediately to Portsmouth, where the regiment 
 lay in garrison. A few days after I had been there. Admiral 
 Russel arrived with the fleet, and anchored at St. Helen's, 
 where he remained about a week. On the 18th of May the 
 whole fleet set sail ; and it being my turn the same day to 
 mount the main guard, I was going the rounds very early, 
 when I heard great shooting at sea. I went directly to 
 acquaint the governor, and told him my sentiments, that the 
 two contending fleets were actually engaged ; which indeed 
 proved true, for that very night a pinnace, which came from 
 our fleet, brought news that Admiral Russel had engaged the 
 French Admiral Turvile ; and, after a long and sharp dispute, 
 was making after them to their own coasts. 
 
 The next day, towards evening, several other expresses 
 arrived, one after another, all agreeing in the defeat of the 
 French fleet, and in the particulars of the burning their 
 Rising Sun, together with many other of their men-of-war, 
 at La Hogue. All which expresses were immediately 'for- 
 warded to court by Mr. Gibson, our governor. 
 
 About two months after this, our regiment, among many 
 others, was, according to order, shipped ofi" on a secret 
 expedition, under the command of the Duke of Leinster, no 
 man knowing to what place we were going, or on what design ; 
 no, not the commander himself. However, when we were 
 out at sea, the general, according to instructions, opening 
 his commission, we were soon put out of our suspense, and 
 informed that our orders were to attack Dunkirk. But what 
 
298 MEMOIRS OF CAPTAIN CAKLETON. 
 
 was so grand a secret to those concerned in the expedition, 
 having been intrusted to a female politician on land, it was 
 soon discovered to the enemy ; for which reason our orders 
 were countermanded, before we reached the place of action, 
 and our forces received directions to land at Ostend. 
 
 Soon after this happened that memorable battle at Steen- 
 kirk, which, as very few at that time could dive into the 
 reason of, and mistaken accounts of it have passed for 
 authentic, I will mention somewhat more particularly ; the 
 undertaking was bold ; and, as many thought, bolder than was 
 consistent with the character of the wise undertaker. Never- 
 theless, the French having taken Namur, and, as the malcon- 
 tents alleged in the very sight of a superior army, and nothing 
 having been done by land of any moment, things were blown 
 into such a dangerous fermentation, by a malicious and lying 
 spirit, that King William found himself under a necessity of 
 attempting something that might appease the murmurs of the 
 people. He knew very well, though spoke in the senate, 
 that it was not true that his forces at the siege of Namur, 
 exceeded those of the enemy; no man could be more afflicted 
 than he at the overflowing of the Mehaigne, from the con- 
 tinual rains, which obstructed the relief he had designed for 
 that important place ; yet since his maligners made an ill use 
 of these false topics, to insinuate that he had no mind to put 
 an end to the war, he was resolved to evince the contrary, 
 by showing them that he was not afraid to venture his life 
 for the better obtaining what was so much desired. 
 
 To that purpose, receiving intelligence that the Duke of 
 Luxemberg lay strongly encamped at Steenkirk, near Enghieii 
 (though he was sensible he must pass through many defiles 
 to engage him, and that the many thickets between the two 
 armies would frequently afford him new difficulties), he re- 
 solved there to attack him. Our troops at first were forced 
 to hew out their passage for the horse ; and there was no one 
 difficulty that his imagination had drawn that was lessened 
 by experience ; and yet so prosperous were his arms at the 
 beginning, that our troops had made themselves masters of 
 several pieces of the enemy's cannon. But the farther he 
 advanced, the ground growing straightcr, so straight as not to 
 admit his army's being drawn up in battalia, the troops 
 behind could not give timely succour to those engaged, and 
 the cannon we had taken was forcibly left behind in order to 
 
DARING COUEAQE OP SIK EOBEET DOUGLAS. 299 
 
 make a good retreat. The French had lost all their courage 
 in the onset; for though they had too fair an opportunity, 
 they did not think fit to pursue it, or at least did it very 
 languidly. However, the malcontents at home, I remember, 
 grew very weU pleased after this ; for so long as they had 
 but a battle for their money, like true Englishmen, lost or 
 won, they were contented. 
 
 Several causes, I remember, were assigned for this mis- 
 carriage, as they called it : some there were who were willing 
 to lay it upon the Dutch ; and allege a sayisg of one of their 
 generals who, receiving orders to relieve some English and 
 Scotch that were overpowered, was heard to say, Damn 'em, 
 since they love fighting let 'em have their bellies full. But I 
 should rather impute the disappointment to the great loss of so 
 many of our bravest ofiicers at the very first onset. General 
 Mackay, Colonel Lanier, the Earl of Angus, with both his 
 field-officers, Sir Robert Douglas, Colonel Hodges, and many 
 others falling, it was enough to put a very considerable army 
 into confusion. I remember one particular action of Sir 
 Robert Douglas, that I should think myself to blame should 
 I omit : seeing his colours on the other side the hedge, in 
 the hands of the enemy, he leaped over, slew the officer that 
 had them, and then threw them over the hedge to his company; 
 redeeming his colours at the expense of his life. Thus the 
 Scotch commander improved upon the Roman general ; for 
 the brave Posthumius cast his standard in the middle of the 
 enemy for his soldiers to retrieve, but Douglas retrieved his 
 from the middle of the enemy, without any assistance, and 
 cast it back to his soldiers to retain, after he had so bravely 
 rescued it out of the hands of the enemy. 
 
 From hence our regiment received orders to march to Dii- 
 muyd, where we lay some time, employed in fortifying that 
 place. While we were there, I had one morning steadfastly 
 fixed my eyes upon some ducks, that were swimming in a 
 large water before me ; when all on a sudden, in the midst of 
 a perfect calm, I observed such a strange and strong agitation 
 in the waters, that prodigiously surprised me. I was at the 
 same moment seized with such a giddiness in my head, that, 
 for a minute or two, I was scarce sensible, and had much 
 ado to keep on my legs. I had never felt anything of an 
 earthquake before, which, as I soon after understood from 
 others, this was ; and it left, indeed, very apparent marks 0/ 
 
300 MEMOIRS OF CAPTAIN CAELETON. 
 
 its force in a great rent in the body of the great church, which 
 remains to this day. 
 
 Having brought the intended fortifications into some tolera- 
 ble order, we received a command, out of hand, to re-embark 
 for England. And, upon our landing, directions met us to 
 march for Ipswich, where we had our quarters aU that win* 
 ter. From thence we were ordered up to London, to do duty 
 in the Tower. I had not been there long before an accident 
 happened, as little to be accounted for, without a divine provi- 
 dence, as some would make that providence to be, that only 
 can account for it. 
 
 There was at that time, as I was assured by my Lord Lucas, 
 constable of it, upwards of twenty thousand barrels of gun- 
 powder in that they call the White Tower, when aU at once 
 the middle flooring did not only give way or shrink, but fell 
 flat down upon other barrels of powder, together with many 
 of the same combustible matter which had been placed upon 
 it. It was a providence strangely neglected at that time, and 
 hardly thought of since ; but let any considerate man consult 
 the consequences if it had taken fire ; perhaps to the destruc- 
 tion of the whole city, or, at least, as far as the bridge, and 
 parts adjacent. Let his thoughts proceed to examine why or 
 how, in that precipitate fall, not one nail, nor one piece of 
 iron, in that large fabric, should afford one little spark to in- 
 flame that mass of sulphurous matter it was loaded with ; 
 and if he is at a loss to find a providence, I fear his friends 
 will be more at a loss to find his understanding. But the 
 battle of Landen happening while our regiment was here on 
 duty, we were soon removed, to our satisfaction, from that 
 pacific station to one more active, in S'landers. 
 
 Notwithstanding that fatal battle the year preceding, 
 namely, a.d. 1694, the confederate army under King 
 William lay encamped at Mont St. Andre, an open place, 
 and much exposed ; while the French were intrenched up to 
 their very teeth, at Vignamont, a little distance from us. 
 This afforded matter of great reflection to the politicians of 
 those times, who could hardly allow, that if the confederate 
 army suffered so much, as it really did in the battle of Lan- 
 den, it could consist with right conduct to tempt, or rather 
 dare a new engagement. But those sage objectors had forgot 
 the well-known courage of that brave prince, and were as 
 little capable of fathoming his designs. The enemy, who, to 
 
KAMDE INVESTED BY THE EAKL OF ATHLONE. 301 
 
 their sorrow, had by experience been made better judges, 
 were resolved to traverse both ; for which purpose they kept 
 close within their intrenchments ; so that after all his efforts, 
 King WiUiam, finding he could no way draw them to a battle, 
 suddenly decamped, and marched directly to Pont Espiers, 
 by long marches, with a design to pass the French lines at 
 that place. 
 
 But notwithstanding our army marched in a direct line, to 
 our great surprise, we found the enemy had first taken pos- 
 session of it. They gave this the name of the Long March, 
 and very deservedly; for though our army marched upon the 
 string, and the enemy upon the bow, sensible of the import- 
 ance of the post, and the necessity of securing it, by double 
 horsing with their foot, and by leaving their weary and weak 
 in their garrisons, and supplying their places with fresh men 
 out of them, they gained their point in disappointing us. 
 Though certain it is, that march cost them as many men and 
 horses as a battle. However, their master, the French king, 
 was so pleased with their indefatigable and auspicious dili- 
 gence, that he wrote, with his own hand, a letter of thanks 
 to the officers, for the great zeal and care they had taken to 
 prevent the confederate army from entering into French 
 Flanders. 
 
 King Wniiam, thus disappointed in that noble design, gave 
 immediate orders for his whole army to march through Oude- 
 nard, and then encamped at Rosendale ; after some little stay 
 at that camp we were removed to the Camerlins, between 
 Newport and Ostend, once more to take our winter quarters 
 there among the boors. 
 
 We were now in the year 1695, when the strong fortress 
 of Namur, taken by the French in 1692, and since made by 
 them much stronger, was invested by the Earl of Athlone. 
 After very many vigorous attacks, with the loss of many men, 
 the town was taken, the garrison retiring into the castle. 
 Into which, soon after, notwithstanding all. the circumspection 
 of the besiegers, Mareschal Boufiers found means, with some 
 dragoons, to throw himself. 
 
 While King William was thus engaged in that glorious 
 and important siege. Prince Vaudemont being posted at 
 Watergaem with about fifty battalions and as many squad- 
 rons, the Mareschal Villeroy laid a design to attack him with 
 the whole French army The prince imagined no Jess, there- 
 
302 MEMOIRS OF CAPTAIN CAELETON. 
 
 fore he prepared accordingly, giving us orders to fortify our 
 camp, as well as the little time we had for it would permit. 
 Those orders were pursued ; nevertheless, I must confess, it 
 was beyond the reach of my little reason to account for our 
 so long stay in the sight of an army so much superior to ours. 
 The prince in the whole could hardly muster thirty thousand; 
 and Villeroy was known to value himself upon having one 
 hundred thousand effective men. However, the prince provi- 
 sionally sent away all our baggage that very morning to 
 Ghent, and still made show as if he resolved to defend him- 
 self to the last extremity in our little intrenchments. The 
 enemy on their side began to surround us ; and in their mo- 
 tions for that purpose, blew up little bags of gunpowder, to 
 give the readier notice how far they had accomplished it. 
 Another captain, with myself, being placed on the right, with 
 one hundred men (where I found Monsieur Montal endea- 
 vouring if possible to get behind us), I could easily observe 
 they had so far attained their aim of encompassing us, as to 
 the very fashion of a horse's shoe. This made me fix my 
 eyes so intently upon the advancing enemy, that I never 
 minded what my friends were doing behind me : though I 
 afterwards found that they had been filing off so very art- 
 fully and privately, by that narrow opening of the horse-shoe, 
 that when the enemy imagined us past a possibility of escape, 
 our little army at once, and of a sudden, was ready to dis- 
 appear. There was a large wood on the right of our army, 
 through which lay the road to Ghent, not broader than to 
 admit of more than four to march abreast. Down this the 
 prince had slid his forces, except to that very small party 
 which the captain and myself commanded, and which was 
 designedly left to bring up the rear. Nor did we stir till 
 Captain Collier, then aid-de-camp to his brother, now Earl 
 of Portmore, came with the word of command for us to 
 draw off. 
 
 When Villeroy was told of our retreat, he was much sur- 
 prised, as' thinking it a thing utterly impossible. However, 
 at last, being sensible of the truth of it, he gave orders for 
 our rear to be attacked ; but we kept firing from ditch to 
 ditch, and hedge to hedge, till night came upon us ; and so 
 our little army got clear of its gigantic enemy with very in- 
 considerable loss. However, the French failed not, in their 
 customary way, to express the sense of their vexation at this 
 
BOMBAKDMEXT OF BRUSSELS. 303 
 
 disappointment, with fire and sword in the neighbourhood 
 round. Thus Prince Vaudemont acquired more glory by 
 that retreat than an entire victory could have given him; and 
 it was not, I confess, the least part of satistaction in lite, that 
 myself had a share of honour under him to bring off the 
 rear at that his glorious retreat at Arseel. 
 
 However, in farther revenge of this political chicane of 
 the Prince of Vaudemont, and to oblige, if possible, King 
 WiUiam to raise the siege from before Namur, ViUeroy 
 entered into the resolution of boinbarding Brussels. In order 
 to which he encamped at Anderleck, and then made his 
 approaches as near as was convenient to the town. There 
 he caused to be planted thirty mortars, and raised a battery 
 of ten guns to shoot hot bullets into the place. 
 
 But before they fired from either, Villeroy, in compliment 
 to the Duke of Bavaria, sent a messenger to know in what 
 part of the town his duchess chose to reside, that they might, 
 as much as possible, avoid incommoding her, by directing 
 their fire to other parts. Answer was returned, that she 
 was at her usual place of residence, the palace ; and accord- 
 ingly their firing from battery or mortars little incommoded 
 them that way. 
 
 Five days the bombardment continued; and with such 
 fury, that the centre of that noble city was quite laid in 
 rubbish. Most of the time of bombarding I was upon the 
 counterscarp, where I could best see and distinguish ; and I 
 have often counted in the air, at one time, more than twenty 
 bombs ; for they shot whole volleys out of their mortars all 
 together. This, as it must needs be terrible, threw the 
 inhabitants into the utmost confusion. Cart-loads of nuns, 
 that for many years before had never been out of the cloister, 
 were now hurried about from place to place, to find retreats 
 of some security. In short, the groves, and parts remote, 
 were all crowded ; and the most spacious streets had hardly 
 a spectator left to view the ruins. Nothing was to be seen 
 like that dexterity of our people in extinguishing the fires ; 
 for where the red hot bullets fell, and raised new confiagra- 
 tions, not burghers only, but the vulgar sort, stood staring, 
 and, with their hands impocketed, beheld their houses 
 gradually consume ; and without offering prudent or charit- 
 able hand to stop the growing flames. _ _ 
 
 But after they had almost thus destroyed that late fair city, 
 
304 MEMOIES 3F CAPTAIN CAKLBTON. 
 
 Villeroy, finding he could not raise the siege of Namur by 
 that vigorous attack upon Brussels, decamped at last from 
 before it, and put his army on the march towards Namur, to 
 try if he could have better success by exposing to show his 
 pageant of one hundred thousand men. Prince Vaudemont 
 had timely intelligence of the duke's resolution and motion ; 
 and resolved, if possible, to get there before him. Nor was 
 the attempt fruitless ; he fortunately succeeded, though with 
 much fatigue, and no little difficulty, after he had put a trick 
 upon the spies of the enemy by pretending to encamp, and, 
 so soon as they were gone, ordering a full march. 
 
 The castle of Namur had been all this time under the fire 
 of the besiegers' cannon ; and soon after our little army under 
 the prince was arrived, a breach, that was imagined practic- 
 able, being made in the Terra Nova (which, as the name 
 imports, was a new work, raised by the French, and added to 
 the fortifications, since it fell into their hands in 1692, and 
 which very much increased the strength of the whole), a 
 breach, as I have said, being made in this Terra Nova, a 
 storm, in a council of war, was resolved upon. Four entire 
 regiments, in conjunction with some draughts made out of 
 several others, were ordered for that work, myself command- 
 ing that part of them which had been drawn out of Colonel 
 Tiffin's. We were all to rendezvous at the abbey of Salsines, 
 under the command of the Lord Cutts ; the signal when the 
 attack was to be made, being agreed to be the blowing up of 
 a bag of gunpowder upon the bridge of boats that lay over the 
 Sambre. 
 
 So soon as the signal was made, we marched up to the 
 breach with a decent intrepidity ; receiving, all the way we 
 advanced, the full fire of the Cohom fort. But as soon as 
 we came near enough to mount, we found it vastly steep and 
 rugged. Notwithstanding all which, several did get up, and 
 entered the breach ; but not being supported as they ought 
 to have been, they were all made prisoners ; which, together 
 with a wound which my Lord Cutts received, after we had 
 done all that was possible for us, necessitated us to retire 
 with the loss of many of our men. 
 
 Villeroy all this while lay in sight, with his army of one 
 hundred, thousand men, without making the least offer to 
 incommode the besiegers ; or even without doing anything 
 more than make his appearance in flavour of the besieged, 
 
PLOT TO ASSASSINATE KING WILLIAM. 305 
 
 and reconnoitering our encampment ; and, at last, seeing, or 
 imagining that he saw, the attempt would be to little purpose, 
 with all the good manners in the world, in the night, he 
 withdrew that terrible meteor, and relieved our poor horses 
 from feeding on leaves, the only inconvenience he had put 
 us to. 
 
 This retreat leaving the garrison without all hope of relief, 
 they in the castle immediately capitulated. But after one of 
 the gates had been, according to articles, delivered up, and 
 Count Guiscard was marching out at the head of the garrison, 
 and Bouflers at the head of the dragoons, the latten waa- 
 by order of King William, arrested, in reprize of the garrisoi 
 of Dixmuyd (who, contrary to the cartel, had been detained 
 prisoners), and remained under arrest tUl they were set 
 free. 
 
 CHAPTER ni. 
 
 PLOT TO ASSASSINATE KING WILHAM ACCOUNT OF THE CON- 
 SPIRACY DISSIPATION OP THE GUAHD AT SHOEKBECK 
 
 LEFT IN A GAEKISON WITHOUT AMMUNITION ^NAEKOW 
 
 ESCAPE FROM A HIRED INCENDIARY THE ADVANTAGE OF 
 
 A JEW AS PROVEDITOR TO THE ARMY AND TROOPS SHORT 
 
 DESCRIPTION OP VALENCIA AND BARCELONA. 
 
 At the very beginning of the year 1696 was discovered a 
 plot, fit only to have had its origin from hell or Rome : a plot 
 which would have put Hottentots and barbarians out of 
 countenance. This was called the Assassination Plot, from 
 the design of it, which was, to have assassinated King 
 William a little before the time of his usual leaving England 
 to head the army of the confederates in Flanders. And as 
 nothing could give a nobler idea of the great character of 
 that prince than such a nefarious combination against him ; 
 SO, with all considerate men, nothing could more depreciate 
 the cause of his inconsiderate enemies. If I remember what 
 I have read, the sons of ancient Rome, though heathens, 
 behaved themselves against an enemy in a quite different 
 manner. Their historians afford us more instances than a 
 few, of their generous intimations to kings and generals, 
 
 TOL. n. * 
 
806 MEMOIRS OF CAPTAIN CARLETON. 
 
 under actual hostilities, of barbarous designs upon tbeir lives. 
 I proceed to this of our own countrymen. 
 
 Soon after the discovery had been made, by persons 
 actually engaged in that inhuman design, the regiment in 
 which I served, with some others then in Flanders, received 
 orders, with all expedition, to embark for England ; though, 
 on our arrival at Gravesend, fresh orders met us to remain 
 on board the transports till we had farther directions. 
 
 On my going to London, a few days after, I was told that 
 two regiments only were now designed to come ashore ; and 
 that the rest would be remanded to Flanders, the danger 
 apprehended being pretty well over. I was at Whitehall 
 when I received this notice ; where, meeting my Lord Cutts 
 (who had, ever since the storming of the Terra Nova at 
 Namur, allowed me a share in his favour), he expressed 
 himself in the most obliging manner ; and, at parting, desired 
 he might not fail of seeing me next morning at his house, for 
 he had somewhat of an extraordinary nature to communicate 
 tome. 
 
 At the time appointed, I waited on his lordship, where I 
 met Mr. Steel (now Sir Richard, and at that time his 
 secretary), who immediately introduced me. I found in 
 company with him three gentlemen ; and after common saluta- 
 tions, his lordship delivered into my hands an order from the 
 king in council to go along with Captain Porter, Mr. de la 
 Eue, and Mr. George Harris (who proved to be those three 
 with him), to search all the transports at Gravesend, in order 
 to prevent any of the conspirators getting out of England 
 that way. After answering that I was ready to pay 
 obedience, and receiving, in private, the farther necessary 
 instructions, we took our leave, and oars soon after for 
 Gravesend. It was in our passage down, that I understood 
 that they had all been of the conspiracy, but now reluctant, 
 were become witnesses. 
 
 When we came to Gravesend, I produced my authority to 
 the commanding officer, who very readily paid obedience, and 
 gave assistance ; but after our most dilligent search, finding 
 nothing of what we looked for, we returned that very night 
 to London. 
 
 Next day a proclamation was to come out for the appre- 
 hending three or four troopers, who were sent over by King 
 James, with 1,0001. reward for each ; Mr. George Harris, 
 
THE CONSPIRATOES DISCOVEKED. 307 
 
 who was the fourth, being the only evidence against the other 
 three. No sooner were we returned from Gravesend, but Harris 
 had intelligence brought him, that Cassells, one of the three, 
 was at Mr. Allen's in the Savoy, under the name of Green. 
 Upon which we went directly to the place ; and inquiring 
 for Mr. Green, we were told he lodged there, and was in his 
 room. 
 
 I was obliged by my order to go along with them, and 
 assist them ; and very well was it that I was so : for in 
 consideration of the reward in the proclamation, which, as 
 I have said, was to come out the next day, Harris and the 
 rest were for deferring his seizure, till the coming out of that 
 proclamation ; but making answer, that in case of his escape 
 that night, I must be responsible to my superiors, who, under 
 the most favourable aspect, would construe it a neglect of 
 duty, they were forced to comply ; and so he was taken up, 
 and his name that night struck out of the proclamation. It 
 is very true, by this faithful discharge of my trust, I did save 
 the government 1,000/. ; but it is equally so, that I never 
 had of my governors one farthing considerasion for what 
 others termed an over-ofHcious piece of service ; though in 
 justice it must be owned a piece of exact and disinterested 
 duty. 
 
 Some few days after, attending by direction at the secretary's 
 office, with Mr. Harris, there came in a Dutchman, spluttering 
 and making a great noise, that he was sure he could dis- 
 cover one of the conspirators ; but the mien and the behaviour 
 of the man, would not give anybody leave to give him any 
 credit or regard. However, the man persisting in his asser- 
 tions, I spoke to Mr. Harris to take him aside, and ask him 
 what sort of a person he was : Harris did so ; and the 
 Dutchman describing him, says Harris, returning to me, I'll 
 be hanged if it be not Blackburn. Upon which we had him 
 questioned somewhat more narrowly ; when having no room 
 to doubt, and understanding where he was. Colonel Eivet of 
 the guards was sent for, and ordered to go along with us to 
 seize him. We went accordingly ; and it proving to be 
 Blackburn, the Dutchman had 6001., and the colonel and 
 others the remainder. Cassells and Blackburn, if still alive, 
 are in Newgate, confined by act of Parliament, one only 
 witness, which was Harris, being producible against them. 
 
 When Blackburn was seized, I found in the chamber with 
 
 X 2 
 
308 MEMOIRS OF CAPTAIN '.ARLETON. 
 
 him, one Davison, a watchmaker, living in Holbom. 1 
 carried him along with me to the- secretary of state ; but 
 nothing on his examination appearing against him, he was 
 immediately discharged. He offered afterwards to present 
 me with a fine watch of his own making, which I refiised; 
 and he long after owned the obhgation. 
 
 So soon as the depth of this plot was fathomed, and the 
 intended evil provided against, as well as prevented, King 
 WiUiam went over into Flanders, and our regiment thereupon 
 received orders for their immediate return. Nothing of any 
 moment occurred till our arrival at our old quarters, the 
 Camerlins, where we lay dispersed amongst the country boors 
 Dr farmers, as heretofore. However, for our better security 
 in those quarters, and to preserve us from the excursions of 
 the neighbouring garrison of Fumes, we were obliged to keep 
 an outguard at a little place called Shoerbeck. This guard 
 was every forty-eight hours changed and remounted with a 
 captain, a lieutenant, an ensign, and threescore men. 
 
 When it came to my turn to relieve that guard (and for 
 that purpose I was arrived at my post), it appeared to me 
 with the face of a place of debauch, rather than business ; 
 there being too visible tokens that the hard duty of both 
 officers and soldiers had been that of hard drinking, the foulest 
 error that a soldier can commit, especially when on his 
 guard. 
 
 To confirm my apprehensions, a little after I had taken 
 possession of my guard, the man of the house related to me 
 such passages, and so many of them, that satisfied me that if 
 ten sober men had made the attack, they might have fairly 
 knocked all my predecessors of the last guard on the head 
 without much difficulty. However, his account administered 
 matter of caution to me, and put me upon taking a narrower 
 view of our situation. In consequence whereof, at night, I 
 placed a sentinel a quarter of a mile in the rear, and such 
 other sentinels as I thought necessary and convenient in other 
 places ; with orders, that upon sight of an enemy the sentinel 
 near should fire ; and that upon hearing that, aU the other 
 sentinels as well as he, should hasten in to strengthen our 
 main guard. 
 
 What my jealousy, on my landlord's relation, had suggested, 
 happened accordingly. For about one in the morning I waa 
 alarmed with the cry of one of my sentinels. Turn out, foi 
 
A PRESENT FROM OFFICERS OF THE GARRISON. 309 
 
 God's sake ; which he repeated with vehemence three or four 
 times over. I took the alarm, got up suddenly, and with no 
 little difficulty got my men into the ranks, when the person 
 who made the outcry came running in, almost spent, and out 
 of breath. It was the sentinel that I had luckily placed about 
 a quarter of a mile off who gave the alarm, and his musket 
 flashing in the pan without going off, he endeavoured to 
 supply with his voice the defect of his piece. I had just got 
 my men into their ranks, in order to receive the enemy, when, 
 by the moonlight, I discovered a party advancing upon 
 us. My out-sentinel challenged them, and, as I had precau- 
 tioned, they answered, Hispanioli ; though I knew them to 
 be French. 
 
 However, on my survey of our situation by daylight, having 
 marked in my mind a proper place for drawing up my men 
 in case of an attack, which was too narrow to admit of more 
 than two on a breast, and which would secure between us 
 and the enemy a ditch of water ; I resolved to put in practice 
 what had entertained me so well in the theory. To that 
 purpose I ordered my first rank to keep their post, stand still 
 and face the enemy, while the other two ranks stooping, 
 ohould follow me to gain the intended station ; which done, 
 the first rank had orders to file off and fall behind. All was 
 performed in excellent order ; and I confess it was with no 
 little pleasure that I beheld the enemy, for the best part of an 
 hour, in consultation whether they should attack us or no. 
 The result, nevertheless, of that consultation ended in this ; 
 that, seeing us so well upon our guard, it was most advisable 
 to draw off. They soon, put their resolution into practice, 
 which I was very glad to see ; on examination a little before, 
 having found that my predecessor, as in other things, had 
 failed of conduct, in leaving me a garrison without ammu- 
 nition. 
 
 Next morning I was very pleasingly surprised with 9 
 handsome present of wine, and some other necessary refresh 
 ments. At first I made a little scruple and hesitation whether 
 or no to receive them ; till the bearer assured me they were 
 sent me from the officers of the next garrison, who had made 
 me a visit the night before, as a candid acknowledgment of 
 my conduct and good behaviour. I returned their compliment, 
 that I hoped I should never receive men of honour otherwise 
 than like a man of honour; which mightily pleased them. 
 
510 MEMOIRS OF CAPTAIN OAKLETON 
 
 Every of wLich particulars the Ghent Gazetteer the week 
 after published. 
 
 We had little to do except marching and counter-marching 
 all the campaign after ; tiU it was resolved in a council of 
 war, for the better preserving of Brussels from such insults 
 as it had before sustained from the French, during the siege 
 of Namur, to fortify Anderlech ; upon which our regiment, 
 as well as others, were commanded from our more pacific 
 posts to attend that work. Our whole army was under 
 movement to cover that resolution ; and the train fell to my 
 care and command in the march. There accompanied the 
 train a fellow, seemingly ordinary, yet very officious and 
 courteous, being ready to do anything for any person, from 
 the officer to the common soldier. He travelled along and 
 moved vrith the train, sometimes on foot, and sometimes 
 getting a ride in some one or other of the waggons ; but ever 
 fuU of his chit-chat and stories of humour. By these in- 
 sinuating ways he had screwed himself into the general good 
 opinion ; but the waggoners especially grew particularly fond 
 of him. At the end of our march all our powder-waggons 
 were placed breast-a-breast, and so close, that one mis- 
 carrying would leave little doubt of the fate of all the rest. 
 This, in the camp, we commonly call the Park ; and here it 
 was that our new guest, like another Phaeton, though under 
 pretence of weariness, not ambition, got leave of the very last 
 carter to the train to take a nap in his waggon. One who 
 had entertained a jealousy of him, and had watched him, 
 gave information against him ; upon which he was seized 
 and brought to me as captain of the guard. I caused him 
 to be searched; and, upon search, finding match, touchwood, 
 and other dangerous materials upon him, I sent him and 
 them away to the provoe. Upon the whole, a council of 
 war was called, at which, upon a strict examination, he 
 confessed himself a hired incendiary ; and as such received 
 his sentence to be burnt in the face of the army. The 
 execution was a day or two after, when, on the very spot, 
 he farther acknowledged, that on the sight or noise of the 
 blow, it had been concerted that the French army should 
 fall upon the confederates under those lamentable circum- 
 stances. 
 
 The peace of Eiswick soon after taking place, put an end 
 to all incendiarisms of either sort. So that nothing of a 
 
THE CHANCM OF FORTUNE VEEY OBSCDKE, 311 
 
 military kind, which was now become my province, hap- 
 pened of some years after. Our regiment was first ordered 
 into England, and presently after into Ireland. /"But as 
 these Memoirs are not designed for the low amusement of 
 a tea-table, but rather of the cabinet, a series of inglorious 
 inactivity can furnish but very little towards them. ) 
 
 Yet as little as I admired a hfe of inactivity, ihere are 
 some sorts of activity to which a wise man might almost 
 give supineness the preference. Such is that of barely 
 encountering elements, and waging war with nature ; and 
 such, in my opinion, would have been the spending my 
 commission, and very probably my life with it, in the West 
 Indies. For though the climate, as some would urge, may 
 afford a chance for a very speedy advance in honour, yet, 
 upon revolving in my mind, that those rotations ot the 
 wheel of fortune are often so very quick, as well as un- 
 certain, that I myself might as well be the first as the last ; 
 the whole of the debate ended in somewhat like that couplet 
 of the excellent Hudibras : — 
 
 Then he, that ran away and fled. 
 Must lie in honour's trucklebed. 
 
 However, my better planets soon disannulled those me- 
 lancholy ideas, which a rumour of our being sent into the 
 West Indies had crowded my head and heart with. For 
 being called over into England upon the very affairs of the 
 regiment, I arrived there just after the orders fpr their 
 transportation went over ; by which means the choice of 
 going was put out of my power, and the danger of refusing, 
 which was the case of many, was very likely avoided. 
 
 It being judged, therefore, impossible for me to return 
 soon enough to gain my passage, one in power proposed to 
 me that I should resign to an officer then going over ; and 
 with some other contingent advantages, to my great satis- 
 faction I was put upon the half-pay list. This was more 
 agreeable, for I knew, or at least imagined myself wise 
 enough to foretell, from the over-hot debate of the house of 
 commons upon the partition treaty, that it could not be long 
 before the present peace would at least require patching. 
 
 Under this sort of uncertain settlement I remained with 
 the patience of a Jew, though not with Judaical absurdity, 
 
812 MEMOIRS OF CAPTAIN CAELETON. 
 
 a faithful adherer to my expectation. Nor did the con« 
 sequence fail of answering ; a war was apparent, and soon 
 after proclaimed. Thus, waiting for an opportunity which I 
 flattered myself would soon present, the little diversions of 
 Dublin, and the moderate conversation of that people, were 
 not of temptation enough to make my stay in England look 
 like a burthen. 
 
 But though the war was proclaimed, and preparations 
 accordingly made for it, the expectations from all received 
 a sudden damp by the as sudden death of King "William. 
 That prince, who had stared death in the face in many sieges 
 and battles, met with his tate in the midst of his diversions, 
 who seized his prize in an hour, to human thought, the least 
 adapted to it. He was a hunting, his customary diversion, 
 when, by an unhappy trip of his horse, he fell to the ground; 
 and in the laU displaced his collar-bone. The news of it 
 immediately alarmed the court and all around ; and the sad 
 effects of it soon after gave all Europe the like alarm. 
 France only, who had not disdained to seek it sooner by 
 ungenerous means, received new hope from what gave others 
 motives for despair. He flattered himself, that that long- 
 lived obstacle to his ambition thus removed, his successor 
 would never fall into those measures which he had vdsely 
 concerted for the liberties of Europe ; but he, as well as 
 others of his adherents, was gloriously deceived. That god- 
 like queen, with a heart entirely English, prosecuted her 
 royal predecessor's counsels; and, to remove all the very 
 faces of jealousy, immediately on her accession, despatched 
 to every court of the great confederacy persons adequate to 
 the importance of the message, to give assurances thereof. 
 
 This gave new spirit to a cause that at first seemed to 
 languish in its founder, as it struck its great opposers with a 
 no less mortifying terror. And weU did the great successes 
 of her arms answer the prayers and efforts of that royal soul 
 of the confederacies, together with the wishes of all that, 
 like her, had the good, as well as the honour of their 
 country at heart, in which the liberties of Europe were 
 included. The first campaign gave a noble earnest of the 
 future. Bon, Keyserwaert, Venlo, and Euremond, were 
 found forerunners only of Donawert, Hochstet, and Blen- 
 heim. Such a march of English forces to the support of the 
 tottering empire, as it gloriously manifested the ancient 
 
EMBAEK WITH EARL PETERBOEOW FOR SPAIN. 313 
 
 genius of a warlike people, so was it happily celebrated with 
 a success answerable to the glory of the undertaking, which 
 concluded in statues and princely donatives to an English 
 subject, from the then only emperor in Europe. A small 
 tribute, it is true, for ransomed nations and captived armies, 
 which justly enough inverted the exclamations of a Roman 
 emperor to the French monarch, who deprecated his legions 
 lost pretty near the same spot; but to a much superior 
 number, and on a much less glorious occasion. 
 
 But my good fortune not allowing me to participate in those 
 glorious appendages of the English arms in Flanders, nor on 
 the Rhine, I was resolved to make a push for it the first oppor- 
 tunity, and waste my minutes no longer on court attendances ; 
 and my Lord Cutts returning with his full share of laurels for 
 his never to be forgotten services at Venlo, Ruremond, and 
 Hochstet, found his active genius now to be reposed under the 
 less agreeable burthen of unhazardous honour, where quiet 
 must provide a tomb for one already past any danger of 
 pblivion ; deep wounds and glorious actions having anticipated 
 all that could be said in epitaphs or literal inscriptions. Soon 
 after his arrival from Germany he was appointed general of 
 all her majesty's forces in Ireland ; upon which, going to 
 congratulate him, he was pleased to inquire of me several 
 things relating to that country, and particularly in what part 
 of Dublin I would recommend his residence ; offering at the 
 same time, if I would go over with him, all the services that 
 should fall in his way. 
 
 But inactivity was a thing I had too long lamented ; there- 
 fore, after I had, as decently as I could, declined the latter 
 part, I told his lordship that as to a place of residence, I was 
 master of a house in Dublin, large enough, and suitable to his 
 great quality, which should be at his service on any terms he 
 thought fit. Adding, withal, that I had a mind to see Spain, 
 where my Lord Peterborow was now going ; and that if his 
 lordship would favour me with a recommendation, it would 
 suit my present inclinations much better than any farther 
 tedious recess. His lordship was so good to close with both my 
 overtures; and spoke so eflfectuaUy in my favour that the Earl 
 of Peterborow, then general of all the forces ordered on that 
 expedition, bade me speedily prepare myself; and so, when 
 all things were ready, I embarked with that noble lord for 
 Spain, to pursue his well-concerted undertaking ; which, in 
 
314 MEMOIKS OF CAPTAIN CAELETON. 
 
 the event, will demonstrate to the world that little armies, 
 under the conduct of auspicious generals, may sometimes pro- 
 duce prodigious effects. 
 
 The Jews, in whatever part of the world, are a people indus- 
 trious in the increasing of mammon ; and, being accustomed 
 to the universal methods of gain, are always esteemed best 
 quaUfied for any undertaking where that bears a probability 
 of being a perquisite. Providing bread, and other requisites, 
 for an army, was ever allowed to carry along with it a profit 
 answerable ; and Spain was not the first country where that 
 people had engaged in such an undertaking. Besides, on any 
 likely appearance of great advantage, it is in the nature as well 
 as practice of that race, strenuously to assist one another, and 
 that with the utmost confidence and prodigious alacrity. One 
 of that number, both competent and willing enough to carry- 
 on an undertaking of that kind, fortunately came at that 
 juncture to solicit the earl of Peterborow to be employed as 
 proveditor to the army and troops, which were, or should be, 
 sent into Spain. 
 
 It will easily be admitted that the earl, under his present 
 exigencies, did not decline to listen. And a very considerable 
 sum being offered by way of advance, the method common ia 
 like cases was pursued, and the sum proposed accepted ; by 
 which means the Eail of Peterborow found himself put into the 
 happy capacity of proceeding upon his first concerted project. 
 The name of the Jew who signed the contract was Curtisos ; 
 and he and his friends, with great punctuality, advanced the 
 expected sum of 100,000Z. sterling, or very near it ; which 
 was immediately ordered into the hands of the paymaster of 
 the forces ; for though the earl took money of the Jews, it was 
 not for his own, but public use. According to agreement, 
 bills were drawn for the value from Lisbon, upon the Lord 
 Godolphin, then lord-treasurer, all which were, on that 
 occasion, punctually complied with. 
 
 The Earl of Peterborow having thus fortunately found 
 means to supply himself with money, and by that with some 
 horse, after he had obtained leave of the Lord Galloway to 
 make an exchange of two regiments of foot, received the arch- 
 duke, and all those who would follow him, aboard the fleet i 
 and, at his own expense, transported him and his whole retinue 
 to Barcelona : for all which prodigious charge, as I have been 
 very lately informed, from very good hands, that noble earl 
 
SUREENDEK OP DENIA. 315 
 
 never to this day received any consideration from the govern- 
 ment, or any person whatsoever. 
 
 We sailed from Lisbon, in order to join the squadron under 
 Sir Cloudsley Shovel : meeting with which at the appointed 
 station off Tangier, the men-of-war and transports thus united, 
 made the best of their way for Gibraltar. There we stayed 
 no longer than to take aboard two regiments out of that 
 garrison, in lieu of two out of our fleet. Here we found the 
 Prince of Hesse, who immediately took a resolution to follow 
 the archduke in this expedition. He was a person of great 
 gallantry, and having been viceroy of Catalonia, was received 
 on board the fleet with the utmost satisfaction, as being a 
 person capable of doing great service in a country where he 
 was well known, and as well beloved. 
 
 Speaking Latin then pretty fluently, it gave frequent 
 opportunities of conversing with the two father-confessors of 
 the Duke of Austria ; and upon that account I found myself 
 honoured with some share in the favour of the archduke 
 himself. I mention this, not to gratify any vain humour, but as 
 a corroborating circumstance, that my opportunities of infor- 
 mation, in matters of consequence, could not thereby be 
 supposed to be lessened ; but that I might more reasonably 
 be imagined to arrive at intelligence, that not very often, or 
 at least not so soon, came to the knowledge of others. 
 
 From Gibraltar we sailed to the bay of Altea, not far distant 
 from the city of Valencia, in the road of which we continued 
 for some days. While we were there, as I was very 
 credibly informed, the Earl of Peterborow met with some fresh 
 disappointment ; but what it was, neither I nor anybody else, 
 as far as I'could perceive, could ever dive into : neither did 
 it appear by any outward tokens in that noble general, that 
 it lay so much at his heart as those about him seemed to 
 assure me it did. 
 
 However, while we lay at Altea bay, two bomb-vessels and 
 a small squadron were ordered against Denia, which had a 
 small castle ; but rather fine than strong. And, accordingly, 
 upon our offer to bring to bear with our cannon, and preparing 
 to fix our bomb-vessels, in order to bombard the place, it 
 surrendered ; and acknowledged the archduke as lawful King 
 of Spain, and so proclaimed him. From this time, therefore, 
 speaking of that prince, it shall be under that title. General 
 Ramos was laft commander here ; a, person who afterwards 
 
816 MEMOIRS OP CAX-IAIN CAELBTON. 
 
 acted a very extraordinary part in the war carried on in the 
 kingdom of Valencia. 
 
 But notwithstanding no positive resolutions had been taken 
 for the operations of the campaign, before the archduke's 
 departure from Lisbon, the Earl of Peterborow, ever solicitous 
 of the honour of his country, had premeditated another en- 
 terprise, which, had it been embraced, would, in all probability, 
 have brought that war to a much more speedy conclusion ; 
 and at the same time have obviated aU those difficulties, which 
 were but too apparent in the siege of Barcelona. He had 
 justly and judiciously weighed, that there were no forces in the 
 middle parts of Spain, all their troops being the extreme parts 
 of the kingdom, either on the frontiers of Portugal, or in the 
 city of Barcelona ; that with King Philip and the royal family 
 at Madrid there were only some few horse, and those in bad 
 condition, and which only served for guards ; if therefore, as he 
 rightly projected within himself, by the taking of Valencia, or 
 any seaport town that might have secured his landing, he had 
 marched directly for Madrid ; what could have opposed him ? 
 But I shall have occasion to dilate more upon this head a few 
 pages hence ; and therefore shall here only say, that though 
 that project of his might have brought about a speedy and 
 wonderful revolution, what he was by his orders afterwards 
 obliged, against his inclinations, to pursue, contributed much 
 more to his great reputation, as it put him under a frequent 
 necessity of overcoming difficulties, which to any other general 
 would have appeared insurmountable. 
 
 Valencia is a city towards the centre of Spain, to the sea- 
 ward, seated in a rich and most populous country, just fifty 
 leagues from Madrid. It abounds in horses and mules, by 
 reason of the great fertility of its lands, which they can, to 
 great advantage, water when and as they please. This city 
 and kingdom was as much inclined to the interest of King 
 Charles as Catalonia itself; for, even on our first appearance, 
 great numbers of people came down to the bay of Altea, with 
 not only a bare offer of their services, but loaded with all 
 manner of provisions, and loud acclamations of Viva Garbs 
 tercero, Viva. There were no regular troops in any of the 
 places round about it, or in the city itself. The nearest were 
 those few horse in Madrid, one hundred and fifty miles dis- 
 tant ; nor any foot nearer than Barcelona, or the frontiers of 
 PortugaL 
 
OBDEBS TO PEOCEED TO CATALONIA. 317 
 
 On the contrary, Barcelona is one of the largest and most 
 populous cities in all Spain, fortified with bastions ; one side 
 thereof is secured by the sea, and the other by a strong tor- 
 tification called Monjouick. The place is of so large a cir- 
 cumference, that thirty thousand men would scarce suffice to 
 form the lines of circumvallation. It once resisted tor many 
 months an army of that force ; and is almost at the greatest 
 distance from England of any place belonging to that 
 monarchy. 
 
 This short description of these two places wiU appear highly 
 necessary, if it be considered, that no person without it, 
 would be able to judge of the design which the Earl of Peter- 
 borow intended to pursue, when he first took the archduke 
 aboard the fleet. Nevertheless, the earl now found himself 
 under necessity of quitting that noble design, upon his receipt 
 of orders from England, while he lay in the bay of Altea, 
 to proceed directly to Catalonia ; to which the archduke, as 
 well as many sea and land officers, were most inclined ; and 
 the Prince of Hesse more than all the rest. 
 
 On receiving those orders, the Earl ot Peterborow seemed 
 to be of opinion that, from an attempt which he thought 
 under a probability of success, he was condemned to under- 
 take what was next to an impossibility of effecting ; since 
 nothing appeared to him so injudicious as an attempt upon 
 Barcelona. A place at such a distance from receiving any 
 reinforcement or relief; the only place in which the Spaniards 
 had a garrison of regular forces ; and those in number rather 
 exceeding the army he was to undertake the siege with, was 
 enough to cool the iardour of a person of less penetration and 
 zeal than what the earl had on all occasions demonstrated. 
 Whereas, if the general, as he intended, had made an imme- 
 diate march to Madrid, after he had secured Valencia and 
 the towns adjacent, which were all ready to submit and de- 
 clare for King Charles ; or, if otherwise inclined, had it not 
 in their power to make any considerable resistance; to which, 
 if it be added, that he could have mules and horses imme- 
 diately provided for him in what number he pleased, together 
 with carriages necessary for artillery, baggage, and ammu- 
 nition ; in few days he could have forced King PhUip out of 
 Madrid, where he had so little force to oppose him. And as 
 there was nothing in his way to prevent or obstruct his 
 marching thither, it is hard to conceive any other part King 
 
518 MEMOIKS OP CAPTAIN CAKLETON. 
 
 Philip could have acted in such an extremity, than to retira 
 either towards Portugal or Catalonia. In either of which 
 cases, he must have left all the middle part of Spain open to 
 the pleasure of the enemy ; who in the mean time, would 
 have had it in their power to prevent any communication of 
 those bodies at such opposite extremes of the country, as 
 were the frontiers of Portugal and Barcelona, where only, 
 as I said before, were any regular troops. 
 
 And, on the other side, as the forces of the Earl of Peter- 
 borow were more than sufficient for an attempt where there 
 was so little danger of opposition ; so if their army on the 
 frontiers of Portugal should have marched back upon him 
 into the country, either the Portuguese army could have 
 entered into Spain without opposition, or, at worst, supposing 
 the general had been forced to retire, his retreat would 
 have been easy and safe into those parts of Valencia and 
 Andaluzia, which he previously had secured. Besides, Gib- 
 raltar, the strongest place in Spain, if not in the whole .world, 
 was already in our possession, and a great fleet at hand ready 
 to give assistance in aU places near the sea. From all which 
 it is pretty apparent, that in a little time the war on our 
 side might have been supported without entering the Me- 
 diterranean ; by which means all reinforcements would have 
 been much nearer at hand, and the expenses of transporting 
 troops and ammunition very considerably diminished. 
 
 But none of these arguments, though every one of them is 
 founded on solid reason, were of force enough against the 
 prevailing opinion for an attempt upon Catalonia. Mr. Crow, 
 agent for the queen in those parts, had' sent into England 
 most positive assurances that nothing would be wanting, if 
 once our fleet made an invasion amongst the Catalans ; the 
 Prince of Hesse likewise abounded in mighty ofiers and pro- 
 digious assurances ; all which enforced our army to that 
 part of Spain, and that gallant prince to those attempts in 
 which he lost his life. Very much against the inclination of 
 our general, who foresaw all those difficulties, which were no 
 less evident afterwards to every one ; and the sense of which 
 occasioned those delays, and that opposition to any effort 
 upon Barcelona, which ran through so many successive 
 councils of war. 
 
 However, pursuant to his instructions from England, the 
 repeated desires of the archduke, and the importunities of the 
 
TEOOPS EJTCAMP NEAK BARCELONA. 319 
 
 Prince of Hesse, our general gave orders to sail from Altea 
 towards the bay of Barcelona, the chief -city of Catalonia. 
 Nevertheless, when we arrived there, he was very unwilling 
 to land any of the forces, till he saw some probability of that 
 assistance and succour so much boasted of, and so often 
 promised. But as nothing appeared but some small numbers 
 of men very indifferently armed, and without either gentle- 
 men or officers at the head of them, the Earl of Peterborow 
 was of opinion, this could not be deemed sufficient encourage- 
 ment for him to engage in an enterprise, which carried so 
 poor a face of probability of success along with it. In 
 answer to this it was urged, that till a descent was made, 
 and the affair thoroughly engaged in, it was not to be ex- 
 pected that any great numbers would appear, or that persons 
 of condition would discover themselves. Upon all which it 
 was resolved the troops should be landed. 
 
 Accordingly our forces were disembarked, and immedi ■ 
 ately encamped ; notwithstanding which, the number of 
 succours increased very slowly, and that after the first 
 straggling manner. Nor were those that did appear any way 
 to be depended on ; coming when they thought fit, and going 
 away when they pleased, and not to be brought under any 
 regular discipline. It was then pretended, that until they 
 saw the artillery landed as well as forces, they would not 
 believe any siege actually intended. This brought the general 
 under a sort of necesity of complying in that also. Though 
 certainly so to do must be allowed a little unreasonable, 
 while the majority in all councils of war declared the design 
 to be impracticable ; and the Earl of Peterborow had positive 
 orders to proceed according to such majorities. 
 
 At last the Prince of Hesse was pleased to demand pay 
 for those stragglers, as officers and soldiers, endeavouring to 
 maintain that it could not be expected that men should 
 venture their lives for nothing. Thus we came to Catalonia 
 upon assurances of universal assistance ; but found, when we 
 came there, that we were to have none unless we paid for it. 
 And as we were sent thither without money to pay for any- 
 thing, it had certainly been for us more tolerable to have 
 been in a country where we might have taken by force what 
 we could not obtain any other way. 
 
 However, to do the Miquelets all possible justice, I must 
 eay, that notwithstaxding the number of them which hovered 
 
320 MEMOIRS OF CAPTAIN CAELETON. 
 
 about the place, never much exceeded fifteen hundred men ; 
 if sometimes more, oftener less ; and though they never came 
 under any command, but planted themselves where and as 
 they pleased, yet did they considerable service in taking 
 possession of all the country houses, and convents, that lay 
 between the hills and the plain of Barcelona; by means whereof 
 they rendered it impossible for the enemy to make any sorties 
 or sallies at any distance from the town. 
 
 And now began all those difficulties to bear, which long 
 before, by the general, had been apprehended. The troops 
 had continued under a state of inactivity for the space of three 
 weeks, all which was spent in perpetual contrivances and 
 disputes amongst ourselves, not with the enemy. In six 
 several councils of war the siege ot Barcelona, under the cir- 
 cumstances we then lay, was rejected as a madness and 
 impossibihty. And though the generaland Brigadier Stanhope 
 (afterward Earl Stanhope) consented to some efiort, yet it 
 was rather that some effiDrt' should be made to satisfy the 
 expectation of the world, than with any hopes of success. 
 However, no consent at all could be obtained from any council 
 of war ; and the Dutch general, m particular, declared that 
 he would not obey even the commands of the Earl of Peter- 
 borow, if he should order the sacrifice of the troops under 
 him in so unjustifiable a manner, without the consent of a 
 council of war. 
 
 ^ And yet all those officers who refused their consent to the 
 siege of Barcelona, offered to march into the country, and 
 attempt any other place that was not provided with so strong 
 and numerous a garrison ; taking it for granted that no town 
 in Catalonia, Barcelona excepted, could make long resistance, 
 and in case the troops in that garrison should pursue them, 
 they then might have an opportunity of fighting them at less 
 disadvantage in the open field, than behind the walls of a 
 place of such strength. And, indeed, should they have issued 
 out on any such design, a defeat of those troops would have 
 put the province of Catalonia, together with the kingdoms 
 of Aragon and Valencia, into the hands of King Charles 
 more effectually than the taking of Barcelona itself. 
 
 Let it be observed, en passant, that by those offers of the 
 land officers in a council of war, it is easy to imagine what 
 would have been the success of our troops had they marched 
 directly from Valencia to Madrid. For if after fwo month* 
 
DfSSATISFACTION OF ARRANGEMENTS AT CATALONIA. 321 
 
 alarm, it was thought reasonable, as well as practicable, to 
 march into the open country rather than attempt the siege of 
 Barcelona, where forces equal, if not superior in number, 
 were ready to foUow us at the heels ; what might not have 
 been expected from an invasion by our troops when and 
 where they could meet with little opposition ? But leaving 
 the consideration of what might have been, I shall now 
 endeavour, at least with great exactness, to set down some of 
 the most remarkable events from our taking to the relief of 
 Barcelona. 
 
 The repeated refusals of the councils of war for undertaking 
 the siege of so strong a place, with a garrison so numerous, 
 and those refusals grounded upon such solid reasons, against 
 a design so rash, reduced the general to the utmost perplexity. 
 The court of King Charles was immerged in complaint ; all 
 belonging to him lamenting the hard fate of that prince, to 
 be brought into Catalonia only to return again, without the 
 offer of any one effort in his favour. On the other hand, oui 
 own officers and soldiers were highly dissatisfied that they 
 were reproached, because not disposed to enter upon and 
 engage themselves in impossibilities. And, indeed, in the 
 manner that the siege was proposed and insisted upon by the 
 Prince of Hesse, in every of the several councils of war, after 
 the loss of many men thrown away to no other purpose, but 
 to avoid the shame, as the expression ran, of coming like fools 
 and going away like cowards, it could have ended in nothing 
 but a retreat at last. 
 
 It afforded but small comfort to the earl to have foreseen 
 all these difficulties, and to have it in his power to say, that 
 he would never have taken the archduke on board, nor have 
 proposed to him the hopes of a recovery of the Spanish 
 monarchy from King Philip, if he could have imagined it 
 probable, that he should not have been at liberty to pursue 
 his own design, according to his own judgment. It must be 
 allowed very hard for him, who had undertaken so great a 
 work, and that without any orders from the government ; 
 and by so doing could have had no justification but by 
 success ; I say, it must be allowed to be very hard, after the 
 undertaking had been approved in England, that he should 
 find himself to be directed in this manner by those at a 
 distance, upon ill-grounded and confident reports from Mr. 
 Crow ; and compelled, as it were, though general, to follow 
 
 VOL. U. ^ 
 
S22 MEMOIRS OF CAPTAIN CARLETON. 
 
 the sentiments of strangers, who either had private views of 
 ambition, or had no immediate' care or concern for the troops 
 employed in this expedition. 
 
 CHAPTER rV. 
 
 NEGLIGENCE OF THE GOVERNOR OP MONJOUICK — EXTRA- 
 ORDINARY RESOLUTION OP THE DUTCH GENERAL ACCOUNT 
 
 OP THE GREAT ACTION AT MONJOUICK ^PANIC AMONG THE 
 
 SOLDIERY GREAT ENTERPRISE OP THE SAILORS AT THE 
 
 SIEGE OF BARCELONA ^DIFFICULTY OF MOUNTING A BAT- 
 TERY THE DUCHESS OF POPOLI IN THE ENGAGEMENT 
 
 SURRENDER OP BARCELONA REMARKABLE INSTANCE OP 
 
 CATHOLIC ZEAL. 
 
 Such were the present unhappy circumstances of the Earl 
 of Peterborow in the camp before Barcelona : — impossibilities 
 proposed ; no expedients to be accepted ; a court reproaching ; 
 councils of war rejecting; and the Dutch general refusing the 
 assistance of the troops under his command ; and, what sm'- 
 mounted all, a despair of bringing such animosities and 
 differing opinions to any tolerable agreement. Yet all these 
 difficulties, instead of discouraging the earl, set every faculty 
 of his more afloat ; and, at last, produced a lucky thought, 
 which was happily attended with events extraordinary and 
 scenes of success much beyond his expectation ; such as the 
 general himself was heard to confess, it had been next to folly 
 to have looked for ; as certainly, in prima facie, it would 
 hardly have borne proposing, to take by surprise a place 
 much stronger than Barcelona itself. True it is, that his only 
 hope of succeeding consisted in this : that no person could 
 suppose such an enterprise could enter into the imagination 
 of man ; and, without doubt, the general's chief dependence 
 lay upon what he found true in the sequel ; that the governor 
 and garrison of Monjouick, by reason of their own security, 
 would be very negligent, and very little upon their guard. 
 
 However, to make the experiment, he took an opportunity, 
 unknown to any person but an aid-de-camp that attended 
 him, and went out to view the fortifications; and thore being 
 no horse in that strong fortress, and the Miquelets beirg 
 
ADVANTAGE OF POSITION AT BARCELONA. 323 
 
 possessed of all the houses and gardens in the plain, it was 
 not difficult to give himself that satisfaction, taking his way 
 by the foot of the hiU. The observation he made of the place 
 itself, the negligence and supineness of the garrison, together 
 with his own uneasy circumstances, soon brought the earl to 
 a resolution of putting his first _ conceptions in execution ; 
 satisfied as he was, from the situation of the ground between 
 Monjouick and the town, that if the first was in our possession, 
 the siege of the latter might be undertaken with some prospect 
 of success,? 
 
 From what has been said, some may be apt to conclude, 
 that the siege afterward succeeding when the attack was 
 made from the side of Monjouick, it had not been impossible 
 to have prevailed, if the effort had been made on the east 
 side of the town, where our forces were at first encamped, 
 and where only we could have made our approaches if 
 Monjouick had not been in our power. But a few words 
 will convince any of common experience of the utter impossi- 
 bility of success upon the east part of the town, although 
 many almost miraculous accidents made us succeed, when 
 we brought our batteries to bear upon that part of Barcelona 
 towards the west. The ground to the east was a perfect 
 level for many miles, which would have necessitated our 
 making our approaches in a regular way ; and consequently 
 our men must have been exposed to the full fire of their 
 whole artUlery. Besides, the town is on that side much 
 stronger than any other ; there is an outwork just under the 
 walls of the town, flanked by the courtin and the faces of two 
 bastions, which might have cost us half our troops to possess, 
 before we could have raised a battery against the walls. Or 
 supposing, after all, a competent breach had been made, what 
 a wise piece of work must it have been to have attempted 
 a storm, against double the number of regular troops 
 within ? 
 
 On the contrary, we were so favoured by the situation when 
 we made the attack from the side of Monjouick, that the 
 breach was made and the town taken vrithout opening of 
 trenches, or without our being at all incommoded by any 
 sallies of the enemy ; as, in truth, they made not one during 
 the whole siege. Our great battery, which consisted of 
 upwards of fifty heavy cannon, supphed from the ships, and 
 managed by the seamen, were placed upon a spot of rising 
 
 y 2 
 
324 MEMOIRS OF CAPTAIN CAELETON. 
 
 ground, just large enough to contain our guns, with two deep 
 hollow ways on each side the field, at each end whereof we 
 had raised a little redoubt, which served to preserve our men 
 from the shot of the town. Those little redoubts, in which 
 we had some field pieces, flanked the battery, and rendered 
 it entirely secure from any surprise of the enemy. There 
 were several other smaller batteries raised upon the hills 
 adjacent, in places not to be approached, which, in a manner, 
 rendered all the artillery of the enemy useless, by reason 
 thei- men could not ply them but with the utmost danger; 
 whereas, ours were secure, very few being kiUed, and those 
 mostly by random shot. 
 
 But to return to the general. Forced as he was to take 
 this extraordirlary resolution, he concluded the readiest way 
 to surprise his enemies, was to elude his friends. He there- 
 fore called a council of war ashore, of the land-officers ; and 
 aboard, of the admirals and sea-officers; in both which it 
 was resolved, that in case the siege of Barcelona was judged 
 impracticable, and that the troops should be re-embarked by 
 a day appointed, an eflfort should be made upon the kingdom 
 of Naples. Accordingly, the day affixed being come, the 
 heavy artillery, landed for the siege, was returned aboard 
 the ships, and everything in appearance prepared for a 
 re-embarkment. During which, the general was obliged to 
 undergo all the reproaches of a dissatisfied court ; and, what 
 was more uneasy to him, the murmurings of the sea-officers, 
 who, not so competent judges in what related to sieges, were 
 one and all inclined to a design upon Barcelona ; and the 
 rather, because, as the season was so far spent, it was 
 thought altogether improper to engage the fleet in any new 
 undertaking. However, all things were so well disguised by 
 our seeming preparations for a retreat, that the very night 
 our troops were in march towards the attack of Monjouick, 
 there were public entertainments and rejoicings in the town 
 fot the raising of the siege. 
 
 The Prince of Hesse had taken large liberties in complain- 
 ing against all the proceedings in the camp before Barcelona : 
 even to insinuations, that though the earl gave his opinion 
 for some effiart in public, yet used he not sufficient authority 
 over the general officers to incline them to comply ; throwing 
 out withal some hints, that the general, from the beginning, 
 had declared himself in favour of other operations, and 
 
PETERBOEOW RESOLVES TO ENGAGE THE ENE.aT. 325 
 
 against coining to Catalonia ; the latter part whereof was 
 nothing but fact. On the other side, the Earl of Peterborow 
 complained, that the boasted assistance was no way made 
 good ; and that, in failure thereof, his troops were to be 
 sacrificed to the humours of a stranger : one who had no 
 command, and whose conduct might bear a question whether 
 equal to his courage. These reproaches of one another had 
 bred so much ill-blood between those two great men, that for 
 above a fortnight they had no correspondence, nor ever 
 exchanged one word. 
 
 The earl, however, having made his proper dispositions, 
 and delivered out his orders, began his march in the evening, 
 with twelve hundred foot and two hundred horse, which, of 
 necessity, were to pass by the quarters of the Prince of Hesse. 
 That prince, on their appearance, was told that the general 
 was come to speak with him ; and, being brought into his 
 apartment, the earl acquainted him, that he had at last 
 resolved upon an attempt against the enemy ; adding, that 
 now, if he pleased, he might be a judge of their behaviour, 
 and see whether his officers and soldiers had deserved that 
 character which he had so liberally given them. The prince 
 made answer, that he had always been ready to take his 
 share ; but could hardly believe that troops marching that 
 way could make any attempt against the enemy to satis- 
 faction. However, without farther discourse, he called for 
 his horse. 
 
 By this we may see what share fortune has in the greatest 
 events. In aU probability the Earl of Peterborow had never 
 engaged in such a dangerous affair, in cold blood and 
 unprovoked ; and if such an enterprise had been resolved on 
 in a regular way, it is very likely he might have given the 
 command to some of the general officers : since it is not usual, 
 nor hardly allowable for one that commands in chief, to g<r 
 in person on such kind of services. But here we see th» 
 general and prince, notwithstanding their late indifferent 
 harmony, engaged together in this most desperate under 
 taking. 
 
 Brigadier Stanhope and Mr. Methuen, now Sir Paul, werL 
 the general's particular friends, and those he most consulted 
 and most confided in ; yet he never imparted this resolution of 
 his to either of them, for he was not willing to engage them 
 in a design so dangerous, and where there was so little hope 
 
526 MEMOIRS OF CAPTAIN CARLETON. 
 
 of success ; rather choosing to reserve them as persons most 
 capable of giving advice and assistance in the confusion, great 
 enough already, which yet must have been greater if any 
 accident had happened to himself. And I have very good 
 reason to believe, that the motive which mainly engaged the 
 Earl of Peterborow in this enterprise, was to satisfy the Prince 
 of Hesse and the world, that his diffidence proceeded from 
 his concern for the troops committed to his charge, and not 
 for his own person. On the other hand, the great characters 
 of the two gentlemen just mentioned, are so well known, that 
 it will easily gain credit, that the only way the general could 
 take to prevent their being of the party was to conceal it 
 from them, as he did from all mankind, even from the arch- 
 duke himself. And certainly there never was a more 
 universal surprise, than when the firing was heard next 
 morning from Monjouick. 
 
 But I now proceed to give an exact account of this great 
 action ; of which no person, that I have heard of, ever yet 
 took upon him to deliver to posterity the glorious particu- 
 lats ; and yet the consequences and events, by what follows, 
 -will appear so great, and so very extraordinary, that few, 
 if any, had they had it in their power, would have denied 
 themselves the pleasure, or the world the satisfaction, of 
 knowing it. 
 
 The troops, which marched all night along the foot of the 
 mountains, arrived two hours before day under the hill of 
 Monjouick, not a quarter of a mUe from the outward works : 
 for this reason, it was taken for granted, whatever the de- 
 sign was which the general had proposed to himself, that it 
 would be put in execution before daylight ; but the Earl of 
 Peterborow was now pleased to inform the officers of the 
 reasons why he chose to stay till the light appeared. He 
 was of opinion that any success would be impossible, unless 
 the enemy came into the outward ditch under the bastions of 
 the second enclosure ; but that if they had time allowed 
 them to come thither, there being no palisadoes, our men, by 
 leaping in upon them, after receipt of their first fire, might 
 drive them into the upper works; and following them 
 close, with some probability, might force them, under that 
 confusion, into the inward fortifications. 
 
 Such were the general's reasons then and there given; 
 after which, having promised ample rewards to such as dis- 
 
DISTRIBUTION OF THE TROOPS I'OK ATTACK. 327 
 
 cbarged their duty well, a lieutenant, with thirty men, was 
 ordered to advance towards the bastion nearest the town ; 
 and a captain, with fifty men, to support him. After the 
 enemy's fire, they were to leap into the ditch ; and their 
 orders were to follow them close, if they retired into the 
 upper works: nevertheless, not to pursue them farther, if 
 they made into the inner fort; but to endeavoor to cover 
 themselves within the gorge of the bastion. 
 
 A lieutenant and a captain, with the like number of men, 
 and the same orders, were commanded to a demi-bastion, 
 at the extremity of the fort towards the west, which was 
 above musket-shot from the inward fortification. Towards 
 this place the wall, which was cut into the rock, was not 
 faced for about twenty yards ; and here our own men got up, 
 where they found three pieces of cannon upon a platform, 
 without any men to defend them. 
 
 Those appointed to the bastion towards the town, were 
 sustained by two hundred men; with which the general and 
 prince went in person. The like number, under the direc- 
 tions of Colonel Southwell, were to sustain the attack to^ 
 wards the west ; and about five hundred men were left under 
 the command of a Dutch colonel, whose orders were to assist 
 where, in his own judgment, he should think most proper ; 
 and these were drawn up between the two parties appointed 
 to begin the assault. My lot was on the side where the 
 prince and earl were in person; and where we sustained the 
 only loss from the first fire of the enemy. 
 
 Our men, though quite exposed, and though the glacis 
 was all escarped upon the live rock, went on with an un- 
 daunted courage ; and, immediately after the first fire of the 
 enemy, all that were not killed or wounded leaped in, pel- 
 mel, amongst the enemy ; who, being thus boldly attacked, 
 and seeing others pouring in upon them, retired in great con- 
 fusion ; and, some one way, some another, ran into the 
 inward works. . • i i. 
 
 There was a large port in the flank of the principal bas- 
 tion, towards the north-east, and a covered way, through 
 which the general and the Prince of Hesse followed the 
 flying forces; and by that means became possessed of it. 
 Luckily enough, here lay a number of great stones in the 
 gorge of the bastion, for the use of the fortification ; with 
 which we made a sort of breastwork, before the enemy re- 
 
328 MEMOIRS OP CAPTAIN CAKLETON. 
 
 covered of their amaze, or made any considerable fire upon 
 us from their inward fort, -whicli commanded the upper part 
 of tliat bastion. 
 
 We were afterwards informed, that the commander of the 
 citadel, expecting but one attack, had called off the men from 
 the most distant and western part of the fort to that side 
 which was next the town ; upon which our men got into a 
 demi-bastion in the most extreme part of the fortification. 
 Here they got possession of three pieces of cannon, with 
 hardly any opposition ; and had leisure to cast up a little 
 intrenchment, and to make use of the guns they had taken to 
 defend it. Under this situation, the enemy, when drove 
 into the inward fort, were exposed to our fire from those 
 places we were possessed of, in case they offered to make 
 any sally, or other attempt against us. Thus we every 
 moment became better and better prepared against any effort 
 of the garrison ; and, as they could not pretend to assail us 
 without evident hazard, so nothing remained for us to do till 
 we could bring up our artillery and mortars. Now it was 
 that the general sent for the thousand men under Brigadier 
 Stanhope's command, which he had posted at a convent, half- 
 way between the town and Monjouick. 
 
 There was almost a total cessation of fire, the men on both 
 sides being under cover. The general was in the upper 
 part of the bastion ; the Prince of Hesse below, behind a 
 little work at the point of the bastion, whence he could only 
 see the heads of the enemy over the parapet of the inward 
 fort. Soon after an accident happened, which cost that gal- 
 lant prince his life. 
 
 The enemy had lines of communication between Barcelona 
 and Monjouick. The governor of the former, upon hearing 
 the firing from the latter, immediately sent four hundred 
 dragoons on horseback, under orders that two hundred dis- 
 mounting should reinforce the garrison, and the other two 
 hundred should return with their horses back to the town. 
 
 When those two hundred dragoons were, accordingly, 
 got into the inward fort, unseen by any of our men, the 
 Spaniards, waving their hats over their heads, repeated over 
 and over. Viva el Hey, Viva. This the Prince of Hesse unfor- 
 tunately took for a signal of their desire to surrender. Upon 
 which, with too much warmth and precipitancy, calling to 
 the soldiers following, They surrender, They surrender, he 
 
THE rniNCE OF HESSE KILLED, 329 
 
 advanced with three hundred men, who followed him with- 
 out any orders from their general, along the curtain which 
 led to the ditch of the inward fort. The enemy suiFered 
 them to come into the ditch, and, there surrounding them, 
 took two hundred of them prisoners, at the same time making 
 a discharge upon the rest who were running back the way 
 they came. This firing brought the Earl of Peterborow 
 down from the upper part of the bastion, to see what was 
 doing below. When he had just turned the point of the 
 bastion, he saw the Prince of Hesse retiring, with the men 
 that had so rashly advanced. The earl had exchanged a 
 very few words with him, when, from a second fire, that 
 prince received ' a shot in the great artery of the thigh, ot 
 which he died immediately, falling down at the general's feet, 
 who instantly gave orders to carry oif the body to the next 
 convent. 
 
 Almost the same moment, an officer came to acquaint the 
 Earl of Peterborow that a great body of horse and foot, at 
 least three thousand, were on their march from Barcelona 
 towards the fort. The distance is near a mile, all uneven 
 ground; so that the enemy was either discoverable, or not to 
 be seen, just as they were marching on the hills, or in the 
 valleys. However, the general directly got on horseback, to 
 take a view of those forces from the rising groimd without 
 the fort, having left all the posts, which were already taken, 
 well secured with the allotted numbers of officers and 
 soldiers. 
 
 But the event will demonstrate of what consequence the 
 absence or presence of one man may prove on great occa- 
 sions ; no sooner was the earl out of the fort, the care of 
 which he had left under the command of the Lord Charlemont. 
 a person of known merit and undoubted courage, but some- 
 what too flexible in his temper, when a panic fear (though 
 the earl, as I have said, was only gone to take a view of the 
 enemy) seized upon the soldiery, which was a little too easily 
 complied with by the Lord Charlemont, then commanding 
 officer. True it is ; for I heard an officer, ready enough to 
 take such advantages, urge to him, that none of all those posts 
 we were become masters of were tenable ; that to offer at it 
 would be no better than wilfully sacrificing human lives to 
 caprice and humour; and just like a man's knocking his 
 head against stone walls to try which was hardest. Having 
 
330 MEMOIES OF CAPTAIN CARLETON. 
 
 overheard this piece of lip-oratory, and finding, by the answer, 
 that it was too likely to prevail, and that all I was like to say 
 would avail nothing, I slipped away as fast as I could to 
 acquaint the general with the danger impending.^ 
 
 As I passed along, I took notice that the panic was upon 
 the increase ; the general rumour affirming that we should be 
 all cut ofi" by the troops that were come out of Barcelona, if 
 we did not immediately gain the hiUs, or the houses possessed 
 by the Miquelets. Officers and soldiers, under this prevailing 
 terror, quitted their posts, and in one united body, the Lord 
 Charlemont at the head of them, marched, or rather hurried, 
 out of the fort, and were come half-way down the hill before 
 the Earl of Peterborow came up to them ; though, on my 
 acquainting him with the shameful and surprising accident, 
 he made no stay; but answering, with a good deal of 
 vehemence. Good God, is it possible ? hastened back as fast 
 as he could. 
 
 I never thought myself happier than in this piece of service 
 to my country. I confess I could not but value it, as having 
 been therein more than a little instrumental in the glorious 
 successes which succeeded ; since immediately upon this 
 notice from me, the earl galloped up the hiU, and, lighting 
 when he came to Lord Charlemont, he took his half pike out 
 of his hand, and turning to the officers and soldiers, told then'', 
 if they would not face about and follow him, they should have 
 the scandal and eternal infamy upon them of having deserted 
 their posts, and abandoned their general. 
 
 It was surprising to see with what alacrity and new courage 
 they faced about, and followed the Earl of Peterborow. In 
 a moment they had forgot their apprehensions, and, without 
 doubt, had they met with any opposition, they would have 
 behaved themselves with the greatest bravery. But as these 
 motions were unperceived by the enemy, all the posts were 
 regained, and anew possessed, in less than half an hour, 
 without any loss ; though, had our forces marched half 
 musket-shot farther, their retreat would have been perceived, 
 and all the success attendant on this glorious attempt must 
 have been entirely blasted. 
 
 Another incident which attended this happy enterprise 
 was this : the two hundred men which fell into the hands of 
 the enemy, by the unhappy mistake of the Prince of Hesse, 
 were carried directly into the town. The Marquis of Risburg, 
 
EXPLOSION OP A MAGAZINE. 331 
 
 a lieutenant-general, who commanded the three thousancl 
 men which were marching from the town to the relief of the 
 fort, examined the prisoners as they passed by ; and they all 
 agreeing that the general and the prince of Hesse were in 
 person with the troops that made the attack on Monjouick, 
 the marquis gave immediate orders to retire to the town ; 
 taking it for granted that the main body of the troops attended 
 the prince and general ; and that some design therefore was 
 on foot to intercept his return, in case he should venture too 
 far. Thus, the unfortunate loss of our two hundred men 
 turned to our advantage, in preventing the advance of the 
 enemy, which must have put the Earl of Peterborow to 
 inconceivable difficulties. 
 
 The body of one thousand, under Brigadier Stanhope being 
 come up to Monjouick, and no interruption given us by the 
 enemy, our affairs were put into very good order on this side ; 
 while the carap on the other side was so fortified, that the 
 enemy, during the siege, never made an effiart against it. In 
 the mean time, the communication between the two camps 
 was secure enough ; although our troops were obliged to a 
 tedious march along the foot of the hiUs, whenever the general 
 thought fit to reheve those on duty on the side of the attack, 
 from those regiments encamped on the west side of Barcelona. 
 
 The next day, after the Earl of Peterborow had taken 
 care to secure the first camp to the eastward of the town, he 
 gave orders to the officers of the fleet to land the artillery and 
 ammunition behind the fortress to the westward. Immedi- 
 ately upon the landing whereof, two mortars were fixed ; 
 from both which we plied the fort of Monjouick furiously 
 with our bombs. But the third or fourth day, one of our 
 shells, fortunately lighting on their magazine of powder, blew 
 it up, and with it the governor and many principal officers 
 who were at dinner with him. The blast, at the same instant, 
 threw down a face of one of the smaller bastions ; which the 
 vigilant Miquelets, ready enough to take aU advantages, no 
 sooner saw (for they were under the hiU, very near the 
 place), but they readily entered while the enemy were under 
 the utmost confusion. If the earl, no less watchful than they, 
 had not at the same moment thrown himself in with some 
 regular troops, and appeased the general disorder, in all 
 probability the garrison had been put to the sword. How- 
 ever, the general's presence not only allayed the fury of the 
 
332 IfEMOIES OF CAPTAIN CAELETON. 
 
 Miquelets, but kept his own troops under strictest discipline : 
 so that, in a happy hour for the frighted garrison, the general 
 gave officers and soldiers quarters, making them prisoners of 
 war. 
 
 How critical was that minute wherein the general met his 
 retreating commander! A very few steps farther had 
 excluded us our own conquests, to the utter loss of all those 
 greater glories which ensued. Nor wovdd that have been the 
 worst ; for, besides the shame attending such an ill-concerted 
 retreat from our acquests on Monjouick, we must have felt 
 the accumulative disgrace of infamously retiring aboard the 
 ships that brought us ; but heaven reserved for our general 
 amazing scenes, both of glory and mortification. 
 
 I cannot here omit one singularity of Ufe, which will 
 demonstrate men's different way of thinking, if not somewhat 
 worse ; when, many years after (to one in office, who seemed 
 a little too deaf to my complaints, and by that means irritating 
 my human passions), in justice to myself, eis well as cause, I 
 urged this piece of service, by which I not only preserved the 
 place, but the honour of my country ; that minister petite, to 
 mortify my expectations, and baffle my plea, with a grimace 
 as odd as his logic, returned, that, in his opinion, the service 
 pretended was a disservice to the nation ; since perseverance 
 had cost the government more money than all our conquests 
 were worth, could we have kept them. So irregular are the 
 conceptions of man, when even great actions thwart the bent 
 of an interested will. 
 
 The fort of Monjouick being thus surprisingly reduced, 
 furnished a strange vivacity to men's expectations, and as 
 extravagantly flattered their hopes ; for, as success never fails 
 to excite weaker minds to pursue their good fortune, though 
 many times to their own loss, so is it often too apt to push on 
 more elevated spirits to renew the encounter for achieving 
 new conquests, by hazarding too rashly all their former glory. 
 Accordingly, everybody now began to make his utmost effisrts; 
 and looked upon himself as a drone, if he was not employed 
 in doing something or other towards pushing forward the 
 siege of Barcelona itself, and raising proper batteries for that 
 purpose. But, after all, it must in justice be acknowledged, 
 that, notwithstanding this prodigious success that attended 
 this bold enterprise, the land forces, of themselves, without 
 the assistance of the sailors, could never have reduced the 
 
OFBTCEES OF THE FLEET ACT ON LAND. 333 
 
 town. The commanders and officers of the fleet had always 
 evinced themselves favourers of this project upon Barcelona. 
 A new undertaking so late in the year, as I have said before, 
 was their utter aversion, and what they hated to hear of. 
 Elated, therefore, with a beginning so auspicious, they gave 
 a more willing assistance than could have been asked, or 
 judiciously expected. The admirals forgot their element, 
 and acted as general officers at land : they came every day 
 from their ships, with a body of men formed into companies, 
 and regularly marshalled, and commanded by captains and 
 lieutenants of their own. Captain Littleton, in particular, 
 one of the most advanced captains in the whole fleet, offered, 
 of himself, to take care of the landing and conveyance of the 
 artillery to the camp. And answerable to that, his first zeal, 
 was his vigour all along ; for, finding it next to an impossi- 
 bility to draw the cannon and mortars up such vast precipices 
 by horses, if the country had aflfbrded them, he caused 
 harnesses to be made for two hundred men ; and, by that 
 means, after a prodigious fatigue and labour, brought the 
 cannon and mortars, necessary for the siege, up to the very 
 batteries. 
 
 In this manner was the siege begun ; nor was it carried 
 on with any less application ; the approaches being made by 
 an army of besiegers, that very little, if at all, exceeded the 
 number of the besieged ; not altogether in a regular manner, 
 our few forces would not admit it, but yet with regularity 
 enough to secure jOur two little camps, and preserve a 
 communication between both not to be interrupted or in- 
 commoded by the enemy. We had soon erected three several 
 batteries against the place^ all on the west side of the' town, 
 viz., one of nine guns, another of twelve, and the last 
 of upwards of thirty. From, all which we plied the town 
 incessantly and with all imaginable fury, and very often in 
 whole volleys. 
 
 Nevertheless, it was thought not only advisable, but 
 necessary, to erect another battery upon a lower piece of 
 ground, under a small hill ; which, lying more within reach, 
 and opposite to those places where the walls were imagined 
 weakest, would annoy the town the more ; and being de- 
 signed for six guns only, might soon be perfected. A French 
 engineer had the direction ; and,, indeed, very quickly per- 
 fected it. But, when it came to be considered which way tc 
 
334 MEMOIRS OF CAPTAIN CAELETON. 
 
 get the cannon to it, most were of opinion that it would be 
 absolutely impracticable, by reason of the vast descent; 
 though, I believe, they might have added a stronger reason, 
 and perhaps more intrinsic, that it was extremely exposed to 
 the fire of the enemy. 
 
 Having gained some little reputation in the attack of 
 Monjouick, this difficulty was at last to be put upon me ; 
 and as some, not my enemies, supposed, more out of envy 
 than good will. However, when I came to the place, and 
 had carefully taken a view of it, though I was sensible 
 enough of the difficulty, I made my main objection as to the 
 time for accomplishing it ; for it was then between nine and 
 ten, and the guns were to be mounted by daylight. Neither 
 could I at present see any other way to answer their ex- 
 pectations, than by casting the cannon down the precipice, 
 at all hazards, to the place below, where that fourth battery 
 was erected. 
 
 This wanted not objections to ; and, therefore, to answer 
 my purpose, as to point of time, sixty men more were 
 ordered me, as much as possible to facilitate the work by 
 numbers ; and, accordingly, I set about it. Just as I was 
 setting all hands to work, and had given orders to my men 
 to begin some paces back, to make the descent more gradual, 
 and thereby render the task a little more feasible. Major 
 Collier, who commanded the train, came to me ; and per- 
 ceiving the difficulties to the undertaking, in a fret told me 
 I was imposed upon, and vowed he would go and find out 
 Brigadier Petit, and let him know the impossibility, as well 
 as the unreasonableness, of the task I was put upon. He had 
 scarce uttered those words, and turned himself round to 
 perform his promise, when an unlucky shot with a musket- 
 baU wounded him through the shoulder ; upon which he was 
 carried off, and I saw him not tUl some considerable time 
 after. 
 
 By the painful diligence, and the additional complement 
 of men, however, I so well succeeded (such was my great 
 good fortune), that the way was made, and the guns, by the 
 help of fascines, and other lesser preparations below, safely 
 let down and mounted ; so that that fourth battery began to 
 play upon the town before break of day, and with all the 
 success that was proposed. 
 
 In short, the breach, in a very few days after, •\a,s found 
 
THE DtrCHESS OF POPOLI CRAVES PROTECTIOK. 335 
 
 wholly practicable ; and all things were got ready for a 
 general storm. Which Don Valasco, the governor, being 
 sensible of, immediately beat a parley ; upon which it was, 
 among other articles, concluded that the town should be 
 surrendered in three days ; and the better to ensure it, tht 
 bastion, which commanded the port St. Angelo, was directlj 
 put into our possession. 
 
 But before the expiration of the limited three days, a verj 
 unexpected accident feU out, which hastened the surrender. 
 Don Valasco, during liis government, had behaved himseh 
 very arbitrarily, and thereby procured, as the consequence ol 
 it, a large proportion of ill will, not only among the towns- 
 men, but among the Miquelets, who had, in their zeal tc 
 King Charles, flocked from all parts of Catalonia to th£ 
 siege of their capital ; and who, on the signing of the 
 articles of surrender, had found various ways, being well 
 acquainted with the most private avenues, to get by nigh1 
 into the town ; so that early iu the morning they began tc 
 plunder all that they knew enemies to King Charles, dt 
 thought friends to the prince, his competitor. 
 
 Their main design was upon Valasco, the governor, 
 whom, if they could have got into their hands, it was no1 
 to be questioned, but as far as his life and limbs would hav« 
 served, they would have sufficiently satiated their vengeanc( 
 upon. He expected no less, and therefore concealed himself 
 till the Earl of Peterborow could give orders for his mor< 
 safe and private conveyance by sea to Alicant. 
 
 Nevertheless, in the town all was in the utmost confusion 
 which the Earl of Peterborow, at the very first hearing 
 hastened to appease; with his usual alacrity, he rode al 
 alone to Port St. Angelo, where, at that time, myself hap- 
 pened to be ; and demanding to be admitted, the officer o 
 the guard, under fear and surprise, opened the wicket 
 through which the earl entered, and I after him. 
 
 Scarce had we gone a hundred paces, when we saw a lad} 
 of apparent quality, and indisputable beauty, in a strange 
 but most affecting agony, flying from the apprehended fur] 
 of the Miquelets ; her lovely hair was all flowing about hei 
 shoulders, which, and the consternation she was in, rathei 
 added to, than anything diminished, from the charms of ai 
 excess of beauty. She, as is very natural to people ij 
 distress, made up directly to the earl, her eyes satisfying hej 
 
336 MEMOIRS or captain caeleton. 
 
 he was a person likely to give her all the protection she 
 wanted. And, as soon as ever she came near enough, in a 
 manner that declared her quality before she spoke, she 
 craved that protection, telling him, the better to secure it, 
 who it was that asked it. But the generous earl presently 
 convinced her he wanted no entreaties, having, before he 
 knew her to be the Duchess of Popoli, taken her by the 
 hand, in order to convey her through the wicket, which he 
 entered at, to a place of safety without the town. 
 
 I stayed behind, while the earl conveyed the distressed 
 duchess to her requested asylum ; and I believe it was much 
 the longest part of an hour before he returned. But as soon as 
 ever he came back, he, and myself at his command, repaired to 
 the place of most confusion, which the extraordinary noise full 
 readily directed us to ; and which happened to be on the 
 parade before the palace. There it was that the Miquelets 
 were making their utmost efforts to get into their hands the 
 almost sole occasion of the tumult, and the object of their 
 raging fury, the person of Don Valasco, the late governor. 
 
 It was here that the earl preserved that governor from the 
 violent, but perhaps too just resentments of the Miquelets ; 
 and, as I said before, conveyed him by sea to Alicant. And, 
 indeed, I could little doubt the effect, or be anything surprised 
 at the easiness of the task, when I saw that wherever he 
 appeared the popular fury was in a moment allayed, and that 
 every dictate of that general was assented to with the utmost 
 cheerfulness and deference. Valasco, before his embarkment, 
 had given orders, in gratitude to his preserver, for all the gates 
 to be delivered up, though short of the stipulated term ; and 
 they were accordingly so delivered, and our troops took 
 possesison so soon as ever that governor was aboard the ship 
 that was to convey him to Alicant. 
 
 During the siege of Barcelona, Brigadier Stanhope ordered 
 a tent to be pitched as near the trenches as possibly could be 
 with safety ; where he not only entertained the chief officers 
 who were upon duty, but likewise the Catalonian gentlemen 
 who brought lliquelets to our assistance. I remember I saw 
 an old cavalier, having his only son with him, who appeared 
 a fine young gentleman, about twenty years of age, go into 
 the tent, in order to dine -with the brigadier. But, whilst they 
 were at dinner, an unfortunate shot came from the bastion of 
 St. Antonio, and entirely struck off the head of the son. The 
 
PROCESSION OP THE CITIZENS OF BARCELONA. 337 
 
 father immediately rose up, first looking down upon his head- 
 less child, and then lifting up his eyes to heaven, whilst the 
 tears ran down his cheeks, he crossed himself, and only said, 
 Fiat voluntas tua! and bore it with a wonderful patience. It was 
 a sad spectacle, and truly it affects me now whilst I am writing. 
 
 The Earl of Peterborow, though for some time after the 
 revolution he had been employed in civil affairs, returned to 
 the military life with great satisfaction, which was ever his 
 inclination. Brigadier Stanhope, who was justly afterwards 
 created an earl, did well deserve this, motto. Tarn Marte quam 
 Mercurio ; for truly he behaved, all the time he continued in 
 Spain, as if he had been inspired with conduct ; for the victory 
 at Almanar was entirely owing to him ; and likewise at the 
 battle of Saragosa he distinguished himself with great bravery. 
 That he had not success at Bruhega was not his fault, for no 
 man can resist fate ; for it was decreed by heaven, that Philip 
 should remain King of Spain, and Charles to be Emperor of 
 Germany. Yet each of these monarchs have been ungrateful 
 to the instruments which the Almighty made use of to preserve 
 them upon their thrones; for one had not been King of Spain 
 but for France; and the other had not been emperor but 
 for England. 
 
 Barcelona, the chief place in Catalonia, being thus in our 
 hands, as soon as the garrison, little inferior to our army, had 
 marched out with drums beating, colours flying, &c., according 
 to the articles, Charles III. made his public entry, and was 
 proclaimed king, and received with the general acclamations, 
 and all other demonstrations of joy suitable to that great 
 occasion. 
 
 Some days after which, the citizens, far from being satiated 
 with their former demonstrations of their duty, sent a petition 
 to the king, by proper deputies for that purpose appointed, 
 desiring leave to give more ample instances of their affections 
 in a public cavalcade. The king granted their request, and 
 the citizens, pursuant thereto, made their preparations. 
 
 On the day appointed, the king, placed in a balcony 
 belonging to the house of the Earl of Peterborow, appeared 
 ready to honour the show. The ceremonial, to speak nothing 
 figuratively, was very fine and grand : those of the first rank 
 made their appearance in decent order, and upon fine horses ; 
 and others under arms, and in companies, marched with native 
 gravity and grandeur, all saluting his majesty as they passed 
 
 VOL. II. * 
 
338 MEMOIRS OF CAPTAIN CAKLETON. 
 
 by, after the Spanish manner, which that prince returned with 
 the movement of his hand to his mouth ; for the Kings oi 
 Spain are not allowed to salute, or return a salute by any 
 motion to, or of, the hat. 
 
 After these followed several pageants ; the first of which 
 was drawn by mules, set off to the height with stateUest 
 feathers, and adorned with little bells. Upon the top of this 
 pageant appeared a man dressed all in green, but in the like- 
 ness of a dragon. The pageant making a stop just over 
 against the balcony where the king sat, the dragonical 
 representative diverted him with great variety of dancings ; 
 the Earl of Peterborow all the time throwing out dollars by 
 handfuls among the populace, which they as constantly 
 received with the loud acclamation, and repeated cries of 
 Viva, Viva, Carlos Terceros! Viva la Casa d' Austria! 
 
 When that had played its part, another pageant, drawn as 
 before, made a like full stop before the same balcony. On 
 this was placed a very large cage, or aviary, the cover of 
 which, by springs contrived for that purpose, immediately 
 flew open, and out of it a surprising flight of birds of various 
 colours. These, all amazed at their sudden liberty, which I 
 took to be the emblem intended, hovered a considerable space 
 of time over and about their place of freedom, chirping, 
 singing, and otherwise testifying their mighty joy for their so 
 unexpected enlargement. 
 
 There were many other pageants ; but, having little in them 
 very remarkable, I have forgot the particulars. Nevertheless, 
 every one of them was dismissed with the like acclamations 
 of Viva, Viva; the whole concluding with bonfires and 
 illuminations, common on all such occasions. 
 
 I cannot here omit one very remarkable instance of the 
 catholic zeal of that prince, which I was soon after an 
 eyewitness of. I was at that time in the fruit-market, when 
 the king passing by in his coach, the host, whether by 
 accident, or contrivance, I cannot say, was brought, at that 
 very juncture, out of the great church, in order, as I after 
 understood, to a poor sick woman's receiving the sacrament. 
 
 On sight of the host, the king came out of his coach, 
 kneeled down in the street, which at that time proved to be 
 very dirty, till the host passed by ; then rose up, and taking 
 the lighted flambeau from him who bore it, he filk wetl tiic 
 priest up a straight nasty alley, and the e up r durk ordinary 
 
MERRIMENT OVER A DRUNKEN GRENADIER. 339 
 
 pair of stairs, where the poor sick woman lay. There he 
 Btayed till the whole ceremony was over, when, returning 
 to the door of the church, he very faithfully restored the 
 lighted flambeau to the fellow he had taken it from, the people 
 all the while crying out, Viva, Viva ! an acclamation, we may 
 imagine, intended to his zeal, as well as his person. 
 
 Another remarkable accident, of a much more moral nature, 
 I must, in justice to the temperance of that, in this, truly 
 inimitable people, recite. I was one day walking in one of 
 the most populous streets of that city, when I found an 
 uncommon concourse of people, of aU sorts, got together; and 
 imagining so great a crowd could not be assembled on a small 
 occasion, I prest in among the rest ; and, after a good deal of 
 struggling and difficulty, reached into the ring and centre oi 
 that mixed multitude. But how did I blush, with what 
 confusion did I appear, when I found one of my own countiy- 
 men, a drunken grenadier, the attractive loadstone of all the 
 high and low mob, and the butt of all their merriment ! It will 
 be easUy imagined to be a thing not a little surprising to one 
 of our country, to find that a drunken man should be such a 
 wonderful sight: however, the witty sarcasms that were then, 
 by high and low, thrown upon that senseless creature, and, 
 as I interpreted matters, me in him, were so pungent, that it 
 I did not curse my curiosity, I thought it best to withdraw 
 myself as fast as legs could carry me away. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 BARCELONA TJNDER KING CHARLES BOLD PEREMPTORY DE- 
 MAND ON THE AUTHORITIES OP NULES IMMEDIATELY TO 
 
 SURRENDER SINGULAR INTERVIEW BETWEEN EARL PETER- 
 
 BOROW AND MAHONI, AND THE RESULT THEREFROM SHORT 
 
 DESCRIPTION OF VALENCIA, AND PRODIGIOUS VICTORY 
 
 PETERBOROVS STRATAGEM TO OUTWIT THE FLEET AT 
 BARCELONA ULTIMATE RELEASE OF BARCELONA. 
 
 Barcelona being now under King Charles, the towns 
 of Gironne, Tarragona, Tortosa, and Lerida, immediately 
 declared for him. To every one of which engineers bemg 
 ordered, it was my lot to be sent to Tortosa. This town i8 
 
 z 2 
 
340 MEMOIRS OP CAPTAIN CAKLETOIf. 
 
 situated on the side of the river Ebro, over which there is a 
 fair. and famous bridge of boats. The waters of this river are 
 always of a dirty red colour, somewhat fouler than our moor- 
 ish waters ; yet it is the only water the inhabitants drink, 
 or covet to drink ; and every house providing for its own 
 convenience cisterns to preserve it in, by a few hours stand- 
 ing it becomes as clear as the clearest rock water, but as soft 
 as milk. In short, for softness, brightness, and pleasantness 
 of taste, the natives prefer it to all the waters in the world : 
 and I must declare in favour of their opinion, that none ever 
 pleased me like it. 
 
 This town was of the greater moment to our army, as 
 opening a passage into the kingdom of Valencia on one side, 
 and the kingdom of Arragon on the the other ; and being of 
 itself tolerably defensible, in human appearance, might pro- 
 bably repay a little care and charge in its repair and improve- 
 ment. Upon this employ was I appointed, and thus was I 
 busied till the arrival of the Earl of Peterborow with his 
 little army, in order to march to Valencia, the capital of that 
 province. Here he left in garrison Colonel Hans Hamilton's 
 regiment; the place, nevertheless, was under the command 
 of a Spanish governor appointed by King Charles. 
 
 "While the earl stayed a few days at this place, under 
 expectation of the promised succours from Barcelona, he re- 
 ceived a propria (or express) from the King of Spain, full of 
 excuses, instead of forces. And yet the very same letter, in 
 a paradoxical manner, commanded him, at all events, to at- 
 tempt the relief of Santo Mattheo, where Colonel Jones com- 
 manded, and which was then under siege by the Conde de 
 los Torres (as was the report), with upwards of three 
 thousand men. The Earl of Peterborow could not muster 
 above one thousand foot, and about two hundred horse, a 
 small force to make an attempt of that nature upon such a 
 superior power ; yet the earl's vivacity (as will be occasion- 
 ally farther observed in the course of these Memoirs) never 
 much regarded numbers, so there was but room, by any 
 stratagem, to hope for success. True it is, for his greater 
 encouragement and consolation, the same letter intimated, 
 that a great concourse of the country people being up in arms, 
 to the number of many thousands, in favour of King Charles, 
 and wanting only officers, the enterprise would be easy, and 
 unattended with much danger. But, upon mature inquiry 
 
EAST MEANS OF MARCHING INTO SANTO MATTHEO. 3-11 
 
 the earl found that great body of men all in nuhibus; and that 
 the conde, in the plain truth of the matter, was much stronger 
 than the letter at first represented. 
 
 Santo Mattheo was a place of known importance ; and 
 that from its situation, which cut off all communication be- 
 tween Catalonia and Valencia ; and, consequently, should it 
 fall into the hands of the enemy, the earl's design upon the 
 latter must inevitably have been postponed. It must be 
 granted, the commands for attempting the relief of it were 
 pressing and peremptory : nevertheless, the earl was very 
 conscious to himself, that as the promised re-enforcements 
 were suspended, his officers would not approve of the attempt 
 upon the foot of such vast inequalities ; and their own de- 
 clared sentiments soon confirmed the dictates of the earl's 
 reason. He therefore addresses himself to those officers in a 
 different manner : he told them he only desired they would 
 be passive, and leave it to him to work his own way. Ac- 
 cordingly, the earl found out and hired two Spanish spies, for 
 whose fidelity (as his great precaution always led hi m to do) 
 he took sufficient security ; and despatched them with a 
 letter to Colonel Jones, governor of the place, intimating his 
 readiness, as well as ability, to relieve him ; and, above all, 
 exhorting him to have the Miquelets in the town ready, on 
 sight of his • troops, to issue out, pursue, and plunder, since 
 that would be all they would have to do, and aU he would 
 expect at their hands. The spies were despatched accordingly; 
 and pursuant to instructions, one betrayed and discovered 
 the other, who had the letter in charge to deliver to Colonel 
 Jones. The earl, to carry on the feint, having, in the mean 
 time, by dividing his troops, and marching secretly over the 
 mountains, drawn his men together, so as to make their ap- 
 pearance on the height of a neighbouring mountain, little 
 more than cannon-shot from the enemy's camp, the tale of 
 the spies was fully confirmed; and the conde, though an 
 able general, marched off with some precipitation with hi» 
 army; and, by that means, the earl's smaller number of 
 twelve hundred, had liberty to march into the town without 
 interruption. I must not let slip an action of Colonel Jones's 
 just before the earl's delivery of them. The conde, for want 
 of artillery, had set his miners to work ; and the colonel find- 
 ing they had made some dangerous advances, turned thq 
 course of a rivulet, that ran through the middle of the town, 
 
342 MEMOIRS OF CAPTAIN CAELETON. 
 
 in upon them, and made them quit a work they though 
 was brought to perfection. 
 
 Santo Mattheo being relieved, as I have said, the earl, 
 though he had so far gained his ends, left not the flying 
 enemy vnthout a feint of pursuit ; with such caution, never- 
 theless, that in case they should happen to be better informed 
 of his weakness, he might have a resource either back again 
 to Santo Mattheo, or to Vinaros on the sea side ; or some 
 other place, as occasion might require. But having just 
 before received fresh advice, that the re-enforcements he ex- 
 pected were anew countermanded ; and that the Duke of 
 Anjou had increased his troops to twelve thousand men ; the 
 officers, not enough elated with the last success to adventure 
 upon new experiments, resolved, in a council of war, to advise 
 the earl, who had just before received a discretionary com- 
 mission in lieu of troops, so to post the forces under him, as 
 not to be cut off from being able to assist the king in person, 
 or to march to the defence of Catalonia, in case of necessity. 
 
 Pursuant to this resolution of the council of war, the Earl 
 of Peterborow, though still intent upon his expedition into 
 Valencia (which had been afresh commanded, even while his 
 supplies were countermanded), orders his foot, in a truly had 
 condition, by tedious marches day and night over the moun- 
 tains, to Vinaros ; and with his two hundred horse set out to 
 prosecute his pretended design of pursuing the flying enemy ; 
 j-esolved, if possible, notwithstanding all seemingly desperate 
 circumstances, to perfect the security of that capital. 
 
 To that purpose, the earl, with his small body of patrolers, 
 went on frightening the enemy till they came under the walls 
 of Nules, a town fortified with the best walls, regular towers, 
 and in the best repair of any in that kingdom. But even 
 here, upon the appearance of the earl's forlorn (if they might 
 not properly at that time all have passed under that character), 
 under the same panic they left that fencible town, with only 
 one thousand of the townspeople, well armed, for the defence 
 of it. Yet was it scarce to be imagined, that the earl, with 
 his small body of two hundred horse, should be able to gain 
 admission ; or, indeed, under such circumstances, to attempt 
 it. But, bold as the undertaking was, his good genins went 
 along with him ; and so good a genius was it, that it rarely 
 left him without a good effect. He had been told the day 
 before, that the enemy, on leaving Nules, had got possession 
 
NEW8 OF THE TAKING OP N0LE3. 343 
 
 of Villa Real, where they put all to the sword. "What would 
 have furnished another with terror, inspired his lordship with 
 a thought as fortunate as it was successful. The earl rides 
 up to the very gates of the town, at the head of his party, 
 and peremptorily demands the chief magistrate, or a priest, 
 immediately to be sent out to him ; and that under penalty 
 of being all put to the sword, and used as the enemy had 
 used those at Villa Real the day or two before. The troops, 
 that had so lately left the place, had left behind them more 
 terror than men ; which, together with the peremptory de- 
 mand of the earl, soon produced some priests to wait upon 
 the general. By their readiness to obey, the earl very justly 
 imagined fear to be the motive ; wherefore, to improve their 
 ten'or, he only allowed them six minute's time to resolve 
 upon a surrender, telling them that otherwise, so soon as his 
 artillery was come up, he would lay them under the utmost 
 extremities. The priests returned with this melancholy 
 message into the place ; and in a very short time after the 
 gates were thrown open. Upon the earl's entrance, he found 
 two hundred horse, -wfliich were the original of his lordship's 
 forming that body of horse, which afterwards proved the 
 saving of Valencia. 
 
 The news of the taking of Nules soon overtook the flying 
 enemy ; and so increased the apprehensions of their danger, 
 that they renewed their march the same day ; though what 
 they had taken before would have satisfied them much better 
 without it. On the other hand, the earl was so well pleased 
 with his success, that, leaving the enemy to fly before their 
 fears, he made a short turn towards Castillon de la Plana, a 
 considerable, but open town, where his lordship furnished 
 himself with four hundred horses more ; and all this under 
 the assurance that his troops were driving the enemy before 
 them out of the kingdom. Hence he sent orders to Colonel 
 Pierce's regiment at Vinaros to meet him at Oropesa, a place 
 at no great distance ; where, when they came, they were very 
 pleasingly surprised at their being well mounted, and 
 furnished with all accoutrements necessary. After which, 
 leaving them cantoned in walled towns, where they could not 
 be disturbed without artillery, that indefatigable general, 
 leaving them full orders, went on his way towards Tortosa. 
 
 At Vinaros the earl met with advice, that the Spanish 
 militia of the kingdom of Valencia were assembled, and had 
 
844 MEMOIRS OF CAPTAIN CAELETON. 
 
 already advanced, a day's march at least into that country, 
 Upon which, collecting, as fast as he could, the whole corps 
 together, the earl resolved to penetrate into "Valencia directly ; 
 notwithstanding this whole collected body would amount to 
 no more than six hundred horse and two thousand foot. 
 
 But there was a strong pass over a river, just under the 
 walls of Molviedro, which must be first disputed and taken. 
 This, Brigadier Mahoni, by the orders of the Duke of Arcos, 
 who commanded the troops of the Duke of Anjou in the 
 kingdom of Valencia, had taken care to secure. Molviedro, 
 though not very strong, is a walled town, very populous of 
 itself, and had in it, besides a garrison of eight hundred men, 
 most of Mahoni's dragoons. It lies at the very bottom of a 
 high hUl; on the upper part whereof they show the ruins of 
 the once famous Saguntum ; famous sure to eternity, if letters 
 shall last so long, for an inviolable fidelity to a negligent 
 confederate, against an implacable enemy. Here yet appear 
 the visible vestigia of awful antiquity, in half standing arches, 
 and the yet unlevelled walls and towers of that once celebrated 
 city. I could not but look upon all these with the eyes of 
 despite, in regard to their enemy Hannibal ; with those of 
 disdain, in respect to the uncommon and unaccountable 
 supineness of its confederates, the Romans ; but with those 
 of veneration, as to the memory of a glorious people, who, 
 rather than stand reproached with a breach of faith, or the 
 brand of cowardice, chose to sacrifice themselves, their 
 wives, children, and all that was dear to them, in the flames 
 of their expiring city. 
 
 In Molviedro, as I said before, Mahoni commanded, with 
 eight hundred men, besides inhabitants ; which, together 
 with our having but little artillery, induced the officers, under 
 the Earl of Peterborow, reasonably enough to imagine and 
 declare, that there could be no visible appearance of 
 surmounting such difficulties. The earl, nevertheless, instead 
 of indulging such despondencies, gave them hope, that what 
 strength served not to accompUsh, art might possibly obtain. 
 To that purpose, he proposed an interview between himself 
 and Mahoni ; and accordingly sent an officer with a trumpet 
 to intimate his desire. The motion was agreed to ; and the 
 earl having previously stationed his troops to advantage, and 
 his little artUlery at a convenient distance, with orders they 
 should appear on a slow march on the side of a risin'^ hill. 
 
 O * 
 
CAPITULATION OF MOLVIEDRO. 346 
 
 during the time of conferefice, went to the place appointed ; 
 only, as had been stipulated, attended with a small party of 
 horse. When they were met, the earl first offered all he 
 could to engage Mahoni to the interest of King Charles ; 
 proposing some things extravagant enough (as Mahoni 
 himself some time after told me) to stagger the faith of a 
 catholic ; but all to little purpose : Mahoni was inflexible, 
 which obliged the earl to new measures. 
 
 Whereupon the earl frankly told him, that he could not, 
 liowever, but esteem the confidence he had put in him ; and, 
 therefore, to make some retaliation, he was ready to put it in 
 his power to avoid the barbarities lately executed at Villa 
 Real. My relation to you, continued the general, incliaes 
 me to spare a town under your command. You see ho■v^'■ 
 near my forces are ; and can hardly doubt our soon being 
 masters of the place ; what I would therefore ofier you, said 
 the earl, is a capitulation, that my inclination may be held in 
 countenance by my honour. Barbarities, however justified 
 by example, are my utter aversion, and against my nature ; 
 and to testify so much, together with my good will to your 
 person, was the main intent of this interview. 
 
 Thts frankness so far prevailed on Mahoni, that he agreed 
 to return an answer in half an hour. Accordingly, an 
 answer was returned by a Spanish ofiicer, and a capitulation 
 agreed upon : the earl at the same time endeavouring to 
 bring over that ofiicer to King Charles, on much the same 
 topics he used with Mahoni. But finding this equally fruit- 
 less, whether it was that he tacitly reproached the ofiicer 
 with a want of consideration in neglecting to follow the 
 example of his commander, or what else, he created in that 
 officer such a jealousy of Mahoni, that was afterward very 
 serviceable to him in his farther design. 
 
 To forward which to a good issue, the earl immediately 
 made choice of two dragoons, who, upon promise of promotion, 
 undertook to go as spies to the Duke of Arcos, whose forces 
 lay not far off, on the other side a large plain, which the 
 earl must unavoidably pass, and which would inevitably be 
 attended with almost insuperable dangers, if there attacked 
 by a force so much superior. Those spies, according to 
 instructions, were to discover to the duke, that they overheard 
 the conference between the earl and Mahoni ; and at the 
 same time saw a considerable number of pistoles delivered 
 
346 MEMOIRS OP CAPTAIN CARLETON. 
 
 into Mahoni's hands, large promises passing at that instant 
 reciprocally ; but above all, that the earl had recommended 
 to him the procuring the march of the duke over the plain 
 between them. The spies went and delivered all according 
 to concert ; concluding, before the duke, that they would ask 
 no reward, but undergo any punishment, it' Mahoni did not 
 very soon send to the duke a request to march over the plain, 
 in order to put the concerted plot in execution. It was not 
 long after this pretended discovery, before Mahoni did send 
 indeed an officer to the duke, desiring the march of his forces 
 over the plain ; but, in reality, to obstruct the earl's passage, 
 which he knew very well must be that and no other way. 
 However, the duke being prepossessed by the spies, and what 
 those Spanish officers that at first escaped had before infused, 
 took things in their sense ; and as soon as Mahoni, who was 
 forced to make the best of his way over the plain before the 
 Earl of Peterborow, arrived at his camp, he was put under 
 arrest, and sent to Madrid. The duke having thus imbibed 
 the venom, and taken the alarm, immediately decamped in 
 confusion, and took a different route than at first he intended ; 
 leaving that once formidable plain open to the earl, without 
 an enemy to obstruct him. In some little time after he 
 arrived at Madrid, Mahoni made his innocence appear, and 
 was created a general ; while the Duke of Arcos was recalled 
 from his post of honour. 
 
 The day after, we arrived at Valencia ; the gates of which 
 fine city were set open to us with the highest demonstrations 
 of joy. I call it a fine city ; but sure it richly deserves a 
 brighter epithet; since it is a common saying among the 
 Spaniards, that, The pleasures of Valencia would make a 
 Jew forget Jerusalem. It is most sweetly situated in a very 
 beautiful plain, and within half a league of the Mediterranean 
 sea. It never wants any of the fragrancies of nature, and 
 always has something to delight the most curious eye. It is 
 famous to a proverb for fine women ; but as infamous, and 
 only in that so, for the race of bravoes, the common com- 
 panions of the ladies of pleasure in this country. These 
 wretches are so case-hardened they will commit a murder for 
 a dollar, though they run their country for it when they have 
 done. Not that other parts of this nation are uninfested 
 with this sort of animals ; but here their numbers uce so great, 
 that if a catalogue was to be taken of those in other parts oJ 
 
SIX HUNDEED PRISONERS TAKEN TO VALENCIA. 347 
 
 that pountry, perhaps nine in ten would be found by birth to 
 be 01 this province. 
 
 But to proceed: though the citizens, and all sorts of people, 
 were redundant in their various expressions of joy, for an 
 entry so surprising, and utterly lost to their expectation, 
 whatever it was to their wishes, the earl had a secret con- 
 cern for the public, which lay gnawing at his heart, and which 
 yet he was forced to conceal. He knew, that he had not four 
 thousand soldiers in the place, and not powder or ammunition 
 for those; nor any provisions laid in for anything like a siege. 
 On the other hand, the enemy without were upwards of seven 
 thousand, with a body of four thousand more, not fifteen 
 leagues off, on their march to join them. Add to this, the 
 Mareschal de Thesse was no farther off than Madrid, a very 
 few days' march from Valencia ; a short way indeed for the 
 earl, who, as was said before, was wholly unprovided for a 
 siege, which was reported to be the sole end of the mareschal's 
 moving that way. But the earl's never-failing genius re- 
 solved again to attempt that by art, which the strength of his 
 forces utterly disallowed him. And in the first place, his 
 intelligence telling him that sixteen twenty-four-pounders, 
 with stores and ammunition answerable for a siege, were 
 shipped off for the enemy's service at Alicant, the earl forth- 
 with lays a design, and with his usual success intercepts them 
 aU, suppljdng that way his own necessities at the expense of 
 the enemy. 
 
 The four thousand men ready to re-enforce the troops nearer 
 Valencia, were the next point to be undertaken ; but hix: labor, 
 hoc opus; since the greater body under the Conde de las 
 Torres, who, with Mahoni, was now re-instated in his post, 
 lay between the earl and those troops intended to be dis- 
 persed. And what enhanced the difficulty, the river Xucar 
 must be passed in almost the face of the enemy. Great dis- 
 advantages as these were, they did not discourage the earl. 
 He detached by night four hundred horse and eight hundred 
 foot, who marched with such hasty silence, that they sur- 
 prised that great body, routed them, and brought into Valencia 
 six hundred prisoners very safely, notwithstanding they were 
 obliged, under the same night covert, to pass very near a 
 body of three thousand of the enemy's horse. Such a pro- 
 digious victory would hardly have gained credit in that city, 
 if the prisoners brought in had not been living witnesses of 
 
348 MEMOIRS OF CAPTAIN CABLETON. 
 
 the action, as well as the triumph. The (Sonde de las Torres, 
 upon these two military rebuffs, drew off to a more con- 
 venient distance, and left the earl a little more at ease in his 
 new quarters. 
 
 Here the Earl of Peterborow made his residence for some 
 time. He was extremely well beloved ; his affable behaviour 
 exacted as much from all ; and he preserved such a good 
 correspondence with the priests and the ladies, that he never 
 failed of the most early and best intelligence ; a thing by no 
 means to be slighted in the common course of life ; but much 
 more commendable and necessary in a general, vsdth so small 
 an army, at open war, and in the heart of his enemy's 
 country. 
 
 The earl, by this means, some small time after, receiving 
 early intelligence that King Philip was actually on his march 
 to Barcelona, with an army of upwards of twenty-five thou- 
 sand men, under the command of a mareschal of France, 
 began his march towards Catalonia, with all the troops that 
 he could gather together, leaving in Valencia a small body of 
 foot, such as in that exigence could best be spared. The 
 whole body thus collected made very little more than two 
 thousand foot and six hundred horse ; yet resolutely with 
 these he sets out for Barcelona : in the neighbourhood of 
 which, as soon as he arrived, he took care to post himself and 
 his diminutive army in the mountains which environ that 
 city ; where he not only secured them against the enemy, but 
 found himself in a capacity of putting them under perpetual 
 alarms. Nor was the mareschal, with his great army, capable 
 of returning the earl's compliment of disturbance ; since he 
 himself, every six or eight hours, put his troops into such a 
 varying situation, that always when most arduously sought, 
 he was farthest oil from being found. In this manner the 
 general bitterly harassed the troops of the enemy, and by 
 these means struck a perpetual terror into the besiegers. 
 Nor did he only this way annoy the enemy ; the precautions 
 he had used, and the measures he had taken in other places, 
 with a view to prevent their return to Madrid, though the 
 invidious endeavoured to bury them in oblivion, having equally 
 contributed to the driving of the Mareschal of France, and 
 his catholic king out of the Spanish dominions. 
 
 But to go on with the siege : the breaches in the walls of 
 that city, during its siege by the earl, had been put into tole* 
 
TAKING OP THE FOET OF MONJOUICK. 349 
 
 Table repair ; but those of Monjouick, on the contrary, had 
 been as much neglected. However, the garrison made shift 
 to hold out a battery of twenty-three days, with no less than 
 fifty pieces of cannon ; when, after a loss of the enemy of 
 upwards of three thousand men (a moiety of the army em- 
 ployed against it when the earl took it), they were forced to 
 surrender at discretion. And this cannot but merit our ob- 
 servation, that a place which the English general took in 
 little more than an hour, and with very inconsiderable loss, 
 afforded the Mareschal of France a resistance of twenty-three 
 days. 
 
 Upon the taking of Fort Monj ouick, the Mareschal de Thesse 
 gave Immediate orders for batteries to be raised against the 
 town. Those orders were put in execution with all expedition ; 
 and at the same time his army fortified themselves with such 
 intrenchments, as would have ruined the earl's former little 
 army to have raised, or his present much lesser army to have 
 attempted the forcing them. However, they sufficiently 
 demonstrated their apprehensions of that watchful general, 
 who lay hovering over their heads upon the mountains. 
 Their main efibrt was to make a breach between Port St. 
 Antonio and that breach which our forces had made the year 
 before ; to effect which, they took care to ply them very dili- 
 gently both from cannon and mortars ; and in some few days 
 their application was answered with a practicable breach for 
 a storm ; which, however, was prudently deferred for some 
 time, and that through fear of the earl's falling on the back 
 of them whenever they should attempt it, which, consequently, 
 they were sensible, might put them into some dangerous 
 disorder. 
 
 And now it was that the Earl of Peterborow resolved to 
 put in practice the resolution he had some time before con- 
 certed within himself. About nine or ten days before the 
 raising the siege, he had received an express from Brigadier 
 Stanhope (who was aboard Sir John Leake's fleet, appointed 
 for the reKef of the place, with the re-enforcements from 
 England), acquainting the earl, that he had used all possible 
 endeavours to prevail on the admiral to make the best of his 
 way to Barcelona ; but that the admiral, however, persisted 
 in a positive resolution not to attempt the French fleet before 
 that place under the Count de Tholouse, till the ships 
 were joined him, which were expected from Ireland, under 
 
350 MEMOIRS OF CAPTAIN CAKLETON. 
 
 the command of Sir George Bing. True it waj, the fleet 
 under Admiral Leake was of equal strength with that under 
 the French admiral ; but, jealous of the informations he had 
 received, and too ready to conclude that people in distress 
 were apt to make representations too much in their own 
 favour ; he held himself, in point of discretion, obliged not to 
 hazard the queen's ships, when a re-enforcement of both 
 cleaner and larger were under daily expectation. 
 
 This unhappy circumstance (notwithstanding all former 
 glorious deliverances), had almost brought the earl to the 
 brink of despair; and, to increase it, the earl every day 
 received such commands from the king within the place, as 
 must have sacrificed his few forces, without the least proba- 
 bility of succeeding. Those all tended to his forcing his 
 way into the town ; when, in all human appearance, not one 
 man of all that should make the attempt could have done it, 
 with any hope or prospect of surviving. The French were 
 strongly encamped at the foot of the mountains, distant two 
 miles from Barcelona : towards the bottom of those hills, the 
 avenues into the plain were possessed and fortified by great 
 detachments from the enemy's army. From all which it will 
 be evident, that no attempt could be made without giving the 
 enemy time to draw together what body of foot they pleased. 
 Or, supposing it feasible, under all these difficult circum- 
 stances, for some of them to have forced their passage, the 
 remainder, that should have been so lucky to have escaped 
 their foot, would have found themselves exposed in open field 
 to a pursuit of four thousand horse and dragoons ; and that 
 for two miles together ; when, in case of their enclosing them, 
 the bravest troops in the world, under such a situation, would 
 have found it their best way to have surrendered themselves 
 prisoners of war. 
 
 Nevertheless, when Brigadier Stanhope sent that express 
 to the earl, which I just now mentioned, he assured him in 
 the same, that he would use his utmost dilligence, both by 
 sea and land, to let him have timely notice of the conjunction 
 of the fleets, which was now all they had to depend upon : 
 adding withal, that if the earl should at any time receive a 
 letter, or paper, though directed to nobody, and -with nothing 
 in it but a half sheet of paper cut in the middle, he, the earl, 
 might certainly depend upon it that the two fleets were joined, 
 and making the best « f their way for Barcelona. It will 
 
NOVEL EXPERIMENT TO BEACH BARCELONA. 351 
 
 easily be imagined the express was to be well paid ; and 
 being made sensible that he ran little or no hazard in carrying 
 a piece of blank paper, he undertook it, and as fortunately 
 arrived with it to the earl, at a moment when chagrin and 
 despair might have hurried him to some resolution that might 
 have proved fatal. The messenger himself, however, knew 
 nothing of the joining of the fleets, or the meanmg of his 
 message. 
 
 As soon as the Earl of Peterborow received this welcome 
 message from Brigadier Stanhope he marched the very same 
 night, with nis whole little body of forces, to a town on the 
 sea shore, called Sigeth. No person guessed the reason of 
 his march, or knew anything of what the intent of it was. 
 The officers, as formerly, obeyed without inquiry, for they 
 were led to it by so many unaccountable varieties of success, 
 that affiance became a second nature, both in officer and 
 soldier. 
 
 The town of Sigeth was about seven leagues to the west- 
 ward of Barcelona ; where, as soon as the earl with his forces 
 arrived, he took care to secure all the small fishing-boats, 
 feluccas, and sattees ; nay, in a word, every machine in 
 which he could transport any of his men ; so that in two 
 days' time he had got together a number sufficient for the 
 conveyance of all his foot. 
 
 But, a day or two before the arrival of the English fleet 
 off Sigeth, the officers of his troops were under a strange 
 consternation at a resolution their general had taken. Impa- 
 tient of delay, and fearful of the fleets passing by without his 
 knowledge, the earl summoned them together a little before 
 nio-ht, at which time he discovered to the whole assembly, 
 that he himself was obhged to endeavour to get aboard the 
 English fleet ; and that, if possible, before the French scouts 
 should be able to make any discovery of their strength : that, 
 finding himself of no farther use on shore, having already 
 taken the necessary precautions for their transportation and 
 security, they had nothing to do but pursue his orders, and 
 make the best of their way to Barcelona in the vessels which 
 he had provided for them : that they might do this in perfect 
 security when they saw the English fleet pass by ; or if they 
 should pass by in the night, an engagement with the French, 
 which would be an inevitable consequence, would give ther/ 
 sufficient notice what they had to do farther. 
 
352 MEMOIRS OF i;APTAIN CAKLETON. 
 
 Tliis declaration, instead of satisfying, made the officerj 
 ten times more curious ; but when they saw their general 
 going, with a resolution to lie out all night at sea, in an open 
 boat, attended with only one officer, and understood that he 
 intended to row out in his felucca five or six leagues distance 
 from the shore, it is hardly to be expressed what amazement 
 and concern surprised them all. Mr. Crow, the queen's 
 minister, and others, expressed a particular dislike and 
 uneasiness ; but all to no purpose, the earl had resolved upon 
 it. Accordingly, at night, he put out to sea in his open 
 felucca, aU which he spent five leagues from shore, with no 
 other company than one captain and his rowers. 
 
 In the morning, to the great satisfaction of all, officers and 
 others, the earl came again to land ; and immediately began 
 to put his men into the several vessels which lay ready in 
 port for that purpose. But at night their amaze was renewed, 
 when they found their general ready to put in execution his 
 old resolution, in the same equipage, and with the same 
 attendance. Accordingly, he again felucca'd himself; and 
 they saw him no more till they were landed on the mole in 
 Barcelona. 
 
 When the Earl of Peterborow first engaged himsilf in the 
 expedition to Spain, he proposed to the queen and her 
 ministry, that Admiral Shovel might be joined in commission 
 with him in command of the fleet. But this year, when the 
 fleet came through the Straits, under Vice-admiraJ. Leake, 
 the queen had sent a commission to the Earl of Peterborow 
 for the full command whenever he thought fit to come aboard 
 in person. This it was that made the general endeavour, at 
 all hazards, to get aboard the fleet by night ; for he was 
 apprehensive, and the sequel proved his apprehensions too 
 well grounded, that Admiral Leake would make his appear- 
 ance with the whole body of the fleet, which made near twice 
 the number of the ships of the enemy ; in which case it was 
 natural to suppose, that the Count de Tholouse, as soon as 
 ever the French scouts should give notice of our strength, 
 would cut his cables and put out to sea to avoid an engage- 
 ment. On the other hand, the earl was very sensible, that if 
 a part of his ships had kept astern, that the superiority might 
 have appeared on the French side ; or rather, if they had 
 bore away in the night, towards the coast of Africa, and 
 fallen to the eastward of Barcelona the next day, a battle had 
 
TROOPS LANDED IN BARCELONA. 353 
 
 been inevitable, and a victory equally certain ; since the 
 enemy, by this means, had been tempted into an engagement, 
 and their retreat being cut off, and their whole fleet surrounded 
 with almost double their number, there had hardly been left 
 for any of them a probability of escaping. 
 
 Therefore, when the Earl of Peterborow put to sea again 
 the second evening, fearful of losing such a glorious oppor- 
 tunity, and impatient to be aboard to give the necessary 
 orders, he ordered his rowers to obtain the same station, in 
 order to discover the English fleet. And according to his 
 wishes he did fall in with it; but unfortunately the night 
 was so far advanced, that it was impossible for him then to 
 put his project into practice. Captain Price, a gentleman of 
 Wales, who commanded a third-rate, was the person he first 
 came aboard of ; but how amazed was he to find, in an open 
 boat, at open sea, the person who had commission to com- 
 mand the fleet ! So soon as he was entered the ship, the 
 earl sent the ship's pinnace with letters to Admind Leake, to 
 acquaint him with his orders and intentions ; and to Brigadier 
 Stanhope, ynth a notification of his safe arrival; but the dark- 
 ness of the night proved so great an obstacle, that it was a 
 long time before the pinnace could reach the admiral. When 
 day appeared, it was astonishing to the whole fleet, to see 
 the union flag waving at the main-topmast head. Nobody 
 could trust his own eyes, or guess at the meaning, till better 
 certified by the account of an event so singular and extra- 
 ordinary. 
 
 When we were about six leagues' distance from Barcelona, 
 the port we aimed at, one of the French scouts gave the 
 alarm, who making the signal to another, he communicated 
 it to a third, and so on, as we afterward sorrowfully found, 
 and as the earl had before apprehended. The French ad- 
 miral being thus made acquainted with the force of our fleet, 
 hoisted sail, and made the best of his way from us, either 
 pursuant to orders, or under the plausible excuse of a re- 
 treat. 
 
 This favourable opportunity thus lost, there remained 
 nothing to do but to land the troops with all expedition ; 
 which was executed accordingly : the regiments, which the 
 Earl of Peterborow embarked the night before, being the 
 flrst that got into the town. Let the reader imagine h :)w 
 pleasing such a sight must be to those in Barcelona, reduced 
 
 VOL. II. ■* ^ 
 
354: MEMOIRS OP CAPTAIN CAELETON. 
 
 as they were to the last extremity. In this condition to see 
 an enemy's fleet give way to another with reinforcements 
 ti'om England, the sea at the same instant covered with little 
 vessels, crowded with greater succours ; what was there want- 
 ing to complete the glorious scene, but what the general had 
 projected, a fight at sea, under the very walls of the in- 
 vested city, and the ships of the enemy sinking, or towed in 
 by the victorious English ! But night, and a few hours, de- 
 feated the latter part of that well-intended landscape. 
 
 King Philip, and the Mareschal of France, had not failed 
 to push on the siege with aU imaginable vigour ; but this re- 
 treat of the Count de Tholouse, and the news of those rein- 
 forcements, soon changed the scene. Their courage without 
 was abated proportionably, as theirs within was elated. In 
 these circumstances, a councU of war being called, it was 
 unanimously resolved to raise the siege. Accordingly, next 
 morning, the first of May, 1706, while the sun was under a 
 total eclipse, in a suitable hurry and confusion, they broke 
 up, leaving behind them most of their cannon and mortars, 
 together with vast quantities of all sorts of ammunition and 
 provisions, scarce stopping to look back tUl they had left all 
 but the very verge of the disputed dominion behind them. 
 
 King Charles looked with new pleasure upon this lucky effort 
 of his old deliverers. Captivity is a state no way desirable 
 to persons however brave, of the most private station in hfe; 
 but for a king, within two days of falling into the hands of 
 his rival, to receive so seasonable and unexpected a deliver- 
 ance, must be supposed, as it reaUy did, to open a scene to 
 universal rejoicing among us, too high for any words to ex- 
 press, or any thoughts to imagine, to those that were not 
 present and partakers of it. He forthwith gave orders for a 
 medal to be struck suitable to the occasion ; one of which, 
 set round with diamonds, he presented to Sir John Leake, 
 the English admiral. The next orders were for recasting all 
 the damaged brass cannon which the enemy had left ; upon 
 every one of which was, by order, a sun eclipsed, with this 
 motto under it : Magna parvis obscurantur. 
 
 I have often wondered that I never heard anybody curious 
 enough to inquire what could be the motives to the King of 
 Spain's quitting his dominions upon the raising of this siege; 
 very certain it is, that he had a fine army, under the com- 
 mand of a mareschal of France, not very considerably de- 
 
CONTRAST OF THE CONTENDING POWERS. 355 
 
 creased, either by action or desertion ; but all this would 
 rather increase the curiosity than abate it. In my opinion, 
 then, though men might have curiosity enough, the question 
 was purposely evaded, under an apprehension, that an honest 
 answer must inevitably give a higher idea of the general, 
 than their inclinations led them to. At first view, this may 
 carry the face of a paradox ; yet, if the reader will consider, 
 that in every age virtue has had its shaders or malign ers, he 
 will himself easily solve it, at the same time that he finds 
 himself compelled to allow, that those who found themselves 
 unable to prevent his great services, were willing, in a more 
 subtile manner, to endeavour at the annulling of them by 
 silence and concealment. 
 
 This win appear more than bare supposition, if we com- 
 pare the present situation, as to strength, of the two contend- 
 ing powers. The French, at the birth of the siege, consisted 
 of five thousand horse and dragoons, and twenty-flve thou- 
 sand foot ; effective men. Now, grant that their killed and 
 wounded, together with their sick in the hospitals, might 
 amount to five thousand, yet as their body of horse was entire, 
 and in the best condition, the remaining will appear to be an 
 army of twenty-five thousand at least. On the other side, all 
 the forces in Barcelona, even with their reinforcements, 
 amounted to no more than seven thousand foot, and four 
 hundred horse. Why then, when they raised their siege, did 
 not they march back into the heart of Spain, with their so 
 much superior army? or, at least, towards their capital? 
 The answer can be this, and this only ; because the Earl of 
 Peterborow had taken such provident care to render all 
 secure, that it was thereby rendered next to an impossibility 
 for them so to do. That general was satisfied, that the 
 capital of Catalonia must, in course, fall into the hands of 
 the enemy, unless a superior fleet removed the Count de 
 Tholouse, and threw in timely succours into the town ; and 
 as that could not depend upon him, but others, he made it 
 his chief care and assiduous employment to provide against 
 those strokes of fortune to which he found himself again 
 likely to be exposed, as he often had been ; and, therefore, 
 had he recourse to that vigilance and precaution which had 
 often retrieved him, when to others his circumstances seemed 
 to be most desperate. 
 
 The generality of mankind, and the French in particular, 
 
 A A 2 
 
356 MEMOIRS OF CAPTAIN CAELETON. 
 
 were of opinion, that the taking Barcelona would prove a 
 decisive stroke, and put a period to the war in Spain ; and 
 yet at that very instant, I was inclined to believe, that the 
 general flattered himself it would be in his power to give the 
 enemy sufficient mortification, even though the town should 
 be obliged to submit to King Philip. The wise measures 
 taken induced me so to believe, and the sequel approved it; for 
 the earl had so well expended his caution, that the enemy, on 
 the disappointment, found himself under a necessity of quit- 
 ting Spain ; and the same would have put him under equal 
 difficulties, had he carried the place. The French could 
 never have undertaken that siege without depending on their 
 fleet for their artillery, ammunition, and provisions; since 
 they must be inevitably forced to leave behind them the strong 
 towns of Tortosa, Lerida, and Taragona. The earl, there- 
 fore, whose perpetual difficulties seemed rather to render him 
 more sprightly and vigorous, took care himself to examine 
 the whole country between the Ebro and Barcelona ; and, 
 upon his doing so, was pleasingly, as well as sensibly satisfied, 
 that it was practicable to render their return into the heart of 
 Spain impossible, whether they did or did not succeed in the 
 siege they were so intent to undertake. 
 
 There were but three ways they could attempt it : the first 
 of which was by the sea-side, from Taragona towards Tortosa ; 
 the most barren, and consequently the most improper, country 
 in the universe to sustain an army ; and yet to the natural, 
 the earl had added such artificial difficulties, as rendered it 
 absolutely impossible for an army to subsist, or march that 
 way. 
 
 The middle way lay through a better country indeed, yet 
 only practicable by the care which had been taken to make 
 the road so. And even here there was a necessity of marching 
 along the side of a mountain, where, by vast labour and in- 
 dustry, a highway had been cut for two miles, at least, out of 
 the main rock. The earl, therefore, by somewhat of the same 
 labour, soon made it impassable. He employed to that end 
 many thousands of the country people, under a few of his own 
 officers and troops, who, cutting up twenty several places, 
 made so many precipices, perpendicular almost as a wall 
 which rendered it neither safe, or even to be attempted by any 
 single man in his wits, much less by an army. Besides, a 
 very few men, from the higher cliifs of the mountain, might 
 
DIFFICULTIES OF THE FRENCH TROOPS. 357 
 
 have destroyed an army with the arms of nature only, by 
 rolling down large stones, and pieces of the rock, upon the 
 enemy passing below. 
 
 The last and uppermost way lay through the hilly part ol 
 Catalonia, and led to Lerida, towards the head of the Ebro, 
 the strongest place we had in all Spain, and which was as 
 well furnished with a very good garrison. Along this road 
 there lay many old castles and little towns in the mountains, 
 naturally strong ; all which would not only have aiforded 
 opposition, but at the same time have entertained an enemy 
 with variety of difficulties ; and especially as the earl had 
 given orders, and taken care that all cattle, and everything 
 necessary to sustain an army, should be conveyed into places 
 of security, either in the mountains or thereabouts. These 
 three ways thus precautiously secured, what had the earl to 
 apprehend but the safety of the archduke ; which yet was 
 through no default of his, if in any danger from the siege? 
 
 For I well remember, on receipt of an express from the 
 Duke of Savoy (as he frequently sent such to inquire after 
 the proceedings in Spain), I was showed a letter, wrote about 
 this time by the Earl of Peterborow to that prince, which 
 raised my spirits, though then at a very low ebb. It was 
 too remarkable to be forgot ; and the substance of it was, that 
 his highness might depend upon it, that he, the earl, was in 
 much better circumstances than he was thought to be. That 
 the French officers knowing nothing of the situation oi the 
 country, would find themselves extremely disappointed, since, 
 in case the siege was raised, their army should be obliged to 
 abandon Spain ; or, in case the town was taken, they should 
 find themselves shut up in that corner of Catalonia, and 
 under an impossibility of forcing their way back, either 
 through Arragon or Valencia : that, by this means, all Spain, 
 to the Ebro, would be open to the Lord Galoway, who might 
 march to Madrid, or anywhere else, without opposition. That 
 he had no other uneasiness or concern upon him, but for the 
 person ot the archduke, whom he had nevertheless earnestly 
 solicited not to remain in the town on the very first appear- 
 ance ot the intended siege. 
 
558 MEMOIKS OF CAPTAIN CAELETOS. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 THE KING BEGINS mS JOURNEY TO MADRID, AND PETERBOKOW 
 
 TO VALENCIA SAD ACCIDENT AT ST. JAGO PETERBOROW 
 
 LEAVES VALENCIA SAVAGE CRUELTY OF THE SPANIARDS 
 
 AT CAMPILIO ^AMOURS OF TWO ENGLISH OFFICERS WITH 
 
 NUNS — SAINT Vincent's procession — curious customs 
 
 OP THE VAXENCIANS DURING LENT. 
 
 Barcelona being thus relieved, and King Philip forced out 
 of Spain, by these cautious steps taken by the Earl of 
 Peterborow ; before we bring him to Valencia, it wiU be 
 necessary to intimate, that, as it always was the custom of 
 that general to settle, by a council of war, all the measures 
 to be taken, whenever he was obliged for the service to leave 
 the archduke ; a council of war was now accordingly held, 
 where all the general officers, and those in greatest employ- 
 ments at court, assisted. Here everything was in the most 
 solemn manner concerted and resolved upon ; here garrisons 
 were settled for all the strong places, and governors appointed; 
 but the main article then agreed upon was, that King Charles 
 should immediately begin his journey to Madrid, and that by 
 the way of Valencia. The reason assigned for it was, because 
 that kingdom being in his possession, no difficulties could 
 arise which might occasion delay, if his majesty took that 
 route. It was likewise agreed in the same council, that the 
 Earl of Peterborow should embark aU the foot not in garrisons, 
 for their more speedy, as well as more easy conveyance to 
 Valencia. The same council of war agreed, that all the horse 
 in that kingdom should be drawn together; the better to 
 ensure the measures to be taken for the opening and 
 facilitating his majesty's progress to Madrid. 
 
 Accordingly, after these resolutions were taken, the Earl 
 of Peterborow embarks his forces, and sails for Valencia, 
 where he was doubly welcomed by all sorts of people, upon 
 account of his safe arrival, and the news he brought along 
 with it. By the joy they expressed, one would have imagined 
 that the general had escaped the same danger with the king; 
 jind, in truth, had their king arrived with him in person, tha 
 
PETERBORJW WELL RECEIVED AT VALENCIA. 359 
 
 most loyal and zealous would have found themselves at a loss 
 how to have expressed their satisfaction in a more sensible 
 manner. 
 
 Soon after his landing, with his customary vivacity,- he 
 applied himself to put in execution the resolutions taken in 
 the councils of war at Barcelona ; and, a little to improve 
 upon them, he raised an entire regiment of dragoons, bought 
 them horses, provided them clothes, arms, and accoutrements ; 
 and in six weeks' time had them ready to take the field ; a 
 thing, though hardly to be paralleled, is yet scarce worthy to 
 be mentioned among so many nobler actions of his ; yet, in 
 regard to another general, it may merit notice, since, while 
 he had Madrid in possession near four months, he neither 
 augmented his troops, nor laid up any magazines ; neither 
 sent he all that time any one express to concert any measures 
 with the Earl of Peterborow; but lay under a perfect 
 inactivity, or which was worse, negotiating that unfortunate 
 project of carrying King Charles to Madrid by the round- 
 about and ill-concerted way of Arragon ; a project not only 
 contrary to the solemn resolutions of the council of war, but 
 which, in reality, was the root of all our succeeding mis- 
 fortunes ; and that only for the wretched vanity of appearing 
 to have had some share in bringing the king to his capital ; 
 but how minute a share it was, will be manifest, if it be 
 considered that another general had first made the way easy, 
 by driving the enemy out of Spain ; and that the French 
 general only stayed at Madrid till the return of those troops 
 which were, in a manner, driven out of Spain. 
 
 And yet that transaction, doughty as it was, took up four 
 most precious months, which most certainly might have been 
 much better employed in rendering it impossible for the 
 enemy to re-enter Spain; nor had there been any great 
 difficulty in so doing ; but the contrary, if the general at 
 Madrid had thought convenient to have joined the troops 
 under the Earl of Peterborow, and then to have marched 
 directly towards Pampelona, or the frontiers of France. To 
 this the Earl of Peterborow solicited the king, and those 
 about him ; he advised, desired, and entreated him to lose no 
 time, but to put in execution those measures resolved on at 
 Barcelona. A council of wa^- in Valencia renewed the same 
 application ; but all to no purpose, his route was ordered 
 him, and that to meet his majesty on the frontiers of Ar- 
 
360 MEMOIRS OF CAPTAIN CARLETON. 
 
 ragOK. There, indeed, the earl did meet the king ; and tlie 
 French general an army, which, by virtue of a decrepit 
 intelligence, he never saw or heard of till he fled froni it to 
 his camp at Guadalira. Inexpressible was the confusion in 
 this fatal camp ; the king from Arragon, the Earl of Peter- 
 borow from Valencia, arriving in it the same day, almost the 
 same hour that the Earl of Galway entered, under a hasty 
 retreat before the French army. 
 
 But to return to order, which a zeal of justice has made 
 me somewhat anticipate; the earl had not been long at 
 Valencia before he gave orders to Major-general Windham, 
 to march with all the forces he had, which were not above 
 two thousand men, and lay siege to Eequina, a town ten 
 leagues distant from Valencia, and in the way to Madrid. 
 The town was not very strong, nor very large ; but sure the 
 oddliest fortified that' ever was. The houses in a circle con- 
 nectively composed the wall ; and the people, who defended 
 the town, instead of firing from horaworks, counterscarps, and 
 bastions, fired out of the windows of their houses. 
 
 Notwithstanding all which. General Windham found much 
 greater oppositon than he at first imagined ; and therefore, 
 finding he should want ammunition, he sent to the Earl of 
 Peterborow for a supply ; at the same time assigning, as a 
 reason for it, the unexpected obstinacy of the town. So 
 soon as the earl received the letter, he sent for me ; and told 
 me I must repair to Kequina, where they would want an 
 engineer ; and that I must be ready next morning, when he 
 should order a lieutenant, with thirty soldiers, and two 
 matrosses, to guard some powder for that service. Accord- 
 ingly, the next morning we set out, the lieutenant, who 
 was a Dutchman, and commander of the convey, being of 
 my acquaintance. 
 
 We had reached St. Jago, a small village about midway 
 between Valencia and Requina, when the oflScer, just as he 
 was got without the town, resolving to take up his quarters oe 
 the spot, ordered the mules to be unloaded. The powder, 
 which consisted of forty-five barrels; was piled up in a 
 circle, and covered with oil-cloth to preserve it from the 
 weather ; and though we had agreed to sup together at my 
 quarters within the village, yet, being weary and fatigued, he 
 ordered his field-bed to be put up near the powder, and so 
 lay down to take a short nap. I had scarce been at my 
 
SAD ACCIDENT AT ST. JAGO. 361 
 
 quarters an hour, when a sudden shock attacked the house so 
 violently, that it threw down tiles, windows, chimneys and 
 all. It presently came into my head what was the occasion ; 
 and, as my fears suggested, so it proved : for running to the 
 door, I saw a cloud ascending from the spot I left the powder 
 pitched upon. In haste making up to which, nothing was to 
 be seen but the bare circle upon which it had stood. The bed 
 was blown quite away, and the poor lieutenant all to pieces, 
 several of his limbs being found separate, and at a vast 
 distance from each other; and particularly an arm with a 
 ring on one of the fingers. The matrosses were, if possible, 
 in a yet worse condition, that is, as to manglement and 
 laceration. All the soldiers who were standing, and anything 
 near, were struck dead. Only such as lay sleeping on the 
 ground escaped ; and of those one assured me, that the blast 
 removed him several feet from his place of repose. In short, 
 inquiring into this deplorable disaster, I had this account : 
 that a pig running out of the town, the soldiers endeavoured 
 to intercept its return ; but driving it upon the matrosses, 
 one of them, who was jealous of its getting back into the hands 
 of the soldiers, drew his pistol to shoot it, which was the source 
 of this miserable catastrophe. The lieutenant carried along 
 with him a bag of dollars to pay the soldiers' quarters ; of 
 which the people, and the soldiers that were saved, found 
 many, but blown to an inconceivable distance. 
 
 With those few soldiers that remained alive, I proceeded, 
 according to my orders, to Requina ; where, when I arrived, 
 I gave General Windham an account of the disaster at St. 
 Jago. As such it troubled him, and not a little on account 
 of the disappointment. However, to make the best of a bad 
 market, he gave orders for the forming of a mine, under an 
 old castle, which was part of the wall. As it was ordered, so 
 it was begun, more in terrorem, than with any expectation of 
 success from it as a mine. Nevertheless, I had scarce began 
 to frame the oven of the mine, when those within the town 
 desired to capitulate. This being all we could aim at, under 
 the miscarriage of our powder at St. Jago (none being yet 
 arrived to supply that defect), articles were readily granted 
 them ; pursuant to which, that part of the garrison, which 
 was composed of Castilian gentry, had liberty to go where- 
 ever they thought best, and the restwere made prisoners of war. 
 Bequina being thus reduced to the obedience of Charles III., 
 
362 MEMOIRS OF CAPTAIN CAELETON. 
 
 a new raised regiment of Spaniards was left in garrison, the 
 colonel of which was appointed governor ; and om supply 
 of powder having at last got safe to us, Greneral Windham 
 marched his little army to Cuenca. 
 
 Cuenca is a considerable city, and a bishopric ; therefore, 
 to pretend to sit down before it with such a company of 
 foragers, rather than an army, must be placed among the 
 hardy influences of the Earl of Peterborow's auspicious 
 administration. On the out part of Cuenca there stood an 
 old castle, from which, upon our approach, they played upon 
 us furiously : but as soon as we could bring two pieces of 
 our cannon to bear, we answered their fire with so good success, 
 that we soon obliged them to retire into the town. We had 
 raised a battery of twelve guns against the city, on their 
 rejection of the summons sent them to come under the obedience 
 of King Charles ; going to which, from the old castle last 
 reduced, I received a shot on the toe of one of my shoes, which 
 carried that part of the shoe entirely away, without any 
 farther damage. 
 
 When I came to that battery, we plied them warmly (as 
 well as from three mortars), for the space of three days, their 
 nights included ; but observing, that in one particular house 
 they were remarkably busy, people thronging in and out 
 below, and those above firing perpetually out of the windows, 
 I was resolved to have one shot at that window, and made 
 those officers about me take notice of it. True it was, the 
 distance would hardly allow me to hope for success ; yet as 
 the experiment could only be attended with the expense of a 
 single ball, I made it. So soon as the smoke of my own 
 cannon would permit it, we could see clouds of dust issuing 
 from out of the window, which, together with the people's 
 crowding out of doors, convinced the officers, whom I had 
 desired to take notice of it, that I had been no bad marksman. 
 
 Upon this, two priests were sent out of the place with 
 proposals ; but they were so triflingly extravagant, that as 
 soon as ever the general heard them, he ordered their answer 
 in a fresh renewal of the fire of both cannon and mortars. 
 And it happeend to be with so much havoc and execution, 
 that they were soon taught reason ; and sent back their 
 divines with much more moderate demands. After the 
 general had a little modelled these last, they were accepted ; 
 and according to the articles of capitulation, the C7ty was that 
 
EETKEAT FEOM VALENCIA. 363 
 
 verj day surrendered into our possession. The Earl of 
 Duncannon's regiment took guard of all the gates ; and King 
 Charles was proclaimed in due form. 
 
 The Earl of Peterborow, during this expedition, had left 
 Valencia, and was arrived at my Lord Galway's camp at 
 Gaudalaxara: who, for the confederates, and King Charles 
 in particular, unfortunately was ordered from Portugal, to 
 take the command from a general, who had all along been 
 almost miraculously successful, and by his own great actions 
 paved the way for a safe passage to that of his supplanter. 
 
 Yet, even in this fatal place, the Earl of Peterborow made 
 some proposals, which had they been embraced, might, in all 
 probability, have secured Madrid from falling into the hands 
 of the enemy : but, in opposition thereto, the Lord Galway, 
 and all his Portuguese officers, were for forcing the next day 
 the enemy to battle. The almost only person against it was 
 the Earl of Peterborow ; who then and there took the liberty 
 to evince the impossibility of coming to an engagement. This 
 the next morning too evidently made apparent, when, upon 
 the first motion of our troops towards the river, which they 
 pretended to pass, and must pass, before they could engage, 
 they were so warmly saluted from the batteries of the enemy, 
 and their small shot, that our regiments were forced to retire 
 in confusion to their camp. By which rebuff, all heroical 
 imaginations were at present laid aside, to consider how they 
 might make their retreat to Valencia. 
 
 The retreat being at last resolved on, and a multiplicity of 
 generals rendering our bad circumstances much worse, the 
 Earl of Peterborow met with a fortunate reprieve, by 
 solicitations from the queen, and desires tantamount to orders, 
 that he would go with the troops left in Catalonia, to the relief 
 of the Duke of Savoy. It is hardly to be doubted, that that 
 general was glad to withdraw from those scenes of confusion, 
 which were but too visible to eyes even less discerning 
 than his. However, he forbore to prepare himself to put her 
 majesty's desires in execution, as they were not peremptory, 
 till it had been resolved by the unanimous consent of a council 
 of war, where the king, all the generals, and ministers, were 
 present, that it was expedient for the service that the Earl of 
 Peterborow, during the winter season, should comply with 
 her majesty's desires, and go for Italy ; since he might return 
 before the opening of the campaign, if it should be necessary 
 
364 MEMOIRS OF CAPTAIN CARLETON. 
 
 And return indeed he did, before the campaign opened, and 
 brought along with him 100,000Z. from Genoa, to the great 
 comfort and support of our troops, which had neither money 
 nor credit. But, on his return, that noble earl found the Lord 
 Galway had been near as successful against him, as he had 
 been unsuccessful against the enemy. Thence was the Earl 
 of Peterborow recalled to make room for an unfortunate 
 general, who, the next year, suffered himself to be decoyed 
 into that fatal battle of Almanza. 
 
 The Earl of Peterborow, on his leaving Valencia, had 
 ordered his baggage to follow him to the camp at Guadalaxara; 
 and it arrived in our little camp, so far safe in its way to the 
 greater at Guadalaxara. I think it consisted of seven loaded 
 waggons; and General "Windham gave orders for a small 
 guard to escort it ; under which they proceeded on their 
 journey: but, about eight leagues from Cuenca, at a pretty 
 town called Huette, a party from the Duke of Berwick's army, 
 with boughs in their hats, the better to appear what they 
 were not (for the bough in the hat is the badge of the English, 
 as white paper is the badge of the French), came into the 
 town, crjring all the way. Viva Carlos Tercero, Viva ! With 
 these acclamations in their mouths, they advanced up to the 
 very waggons ; when attacking the guards, who had too much 
 deluded themselves with appearances, they routed them, and 
 immediately plundered the waggons of all that was valuable, 
 and then marched off. 
 
 The noise of this soon reached the ears of the Earl of 
 Peterborow at Guadalaxara ; when leaving my Lord Galway's 
 camp, pursuant to the resolutions of the council of war, with 
 a party only of fourscore of Killegrew's dragoons, he met 
 general Windham's little army within a league of Huette, the 
 place where his baggage had been plundered. The earl had 
 strong motives of suspicion, that the inhabitants had given 
 intelligence to the enemy ; and, as it is very natural, giving 
 way to the first dictates of resentment, he resolved to have 
 laid the town in ashes ; but when he came near it, the clergy 
 and magistrates, upon their knees, disavowing the charge, 
 and asserting their innocence, prevailed on the good nature 
 of that generous earl, without any great difficulty, to spare 
 the town, at least not to burn it. 
 
 We marched, however, into the town, and that night took 
 up our quarters there ; and the magistrates, under the dread 
 
THE NUNNEET AT HUETTE. 365 
 
 of our avenging ourselves, on their part took care that we 
 were well supplied. But, when they were made sensible ot 
 the value of the loss which the earl had sustained, and that 
 on a moderate computation it amounted to at least eight 
 thousand pistoles, they voluntarily presented themselves next 
 morning, and, of their own accord, offered to make his lord- 
 ship fuU satisfaction, and that, in their own phrase, de contado, 
 in ready money. The earl was not displeased at their offer ; 
 but generously made answer. That he was just come from 
 my Lord Galway's camp at Chincon, where he found they 
 were in a likelihood of wanting bread ; and, as he imagined 
 it might be easier to them to raise the value in corn, than in 
 ready money ; if they would send to that value in corn, to 
 the Lord Galway's camp, he would be satisfied. This they 
 with joy embraced, and immediately complied vidth. 
 
 I am apt to think the last century (and I very much fear 
 the current will be as deficient), can hardly produce a parallel 
 instance of generosity, and true public-spiritedness ; and the 
 world will be of my opinion, when I have corroborated this 
 with another passage some years after. The commissioners 
 for stating the debts due to the army, meeting daily for that 
 purpose, at their house in Darby-court in Channel-row, I 
 there mentioned to Mr. Read, gentleman to his lordship, this 
 very just and honourable claim upon the government, as 
 monies advanced for the use of the army ; who told me, in a 
 little time after, that he had mentioned it to his lordship, but 
 with no other effect than to have it rejected with a generous 
 disdain. 
 
 While we stayed atHuette, there was alittle incident in life, 
 which gave me great diversion. The earl, who maintained 
 a good correspondence with the fair sex, hearing from one of 
 the priests of the place, that, on the alarm of burning the 
 town, one of the finest ladies in all Spain had taken refuge in 
 the nunnery, was desirous to speak with her. 
 
 The nunnery stood upon a small rising hiU within the 
 town, and, to obtain the view, the earl had presently in his 
 head this stratagem ; he sends for me, as engineer, to have 
 my advice, how to raise a proper fortification upon that hill, 
 out of the nunnery. I waited upon his lordship to the place, 
 where, declaring the intent of our coming, and giving plau- 
 sible reasons for it, the train took, and immediately the lady 
 abbess, and the fair lady came out to make intercession, that 
 
366 MEMOIRS OP CAPTAIN CARLETON. 
 
 his lordship would be pleased to lay aside that design. The 
 divine oratory of one, and the beautiful charms of the other, 
 prevailed ; so his lordship left the fortification to be the work 
 of some future generation. 
 
 From Huette the Earl of Peterborow marched forwards 
 for Valencia, with only those fourscore dragoons, which came 
 with him from Chincon, leaving General Windham pursuing 
 his own orders to join his forces to the army, then under the 
 command of the Lord Galway. But stopping at Campilio, a 
 little town in our way, his lordship had information of a most 
 barbarous fact committed that very morning by the Spaniards, 
 at a small villa, about a league distant, upon some English 
 soldiers. 
 
 A captain of the English guards (whose name has slipped 
 my memory, though I well knew the man), marching in order 
 to join the battalion of the guards, then under the command 
 of General Windham, with some of his soldiers that had been 
 in the hospital, took up his quarters in that little villa. But, 
 on his marching out of it, next morning, a shot in the back 
 laid that officer dead upon the spot ; and, as it had been 
 before concerted, the Spaniards of the place at the same time 
 feU upon the poor weak soldiers, killing several; not even 
 sparing their wives. This was but a prelude to their bar- 
 barity ; their savage cruelty was only whetted, not glutted. 
 They took the surviving few, hurried and dragged them up a 
 hill, a little without the viUa. On the top of this hill there 
 was a hole, or opening, somewhat like the mouth of one of 
 our coal-pits ; down this they cast several, who with hideous 
 shrieks and cries, made more hideous by the echoes of the 
 chasm, there lost their lives. 
 
 This relation was thus made to the Earl of Pet«rborow, at 
 his quarters at Campilio, who immediately gave orders for to 
 sound to horse. At first we were all surprised; but were 
 soon satisfied, that it was to revenge, or rather do justice on, 
 this barbarous action. 
 
 As soon as we entered the vUla, we found that most of the 
 inhabitants, but especially the most guilty, had vnthdrawn 
 themselves on our approach. We found, however, many of 
 the dead soldiers' clothes, which had been conveyed into the 
 church, and there hid. And a strong accusation being laid 
 against a person belonging to the church, and full proof made 
 that he had been singularly industrious in the execution o) 
 
PEEILOUS POSITION OF A POOR SOLDIER. 367 
 
 that horrid piece of barbarity on the hill, his lordship com- 
 manded him to be hanged up at the knocker of the door. 
 
 After this piece of military justice, we were led up to the 
 fatal pit, or hole, down which many had been cast headlong. 
 There we found one poor soldier alive, who, upon his throwing 
 in, had catched fast hold of some impending bushes, and 
 saved himself on a little jutty within the concavity. On 
 hearing us talk English, he cried out ; and ropes being let 
 down, in a little time he was drawn up ; when he gave us an 
 ample detail of the whole villany. Among other particulars, 
 I remember he told me of a- very narrow escape he had in 
 that obscure recess. A poor woman, one of the wives of the 
 soldiers, who was thrown down after him, struggled, and 
 roared so much, that they could not, with all their force, 
 throw her cleverly in the middle ; by which means, falling 
 near the side, in her fall she almost beat him from his place 
 of security. 
 
 Upon the conclusion of this tragical relation of the soldier 
 thus saved, his lordship gave immediate orders for the firing 
 of the viHa, which was executed with due severity; after 
 which his lordship marched back to his quarters at Campilio ; 
 from whence, two days after, we arrived at Valencia ; where, 
 the first thing presented to that noble lord, was all the papers 
 taken in the plunder of his baggage, which the Duke of 
 Berwick had generously ordered to be returned him, without 
 waste or opening. 
 
 It was too manifest, after the earl's arrival at this city, 
 that the alteration in the command of the English forces, 
 which before was only received as a rumour, had deeper 
 grounds for belief than many of his friends in that city could 
 have wished. His lordship had gained the love of all by a 
 thousand engaging condescensions ; even his gallantries, being 
 no way prejudicial, were not oftiensive ; and though his lord- 
 ship did his utmost to conceal his chagrin, the sympathy of 
 those around him made such discoveries upon him, as would 
 have disappointed a double portion of his caution. They had 
 seen him undated under successes, that were so near being 
 unaccountable, that, in a country of less superstition than 
 Spain, they might almost have passed for miraculous ; they 
 knew tull well, that nothing bat that series of successes had 
 paved a passage tor the general that was to supersede him ; 
 
363 MEMOIRS OF CAPTAJN CAKLETON. 
 
 those only having removed all the difficulties of his march 
 horn Portugal to Madrid ; they knew him the older general ; 
 and therefore, not knowing that, in the court he came from, 
 intngue was too often the soul of merit, they could not but 
 be amazed at a change, which his lordship was unwilling 
 anybody should perceive by himself. 
 
 It was upon this account, that, as formerly, he treated the 
 ladies with balls, and to pursue the dons in their ovra humour, 
 ordered a tawridore, or bull-feast. In Spain, no sort of 
 public diversions are esteemed equal with this. But the bulls 
 provided at Valencia, not being of the right breed, nor ever 
 initiated in the mysteries, did not acquit themselves at all 
 masterly; and, consequently, did not give the diversion or 
 satisfaction expected. For which reason I shall omit giving 
 a description of this bull-feast ; and desire my reader to sus- 
 pend his curiosity till I come to some, which, in the Spanish 
 sense, were much more entertaining ; that is, attended with 
 much greater hazards and danger. 
 
 But though I have said the gallantries of the general were 
 mostly political, at least very inoffensive ; yet there happened 
 about this time, and in this place, a piece of gallantry, that 
 gave the earl a vast deal of offence and vexation ; as a matter 
 that in its consequences might have been fatal to the interest 
 of King Charles, if not to the English nation in general; and 
 which I the rather relate, in that it may be of use to young 
 officers and others ; pointing out to them the danger, not to 
 say folly, of inadvertent and precipitate engagements, under 
 unruly passions. 
 
 I have said before, that Valencia is famous for fine women. 
 It indeed abounds in them ; and among those, are great 
 numbers of courtezans, not inferior in beauty to any. 
 Nevertheless, two of our English officers, not caring for the 
 common road, however safe, resolved to launch into the 
 deeper seas, though attended with much greater danger. 
 Amours, the common failing of that fair city, was the occasion 
 of this accident, and two nuns the objects. It is customary 
 in that country for young people, in an evening, to resort to 
 the grates of the nunneries, there to divert themselves, and 
 the nuns, with a little pleasant and inoffensive chit-chat. For, 
 though I have heard some relate a world of nauseous passages 
 at such conversations, I must declare that I never saw or 
 
TWO NUNS ELOPE WITH TVfO OFFICERS. 369 
 
 heard anything unseemly ; and therefore, whenever I have 
 heard any such from such fabulists, I never so much wronged 
 my judgment as to afford them credit. 
 
 Our two officers were very assiduous at the grates of a 
 nunnery in this place ; and having there pitched upon two 
 nuns, prosecuted their amours with such vigour, that, in a 
 little time, they had made a very great progress in their 
 affections, without in the least considering the dangers that 
 must attend themselves and the fair ; they had exchanged 
 vows, and prevailed upon the weaker vessels to endeavour to 
 get out to their lovers. To effect which, soon after, a plot 
 was laid ; the means, the hour, and everything agreed upon. 
 
 It is the custom of that nunnery, as of many others, for 
 the nuns to take their weekly courses in keeping the keys of 
 all the doors. The two love-sick ladies giving notice to their 
 lovers at the grate, that one of their turns was come, the 
 night and hour was appointed, which the officers punctually 
 observing, carried off their prey without either difficulty or 
 interruption. 
 
 But next morning when the nuns were missing, what an 
 uproar was there over aU the city ! The ladies were both of 
 quality ; and therefore the tidings were first carried to their 
 relations. They received the news with vows of utmost 
 vengeance ; and, as is usual in that country, put themselves 
 in arms for that purpose. There needed no great canvassing 
 for discovering who were the aggressors; the officers had been 
 too frequent, and too public in their addresses, to leave any 
 room for question. Accordingly, they were complained of 
 and sought for; but sensible at last of their past temerity, they 
 endeavoured, and with a great deal of difficulty, perfected their 
 escape. 
 
 Less fortunate were the two fair nuns ; their lovers, in their 
 utmost exigency, had forsaken them ; and they, poor creatures, 
 knew not where to fly. Under this sad dilemma they were 
 taken ; and, as in like offences, condemned directly to the 
 punishment of immuring. And what greater punishment is 
 there on earth, than to be confined between four narrow 
 walls, only open at the top ; and thence to be half supported 
 with bread and water, till the offenders gradually starve to 
 death? 
 
 The Earl of Peterborow, though highly exasperated at the 
 proceedings of his officers, in compassion to the unhappy fair, 
 "vol. II. B r 
 
370 MEMOIRS OF CAPTAIN CAELETON. 
 
 resolved to interpose by all the moderate means possible. 
 He knew very v\rell, that no one thing could so much preju- 
 dice the Spaniard against him, as the countenancing such an 
 action : wherefore, he inveighed against the oiRcers, at the 
 same time that he endeavoured to mitigate in favour of the 
 ladies : but all was in vain ; it was urged against those chari- 
 table intercessions, that they had broke their vows ; and, in 
 that, had broke in upon the laws of the nunnery and religion; 
 the consequence of all which could be nothing less than the 
 punishment appointed to be inflicted. And, which was the 
 hardest of all, the nearest of their relations most opposed all 
 his generous mediations; and those, who according to the 
 common course of nature, should have thanked him for his 
 endeavours to be instrumental in rescuing them from the im- 
 pending danger, grew more and more enraged, because he 
 opposed them in their design of a cruel revenge. 
 
 Notwithstanding all which the earl persevered ; and after 
 a deal of labour, first got the penalty suspended ; and, soon 
 after, by the dint of a very considerable sum of money (a 
 most powerful argument which prevails in every country), 
 saved the poor nuns from immuring ; and at last, though with 
 great reluctance, he got them received again into the nunnery. 
 As to the warlike lovers, one of them was the year after 
 slain at the battle of Almanza ; the other is yet living, being 
 a brigadier in the army. 
 
 While the Earl of Peterborow was here with his little army 
 of great heretics, neither priests nor people were so open in 
 their superstitious fopperies, as I at other times found them. 
 For which reason I will make bold, and by an antichronism 
 in this place, a little anticipate some observations that i made 
 some time after the earl left it. And as I have not often 
 committed such a transgression, I hope it may be the more 
 excusable now, and no way blemish my Memoirs, that I break 
 in upon the series of my journal. 
 
 Valencia is a handsome city, and a bishopric ; and is con- 
 siderable, not only for the pleasantness of its situation and 
 beautiful ladies, but (which at some certain times, and on 
 some occasions, to them is more valuable than both those put 
 together) for being the birth-place of St. Vincent, the patron 
 of the place; and next, for its being the place where Santo 
 Domingo, the first institutor of the Dominican order, had his 
 education. Here, in honour of the last, is a spacious and 
 
CONVENT OP THE DOMINICANS. 371 
 
 very splendid convent of the Dominicans. Walking by 
 which, I one day observed over the gate, a figure of a man 
 in stone; and near it, a dog "with a lighted torch in his mouth. 
 The image I rightly enough took to intend that of the saint ; 
 but enquiring of one of the order at the gate the meaning oi 
 the figures near it, he very courteously asked me to walk in, 
 and then entertained me with the following relation : — 
 
 When the mother of Santo Domingo, said that religious, 
 was with child of that future saint, she had a dream which 
 veiy much afflicted her. She dreamt that she heard a dog 
 bark in her belly ; and inquiring (at what oracle is not said) 
 the meaning of her dream, she was told, That that child 
 should bark out the Gospel (excuse the bareness of the 
 expression, it may run better in Spanish ; though, if I 
 remember right, Erasmus gives it in Latin much the same 
 turn), which should thence shine out like that lighted torch. 
 And this is the reason, that wherever you see the image ot 
 that saint, a dog and a lighted torch is in the group. 
 
 He told me at the same time, that there had been more 
 popes and cardinals of that order than of any, if not all the 
 other. To confirm which, he led me into a large gallery, on 
 each side whereof he showed me the pictures of all the popes 
 and cardinals that had been of that order ; among which, I 
 particularly took notice of that of Cardinal Howard, great 
 uncle to the present Duke of Norfolk. But after many 
 encomiums of their society, with which he interspersed his 
 discourse, he added one that I least valued it for, that the 
 sole care and conduct of the inquisition was intrusted with 
 them. 
 
 Finding me attentive, or not so contradictory as the 
 English humour generally is, he next brought me into a fair 
 and large cloister, round which I took several turns with him ; 
 and, indeed, the place was too delicious to tire, under a 
 conversation less pertinent or courteous than that he 
 entertained me with. In the middle of the cloister, was 
 a small, but pretty and sweet grove of orange and lemon 
 trees ; these bore fruit ripe and green, and flowers, altogether 
 on one tree ; and their fruit was so very large and beautiful, 
 and their flowers so transcendently odoriferous, that all I had 
 ever seen of the like kind in England, could comparatively 
 pass only for beauty in epitome, or nature imitated in wax- 
 
 B p 2 
 
372 MEMoms OP captain cakleton. 
 
 work. Many flocks also of pretty little birds, with their 
 cheerful notes, added not a little to my delight. In short, in 
 life, I never knew or found three of my senses at once so 
 exquisitely gratified. 
 
 Not far from this. Saint Vincent, the patron, as I said 
 before, of this city, has a chapel dedicated to him^ Once a 
 year they do him honour in a sumptuous procession. Then 
 are their streets all strewed with flowers, and their houses set 
 off with their richest tapestries ; every one strives to excel his' 
 neighbour in distinguishing himself by the honour he pays to 
 that saint ; and he is the best catholic, as well as the best 
 citizen, in the eye of the religious, who most exerts himself 
 on this occasion. 
 
 The procession begins with a cavalcade of all the friars of 
 all the convents in and about the city. These walk two and 
 two with folded arms, and eyes cast down to the very ground, 
 and with the greatest outward appearance of humility imagin- 
 able ; nor, though the temptation from the fine women that 
 filled their windows, or the rich tapestries that adorned the 
 'balconies, might be allowed sufficient to attract, could 
 I observe that any one of them all ever moved them 
 •upwards. 
 
 After the friars is borne, upon the shoulders of twenty 
 men at least, an image of that saint, of solid silver, large as 
 the life : it is placed in a great chair, of silver likewise ; the 
 •staves that bear him up, and upon which they bear him, 
 being of the same metal. The whole is a most costly and 
 curious piece ot workmanship, such as my eyes never before 
 or since beheld. 
 
 The magistrates follow the image and its supporters, 
 ■dressed in their richest apparel, which is always on this day, 
 and on this occasion, piarticularly sumptuous and distinguish- 
 ing. Thus is the 'image, in the greatest splendour, borne 
 and accompanied round that fine city ; and at last conveyed to 
 the place from whence it came; and so concludes that 
 annual ceremony. 
 
 The Valencians, as to the exteriors of religion, are the most 
 devout of any m Spain, though in common life you find them 
 amorous, gallant, and gay, like other people, yet, on solemn 
 occasions, there shines outright such a spirit, as proves them 
 the very bigots of bigotry ; as a proof of which assertion, I 
 
CUSTOMS OP THE VALENCIANS. 373 
 
 wrill now give some account of such observations as I had 
 time to make upon them, during two Lent seasons while I 
 resided there. ' 
 
 The week before the Lent commences, commonly known, 
 by the name of Carnival Time, the whole city appears a 
 perfect Bartholomew fair ; the streets are crowded, and the 
 houses empty ; nor is it possible to pass along without some 
 gambol or jack-pudding trick offered to you. Ink, water, 
 and sometimes ordure, are sure to be hurled at your face or 
 clothes ; and if you appear concerned or angry, they rejoice at 
 it, pleased the more, the more they displease ; for all other 
 resentment is at that time out of season, though at other 
 times few in the world are fuller of resentment, or more 
 captious. 
 
 The younger gentry, or dons, to express their gallantry, 
 carry about them egg-shells, filled with orange or other 
 sweet water, which they cast at ladies in their coaches, or such 
 other of the fair sex as they happen to meet in the streets. 
 
 But, after all, if you would think them extravagant to-day, 
 as much transgressing the rules of common civility, and 
 neither regarding decency to one another, nor the duty- they 
 owe to Almighty God ; yet when Ash-Wednesday comes, 
 you will imagine them more unaccountable in their conduct, 
 being then as much too excessive in all outward indications 
 of humility and repentance. Here you shall meet one bare- 
 footed, with a cross on his shoulder, a burthen rather fit for 
 somewhat vnth four feet, and which his poor two are ready 
 to sink under, yet the vain wretch bears and sweats, and 
 sweats and bears, in hope of finding merit in an ass^s 
 labour. 
 
 Others you shall see naked to their waists, whipping 
 themselves with scourges made for the purpose, till the blood 
 follows eveiy stroke ; and no man need be at a loss to follow 
 them by the very tracks of gore they shed in this frantic per- 
 ambulation. Some who, from the thickness of their hides, or 
 other impediments, have not power by their scourgings to 
 fetch blood of themselves, are followed by surgeons with their 
 lancets, who, at every turn, make use of them, to evince the 
 extent of their patience and zeal by the smart of their folly. 
 While others, mingling amour with devotion, take particular 
 care to present themselves all macerated before the windows 
 
374 MEMOIRS OF CAPTAIN CARLETON. 
 
 of their miscresses ; and even in that condition, not satisfied 
 with what they have barbarously done to themselves, thej 
 have their operators at hand, to evince their love by the 
 . number of their gashes and vifounds ; imagining the more 
 blood they lose, the more love they show, and the more they 
 shall gain. These are generally devotees of quality ; though 
 the tenet is universal, that he that is most bloody is most 
 devout. 
 
 After these street exercises, these ostentatious castigations, 
 are over, these self-sacriflcers repair to the great church, the 
 bloodier the better; there they throw themselves, in a 
 condition too vile for the eye of a female, before the image 
 of the Virgin Mary ; though I deiy all their race of Fathers, 
 and their infallible Holy Father into the bargain, to produce 
 any authority to fit it for behef, that she ever delighted in 
 such sanguinary holocausts. 
 
 "During the whole time of Lent, you will see in every 
 street some priest or friar, upon some stall or stool, preaching 
 up repentance to the people ; and with violent blow on his 
 breast, crying aloud, Mia culpa, mia maxima culpa, till he 
 extract reciprocal returns from the hands of his auditors on 
 their own breasts. 
 
 "When Good-Friday is come, they entertain it vdth the 
 most profound show of reverence and religion, both in their 
 streets and in their churches. In the last, particularly, they 
 have contrived about twelve o'clock suddenly to darken them, 
 so as to render them quite gloomy. This they do, to intimate 
 the eclipse of the sun, which at that time happened. And 
 to signify the rending of the vail of the temple, you are 
 struck with a strange artificial noise at the very same instant. 
 But when Easter-day appears, you find it in all respects 
 with them a day of rejoicing ; for though abstinence from 
 flesh with them, who at no time eat much, is not so great a 
 mortification as with those of the same persuasion in other 
 countries, who eat much more, yet there is a visible satisfaction 
 darts out at their eyes, which demonstrates their inward 
 pleasure in being set free from the confinement of mind to 
 the dissatisfaction of the body. Every person you now meet 
 greets you with a Eesurrexit Jesus ; a good imitation of the 
 primitive Christians, were it the real effect of devotion. 
 And all sor'.s of the best music (which here indeed is the 
 
SIEGE OP ALICANT. 375 
 
 best in all Spain), proclaim an auspicious valediction to the 
 departed season of superficial sorrow and stupid superstition. 
 But enough of this : I proceed to weightier matters. 
 
 CHAPTER Vn. 
 
 ALICANT BESIEGED BY GENERAL G0K6E KEMARKABLE FEAT 
 
 OF A SCOTCH DRAGOON MESSENGER TO ALICANT LETTER 
 
 FROM THE KING OP SPAIN TO THE QUEEN OF ENGLAND 
 
 THE SIEGE OF CARTHAGENA SIGNAL DEFEAT OF THE 
 
 ENGLISH BEFORE VILLENA COMIC APPEARANCE OF MAJOR 
 
 BOTD ON HIS JOURNEY TO VENISSA ^INTERESTING ACCOUNT 
 
 OF hermit's CELLS AT MONTSERAT. 
 
 While we lay at Valencia, under the vigilance and care of 
 the indefatigable earl, news was brought, that Alicant was 
 besieged by General Gorge by land, while a squadron of men- 
 of-war battered it from the sea ; from both which the besiegers 
 played their parts so well, and so warmly plied them with 
 their cannon, that an indifferent practicable breach was made 
 in a little time. 
 
 Mahoni commanded in the place, being again received into 
 favour ; and cleared as he was of those political insinuations 
 before intimated, he now seemed resolved to confirm his in- 
 nocence by a resolute defence. However, perceiving that all 
 preparations tended towards a storm, and knowing full well 
 the weakness of the town, he vrithdrew his garrison into the 
 castle, leaving the town 'to the defence of its own in- 
 habitants. 
 
 Just as that was doing, the sailors, not much skilled in 
 sieges, nor at all times capable of the coolest consideration, 
 with a resolution natural to them, stormed the walls to the side 
 of the sea; where, not meeting with much opposition (for the 
 people of the town apprehended the least danger there), they 
 soon got into the place ; and, as soon as got in, began to 
 plunder. This obliged the people, for the better security of 
 themselves to open their gates, and seek a refuge under one 
 eremy in opposition to the rage of another. 
 
 (jeneral Gorge, as soon as he entered the town, with a 
 
376 MEMOIRS or captain caeleton. 
 
 good deal of seeming lenity, put a stop to the ra-vages of the 
 sailors ; and ordered proclamation to be made throughout the 
 place, that all the inhabitants should immediately bring in 
 their best effects into the great church for their better 
 security. This was by the mistaken populace as readily 
 complied with ; and neither friend nor foe at all disputing 
 the command, or questioning the integrity of the intention, 
 the church was presently crowded with riches of all sorts and 
 sizes. Yet, after some time remaining there, they were all 
 taken out, and disposed of by those that had as little property 
 in them as the sailors they were pretended to be preserved 
 from 
 
 The Earl of Peterborow, upon the very first news of the 
 siege, had left Valencia, and taken shipping for Alicant, 
 where he arrived soon after the surrender of the town, and 
 that outcry of the goods of the townsmen. Upon his arrival, 
 Mahoni, who was blocked up in the castle, and had expe- 
 rienced his indefatigable diligence, being in want of provisions, 
 and without much hope of relief, desired to capitulate. The 
 earl granted him honourable conditions, upon which he de- 
 livered up the castle, and Gorge was made governor. 
 
 Upon his lordship's taking ship at Valencia, I had an op- 
 portunity of marching with those dragoons which escorted 
 him from Castile, who had received orders to march into 
 Murcia. We quartered the first night at Alcira, a town that 
 the river Segra almost surrounds, which renders it capable 
 of being made a place of vast strength, though now of small 
 importance. 
 
 The next night we lay at Xativa, a place famous for its 
 steadiness to King Charles. General Basset, a Spaniard, 
 being governor, it was besieged by the forces of King Philip; 
 but, after a noble resistance, the enemy were beat off, and the 
 siege raised ; for which effort, it is supposed, that on the 
 retirement of King Charles out of this country, it was de- 
 prived of its old name Xativa, and is now called San Felippo ; 
 though to this day, the people thereabout much disallow by 
 their practice, that novel denomination. 
 
 We marched next morning by Monteza ; which gives name 
 to the famous title of knights of Monteza. It was, at the 
 time that Colonel O'Guaza, an Irishman, was governor, be- 
 sieged by the people of the country, in favour of King 
 Charles: but verv ineffectually, so it never changed its 
 
COUBAGE OF CAPTAIN MATTHEWS. 37? 
 
 sovereign. That night we quartered at Fonte de las Figuras, 
 within on^ league of Almanza, where that fatal and unfor- 
 tunate battle, which I shall give an account of in its place, 
 ■v^as fought the year after, under the Lord Galway. 
 
 On our fourth day's march we were obliged to pass Villena, 
 where the enemy had a garrison. A party of Mahoni's 
 dragoons made a part of that garrison, and they were com- 
 manded by Major O'Roirk, an Irish officer, who always 
 carried the reputation of a good soldier, and a brave gentle- 
 man. 
 
 I had all along made it my observation, that Captam 
 Matthews, who commanded those dragoons that I marched 
 with, was a person of much more courage than conduct ; and 
 he used as little precaution here, though just marching under 
 the eye of the enemy, as he had done at other times. As I was 
 become intimately acquainted with him, I rode up to him, and 
 told him the danger, which, in ray opinion, attended our 
 present march. I pointed out to liim just before Villena, a 
 jutting hill, under which we must unavoidably pass ; at the 
 turning whereof, I was apprehensive the enemy might lie, 
 and either by ambuscade, or otherwise, surprise us ; I there- 
 fore entreated we might either wait the coming of our rear- 
 guard, or at least march with a little more leisure and caution. 
 But he, taking little notice of all I said, kept on his round 
 march ; seeing which, I pressed forward my mule, which was 
 a very good one, and rid as fast as her legs could carry her^ 
 till I had got on the top of tlie hill. When I came there, I 
 found both my expectation and my apprehensions answered: 
 for I could very plainly discern three squadrons of the enemy 
 ready drawn up, and waiting for us at the very winding of 
 
 the hill. . . , 1 i-i 
 
 Hereupon I hastened back to the captain with the Jikc 
 speed, and told him the discovery I had made ; who never- 
 theless kept on his march, and it was with a good deal ot 
 difficulty that I at last prevailed on him to halt, till our rear- 
 guard of twenty men had got up to us. But those joining us, 
 and a new troop of Spanish dragoons, who had marched to- 
 wards us that morning, appearing in sight ; our captain, as 
 if he was afraid of their rivalling him in his glory, at the very 
 turn of the hill, rode in a full gallop, with sword in hand, up 
 to the enemy They stood their ground till we were ad- 
 
278 MEMOIRS OF CAPTAIN CARLETON. 
 
 vanced within two hundred yards of them, and then in con- 
 fusion endeavoured to retire into the town. ^ 
 
 They were obliged to pass over a small bridge, too small to 
 admit of such a company in so much haste ; their crowding 
 upon which obstructed their retreat, and left all that could 
 not get over to the mercy of our swords, which spared none. 
 However, narrow as the bridge was. Captain Matthews was 
 resolved to venture over after the enemy ; on doing which, 
 the enemy made a halt, till the people of the town, and the 
 very priests, came out to their relief with fire-arms. On so 
 large an appearance, Captain Matthews thought it not ad- 
 visable to make any farther advances ; so, driving a very 
 great flock of sheep from under the walls, he continued his 
 march towards Elda. In this action we lost Captain Top- 
 ham and three dragoons. 
 
 I remember we were not marched very far from the place 
 where this rencounter happened, when an Irish dragoon over- 
 took the captain, with a civil message from Major O'Roirk, 
 desiring that he would not entertain a mean opinion of him 
 for the defence that was made ; since, could he have got the 
 Spaniards to have stood their ground, he should have given 
 him good reason for a better. The captain returned a com- 
 plimental answer, and so marched on. This Major O'Roirk, 
 or O'Roork, was the next year killed at Alkay, being much 
 lamented; for he was esteemed both for his courage and 
 conduct, one of the best of the Irish officers in the Spanish 
 service. I was likewise informed, that he was descended 
 from one of the ancient Kings of Ireland : the mother of the 
 honourable Colonel Paget, one of the grooms of the bed- 
 chamber to his present majesty, was nearly related to this 
 gallant gentleman. 
 
 One remarkable thing I saw in that action, which affected 
 and surprised me ; a Scotch dragoon, of but a moderate size, 
 vrith his large basket-hilted sword, struck off a Spaniard's 
 head at one stroke, vrith the same ease, in appearance, as a 
 man would do that of a poppy. 
 
 When we came to Elda (a town much in the interest ot 
 King Charles, and famous foi its fine situation, and the 
 largest grapes in Spain), the inhabitants received us in a 
 manner as handsome as it was peculiar; all standing at their 
 doors with lighted torches, which, considering the time 
 
APPOINTED SOLE ENGINEEK AT ALICANT. 379 
 
 we entered, was far from an unwelcome or disagree.able 
 sight. 
 
 The next day, several requested to be the messengers of 
 the action at Villena to the Earl of Peterborow at Alicant ; 
 but the captain returned this answer to all, that, in consi- 
 deration of the share that I might justly claim in that day's 
 transaction, he could not think of letting any other person be 
 the bearer. So, giving me his letters to the earl, I the next 
 day delivered them to him at Alicant. At the delivery. 
 Colonel KiUegrew (whose dragoons they were) being present 
 he expressed a deal of satisfaction at the account, and his 
 Lordship was pleased at the same time to appoint me sole en- 
 gineer of the castle of Alicant. 
 
 Soon after which, that successful general embarked for 
 Genoa, according to the resolutions of the council of war at 
 Guadalaxara, on a particular commission from the Queen of 
 England, another from Charles, King of Spain, and charged 
 at the same time with a request of the Marquis das Minas, 
 General of the Portuguese forces, to negotiate bills for 
 100,000Z. for the use of his troops. In all which, though he 
 was, as ever, successful, yet may it be said, without a figure, 
 that his departure, in a good measure, determined the success 
 or the confederate forces in that kingdom. True it is, the 
 general returned again with the fortunate fruits of those ne- 
 gotiations; but never to act in his old auspicious sphere; and 
 therefore, as I am now to take leave of this fortunate general, 
 let me do it with iustice, in an appeal to the world, of the 
 not to be paralleled usage (in these latter ages at least) that 
 he met with for all his services ; such a vast variety of enter- 
 prises, all successtal, and which had set all Europe in amaze; 
 services that had given occasion to such solemn and public 
 thanksgivings in our churches, and which had received such 
 very remarkable approbations, both of sovereign and parlia- 
 ment, and which had been represented in so lively a manner, 
 in a letter wrote by the King of Spain, under his own hand, 
 to the Queen of England, and communicated to both houses 
 in the terms tollowing : — 
 
 " Madam, my Sister, 
 " I should not have been so long ere I did myself the 
 honour to repeat the assurances of my sincere respects to 
 you, had I not waited for the good occasion which I now 
 
380 MEMOinS OF CAPTAIN CAELETON. 
 
 acquaint you with, that the city of Barcelona is surrendered 
 to me by capitulation. I doubt not but you will receive 
 this great news with entire satisfaction, as well because this 
 happy success is the effect of your arms, always glorious, as 
 from the pure motives of that bounty and maternal affection 
 you have for me, and for everything which may contribute to 
 the advancement of my interest. 
 
 "I must do this justice to all the officers and common 
 soldiers, and particularly to my Lord Peterborow, that he 
 has shown in this whole expedition, a constancy, bravery, 
 and conduct, worthy of the choice that your majesty has made 
 of him, and that he could no ways give me better satisfaction 
 than he has, by the great zeal and application which he has 
 equally testified for my interest, and for the service of my 
 person. I owe the same justice to Brigadier Stanhope, for 
 his great zeal, vigilance, and very wise conduct, which he 
 has given proofs of upon all occasions : as also to all your 
 officers of the fleet, particularly to your worthy admiral, 
 Shovel, assuring your majesty, that he has assisted me in 
 this expedition, with an inconceivable readiness and applica- 
 tion, and that no admiral will be ever better able to render 
 me greater satisfaction than he has done. During the siege 
 of Barcelona, some of your majesty's ships, with the assistance 
 of the troops of the country, have reduced the town of Tarra- 
 gona, and the officers are made prisoners of war. The town 
 of Giroue has been taken at the same time by surprise, by 
 the troops of the country. The town of Lerida has sub- 
 mitted, as also that of Tortosa upon the Ebro ; so that we 
 have taken all the places of Catalonia, except Eoses. Some 
 places in Arragon, near Sarragosa, have declared for me, 
 and the garrison of the castle of Denia in Valencia have 
 maintained their post, and repulsed the enemy; four hundred 
 of the enemy's cavalry have entered into our service, and a 
 great number of their infantry have deserted. 
 
 " This, madam, is the state that your arms, and the inclina- 
 tion of the people, have put my affairs in. It is unnecessary 
 to tell you what stops the course of these conquests ; it is not 
 the season of the year, nor the enemy ; these are no obstacles 
 to your troops, who desire nothing more than to act under 
 the conduct that your majesty has appointed them. The 
 taking of Barcelona, with so small a number of troops, is very 
 remarkable ; and what has been done in this siege is almosi 
 
LETTEE TO THE QUEEN OF ENGLAND. 381 
 
 tirithout example ; that with seven or eight thousand men of 
 your troops, and two hundred Miquelets, we should surround 
 and invest a place that thirty thousand French could not 
 block up. 
 
 "After a march of thirteen hours, the troops climbed up 
 the rocks and precipices, to attack a fortification stronger 
 than the place, which the Earl of Peterborow has sent you a 
 plan of; two generals, with the grenadiers, attacked it sword 
 in hand. In which action the Prince of Hesse died glori- 
 ously, after so many brave actions ; I hope his brother and 
 his family will always have your majesty's protection. With 
 eight hundred men they forced the covered way, and all the 
 intrenchments and works, one after another, till they came to 
 the last work which surrounded it, against five hundred men 
 of regular troops which defended the place, and a reinforce- 
 ment they had received ; and three days afterwards we be- 
 came masters of the place. We afterwards attacked the 
 town on the side of the castle. We landed again our cannon, 
 and the other artillery, with inconceivable trouble, and formed 
 two camps, distant from each other three leagues, against a 
 garrison almost as numerous as our army, whose cavalry was 
 double the strength of ours. The first camp was so well in- 
 trenched, that it was defended by two thousand men and the 
 dragoons ; whilst we attacked the town with the rest of our 
 troops. The breach being made, we prepared to make a 
 general assault with all the army. These are circumstances, 
 madam, which distinguish this action, perhaps, from all 
 others. 
 
 " Here has happened an unforeseen accident. The cruelty 
 of the pretended viceroy, and the report spread abroad, that 
 he would take away the prisoners, contrary to the capitulation, 
 provoked the burghers, and some of the country people, to 
 take up arms against the garrison, whilst they were busy 
 in packing up their baggage, which was to be sent away the 
 next day ; so that everything tended to slaughter ; but your 
 majesty's troops, entering into town with the Earl of Peter- 
 borow, instead of seeking pillage, a practiue common upon 
 such occasions, appeased the tumult, and have saved the town, 
 and even the lives of their enemies, with a discipline and 
 generosity without example. 
 
 "What remains is, that I return you my most hearty 
 thanks for sending so great a fleet, and such good and valiant 
 
382 MEMOIRS OF CAPTAIN CARLETON. 
 
 tioops to ray assistance. After so happy a begim.ing, I have 
 thought it proper, according to the sentiments of your generals 
 and admirals, to support, by my presence, the conquests 
 that we have made ; and to show my subjects, so affectionate 
 to my person, that I cannot abandon them. I receive such 
 succours from your majesty, and from your generous nation, 
 that I am loaded with your bounties ; and am not a little 
 concerned to think, that the support of my interest should 
 cause so great an expense. But, madam, I sacrifice my person, 
 and my subjects in Catalonia expose also their lives and 
 fortunes, upon the assurances they have of your majesty's 
 generous protection. Your majesty and your council kiiows 
 better than we do what is necessary for our conservation. 
 We shall then expect your majesty's succours with an entire 
 confidence in your bounty and wisdom. A farther force is 
 necessary ; we give no small diversion to France, and without 
 doubt they vdll make their utmost efforts against me as soon 
 as possible ; but I am satisfied, that the same efforts will be 
 made by my allies to defend me. Your goodness, madam, 
 inclines you, and your power enables you, to support those 
 that the tyranny of France would oppress. All that I can 
 insinuate to your wisdom, and that of your allies, is, that the 
 forces employed in this country will not be unprofitable to 
 the public good, but will be under an obligation and necessity 
 to act with the utmost vigour against the enemy. I am, with 
 an inviolable affection, respect, and most sincere acknowledge- 
 ment. 
 
 Madam, my Sister, 
 
 Your most affectionate Brother, 
 
 Charles." 
 
 From the Camp at SenUi, before Barcelona, 
 the 22nd of Octoler, 1705. 
 
 And yet, after all, was this noble general not only recalled, 
 the command of the fleet taken from him, and that of the 
 army given to my Lord Galway, without assignment of cause ; 
 but all manner of falsities were industriously spread abroad, 
 not only to diminish, if they could, his reputation, but to bring 
 him under accusations of a malevolent nature. I can hardly 
 imagine it necessary here to take notice, that afterward he 
 disproved all those idle calumnies and ill-invented rumours ; 
 or to mention what compliments he received, in the mos; 
 
CALUMNIES AGAIKST LORD PETEEBOKOW. 383 
 
 solemn manner, from his country, upon a full examination and 
 thorough canvassing of his actions in the house of lords. But 
 this is too notorious to be omitted, that all officers coming 
 from Spain were purposely intercepted in their way to London, 
 and craftily examined upon all the idle stories which had passed, 
 tending to lessen his character ; and when any officers had 
 assorted the falsity of those inventions (as they all did, except 
 a military sweetener or two), and that there was no possibility 
 of laying anything amiss to the charge of that general, they 
 were told that they ought to be careful, however, not to speak 
 advantageously of that lord's conduct, unless they were 
 willing to fall martyrs in his cause ; a thing scarce to be 
 credited even in a popish country. But Scipio was accused, 
 though as my author finely observes, by wretches only known 
 to posterity by that stupid accusation. 
 
 As a mournful valediction, before I enter upon any new 
 scene, the reader will pardon this melancholy expostulation. 
 How mortifying must it be to an Englishman^ after he has 
 found himself solaced with a relation of so many surprising 
 successes of her majesty's arms, under the Earl of Peterborow ; 
 successes, that have laid before our eyes provinces and 
 kingdoms reduced, and towns and fortresses taken and 
 relieved ; where we have seen a continued series of happy 
 events, the fruits of conduct and vigilance ; and caution and 
 foresight preventing dangers that were held, at first view, 
 certain and insurmountable ; to change this glorious landscape, 
 I say, for scenes every way different, even while our troops 
 were as numerous as the enemy, and better provided, yet 
 always bafiied and beaten, and flying before the enemy, till 
 fatally ruined in the battle of Almanza : how mortifying must 
 this be to any lover of his country ! But I proceed to my 
 Memoirs. 
 
 Alicant is a • town of the greatest trade of any in the 
 kingdom of Valencia, having a strong castle, being situated 
 on a high hill, which commands both town and harbour. In 
 this place I resided a whole year ; but it was soon after my 
 first arrival, that Major Collier (who was shot in the back 
 at Barcelona, as I have related in the siege of that place), 
 hearino- of me, sought me out at my quarters ; and, after a 
 particular inquiry into the success of that difficult task tl at 
 he left me upon, and my answering all his questiors to 
 
384 MEMOIRS or captain carletok. 
 
 satisfaction (all which he received with evident pleasure), ha 
 threw down a purse of pistoles upon the table; which I 
 refusing, he told me, in a most handsome manner, his friend- 
 ship was not to be preserved but by my accepting it. 
 
 After I had made some very necessary repairs, I pursued 
 the orders I had received from the Earl of Peterborow, to go 
 upon the erecting a new battery between the castle and the 
 town. This was a task attended vnth difficulties, neither few 
 in number, nor small in consequence ; for it was to be raised 
 upon a great declivity, which must render the work both 
 laborious and precarious. However, I had the good fortune 
 to effect it much sooner than was expected ; and it was called 
 Gorge's battery, from the name of the governor then 
 commanding; who, outof an uncommon profusion of generosity, 
 wetted that piece of gossipping with a distinguishing bowl of 
 punch. Brigadier Bougard, when he saw this work some 
 time after, was pleased to honour it with a singular admiration 
 and approbation, for its completeness, notwithstanding its 
 difficulties. 
 
 This work, and the siege of Carthagena, then in our 
 possession, by the Duke of Berwick, brought the Lord Gal way 
 down to this place. Carthagena is of so little distance from 
 Alicant, that we could easily hear the cannon playing'against, 
 and from it, in our castle, where I then was. And I re- 
 member my Lord Galway, on the fourth day of the siege, 
 sending to know if I could make any useful observations as 
 to the success of it ; I returned, that I was of opinion the 
 town was surrendered, from the sudden cessation cf the cannon, 
 which, by our news next day from the place proved to be 
 fact. Carthagena is a small sea-port town in Murcia ; buv 
 has so good an harbour, that when the famous admiral 
 Doria was asked, which were the three best havens iu 
 the Mediterranean, he readily returned, June, July, and 
 Carthagena. 
 
 Upon the surrender of this place, a detachment of foot was 
 sent by the governor, with some dragoons, to Elsha ; but it 
 being a place of very little strength, they were soon made 
 prisoners of war. 
 
 The siege of Carthagena being over, the Lord Galway 
 returned to his camp ; and the Lord Duncannon dying in 
 Alicant, the first guns that were fired from Gorge's batterr, 
 
BATF.MAJj's BEGIMENT LOST THROUGH CARELESSNESS. 385 
 
 were the minute-guns for his funeral. His regiment had 
 been given to the Lord Montandre, who lost it before he had 
 possession, by an action as odd as it was scandalous. 
 
 That regiment had received orders to march to the Lord 
 Galway's camp, under the command of their Lieutenant- 
 colonel Bateman, a person before reputed a good officer, 
 though his conduct here gave people, not invidious, too much 
 reason to call it in question. On his march, he was so very- 
 careless and negligent (though he knew himself in a country 
 surrounded with enemies, and that he was to march through 
 a wood, where they every day made their appearance in 
 great numbers), that his soldiers marched with their muskets 
 slung at their backs, and went one after another (as necessity 
 had forced us to do in Scotland), himself at the head ot 
 them, in his chaise, riding a considerable way before. 
 
 It happened there was a captain, with threescore dragoons, 
 detached from the Duke of Berwick's army, with a design 
 to intercept some cash that was ordered to be sent to Lord 
 Galway's army from Alicant. This detatchment, missing of 
 that intended prize, was returning very disconsolately, re 
 injecta; when their captain, observing that careless and 
 disorderly march of the English, resolved, boldly enough, to 
 attack them in the wood. To that purpose he secreted his 
 little party behind a great barn ; and so soon as they were 
 half passed by, he falls upon them in the centre with his 
 dragoons, cutting and slashing at such a violent rate, that he 
 soon dispersed the whole regiment, leaving many dead and 
 wounded upon the spot. The three colours were taken ; and 
 the gallant lieutenant-colonel taken out of his chaise, and 
 carried away prisoner with many others ; only one officer, 
 who was an ensign, and so bold as to do his duty, was 
 killed. 
 
 The lieutenant, who commanded the grenadiers, received 
 the alarm time enough to draw his men into a house in their 
 way ; where he bravely defended himself for a long time ; 
 but, being kUled, the rest immediately surrendered. The 
 account of this action I had from the commander of the 
 enemy's party himself, some time after, while I was a prisoner 
 And Captain Mahoni, who was present when the news was 
 brought, that a few Spanish dragoons had defeated an English 
 regiment, which was this under Bateman, protested to me, 
 that the Duke of Berwick turned pale at the relation ; and 
 
 vm,. II. C C 
 
386 MEMOIRS OP CAPTAIN CAELETON. 
 
 when they oiFered to bring the colours before him, he would 
 not so much as see them. A little before the duke went to 
 supper, Bateman himself was brought to him ; but the duke 
 turned away from him without any farther notice, than coldly 
 saying, that he thought he was very strangely taken. The 
 wags of the army made a thorough jest of him, and said his 
 military conduct was of a piece with his economy, having, two 
 days before his march, sent his young handsome wife into 
 England, under the guardianship of the young chaplain of the 
 regiment. 
 
 April 15th, in the year 1707, being Easter Monday, we 
 had in the morning a flying report in Alicant, that there had 
 been the day before a battle at Almanza, between the army 
 under the command of the Duke of Berwick, and that of the 
 English under Lord Galway, in which the latter had suiFered 
 an entire defeat. We at first gave no great credit to it ; but 
 alas ! we were too soon wofuUy convinced of the truth of it, 
 by numbers that came flying to us from the conquering enemy. 
 Then, indeed, we were satisfied of truths, too difl[icult before 
 to be credited. But, as I was not present in that calamitous 
 battle, I shall relate it, as I received it fi:om an officer then 
 in the duke's army. 
 
 To bring the Lord Galway to a battle, in a place most 
 commodious for his purpose, the duke made use of this 
 stratagem ; he ordered two Irishmen, both officers, to make 
 their way over to the enemy as deserters ; putting this story 
 in their mouths, that the Duke of Orleans was in full march 
 to join the Duke of Berwick with twelve thousand men; that 
 this would be done in two days, and that then they would 
 find out the Lord Galway, and force him to fight, wherever 
 they found him. 
 
 Lord Galway, who at this time lay before Villena, receiving 
 this intelligence from those well-instructed deserters, imme- 
 diately raised the siege; vnth a resolution, by a hasty march, 
 to force the enemy to battle, before the Duke of Orleans 
 should be able to join the Duke of Berwick. To effiict this, 
 after a hard march of three long Spanish leagues in the heat 
 of the day, he appears a little after noon in the face of the 
 enemy with his fatigued forces. Glad and rejoiced at the 
 sight, for he found his plot had taken, Berwick, the better to 
 receive him, draws up his army in a half moon, placing at a 
 pretty good advance three regiments to make up the centre, 
 
LORD GAI.WAJT's AKMT ENTRAPPED. 387 
 
 with express order, nevertheless, to retreat at the veiy first 
 charge. All which was punctually observed, and had its 
 desired elFect: for the three regiments, at the first attack, 
 gave way, and seemingly fled towards their camp ; the English , 
 after their customary manner, pursuing them with shouts and 
 hoUowings. As soon as the Duke of Berwick perceived his 
 trap had taken, he ordered his right and left wings to close ; 
 by which means, he at once cut off from the rest of their 
 army aU those who had so eagerly pursued the imaginary 
 runaways. In short, the rout was total, and the most fatal 
 blow that ever the English received during the whole war 
 with Spain. Nor, as it is thought, with a great probability 
 of reason, had those troops that made their retreat to the top 
 of the hills, under Major-general Shrimpton, met with any 
 better fate than those on the plain, had the Spaniards had 
 any other general in the command than the Duke of Berwick ; 
 whose native sympathy gave a check to the ardour of a 
 victorious enemy. And this was the sense of the Spaniards 
 themselves after the battle ; verifying herein that noble 
 maxim, that victory to generous minds is only an inducement 
 to moderation. 
 
 The day after this fatal battle (which gave occasion to a 
 Spanish piece of wit, that the English general had routed the 
 French), the Duke of Orleans did arrive indeed in the camp, 
 but with an army of only fourteen attendants. 
 
 The fatal effects of this battle were soon made visible and 
 to none more than those in Alicant. The enemy grew every 
 day more and more troublesome ; visiting us in parties more 
 boldly than before ; and often hovering about us so very near, 
 that with our cannon we could hardly teach them to keep 
 a proper distance. Gorge, the governor of Alicant, being 
 recalled into England, Major-general Ri^;hards was by King 
 Charles appointed governor in his place. He was a Roman 
 Catholic, and very much beloved by the natives on that 
 account ; though, to give him his due, he behaved himself 
 extremely well in all other respects. It was in his time, that 
 a design was laid of surprising Guardamere, a small sea-port 
 town in Murcia : but the military bishop (for he was, in a 
 literal sense, excellent tarn, Marte, quam Mercurio), among his 
 many other exploits, by a timely expedition, prevented that. 
 
 Governor Richards, my post being always in the castle, 
 had sent to desire me to give notice whenever I saw anj; 
 
 c c 2 
 
388 MaiOlKS OF CAPTAIN CAELETON. 
 
 parties of the enemy moving. Pursuant to this order, dis- 
 covering, one morning, a considerable body of horse towards 
 Elsha, I went down into the town, and told the governor 
 what I had seen ; and without any delay he gave his orders, 
 that a captain, with threescore men, should attend me to an 
 sld house about a mile distance. As soon as we had got into 
 It, I set about barricading aU the open places, and avenues, 
 and put my men in a posture ready to receive an enemy, as 
 soon as he should appear ; upon which the captain, as a feint, 
 ordered a few of his men to show themselves on a rising 
 ground just before the house. But we had like to have caught 
 a Tartar : for, though the enemy took the train I had laid, 
 and, on sight of our small body on the hill, sent a party from 
 their greater body to intercept them, before they could reach 
 the town; yet the sequel proved, we had mistaken their 
 number, and it soon appeared to be much greater than we at 
 first imagined. However, our outscouts, as I may call them, 
 got safe into the house ; and, on the appearance of the party, 
 we let fly a fuU volley, which lay dead on the spot three men 
 and one horse. Hereupon the whole body made up to the 
 house, but stood aloof upon the hill vtdthout reach of our shot. 
 We soon saw our danger from the number of the enemy ; 
 and weU for us it was, that the watchful governor had taken 
 notice of it, as well as we in the house. For, observing us 
 surrounded with the enemy, and by a power so much superior, 
 he marched himself, with a good part of the garrison, to our 
 relief. The enemy stood a little time as if they would receive 
 them ; but upon second thoughts they retired, and, to our 
 no little joy, left us at liberty to come out of the house and 
 join the garrison. 
 
 Scarce a day passed but we had some visits of the like 
 kind, attended sometimes with rencounters of this nature ; 
 insomuch that there was hardly any stirring out in- safety for 
 small parties, though never so little a way. There was, within 
 a little mUe of the town, an old vineyard, environed with a 
 loose stone wall ; an officer and I made an agreement to ride 
 thither for an airing. We did so, and, after a little riding, 
 it came into my head to put a fright upon the officer. And 
 very lucky for us both was that unlucky thought of mine ; 
 j<» Blending to see a party of the enemy make up to us, I gave 
 him the alarm, set spurs to my horse, and rid as fast as legs 
 could carry me. The officer no way bated of his speed ; and 
 
COMICAL APPEARANCE OF MAJOR BOYD. 389 
 
 we had scarce got out of the vineyard, but my jest proved 
 earnest ; twelve of the enemy's horse pursuing us to the very 
 gates of the town. Nor could I ever after prevail upon my 
 fellow-traveller to believe, that he owed his escape to merri- 
 ment more than speed. 
 
 Soon after my charge, as to the fortifications, was pretty 
 well over, I obtained leave of the governor to be absent for a 
 fortnight, upon some affairs of my own at Valencia. On my 
 return from whence, at a town called Venissa, I met two 
 officers of an English regiment, going to the place from 
 whence I last came. They told me, after common congratu- 
 lations, that they had left Major Boyd at a little place called 
 Capel, hiring another mule, that he rode on thither having 
 tired and failed him ; desiring withal, that if I met him, I 
 would let him know that they would stay for him at that 
 place. I had another gentleman in my company, and we 
 had travelled on not above a league farther, whence, at a 
 little distance, we were both surprised with a sight that 
 seemed to have set all art at defiance, and was too odd lor 
 anything in nature. It appeared all in red, and to move ; 
 but so very slowly, that if we had not made more way to that 
 than it did to us, we should have made it a day's journey 
 before we met it. My companion could as little tell what to 
 make of it as I ; and, indeed, the nearer it came, the more 
 monstrous it seemed, having nothing of the tokens of man, 
 either walking, riding, or in any posture whatever. At last, 
 coming up -with, this strange figure of a creature (for now we 
 found it was certainly such), what, or rather who, should it 
 prove to be, but Major Boyd ! He was a person of himself 
 far from one of the least proportion ; and, mounted on a poor 
 little ass, with aU his warlike accoutrements upon it, you will 
 ajlow must make a figure almost as odd as one of the old 
 centaurs. The Morocco saddle that covered the ass, was of 
 burden enough for the beast, without its master ; and the 
 additional holsters and pistols made it much more weighty. 
 Nevertheless, a curb bridle of the largest size covered hi? 
 little head, and a long red cloak, hanging down to the ground, 
 covered jack-boots, ass. master, and all. In short, my com- 
 panion and I, after we could specifically declare it to be a 
 man, agreed we never saw a figure so comical in all our lives. 
 When we had merrily greeted our major (for a cynic could 
 not have forborne laughter), he excused all as well as ho 
 
390 MEMOIRS OP CAPTAIN CAKLETON. 
 
 could, by saying, he could get no other beast. After which, 
 delivering our message, and condoling with him for his 
 present mounting, and wishing him better at his next 
 quarters, he settled into his olJ pace, and we into ours, and 
 parted. 
 
 We lay that night at Altea, famous for its bay for ships to 
 water at. It stands on a high hill ; and is adorned, not 
 defended, with an old fort. 
 
 Thence we came to Alicant, where having now been a 
 whole year, and having effected what was held necessary, I 
 once more prevailed upon the governor to permit me to take 
 another journey. The Lord Galway lay at Tarraga, while 
 Lerida lay under the siege of the Duke of Orleans ; and 
 having some grounds of expectation given me, while he was 
 at Allicant, I resolved at least to demonstrate I was still 
 living. The governor favoured me with letters, not at all to 
 my disadvantage ; so taking ship for Barcelona, just at our 
 putting into the harbour, we met with the English fleet, on 
 its return from the expedition to Toulon under Sir Clbudsly 
 Shovel. 
 
 I stayed but very few days at Barcelona, and then proceeded 
 on my intended journey to Tarraga ; arriving at which place, 
 I delivered my packet to the Lord Galway, who received me 
 with very great civility ; and, to double it, acquainted me at 
 the same time, that the governor of Alicant had v^rote very 
 much in my favour ; but though it was a known part of that 
 noble lord's character, that the first impression was generally 
 strongest, I had reason soon after to close with another 
 saying, equally true, That general rules always admit of some 
 exception. While I was here, we had news of the taking of 
 the town of Lerida ; the Prince of Hesse, brother to that 
 brave prince, who lost his life before Monjouick, retiring into 
 the castle with the garrison, which he bravely defended a 
 long time after. 
 
 When I was thus attending my Lord Galway at Tarraga, 
 he received inteUigence that the enemy had a design to lay 
 siege to Denia ; whereupon he gave me orders to repair there 
 as engineer. After I had received my orders, and taken 
 leave of his lordship, I set out, resolving, since it was left to 
 my choice, to go by way of Barcelona, and there take shipping 
 for the place of my station ; by which I proposed to save 
 more time than would allow me a full opportunity of visiting 
 
POSITION or MONTSEEAT. 391 
 
 Montserat, a place I had heard much talk of, which had filled 
 me with a longing desire to see it. To say truth, I had been 
 told such extravagant things of the place, that I could hardly 
 impute more than one-half of it to anything but Spanish 
 rhodomontadoes, the vice of extravagant exaggeration being 
 too natural to that nation. 
 
 Montserat is a rising lofty hiU, in the very middle of a 
 spacious plain, in the principality of Catalonia, about seven 
 leagues distant from Barcelona to the westward, somewhat 
 inclining to the north. At the very first sight, its oddness 
 of figure promises something extraordinary ; and even at that 
 distance the prospect makes somewhat of a grand appearance : 
 hundreds of aspiring pyramids, presenting themselves all at 
 once to the eye, look, if I may be allowed so to speak, like a 
 little petrified forest ; or, rather, like the awful ruins of some 
 capacious structure, the labour of venerable antiquity. The 
 nearer you approach, the more it afiects ; but, till you are 
 very near, you can hardly form in your mind anything like 
 what you find it when you come close to it. Till just upon 
 it, you would imagine it a perfect hiU of steeples ; but so 
 intermingled with trees of magnitude, as well as beauty, that 
 your admiration can never be tired, or your curiosity 
 surfeited. Such I found it on my approach ; yet much less 
 than what I found it was, so soon as I entered upon the very 
 premises. 
 
 Now that stupendous cluster of pyramids affected me in a 
 manner different to all before ; and I found it so finely 
 grouped with verdant groves, and here and there interspersed 
 with aspiring but solitary trees, that it no way lessened my 
 admiration, while it increased my delight. These trees, which 
 I call solitary, as standing single, in opposition to the numerous 
 groves, which are close and thick (as I observed when I 
 ascended to take a view of the several cells), rise generally 
 out of the very clifts of the main rock, with nothing, to 
 appearance, but a soil or bed of stone for their nurture. But 
 though some few naturalists may assert, that the nitre in the 
 stone may afford a due proportion of nourishment to trees and 
 vegetables ; these, in my opinion, were all too beautiful, their 
 bark, leaf, and flowers, carried too fair a face of health, to 
 allow them even to be the foster-children of rock and stone 
 only. 
 
 Upon this hill, or, if you please, grove of rocks, are thirteen 
 
892 MEMOIRS OF CAPTAIN CARLETON. 
 
 liermits* cells, the last of which lies near the very summit. 
 You gradually advance to every one, from bottom to top, by 
 a winding ascent, which to do would otherwise be impossible, 
 by reason of the steepness ; but though' there is a winding 
 ascent to every cell, as I have said, I would yet set at defiance 
 the most obsei-vant, if a stranger, to find it feasible to visit 
 them in order, if not precautioned to follow the poor borigo, 
 or old ass, that, with panniers hanging on each side of him, 
 mounts regularly and daily, up to every particular cell. The 
 manner is as follows : — 
 
 In the panniers there are thirteen partitions ; one for every 
 cell. At the hour appointed, the servant having placed the 
 panniers on his back, the ass, of himself, goes to the door of 
 the convent at the very foot of the hill, where every partition 
 is supplied with their several allowances of victuals and vdne. 
 Which, as soon as he has received, without any farther 
 attendance or any guide, he mounts and takes the cells 
 gradually in their due course, till he reaches the very upper- 
 most. Where, having discharged his duty, he descends the 
 sam,e way, lighter by the load he carried up. This the poor 
 stupid drudge fails not to do, day and night, at the stated 
 hours. 
 
 Two gentlemen, who had joined me on the road, alike led 
 by curiosity, seemed alike delighted, that the end of it was so 
 well answered. I could easily discover in their countenances 
 a satisfaction, which, if it did not give a sanction to my own, 
 much confirmed it, while they seemed to allow with me that 
 these reverend solitaries were truly happy men. I then 
 thought them such; and a thousand times since reflecting 
 within myself, have wished, bating their errors, and lesser 
 superstitions, myself as happily stationed : for what can there 
 be wanting to a happy hfe, where all things necessary are 
 provided vrithout care ? where the days, without anxiety or 
 troubles, may be gratefully passed away, with an innocent 
 variety of diverting and pleasing objects, and where their 
 sleeps and slumbers are never interrupted with anything more 
 ofiensive, than murmuring springs, natural cascades, or the 
 various songs of the pretty feathered quiristers 1 
 
 But their courtesy to strangers is no less engaging than their 
 soUtude. (A recluse life, for the fruits of it, generally speaking, 
 produces moroseness ; pharisaical pride too often sours the 
 temper; and a mistaken opinion of their own merit too 
 
hermits' cells at montserat. 393 
 
 naturally leads such men into a contempt of others : but, on 
 the contrary, these good men (for I must call them as I 
 thought them) seemed to me the very emblems of innocence ; 
 80 ready to oblige others, that at the same instant they seemed 
 laying obligations upon themselves. \ This is self-evident, in 
 that affability and complaisance they use in shelving the 
 rarities of their several cells ; where, for fear you should slip 
 anything worthy observation, they endeavour to instil in you 
 as quick a propensity of asking, as you find in them a prompt 
 alacrity in answering, such questions of curiosity as their own 
 have inspired. 
 
 In particular, I remember one of those reverend old men, 
 when we were taking leave at the door of his cell, to which, 
 out of his great civility, he accompanied us, finding by the 
 iair of our faces, as well as our expressions, that we thought 
 ourselves pleasingly entertained ; to divert us afresh, advanced 
 a few paces from the door, when, giving a whistle with his 
 m6uth, a surprising flock of pretty little birds, variegated, 
 and of diflTerent colours, immediately flocked around him. 
 Here you should see some alighting upon his shoulders, some 
 on his awful beard, others took refuge on his snowlike head, 
 and many feeding, and more endeavouring to feed, out of his 
 mouth ; each appearing emulous, and under an innocent 
 contention, how best to express their love and respect to their 
 no less pleased master. 
 
 Nor did the other cells labour under any deficiency of 
 variety: every one boasting in some particular, that might 
 distinguish it in something equally agreeable and entertaining. 
 Nevertheless, crystal springs spouting from the solid rocks 
 were, from the highest to the lowest, common to them all ; 
 and, in most of them, they had little brass cocks, out of which, 
 when turned, issued the most cool and crystalline flows of 
 excellent pure water. And yet, what more affected me, and 
 which I found near more cells than one, was the natural 
 cascades of the same transparent element ; these, falling from 
 one rock to another, in that warm, or rather hot climate, 
 gave not more delightful astonishment to the eye, than they 
 afforded grateful refreshment to the whole man. The streams 
 falling from these, soften, from a rougher tumultuous noise, 
 into such affecting murmurs, by distance, the intervention of 
 groves, or neighbouring rocks, that it were impossible to see 
 or hear them, and not be charmed. 
 
894 MEMOIRS OF CAPTAIN CARLETON. 
 
 Neither are those groves grateful only in a beautiful 
 verdure ; nature renders them otherwise delightful, in loading 
 them w'ith clusters of berries of a perfect scarlet colour, which, 
 by a beautiful intermixture, strike the eye with additional 
 delight. In short, it might nonplus a person of the nicest 
 taste, to distinguish or determine, whether the neatness of 
 their cells, within, or the beauteous varieties without,^ most 
 exhaust his admiration. Nor is the whole, in my opinion, a 
 little advantaged by the frequent view of some of those pyra- 
 midical pillars, which seem, as weary of their own weight, to 
 recline and seek support from others in the neighbourhood. 
 
 When I mentioned the outside beauties of their cells, I 
 must be thought to have forgot to particularize the glorious 
 prospects presented to your eye from every one of them ; but 
 especially from that nearest the summit. A prospecit, by 
 reason of the purity of the air, so extensive, and so very 
 entertaining, that to dilate upon it properly to one that never 
 saw it, would baffle credit ; and naturally to depaint it, would 
 confound invention. I therefore shall only say, that on the 
 Mediterranean side, after an agreeable interval of some fair 
 leagues, it will set at defiance the strongest optics; and 
 although Barcelona bounds it on the land, the eyes are feasted 
 with the delights of such an intervening champaign (where 
 beauteous nature does not only smile, but riot), that the sense 
 must be very temperate, or very weak, that can be soon or 
 easily satisfied. 
 
 Having thus taken a view of all their refreshing springs, 
 their grateful groves, and solitary shades under single trees, 
 whose clusters proved that even rocks were grown fruitful ; 
 and having ran over all the variety of pleasures in their 
 several pretty cells, decently set off with gardens round them, 
 equally fragrant and beautiful, we were brought down again 
 to the convent, which, though on a small ascent, lies very 
 near the foot of this terrestrial paradise, there to take a survey 
 of their sumptuous hall, much more sumptuous chapel, 
 and its adjoining repository, and feast our eyes with wonders 
 of a different nature ; and yet as entertaining as any, or all, 
 we had seen before. 
 
 Immediately on our descent, a priest presented himself at 
 the door of the convent, ready to show us the hidden rarities. 
 And though, as I understood, hardly a day passes without 
 die resort of some strangers to gratify their curiosity with the 
 
HALL AND CHAPEL OF THE CONVENT. 395 
 
 wonders of the place, yet is there, on every such occasion, a 
 superior concourse of natives ready to see over again, out of 
 mere bigotry and superstition, what they have seen perhaps 
 a hundred times before. I could not avoid taking notice, 
 however, that the priests treated those constant visitants with 
 much less ceremony, or more freedom", if you please, than 
 any of the strangers of what nation soever ; or, indeed, he 
 seemed to take as much pains to disoblige those, as he did 
 pleasure in obliging us. 
 
 The hall was neat, large, and stately : but being plain, 
 and unadorned with more than decent decorations, suitable 
 to such a society, I hasten to the other. 
 
 When we entered the chapel, our eyes were immediately 
 attracted by the image of our lady of Montserat (as they call 
 it), which stands over the altar-piece. It is about the natural 
 stature, but as black and shining as ebony itself Most 
 would imagine it made of that material ; though her retmue 
 and adorers will allow nothing of the matter. On the con- 
 trary, tradition, which with them is, on some occasions, more 
 than tantamount to reUgion, has assured them, and they re- 
 late it as undoubted matter of fact, that her present colour, if 
 I may so call it, proceeded from her concealment, in the time 
 of the Moors, between those two rocks on which the chapel is 
 founded ; and that her long lying in that dismal place changed 
 her once lovely white into its present opposite. Would not 
 a heretic here be apt to say, that it was a great pity that an 
 image which still boasts the power of acting so many miracles, 
 could no better conserve her own complexion? At least it 
 must be aUowed, even by a good catholic, to carry along with 
 it matter of reproach to the fair ladies, natives of the country, 
 for their unnatural and excessive affection of adulterating, if 
 not defacing their beautiful faces, with the ruinating dauberies 
 
 of carmine. . 
 
 As the custom of the place is (which is likewise aUowed to 
 be a distinguishing piece of civility to strangers), when we 
 approach the black lady (who, I should have told you, 
 bears a child in her arms ; but whether maternally black, or 
 of the mulatto kind, I protest I did not mind), the pnest, in 
 great civility, offers you her arm to salute ; at which junc- 
 ture I like a true blue Protestant, mistaking my word oi 
 command, fell foul on the fair lady's face. The displeasure 
 in his countenance (for he took more notice of the rudeness 
 
396 MEMUlES OF CAPTAIN CARLETON. 
 
 than the good Jady herself) soon convinced me of my error j 
 however, as a greater token of his civility, having admitted 
 no Spaniards along with my companions and me, it passed 
 off the better ; and his after civilities manifested that he was 
 willing to reform my ignorance by his complaisance. 
 
 To demonstrate wTiich, upon my telling him that I had a 
 set of beads, which I must entreat him to consecrate for me', 
 he readily, nay eagerly complied ; and having hung them on 
 her arm for the space of about half, or somewhat short of a 
 whole minute, he returned me the holy baubles with a great 
 deal of address, and most evident satisfaction. The reader will 
 be apt to admire at this curious piece of superstition of mine, 
 till I have told him that even rigid Protestants have, in this 
 country, thought it but prudent to do the like ; and likewise 
 having so done, to carry them about their persons, or in 
 their pockets ; for experience has convinced us of the neces- 
 sity of this most catholic precaution ; since those who have 
 here, travelling or otherwise, come to their ends, whether by 
 accident, sickness, or the course of nature, not having these 
 sanctifying seals found upon them, have ever been refused 
 Christian burial, under a superstitious imagination that the 
 corpse of a heretic will infect everything near it. 
 
 Two instances of this kind feU within my knowledge ; one 
 before I came to Montserat, the other after. The first was 
 of one Slunt, who had been bombardier at Monjouick ; but 
 being killed while we lay at Campilio, a priest, whom I ad- 
 vised with upon the matter, told me, that if he should be 
 buried where any corn grew, his body would not only be 
 taken up again, but ill-treated, in revenge of the destruction 
 of so much corn, which the people would on no account be 
 persuaded to touch ; for which reason we took care to have 
 him laid in a very deep grave, on a very barren spot of 
 ground. The other was of one Captain Bush, who was a 
 prisoner with me on the surrender of Denia; who being sent, 
 as I was afterwards, to St. Clemente la Mancha, there died ; 
 and, as I was informed, though he was privately, and by 
 night, buried in a corn field, he was taken out of his grave by 
 those superstitious people, as soon as ever they could dis- 
 cover the place where his body was deposited. But I returr 
 to the convent at Montserat. 
 
 Out of the chapel, behind the high altar, we descended 
 into a spacious room, the repository of the great offerings 
 
SUPERSTITIOUS TRIBUTE TO THE LADY. 397 
 
 made to the lady. Here, though I thought in the chape) 
 itself I had seen the riches of the universe, I found a prodi- 
 gious quantity of more costly presents, the superstitious tri- 
 bute of most of the Eoman Catholic princes in Europe. 
 Among a multitude of others, they showed me a sword set 
 with diamonds, the offering of Charles III., then King of 
 Spain, but now Emperor of Germany. Though, I must con- 
 fess, being a heretic, I could much easier find a reason for a 
 fair lady's presenting such a sword to a King of Spain, than 
 for a King of Spain presenting such a sword to a fair lady ; 
 and by the motto upon it, Pulchra tamen nigra, it was plain 
 such was his opinion. That prince was so delighted with 
 the pleasures of this sweet place, that he, as well as I, stayed 
 as long as ever he could; though neither of us so long as 
 either could have wished. 
 
 But there was another offering from a King of Portugal, 
 equally glorious and costly, but much better adapted ; and 
 therefore in its propriety easier to be accounted for. That 
 was a glory for the head of her ladyship, every ray of which 
 was set with diamonds, large at the bottom, and gradually 
 lessening to the very extremity of every ray. Each ray might 
 be about half a yard long ; and I imagined in the whole, 
 there might be about one hundred of them. In short, if ever 
 her ladyship did the offerer the honour to put it on, I will, 
 though a heretic, venture to aver, she did not, at that pre- 
 sent time, look like a human creature. 
 
 To enumerate the rest, if my memory would suffice, would 
 exceed belief. As the upper part was a plain miracle of 
 nature, the lower was a complete treasury of miraculous art. 
 
 If you ascend from the lowest cell to the very summit, the 
 last of all the thirteen, you wiU perceive a continual conten- 
 tion between pleasure and devotion ; and at last, perhaps, 
 find yourself at a loss to decide which deserves the pre- 
 eminence : for you are not here to take cells in the vulgar 
 acceptation, as the little dormitories of solitary monks : No ! 
 neatness, use, and contrivance, appear in every one of them ; 
 and though in an almost perfect equality, yet in such perfec- 
 tion, that you will find it difficult to discover in any one oi 
 them anything wanting to the pleasure of life. 
 
 If you descend to the convent near the foot of the venerable 
 hill, you may see more, much more of the riches of the world; 
 but less, far less appea.-ance of a celestial treasure. Perhap? 
 
398 MEMOIRS OF CAPTAIN CARLETON. 
 
 it might be only the sentiment of a heretic ; but that awe and 
 devotion, which I found in my attendant from cell to cell, 
 grew languid, and lost, in mere empty bigotry and foggy 
 superstition, when I came below. In short, there was not a 
 greater difference in their heights, than in the sentiments 
 they inspired me with. 
 
 Before I leave this emblem of the beatific vision, I must 
 correct something like a mistake, as to the poor borigo. I 
 said at the beginning, that his labour was daily; but the 
 Sunday is to him a day of rest, as it is to the hermits, his 
 masters, a day of refection. For, to save the poor faithful 
 brute the hard drudgery of that day, the thirteen hermits, if 
 health permit, descend to their ccsnobium, as they call it ; that 
 is, to the hall of the convent, where they dine in common 
 with the monks of the order, who are Benedictines. 
 
 After seven days' variety of such innocent delight (the 
 space allowed for the entertainment of strangers), I took my 
 leave of this pacific hermitage, to pursue the more boisterous 
 duties of my calling. The life of a soldier is in every re- 
 spect the full antithesis to that of a hermit ; and I know not 
 whether it might not be a sense of that, which inspired me 
 with very great reluctancy at parting. I confess, while on 
 the spot, I over and over bandied in my mind the reasons 
 which might prevail upon Charles V. to relinquish his crown ; 
 and the arguments on his side never failed of energy, when I 
 could persuade myself that this, or some like happy retreat, 
 was the reward of abdicated empire. 
 
 FuU of these contemplations (for they lasted there), I 
 arrived at Barcelona; where I found a vessel ready to sail,' 
 on which I embarked for Denia, in pursuance of my orders. 
 Sailing to the mouth of the Mediterranean, no place along the 
 Christian shore affords a prospect equally delightful with the 
 castle of Denia. It was never designed for a place of great 
 strength, being built and first designed, as a seat of pleasure 
 *o the great Duke of Lerma. In that family it many years 
 remained ; though, within less than a century, that, with two 
 other, dukedoms, have devolved upon the family of the 
 Duke de Medina Celi, the richest subject at this time in aU 
 Spain 
 
GAB>(JSON OF DENIA. ^99 
 
 CHAPTER Vni. 
 
 DENIA A GAEEISON, BT OEDEE OP KING OHAELES — EXTRA- 
 
 ORDINAET STOEM OF LOCUSTS SINGULAR MINE EXPLOSION 
 
 AT ALICANT SAINTE CLEMENTE DE LA MANCHA EENDERED 
 
 FAMOUS BT THE EENOWNED DON MICHAEL CEEV ANTES 
 
 INTERESTING ACCOUNTS SUEPEISING FLIGHT OF EAGLES 
 
 THE INQUISITION. 
 
 Denia was the first town, that, in our way to Barcelona, 
 declared for King Charles ; and was then, by his order, made 
 a garrison. The town is but small, and surrounded with a 
 thin wall ; so thin, that I have known a cannon-ball pierce 
 through it at once. 
 
 When I arrived at Denia, I found a Spaniard governor of 
 the town, whose name has slipt my memory, though his be- 
 haviour merited everlasting annals. Major Percival, an 
 Englishman, commanded in the castle, and on my coming 
 there, I understood it had been agreed between them, that in 
 case of a siege, which they apprehended, the town should 
 be defended wholly by Spaniards, and the castle by the 
 English. 
 
 I had scarce been there three weeks before those expecta- 
 tions were answered. The place was invested by Count 
 D'Alfelt, and Major-general Mahoni; two days after which, 
 they opened trenches on the east side of the town. I was 
 necessitated, upon their so doing, to order the demolishment 
 of some houses on that side, that I might erect a battery to 
 point upon their trenches, the better to annoy them. I did 
 so ; and it did the intended service ; for with that, and two 
 others, which I raised upon the castle (from all which we 
 fired incessantly, and with great success), the besiegers were 
 sufficiently incomruoded. 
 
 The governor of the town (a Spaniard, as I said before, 
 and with a Spanish garrison) behaved very gallantly ; inso- 
 much, that what was said of the Prince of Hesse, when he 
 60 bravely defended Gibraltar against the joint forces ot 
 France and Spain, might be said of him, that he was governor, 
 engineer, gunner, and bombardier aU in one : for no man 
 
400 MEMO'RS OF CAPTAIN CARLETON. 
 
 could exceed him, either in conduct or courage. Nor were 
 the Spaniards under him less valiant or vigilant ; for in case 
 the place was taken, expecting but indifferent quarter, they 
 fought with bravery, and detended the place to admiration. 
 
 The enemy had answered our fire with all the ardour 
 imaginable ; and having made a breach, that, as we thought, 
 was practicable, a storm was expected every hour. Prepar- 
 ing against which, to the great joy of all the inhabitants, and 
 the surprise of the whole garrison, and without our being 
 able to assign the least cause, the enemy suddenly raised the 
 siege, and withdrew from a place which those within imagined 
 in great danger. 
 
 The siege thus abdicated (if I may use a modern phrase), 
 I was resolved to improve my time, and make the best pro- 
 vision I could against any future attack. To that purpose 1 
 made several new fortifications, together with proper case- 
 ments for our powder, all which rendered the place much 
 stronger, though time too soon showed mo that strength itself 
 must yield to fortune. 
 
 Surveying those works, and my workmen, I was one day 
 standing on the great battery, when casting my eye toward 
 the Barbary coast, I observed an odd sort of greenish cloud 
 making to the Spanish shore ; not like other clouds, with ra- 
 pidity or swiftness ; but with a motion so slow, that sight 
 itself was a long time before it would allow it such. At last 
 it came just over my head, and interposing between the sun 
 and me, so thickened the air, that I had lost the very sight of 
 day. At this moment it had reached the land ; and though 
 very near me in my imagination, it began to dissolve, and lose 
 of its first tenebrity, when, all on a sudden, there fell such a 
 vast multitude of locusts, as exceeded the thickest storm of 
 hail or snow that I ever saw. All around me was immedi- 
 ately covered with those crawling creatures ; and they yet 
 continued to fall so thick, that with the swing of my cane I 
 knocked down thousands. It is scarce imaginable the havoc 
 I made in a very little space of time ; much less conceivable 
 is the horrid desolation which attended the visitation of those 
 animalcute. There was not, in a day or two's time, the least 
 leaf to be seen upon a tree, nor any green thing in a garden. 
 Nature seemed buried in her own ruins, and the vegetable 
 world to be nupporters only to her monument. 1 never saw 
 the hardest winter, in those parts, attended with any equaJ 
 
DEVASIATION AND PESTILENCE BY LOCUSTS. 401 
 
 desolation. When, glutton-like, they had devoured all that 
 should have sustained them, and the more valuable part of 
 God's creation (whether vsreary with gorging, or over-thirsty 
 witli devouring, I leave to philosophers), they made to ponds, 
 brooks, and standing pools, there revenging their own rape 
 upon nature, upon their own vile carcases. In every one of 
 these you might see them lie in heaps like little hills ; 
 drowned indeed, but attended with stenches so noisome, that 
 it gave the distracted neighbourhood too great reason to 
 apprehend yet more fatal consequences. A pestilential in- 
 fection is the dread of every place, but especially of all parts 
 upon the Mediterranean. The priests, therefore, repaired to 
 a little chapel, built in the open fields, to be made use of on 
 such-like occasions, there to deprecate the miserable cause of 
 this dreadful visitation. In a week's time, or thereabouts, 
 the stench was over, and everything but verdant nature in its 
 pristine order. 
 
 Some few months after this, and about eight months from 
 the former siege, Count D'Alfelt caused Denia to be again 
 invested ; and being then sensible of all the mistakes he had 
 before committed, he now went about his business with more 
 regularity and discretion. The first thing he set upon, and it 
 was the wisest thing he could do, was to cut off our com- 
 munication with the sea. This he did, and thereby obtained 
 what he much desired. Next, he caused his batteries to be 
 erected on the west side of the town, from which he plied it 
 so furiously, that in five days' time a practicable breach was 
 made ; upon which they stormed and took it. The governor, 
 who had so bravely defended it in the former siege, for- 
 tunately for him, had been removed ; and Francis Valero, 
 now in his place, was made prisoner of war vnth all his 
 garrison. 
 
 After the taking the town, they erected batteries against 
 the castle, which they kept plied with incessant fire, both 
 from cannon and mortars. But what most of all plagued 
 us, and did us most mischief, was the vast showers of stones 
 sent among the garrison from their mortars. These, terrible 
 in bulk and size, did more execution than all the rest put 
 together. The garrison could not avoid being somewhat 
 disheartened at this uncommon way of rencounter, yet, to a 
 man, declared against hearkening to any proposals of sur- 
 render, the governor excepted; who, having selected mora 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 D T) 
 
403 MEMOIRS OP CAPTAIN CAELETON. 
 
 treasure than lie coukl properly or justly call his 3wn, was 
 the only person that seemed forward for such a motion. He 
 had more than once thrown out expressions of such a 
 nature, but without any effect. Nevertheless, having at last 
 secretly obtained a pecuhar capitulation for himself, bag, 
 and baggage, the garrison was sacrificed to his private 
 interest, and basely given up prisoners of war. By these 
 means, indeed, he saved his money, but lost his reputation ; 
 and soon after life itself And sure everybody will allow the 
 latter loss to be least, who will take pains to consider that it 
 screened him from the consequential scrutinies of a council 
 of war, which must have issued as the just reward of his 
 demerits. 
 
 The garrison, being thus unaccountably delivered up and 
 made prisoners, were dispersed different ways : some into 
 Castile, others as far as Oviedo, in the kingdom of Leon. 
 For my own part, having received a contusion in my breast, 
 I was under a necessity of being left behind with the enemy, 
 tiU I should be in a condition to be removed ; and when that 
 time came, I found myself agreeably ordered to Valencia. 
 
 As a prisoner of war, I must now bid adieu to the active 
 part of the military life, and hereafter concern myself with 
 descriptions of countries, towns, palaces, and men, instead 
 of battles. However, if I take in my way actions of war, 
 founded on the best authorities, I hope my interspersing 
 such will be no disadvantage to my now more pacific 
 Memoirs. 
 
 So soon as I arrived at Valencia, I vyrote to our pay- 
 master, Mr. Mead, at Barcelona, letting him know that I 
 was become a prisoner, wounded, and in want of money. 
 Nor could even all those circumstances prevail on me to 
 think it long before he returned a favourable answer, in an 
 order to Monsieur Zoulicafre, a banker, to pay me, on sight, 
 fifty pistoles. But in the same letter he gave me to under- 
 stand that those fifty pistoles were a present to me from 
 General (afterwards Earl) Stanhope ; and so' indeed I found 
 it, when I returned into England, my account not being 
 charged with any part of it ; but this was not the only test 
 I received of that generous earl's generosity. And where's 
 the wonder, as the world is compelled to own, that heroic 
 actions and largeness of soul ever did discover and amply 
 distinguish the genuine branches of that illustrious family? 
 
TERRIFIC MINE SPRUNG AT ALICANT. 403 
 
 This recruit to me, however, was the more generous for 
 being seasonable. Benefits are always doubled in their 
 being easily conferred and well timed ; and with such an 
 allowance as I constantly had by the order of King Philip, 
 as prisoner of war, viz., eighteen ounces of mutton per diem 
 for myself, and nine for my man, with bread and wine in 
 proportion, and especially in such a situation ; all this, I say, 
 was sufficient to invite a man to be easy, and almost forget 
 his want of liberty; and much more so to me, if it be 
 considered that that want of liberty consisted only in being 
 debarred from leaving the pleasantest city in all Spain. 
 
 Here I met with the French engineer who made the mine 
 under the rock of the castle at Alicant; that fatal mine, 
 which blew up General Richards, Colonel Syburg, Colonel 
 Thornicroft, and at least twenty more officers. And yet, by 
 the account that engineer gave me, their fate was their own 
 choosing ; the general, who commanded at that siege, being 
 more industrious to save them than they were to be saved. 
 He endeavoured it many ways : he sent them word of the 
 mine, and their readiness to spring it ; he over and over sent 
 them offers of leave to come and* take a view of it, and 
 inspect it. Notwithstanding all which, though Colonel 
 Thornicroft, and Captain Page, a French engineer in the 
 service of King Charles, pursued the invitation, and were 
 permitted to view it, yet would they not believe ; but re- 
 ported on their return, that it was a sham mine, a feint only, 
 to intimidate them to a surrender, aU the bags being filled 
 with sand instead of gunpowder. 
 
 The very day on whieh the besiegers designed to spring 
 the mine, they gave notice of it; and the people of the 
 neighbourhood ran up in crowds to an opposite hill in order 
 to see it : nevertheless, although those in the castle saw all 
 this, they still remained so infatuated, as to imagine it all 
 done only to affright them. At length the fatal mine was 
 sprung, and all who were upon that battery lost their lives ; 
 and, among them, those I first mentioned. The very recital 
 hereof made me think within myself, "Who can resist his 
 fate? 
 
 That engineer added farther, that it was with an in- 
 credible difficulty that he prepared that mine; that there 
 were in the concavity thirteen hundred barrels of powder ; 
 notwithstanding which, it made no great noise without, 
 
 D D 2 
 
404 MEMOIRS OF CAPTAIK CAELETON. 
 
 whatever it might do inwardly ; that only taking away what 
 might be not improperly termed an excrescence in the rock, 
 the" heave on the blast had rendered the castle rather stronger 
 on that side than it was before; a crevice or crack, which 
 had often occasioned apprehensions, being thereby wholly 
 closed and firm. 
 
 Some farther particulars I soon after had from Colonel 
 Syburg's gentleman; who, seeing me at the playhouse, 
 challenged me, though at that time unknown to me. He 
 told me, that, the night preceding the unfortunate catas- 
 trophe of his master, he was waiting on him in the case- 
 ment, where he observed, some time before the rest of the 
 company took notice of it, that General Richards appeared 
 very pensive and thoughtful ; that the whole night long he 
 was pestered with, and could not get rid of a great fly, 
 which was perpetually buzzing about his ears and head, to 
 the vexation and disturbance of the rest of the company, as 
 well as the general himself; that in the morning, when they 
 went upon the battery, under which the mine was, the 
 general made many offers of going off; but Colonel Syburg, 
 who was got a little nierry, and the rest out of a bravado, 
 would stay, and would not let the general stir ; that at last 
 it was proposed by Colonel Syburg to have the other two 
 bottles to the queen's health, after which he promised they 
 would all go off together. 
 
 Upon this, my relater, Syburg's gentleman, said, he was 
 sent to fetch the stipulated two bottles ; returning with 
 which, Captain Daniel Weaver, within thirty or forty yards 
 of the battery, ran by him, vowing he was resolved to drink 
 the queen's health with them ; but his feet were scarce on 
 the battery, when the mine was sprung, which took him 
 away with the rest of the company; while Major Harding, 
 now a justice in Westminster, coming that very moment off 
 duty, exchanged fates. 
 
 ■' If predestination in the eyes of many is an unaccountable 
 doctrine, what better account can the wisest give of this 
 fatality 1 Or to what else shall we impute the issue of this 
 whole transaction? That men shall be solicited to their 
 safety ; suffered to survey the danger they were threatened 
 with; among many other tokens of its approaching cer- 
 tainty, see such a concourse of people crowding to be 
 spectators of their impending catastrophe;) and after all 
 
fcjundek of the feanciscan order. 403 
 
 this, so infatuated to stay on the fatal spot the fetching up, 
 to the other two bottles ; whatever it may to such as nevei 
 think, to such as plead an use of reason, it must administer 
 matter worthy of the sedatest consideration. 
 
 Being now pretty well recovered of my wounds, I was, by 
 order of the Govenor of Valencia, removed to Sainte 
 Clemente de la Mancha, a town somewhat more inland, and 
 consequently esteemed more secure than a semi-seaport. 
 Here I remained under a sort of pilgrimage upwards oi 
 three years. To me, as a stranger, divested of acquaintance 
 or friend (for at that instant I was sole prisoner there), at 
 first it appeared such, though in a very small compass of 
 time, I luckily found it made quite otherwise by an agreeable 
 conversation. 
 
 Sainte Clemente de la Mancha is rendered famous by the 
 renowned Don Michael Cervantes, who, in his facetious but 
 satirical romance, has fixed it the seat and birthplace of his 
 hero Don Quixotte. 
 
 The gentlemen of this place are the least priest-ridden, or 
 sons of bigotry, of any that I met with in all Spain ; of which, 
 in my conversation with them, I had daily instances. 
 Among many others, an expression that fell from Don Felix 
 Pacheo, a gentleman of the best figure thereabout, and of a 
 very plentiful fortune, shall now suffice. I was become very 
 intimate with him ; and we used often to converse together 
 with a freedom too dangerous to be common in a country so 
 enslaved by the Inquisition. Asking me one day, in a sort 
 of a jocose manner, who, in my opinion, had done the 
 greatest miracles that ever were heard of? I answered, 
 Jesus Christ. It is very tr le, says he, Jesus Christ did great 
 miracles, and a great one it was to feed five thousand people 
 with two or three small fishes, and a like number of loaves ■ 
 but St. Francis, the founder of the Franciscan order, has 
 found out a way to feed daily one hundred thousand lubbards 
 with nothing at all ; meaning the Franciscans, the followers 
 of St. Francis, who have no visible revenues, yet, in their 
 way of living, come up to, if they do not exceed, any other 
 order. 
 
 Another day, talking of the place, it naturally led us into 
 a discourse of the Knight of la Mancha, Don Quixotte. At 
 which time he told me, that, in his opinion, that work was a 
 perfect paradox, being the best and worst romance that evei 
 
406 MEMOIRS OF CAPTAIN CARLETOW. 
 
 was wrote. For, says he, though it must infallibly please 
 every man that has any taste of wit, yet has it had such a 
 fatal effect upon the spirits of my countrymen, that eveiy 
 man of wit must ever resent ; for, continued he, before the 
 appearance in the world of that labour of Cervantes, it was 
 next to an impossibility for a man to walk the streets with 
 any delight, or without danger. There were seen so many 
 cavalieros prancing and curvetting before the windows of 
 their mistresses, that a stranger would have imagined the 
 whole nation to have been nothing less than a race of knight 
 errants. But after the world became a little acquainted with 
 that notable history, the man that was seen in that once 
 celebrated drapery, was pointed at as a Don Quixotte, and 
 found himself the jest of high and low. And I verily believe, 
 added he, that to this, and this only, we owe that dampness 
 and poverty of spirit, which has run through all our councils 
 for a century past, so little agreeable to those nobler actons 
 of our famous ancestors. 
 
 After many of these lesser sorts of confidences, Don Felix 
 recommended me to a lodging next door to his own. It was 
 at a widow's, who had one only daughter, her house just 
 opposite to a Franciscan nunnery. Here I remained some- 
 what upwards of two years ; all which time, lying in my bed, 
 I could hear the nuns early in the morning at their matins, 
 and late in the evening at their vespers, with delight enough 
 to myself, and without the least indecency in the world in 
 my thoughts of them. Their own divine employ too much 
 employed every faculty of mine, to entertain anything incon- 
 sentaneous or offensive. 
 
 This my neighbourhood to the nunnery gave me an oppor- 
 tunity of seeing two nuns invested ; and in this I must do a 
 justice to the whole country to acknowledge, that a stranger, 
 who is curious (I would impute it rather to their hopes of 
 conversion, than to their vanity), shall be admitted to much 
 greater freedoms in their religious pageantries, than any 
 native. 
 
 One of these nuns was of the first quality, which rendered 
 the ceremony more remarkably fine. The manner of invest- 
 ing them was this : in the morning her relations and friends 
 all met at her father's house ; whence, she being attired 
 in her most sumptuous apparel, and a coronet placed on her 
 head, they attended her, in cavalcade, to the nunnery, the 
 
INVESTMENT OF NUNS AT DE LA MANCHA. 407 
 
 Streets and windows being crowded, and filled with spectators 
 of all sorts. 
 
 So soon as she entered the chapel belonging to the nunnery, 
 she kneeled down, and, with an appearance of much devotion, 
 saluted the ground ; then rising up, she advanced a step or 
 two farther ; when on her knees she repeated the salutes ; 
 this done, she approached to the altar, where she remained 
 till mass was over : after which, a sermon was preached by- 
 one of the priests, in praise, or rather in an exalted preference, 
 of a single life. The sermon being over, the nun elect fell 
 down on her knees before the altar ; and, after some short 
 mental orisons, rising again, she withdrew into an inner 
 room, where, stripping oif aU her rich attire, she put on her 
 nun's weeds ; in which, making her appearance, she, again 
 kneeling, offered up some private devotions ; which being 
 over, she was led to the door of the nunnery, where the lady 
 and the rest of the nuns stood ready to receive her with open 
 arms. Thus entered, the nuns conducted her into the quire, 
 where after they had entertained her with singing, and play- 
 ing upon the organ, the ceremony concluded, and every one 
 departed to their proper habitations. 
 
 The very same day of the year ensuing, the relations and 
 friends of the fair novitiate meet again in the chapel of the 
 nunnery, where the lady abbess brings her out, and delivers 
 her to them. Then again is there a sermon preached on the 
 same subject as at first ; which being over, she "is brought up 
 to the altar in a decent, but plain dress ; .the fine apparel, 
 which she put off on her initiation, being deposited on one 
 side of the altar, and her nun's weeds on the other. Here 
 the priest in Latin cries, Utrum orum mavis, accipe : to which 
 she answers as her inclination, or as her instruction, directs 
 her. If she, after this her year of probation, show any dislike, 
 she is at liberty to come again into the world : but if awed 
 by fear (as too often is the case), or won by expectation, or 
 present real inclination, she makes choice of the nun's weeds, 
 she is immediately invested, and must never expect to appear 
 again in the world out of the walls of the nunnery. The 
 young lady I saw thus invested was very beautiful, and sang 
 the best of any in the nunnery. 
 
 There are in the town three nunneries, and a convent to 
 every one of them ; viz., one of Jesuits, one of Carmelites, 
 and the other of Franciscans. Let me not be so far mistaken, 
 
408 MEMOIRS OP CAPTAIN CAELETOST. 
 
 to have this taken by way of reflection . No ! /Vhatev er som e 
 of our rakes of the town may assert, I freely declare, that 1 
 never saw in any of the nunneries (of which I have seen 
 many both in Spain and other parts of the world), anything 
 like indecent behaviour, that might give occasion for satire 
 or disesteem. It is true, there may be accidents, that may 
 lead to a misinterpretation ; |of which I remember a very 
 untoward instance in Alicant. 
 
 When the English forces first-laid siege to that town, the 
 priests, who were apprehensive of it, having been long since 
 made sensible of the profound regard to chastity and modesty 
 of us heretics, by the ignominious behaviour of certain officers 
 at Eota and Porta St. Maria ; the priests, I say, had taken 
 care to send away privately all the nuns to Majorca. But 
 that the heretic invaders might have no jealousy of it, the fair 
 courtezans of the town were admitted to supply their room. 
 The officers, both of land and sea, as was by the friars pre- 
 imagined, on taking the town and castle, immediately repaired 
 to the grates of the nunnery, tossed over their handkerchiefs, 
 nosegays, and other pretty things ; all which were doubtless 
 very graciously received by those imaginary recluses. Thence 
 came it to pass, that, in the space of a month or less, you 
 could hardly fall into company of any one of our younger 
 officers, of either sort, but the discourse, if it might deserve 
 the name, was concerning these beautiful nuns; and you 
 would have imagined the price of these ladies as well known 
 as that of flesh in their common markets. Others, as well as 
 myself, have often endeavoured to disabuse those gloriosos, 
 but all to little purpose, till more sensible tokens convinced 
 them that the nuns, of whose favours they so much boasted, 
 could hardly be perfect virgins, though in a cloister, j And I 
 am apt to think those who would palm upon the world like 
 vicious relations of nuns and nunneries, do it on much like 
 grounds. ^ Not that there are wanting instances of nunneries 
 disfranchised, and even demolished upon very flagrant 
 accounts ; but I confine myself to Spain. ) 
 
 In this town of La Mancha, the corrigidore always has his 
 presidence, having sixteen others under his jurisdiction, of 
 which Almanza is one. They are changed every three years, 
 and their offices are the purchase of an excessive price, which 
 occasions the poor people's being extravagantly fleeced, 
 nothing being to be sold but at the rates they impose ; and 
 
SUEPEISING FLOCK OF EAGLES. 409 
 
 evei-ything that is lold, paying the corrigidore an acknowledg- 
 ment in specie, or an equivalent to his liking. 
 
 While I was here, news came of the battle of Almanar 
 and Saragosa; and giving the victory to that side which they 
 espoused (that of King Philip), they made very great re- 
 joicings. But soon, alas, for them, was all that joy converted 
 into sorrow : the next courier evincing that the forces of 
 King Charles had been victorious in both engagements. 
 This did not turn to my present disadvantage ; for convents 
 and nunneries, as well as some of those dons, whom afore 
 I had not stood so well with, strove now how most to oblige 
 me, not doubting but if the victorious army should march that 
 way, it might be in my power to double the most signal of 
 their services in my friendship. 
 
 Soon after, an accident fell out, which had like to ha-ve 
 been of an unhappy consequence to me. I was standing in 
 company, upon the parade, when a most surprising flock of 
 eagles flew over our heads, where they hovered for a con- 
 siderable time. The novelty struck them all with admiration, 
 as well as myself. But I, less accustomed to like spectacles, 
 innocently saying, that, in my opinion, it could not bode 
 any good to King Philip, because the eagle composed the 
 arms of Austria; some busybody, in hearing, went and 
 informed the corrigidore of it. Those most magisterial 
 wretches embrace all occasions of squeezing money, and 
 more especially from strangers. However, finding his ex- 
 pectations disappointed in me, and that I too well knew the 
 length of his foot, to let my money run freely, he sent n>e 
 next day to Alercon ; but the governor of that place having 
 had before intelligence that the English army was advancing 
 that way, refused to receive me, so I returned as I went ; 
 only the gentlemen of the place, as they had condoled the 
 first, congratulated the last; for that corrigidore stood but 
 very indifierently in their affections. However, it was a 
 warning to me ever after, how I made use of English 
 freedom in a Spanish territory. 
 
 As I had attained the acquaintance of most of the clergy 
 and religious of the place, so particularly I had my aim in 
 obtaining that of the provincial of the Carmelites. His 
 convent, though small, was exceeding neat ; but what to me 
 was much more agreeable, there were very large gardens 
 belonging to it, which often furnished me with salading and 
 
410 MEM.OIES OF CAPTAIN CAELETON. 
 
 fruit, and much oftener with -walks of refreshment, the most 
 satisfactory amusement in this warm climate. This ac- 
 quaintance with the provincial was by a little incident soon 
 advanced into a friendship, which was thus : I was one day 
 walking, as I used to do, in the long gallery of the convent, 
 when, observing the images of the Virgin Mary, of which 
 there was one at each end, I took notice that one had an 
 inscription under it, which was this: Ecce Virgo peperit 
 filium ; but the other had no inscription at all ; upon which, 
 I took out my pencil, and wrote underneath this line : 
 
 Sponsa Dei, patrisque parens, et filia filii. 
 
 The friars, who at a little distance had observed me, as 
 soon as I was gone, came up and read what I had writ ; 
 reporting which to the provincial, he ordered them to be 
 writ over in letters of gold, and placed just as I had put 
 them; saying, doubtless such a fine line could proceed from 
 nothing less than inspiration. This secured me, ever after, 
 his and their esteem ; the least advantage of which was a 
 full liberty of their garden for all manner of fruit, salading, 
 or whatever I pleased ; and, as I said before, the gardens 
 were too fine not to render such a freedom acceptable. 
 
 They often want rain in this country; to supply the defect 
 of which I observed in this garden, as well as others, an 
 invention not unuseful. There is a well in the middle of the 
 garden, and over that a wheel, with many pitchers, or 
 buckets, one"^nder another, which wheel being turned round 
 by an ass, the pitchers scoop up the water on one side, and 
 throw it out on the other into a trough, that by little chan- 
 nels conveys it, as the gardener directs, into every part of 
 the garden. By this means their flowers and their salading 
 are continually refreshed, and preserved from the otherwise 
 over-parching beams of the sun. 
 
 The Inquisition, in almost every town in Spain (and more 
 especiallyif of any great account), has its spies, or informers, 
 for treacherous intelligence. These make it their business to 
 ensnare the simple and unguarded, and are more to be 
 avoided by the stranger than the rattlesnake, nature having 
 appointed no such happy tokens in the former to foreshow 
 the danger. I had reason to believe that one of those 
 vermin once made his attack upon me in this place ; and as 
 
SPIES or THE INQUISITION. 411 
 
 they are very rarely, if ever, known to the natives them- 
 selves, I, being a stranger, may be allowed to make a guess 
 by circumstances. 
 
 I was walking by myself, when a person, wholly unknown 
 to me, giving me the civil salute of the day, endeavoured to 
 draw me into conversation. After questions had passed on 
 general heads, the fellow ensnaringly asked me how it came 
 to pass that I showed so little respect to the image of the 
 crucified Jesus, as I passed by it in such a street, naming it ? 
 I made answer, that I had, or ought to have, him always in 
 my heart crucified. To that he made no reply ; but, pro- 
 ceeding in his interrogatories, questioned me next whether I 
 believed a purgatory? I evaded the question, as I took it to 
 be ensnaring ; and only told him that I should be willing to 
 hear him ofifer anything that might convince me of the 
 truth, or probability of it. Truth ? he replied in a heat ; 
 there never yet was man so holy as to enter heaven without 
 first passing through purgatory. ( In my opinion, said I, 
 there vrill be no difficulty in convincing a reasonable man to 
 the contrary. What mean you by that? cried the spy. I 
 mean, said I, that I can name one, and a great sinner too, 
 who went into bliss without any visit to purgatory. Name 
 him if you can, replied my querist. What think you of the 
 thief upon the cross, said I, to whom our dying Saviour 
 said, Hodie eris mecum in, paradiso ? At which being silenced, 
 though not convicted, he turned from me in a violent rage, 
 and left me to myself. ) 
 
 What increased my first suspicion of him was, that a very- 
 short time after, my friend the provincial sent to speak with 
 me ; and repeating all passages between the holy spy and 
 me, assured me that he had been forced to argue in my 
 favour, and tell him that I had said nothing but well : For, 
 says he, all ought to have the holy Jesus crucified in their 
 hearts. Nevertheless, continued he, it is a commendable and 
 good thing to have him represented in the highways. For 
 suppose, said he, a man was going upon some base or profligate 
 design, the very sight of a crucified Saviour may happen to 
 subvert his resolution, and deter him irom committing theft, 
 murder, or any other of the deadly sins. And thus ended 
 that conference. 
 
 I remember, upon some other occasional conversation after, 
 the provincial told me, that in the Carmelite nunnery next to 
 
412 MEMOIRS OF CAPTAIN CAELETOW. 
 
 his convent, and under his care, there was a nun that ivng 
 daughter to Don Juan of Austria ; if so, her age must render 
 her venerable as her quality. 
 
 Taking notice one day, that all the people of the place 
 fetched their vi^ater from a well without the town, although 
 they had many seemingly as good within, I spoke to Don 
 Felix of it, who gave me, under the seal of secrecy, this 
 reason for it : When the seat of the war, said he, lay in these 
 parts, the French train of artillery was commonly quartered 
 in this place ; the officers and soldiers of which were so very 
 rampant and rude, in attempting to debauch our women, that 
 there is not a well within the town which has not some 
 Frenchmen's bones at the bottom of it ; therefore the natives, 
 who are sensible of it, choose rather to go farther afield. 
 
 By this well there runs a little rivulet, which gives head 
 to that famous river called the Guadiana ; which running for 
 some leagues under ground, affords a pretence for the natives 
 to boast of a bridge on which they feed many thousands of 
 sheep. When it rises again, it is a fine large river,and, after 
 a currency of many leagues, empties itself into the Atlantic 
 ocean. 
 
 As to military affairs, Almanar and Saragosa were victories 
 so complete, that nobody made the least doubt of their settling 
 the crown of Spain upon the head of Charles III. without a 
 rival. This was not barely the opinion of his friends, butiis 
 very enemies resigned all hope or expectation in favour of 
 King Philip. The Castilians, his most faithful friends, enter- 
 tained no other imagination ; for, after they had advised, and 
 prevailed that the queen with the prince of Asturias should 
 be sent to Victoria, under the same despondency, and a full 
 dispiritedness, they gave him so little encouragement to stay 
 in Madrid, that he immediately quitted the place, with a 
 resolution to retire into his grandfather's dominions, the place 
 of his nativity. 
 
 In his way to which, even on the last day's journey,' it was 
 his great good fortune to meet the Duke of Vendosme, with 
 some few troops, which his grandfather Louis XIV. of France 
 had ordered to his succour, under that duke's command- 
 The duke was grievously aflfected at such an unexpected 
 catastrophe ; nevertheless, he left nothing unsaid or undone, 
 that might induce that prince to turn back ; and at length 
 prevailing, after a little rest, and a grsat deal of patience, bj 
 
VlilT TO THE CHAPEL OF THE LADY DE ATOCHA. 413 
 
 tlie coming in of his scattered troops, and some few he could 
 raise, together with those the duke brought with him, he 
 once more saw himself at the head of twenty thousand men. 
 
 While things were in this manner, under motion in King 
 Philip's favour, Charles III., with his victorious army, 
 advances forward, and enters into Madrid, of which he made 
 General Stanhope governor. And even here the Castilians 
 gave full proof of their fidelity to their prince ; even at the 
 time when, in their opinion, his affairs were past all hopes of 
 retrieve, they themselves having, by their advice, contributed 
 to his retreat. Instead of prudential acclamations therefore, 
 such as might have answered the expectations of a victorious 
 prince, now entering into their capital, their streets were all 
 in a profound silence, their balconies unadorned with costly 
 carpets, as was customary on like occasions ; and scarce an 
 inhabitant to be seen in either shop or window. 
 
 This, doubtless, was no little mortification to a conquering 
 prince ; however, his generals were viase enough to keep him 
 from showing any other tokens of resentment, than marching 
 through the city with unconcern, and taking up his quarters 
 at Villaverda, about a league from it. 
 
 Nevertheless, King Charles visited, in his march, the chapel 
 of the Lady de Atocha, where finding several English colours 
 and standards, taken in the battle of Almanza, there hung 
 up, he ordered them to be taken down, and restored them to 
 the English general. 
 
 It was the current opinion then, and almost universal con- 
 sent has since confirmed it, that the falsest step in that whole 
 war, was this advancement of King Charles to Madrid. 
 After those two remarkable victories at Almanar and Sara- 
 gosa, had he directed his march to Pampeluna, and obtained 
 possession of that place, or some other near it, he had not 
 only stopt all succours from coming out of France, but he 
 would, in a great measure, have prevented the gathering 
 together of any of the routed and dispersed forces of King 
 Philip ; and it was the general notion of the Spaniards I 
 conversed with while at Madrid, that had King Philip once 
 again set his foot upon French land, Spain would never have 
 been brought to have re-acknowledged him. 
 
 King Charles with his army having stayed some time about 
 Madrid, and seeing his expectations of the Castilians joining 
 him not at all answered, at last resolved to decamp, and 
 
414 MEMOIRS OF CAPTAIN CARLETON. 
 
 return to Saragosa. Accordingly, with a very few troops, 
 that prince advanced thither ; while the main body, under 
 the command ot the Generals Stanhope and Staremberg, 
 passing under the very walls of Madrid, held on their march 
 towards Arragon. 
 
 After about three days' march, general Stanhope took up 
 his quarters at Breuhiga, a small town half walled ; General 
 Staremberg marching three leagues farther, to Cifuentes. 
 This choice of situation of the two several armies, not a little 
 puzzled the politicians ot those times ; who could very 
 indifferently account for the English general's lying exposed 
 in an open town, with his few English forces, of which 
 General Harvey's regiment of fine horse might be deemed the 
 main, and General Staremberg encamping three leagues 
 farther off the enemy. But to see the vicissitudes of fortune, 
 to which the actions of the bravest, by au untoward sort ot 
 fatality, are often forced to contribute ! none who had been 
 eyewitnesses of the bravery of either of those generals at the 
 battles of Almanar and Saragosa, could find room to call in 
 question either their conduct or their courage ; and yet in this 
 march, and this encampment, will appear a visible ill conse- 
 quence to the affairs of the interest they fought for. 
 
 The Duke of Vendosme having increased the forces which 
 he brought from France to upwards of twenty thousand men, 
 marches by Madrid directly for Breuhiga, where his intelli- 
 gence informed him General Stanhope lay; and that so 
 secretly, as well as swiftly, that that general knew nothing 
 of it, nor could be persuaded to believe it, till the very 
 moment their bullets from the enemy's cannon convinced him 
 of the truth. Breuhiga, I have said, was walled only on ene 
 side, and yet on that very side the enemy made their attack 
 But what could a handful do against a force so much superior, 
 though they had not been in want of both powder and ball ; 
 and in want of these, were forced to make use of stones 
 against all sorts of ammunition which the enemy plied them 
 with ? The consequence answered the deficiency ; they were 
 all made prisoners of war, and Harvey's regiment of horse 
 among the rest ; traich, to augment their calamity, was 
 immediately remounted by the enemy, and marched along 
 with their army to attack General Staremberg. 
 
 That general had heard somewhat of the march of Vendosme, 
 and waited with some impatience to have the confirmation oi 
 
BAITLE Ar VILLA VICIOSA. iio 
 
 it from General Stanhope, who lay between, and whom he 
 lay under an expectation of being joined with ; however, he 
 thought it not improper to make some little advance towards 
 him : and accordingly, breaking up from his camp at Cifa- 
 entes, he came back to Villa Viciosa, a little town between 
 Cifuentes and Breuhiga. There he found Vendosme ready 
 to attack him, before he could well be prepared for him, but 
 no English to join him, as he had expected ; nevertheless, 
 the battle was hot, and obstinately fought ; although Starem- 
 berg had visibly the advantage, having beat the enemy at 
 least a league from their cannon ; at which time, hearing o( 
 the misfortune of Breuhiga, and finding himself thereby frus- 
 trated of those expected succours to support him, he made a 
 handsome retreat to Barcelona, which in common calculation 
 is about a hundred leagues, without any disturbance of an 
 enemy, that seemed glad to be rid of him. Nevertheless, 
 his baggage having faller into the hands of the enemy, at the 
 beginning of the fight, King Philip and the Duke ot Ven- 
 dosme generously returned it unopened, and untouched, in 
 acknowledgment of his brave behaviour. 
 
 I had like to have omitted one material passage, which I 
 was very credibly informed of; that General Carpenter 
 offered to have gone, and have joined General Staremberg 
 with the horse, which was refused him. This was certainly 
 an oversight of the highest nature ; since his going would 
 have strengthened Staremberg almost to the assurance of an 
 entire victory ; whereas his stay was of no manner of service, 
 but quite the contrary : for, as I said before, the enemy, by 
 remounting the EngUsh horse (which perhaps were the com- 
 pletest of any regiment in the world), turned, if I may bo 
 allowed the expression, the strength of our artillery upon our 
 lUlies. 
 
410 ME3I0IRS OF CAPTAIN CAELETOST. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 BULL-FIGHT AT LA MANCHA TEMPERANCE AND BIGOTRY OP 
 
 THE SPANIARDS RESERVE CUSTOM OF GENTLEMEN IN 
 
 COMPANY WITH LADIES \yRETCHED MUSIC, EXCEPT AT 
 
 VALENCIA MUSIC AT EXECUTIONS SINGULAR APPEAL OP 
 
 A CLERGYMAN TO CONSCIENCE, AND VERY INTERESTING 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 Upon this retreat of Staremberg, and the surprise at Breu- 
 higa, there were great rejoicings at Madrid, and everywhere 
 else, where King Philip's interest prevailed. And indeed it 
 might be said, from that day the interest of King Charles 
 looked with a very lowering aspect. I was still a prisoner 
 at La Mancha, when this news arrived ; and very sensibly 
 affected at that strange turn of fortune. I was in bed when 
 the express passed through the town, in order to convey it 
 farther ; and in the middle of the night I heard a certain 
 Spanish Don, with whom, a little before, I had had some 
 little variance, thundering at my door, endeavouring to burst 
 it open, with, as I had reason to suppose, no very favourable 
 design upon me. But my landlady, who hitherto had always 
 been kind and careful, calling Don Felix and some others of 
 my friends together, saved me from the fury of his designs, 
 whatever they were. 
 
 Among other expressions of the general joy upon this 
 occasion, there was a bull-feast at La Mancha ; which being 
 much beyond what I saw at Valencia, I shall here give a 
 description of. These bull-feasts are not so common now in 
 Spain as formerly. King Philip not taking much delight in 
 them. Nevertheless, as soon as it was published here, that 
 there was to be one, no other discourse was heard ; and in 
 the talk of the bulls, and the great preparations for the feast, 
 men seemed to have lost, or to have laid aside, all thoughts 
 of the very occasion. A week's time was allowed for the 
 building of stalls for the beasts, and scaffolds for the spec- 
 tators, and other necessary preparations for the setting off 
 their joy with the most suitable splendour. 
 
 On the day appointed for the bringing the bulls into lown, 
 
BULL FEASTS. 417 
 
 the cavalieroes mounted their horses, and with spears in their 
 hands, rode out of town about a league, or somewhat more, 
 to meet them : if any of the bulls break from the drove, and 
 make an excursion (as they frequently do), the cavaUero 
 that can make him return again to his station among his com- 
 panions, is held in honour, suitable to the dexterity and ad- 
 dress he performs it with. On their entrance into the town, 
 all the windows are filled with spectators ; a pope passing in 
 grand procession could not have more ; for what can be more 
 than all ? And he, or she, who should neglect so rare a show, 
 would give occasion to have his or her legitamacy called in 
 question. 
 
 When they came to the Plaza, where the stalls and scaf- 
 folds are built, and upon which the feats of chivalry are to 
 be performed, it is often with a great deal of difficulty that the 
 brutes are got in ; for there are twelve stalls, one for every 
 bull, and as their number grows less by the installing of some, 
 che remainder often prove more untractable and unruly ; in 
 these stalls they are kept very dark, to render them fiercer 
 for the day of battle. 
 
 On the first of the days appointed (for a bull-feast com- 
 monly lasts three), g,ll the gentry of the place, or near adja- 
 cent, resort to the Plaza in their most gaudy apparel, every 
 one vying in making the most glorious appearance. Those 
 in the lower ranks provide themselves with spears, or a great 
 many small darts in their hands, which they fail not to cast 
 or dart, whenever the buU, by his nearness, gives them an 
 opportunity. So that the poor creature may be said to fight, 
 not only with the tauriro (or bull-hunter, a person always 
 hired for that purpose), but with the whole multitude, in the 
 lower class at least. 
 
 All being seated, the uppermost door is opened first ; and 
 as soon as ever the bull perceives the light, out he comes, 
 snuffing up the air, and staring about him, as if in admiration 
 of his attendants ; and with his tail cocked up, he spurns the 
 ground with his fore feet, as if he intended a challenge to 
 his yet unappearftig antagonist. Then, at a door appointed 
 for that purpose, enters the tauriro all in white, holding a 
 cloak in one hand, and a sharp two-edged sword in the other. 
 The buU no sooner sets eyes upon him, but, wildly staring, 
 he moves gently towards him; then gradually mends his 
 pace, till he is come within about the space of twenty yards 
 
 VOL. II. E E 
 
418 MEMOIES OF CAPTAIN CAELETON. 
 
 of the tauriro ; when, with a sort of spring, he makes at him 
 with all his might. The tauriro, knowing by frequent expe- 
 rience, that it behoves him to be watchful, slips aside just 
 when the bull is at him ; when casting his cloak over his 
 horns, at the same moment he gives him a slash or two, 
 always aiming at the neck, where there is one particular 
 place, which if he hit, he knows he shall easily bring him to 
 the ground. I myself observed the truth of this experiment 
 made upon one of the bulls, who received no more than one 
 cut, which happening upon the fatal spot, so stunned him, 
 that he remained perfectly stupid, the blood flowing out from 
 the wound, till, after a violent trembling, he dropt down stone 
 dead. 
 
 But this rarely happens, and the poor creature oftener re- 
 ceives many wounds, and numberless darts, before he dies. 
 Yet whenever he feels a fresh wound, either from dart, spear, 
 or sword, his rage receives addition from the wound, and he 
 pursues his tauriro with an increase of fury and violence. 
 And as often as he makes at his adversary, the tauriro takes 
 care, with the utmost of his agility, to avoid him, and reward 
 his kind intention with a new wound. 
 
 Some of their bulls will play their pajts much better than 
 others ; but the best must die. For when they have behaved 
 themselves with all the commendable fury possible, if the 
 tauriro is spent, and faU of doing execution upon him, they 
 set dogs upon him ; hough him, and stick him all over with 
 darts, tUl, with very loss of blood, he puts an end to their 
 present cruelty. 
 
 When dead, a man brings in two mules dressed out with 
 belts and feathers, and, fastening a rope about his horns, di'aws 
 off the buU with shouts and acclamations of the spectators, as 
 if the infidels had been drove from before Ceuta. 
 
 I had almost forgot another very common piece of 
 barbarous pleasure at these diversions. The tauriro will 
 sometimes stick one of their buU-spears fast in the ground, 
 aslant, but levelled as near as he can at his chest ; then pre- 
 senting himself to the bull, just before the point of the spear, 
 on his taking his run at the tauriro, which, as they assured 
 me, he always does with his eyes closed, the tauriro slips en 
 one side, and the poor creature runs with a violence often to 
 Btick himself, and sometimes to break the spear in his chest, 
 running away with part of it till he drop. . 
 
BULL FEASTS. 419 
 
 This tauriro was accounted one of the best in Spain ; and 
 indeed I saw him mount the back of one of the bulls, and ride 
 »n him, slashing and cutting, till he had quite wearied him ; 
 at which time dismounting, he killed him with much ease, 
 and to the acclamatoiy satisfaction of the whole concourse : 
 for variety of cruelty, as well as dexterity, administers to their 
 delight. 
 
 The tauriroes are very well paid, and, in truth, so they 
 ought to be ; for they often lose their lives in the diversion, 
 as this did the year after in the way of his calling. Yet it is 
 a service of very great profit when they perform dexterously: 
 for, whenever they do anything remarkable, deserving the 
 notice of the spectators, they never fail of a generous 
 gratification, money being thrown down to them in plenty. 
 
 This feast (as they generally do) lasted three days ; the last 
 of which was, in my opinion, much before either of the others. 
 On this, a young gentleman, whose name was Don Pedro 
 Ortega, a person of great quality, performed the exercise on 
 horseback. The seats, if not more crowded, were filled with 
 people of better fashion, who came from places at a distance 
 to grace the noble tauriro. 
 
 He was finely mounted, and made a very graceful figure : 
 but as, when the foot tauriro engages, the bull first enters ; so 
 in this contest, the cavaliero always makes his appearance on 
 the Plaza before the bull. His steed was a maneged horse ; 
 mounted on which, he made his entry, attended by four foot- 
 men in rich liveries ; who, as soon as their master had rid 
 round, and paid his devoirs to all the spectators, withdrew 
 from the dangers they left him exposed to. The cavaliero 
 having thus made his bows, and received the repeated vivas 
 of that vast concourse, marched with a very stately air to the 
 very middle of the Plaza, there standing ready to receive his 
 enemy at coming out. 
 
 The door being opened, the bull appeared ; and as I thought 
 with a fiercer and more threatening aspect than any of the 
 former. He stared around him for a considerable time, 
 snuffing up the air, and spurning the ground, without in the 
 least taking notice of his antagonist. But, at last, fixing his 
 eyes upon him, he made a full run at the cavaliero, which he 
 most dexterously avoided, and, at the same moment of time, 
 passing by, he cast a dart that stuck in his shoulders. At this, 
 the shouts and vivas were repeated ; and I observed a hand- 
 
 £ E 2 
 
420 MEMOIRS OF CAPTAIN CAKLETON. 
 
 kerchief waved twice or thrice, which, as I afterwards under- 
 stood, was a signal from the lady of his affections, that she had 
 beheld him with satisfaction. I took notice, that the cavaUero 
 endeavoured aU he could to keep aside the bull, for the 
 advantage of the stroke ; when, putting his horse on a full 
 career, he threw another dart, which fixed in his side, and so 
 enraged the beast, that he seemed to renew his attacks with 
 greater fury. The cavaliero had behaved himself to admiration, 
 and escaped many dangers, with the often repeated acclamations 
 of viva, viva ; when, at last, the enraged creature getting his 
 horns between the horse's hinder legs, man and horse came 
 both together to the ground. 
 
 I expected at that moment nothing less than death could he 
 the issue ; when, to the general surprise, as well as mine, the 
 very civU brute, author of all the mischief, only withdrew to 
 the other side of the Plaza, where he stood stUl, staring about 
 him as if he knew nothing of the matter. 
 ( The cavaliero was carried off not much hurt, but his delicate 
 beast suffered much more. However, I could not but think 
 afterward, that the good-natured buU came short of fair play. 
 If I may be pardoned the expression, he had used his adversary 
 with more humanity than he met with ; at least, since, after 
 he had the cavaliero under, he generously forsook him, I think 
 he might have pleaded, or others for him, for better treatment 
 than he after met with. \ 
 
 For, as the cavaliero was disabled and carried off, the foot 
 tauriro entered in white accoutrements, as before; but he 
 flattered himself with an easier conquest than he found. 
 There is always on these occasions, when he apprehends any 
 imminent danger, a place of retreat ready for the foot tauriro ; 
 and well for him there was so ; this bull obliged him over and 
 over to make use of it. : Nor was he able at last to despatch 
 him)'~^thout a general assistance ; for I believe I speak 
 within compass, when I say, he had more than a hundred 
 darts stuck in him. And so barbarously was he mangled and 
 slashed besides, that, in my mind, I could not but think King 
 Philip in the right, when he said. That it was a custom 
 deserved little encouragement. \ 
 
 Soon after this tauridore, or bull-feast, was over, I had a 
 mind to take a pleasant walk to a little town, called Minai, 
 about three leagues off; but I was scarce got out of La 
 Mancha, when an acquaintance meeting me, asked where I 
 
TEMPERANCE OF THE PEOPLE AT LA MANCHA. 42] 
 
 was g:ing? I told him to Minai ; when, taking me by the 
 hand, Friend Gorgio, says he in Spanish, come back with me ; 
 you shall not go a stride farther ; there are Picarons that 
 ■way ; you shall not go. Inquiring, as we went back, into his 
 meaning, he told me, that the day before, a man, who had 
 received a sum of money in pistoles at La Mancha, was, on 
 the road, set upon by some, who had got notice of it, and 
 murdered him ; that, not finding the money expected about 
 him (for he had cautiously enough left it in a friend's hands at 
 La Mancha), they concluded he had swallowed it ; and there- 
 fore they ript up his belly, and opened every gut ; but all to 
 as little purpose. This diverted my walk for that time. 
 
 But, some little time after, the same person inviting me 
 over to the same place, to see his melon-grounds, which in 
 that country are wonderful fine and pleasant, I accepted his 
 invitation, and, under the advantage of his company, went 
 thither. On the road, I took notice of a cross newly erected, 
 and a multitude of small stones around the foot of it : asking 
 the meaning whereof my friend told me, that it was raised 
 for a person there murdered (as is the custom throughout 
 Spain), and that every good catholic, passing by, held it his 
 duty to cast a stone upon the place, in detestation of the 
 murder. I had often before taken notice of many such 
 crosses; but never tiU then knew the meaning of their 
 erection, or the reason of the heaps of stones around them. 
 ( There is no place in all Spain more famous for good wine 
 than Sainte Clemente de la Mancha ; nor is it anywhere sold 
 cheaper ; for, as it is only an inland town, near no navigable 
 river, and the people temperate to a proverb, great plenty, and 
 a small vend, must consequently make it cheap. The wina 
 here is so famous, that, when I came to Madrid, I saw wrote 
 over the doors of most houses that sold wine. Vino Sainte 
 Clemente. As to the temperance of the people, I must say, 
 that, notwithstanding those two excellent qualities of goo(f 
 and cheap, I never saw, all the three years I was prisonel 
 there, any one person overcome with drinking. ^ 
 
 It is true, there may be a reason, and a political one, 
 assigned for that abstemiousness of theirs, which is this, that 
 if any man, upon any occasion, should be brought in as an 
 evidence against you, if you can prove that he was ever drunk, 
 it will invalidate his whole evidence. I could not but think 
 this a grand improvement apon the Spartans. They made 
 
422 MEMOIRS OP CAPTAIN CARLETON. 
 
 their slaves purposely drunk, to show their youth the folly ol 
 the vice by the sottish behaviour of their servants under it s 
 but they never reached to that noble height of laying a 
 penalty upon the aggressor, or of discouraging a voluntary 
 impotence of reason by a disreputable impotence of interest. 
 The Spaniard, therefore, in my opinion, in this exceeds the 
 Spartan, as much as a natural beauty exceeds one procured 
 by art ; for, though shame may somewhat influence some few, 
 terror is of force to deter all. A man, we have seen it, may 
 shake hands with shame ; but interest, says another proverb, 
 will never lie. A wise institution, therefore, doubtless is this 
 of the Spaniard ; but such as I fear will never take place in 
 Germany, Holland, France, or Great Britain. 
 ( But though I commend their temperance, I would not be 
 thought by any means to approve of their bigotry. If there 
 may be such a thing as intemperance in religion, I much fear 
 their ebriety in that will be found to be over-measure. Undei 
 the notion of devotion, I have seen men among them, and of 
 sense too, guilty of the grossest intemperances. ) It is too 
 common to be a rarity, to see their Dons of the prime quality, 
 as well as those of the lower ranks, upon meeting a priest in 
 the open streets, condescend to take up the lower part of his 
 vestment, and salute it with eyes erected, as if they looked 
 upon it as the seal of salvation. 
 
 When the Ave-bell is heard, the hearer must down on his 
 knees upon the very spot ; nor is he allowed the small 
 indulgence of deferring a little, till he can recover a clean 
 place ; dirtiness excuses not, nor will dirty actions by any 
 means exempt. This is so notorious, that even at the play- 
 house, in the middle of a scene, on the first sound of the bell, 
 the actors drop their discourse ; the auditors supersede the 
 indulging of their unsanctified ears, and all, on their knees, 
 bend their tongues, if not their hearts, quite a different way 
 to what they just before had been employed in. In short, 
 though they pretend in all this to an extraordinary measure 
 of zeal and real devotion, no man, that lives among them any 
 time, can be a proselyte to them without immolating his senses 
 and his reason : yet I must confess, while I have seen them 
 thus deluding themselves with Ave Marias, I could not refrain 
 throwing up my eyes to the only proper object of adoration, 
 in commiseration of such delusions. 
 
 The hours of the Ave-bell, are eight and twelve in the 
 
ADORATION AT THE AVE, BELL. 423 
 
 morning, and six in the evening. They pretend, at the first, 
 to fall down to beg that God would be pleased to prosper 
 them in all things they go about that day. At twelve they 
 return thanks for their preservation to that time ; and at six, 
 for that of the whole day. After which, one would think that 
 they imagine themselves at perfect liberty ; and their open 
 gallantries perfectly countenance the imagination : for, though 
 adultery is looked upon as a grievous crime, and punished 
 accordijagly, yet fornication is softened with the title of a 
 venial sin, and they seem to practise it under that persuasion. 
 
 I found here, what Erasmus ridicules with so much wit 
 and delicacy, the custom of burying in a Franciscan's habit, 
 in mighty request. If they can for that purpose procure an 
 old one at the price of a new one, the purchaser will looV 
 upon himself a provident chap, that has secured to his 
 deceased friend or relation, no less than heaven by that wise 
 bargain. 
 
 The evening being almost the only time of enjoyment of 
 company, or conversation, everybody in Spain then greedily 
 seeks it; and the streets are at that time crowded like our 
 finest gardens, or most private walks. On one of those occa- 
 sions, I met a Don of my acquaintance walking out with his 
 sisters ; and, as I thought it became an English cavalier, I 
 saluted him : but, to my surprise, he never returned the civility. 
 When I met him the day after, instead of an apology, as I 
 had flattered myself, I received a reprimand, though a very 
 civil one ; telling me, it was not the custom in Spain, nor 
 well taken of any one, that took notice of any who were 
 walking in the company of ladies at night. 
 
 But, a night or two after, I found, by experience, that, if 
 the men were by custom prohibited taking notice, women 
 were not. I was standing at the door, in the cool of the 
 evening, when a woman, seemingly genteel, passing by, 
 called me by my name, telling me she wanted to speak with 
 me : she had her mantilio on ; so that, had I had daylight, 
 I could have only seen one eye of her. However, I walked 
 with her a good while, without being able to discover 
 anything of her business, nor passed there between us 
 anything more than a conversation upon indifferent matters. 
 Nevertheless, at parting, she told me she should pass by agaio 
 the next evening ; and if I would be at the door, she would 
 give nsE the same advanatge of a conversation, that seemed 
 
424 MEMOIRS OP CAPTAIN CAELETON. 
 
 not to displease me. Accordingly, the next night she came, 
 and, as before, we walked together in the privatest parts of 
 the town : for, though I knew her not, her discourse was 
 always entertaini;ig and full of wit, and her inquiries not 
 often improper. We had continued this intercourse many 
 nights together, when my landlady's daughter, having taken 
 notice of it, stopt me one evening, and would not allow me 
 to stand at the usual post of intelligence, saying, with a good 
 deal of heat, Don Gorgio, take my advice ; go no more along 
 with that woman ; you may soon be brought home deprived 
 of your life, if you do. I cannot say whether she knew her , 
 but this I must say, she was very agreeable in wit, as well as 
 person. However, my landlady and her daughter took that 
 opportunity of giving me so many instances of the fatal issues 
 of such innocent conversations (for I could not call it an 
 intrigue), that, apprehensive enough of the danger, on laying 
 circumstances together, I took their advice, and never went 
 into her company after. 
 
 Sainte Clemente de la Mancha, where I so long remained 
 a prisoner of war, hes in the road from Madrid to Valencia ; 
 and the Duke of Vendosme being ordered to the latter, great 
 preparations were being made for his entertainment, as he 
 passed through. He stayed here only one night, where he 
 was very handsomely treated by the corregidore. He was a 
 tall fair person, and very fat, and at the time I saw him wore 
 a long black patch over his left eye ; but on what occasion I 
 could not learn. The afterwards famous Alberoni (since 
 made a cardinal), was in his attendance ; as, indeed, the 
 duke was very rarely without him. I remember that very 
 day three weeks, they returned through the very same place ; 
 the duke in his hearse, and Alberoni in a coach, paying his 
 last duties. That duke was a prodigious lover of fish, of 
 which having eat over-heartUy at Veneros, in the province 
 of Valencia, he took a surfeit, and died in three days' time. 
 His corpse was carrying to the Escurial, there to be buried 
 in the Pantheon among their kings. 
 
 The Castilians have a privilege, by license from the pope, 
 which, if it could have been converted into a prohibition, 
 might have saved that duke's life : in regard their country 
 is wholly inland, and the river Tagus, famous for its poverty, 
 or rather barrenness, their Holy Father indulges the natives 
 with the liberty, in lieu of that dangerous eatable, of eating 
 
JEAtOtTST OP TEUEBOEN SPAOTAEDS. 425 
 
 all Lent-time the inwards of cattle. When I first heard this 
 related, I imagined, that the garbage had been intended; 
 but I was soon after thus rectified, — by inwards (for so 
 expressly says the license itself), is meant the heart, the liver, 
 and the feet. 
 
 They have here, as well as in the most other parts of Spain, 
 Valencia excepted, the most wretched music in the universe. 
 Their guitars, if not their sole, are their darling instruments, 
 and what they most delight in : though, in my opinion, our 
 English sailors are not much amiss in giving them the title 
 of strum-strums. They are little better than our jews' -harp, 
 •though hardly half so musical. Yet are they perpetually at 
 nights disturbing their women with the noise of them, under 
 the notion and name of serenadoes. From the barber to the 
 grandee the infection spreads, and very often with the same 
 attendant, danger ; night quarrels and rencounters being the 
 frequent result. The truebom Spaniards reckon it a part 
 of their glory, to be jealous of their mistresses, which is too 
 often the forerunner of murders ; or at best, attended with 
 many other very dangerous inconveniences. And yet, bad as 
 their music is, their dancing is the reverse. I have seen a 
 country girl manage her castanets with the graceful air of a 
 duchess, and that not to common music, but to people's 
 beating or drumming a tune with their hands on a table. I 
 have seen half a dozen couple at a time dance to the like in 
 excellent order. 
 
 I just now distinguished, by an exception, the music of 
 Valencia, where alone I experienced the use of the violin ; 
 which, though I cannot, in respect to other countries, call 
 good, yet, in respect to the other parts of Spain, I must 
 acknowledge it much the best. In my account of that 
 city, I omitted to speak of it ; therefore now, to supply that 
 defect, I will speak of the best I heard, which was on this 
 unfortunate occasion : several natives of that country, having 
 received sentence of death for their adherence to King 
 Charles, were accordingly ordered to the place of execution. 
 It is the custom there, on all such occasions, for aU the 
 music of the city to meet near the gallows, and play the 
 most affecting and melancholy ftirs, to the very approach of 
 the condemned; and really the music was so moving, it 
 heightened the scene of sorrow, and brought compassion into 
 the eyes even of enemies. 
 
426 MEMOIKS OF CAPTAIN CABLETON. 
 
 As to the condemned, they came stript of their own clothes, 
 and covered with black frocks, in which they were led along 
 the streets to the place of execution, the friars praying all 
 the way. When they came through any street, where any 
 public images were fixed, they stayed before them some 
 reasonable time in prayer with the friars. When they 
 are arrived at the fatal place, those fathers leave them not, 
 but continue praying and giving them ghostly encourage- 
 ment, standing upon the rounds of the ladder till they are 
 turned off. The hangman always wears a silver badge of a 
 ladder to distinguish his profession : but his manner of 
 executing hig office had somewhat in it too singular to allow 
 of silence. When he had tied fast the hands of the criminal, 
 he rested his knee upon them, and with one hand on the 
 criminal's nostrils, to stop his breath the sooner, threw 
 himself off the ladder along with the dying party. This he 
 does to expedite his fate ; though, considering the force, I 
 wonder it does not tear head and body asunder : which yet I 
 never heard that it did. 
 
 But, to return to La Mancha : — ^I had been there now 
 upwards of two years, much diverted with the good humour 
 and kindness of the gentlemen, and daily pleased with the 
 conversation of the nuns of the nunnery opposite to my 
 lodgings ; when, walking one day alone upon the Plaza, I 
 found myself accosted by a clerico. At the first attack, he 
 told me his country ; but added, that he now came from 
 Madrid with a Potent (that was his word), from Pedro de 
 Dios, dean of the inquisition, to endeavour the conversion of 
 any of the English prisoners ; that being an Irishman, as a 
 sort of a brother, he had conceived a love for the English, and 
 therefore more eagerly embraced the opportunity, which the 
 holy inquisition had put into his hands, for the bringing over 
 to mother church as many heretics as he could ; that, having 
 heard a very good character of me, he should think himself 
 very happy, if he could be instrumental in my salvation : It 
 is very true, continued he, I have lately had the good fortune 
 to convert many ; and besides the candour of my own 
 disposition, I must tell you, that I have a peculiar knack at 
 conversion, which ver)' few, if any, ever could resist. I am 
 going upon the same work into Murcia; but your good 
 character has fixed me in my resolution of preferring youi 
 salvation to that of others. 
 
SINGULAR CONDUCT OF A CLERICO. 427 
 
 To this very long, and no less surprising address, 1 only 
 returned, that it being an affair of moment, it would require 
 some consideration ; and that by the time he returned from 
 Murcia, I might be able to return him a proper answer. 
 But not at all satisfied with this reply ; Sir, says he, God 
 Almighty is aU. sufficient : this moment is too precious to be 
 lost ; he can turn the heart in the twinkling of an eye, as 
 well as in twenty years. Hear me then ; mind what I say to 
 you : I will convince you immediately. You heretics do not 
 believe in transubstantiation, and yet did not our Saviour 
 say in so many words, Hoc est corpus meum ? And if you do 
 not believe him, do not you give him the lie ? Besides, does 
 not one of the fathers say, Deus, qui est omnis Veritas, non potest 
 dicere falsum ? He went on at the same ridiculous rate ; 
 which soon convinced me that he was a thorough rattle. 
 However, as a clerico, and consequently, in this country, a 
 man dangerous to disoblige, I invited him home to dinner ; 
 where, when I had brought him, I found I had no way done 
 an unacceptable thing ; for my landlady aijd her daughter, 
 seeing him to be a clergyman, received him with a vast deal 
 of respect and pleasure. 
 
 Dinner being over, he began to entertain me with a detail 
 of the many wonderful conversions he had made upon obstinate 
 heretics ; that he had convinced the most stubborn, and had 
 such a nostrum, that he would undertake to convert any one. 
 Here he began his old round, intermixing his harangue with 
 such scraps and raw sentences of fustian Latin, that I grew 
 weary of his conversation ; so, pretending some business of 
 consequence, I took leave, and left him and my landlady 
 together. 
 
 I did not return tUl pretty late in the evening with intent 
 to give him time enough to think his own visit tedious ; but, 
 to my great surprise, I found my Irish missionary still on the 
 spot, ready to dare me to the encounter, and resolved, like a 
 true son of the church militant, to keep last in the field of 
 battle. As soon as I had seated myself, he began again to 
 tell me how good a character my landlady had given me, 
 which had prodigiously increased his ardour of saving my 
 soul ; that he could not answer it to his own character, as 
 well as mine, to be negligent ; and therefore he had entered 
 into a resolution to stay my coming, though it had been 
 later. To all which, I returned him abundance of thanks for 
 
428 MEMOIRS OF CAPTAIN CAELETOK. 
 
 his good will, but pleading indisposition and want of rest, 
 after a good deal of civil impertinence, I once more got rid of 
 him ; at least, I took my leave, and went to bed, leaving him 
 again master of the field ; for I understood next morning, that 
 he stayed some time after I was gone, with my good landlady. 
 
 Next morning, the nuns of the nunnery opposite, having 
 taken notice of the clerico's ingress, long visit, and late 
 egress, sent to know whether he was my countryman ; with 
 many other questions, which I was not then let into the secret 
 of. To all which T returned, that he was no countryman of 
 mine, but an Irishman, and so perfectly a stranger to me, 
 that I knew no more of him than what I had from his own 
 mouth, that he was going into Murcia. What the meaning 
 of this inquiry was I could never learn ; but I could not 
 doubt, but it proceeded from their great care of their vicino, 
 as they called me ; a mark of their esteem, and of which I 
 was not a little proud. 
 
 As was my usual custom, I had been taking my morning 
 walk, and had n^t been long come home in order to dinner, 
 when in again drops my Irish clerico : I was confounded, 
 and vexed, and he could not avoid taking notice of it ; never- 
 theless, without the least alteration of countenance, he took 
 his seat ; and on my saying, in a cold and indifferent tone, 
 that I imagined he had been got to Murcia, before this ; he 
 replied, with a natural fleer, that truly he was going to 
 Murcia, but his conscience pricked him, and he did find that 
 he could not go away with any satisfaction, or peace of mind, 
 without making me a perfect convert ; that he had plainly 
 discovered in me a good disposition, and had, for that very 
 reason, put himself to the charge of man and mule, to the 
 Bishop of Cuenca for a license, under his hand, for my con- 
 version : for in Spain, aU private missionaries are obliged to 
 ask leave of the next bishop, befOre they dare enter upon any 
 enterprise of this nature. 
 
 I was more confounded at this last assurance of the man 
 than at all before ; and it put me directly upon reflecting, 
 whether any, and what inconveniences might ensue, from a 
 rencounter that I at first conceived ridiculous, but might now 
 reasonably begin to have more dangerous apprehensions of. I 
 knew, by the articles of war, all persons are exempted from any 
 power of the inquisition ; but whether can-ying on a part in 
 such a farce, might not admit, or at least be liable to some 
 
INDECENT BEHAVIOUE OF THE CLEKICO. 429 
 
 dangerous construction, was not imprudently now to be con- 
 sidered. Though I was not fearful, yet I resolved to be 
 cautious. Wherefore, not making any answer to his declara- 
 tion about the bishop, he took notice of it ; and, to raise a 
 confidence he found expiring, began to teU me, that his name 
 was Murtough Brennan, that he was born near Kilkenny of 
 a very considerable family. This last part indeed, when I 
 came to Madrid, I found pretty well confirmed in a consider- 
 able manner. However, taking notice that he had altered his 
 tone of leaving the town, and that, instead of it, he was ad- 
 vancing somewhat like an invitation of himself to dinner the 
 next day, I resolved to show myself shy of him ; and thereupon 
 abruptly, and without taking my leave, I left the room, and 
 my landlady and him together. 
 
 Three or four days had passed, every one of which he never 
 failed my lodgings ; not at dinner time only, but night and 
 morning too ; from all which I began to suspect, that, instead 
 of my conversion, he had fixed upon a reconversion of my 
 landlady. She was not j'oung, yet, for a black woman, hand- 
 some enough ; and her daughter very pretty ; I entered into 
 a resolution to make my ( bservations, and watch them all at 
 a distance ; nevertheless carefully concealing my jealousy. 
 However, I must confess, I was not a little pleased, that any- 
 thing could divert my ovra persecution. He was now no 
 longer my guest, but my landlady's, with whom I found him so 
 much taken up, that a little care might frustrate all his former 
 impertinent importunities on the old topic. 
 
 But all my suspicions were very soon after turned into 
 certainties in this manner : I had been abroad, and returning 
 somewhat weary, I went to my chamber, to take, what in 
 that country they call, a cesto, upon my bed : I got in unseen 
 or without seeing anybody, but had scarce laid myself down, 
 before my young landlady, as I jestingly used to call the 
 daughter, rushing into my room, threw herself down on the 
 floor, bitterly exclaiming. I started off my bed, and imme- 
 diately running to the door, who should I meet there but my 
 Irish clerico, without his habit, and in his shirt? I could not 
 doubt, by the dishabille of the clerico, but the young creature 
 had reason enough for her passion, which rendered me quite 
 unable to master mine ; wherefore, as he stood with his back 
 next the door, I thrust him in that ghostly plight into tha 
 „pen street. 
 
480 MEMOIES OF CAPTAIN CARLETOW. 
 
 I might, with leisure enough, have repented that precipitate 
 piece of indiscretion, if it had not been for his bad character, 
 and the favourable opinion the town had conceived of me ; 
 for he inordinately exclaimed against me, calling me heretic, 
 and telling the people, who were soon gathered round him, 
 that, coming to my lodgings on the charitable work of con- 
 version, I had thus abused him, stript him of his habit, and 
 then turned him out of doors. The nuns, on their hearing 
 the outcries he made, came running to their grates, to inquire 
 into the matter; and when they understood it, as he was 
 pleased to relate it, though they condemned my zeal, they 
 pitied my condition. Very well was it for me, that I stood 
 more than a little well in the good opinion of the town ; 
 among the gentry, by my frequent conversation, and the in- 
 ferior sort by my charitable distributions ; for nothing can be 
 more dangerous, or a nearer way to violent fate, than to in- 
 sult one of the clergy in Spain, and especially for such an one 
 as they entitle a heretic. 
 
 My old landlady (I speak in respect to her daughter), how- 
 ever formerly my seeming friend, came in a violent passion, 
 and, wrenching the door out of my hands, opened it, and 
 pulled her clerico in ; and, so soon as she had done this, she 
 took his part, and railed so bitterly at me, that I had no 
 reason longer to doubt her thorough conversion, under the 
 full power of his mission. However, the young one stood 
 her ground, and, by all her expressions, gave her many in- 
 quirers reason enough to believe, all was not matter of faith 
 that the clerico had advanced. Nevertheless, holding it ad- 
 visable to change my lodgings, and a friend confirming my 
 resolutions, I removed that night. 
 
 The clerico, having put on his upper garments, was run 
 away to the corregidore, in a violent fury, resolving to be 
 early, as well knowing, that he, who tells his story first, has 
 the prospect of telling it to double advantage. When he came 
 there, he told that officer a thousand idle stories, and in the 
 worst manner ; repeating how I had abused him, and not him 
 only, but my poor landlady, for taking his part. The corregi- 
 dore was glad to hear it all, and with an officious ear fished 
 for a great deal more ; expecting, according to usage, at last 
 to squeeze a sum of money out of me. However, he told the 
 clerico, that as I was a prisoner of war, he had no power 
 over me ; but if he would immediately write to the President 
 
THE CLEEICO'S SCHEMES DEFI ATED. 431 
 
 Ronquillo, at Madrid, he would not fail to give his immediate 
 orders, according to which he would as readily act against 
 me. 
 
 The clerico resolved to pursue his old maxim and cry out 
 first ; and so taking the corregidore's advice, he wrote away 
 to Madrid directly. In the mean time, the people in the 
 town, both high and low, some out of curiosity, some out of 
 Mendship, pursued their inquiries into the reality of the 
 facts. The old landlady they could make little of to my ad- 
 vantage ; but whenever the young one came to the question, 
 she always left them with these words in her mouth, £1 
 Diabolo en forma del Clerico, which rendering things more 
 than a little cloudy on the clerico's side, he was advised and 
 pressed by his few friends, as fast as he could, to get out of 
 town ; nuns, clergy, and everybody taking part against him, 
 excepting his new convert, my old landlady. 
 
 The day after, as I was sitting with a friend at my new 
 quarters, Maria (for that was the name of my landlady's 
 daughter), came running in with these words in her mouth, 
 El clerico, el clerico, passa la calle. We hastened to the 
 window ; out of which we beheld the clerico, Murtough 
 Brennan, pitifully mounted on the back of a very poor ass, 
 for they would neither let nor lend him a mule through all 
 the town ; his legs almost rested on' the ground, for he was 
 lusty, as his ass was little ; and a fellow with a large cudgel 
 marched afoot, driving his ass along. Never did Sancho 
 Pancha, on his embassage to Dulcinea, make such a despic- 
 able out-of-the-way figure, as our clerico did at this time. 
 And what increased our mirth was, their telhng me, that our 
 clerico, like that squire (though upon his own priest-errantry), 
 was actually on his march to Toboso, a place five leagues off, 
 famous for the nativity of Dulcinea, the object of the passion 
 of that celebrated hero Don Quixotte. So I will leave our 
 clerico on his journey to Murcia, to relate the unhappy sequel 
 of this ridiculous affair. 
 
 I have before said, that, by the advice of the corregidore 
 our clerico had wrote to Don Ronquillo at Madrid. About 
 a fortnight after his departure from La Mancha, I was sitting 
 alone in my new lodgings, when two alguazils (ofiicers under 
 the corregidore, and iu the nature of our bailiffs), came into 
 my room, but very civilly, to tell me, that they had orders to 
 carry me away to prison ; but at the same moment, t liey ad- 
 
432 MEMOIRS OF CAPTAIN CARLETOIf. 
 
 vised me not to be afraid ; for they had observed, that the 
 whole town was concerned at what the corregidore and clerico 
 had done ; adding, that it was their opinion, that I should 
 find so general a friendship, that I need not be apprehen- 
 sive of any danger. With these plausible speeches, though I 
 afterwards experienced the truth of them, I resigned myself, 
 and went with them to a much closer confinement. 
 
 I had not been there above a day or two, before many 
 gentlemen of the place sent to me, to assure me, they were 
 heartily afflicted at my confinement, and resolved to write in 
 my favour to Madrid ; but as it was not safe, nor the custom 
 in Spain, to visit those in my present circumstances, they 
 hoped I would not take it amiss, since they were bent to act 
 all in their power towards my deliverance ; concluding, how- 
 ever, with their advice, that I would not give one real of Plata 
 to the corregidore, whom they hated, but confide in their as- 
 siduous interposal. Don Pedro de Ortega in particular, the 
 person that performed the part of the tauriro on horseback, 
 sometime before, sent me word, he would not fail to write to 
 a relation of his, of the first account in Madrid, and so repre- 
 sent the afiair, that I should not long be debarred my old 
 acquaintance. 
 
 It may administer, perhaps, matter of wonder, that Spani- 
 ards, gentlemen of the staunchest punctilio, should make a 
 scruple, and excuse themselves from visiting persons under 
 confinement, when, according to all Christian acceptation, 
 such a circumstance would render such a visit, not charitable 
 only, but generous. But though men of vulgar spirits might, 
 from the narrowness of their views, form such insipid excuses, 
 those of these gentlemen, I very well knew, proceeded from 
 much more excusable topics. I was committed under the ac- 
 cusation of having abused a sacred person, one of the clergy ; 
 and though, as a prisoner of war, I might deem myself exempt 
 from the power of the Inquisition, yet how far one of that 
 country, visiting a person, so accused, might be esteemed cul- 
 pable, was a consideration in that dangerous climate, far from 
 deserving to be slighted. To me, therefore, who well knew 
 the customs of the country, and the temper of its country- 
 men, their excuses were not only allowable, but acceptable 
 also : for, without calling in question their charity, I verily 
 believed I might saftly confide in their honour. 
 
 Accordingly, after I had been a close prisoner one month 
 
THE CLEEICO PRONOUNCED A SCANDAL. 433 
 
 to a day, I found the benefit of these gentlemens' promises 
 and solicitations ; pursuant to which, an order was brought 
 for my immediate discharge ; notwithstanding, the new con- 
 vert, my old landlady, did aU she could to make her appear- 
 ing against me effectual, to the height of her prejudice and 
 malice, even while the daughter, as sensible of my innocence, 
 and acting with a much better conscience, endeavoured as 
 much to justity me, against both the threats and persuasions 
 of the corregidore, and his few accomplices, though her own 
 mother made one. 
 
 After receipt of this order for my enlargement, I was 
 mightily pressed by Don Felix, and others of my friends, to 
 go to Madrid, and enter my complaint against the corregidore 
 and the clerico, as a thing highly essential to my own future 
 security. Without asking leave, therefore, of the corregidore, 
 or in the least acquainting him with it, I set out from La 
 Mancha, and, as I afterwards understood, to the terrible 
 alarm of that griping officer, who was under the greatest 
 consternation when he heard I was gone ; for, as he knew 
 very well that he had done more than he could justify, he 
 was very apprehensive of any complaint ; well knowing, that 
 as he was hated as much as I was beloved, he might assure 
 himself of the. want of that assistance from the gentlemen, 
 which I had experienced. 
 
 ^ So soon as I arrived at Madrid, I made it my business to 
 inquire out and wait upon Father Fahy, chief of the Irish 
 college. He received me very courteously ;^ but when I 
 acquainted him with the treatment I had mfet with from 
 Brennan, and had given him an account of his other scanda- 
 lous behaviour, I found he was no stranger to the man, or 
 his character ; for he soon confirmed to me the honour 
 Brennan first boasted of, his considerable family, by saying, 
 that scarce an assize passed in his own country, without two 
 or three of that name receiving at the gallows the just reward 
 of their demerits. In short, not only Father Fahy, but all 
 the clergy of that nation at Madrid, readily subscribed to 
 this character of him, that he was a scandal to their country. 
 
 After this, I had nothing more to do, but to get that Father 
 to go with me to Pedro de Dios, who was the head of the 
 Dominican cloister, and dean of the Inquisition. He readily 
 granted my request ; and when we came there, in a manner 
 unexpected, represented to the dean, that having some good 
 
 VOL. 11. ^ ^ 
 
431 MEMOIRS OF CAPTAIN CAELETON. 
 
 dispositions towards mother-church, I had been diverted from 
 them, he feared, by the evil practices of one Murtough 
 Brennan, a countryman of his, though a scandal to his 
 country ; that, under a pretence of seeking my conversion, he 
 had laid himself open in a most beastly manner, such as would 
 have set a catholic into a vile opinion of their religion, and 
 much more one that was yet a heretic. The dean had hardly 
 patience to hear particulars; but as soon as my friend had 
 ended his narration, he immediately gave his orders, prohibit- 
 ing Murtough's saying any more masses, either in Madrid, 
 or any other place in Spain. ) This indeed was taking away 
 the poor wretch's sole subsistence, and putting him just upon 
 an equality with his demerits. 
 
 I took the same opportunity to make my complaints of the 
 corregidore ; but his term expiring very soon, and a process 
 being likely to be chargeable, I was advised to let it drop. 
 So having effected what I came for, I returned to my old 
 station at La Mancha. 
 
 When I came back, I found a new corregidore, as I had 
 been told there would, by the dean of the Inquisition, who, 
 at the same time, advised me to wait on him. I did so, soon 
 after my arrival, and then experienced the advice to be well 
 intended ;/the dean having wrote a letter to him, to order 
 him to treat me with all manner of civility. He showed me 
 the very letter, and it was in such particular and obliging 
 terms, that I could not but perceive he had taken a resolution, 
 if possible, to eradicate all the evil impressions that Murtough's 
 behaviour might have given too great occasion for. ) This 
 served to confirm me in an observation that I had long 
 before made, that a protestant, who will prudently keep his 
 sentiments in his own breast, may command anything in 
 Spain ; where their stiff bigotry leads them naturally into 
 that other mistake, that not to oppose, is to assent. Besides, 
 it is generally among them almost a work of supererogation 
 to be even instrumental in the conversion of one they call a 
 heretic. To bring any such back to what they call mother 
 church, nothing shall be spared, nothing thought too much ; 
 and if you have insincerity enough to give them hopes, you 
 shall not only live in ease, but in pleasure and plenty. 
 
 I had entertained some thoughts on my journey back, of 
 taking up my old quarters at the widow's ; but found her so 
 entirely converted by her clerioo, that there would be no 
 
PROCLAMATION OF PEACE, 435 
 
 room to expect peace : for which reason, with the aelp of 
 my fair vicinos, and Don Felix, I took another, where I had 
 not been long before I received an unhappy account of 
 Murtough's conduct in Murcia. It seems he had kept his 
 resolution in going thither ; where meeting with some of his 
 own countrymen, though he found them staunch good 
 catholics, he so far inveigled himself into them, that he 
 brought them all into a foul chance for their lives. There 
 were three of them, all soldiers, in a Spanish regiment ; but 
 in a fit of ambitious, though frantic zeal, Murtough had 
 wheedled them to go along with him to Pedro de Dios, dean 
 of the Inquisition, to declare and acknowledge before him, 
 that they were converted and brought over to mother-church, 
 and by him only. The poor ignorants, thus enticed, had left 
 their regiment, of which the colonel having notice, sent after 
 them, and they were overtaken on the road, their missionair 
 with them. But notwithstanding aU his oratory, nay, even 
 the discovery of the whole farce, one of them was hanged for 
 an example to the other two. 
 
 It was not long after my return before news arrived of the 
 peace ; which though they received with joy, they could 
 hardly entertain with belief. Upon which, the new corregi- 
 dore, with whom I held a better correspondence than I had 
 done with the old one, desired me to produce my letters from 
 England, that it was true. Never did people give greater 
 demonstrations of joy than they upon this occasion. It was 
 the common cry in the streets, Paz con Angleterra, con todo 
 Mundo Guerra! and my confirmation did them as much 
 pleasure as it did service to me ; for, if possible, they treated 
 me with more civility than before. 
 
 But the peace soon after being proclaimed, I received 
 orders to repair to Madrid, where the rest of the prisoners 
 taken at Denia had been carried ; when I, by reason of my 
 wounds, and want of health, had been left behind. Others I 
 understood lay ready, and some were on their march to 
 Bayonne in France, where ships were ordered for their 
 transportation into England. So, after a residence of three 
 years and three months, having taken leave of aR my 
 acquaintance, I left a place that was almost become natural 
 to me, the delicious Sainte Clemente de la Mancha. 
 
 B' P 2 
 
436 MEMOIRS OP CAPTAIN CAKLETON. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 rriE SHADE OF DON QUIXOTTE CONCISE ACCOUNT OF 
 
 MADRID ANECDOTE OF MAHONI AND GENERAL STANHOPE 
 
 ^THE ESCUEIAL ACCOUNT OP THE CONVENT OP THE 
 
 CARTHUSIAN ORDER. 
 
 Nothing of moment, or worth observing, met I with, till 
 I came near Ocanna ; and there occurred a sight ridiculous 
 enough. The knight of the town I last came from, the ever 
 renowned Don Quixotte, never made such a figure as a 
 Spaniard I there met on the road. He was mounted on a 
 mule of the largest size, and yet no way unsizeable to his 
 person : he had two pistols in his holsters, and one on each 
 side stuck in his belt ; a sort of large blunderbuss in one of 
 his hands, and the fellow to it, slung over his shoulders, hung 
 at his back. All these were accompanied with a right Spanish 
 spado, and an attendant stiletto, in t'heir customary position. 
 The muleteer that was my guide, calling out to him in 
 Spanish, told him he was very well armed ; to which, with a 
 great deal of gravity, the Don returned answer, By Saint 
 Jago, a man cannot be too well armed in such dangerous 
 times ! 
 
 I took up my quarters that night at Ocanna, a large, neat, 
 and well-built town. Houses of good reception and enter- 
 tainment are very scarce all over Spain, but that, where I 
 then lay, might have passed for good in any other country. 
 Yet it gave me a notion quite different to what I found ; for 
 I imagined it to proceed from my near approach to the 
 capital. But instead of that, contrary to all other countries, 
 the nearer I came to Madrid, the houses of entertainment 
 grew worse and worse ; not in their rates do I mean (for 
 that with reason enough might have been expected), but even 
 in their provision, and places and way of reception. I could 
 not, however, forbear smiling at the reason given by my 
 muleteer, that it proceeded from a piece of court policy, in 
 order to oblige all travellers to hasten to Madrid. 
 
 Two small leagues from Ocanna we arrived at Aranjuez, 
 a seat of pleasure, which the kings of Spain commonly select 
 for theij place of residence during the months of April and 
 
WATEEWOEKS AND BEAUTIES OF ARANJUEZ. 437 
 
 May. It is distant from Madrid about seven leagues and 
 the country round is the pleasantest in all Spain, Valencia 
 excepted. The house itself makes but very indifferent ap- 
 pearance ; I have seen many a better in England with an 
 owner to it of no more that 5001. per annum; yet the 
 gardens are large and fine; or, as the Spaniards say, the 
 finest in all Spain, which with them is all the world. They 
 tell you at the same time that those of Versailles, in their 
 most beautiful parts, took their model from these. I never 
 saw those at Versailles ; but, in my opinion, the walks at 
 Aranjuez, though noble in their length, lose much of their 
 beauty by their narrowness. 
 
 The waterworks here are a great curiosity ; to which the 
 river Tagus, running along close by, does mightily con- 
 tribute. That river is let into the gardens by a vast number 
 of little canals, which, with their pleasing meanders, divert 
 the eye with inexpressible delight. These pretty wanderers, 
 by pipes properly placed in them, afford varieties scarce to 
 be believed or imagined; and which would be grateful in any 
 climate, but much more where the air, as it does here, wants 
 in the summer months perpetual cooling. 
 
 To see a spreading tree, as growing in its natural soil, 
 distinguished from its pining neighbourhood by a gentle 
 refreshing shower, which appears softly distilling from every 
 branch and leaf thereof, while nature aU around is smiling, 
 without one liquid sign of sorrow, to me appeared sur- 
 prisingly pleasing. And the more when I observed, that its 
 neighbours received not any the least benefit of that plentiful 
 effusion ; and yet a very few trees distant, you shall find a 
 dozen together under the same healthful sudor. Where art 
 imitates nature well, philosophers hold it a perfection ; then 
 what must she exact of us, where we find her transcendant 
 in the perfections of nature ? 
 
 The watery arch is nothing less surprising; where art, 
 contending with nature, acts against the laws of nature, and 
 yet is beautiful. To see a liquid stream vaulting itself for 
 the space of threescore yards into a prefect semi-orb, will be 
 gi'anted by the curious to be rare and strange ; but sure, to 
 walk beneath that arch, and see the waters flowing over your 
 head, without your receiving the minutest drop, is stranger, 
 if not strange enough to stagger all belief 
 
 The story of Actceon, pictured in water-colours, if I may 
 
438 MEMOIES OF CAPTAIN CARLETON. 
 
 SO express myself, though pretty, seemed to me but trifling to 
 the other. Those seemed to be like nature miraculously 
 displayed ; this only fable in grotesque. The figures indeed 
 were not only fine, but extraordinary; yet their various 
 shapes were not at all so entertaining to the mind, however 
 refreshing they might be found to the body. 
 
 I took notice before of the straightness of their walks; 
 but though to me it might seem a diminution of their beauty, 
 I am apt to believe to the Spaniard, for and by whom they 
 were laid out, it may seem otherwise. They, of both sexes, 
 give themselves so intolerably up to amouring, that, on that 
 account, the closeness of the walks may be looked upon as 
 an advantage rather than a defect. The grand avenue to the 
 house is much more stately, and composed, as they are, of 
 rows of trees somewhat larger than our largest limes, whose 
 leaves are all of a perfect pea-bloom colour, together with 
 their grandeur, they strike the eye with a pleasing beauty. 
 At the entrance of the grand court we see the statue of 
 Philip n. ; to intimate to the spectators, I suppose, that he 
 was the founder. 
 
 Among other parks about Aranjuez, there is one entirely 
 preserved for dromedaries ; an useful creature for fatigue, 
 burthen, and despatch; but the nearest of kin to deformity of 
 any I ever saw. There are several other inclosures for 
 several sorts of strange and wild beasts, which are sometimes 
 baited in a very large pond, that was shown me about half a 
 league from hence. This is no ordinary diversion ; but when 
 the court is disposed that way, the beast, or beasts, whether 
 bear, lion, or tiger, are conveyed into a house prepared for 
 that purpose ; whence he can no other way issue than by a 
 door over the water, through, or over which, forcing or 
 flinging himself, he gradually finds himself descend into the 
 very depth of the pond by a wooden declivity. The dogs 
 .stand ready on the banks, and so soon as ever they spy their 
 enemy, rush all at once into the water, and engage him. A 
 diversion less to be complained of than their tauridores, 
 because attended with less cruelty to the beast, as well as 
 danger to the spectators. 
 
 When we arrived at Madrid, a town much spoken of by 
 natives, as well as strangers, though I had seen it before, I 
 could hardly restrain myself from being surprised to find it 
 only environed with mud walls. It may very easily be 
 
DESCRIPTION OF MADRID. 439 
 
 imagined, they were never intended for defence, and yet it 
 was a long time before I could find any other use, or rather 
 any use at all, in them ; and yet I was at last convinced of 
 my error by a sensible increase of expense. Without the 
 gates, to half a league without the town, you have wine for 
 twopence the quart ; but within the place, you drink it little 
 cheaper than you may in London. The mud walls, there- 
 fore, well enough answer their intent of forcing people to 
 reside there, under pretence of security, but, in reality, to be 
 taxed ; for other things are taxable as well as wine, though 
 not in like proportion. 
 
 All ambassadors have a claim or privilege of bringing in 
 what wine they pl^e tax-fi'ee; and the king, to waive it, 
 wiU at any time purchase that exemption of duty at the 
 price of five hundred pistoles per annum. The convents and 
 nunneries are allowed a like license of free import^ition ; and 
 it is one of the first advantages they can boast of; for, under 
 that license, having a liberty of setting up a tavern near 
 them, they make a prodigious advantage of it. The wine 
 drank and sold in this place is for the most part a sort of 
 white wine. 
 
 But if the mud walls gave me at first but a faint idea of 
 the place, I was pleasingly disappointed as soon as I entered 
 the gates. The town then showed itself well built, and of 
 brick, and the streets wide, long, and spacious. Those of 
 Atocha and Alcala are as fine as any I ever saw ; yet it is 
 situated but very indifferently : for, though they have what 
 they call a river, to which they give the very fair name of 
 La Mansuera, and over which they have built a curious, 
 long, and large stone bridge ; yet is the course of it, in 
 summer time especially, mostly dry. This gave occasion to 
 that piece of raillery of a foreign ambassador, That the king 
 would have done wisely to have bought a river before he 
 built the bridge. Nevertheless, that little stream of a river 
 which they boast of, they improve as much as possible ; since 
 down the sides, as far as you can see, there are coops, or 
 little places hooped in, for people to wash their linen (for 
 they very rarely wash in their own houses), nor is it really 
 any unpleasing sight to view the regular rows of them at 
 that cleanly operation. 
 
 The king has here two palaces ; one within the town, the 
 
440 MEMOIRS OP CAPTAIN CAELETON. 
 
 Other near adjoining. That in the town is built of stone ; thfe 
 other, which is called Bueno Ketiro, is all of brick. From 
 the town to this last, in summer time, there is a large cover- 
 ing of canvass, propt up with tall poles, under which people 
 walk, to avoid the scorching heats of the sun. 
 
 As I was passing by the chapel of the Carmelites, I saw 
 several blind men, some led, some groping the way with their 
 sticks, going into the chapel. I had the curiosity to know 
 the reason ; I no sooner entered the door, but was surprised 
 to see such a number of those unfortunate people, all kneeling 
 before the altar, some kissing the ground, others holding up 
 their heads, crying out Misericordia. I was informed it was 
 St. Lucy's day, the patroness of the blin(^ therefore, all who 
 were able came upon that day to pay meir devotion : so I 
 left them, and directed my course towards the king's palace. 
 
 When I came to the outward court, I met with a Spanish 
 gentleman of my acquaintance, and we went into the piazzas ; 
 whilst we were talking there, I saw several gentlemen passing 
 by, having badges on their breasts, some white, some red, and 
 others green ; my Mend informed me, that there were five 
 orders of knighthood in Spain. That of the Golden Fleece 
 was only given to great princes, but the other four to private 
 gentlemen, viz., that of St. Jago, Alcantara, St. Salvador de 
 Montrsal, and Monteza. 
 
 He likewise told me that there were above ninety places of 
 grandees, but never filled up, who have the privilege of being 
 covered in the presence of the king, and are distinguished into 
 three ranks. The first is, of those who cover themselves 
 before they speak to the king ; the second, are those who put 
 on their hats after they have begun to speak ; the third, are 
 those who only put on their hats, having spoke to him. 
 The ladies of the grandees have also great respect showed 
 them. The queen rises up when they enter the chamber, and 
 offers them cushions. 
 
 No married man, except the king, lies in the palace ; for 
 all the women who live there are widows, or maids of honour 
 to the queen. I saw the Prince of Asturia's dinner carried 
 through the court up to him, being guarded by four gentle- 
 men of the guards, one before, another behind, and one on 
 each side, with their carbines shouldered ; the queen's cama 
 next, and the king's the last, guarded as before ; for they 
 
THE PXAZA, OE MAEKKT-PLACB. 441 
 
 always dine separately. I observed, that the gentlemen of 
 the guards, though not on duty, yet they are obliged to wear 
 their carbine belts. 
 
 St. Isidore, who, from a poor labouring man, by his sanctity 
 of life arrived to the title of saint, is the patron of Madrid, 
 and has a church dedicated to him, which is richly adorned 
 within. The sovereign court of the Inquisition is held at 
 Madrid, the president whereof is called the Inquisitor-general. 
 They judge without allowing any appeal for four sorts of 
 crimes, viz., heresy, polygamy, sodomy, and witchcraft ; and 
 when any are convicted, it is called the act of faith. 
 
 Most people believe, that the king's greatest revenue con- 
 sists in the gold and silver brought from the "West Indies, 
 which is a mistake ; for most part of that wealth belongs to 
 merchants and others, that pay the workmen at the golden 
 mines of Potosi, and the silver mines at Mexico ; yet the 
 king, as I have been informed, receives about a million and 
 a half of gold. 
 
 The Spaniards have a saying, that the finest garden of 
 fruit in Spain is in the middle of Madrid, which is the Plaza, 
 or market-place ; and truly the stalls there are set forth with 
 such variety of delicious fruit, that I must confess I never 
 saw any place comparable to it; and, which adds to my 
 admiration, there are no gardens or orchards of fruit within 
 some leagues. 
 
 They seldom eat hares in Spain, but whilst the grapes are 
 growing ; and then they are so exceeding fat, they are 
 knocked down with sticks. Their rabbits are not so good as 
 ours in England ; they have great plenty of partridges, which 
 are larger and finer feathered than ours. They have but 
 little beef in Spain, because there is no grass ; but they have 
 plenty of mutton, and exceeding good, because their sheep 
 feed only upon wild potherbs ; their pork is delicious, their 
 hogs feeding only upon chesnuts and acorns. 
 
 Madrid and VaUadolid, though great, yet are only accounted 
 villages ; in the latter, Philip the Second, by the persuasion 
 of Parsons, an English Jesuit, erected an English seminary ; 
 and Philip the Fourth built a most noble palace, with extra- 
 ordinary fine gardens. They say, that Christopher Columbus, 
 who first discovered the West Indies, died there, though I 
 have heard he lies buried, and has a monument at Sevil. 
 
 The palace in the town stands upon eleven arches, under 
 
142 MEMOIRS OF CAPTATK CAELI'TON. 
 
 every one of which there are shops, which degrade it to a 
 mere exchange. Nevertheless, the stairs by which you 
 ascend up to the guard-room (which is very spacious too), 
 are stately, large, and curious. So soon as you have passed 
 the guard-room, you enter into a long and noble gallery, the 
 right hand whereof leads to the king's apartment, the left to 
 the queen's. Entering into the king's apartment, you soon 
 arrive at a large room, where he keeps his levee ; on one 
 side whereof (for it takes up the whole side), is painted the 
 fatal battle of Almanza. I confess the view somewhat affected 
 me, thotigh so long after, and brought to mind many old 
 passages. However, the reflection concluded thus in favour 
 of the Spaniard, that we ought to excuse their vanity in so 
 exposing, under a French general, a victory, which was the 
 only material one the Spaniards could ever boast of over an 
 English army. 
 
 In this state room, when the king first appears, every 
 person present receives him with a profound homage ; after 
 which, turning from the company to a large velvet chair, by 
 which stands the father confessor, he kneels down, and 
 remains some time at his devotion ; which being over, he 
 rising, crosses himself, and his father confessor having with 
 the motion of his hand intimated his benediction, he then 
 gives audience to all that attend for that purpose. He re- 
 ceives every body with a seeming complaisance, and with an 
 air more resembling the French than the Spanish ceremony. 
 Petitions to the king, as with us, are delivered into the hands 
 of the secretary of state ; yet in one particular they are, in 
 my opinion, worthy the imitation of other courts ; the peti- 
 tioner is directly told what day he must come for an answer 
 to the office ; at wliich time he is sure, without any farther 
 fruitless attendance, not to fail of it. The audience being 
 over, the king returns through the gallery to his own 
 apartment. 
 
 I cannot here omit an accidental conversation, that passed 
 between General Mahoni and myself in this place. After 
 some talk of the bravery of the English nation, he made men- 
 tion of General Stanhope, witfi a very peculiar emphasis. 
 But, says he, I never was so put to the nonplus in all my days 
 as that general once put me in. I was on the road from Paris 
 to Madrid, and having notice, that that general was going 
 just the reverse, and that in all likelihood we should meet tha 
 
THEATEES OP MADRID. 413 
 
 next daj, before my setting out in the morning, I took care 
 to order my gayest regimental apparel, resolving to make the 
 best appearance I could to receive so great a man. I had 
 not travelled above four hours before I saw two gentlemen, 
 who appearing to be English, it induced me to imagine they 
 were forerunners, and some of his retinue. But how abashed 
 and confounded was I, when putting the question to one of 
 them, he made answer, Sir, I am the person ! Never did 
 moderation put vanity more out of countenance : though, to 
 say truth, I could not but think his dress as much too plain 
 for General Stanhope, as I at that juncture thought my own 
 too gay for Mahoni. But, added he, that great man had too 
 many inward great endowments to stand in need of any out- 
 side decoration. ' 
 
 Of all diversions, the king takes inost delight in that of 
 shooting, which he performs with great exactness and dex- 
 terity. I have seen him divert himself at swallow-shooting 
 (by all, I think, allowed to be the most difficult), and ex- 
 ceeding all I ever saw. The last time I had the honour to 
 see him, was on his return from that exercise. He had been 
 abroad with the Duke of Medina Sidonia, and alighted out 
 of his coach at a back door of the palace, with three or four 
 birds in his hand, which, according to his usual custom, he 
 carried up to the queen with his own hands. 
 
 There are two playhouses in Madrid, at both which they 
 act every day ; but their actors and their music are almost 
 too indifferent to be mentioned. The theatre at the Bueno 
 Retiro is much the best ; but as much inferior to ours at 
 London, as those at Madrid are to that. I was at one play, 
 when both king and queen were present. There was a 
 splendid audience, and a great concourse of ladies ; but the 
 latter, as is the custom there, having lattices bef<^re them, 
 the appearance lost most of its lustre. One very remarkable 
 thing happened while I was there ; the Ave-bell rung in the 
 middle of an act, when down on their knees fell everybody, 
 even the players on the stage, in the middle of their harangue. 
 They remained for some time at their devotion ; then up 
 they rose, and returned to the business they were before en- 
 gaged in, beginning where they left off. 
 
 The ladies of quality make their visits in grand state and 
 decorum. The lady-visitant is carried in a chair by four 
 men ; the two first, in all weathers, always bare. Twa 
 
444 MEMOIRS OF CAPTAIN CARLETON. 
 
 others walk as a guard, one on eacli side ; anotlier carrying a 
 large lantern for fear of being benighted ; then follows a 
 coach drawn by six mules, with her women, and after that 
 another with her gentlemen ; several servants walking after, 
 more or less, according to the quality of the person. They 
 never suffer their servants to overload a coach, as is fre- 
 quently seen with us ; neither do coachmen or chairmen go 
 or drive, as if they carried midwives in lieu of ladies. On 
 the contrary, they affect a motion so slow and so stately, that 
 you would rather imagine the ladies were every one of them 
 near their time, and very apprehensive of a miscarriage. 
 
 I remember not to have seen here any horses in any coach, 
 but in the king's, or an ambassador's ; which can only pro- 
 ceed from custom, for certainly finer horses are not to be 
 found in the world. 
 
 At the time of my being here. Cardinal Giudici was at 
 Madrid ; he was a tall, proper, comely man, and one that 
 made the best appearance. Alberoni was there at the same 
 time, who, upon the death of the Duke of Vendosme, had the 
 good fortune to find the Princess Ursini his patroness ; an 
 instance of whose ingratitude will plead pardon for this little 
 digression. That princess first brought Alberoni into favour 
 at court. They were both of Italy, and that might be one 
 reason of that lady's espousing his interest; though some 
 there are that assign it to the recommendation of the Duke of 
 Vendosme, vnth whom Alberoni had the honour to be very 
 intimate, as the other was always distinguished by that 
 princess. Be which it will, certain it is, she was Alberoni's 
 first and sole patroness ; which gave many people afterwards 
 a very smart occasion of reflecting upon him, both as to his 
 integrity and gratitude. For when Alberoni, upon the death 
 of King Philip's first queen, had recommended this present 
 lady, who was his countrywoman (she of Parma, and he of 
 Placentia, both in the same dukedom), and had forwarded 
 her match with the king with all possible assiduity; and 
 when that princess, pursuant to the orders she had received 
 from the king, passed over into Italy to accompany the queen 
 elect into her own dominions, Alberoni, forgetful of the hand 
 that first advanced him, sent a letter to the present queen, 
 just before her landing, that if she resolved to be Queen of 
 Spain, she must banish the Princess Ursini, her companion, 
 and never let her come to court. Accordingly, tha* lady, 
 
COUNT DE MONTERY TAKES ORDERS. 4:45 
 
 to evince the extent of her power, and the strength of her 
 resolution, despatched that princess away, on her very land- 
 ing, and before she had seen the king, under a detachment 
 of her own guards, into France ; and all this without either 
 allowing her an opportunity of justifying herself, or assigning 
 the least reason for so uncommon an action. But the same 
 Alberoni (though afterwards created cardinal, and for some 
 time King Philip's prime minion) soon saw that ingratitude 
 of his rewarded in his own disgrace at the very same court. 
 
 I remember when at La Mancha, Don Felix Pachero, in a 
 conversation there, maintained, that three women at that 
 time ruled the world, viz., Queen Anne, Madam Maintenon, 
 and this Princess Ursini. 
 
 Father Fahy's civilities, when last at Madrid, exacting of 
 me some suitable acknowledgment, I went to pay him a 
 visit ; as to render him due thanks for the past, so as to give 
 him a farther account of his countryman Brennan ; but I soon 
 found he did not much incline to hear anything more of 
 Murtough, not expecting to hear anything good of him ; for 
 which reason, as soon as I well could, I changed the conver- 
 sation to another topic ; in which some word dropping of 
 the Count de Montery, I told him, that I heard he had 
 taken orders, and officiated at mass : he made answer, it was 
 all very true. And upon my intimating, that I had the 
 honour to serve under him in Flanders, on my first entering 
 into service, and when he commanded the Spanish forces at 
 the famous battle of Seneff ; and adding, that I could not but 
 be surprised, that he, who was then one of the brightest cava- 
 lieroes of the age, should now be in orders, and that I should 
 look upon it as a mighty favour barely to have, if it might 
 be, a view of him ; he very obligingly told me, that he was 
 very well acquainted with him, and that if I would come the 
 next day, he would not fail to accompany me to the count's 
 house. 
 
 Punctually at the time appointed I waited on Father Fahy, 
 who, as he promised, carried me to the count's house: he 
 was stepping into the coach just as we got there ; but seeing- 
 Father Fahy, he advanced towards us. The father delivered 
 my desire in as handsome a manner as could be, and con- 
 cluded with the reason of it, from my having been in that 
 service under him ; he seemed very well pleased, but added, 
 that there were not many beside myself living, who had been 
 
446 MEMOlllS OF CAPTAIN CAELETON. 
 
 in that service with him. After some other conversation, he 
 called his gentleman to him, and gave him particular orders 
 to give us a frescavi, or, in English, an entertainment ; so, 
 taking leave, he went into his coach, and we to our frescari. 
 
 Coming from which. Father Fahy made me observe, in the 
 open street, a stone, on which was a visible great stain of 
 somewhat reddish, and like blood. This, said he, was occa- 
 sioned by the death of a countryman of mine, who had the 
 misfortune to overset a child, coming out of that house 
 (pointing to one opposite to us) ; the child, frighted, though 
 not hurt, as is natural, made a terrible outcry ; upon which 
 its father coming out in a violent rage (notvsdthstanding my 
 countryman begged pardon, and pleaded sorrow, as being only 
 an accident), stabbed him to the heart, and down he fell 
 upon that stone, which to this day retains the mark of inno- 
 cent blood, so raslily shed. He went on, and told me the 
 Spaniard immediately took sanctuary in the church, whence 
 some time after he made his escape. But escapes of tha: 
 nature are so common in Spain, that they are not worth won- 
 dering at. For even though it were for wilful and preme- 
 ditated murder, if the murderer have taken sanctuary, it was 
 never known that he was delivered up to justice, though de- 
 manded ; but in some disguise he makes his escape, or some 
 way is secured against all the clamours of power or equity. 
 
 I have observed, that some of the greatest quality stop then- 
 coaches over a stinking nasty puddle, which they often find in 
 the streets, and, holding their heads over the door, snuff up 
 the nasty scent which ascends, believing that it is extremely 
 healthful ; when I was forced to hold my nose, passing by. 
 It is not convenient to walk out early in the morning ; they, 
 having no, necessary houses, throw out their nastiness in the 
 middle of the street. 
 
 After I had taken leave of Father Fahy, and returned my 
 thanks for all civilities, I went to pay a visit to Mr. Salter, 
 who was secretary to General Stanhope, when the English 
 forces were made prisoners of war at Brihuega. Going up 
 stairs, I found the door of his lodgings a-jar ; and knockmg, 
 a person came to the door, who appeared under some surprise 
 at sight of me. I did not know him ; but inquiring if Mr. 
 Salter was within, he answered, as I fancied, with some hesi- 
 tation, that he was, but was busy in an inner room. How- 
 ever, though unasked, I went in, resolving, since I had found 
 
MYSTERIOUS INTKODUCTION. 4.47 
 
 him at home, to wait his leisure. In a little time Mr. Salter 
 entered the room ; and after customary ceremonies, asking my 
 j>atience a little longer, he desired I would sit down and bear 
 Ensign Fanshaw company (for so he called him), adding, at 
 going out, he had a little business that required despatch ; 
 which being over, he would return and join company. 
 
 The ensign, as he called him, appeared to me under a disha- 
 bille ; and the first question he asked me, was, if I would 
 drink a glass of English beer ? Misled by his appearance, 
 though I assented, it was with a design to treat, which he 
 would by no means permit, but, calling to a servant, ordered • 
 some in We sat drinking that liquor, which to me was a 
 greater rarity than all the wine in Spain; when in dropt an old 
 acquaintance of mine. Mi-. Le Noy, secretary to Colonel 
 Nevil. He sat down with us, and before the glass could go 
 twice round, told Ensign Fanshaw, that his colonel gave his 
 humble service to him, and ordered him to let him know, 
 that he had but threescore pistoles by him, which he had sent, 
 and which were at his service, as what he pleased more should 
 be, as soon as it came to his hands. 
 
 At this I began to look upon my ensign as another guess 
 person than I had taken him for ; and Le Noy imagining, by 
 our sitting cheek by jowl together, that I must be in the 
 secret, soon after gave him the title of captain. This soon 
 convinced me, that there was more in the matter than I was 
 yet master of; for laying things together, I could not but 
 argue within myself, that as it seemed at first a most in- 
 credible thing, that a person of his appearance should have so 
 large a credit, with such a compliment at the end of it, with- 
 out some disguise ; and as from an ensign he was risen to be 
 a captain, in the taking of one bottle of English beer ; a 
 little patience would let me into a farce, in which at present 
 I had not the honour to bear any part but that of a mute. 
 
 At last Le Noy took his leave, and as soon as he had left us, 
 and the other bottle was brought in. Ensign Fanshaw began 
 to open his heart, and tell me who he was. I am necessi- 
 tated, said he, co be under this disguise, to conceal myself, 
 especially in this place. For you must know, continued he, 
 that when our forces were lords of this town, as we were for 
 a little while, I fell under an intrigue with another man's 
 wife : her husband was a person of considerable account; 
 nevertheless the wife showed me all the favours that a soldier. 
 
448 MEMOIKS OF CAPTAIN CAELETON. 
 
 under a long and hard campaign, could be imagined to ask. 
 In short, her relations got acquainted with our amour, and 
 knowing that I was among the prisoners taken at Brihuega, 
 are now upon the scout and inquiry, to make a discovery that 
 may be of fatal consequence. This is the reason of my dis- 
 guise ; this the unfortunate occasion of my taking upon me a 
 name that does not belong to me. 
 
 He spoke all this with such an openness of heart, that, in 
 return of so much confidence, I confessed to him that I had 
 heard of the aifair, for that it had made no little noise all over 
 the country : that it highly behoved him to take great care of 
 himself, since, as the relations on both sides were considerable, 
 he must consequently be in great danger ; that in cases of 
 that nature, no people in the world carry things to greater 
 extremities than the Spaniards. He returned me thanks for 
 my good advice, which I understood in a few days after, he, 
 with the assistance of his friends, had taken care to put in 
 practice ; for he was conveyed away secretly, and afterwards 
 had the honour to be made a peer of Ireland. 
 
 My passport, being at last signed by the Count de las Torres, 
 I prepared for a journey I had long and ardently wished for, 
 and set out from Madrid in the beginning of September, 1712, 
 in order to return to my native country. 
 
 Accordingly, I set forward upon my journey ; but having 
 heard, both before and since my being in Spain, very famous 
 things spoken of the Escurial, though it was a league out of 
 my road, I resolved to make it a visit. And I must confess, 
 when I came there, I was so far from condemning my curiosity, 
 that I chose to congratulate my good fortune, that had, at 
 half a day's expense, feasted my eyes with extraordinaries 
 which would have justified a twelvemonth's journey on 
 purpose. 
 
 The structure is entirely magnificent, beyond anything 1 
 ever saw, or anything my imagination could frame. It is 
 composed of eleven several quadrangles, with noble cloisters 
 round every one of them. The front to the west is adorned 
 with three stately gates; every one of a different model, yet 
 every one the model of nicest architecture. The middlemost 
 of ths three leads into a fine chapel of the Hieronomites, as 
 they call them, in which are entertain"'' one hundred and fifty 
 monks. At every of the four corners oi this august fabric, 
 there is a turret of excellent workmanship,' which yields to 
 
xn-E ESCUKIAL. 449 
 
 the whole an extraordinary air of gi'andeur. The king's 
 palace is on the north, nearest that mountain whence the 
 stone it is built of was hewn ; and all the south part is set ofi 
 with many galleries, both beautiful and sumptuous. 
 
 This prodigious pile, which, as I have said, exceeds all that 
 I ever saw, and which would ask of itself a volume to par- 
 ticularise, was built by Philip 11. He laid the first stone, 
 yet lived to see it finished ; and lies buried in the Pantheon, 
 a part of it set apart for the burial place of succeeding princes, 
 as well as himself. It was dedicated to St. Lawrence in the 
 very foundation ; and therefore built in the shape of a grid- 
 iron, the instrument of that martyr's execution, and in memory 
 of a great victory obtained on that saint's day. The stone of 
 which it is buUt, contrary to the common course, grows whiter 
 by age ; and the quarry, whence it was dug, lies near enough, 
 if it had sense or ambition, to grow enamoured of its own 
 wonderful production. Some there are, who stick not to 
 assign this convenience as the main cause of its situation; and 
 for my part, I must agree, that I have seen many other parts 
 of Spain where that glorious building would have shown with 
 yet far greater splendour. 
 
 There was no town of any consequence presented itself in 
 my way to Burgos. Here I took up my quarters that night; 
 where I met with an Irish priest, whose name was White. 
 As is natural on such rencounters, having answered his 
 inquiry, whither I was going, he very kindly told me, he 
 should be very glad of my company as far as Victoria, which 
 lay in my road ; and I with equal frankness embraced the 
 offer. 
 
 Next morning, when we had mounted our mules, and 
 were got a httle distance from Burgos, he began to relate to 
 me a great many impious pranks of an English officer, who 
 had been a prisoner there a little before I came ; concluding 
 all, with some vehemence, that he had given greater occasion 
 of scandal and infamy to his native country, than would 
 easily be wiped off, or in a little time. The truth of it is, 
 many particulars, which he related to me, were too .mon- 
 strously vile to admit of any repetition here ; and highly 
 meriting that unfortunate end, which that officer met with 
 some time after. Nevertheless, the just reflections, made by 
 that Father, plainly manifested to me the folly of those 
 gentlemen, who, by such inadvertencies, to say no worse, 
 
 VOL. II. 6 G 
 
450 MEMOIRS OF CAPTAIN CABLETON. 
 
 cause the honour of the land of their nativity to be called in 
 question. For though, no doubt, it is a very false conclusion, 
 from a singular, to conceive a general character ; yet, in a 
 strange country, nothing is more common. A man, there- 
 fore, of common sense, would carefully avoid all occasions 
 of censure, if not in respect to himself, yet out of a humahe 
 regard to such of his countrymen as may have the fortune to 
 come after him; and, it is more than probable, may desire to 
 hear a better and juster character of their country and 
 countrymen, than he perhaps might incline to leave behind 
 him. 
 
 As we travelled along. Father White told me, that near 
 the place of our quartering that night, there was a convent 
 of the Carthusian order, which would be weU worth my 
 seeing. I was doubly glad to hear it, as it was an order 
 most a stranger to me ; and as I had often heard from many 
 others, most unaccountable relations of the severity of their 
 way of life, and the very odd original of their institution. 
 
 The next morning, therefore, being Sunday, we took a 
 walk to the convent. It was situated at the foot of a great 
 hiU, having a pretty little river running before it. The hill 
 was naturally covered with evergreens of various sorts ; but 
 the very summit of the rock was so impending, that one 
 would at first sight be led to apprehend the destruction of 
 the convent, from the fall of it. Notwithstanding all which, 
 they have very curious and well-ordered gardens ; which led 
 me to observe, that, whatever men may pretend, pleasure 
 was not incompatible with the most austere life. And 
 indeed, if I may guess of others by this, no order in that 
 church can boast of finer convents. Their chapel was com- 
 pletely neat, the altar of it set out with the utmost mag- 
 nificence, both as to fine paintings, and other rich adornments. 
 The buildings were answerable to the rest; and, in short, 
 nothing seemed omitted, that might render it beautiful or 
 pleasant. 
 
 When we had taken a fuU survey of aU, we, not vrithout 
 some regret, returned to our very indifferent inn ; where, the 
 better to pass away the time. Father White gave me an 
 ample detail of the original of that order. I had beforehand 
 heard somewhat of it; nevertheless, I did not care to 
 interrupt him ; because 1 had a mind to hear how his account 
 would agree with what I had already heard. 
 
RKMARKABLE INTEEMENT AT A CONVEKT. 451 
 
 Bruno, said the father, the author or founder of this order, 
 was not originally of this, but of another. He had a holy 
 brother of the same order, that was his cell-mate, or 
 chamber-fellow, who was reputed by all that ever saw or 
 knew him, for a person of exalted piety, and of a most exact 
 holy life. This man, Bruno had intimately known for many 
 years ; and agreed, in his character, that general consent did 
 him no more than justice, having never observed anything 
 in any of his actions, that, in his opinion, could be offensive 
 to God or man. He was perpetually at his devotions ; and 
 distinguishably remarkable for never permitting anything but 
 pious ejaculations to proceed out of his mouth. In short, he 
 was reputed a saint upon earth. 
 
 This man at last dies, and, according to custom, is removed 
 into the chapel of the convent, and there placed with a cross 
 fixed in his hands : soon afier which, saying the proper 
 masses for his soul, in the middle of their devotion, the dead 
 man lifts up his head, and with an audible voice cried out, 
 Vocatus sum. The pious brethren, as any one will easily 
 imagine, were most prodigiously surprised at such an 
 accident, and therefore they earnestly redoubled their prayers; 
 when, lifting up his head a second time, the dead man cried 
 aloud, Judicatus sum. Knowing his former piety, the pious 
 fraternity could not then entertain the least doubt of his 
 felicity ; when, to their great consternation and confusion, he 
 lifted up his head a third time, crying out in a terrible tone, 
 Damnatus mm; upon which they incontinently removed the 
 corpse out of the chapel, and threw it upon the dunghill. 
 
 Good Bruno, pondering upon these passages, could not 
 fail of drawing this conclusion : — that if a person, to all 
 appearance so holy and devout, should miss of salvation, it 
 behoved a wise man to contrive some way more certain to 
 make his calling and election sure. To that purpose he 
 instituted this strict and severe order, with an injunction to 
 them, sacred as any part, that every professor should always 
 wear hair-cloth next his skin ; never eat any flesh, not speak 
 to one another, only, as passing by, to say. Memento mori. 
 
 This account I found to agree pretty well with what I had 
 before heard ; but at the same time, I found the redouble of 
 it made but just the same impression it had at first made 
 upon my heart. However, having made it my observation, 
 that a spirit the least contradictory best carries a man 
 
 G G 2 
 
452 MEMOiES or captain carleton. 
 
 through Spain, I kept Father White company, and in 
 humour, till we arrived at Victoria ; where he added_ one 
 thing, by way of appendix, in relation to the Carthusians, 
 that every person of the society is obliged every day to go 
 into their place of burial, and take up as much earth as he 
 can hold at a grasp with one hand, in order to prepare his 
 grave. 
 
 Next day we set out for Victoria. It is a sweet, delicious, 
 and pleasant town. It received that name in memory of a 
 considerable victory there obtained over the Moors. Leaving 
 this place, I parted with Father White ; he going where his 
 affairs led him, and I to make the best of my way to Bilboa. 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 BlilEF DESCKlrTION OF BISCAY AND OTHEK TOVTNS ISLE OF 
 
 CONFERENCE, AND INTERVIEW BETWEEN THE KINGS OF 
 
 FRANCE AND SPAIN NARROW ESCAPE FROM BEING 
 
 DROWNED TEMPEST IN THE BAY OF BISCAY, AND 
 
 MIRACULOUS DELIVERANCE — ARRIVAL IN ENGLAND — 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 Entering into Biscay, soon after I left Victoria., I was at a 
 loss almost to imagine what country I was got into. By my 
 long stay in Spain, I thought myself a tolerable master of 
 the tongue ; yet here I found myself at the utmost loss to 
 understand landlord, landlady, or any of the family. I was 
 told by my muleteer, that they pietend their language, as 
 they call it, has continued uncorrupted from the very 
 confusion of Babel ; though, if I might freely give my opinion 
 in the matter, I should rather take it to be the very corruption 
 of all that confusion. Another rhodomontado they have 
 (for in this they are perfect Spaniards), that neither Eomans, 
 Carthaginians, Vandals, Goths, or Moors, ever totally subdued 
 them. And yet any man that has ever seen their country, 
 might cut this knot without a hatchet, by saying truly, that 
 neither Eoman, Carthaginian, nor any victorious people, 
 thought it worth while to make a conquest of a country so 
 mountainous and so bai'ren. 
 
 However, Bilboa must be allowed, though not very large, 
 to be a pretty, clean, and neat town. Here, as in Amsterdam, 
 
TOWNS OF BILBOA AND ST. SEBASTIAN. 453 
 
 they allow neither cart nor coach to enter ; but everything 
 of merchandise is drawn and carried upon sledges ; and yet 
 it is a place of no small account as to trade, and especially 
 for iron and wool. Here I hoped to have met vsdth an 
 opportunity of embarking for England ; but to my sorrow I 
 found myself disappointed, and under that disappointment 
 obliged to make the best of my way to Bayonne. 
 
 Setting out for which place, the first town of note 'that 
 I came to was St. Sebastian. A very clean town, and 
 neatly paved ; which is no little rarity in Spain. It has a 
 very good wall about it, and a pretty citadel. At this place I 
 met with two English officers, who were under the same state 
 with myself; one of them being a prisoner of war with me at 
 Denia. They were going to Bayonne to embark for England 
 as well as myself; so we agreed to set out together for Port 
 Passage. The road from St. Sebastian is all over a well- 
 paved stone causeway ; almost at the end whereof, there ac- 
 costed us a great number of young lasses. They were all 
 prettily dressed, their long hair flowing in a decent manner 
 over their shoulders, and here and there decorated with rib- 
 bons of various colours, which wantonly played on their backs 
 with the wind. The sight surprised my fellow-travellers no 
 less than me ; and the more, as they advanced directly up to 
 us, and seized our hands. But a little time undeceived us, 
 and we found what they came for ; and that their contest, 
 though not so robust as our oars on the Thames, was much 
 of the same nature ; each contending who should have us for 
 their fare. For it is here a custom of time out of mind, that 
 none but young women should have the management and profit 
 of that ferry. And though the ferry is over an arm of the 
 sea, very broad, and sometimes very rough, those fair ferriers 
 manage themselves with that dexterity, that the passage 
 is very little dangerous, and in calm weather very pleasant. 
 In short, we made choice of those that best pleased us ; who, 
 in a grateful return, led us down to their boat under a sort of 
 music, whicTi they, walking along, made with their oars, and 
 which we all thought far from being disagreeable. Thus were 
 we transported over to Port Passage ; not undeservedly ac- 
 counted the best harbour in all the Bay of Biscay. 
 
 We stayed not long here after landing, resolving, if possible, 
 to reach Fonterabia before night ; but all the expedition we 
 could use, little availed ; for before we could reach 'hither, 
 
454 me3«j1rs of captain caeleton. 
 
 the gates were shut, and good nature and humanity were so 
 locked up with them, that all the rhetoric we were masters of 
 could not prevail upon the governor to order their being 
 opened; for which reason, we were obliged to take up our 
 quarters at the ferry house. 
 
 "When we got up the next morning, we found the waters 
 so broad, as well as rough, that we began to inquire after 
 another passage ; and were answered, that at the Isle of Con- 
 terence, but a short league upwards, the passage was much 
 shorter, and exposed to less danger. Such good reasons soon 
 determined us : so, setting out, we got there in a very little 
 time, and very soon after were landed in France. Here we 
 found a house of very good entertainment ; a thing we had 
 long wanted, and much lamented the wanlj of. 
 
 We were hardly well seated in the house, before we were 
 made sensible, that it was the custom, which had made it the 
 business of our host, to entertain all his guests at first coming 
 in, with a prolix account of that repaarkable interview between 
 the two Kings of France and Spain. I speak safely now, 
 as being got on French ground : for the Spaniard in his own 
 country would have made me to know, that putting Spain 
 alter France had there been looked upon as a mere solecism 
 in speech. However, having refreshed ourselves, to show 
 our deference to our host's relation, we agreed to pay our re- 
 spects to that famous little isle he mentioned : which, indeed, 
 ivas the whole burthen of the design of our crafty landlord's 
 relation. 
 
 When we came there, we found it a little oval island, over- 
 run with weeds, and surrounded with reeds and rushes. 
 Here, said our landlord, for he went with us, upon this little 
 spot, were at that juncture seen the two greatest monarchsin 
 the universe. A noble pavilion was erected in the very 
 middle of it, and in the middle of that was placed a very large 
 oval table ; at which was the conference, from which the place 
 received its title. There were two bridge? raised : one on the 
 Spanish side, the passage to which was a little upon a descent 
 by reason of the hills adjacent ; and the other upon the French 
 side, which, as you see, was all upon a level. The music 
 playing, and trumpets sounding, the two kings, upon a signal 
 agreed upon, set forward at the same time ; the Spanish 
 monarch handing the infanta, his daughter, to the place of 
 interview. As soon as they were entered the pavilion, on each 
 
ST. JEAN DE LU2. 455 
 
 sicle, all the artillery fired, and both armies after that made 
 their several voUies. Then the King of Spain advancing on 
 his side the table with the infanta, the King of France ad- 
 vanced at the same moment on the other ; till meeting, he re- 
 ceived the infanta at the hands of her father, as his queen ; 
 upon which, both the artillery and small arms fired as before. 
 After this was a most splendid and sumptuous entertainment ; 
 which being over, both kings retired into their several do- 
 minions ; the King of France conducting his new queen to St. 
 Jean de Luz, where the marriage was consummated ; and the 
 King of Spain returning to Port Passage. 
 
 After a relation so very inconsistent with the present state 
 of the place, we took horse (for mule-mounting was now out 
 of fashion), and rode to St. Jean de Lviz, where we found as 
 great a difierence in our eating and drinking, as we had be- 
 fore done in our riding. Here they might be properly called 
 houses of entertainment ; though, generally speaking, till we 
 came to this place, we met with very mean fare, and were 
 poorly accommodated in the houses where we lodged. 
 
 A person, that travels this way, would be esteemed a man 
 of a narrow curiosity, who should not desire to see the chamber 
 where Louis le Grand took his first night's lodging with his 
 queen. Accordingly, when it was put into my head, out ot 
 an ambition to evince myself a person of taste, I asked the 
 question, and the favour was granted me, with a great deal of 
 French civility. Not that I found anything here, more than 
 in the Isle of Conference, but what tradition only had ren- 
 dered remarkable. 
 
 St. Jean de Luz is esteemed one of the greatest village 
 towns in all France. It was in the great church of this place, 
 that Louis XIV., according to marriage articles, took before 
 the high altar the oath of renunciation to the crown of Spain, 
 by which all the issue of that marriage were debarred in- 
 heritance, if oaths had been obligatory with princes. The 
 natives here are reckoned expert seamen, especially in whale 
 fishing. Here is a fine bridge of wood ; in the middle of which 
 is a descent, by steps, into a pretty little island ; where is a 
 chapel, and a palace belonging to the Bishop of Bayonne. 
 Here the queen dowager of Spain often walks to divert her- 
 self ; and on this bridge, and in the walks on the island, I 
 had the honour to see that princess more than once. 
 
 This villa not being above four leagues from Bayonne, wo 
 
456 MEMOIRS OF CAPTAIH CAELETON. 
 
 got there by dinner-time, where, at an ordinary of twenty 
 sous, we eat and dranli in plenty, and with a gusto much 
 better than in any part of Spain ; where, for eating mucli 
 worse, we paid very much more. 
 
 Bayonne is a town strong by nature ; yet the fortifications 
 have been very much neglected, since the building of the cita- 
 del, on the other side the river ; which not only commands 
 the town but the harbour too. It is a noble fabric, fair and 
 strong, and raised on the side of a hill, wanting nothing that 
 art could furnish to render it impregnable. The Marshal 
 Boufflers had the care of it in its erection ; and there is a fine 
 walk near it, from which he used to survey the worl^en, 
 which still carries his name. There are two noble bridges here, 
 though both of wood, one over that river which runs on one 
 side the town ; the other over that which divides it in the 
 middle. The tide runs through both with vast rapidity ; not- 
 withstanding which, ships of burthen come up, and, paying 
 for it, are often fastened to the bridge, while loading or un- 
 loading. While I was here, there came in four or five English 
 ships laden with corn ; the first, as they told me, that had 
 come in to unload there since the beginning of the war. 
 
 On that side of the river where the new citadel is built, at 
 a very little distance, lies Pont d'Esprit, a place mostly 
 inhabited by Jews, who drive a great trade there, and are 
 esteemed very rich, though, as in all other countries, mostly 
 very roguish. Here the queen dowager of Spain has kept 
 her court ever since the jealousy of the present king reclused 
 her from Madrid. As aunt to his competitor Charles (now 
 emperor), he apprehended her intriguing ; for which reason, 
 giving her an option of retreat, that princess made choice of 
 this city, much to the advantage of the place, and in all 
 appearance much to her own satisfaction. She is a lady not 
 of the lesser size ; and lives here in suitable splendour, and 
 not without the respect due to a person of her high quality ; 
 every time she goes to lake the air, the cannon of the citadel 
 saluting her as she passes over the bridge ; and, to say truth, 
 the country round is extremely pleasant, and abounds in 
 plenty of all provisions, especially in wild fowl. Bayonne 
 hams are, to a proverb, celebrated all over France. 
 
 We waited here near five months before the expected 
 transports arrived from England, without any other amuse- 
 ments than such as are common to people znder suspense. 
 
NARROW ESCAPE FROM DROWNING. 457 
 
 ■ Short tours will not admit of great varieties ; and much 
 acquaintance could not be any way suitahle to people that 
 had long been in a strange country, and earnestly desired to 
 return to our own. Yet one accident befel me here, that 
 was nearer costing me my life, than all I had before 
 encountered, either in battle or siege. 
 
 Going to my lodgings one evening, I unfortunately met 
 with an officer, who would needs have me along with him, 
 aboard one of the English ships, to drink a bottle of English 
 beer. He had been often invited, he said ; And I am afraid 
 our countryman, continued he, will hold himself slighted if 
 I delay it longer. English beer was a great rarity, and the 
 vessel lay not at any great distance from my lodgings ; so 
 without any farther persuasion I consented. When we came 
 upon the bridge, to which the ship we were to go aboard was 
 fastened, we found, as was customary, as well as necessary, 
 a plank laid over from the ship, and a rope to hold by, for 
 safe passage. The night was very dark, and I had cautiously 
 enough taken care to provide a man with a lantern to prevent 
 casualties. The man with the hght went first, and out of his 
 abundant complaisance, my friend, the officer, would have 
 me follow the hght; but I was no sooner stept upon the 
 plank after my guide, but rope and plank gave way, and 
 guide and I tumbled both together into the water. 
 
 The tide was then running in pretty strong ; however, my 
 feet in the fall touching ground, gave me an opportunity to 
 recover myself a little ; at which time I catched fast hold_ of 
 a buoy, which was placed over an anchor on one of the ships 
 there riding. I held fast, till the tide, rising stronger and 
 stronger^ threw me off my feet, which gave an opportunity 
 to the poor fellow, our lantern-bearer, to lay hold of one of 
 ray legs, by which he held as fast as I by the buoy. We 
 had lain thus lovingly at Hull together, strugghng with 
 the increasing tide, which, well for us, did not break my hold 
 (for if i.t had, the ships, which lay breast-a-breast, had cer- 
 tainly sucked us under), when several on the bridge, who 
 saw us fall, brought others with lights and ropes to our 
 assistance ; and especially my brother-officer, who had been 
 accessary as well ae spectator of our calamity ; though at 
 last a very small portion of our deliverance fell to his shara 
 As soon as I could feel a rope, I quitted my hold of the 
 buoy; but my poor drag at my heels would not on any 
 
458 MEMOIRS OF CAPTAIN CARLETOS. 
 
 account quit his hold of my leg. And as it was next to an 
 impossibility, in that posture, to draw us up the bridge to 
 save both, if either of us, we must still have perished, had 
 not the alarm brought off a boat or two to our succour, who 
 took us in. 
 
 I was carried as fast as possible to a neighbouring house 
 hard by, where they took immediate care to make a good 
 fire ; and where I had not been long before our intended 
 host, the master of the ship, came in very much concerned, 
 and blaming us for not hailing the vessel before we made an 
 attempt to enter. For, says he, the very night before, my 
 vessel was robbed ; and that plank and rope were a trap 
 designed for the thieves, if they came again ; not imagining 
 that men in an honest way would have come on board without 
 asking questions. Like the wise men of this world, I here- 
 upon began to form resolutions against a thing, which was 
 never again likely to happen ; and to draw inferences of 
 instruction from an accident, that had not so much as a moral 
 for its foundation. 
 
 One day after this, partly out of business, and partly out 
 of curiosity, I went to see the mint here ; and having taken 
 notice to one of the officers, that there was a difference in the 
 impress of their crown pieces, one having at the bottom the 
 impress of a cow, and the other none : Sir, replied that officer, 
 you are much in the right in your observation. Those that 
 have the cow were not coined here, but at Paw, the chief 
 city of Navarre, where they enjoy the privilege of a mint as 
 well as we. And tradition tells, says he, that the reason of 
 that addition to the impress was this : a certain King of 
 Navarre (when it was a kingdom distinct from that of France), 
 looking out of a window of the palace, spied a cow, with her 
 calf standing aside her, attacked by a lion, which had got 
 loose out of his menagerie. The lion strove to get the young 
 calf into his paw ; the cow bravely defended her charge ; and 
 so well, that the lion at last, tired and weary, withdraw, and 
 left her mistress of the field of battle, and her young one. 
 Ever since which, concluded the officer, by order of that 
 king, the cow is placed at the bottom of th e impress of all the 
 money there coined. 
 
 Whether or no my relator guessed at the moral, or whether 
 it was fact, I dare not determine: but to me it seemed 
 apparent, that it was no otherways intended than as an em- 
 
TOWNS OF BATONNE AND PAMPELONA. 459 
 
 blematical fable, to cover and preserve the memory of the 
 deliverance of Henry IV., then the young King ot Navarre, 
 at that eternally ignominious slaughter, the massacre of Paris. 
 Many historians, their own as well as others, agree, that the 
 house of Guise had levelled the malice of their design at that 
 great prince. They knew him to be the lawful heir ; but as 
 they knew him bred what they called a Huguenot, barbarity 
 and injustice was easily concealed under the cloak of religion, 
 and the good of mother-church, under the veil of ambition, 
 was held sufficient to postpone the laws of God and man. 
 Some of those historians have delivered it as matter of fact, 
 that the conspirators, in searching after that young king, 
 pressed into the very apartments of the queen his mother ; 
 who, having, at the toll of the bell, and cries of the murdered, 
 taken the alarm, on hearing them coming, placed herself in 
 her chair, and covered the young king her son with her 
 farthingale, till they were gone. By which means she found 
 an opportunity to convey him to a place of more safety ; and 
 so preserved him from those bloody murderers, and in them 
 from the paw of the lion. This was only a private reflection 
 of my own at that time ; but I think carries so great a face 
 of probability, that I can see no present reason to reject it. 
 And to have sought after better information from the officer 
 of the mint, had been to sacrifice my discretion to my curiosity. 
 
 While I stayed at Bayonne, the princess Ursini came thither, 
 attended by some of the King of Spain's guards. She had 
 been to drink the waters of some famous spa in the neighbour- 
 hood, the name of which has now slipt my memory. She was 
 most splendidly entertained by the queen dowager of Spain ; 
 and the Mareschal de Montrevel no less signalized himself in 
 his reception of that great lady, who was at that instant the 
 greatest favourite in the Spanish court ; though as I have 
 before related, she was some time after basely undermined by 
 a creature of her own advancing. 
 
 ■ Bayonne is esteemed the third emporium of trade in all 
 France. It was once, and remained long so, in the possession 
 of the English ; of which, had history been silent, the 
 cathedral church h'ad afforded evident demonstration ; being 
 in every respect of the English model, and quite different to 
 any of their own way of building in France. 
 
 Pampelona is the capital city of the Spanish Navarre, 
 supposed to have been built by Pompey. It is situated in a 
 
460 MEMOIES or CAPTAIN CAELETON. 
 
 pleasant valley, surrounded by lofty hills. This town, 
 whether famous or infamous, was the cause of the first 
 institution of the order of the Jesuits: for at the siege of this 
 place, Ignatius Loyola, being only a private soldier, received 
 a shot in his thigh, which made him incapable of following 
 that profession any longer ; upon which he set his brains to 
 work, being a subtle man, and invented the order of the 
 Jesuits, which has been so troublesome to the world ever 
 since. 
 
 At St. Stephen, near Lerida, an action happened between 
 the English and Spaniards, in which Major-general Cunning- 
 ham, bravely fighting at the head of his men, lost his life, 
 being extremely much lamented. He was a gentleman of 
 a great estate, yet left it to serve his country ; dulce est 
 pro patria mori. 
 
 About two leagues from Victoria, there is a very pleasant 
 hermitage placed upon a small rising ground ; a murmuring 
 rivulet running at the bottom, and a pretty neat chapel standing 
 near it, in which I saw St. Christopher in a gigantic shape, 
 having a Christo on his shoulders. The hermit was there at 
 his devotion ; I asked him (though I knew it before) the 
 reason why he was represented in so large a shape ? The 
 hermit answered with great civility, and told me, he had his 
 name from Christo Ferendo ; for when our Saviour was 
 young, he had an inclination to pass a river, so St. Christopher 
 took him on his shoulders in order to carry him over, and as 
 the water grew deeper and deeper, so he grew higher and 
 higher. 
 
 At last we received news, that the Gloucester man-of-war, 
 with two transports, was arrived at Port Passage, in order 
 for the transporting of all the remaining prisoners of war into 
 England. Accordingly, they marched next day, and there 
 embarked. But I having before agreed vsdth a master of a 
 vessel, which was loaded with wine for Amsterdam, to set me 
 ashore at Dover, stayed behind, waiting for that ship, as did 
 that for a fair wind. 
 
 In three or four days' time, a fine and fair gale presented; 
 of which the master taking due advantage; we sailed over the 
 bar into the Bay of Biscay. This is with sailors, to a proverb, 
 reckoned the roughest of seas ; and yet on our entrance into 
 it, nothing appeared like it. It was smooth as glass ; a lady's 
 face might pass for young, and in its bloom, that (iscovei-et' 
 
TEMPEST IN THE BAT OF BISCAY. 461 
 
 no more -wrinkles : yet scarce had we sailed three leagues, 
 before a prodigious fish presented itself to our view. As near 
 as we could guess, it might be twenty yards in length ; and 
 it lay sporting itself on the surface of the sea, a great part 
 appearing out of the water. The sailors, one and all, as soon 
 as they saw it, declared it the certain forerunner of a storm. 
 However, our ship kept on its course, before a fine gale, till 
 we had near passed over half the bay ; when, all on a sudden, 
 there was such a hideous alteration, as makes nature recoil 
 on the very reflection. Those seas that seemed before to smile 
 upon us with the aspect of a friend, now in a moment changed 
 their flattering countenance into that of an open enemy ; and 
 frowns, the certain indexes of wrath, presented us with 
 apparent danger, of which little on this side death could be 
 the sequel. The angry waves cast themselves up into moun- 
 tains, and scourged the ship on every side from poop to prow; 
 such shocks from the contending wind and surges ! such falls 
 from precipices of water, to dismal caverns of the same uncertain 
 element ! Although the latter seemed to receive us, in order 
 to screen us from the riot of the former, imagination could 
 offer no other advantage than that of a winding-sheet, 
 presented and prepared for our approaching fate. But why 
 mention I imagination ? In me it was wholly dormant. And 
 yet those sons of stormy weather, the sailors, had theirs about 
 them in full stretch ; for seeing the wind and sea so very 
 boisterous, they lashed the rudder of the ship, resolved to let 
 her drive, and steer herself, since it was past their skill to 
 steer her. This was our way of sojourning most part of that 
 tedious night ; driven where the winds and waves thought fit 
 to drive us, with all our sails quite lowered and flat upon the 
 deck. If Ovid, in the little Archipelagian sea, could wine 
 out Yds jam jam jactwms, &c., in this more dismal scene, and 
 much more dangerous sea (the pitchlike darkness of the night 
 adding to all our sad variety of woes), what words in verse or 
 prose could serve to paint our passions, or our expectations ? 
 Alas ! our only expectation was in the return of morning : it 
 came at last ; yet even slowly as it came, when come, we 
 thought it come too soon, a new scene of sudden death being 
 all the advantage of its first appearance. Our ship was driving 
 full speed towards the breakers on the Cabritton shore, 
 between Bourdeaux and Bayonne ; which filled us with ideas 
 more tei-rible than all before, since those were past, and these 
 
462 MEMOIRS OP CAPTAIN CARLETON. 
 
 seemingly as certain. Beside, to add to our distress, the tide 
 was driving in, and consecjuently must drive us fast to visible 
 destruction . A state so evident, that one of our sailors, whom 
 great experience had reijdered more sensible of our present 
 danger, was preparing to save one, by lashing himself to the 
 mainmast, against the expected minute of desolation. He 
 was about that melancholy work, in utter despair of any 
 better fortune, when, as loud as ever he could bawl, he cried 
 out, A point, a point of wind! To me, who had had too 
 much of it, it appeared like the sound of the last trump ; but 
 to the more intelligent crew, it had a different sound. With 
 vigour and alacrity they started from their prayers, or their 
 despair, and with all imaginable speed unlashed the rudder, 
 and hoisted all their sails. Never sure in nature did one 
 minute produce a greater scene of contraries. The more 
 skilful sailors took courage at this happy presage of deUver- 
 ance. And according to their expectation did it happen ; that 
 heavenly point of wind delivered us from the jaws of those 
 breakers, ready open to devour us ; and carrying us out to 
 the much more welcome wide sea, furnished every one in the 
 ship vrith thoughts as distant as we thought our danger. 
 
 "We endeavoured to make Port Passage ; but our ship 
 became unruly, and would not answer her helm ; for which 
 reason we were glad to go before the vdnd, and make for the 
 harbour of St. Jean de Luz. This we attained without any 
 great difficulty ; and to the satisfaction of all, sailors as well 
 as passengers, we there cast anchor, after the most terrible 
 storm, (as all the oldest sailors agreed,) and as much danger 
 as ever people escaped. 
 
 Here I took notice, that the sailors buoyed up their cables 
 with hogsheads ; inquiring into the reason of which, they 
 told me, that the rocks at the bottom of the harbour were by 
 experience found to be so very sharp, that they would other- 
 wise cut their cables asunder. Our ship was obliged to be 
 drawn up into the dock to be refitted ; during which I lay in 
 the town, where nothing of moment or worth reciting 
 happened. 
 
 I beg pardon for my en-or ; the very movements of princes 
 must always be considerable, and consequently worth recital. 
 
 While the ship lay in the dock, I was one evening walking 
 upon the bridge, with the little island near it (which I have 
 before spoke of), and had a little Spanish dog along with me, 
 
ARRIVAL IN LONDON. 463 
 
 when at the farther end 1 spied a lady and three or four 
 gentlemen in company. I kept on my pace of leisure, and 
 so did they ; but when I came nearer, I found they as much 
 outnumbered me in the dog, as they did in the human kind ; 
 and I soon experienced to my sorrow, that their dogs, by 
 their fierceness and ill-humour, were dogs of quality ; having, 
 without warning, or the least declaration of war, fallen upon 
 my little dog according to pristine custom, without any 
 honourable regard to size, interest, or number. However, 
 the good lady, who, by the privilege of her sex must be 
 allowed the most competent judge of inequalities, out of an 
 excess of condescension and goodness, came running to the 
 relief of oppressed poor Tony : and, in courtly language, 
 rated her own oppressive dogs for their great incivility to 
 strangers. The dogs, in the middle of their insulting wrath, 
 obeyed the lady with a vast deal of profound submission ; 
 which I could not much wonder at, when I understood that 
 it was a queen dowager of Spain who had chid them. 
 
 Our ship being now repaired, and made fit to go out again 
 to sea, we left the harbour of St. Jean de Luz, and, with a 
 much better passage, as the last tempest was still dancing in 
 my imagination, in ten days' sail we reached Dover. Here 
 I landed on.the last day of March, 1713, having not till then 
 seen or touched English shore from the beginning of May, 
 1705. 
 
 I took coach directly for London, where, when I arrived, 
 I thought myself transported into a country more foreign 
 than any I had either fought or pilgrimaged in. Not foreign, 
 do 1 mean, in respect to others, so much as to itself I left 
 it, seemingly, under a perfect unanimity : the fatal distinctions 
 of Whig and Tory were then esteemed merely nominal ; and 
 of no more ill consequence or danger, than a bee robbed of 
 its sting. The national concern went on with vigour, and 
 the prodigious success of the queen's arms left every soul 
 without the least pretence to a murmur. But now, on my 
 return, I found them on their old establishment, perfect 
 contraries, and as unlikely to be brought to meet as direct 
 angles. Some arraigning, some extolling of a peace ; in 
 which time has shown both were wrong, and consequently 
 neither could be right in their notions of it, however an over 
 prejudiced way of thinking might draw them into one or the 
 other. But Whig and Tory are, in my mind, the completest 
 
401 MEMOIRS OF CAPTAIN CAELETOH. 
 
 paradox in nature ; and yet like other paradoxes, old as 1 
 am, I live in hope to see, before I die, those seeming con- 
 traries perfectly reconciled, and reduced into one happy 
 certainty, the public good. 
 
 Whilst I stayed at Madrid, I made several visits to my old 
 acquaintance general Mahoni. I remember that he told me, 
 when the Earl of Peterborow and he held a conference at 
 Morvidro, his lordship used many arguments to induce him to 
 leave the Spanish service. Mahoni made several excuses, 
 especially that none of his religion was suffered to serve in 
 the English army. My lord replied, that he would undertake 
 to get him excepted by an act of parliament. I have often 
 heard him speak with great respect of his lordship ; and was 
 "Strangely surprised, that after so many glorious successes, he 
 should be sent away. 
 
 He was likewise pleased to inform me, that at the battle of 
 Saragossa, it was his fortune to make some of our horse to 
 give way, and he pursued them for a considerable time ; but 
 at his return he saw the Spanish army in great confusion : 
 but it gave him the opportunity of attacking our battery, of 
 guns, which he performed with great slaughter, both of gun- 
 ners and matrosses ; he at the same time inquired who it was 
 that commanded there in chief. I informed him it was 
 Colonel Bourguard, one that understood the economy of the 
 train exceeding well. As for that, he knew nothing of ; but 
 that he would vouch, he behaved himself vnth extraordinary 
 courage, and defended the battery to the utmost extremity, 
 receiving several wounds, and deserved the post in which he 
 acted. A gentleman who was a prisoner at Gualaxara, 
 informed me, that he saw King Philip riding through that 
 town, being only attended with one of his guards. 
 
 Saragossa, or Czesar Augusta, lies upon the river Ebro, 
 being the capital of Arragon ; it is a very ancient city, and 
 contains fourteen great churches and twelve convents. The 
 church of the Lady of the Pillar is frequented by pilgrims, 
 almost from all countries ; it was anciently a Roman colony. 
 Tibi laus, tibi honor, tibi sit gloria, gloriosa Trinitas, quia tu 
 
 dedisti mihi hanc opportunitatem, omnes has res aestas re- 
 
 cordandi. Nomen tuum git benedictum, per scecula sceculorw^ 
 
 Amen. 
 
 END 0>' THE MEMOIRS OF CAPTAIK CARLETON. 
 
THE 
 
 DUMB PHILOSOPHEE, 
 
 GREAT BRITAIN'S WONDER; 
 
 CONTAINING : 
 
 I. A faithful and very surprising Account how Dickory 
 Cronke, a Tinner's son, in the County of Cornwall, waa 
 born Dumb, and continued so for Fifty-eight years; and 
 how, some days before he died, he came to his Speech ; 
 with Memoirs of his Life, and the Manner of his Death. 
 
 II. A Declaration of his Faith and Principles in Reli- 
 gion ; with a Collection of Select Meditations, com- 
 posed in his Retirement. 
 
 m. His Prophetical Observations upon the Affairs of 
 Europe, more particularly of Great Britain, from 1720 to 
 1729. The whole extracted from his Original Papers, 
 and confirmed by unquestionable Authority. 
 
 TO WHICH IS ANNEXED HIS ELEGY, 
 
 WRITTEN BY A YOUNG CORNISH GENTLEMAN, OF 
 EXETER COLLEGE IN OXFORD, 
 
 WITH 
 
 AN EPITAPH BY ANOTHER HAND. 
 
 'Non quis, sed quid." 
 
 L N D ON. 
 
 Printed for and Sold by Thomas Bickeeton, at 
 
 the Crown, in Paternoster Bow. 1719. 
 'AOL. n. H H 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 The formalil/ of a preface to this little bods migit have 
 been very well omitted, if it were not to gratify the curiosity 
 of some inquisitive people, who, I foresee, will be apt to 
 make objections against the reality of the narrative. 
 
 Indeed the public has too often been imposed upon by ficti- 
 tious stories, and some of a very late date, so that I think 
 myself obliged by the usual respect which is paid to candid 
 and impartial readers, to acquaint them, by way of introduc- 
 tion, with what they are to expect, and what they may de- 
 pend upon, and yet with this caution too, that it is an indica- 
 tion of ill nature or iU manners, if not both, to pry into a 
 secret that is industriously concealed. 
 
 However, that there may be nothing wanting on my part, 
 I do hereby assure the reader, that the papers from whence 
 the following sheets were extracted, are now in town, in the 
 custody of a person of unquestionable reputation, who, I will 
 be bold to say, will not only be ready, but proud, to produce 
 them upon a good occasion, and that I think is as much 
 satisfaction as the nature of this case requires. 
 
 As to the performance, it can signify little now to make an 
 apology upon that account, any farther than this, that if the 
 reader pleases he may take notice that what he has now 
 before him was collected from a large bundle of papers, most 
 of which were writ in shorthand, and very Hi-digested. 
 However, this may be relied upon, that though the language 
 
 H H 2 
 
468 . PKEFACE. 
 
 is something altered, and now and then a word thrown in to 
 help the expression, yet strict care has been taken to speak 
 the author's mind, and keep as close as possible to the mean- 
 ing of the original. For the design, I think there is nothing 
 need be said in vindication of that. Here is a dumb philo- 
 sopher introduced to a wicked and degenerate generation, as 
 a proper emblem of virtue and morality ; and if the world 
 could be persuaded to look upon him with candour and im- 
 partiality, and then to copy after him, the editor has gained 
 his end, and would think himself sufficiently recompensed for 
 his present trouble. 
 
DICKORY CROIKE, 
 THE DUMB PHILOSOPHER: 
 
 OR, 
 
 GREAT ERITAIFS WOl^DER. 
 
 PART I, 
 
 Among the many strange and surprising events that help to 
 fill the accounts of this last century, I know none that merit 
 more an entire credit, or are more fit to be preserved and 
 handed to posterity than those I am now going to lay before 
 the public. 
 
 Dickory Cronke, the subject of the following narrative, 
 was bom at a little hamlet, near St. Columb, in Cornwall, 
 on the 29th of May, 1660, being the day and year in which 
 King Charles the Second was restored. His parents were of 
 mean extraction, but honest, industrious people, and well 
 beloved in their neighbourhood. His father's chief business 
 was to work at the tin mines ; his mother stayed at home to 
 look after the children, of which they had several living at 
 the same time. Our Dickory was the youngest, and being 
 but a sickly child, had always a double portion of her care 
 and tenderness. 
 
 It was upwards of three years before it was discovered 
 that be was bom dumb, the knowledge of which at first gave 
 his mother great uneasiness, but finding soon after that he 
 had his hearing, and all his other senses to the greatest per- 
 fection, her grief began to abate, and she resolved to have 
 him brought up as well as their circumstances and his capa- 
 city would permit. 
 
 As he grew, notwithstanding his want of speech, he every 
 day gave some instance of a ready genius, and a genius much 
 superior to the country children, insomuch that several gen- 
 
470 DICKOET CRONKE. 
 
 tlemen in the neighbourhood took particular notice of him, 
 and would often call him Restoration Dick, and give him 
 money, &c. • 
 
 When he came to he eight years of age, his mother agreed 
 with a person in the next village, to teach him to read and 
 write, both which, in a very short time, he acquired to such 
 perfection, especially the latter, that he not only taught his 
 own brothers and sisters, but likewise several young men 
 and women in the neighbourhood, which often brought him 
 in small sums, which he always laid out in such necessaries 
 as he stood most in need of. 
 
 In this state he continued till he was about twenty, and 
 then he began to reflect how scandalous it was for a young 
 man of his age and circumstances to live idle at home, and 
 so resolves to go with his father to the mines, to try if he 
 could get something towards the support of himself and the 
 family ; but being of a tender constitution, and often sick, he 
 soon perceived that sort of business was too hard for him, so 
 was forced to return home and continue in his former station ; 
 upon which he grew exceeding melancholy, which his mother 
 observing, she comforted him in the best manner she could, 
 telling him that if it should please God to take her away, she 
 had something left in store for him, which would preserve 
 him against public want. 
 
 This kind assurance from a mother whom he so dearly 
 loved gave him some, though not an entire satisfaction ; how- 
 ever, he resolves to acquiesce under it till Providence should 
 order something for him more to his content and advantage, 
 which, in a short time happened according to his wish. The 
 manner was thus : — 
 
 One Mr. Owen Parry, a Welsh gentleman of good repute, 
 coming from Bristol to Padstow, a little seaport in the county 
 of Cornwall, near the place where Dickory dwelt, and hear- 
 ing much of this dumb man's perfections, would needs have 
 Irim sent for ; and finding, by his significant gestures and all 
 outward appearances that he much exceeded the character 
 that the country gave of him, took a mighty liking to him, 
 insomuch that he told him, if he would go with him into 
 Pembrokeshire, he would be kind to him, and take care of 
 him as long as he lived. 
 
 This kind and unexpected offer was so welcome to poor 
 Dickory, that without any farther consideration, he got a pen 
 
LOSES HIS MASTER AND MISTRESS. 471 
 
 and ink and writ a note, and in a very handsome and sub- 
 missive manner returned him thanks for his favour, assuring 
 him he would do his best to continue and improve it ; and 
 that he would be ready to wait upon him whenever he should 
 be pleased to command. 
 
 To shorten the account as much as possible, all things were 
 concluded to their mutual satisfaction, and in about a fort- 
 night's time they set forward for Wales, where Dickory, not- 
 withstanding his dumbness, behaved himself with so much 
 diligence and affability, that he not only gained the love of 
 the family where he lived, but of everybody round him. 
 
 In this station he continued till the death of his master, 
 which happened about twenty years afterwards ; in all which 
 time, as has been confirmed by several of the family, he was 
 never observed to be any ways disguised by drinking, or to 
 be guilty of any of the follies and irregularities incident 
 to servants in gentlemen's houses. On the contrary, when he 
 had any spare time, his constant custom was to retire with 
 some good book into a private place within call, and there 
 employ himself in reading, and then writing down his 
 observations upon what he read. 
 
 After the death of his master, whose loss afflicted him to 
 the last degree, one Mrs. Mary Mordant, a gentlewoman of 
 great virtue and piety, and a very good fortune, took him into 
 her service, and carried him with her, first to Bath, and then 
 to Bristol, where, after a lingering distemper, which continued 
 for about four years, she died likewise. 
 
 Upon the loss of his mistress, Dickory grew again exceed- 
 ing melancholy and disconsolate ; at length, reflecting that 
 death is but a common debt whieh all mortals owe to nature, 
 and must be paid sooner or later, he became a little better 
 satisfied, and so determines to get together what he had 
 saved in his service, and then to return to his native country, 
 and there finish his life in privacy and retirement. 
 
 Having been, as has been mentioned, about twenty-four 
 years a servant, and having, in the interim, received two 
 legacies, viz., one of thirty pounds, left him by his master, 
 and another of fifteen pounds by his mistress, and bemg 
 always very frugal, he had got by him in the whole upwards 
 of sixty pounds. This, thinks he, with prudent management, 
 will be enough to support me as long as I live, and so 1 11 
 
472 DICKOET CEONKE. 
 
 e'en lay aside all thoughts of future business, and make tho 
 best of my way to Cornwall, and there find out some safe and 
 solitary retreat, where I may have liberty to meditate and 
 make mymelancholyobservations upon the several occurrences 
 of human life. 
 
 This resolution prevailed so far, that no time was let slip 
 to get everything in readiness to go with the first ship. As 
 to his money, he always kept that locked up by him, unless 
 he sometimes lent it to a friend vnthout interest, for he had 
 a mortal hatred to all sorts of usury or extortion. His 
 books, of which he had a considerable quantity, and some of 
 them very good ones, together with his other equipage, he 
 got packed up, that nothing might be wanting against the 
 first opportunity. 
 
 In a few days he heard of a vessel bound to Padstow, the 
 very port he wished to go to, being within four or five miles 
 of the place where he was born. When he came thither, 
 which was in less than a week, his first business was to 
 inquire after the state of his family. It was some time 
 before he could get any information of them, until an old 
 man that knew his father and mother, and remembered they 
 had a son was born dumb, recollected him, and after a great 
 deal of diflaculty, made him understand that all his family 
 except his youngest sister were dead, and that she was a 
 widow, and lived at a little town called St. Helen's, about 
 ten miles farther in the country. 
 
 This doleful news, we must imagine, must be extremely 
 shocking, and add a new sting to his former afiljction ; and 
 here it was that he began to exercise the philosopher, and 
 to demonstrate himself both a wise and a good man. All 
 these -things, thinks he, are the will of Providence, and must 
 not be disputed; and so he bore up under them with an 
 entire resignation, resolving that, as soon as he could find a 
 place where he might deposit his trunk and boxes with 
 safety, he would go to St. Helen's in quest of his sister. 
 
 How his sister and he met, and how transported they were 
 to see each other after so long an interval, I think is not 
 very material. It is enough for the present purpose that 
 Dickory soon recollected his sister, and she him ; and after a 
 great many endearing tokens of love and tenderness, he 
 wrote to her, telling her that he believei Providence liad 
 
CONSTANT PRACTICE AND EEGULAE MANAGEMENT. 473 
 
 bestowed on him as much as would support him as long as 
 he lived, and that if she thought proper he would come and 
 spend the remainder of his days with her. 
 
 The good woman no sooner read his proposal than she 
 accepted it, adding, withal, that she could wish her enter- 
 tainment was better; but if he would accept of it as it was, 
 she would do her best to make everything easy, and that he 
 should be welcome upon his own terms, to stay with her as 
 long as he pleased. 
 
 This affair being so happily settled to his full satisfaction, 
 he returns to Padstow to fetch the things he had left behind 
 him, and the next day came back to St. Helen's, where, 
 according to his own proposal, he continued to the day of 
 his death, which happened upon the 29th of May, 1718, 
 about the same hour in which he^^was born. 
 
 Having thus given a short detail of the several periods of 
 his Ufe, extracted chiefly from the papers which he left 
 behind him, I come in the next place to make a few obser- 
 vations how he managed himself and spent his time toward 
 the latter part of it. 
 
 His constant practice, both winter and summer, was to 
 rise and set with the sun ; and if the weather would permit, 
 he never failed to walk in some unfrequented place, for three 
 hours, both morning and evening, and there it is supposed he 
 composed the following meditations. The chief part of his 
 sustenance was milk, with a little bread boiled in it, of 
 which in the morning, after his walk, he would eat the 
 quantity of a pint, and sometinies more. Dinners he never 
 eat any ; and at night he would only have a pretty large 
 piece of bread, and drink a draught of good spring water ; 
 and after this method he lived during the whole time he was 
 at St. Helen's. It is observed of him that he never slept 
 out of a bed, nor never lay awake in one ; which I take to 
 be an argument, not only of a strong and healthful con- 
 stitution, but of a mind composed and calm, and entirely 
 free from the ordinary disturbances of human life. He never 
 gave the least signs of complaint or dissatisfaction at any- 
 thing, unless it was when he heard the tinners swear, or saw 
 them drunk ; and then, too, he would get out of the way as 
 soon as he had let them see, by some significant signs, how 
 scandalous and ridiculous they made themselves; and against 
 the next time he met them, would be sure to have a papel 
 
474 DICKORT CKONKE. 
 
 ready -written, wherein he would represent the folly of 
 drunkenness, and the dangerous consequences that generally 
 attended it. 
 
 Idleness was his utter aversion, and if at any time he had 
 finished the business of the day, and was grown weary of 
 reading and writing, in whicli he daily spent six hours at least, 
 he would certainly find something either within doors or 
 without, to employ himself. 
 
 Much might be said both with regard to the wise and 
 regular management, and the prudent methods he took to 
 spend his time well towards the declension of his life ; but, as 
 his history may perhaps be shortly published at large by a 
 better hand, I shall only observe in the general, that he was 
 a person of great wisdom and sagacity. He understood nature 
 beyond the ordinary capacity, and, if he had had a competency 
 of learning suitable to his genius, neither this nor the former 
 ages would have produced a better philosopher or a greater 
 man. 
 
 I come next to speak of the manner of his death and the 
 consequences thereof, which are, indeed, very surprising, and, 
 perhaps, not altogether unworthy a general observation. I 
 shall relate them as briefly as I can, and leave every one to 
 believe or disbelieve as he thinks proper. 
 
 Upon the 26th of May, 1718, according to his usual 
 method, about four in the afternoon, he went out to take his 
 evening walk ; but before he could reach the place he intended, 
 he was siezed with an apoplectic fit, which only gave him 
 liberty to sit down under a tree, where, in an instant, he was 
 deprived of all manner of sense and motion, and so he con- 
 tinued, as appears by his own confession afterwards, for more 
 than fourteen hours. 
 
 His sister, who knew how exact he was in all his methods, 
 finding him stay a considerable time beyond the usual hour, 
 concludes that some misfortune must needs have happened tc 
 him, or he would certainly have been at home before. In 
 short, she went immediately to all the places he was wont to 
 frequent, but nothing could be heard or seen of him till the 
 next morning, when a young man, as he was going to work, 
 discovered him, and went home and told his sister that her 
 brother lay in such a place, under a tree, and, as he believed, 
 had been robbed and murdered. 
 
 The poor won .an, who had all night been under the most 
 
WONDERFUL EECOVEET OF SPEECH. 475 
 
 dreadful apprehensions, was now frightened and confounded 
 to the last degree. However, recollecting herself, and finding 
 there was no remedy, she got two or three of her neighhours 
 to bear her company, and so hastened with the young man to 
 the tree, where she found her brother lying in the same posture 
 that he had described. 
 
 The dismal object at first view startled and surprised 
 everybody present, and fiUed them full of different notions 
 and conjectures. But some of the company going nearer to 
 him, and finding that he had lost nothing, and that there were 
 no marks of any violence to be discovered about him, they 
 conclude that it must be an apoplectic or some other sudden 
 fit that had surprised him in his walk, upon which his sister 
 and the rest began to feel his hands and face, and observing 
 that he was still warm, and that there were some symptoms 
 of life yet remaining, they conclude that the best way was to 
 carry him home to bed, which was accordingly done with 
 the utmost expedition. 
 
 When they had got him into the bed, nothing was omitted 
 that they could think of to bring him to himself, but still he 
 continued utterly insensible for about six hours. At the sixth 
 hour's end he began to move a little, and in a very short 
 time was so far recovered, to the great astonishment of every- 
 body about him, that he was able to look up, and to make a 
 sign to his sister to bring him a cup of water. 
 
 After he had drunk the water he soon perceived that all 
 his faculties were returned to their former stations, and 
 though his strength was very much abated by the length 
 and rigour of the fit, yet his intellects were as strong and 
 vigorous as ever. 
 
 His sister observing him to look earnestly upon the com- 
 pany, as if he had something extraordinary to communicate to 
 them, fetched him a pen and ink and a sheet of paper, which, 
 after a short pause, he took, and wrote as follows : — 
 
 " Dear sister, 
 " I have how no need of pen, ink, and paper, to tell you 
 my meaning. T find the strings that bound up my tongue, 
 and hindered me from speaking, are unloosed, and I have 
 words to express myself as freely and distinctly as any 
 other person. From whence this strange and unexpected 
 event should proceed, I mnst not pretend to say, any 
 
476 DiCKOET CKONKE. 
 
 farther than this, that it is doubtless the hand of Providence 
 that has done it, and in that I ought to acquiesce. Pray let 
 me be alone for two or three hours, that I may be at liberty 
 to compose myself, and put my thoughts in the best order I 
 can before I leave them behind me." 
 
 The poor woman, though extremely startled at what her 
 brother had written, yet took care to conceal it from the 
 neighbours, who, she knew, as well as she, must be mightily 
 surprised at a thing so utterly unexpected. Says she, my 
 brother desires to be alone ; I believe he may have something 
 in his mind that disturbs him. Upon which the neighbours 
 took their leave and returned home, and his sister shut Hie 
 door, and left him alone to his private contemplations. 
 
 After the company were withdrawn he fell into a sound 
 sleep, which lasted from two till six, and his sister, being 
 apprehensive of the return of his fit, came to the bedside, 
 and, asking softly if he wanted anything, he turned about to 
 her and spoke to this effect : Dear sister, you see me not only 
 recovered out of a terrible fit, but likewise that I have the 
 liberty of speech, a blessing that I have been deprived of 
 almost sixty years, and I am satisfied you are sincerely joyful 
 to find me in the state I now am in ; but, alas ! it is but a 
 mistaken kindness. These are things but of short duration, 
 and if they were to continue for a hundred years longer, I 
 can't see how I should be anyways the better. 
 
 I know the world too well to be fond of it, and am fully 
 satisfied that the difference between a long and a short life is 
 insignificant, especially when I consider the accidents and 
 company I am to encounter. Do but look seriously and 
 impartially upon the astonishing notion of time and eternity, 
 what an immense deal has run out already, and how infinite 
 it is still in the future ; do but seriously and deliberately con- 
 sider this, and you will find, upon the whole, that three days 
 and three ages of life come much to the same measure and 
 reckoning. 
 
 As soon as he had ended his discourse upon the vanity and 
 uncertainty of human life, he looked steadfastly upon her. 
 Sister, says he, I conjure you not to be disturbed at what I am 
 going to toll you, which you will undoultedly find to be true 
 in every particular. I perceive my glass is run, and I have 
 now no more to do in this world but to take my leave of it; 
 
OOOD AD<VnCE TO HIS SISTEE AND FRIENDS. 477 
 
 for to-morrow about this time my speech will be again taken 
 from me, and, in a short time, my fit will return ; and the 
 next day, which I understand is the day on which I came 
 into this troublesome world, I shall exchange it for another, 
 where, for the future, I shall for ever be free from all manner 
 of sin and sufferings. 
 
 The good woman would have made him a reply, but he 
 prevented her by telling her he had no time to hearken to 
 unnecessary complaints or animadversions. I have a great 
 many things in my mind, says he, that requfre a speedy and 
 serious consideration. The time I have to stay is but short, 
 and I have a great deal of important business to do in it. 
 Time and death are both in my view, and seem both to call 
 aloud to me to make no delay. I beg of you, therefore, not 
 to disquiet yourself or me. What must be, must be. The 
 decrees of Providence are eternal and unalterable ; why, then, 
 should we torment ourselves about that which we cannot 
 remedy ? 
 
 I must confess, my dear sister, I owe you many obligations 
 for your exemplary fondness to me, and do solemnly assure 
 you I shall retain the sense of them to the last moment. All 
 that I have to request of you is, that I may be alone for this 
 night. I have it in my thoughts to leave some short observa- 
 tions behind me, and likewise to discover some things of great 
 weight which have been revealed to me, which may perhaps 
 be of some use hereafter to you and your friends. AVTiat 
 credit they may meet with I cannot say, but depend the con- 
 sequence, according to their respective periods, will accoimt 
 for them, and vindicate them against the supposition of falsity 
 and mere suggestion. 
 
 Upon this, his sister left him till about four in the morning, 
 when coming to his bedside to know if he wanted anything, 
 and how he had rested, he made her this answer ; I have been 
 taking a cursory view of my life, and though I find myself 
 exceedingly deficient in several particulars, yet I bless God I 
 cannot find I have any just grounds to suspect my pardon, 
 In short, says he, I have spent this night with more inward 
 pleasure and true satisfaction than ever I spent a night 
 through the whole course of my life. 
 
 After he had concluded what he had to say upon the 
 satisfaction that attended an innocent and well-spent life, and 
 observed what a mighty consolation it was to persons, not 
 
478 DICKORY CRONKE. 
 
 only under the apprehension, but even in the very agonies of 
 death itself, he desired her to bring him his usual cup of water, 
 and then to help him on with his clothes, that he might 
 sit up, and so be in a better posture to take his leave of her 
 and her friends. 
 
 "When she had taken him up, and placed him at a table, 
 where he usually sat, he desired her to bring him his box of 
 papers, and after he had collected those he intended should be 
 preserved, he ordered her to bring a candle, that he might see 
 the rest burnt. The good woman seemed at first to oppose 
 the burning of his papers, till he told her they were only use- 
 less trifles, some unfinished observations which he had made in 
 his youthful days, and were not fit to be seen by her, or any- 
 body that should come after him. 
 
 After he had seen his papers burnt, and placed the rest in 
 their proper order, and had likewise settled all his other 
 affairs, which was only fit to be done between himself and 
 his sister, he desired her to call two or three of the most 
 reputable neighbours, not only to be witnesses of his will, but 
 likewise to hear what he had farther to communicate before 
 the return of his fit, which he expected very speedily. 
 
 His sister, who had beforehand acquainted two or three of 
 her confidants with all that had happened, was very much 
 rejoiced to hear her brother make so unexpected a concession ; 
 and accordingly, without any delay or hesitation, went directly 
 into the neighbourhood, and brought home her two select 
 friends, upon whose secrecy and sincerity she knew she might 
 depend upon all accounts. 
 
 In her absence he felt several symptoms of the approach 
 of his fit, which made him a little uneasy,, lest it should 
 entirely seize Mm before he had perfected his will, but that 
 apprehension was quickly removed by her speedy return. 
 After she had introduced her friends into his chamber, he 
 proceeded to express himself in the following manner ; fDear 
 sister, you now see your brother upon the brink of eternity ; 
 and as the words of dying persons are commonly the most 
 regarded, and make deepest impressions, I cannot suspect but 
 you will suffer the few I am about to say to have always 
 some place in your thoughts, that they may be ready for you 
 to make use of upon any occasion. 
 
 Do not be fond of anything on this side of eternity, or 
 Bufier your interest to incline you to break your word, quit 
 
MTSTEEIOUSLT BECOMES AGAIN DUMB. 479 
 
 your modesty, or to do anything that will not bear the light, 
 and look the world in the face. For be assured of this ; the 
 person that values the virtue of his mind and the dignity of 
 his reason, is always easy and well fortified both against 
 death and misfortune, and is perfectly indifferent about the 
 length or shortness of his life. Such a one is solicitous 
 about nothing but his own conduct, and for fear he should be 
 deficient in the duties of religion, and the respective functions 
 of reason and prudence. 
 
 Always go the nearest way to work. Now, the nearest 
 way through all the business of human life, are the paths of 
 Teligion and honesty^ and keeping those as directly as you 
 can, you avoid all the dangerous precipices that often lie in 
 the road, and sometimes block up the passage entirely. 
 
 Remember that life was but lent at first, and that the 
 remainder is more than you have reason to expect, and 
 consequently ought to be managed with more than ordinary 
 diligence. ( A wise man spends every day as if it were his 
 \ast ; his hourglass is always in his hand, and he is never 
 guilty of sluggishness or insincerity. \ 
 
 He was about to proceed, when a sudden symptom of th& 
 return of his fit put him in mind that it was time to get his 
 will witnessed, which was no sooner done but he took it up 
 and gave it to his sister, telling her that though aU he had 
 was hers of right, yet he thought it proper, to prevent even 
 a possibility of a dispute, to write down his mind in the 
 nature of a will, wherein I have given you, says he, the little 
 that I have left, except my books and papers, which, as soon 
 as I am dead, I desire may be delivered to Mr. Anthony 
 Barlow, a near relation of my worthy master, Mr. Owen 
 Parry. 
 
 This Mr. Anthony Barlow was an old contemplative 
 Welsh gentleman, who, being under some difficulties in his 
 own country, was forced to come into Cornwall and take 
 sanctuary among the tinners. Dickory, though he kept him- 
 self as retired as possible, happened to meet him one day 
 upon his walks, and presently remembered that he was the 
 very person that used frequently to come to visit his master 
 while he lived in Pembrokeshire, and so went to him, and by 
 signs made him understand who he was. 
 
 The old gentleman, though at first surprised at this un- 
 expected interview, soon recollected that he had formerly seen 
 
480 DICKORT CEONKE. 
 
 at Mr. Parry's a dumb man, whom they used to call the dumb 
 philosopher, so concludes immediately that consequently this 
 must be he. In short, they soon made themselves known to 
 each other ; and from that time contracted a strict friendship 
 and a correspondence by letters, which for the future they 
 mutually managed with the greatest exactness and familiarity. 
 
 But to leave this as a matter not much material, and to 
 return to our narrative. By this time Dickory's speech began 
 to falter, which his sister observing, put him in mind that he 
 would do well to make some declaration of his faith and 
 principles of religion, because some reflections had been made 
 upon him upon the account of his neglect, or rather his refusal, 
 to appear at any place of public worship. 
 
 " Dear sister," says he, ''• you observe very well, and I wish 
 the continuance of my speech for a few moments, that I might 
 make an ample declaration upon that account. But I find that 
 annot be ; my speech is leaving me so fast that I can only 
 tell you that I have always lived, and now die, an unworthy 
 member of the ancient catholic and apostolic church ; and as 
 to my faith and principles, I refer you to my papers, which, I 
 hope, vnU in some measure vindicate me against the reflections 
 you mention." 
 
 He had hardly finished his discourse to bis sister and her 
 two friends, and given some short directions relating to his 
 burial, but his speech left him ; and what makes the thing 
 the more remarkable, it went away, in all appearance, with- 
 out giving him any sort of pain or uneasiness. 
 
 When he perceived that his speech was entirely vanished, 
 and that he was again in his original state of dumbness, he 
 took his pen as formerly and wrote to his sister, signifying 
 that whereas the sudden loss of his speech had deprived him 
 of the opportunity to speak to her and her friends what he 
 intended, he would leave it for them in writing, and so desired 
 he might not be disturbed till the return of his fit, which he 
 expected in six hours at farthest. According to his desire 
 they all left him, and then, with the greatest resignation 
 imaginable, he wrote down the meditations following : 
 
ABSTRACT OF FAITH, ETC. 481 
 
 PAKT n. 
 
 An Abstract of his Faith, and the Principles of his Religion, ^c, 
 which begins thus : 
 
 Deak Sister ; I thank you for putting me in mind to make 
 a declaration of my faith, and the principles of my religion. 
 I find, as you very well observe, I have been under some 
 reflections upon that account, and therefore I think it highly 
 requisite that I set that matter right in the first place. To 
 begin, therefore, with my faith, in which I intend to be as 
 short and as comprehensive as I can : 
 ; 1. I most firmly believe that it was the eternal will of God, 
 and the result of his infinite wisdom, to create a world, and 
 fijr the glory of his majesty to make several sorts of creatures 
 in order and degree one after another ; that is to say, angels, 
 or pure immortal spirits ; men, consisting of immortal spirits 
 and matter, having rational and sensitive souls; brutes, having 
 mortal and sensitive souls ;} and mere vegetatives, such as 
 trees, plants, &c. ; and these creatures so made do, as it were, 
 clasp the higher and lower world together. 
 ' 2. I believe the holy Scriptures, and everything therein 
 contained, to be the pure and essential word of God ; and that, 
 according to these sacred writings, man, the lord and prince 
 of the creation, by his disobedience in Paradise, forfeited his 
 innocence and the dignity of his nature, and subjected him- 
 self and all his posterity to sin and misery. 
 
 ' 3. I believe and am fully and entirely satisfied, that God 
 the Father, out of his infinite goodness and compassion to 
 mankind, was pleased to send his only Son, the second person 
 in the holy and undivided Trinity, to meditate ' for him, ^id 
 to procure his redemption and eternal salvation. ) 
 
 (4. I believe that God the Son, out of his infinite love, land 
 for the glory of the Deity, was pleased voluntarily and freely 
 to descend from heaven, and to take our nature upon him,) 
 and to lead an exemplary life of purity, holiness, and perfect 
 obedience, I and at last to suffer,' an ignominious death upon the 
 cross, (for the sins of the whole world, and to rise again the 
 third day for our justification. ) 
 
 (5. I believe that the Holy Ghost out of Lis infinite good* 
 
 VOL. II. * ^ 
 
482 DICKOKT CRONKE. 
 
 ness was pleased to undertake the office of sanctifying us with 
 his divine grace, and thereby assisting us with faith to believe, 
 will to desire, and power to do all those things that are required 
 of us in this world, in order to entitle us to the blessings of 
 just men made perfect in the world to come. 
 
 ' 6. I believe that these three persons are of equal power, 
 majesty, and duration, and that the Godhead of the Father, 
 of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost is all one, and that they 
 are equally uncreate, incomprehensible, eternal, and almighty; 
 and that none is greater or less than the other, but that every 
 one hath one and the same divine nature and perfections. ' 
 
 These, sister, are the doctrines which have been received 
 and practised by the best men of every age, from the beginning 
 of the Christian religion to this day, and it is upon this I 
 ground my faith and hopes of salvation, not doubting but, if 
 my life and practice have been answerable to them, that I 
 shall be quickly translated out of this kingdom of darkness, 
 out of this world of sorrow, vexation and confusion, into that 
 blessed kingdom, where I shall cease to grieve and to suffer, 
 and shall be happy to all eternity. 
 
 As to my principles in religion, to be as brief as I can,(I 
 declare myself to be a member of Christ's church, which I 
 take to be a universal society of all Christian people, distiibuted 
 under lawful governors and pastors into particular churches, 
 holding communion with each other in all the essentials of the 
 Christian faith, worship, and dicipline ; and among these I 
 look upon the Church of England to be the chief and best 
 constituted. 
 
 The Church of England is doubtless the great bulwark of 
 the ancient Catholic or Apostolic faith all over the world ; a 
 church that has all the spiritual advantages that the nature 
 of a church is capable of. From the doctrine and principles 
 of the Church of England, we are taught loyalty to our prince, 
 fidelity to our country, and justice to all mankind ; and there- 
 fore, as I look upon this to be one of the most excellent 
 branches of the Church Universal, and stands, as it were, 
 between superstition and hypocrisy, I therefore declare, for 
 the satisfaction of you and your friends, as I have always 
 lived so I now die, a true and sincere, though a most unworthy 
 member of it. j And as to my discontinuance of my attendance 
 at the public worship, I refer you to my papers, which I have 
 left with my worthy friend, Mx. Barlow. And thus, my dear 
 
MEDITATIONS AND OBSERVATIONS. 483 
 
 eister, I have given you a short account of my faith, and the 
 principles of my religion. I come, in the next place, to lay 
 before you a few meditations and observations I have at 
 several times collected together, more particularly those since 
 my retirement to St. Helen's. 
 
 Meditations and Observations relating to the Conduct of Human 
 Life in general. 
 
 1. Remember how often you have neglected the great 
 duties of religion and virtue, and slighted the opportunities 
 that Providence has put into your hands ; and, withal, that 
 you have a set period assigned you for the management of the 
 affairs of human life ; and then reflect seriously that, unless 
 you resolve immediately to improve the little remains, the 
 whole must necessarily slip away insensibly, and then you are 
 lost beyond recovery. 
 
 ' 2. Let an unaffected gravity, freedom,,justice, and sincerity 
 shine through all your actions, and let no fancies and chimeras 
 give the least check to those excellent qualities. ) This is an 
 easy task, if you will but suppose everything you do to be your 
 last, and if you can keep your passions and appetites from 
 crossing your reason. ( Stand clear of rashness, and have no- 
 thing of insincerity or self-love to infect you. ) 
 
 3. iflanage all your thoughts and actions with such pru- 
 dence and circumspection as if you were sensible you were 
 just going to step into the grave. (A little thinking will show 
 a man the vanity and uncertainty of all sublunary things, and 
 enable him to examine maturely the manner of dying ; which, 
 if duly abstracted from the terror of the idea, will appear no- 
 thing more than an unavoidable appendix of life itself, and a 
 pure natural action. 
 
 4. Consider that ill-usage from some sort of people is in a 
 manner necessary, and therefore do not be disquieted about 
 it, but rather conclude that you and your enemy are both 
 marching off the stage together, and that in a little time your 
 very memories will be extinguished.) 
 
 5. Among your principal observations upon human life, 
 let it be always one to take notice what a great deal both of 
 time and ease that man gains who is not troubled with the 
 spirit of curiosity, who lets his neighbours affairs alone, and 
 
 I I 2 
 
i84 DICKOKT CRONKE. 
 
 confines his inspections to himself, and only takes care of 
 honesty and a good conscience. 
 
 6. If you would live at your ease, and as much as possible 
 be free from the incumbrances of life, manage but a few- 
 things at once, and let those, too, be such as are absolutely 
 necessary. By this rule you will draw the bulk of your 
 business into a narrow compass, and have the double pleasuj-e 
 of making your actions good, and few into the bargain. 
 
 7. He that torments himself because things do not happen 
 just as he would have them, is but a sort of ulcer in the 
 world ; and he that is selfish, narrow-souled, and sets up for 
 a separate interest, is a kind of voluntary outlaw, and disin- 
 corporates himself from mankind. 
 
 8. (Never think anything below you which reason and your 
 own circumstances require, and never suffer yourself to be 
 deterred by the ill-grounded notions of censure and reproach ; 
 but when honesty and conscience prompt you to say or do 
 anything, do it boldly ; never balk your resolution or start at 
 the consequence. 
 
 9. If a man does me an injury, what is that to me ? It is 
 his own action, and let him account for it. As for me, I 
 am in my proper station, and only doing the business that 
 Providence has allotted; and withal, I ought to consider that 
 the best way to revenge, is not to imitate the injury.l 
 
 10. When you happen to be ruffled and put out of humour 
 by any cross accident, retire immediately into your reason, 
 and do not suffer your passion to overrule you a moment ; for 
 the sooner you recover yourself now, the better you will 
 be able to guard yourself for the future. 
 
 11. Do not be like those ill-natured people that, though 
 they do not love to give a good word to their contemporaries, 
 yet are mighty fond of their own commendations. This 
 argues a perverse and unjust temper, and often exposes the 
 authors to scorn and contempt. 
 
 • 12. If any one convinces you of an error, change your 
 opinion and thank him for it : truth and information are your 
 business, and can never hurt anybody, i On the contrary, he 
 that is proud and stubborn, and wilfuUy continues in a mis- 
 take, it is he that receives the mischief. 
 
 13. Because you see a thing difficult, do not instantly con- 
 clude it to be impossible to master it. Diligence and industry 
 are seldom defeated. Look, therefore, narrowly into the 
 
MEDITATIONS AND OBSERVATIONS. 485 
 
 thing itself, and what you observe proper and practicable in 
 another, conclude likewise within your own power. 
 
 14.^The principal business of human life is run through 
 within the short compass of twenty-four hours ; and when 
 you have taken a deliberate view of the present age, you have 
 seen as much as if you had begun with the world, the rest 
 being nothing else but an endless round of the same thing 
 over and over again. ) 
 
 15. Bring your will to your fate, and suit your mind to 
 your circumstances. Love your friends and forgive your 
 enemies, and do justice to all mankind, and you will be secure 
 to make your passage easy, and enjoy most of the comforts 
 that hyman life is capable to afford you. 
 
 16. When you have a mind to entertain yourself in your 
 retirements, let it be with the good qualifications of your 
 friends and acquaintance. Think with pleasure and satis- 
 faction upon the honour and bravery of one, the modesty of 
 another, the generosity of a third, and so on ; there being no- 
 thing more pleasant and diverting than the lively images and 
 the advantages of those we love and converse with. 
 
 17. (As nothing can deprive you of the privileges of your 
 nature, or compel you to act counter to your reason, so no- 
 thing can happen to you but what comes from Providence, 
 and consists with the interest of the universe.) 
 
 18.( Let people's tongues and actions be what they wUl, 
 your business is to have honour and honesty in your view. 
 Let them rail, revile, censure, and condemn, or make you the 
 subject of their scorn and ridicule, what does it all signify ? 
 You have one certain remedy against all their malica and 
 foUy, and that is, to live so that nobody shall believe them. 
 
 19. Alas, poor mortals ! did we rightly consider our own 
 state and condition, we should find it would not be long 
 before we have forgot all the world, and to be even, that all 
 the world will have forgot us likewise. 
 
 20. (He that would recommend himself to the public, let 
 him do it by the candour and modesty of his behaviour, and 
 by a generous indifference to external advantages. Let him 
 love mankind, and resign to Providence, and then his works 
 will follow him, and his good actions will praise him in the 
 gate. '^ 
 
 21. When you hear a discourse, let your understanding, as 
 far as possible, keep pace with it, and lead you forward to 
 
486 DICKOET CRONKE. 
 
 those things which fall most within the compass )f jour own 
 observations. 
 
 22. "When vice and treachery shall be rewarded, and 
 virtue and ability slighted and discountenanced ; when minis- 
 ters of state shall rather fear man than God, and to screen 
 themselves run into parties and factions ; when noise and 
 clamour, and scandalous reports shall carry everything before 
 them, it is natural to conclude that a nation in such a state 
 of infatuation stands upon the brink of destruction, and 
 without the intervention of some unforeseen accident, must 
 be inevitably ruined. 
 
 23. When a prince is guarded by wise and honest men, 
 and when all public officers are sure to be rewarded if they 
 do well, and punished if they do evil, the consequence is 
 plain ; justice and honesty will flourish, and men will be 
 always contriving, not for themselves, but for the honour and 
 interest of their king and country. 
 
 24. (Wicked men may sometimes go unpunished in this 
 world, but wicked nations never do ; because this world is 
 the only place of punishment of wicked nations, though not 
 for private and particular persons. ) 
 
 25.1 An administration that is merely founded upon human 
 policy must be always subject to human chance ; but that 
 which is founded on the divine wisdom can no more miscarry 
 than the government of heaven. To govern by parties and 
 factions is the advice of an atheist, and sets up a government 
 by the spirit of Satan. In such a government the prince can 
 never be secure under the greatest promises, since, as men's 
 interest changes, so will their duty and affections likevvise."\ 
 
 26. It is a very ancient observation, and a very true one, 
 that people generally despise where they flatter, and cringe 
 to those they design to betray ; so that truth and ceremony 
 are, and always will be, two distinct things. 
 
 27. When you find your friend in an error, undeceive him 
 with secrecy and civility, and let him see his oversight first 
 by hints and glances ; and if you cannot convince him. leave 
 him with respect, and lay the fault upon your own management. 
 
 28. When you are under the greatest vexations, then 
 consider that human life lasts but for a moment ; and do not 
 forget butthatyouare like the restof the world, and faultyyour- 
 self in many instances ; and withal, remember that anger and 
 impatience often prove more mischievous than the provocation, 
 
MEDITATIONS AND OBSERVATIONS. 487 
 
 29. Gentleness and good humour are invincible, provided 
 they are without hypocrisy and design ; they disarm the 
 most barbarous and savage tempers, and make even malice 
 ashamed of itself. > 
 
 30.( In all the actions of life let it be your first and prin- 
 cipal care to guard against anger on the one hand, and 
 flattery on the other, for they are both unserviceable qualities, 
 and do a great dealof mischief in the government of human life. ') 
 
 31. When a man turns knave or libertine, and gives way 
 to fear, jealousy, and fits of the spleen ; when his mind 
 complains of his fortune, and he quits the station in which 
 Providence has placed him, he acts perfectly counter to 
 humanity, deserts his own nature, and, as it were, runs away 
 from himself. 
 
 32. Be not heavy in business, disturbed in conversation, 
 nor impertinent in your thoughts. Let your judgment be 
 right, your actions friendly, and your mind contented ; let 
 them curse you, threaten you, or despise you ; let them go 
 on ; they can never injure your reason or your virtue, and 
 then all the rest that they can do to you signifies nothing. 
 
 33. The only pleasure of human life is doing the business 
 of the creation ; and which way is that to be compassed very 
 easily? Most certainly by the practice of general kindness, 
 by rejecting the importunity of our senses, by distinguishing 
 truth from falsehood, and by contemplating the works of the 
 Almighty. 
 
 34. Be sure to mind that which lies before you, whether it 
 be thought, word, or action ; and never postpone an oppor- 
 tunity, or make virtue wait for you till to-morrow. 
 
 35. 'Whatever tends neither to the improvement of your 
 reason nor the benefit of society, think it below you ; and 
 when you have done any considerable service to mankind, do 
 not lessen it by your foUy in gaping after reputation and 
 requital.) 
 
 36. When you find yourself sleepy in a morning, rouse 
 yourself, and consider that you are born to business, and 
 that in doing good in your generation, you answer your 
 character and act like a man ; whereas sleep and idleness do 
 but degrade you, and sink you down to a brute. 
 
 37. A mind that has nothing of hope, or fear, or aversion, 
 or desire, to weaken and disturb it, is the most impregnable 
 security. Hither we may with safety retire and defy our 
 
488 DICKOET CEONKE. 
 
 enemies ; and he that sees not this advantage must be 
 extremely ignorant, and he that forgets it unhappy. 
 
 38. Do not disturb yourself about the faults of other 
 people, but let everybodjs's crimes be at their own door. 
 Have always this great maxim in your remembrance, that to 
 play the knave is to rebel against religion; all sorts of 
 injustice being no less than high treason against Heaven 
 itself. 
 
 39. Do not contemn death, but meet it with a decent 
 and religious fortitude, and look upon it as one of those 
 things which Providence has ordered. 'If you want a cordial 
 to make the apprehensions of dying go down a little the more 
 easily, consider what sort of world and what sort of company 
 you will part with. To conclude, do but look seriously into 
 the world, and there you will see multitudes of people pre- 
 paring for funerals, and mourning for their friends and 
 acquaintances ; and look out again a little afterwards, and 
 you will see others doing the very same thing for them. 
 
 40. In short/ men are but poor transitory things. To-day 
 they are busy and harassed with the affairs of human life ; 
 and to-morrow life itself is taken from them, and they are 
 returned to their original dust and ashes. - 
 
 PART in. 
 
 Containing prophetic observations relating to tlie affairs of Europe 
 and of Great Britain, more particularly from 1720 to 1729. 
 
 1. In the latter end of 1720, an eminent old lady shall bring 
 forth five sons at a birth ; the youngest shall live and grow 
 up to maturity, but the four eldest shall either die in the 
 nurseiy, or be all carried off by one sudden and unexpected 
 accident. 
 
 2. About this time a man with a double head shall arrive 
 in Britain from the south. One of these heads shall deliver 
 messages of great importance to the governing party, and 
 the other to the party that is opposite to them. The first 
 shall believe the monster, but the last shall discover the 
 impostor, and so happily disengage themselves from a snare 
 that was laid to destroy them and their posterity. After this 
 
PROPHETIC OBSERVATIONS. -489 
 
 the two heads shall unite, and the monster shall appear in 
 his proper shape. 
 
 3. In the year 1721, a philosopher from Lower Germany 
 shall come, first to Amsterdam in Holland, and afterwards to 
 London. He will bring with him a world of curiosities, and 
 among them a pretended secret for the transmutation of 
 metals. Under the umbrage of this mighty secret he shall 
 pass upon the world for some time ; but at length he shall 
 be detected, and proved to be nothing but an empiric and a 
 cheat, and so forced to sneak off, and leave the people he has 
 deluded, either to bemoan their loss, or laugh at their own 
 folly. N.B. — ^This will be the last of his sect that will ever 
 venture in this part of the world upon the same errand. 
 
 4. In this year great endeavours will be used for procur- 
 ing a general peace, which shall be so near a conclusion that 
 public rejoicings shall be made at the courts of several great 
 potentates upon that account ; but just in the critical juncture, 
 a certain neighbouring prince shall come to a violent death, 
 which shall occasion new war and commotion all over Europe; 
 but these shall continue but for a short time, and at last 
 terminate in the utter destruction of the first aggressors. 
 
 5. Towards the close of this year of mysteries, a person that 
 was born blind shall have his sight restored, and shall see 
 ravens perch upon the heads of traitors, among which the 
 head of a notorious prelate shall stand upon the highest pole. 
 
 6. In the year 1722, there shall be a grand congress, and 
 new overtures of peace offered by most of the principal parties 
 concerned in the war, which shall have so good effect that a 
 cessation of arms shall be agreed upon for six months, which 
 shall be kept inviolable till a certain general, either through 
 treachery or inadvertency, shall begin hostilities before the 
 expiration of the term ; upon which the injured prince shall 
 draw his sword, and throw the scabbard into the sea, vowing 
 never to return it till he shall obtain satisfaction for himself, 
 and done justice to all that were oppressed. 
 
 7. At the close of this year, a famous bridge shall be 
 broken down, and the water that runs under it shall be tinc- 
 tured with the blood of two notorious malefactors, whose 
 unexpected death shall make mighty alterations in the present 
 state of affairs, and put a stop to the ruin of a nation, which 
 must otherwise have been unavoidable. 
 
 8. 1723 begins with plots, conspiracies, and intestine ccm- 
 
490 DICKOKT CRONKE. 
 
 motions in several countries ; nor shall Great Britain itself 
 be free from the calamity. These shall continue tiU a certain 
 young prince shall take the reins of government into his own 
 hands ; and after that, a marriage shall be proposed, and an 
 alliance concluded between two great potentates, who shall 
 join their forces, and endeavour, in good earnest, to set all 
 matters upon a right foundation. 
 
 9. This year several cardinals and prelates shall be publicly 
 censured for heretical principles, and shall narrowly escape 
 from being torn to pieces by the common people, who still 
 look upon them as the grand disturbers of public tranquillity, 
 perfect incendiaries, and the chief promoters of their former, 
 present, and future calamities. 
 
 10. In 1724-5 there will be many treaties and negocia- 
 tions, and Great Britain, particularly, will be crowded with 
 foreign ministers and ambassadors from remote princes and 
 states. Trade and commerce will begin to flourish and revive, 
 and everything will have a comfortable prospect, until some 
 desperadoes, assisted by a monster with many heads, shall 
 start new diiRculties, and put the world again into a flame ; 
 but these shall be but of short duration. 
 
 11. Before the expiration of 1725, an eagle from the north 
 shall fly directly to the south, and perch upon the palace of a 
 prince, and first unravel the bloody projects and designs of a 
 wicked set of people, and then publicly discover the murder, 
 of a great king, and the intended assassination of another 
 greater than he. 
 
 12. In 1726, three princes will be bom that will grow up 
 to be men, and inherit the crowns of three of the greatest 
 monarchies in Europe. 
 
 13. About this time the pope will die, and after a great 
 many intrigues and struggles, a Spanish cardinal shall be 
 elected, who shall decline the dignity, and declare his 
 marriage with a great lady, heiress of one of the chief princi- 
 palities in Italy, which may occasion new troubles in Europe, 
 if not timely prevented. 
 
 14. In 1727, new troubles shall break out in the north, 
 occasioned by the sudden death of a certain prince, and the 
 avarice and ambition of another. Poor Poland seems to be 
 pointed at ; but the princes of the south shall enter into a 
 confederacy to preserve her, and shall at length restore her 
 peace, and prevent the perpetual ruin of her constitution. 
 
PEOPHETIC OBSERVATIONS. 491 
 
 15. Great endeavours will be used about this time for a 
 comprehension in religion, supported by crafty and designing 
 men, and a party of mistaken zealots, which they shall 
 artfuUy draw in to join with them ; but as the project is ill- 
 concerted, and will be worse managed, it will come to 
 nothing ; and soon afterwards an effectual mode will be taken 
 to prevent the like attempt for the future. 
 
 16. 1728 will be a year of inquiry and retrospection. 
 Many exorbitant grants will be reassumed, and several 
 persons who thought themselves secure will be called before 
 the senate, and compelled to disgorge what they have unjustly 
 pillaged either from the crown or the public. 
 
 17. About this time a new scaffold will be erected upon 
 the confines of a certain great city, where an old count of a 
 new extraction, that has been of aU parties and true to none, 
 will be doomed by his peers to make his first appearance. 
 After this an old lady who has often been exposed to danger 
 and disgrace, and sometimes brought to the very brink of 
 destruction, will be brought to bed of three daughters at 
 once, which they shall call Plenty, Peace, and Union ; and 
 these three shall live and grow up together, be the glory of 
 their mother, and the comfort of posterity for many genera- 
 tions. 
 
 This is the substance of what he either writ or extracted 
 from his papers in the interval between the loss of his speech 
 and the return of his fit, which happened exactly at the time 
 he had computed. 
 
 Upon the approach of his fit, he made signs to be put to 
 bed, which was no sooner done but he was seized with ex- 
 treme agonies, which he bore up under with the greatest 
 steadfastness, and after a severe conflict, that lasted near 
 eight hours, he expired. 
 
 Thus lived and thus died this extraordinary person; a 
 person, though of mean extraction and obscure life, yet when 
 his character comes to be fully and truly known, it will be 
 read with pleasure, profit, and admiration. 
 
 His perfections at large would be the work of a volume, 
 and inconsistent with the intention of these papers. I will, 
 therefore, only add, for a conclusion, that he was a man of 
 I uncommon thought and judgment, ard always kept his appe- 
 tites and incUnations within their just limits. 
 
492 DICKOEY CEONKE. 
 
 His reason was strong and manly, his understanding sound 
 and active, and his temper so easy, equal, and complaisant, 
 that he never fell out, either with men or accidents. He 
 bore all things with the highest affabiUty, and computed 
 justly upon their value and consequence, and then applied 
 them to their proper uses. 
 
 A LETTER FROM OXFORD, 
 
 SlE, 
 
 Being informed that you speedily intend to publish 
 some memoirs relating to our dumb countryman, Dickory 
 Cronke, I send you herewith a few lines, in the nature of an 
 elegy, which I leave you to dispose of as you think fit. I 
 knew and admired the man ; and if I were capable, his 
 character should be the first thing I would attempt. 
 
 Yours. &c. 
 
AN ELEGY. 493 
 
 AN ELEGY, 
 
 IN MEMORY OF DICKORY CRONKE, 
 THE DUMB PHILOSOPHER. 
 
 Vitiis nemo sine nascitur; optimus ille est. 
 Qui minimus nrgetur. — Horace. 
 
 If virtuous actions emulation raise, 
 
 Then this good man deserves immortal praise. 
 
 When nature such extensive wisdom lent. 
 
 She sure designed him for our precedent. 
 
 Such great endowments in a man unknown, 
 
 Declare the blessings were not aU his own ; 
 
 But rather granted for a time to show 
 
 "What the wise hand of Providence can do. 
 
 In him we may a bright example see 
 
 Of nature, justice, and morality; 
 
 A mind not subject to the frowns of fate, 
 
 But calm and easy in a servile state. 
 
 He always kept a guard upon his will 
 
 And feared no harm because he knew no ill. 
 
 A decent posture and an humble mien, 
 
 In every action of his hfe were seen. 
 
 Through all the different stages that he went. 
 
 He still appeared both wise and diligent : 
 
 Firm to his word, and punctual to his trust, 
 
 Sagacious, frugal, affable* and just. 
 
 No gainful views his bounded hopes could sway, 
 
 No wanton thought led his chaste soul astray. 
 
 In short, his thoughts and actions both declare, 
 
 Nature designed him her philosopher ; 
 
 That all mankind, by his example taught, 
 
 Might learn to live, and manage every thought. 
 
 Oh! could my muse the wondrous subject grace, 
 
 And, from his youth, his virtuous actions trace ; 
 
 Could I in just and equal numbers tell 
 
 How well he lived, and how devoutly fell, 
 
 I boldly might your strict attention claim, 
 
 And bid you learu, and copy out the man. 
 
 Exeter College, Ausust 25th. 1719. 
 
494 DICKOKY CRONIO:. 
 
 EPITAPH. 
 
 The occasion of this epitaph was briefly thus : — A gentleman, 
 who had heard much in commendation of this dumb man, 
 going accidentally to the churchyard where he was buried, 
 and finding his grave without a tombstone, or any manner of 
 memorandum of his death, he pulled out his pencil, and writ 
 as follows : — 
 
 PAUPEK UBIQUE JACET. 
 
 Near to this lonely unfrequented place, 
 
 Mixed with the common dust, neglected lies 
 The man that every nnise should strive to grace. 
 And all the world should for his virtue prize. 
 Stop, gentle passenger, and drop a tear. 
 Truth, justice, wisdom, all lie buried here. 
 
 What, though he wants a monumental stone. 
 The common pomp of every fool or knave, 
 Those virtues which through all his actions shone 
 Proclaim his worth, and praise him in the grave. 
 His merits will a bright example give. 
 Which shall both time and envy too outlive. 
 
 Oh, had I power but equal to my mind, 
 
 A decent tomb should soon this place adorn, 
 With this inscription : Lo, here lies confined 
 A wondrous man, although obscurely born ; 
 A man, though dumb, yet he was nature's care, 
 '' Who marked him out her own philosopher. 
 
EVERYBODY'S BUSINESS 
 
 IS 
 
 NOBODY'S BUSINESS; 
 
 OR, 
 
 PRIVATE ABUSES, PUBLIC GRIEVANCES'. 
 
 EXEMPLIFIED 
 
 In the Pride, Insolence, and exorbitant Wages of 
 our Women, Servants, Footmen, &c. 
 
 A Proposal for Amendment of the same ; as also 
 for clearing the Streets of those Vermin called 
 Shoe-Cleaners, and substituting in their stead 
 many Thousands of industrious Poor, now ready 
 to starve. With divers other Hints of great Use 
 to the Public. 
 
 Humbly submitted the Consideration of our Legis- 
 lature, and the careful Perusal of all Masters and 
 Mistresses of Families. 
 
 Bt AndeeW^ Moeeton, Esq. 
 
 The Fifth Edition, vrith the Addition of a Preface. 
 
 L OND ON: 
 
 Printed for W. Meadows, in Comhill; and sold by 
 T. WaeNee, at the Black Boy in Pater-NosUr 
 Row; A. DoDD, without Temple Bar; and E. 
 NuTT, at *he Eoyal Exchange. 1725. 
 
 'Price Six Pence.^ 
 
THE PREFACE. 
 
 Since this little book appeared in print, it has had no less 
 than three answers, and fresh attacks are daily expected 
 from the powers of Grub-street ; but should threescore 
 antagonists more arise, unless they say more to the purpose 
 than the forementioned, they shall not tempt me to reply. 
 
 Nor shall I engage in a paper war, but leave my book to 
 answer for itself, having advanced nothing therein but 
 evident truths, and incontestible matters of fact. 
 
 The general objection is against my style ; I do not set up 
 for an author', but write only to be understood, no matter 
 how plain. 
 
 As my intentions are good, so have they had the good 
 fortune to meet with approbation from the sober and sub- 
 stantial part of mankind ; as for the vicious and vagabond, 
 their iU-will is my ambition. 
 
 • It is with uncommon satisfaction I see the magistracy 
 begin to put the laws against, vagabonds in force with the 
 utmost vigour, a great many of those vermin, the japanners, 
 having lately been taken Up and sent to the several work • 
 houses in and about this city; and indeed high time, for they 
 "■row every day more and more pernicious. 
 
 My project for putting watchmen under commissioners, 
 will, I hope, be put in practice ; for it is scarce safe to go by 
 -vater unless you know your man. 
 
 As for the maid-servants, if I undervalue myself to fake 
 
 TOL. U. ^ ^ 
 
498 THE PEEFACE. 
 
 notice of them, as they are pleased to say, it is because 
 they overvalue themselves so much they ought to be taken 
 notice of. 
 
 This makes the guilty take my subject by the wrong end, 
 but any impartial reader may find, I write not against 
 servants, but bad servants ; not against wages, but exorbitant 
 wages, and am entirely of the poet's opinion, 
 
 The good should meet with favour and applause, 
 The wicked be restrain'd by wholesome laws. 
 
 The reason why I did not publish this book till the end of 
 the last sessions of parliament was, because I did not care to 
 interfere with more momentous aifairs ; but leave it to the 
 consideration of that august body during this recess, against 
 the next sessions, when I shall exhibit another complaint 
 against a growing abuse, for which I doubt not but to 
 receive their approbation and the thanks of all honest men. 
 
EYERYBODY'S BUSINESS 
 
 IfOBODY'S BUSINESS. 
 
 This is a proverb so common in everybody's mouth, that I 
 wonder nobody has yet thought it worth while to draw proper 
 inferences fi'om it, and expose those little abuses, which, though 
 they seem trifling, and as it were scarce worth consideration, 
 yet, by insensible degrees, they may become of injurious 
 consequence to the public ; like some diseases, whose first 
 symptoms ai'e only trifling disorders, but by continuance and 
 progression, their last periods terminate in the destruction of 
 the whole human fabric. 
 
 In contradiction therefore to this general rule, and out of 
 sincere love and well meaning to the public, give me leave to 
 enumerate the abuses insensibly crept in among us, and the 
 inconveniences daily arising from the insolence and intrigues 
 of our servant- wenches, who, by their caballing together, have 
 made their party so considerable, that everybody cries out 
 against them; and yet, to verify the proverb, nobody has 
 thought of, or at least proposed a remedy, although such an 
 undertaking, mean as it seems to be, I hope will one day be 
 thought worthy the consideration of our king, lords, and 
 commons. 
 
 Women servants are now so scarce, that from thirty and 
 forty shillings a year, their wages are increased of late to six, 
 seven, nay, eight pounds per annum, and upwards ; insomuch 
 that an ordinary tradesman cannot well keep one ; but his 
 wife, who might be useful in his shop or business, must do 
 the drudgery of household affairs ; and all this because our 
 servant-wenches are so puffed up with pride nowadays, that 
 they never think they go fine enough : it is a hard matter to 
 
 K K 2 
 
500 eveeybody's business is nobody's business. 
 
 know the mistress from the maid by their dress ; nay, very 
 often the maid shall be much the finer of the two. Our 
 woollen manufacture suiFers much by this, for nothing but 
 silks and satins will go down with our kitchen-wenches ; to 
 support which intolerable pride, they have insensibly raised 
 their wages to such a height as was never known in any age 
 or nation but this. 
 
 Let us trace this from the beginning, and suppose a person 
 has a servant-maid sent him out of the country, at fifty 
 shillings, or three pounds a year. The girl has scarce been 
 a week, nay, a day in her service, but a committee of servant- 
 wenches are appointed to examine her, who advise her to raise 
 her wages, or give warning ; to encourage her to which, the 
 herb-woman, or chandler-woman, or some other old intelli- 
 gencer, provides her a place of four or five pounds a year ; 
 this sets madam cock-a-hoop, and she thinks of nothing now 
 but vails and high wages, and so gives warning from place to 
 place, till she has got her wages up to the tip-top. 
 
 Her neat's leathern shoes are now transformed into laced 
 ones with high heels ; her yarn stockings are turned into fine 
 woollen ones, with silk clocks ; and her high wooden pattens 
 are kicked away for leathern clogs ; she must have a hoop 
 too, as well as her mistress ; and her poor scanty linsey- 
 woolsey petticoat is changed into a good silk one, for four or 
 five yards wide at the least. Not to carry the description 
 farther, in short, plain country Joan is now turned into a fine 
 London madam, can drink tea, take snuff, and carry herself 
 as high as the best. 
 
 If she be tolei-ably handsome, and has any share of cunning, 
 the apprentice or her master's son is enticed away and ruined 
 by her. Thus many good families are impoverished and 
 disgraced by these pert sluts, who, taking the advantage of a 
 young man's simplicity and unruly desires, draw many heed- 
 less youths, nay, some of good estates, into their snares ; and 
 of this we have but too many instances. 
 
 Some more artful shall conceal their condition, and palm 
 themselves off on young fellows for gentlewomen and great 
 fortunes. Hjw many families have been ruined by these 
 ladies 1 when the father or master of the family, preferring 
 the flirting airs of a young prinked up strumpet, to the artless 
 sincerity of a plain, grave, and good wife, has given his desire.i 
 aloose, and destroyed soul, body, family, and estate. But 
 
THEFTS COMMITTED BY FEMALE SERVANTS. 501 
 
 they are very-favourable if they wheedle nobody into matrimony, 
 but only make a present of a small live creature, no bigger 
 than a bastard, to some of the family, no matter who gets it; 
 when a child is born it must be kept. 
 
 Our sessions' papers of late are crowded with instances of 
 servant-maids robbing their places, this can be only attributed 
 to their devilish pride ; for their whole inquiry nowadays is, 
 how little they shall do, how much they shall have. 
 
 But all this while they make so little reserve, that if they 
 fall sick the parish must keep them, if they are out of place, 
 they must prostitute their bodies, or starve ; so that from 
 chopping and changing, they generally proceed to whoring 
 and thieving, and this is the reason why our streets swarm 
 with strumpets. 
 
 Thus many of them rove from place to place, from bawdy- 
 house to service, and from service to bawdy-house again, ever 
 unsettled and never easy, nothing being more common than 
 to find these creatures one week in a good family, and the 
 next in a brothel. This amphibious life makes them fit for 
 neither, for if the bawd uses them ill, away they trip to 
 service, and if the mistress gives them a wry word, whip they 
 are at a bawdy-house again, so that in effect they neither 
 make good whores nor good servants. 
 
 Those who are not thus slippery in the tail, are light of 
 finger ; and of these the most pernicious are those who beggar 
 you inchmeal. If a maid is a downright thief she strips you 
 at once, and you know your loss ; but these retail pilferers 
 waste you insensibly, and though you hardly miss it, yet your 
 substance shall decay to such a degree, that you must have a 
 very good bottom indeed not to feel the ill effects of such 
 moths in your family. 
 
 Tea, sugar, wine, &c., or any such trifling commodities, 
 are reckoned no thefts, if they do not directly take your 
 pewter from your shelf, or your linen from your drawers, they 
 are very honest : What harm is there, say they, in cribbing 
 a little matter for a junket, a merry bout or so ? Nay, there 
 are those that when they are sent to market for one joint of 
 meat, shall take up two on their master's account, and^ leave 
 one by the way, for some of these maids are mighty charitable, 
 and can make a shift to maintain a small family with what 
 they can purloin from iheir masters and mistresses. 
 
 If you send them with ready money, they turn factors, and 
 
502 everybody's business is nobody s business. 
 
 take threepence or fourpence in the shilling brokerage. And 
 here let me take notice of one very heinous abuse, not to say 
 petty felony, which is practised in most of the great families 
 about town, which is, when the tradesman gives the house- 
 keeper or other commanding servant a penny or twopenee in 
 the shilling, or so much in the pound, for everything they 
 send in, and which, from thence, is called poundage. 
 
 This, in my opinion, is the greatest of villanies, and ought 
 to incur some punishment, yet nothing is more common, and 
 our topping tradesmen, who seem otherwise to stand mightily 
 on their credit, make this but a matter of course and custom. 
 If I do not, says one, another will (for the servant is sure to 
 pick a hole in the person's coat who shall not pay contribu- 
 tion). Thus this wicked practice is carried on and winked 
 at, while receiving of stolen goods, and confederating with 
 felons, which is not a jot worse, is so openly cried out against, 
 and severely punished, witness Jonathan Wild. 
 
 And yet if a master or mistress inquire ailer anything 
 missing, they must be sure to place their words in due form, 
 or madam huffs and flings about at a strange rate, What, 
 would you make a thief of her ? Who would live with such 
 mistrustful folks ? Thus you are obliged to hold your tongue, 
 and sit down quietly by your loss, for fear of offending your 
 maid, forsooth ! 
 
 Again; if your maid shall maintain one, two, or more 
 persons from your table, whether they are her poor relations, 
 countryfolk, servants out of place, shoe-cleaners, charwomen, 
 porters, or any other of her menial servants, who do her 
 ladyship's drudgery and go of her errands, you must not com- 
 plain at your expense, or ask what has become of such a 
 thing, or such a thing ; although it might never so reasonably 
 be supposed that it was altogether impossible to have so much 
 expended in your family ; but hold your tongue for peace 
 sake, or madam will say, You grudge her victuals ; and ex- 
 pose you to the last degree all over the neighbourhood. 
 
 Thus have they a salve for every sore, cheat you to your 
 face, and insult you into the bargain ; nor can you help your- 
 self without exposing yourself, or putting yourself into a 
 passion. 
 
 Another great abuse crept in among us, is the giving of 
 vails to servants ; this was intended originally as an encou- 
 ragement to such as were willing and handy, but by custom 
 
VAILS TO SERVANTS A BAD PRACTICE. 503 
 
 and corruption it is now grown to be a thorn in our sides, 
 and, like other good things, abused, does more harm than 
 good ; for now they make it a perquisite, a material part of 
 their wages, nor must their master give a supper, but the 
 maid expects the guests should pay for it, nay, sometimes 
 through the nose. Thus have they spirited people up to this 
 unnecessary and burthensome piece of generosity unknown 
 to our forefathers, who only gave gifts to servants at Christ- 
 mas-tide, which custom is yet kept into the bargain ; inso- 
 much that a maid shall have eight pounds per annum in a 
 gentleman's or merchant's family. And if her master is a 
 man of free spirit, who receives much company, she very often 
 doubles her wages by her vails ; thus having meat, drink, 
 washing, and lod^ng for her labour, she throws her whole 
 income upon her back, and by this means looks more like the 
 mistress of the family than the servant- wench. 
 
 , And now we have mentioned washing, I would ask some 
 good housewifely gentlewoman, if servant-maids wearing 
 printed linens, cottons, and other things of that nature, 
 which require frequent washing, do not, by enhancing the 
 article of soap, add more to housekeeping than the generality 
 of people would imagine ? And yet these wretches cry out 
 against great washes, when their own unnecessary dabs are 
 very often the occasion. 
 
 But the greatest abuse of all is, that these creatures are 
 become their own lawgivers ; nay, I think they are ours too, 
 though nobody would imagine that such a set of slatterns 
 should bamboozle a whole nation ; but it is neither better 
 nor worse, they hire themselves to you by their own rule. 
 
 That is, a month's wages, or a month's warning ; if they 
 don't like you they wiU go away the next day, help yourself 
 how you can ; if you don't like them, you must give them a 
 month's wages to get rid of them. 
 
 This custom of warning, as practised by our maid-servants, 
 is now become a great inconvenience to masters and mis- 
 tresses. You must carry your dish very upright, or miss, 
 forsooth, gives you warning, and you are either left destitute, 
 or to seek for a servant ; so that, generally speaking, you are 
 seldom or never fixed, but always at the mercy of every new 
 comer to divulge your family affairs, to inspect your private 
 life, and treasure up the sayings of yourself and friends. A 
 
504 everybody's business is nobody's business. 
 
 very great confinement, and much complained of in most 
 families. 
 
 Thus have these wenches, by their continual plotting and 
 cabals, united themselves into a formidable body, and got the 
 whip hand of their betters ; they make their own terms with 
 us ; and two servants now, will scarce undertake the work 
 which one might perform with ease ; notwithstanding which, 
 they have raised their wages to a most exorbitant pitch ; 
 and, I doubt not, if there be not a stop put to their career, 
 but they will bring wages up to 201. per annum in time, lor 
 they are much about half way already. 
 
 It is by these means they run away with a great part of 
 our money, which might be better employed in trade, and 
 what is worse, by their insolent behaviour, their pride in 
 dress, and their exorbitant wages, they give birth to the fol- 
 lowing inconveniences. 
 
 First, They set an ill example to our children, our appren- 
 tices, our covenant servants, and other dependants, by their 
 saucy and insolent behaviour, their pert, and sometimes 
 abusive answers, their daring defiance of correction, and 
 many other insolences which youth are but too apt to imitate. 
 
 Secondly, By their extravagance in dress, they put our 
 wives and daughters upon yet greater excesses, because they 
 will, as indeed they ought, go finer than the maid ; thus the 
 maid striving to outdo the mistress, the tradesman's wife to 
 outdo the gentleman's wife, the gentleman's wife emulating 
 the lady, and the ladies one another ; it seems as if the 
 whole business of the female sex were nothing but an excess 
 of pride, and extravagance in dress. 
 
 Thirdly, The great height to which women-servants have 
 brought their wages, makes a mutiny among the men- 
 servants, and puts them upon raising their wages too ; so 
 that in a little time our servants will become our partners ; 
 nay, probably, run away with the better part of our profits, 
 and make servants of us vice versa. But yet with all these 
 inconveniences, we cannot possibly do without these creatures ; 
 let us therefore cease to talk of the abuses arising from them, 
 and begin to think of redressing them. I do not set up for a 
 lawgiver, and therefore shall lay down no certain rules, humbly 
 submitting in all things to the wisdom of our legislature. 
 What I ofier shall be under correction ; and upon conjecture, 
 
SERVANTS APPAREL OUGHT TO BE REGULATED. 505 
 
 mj- utmost ambition being but to give some hints to remedy 
 this growing evil, and leave the prosecution to abler hands. 
 
 And first it would be necessary to settle and limit their 
 wages, from fortyand fifty shillings to four and five pounds 
 per annum, that is to say, according to their merits and 
 capacities; for example, a young unexperienced servant should 
 have forty shillings per annum, till she qualifies herself for a 
 larger sum ; a servant who can do all household work, or, as the 
 good women term it, can take her work and leave her work, 
 should have four pounds per annum ; and those who have 
 lived seven years in one service, should ever after demand 
 five pounds pen annum, for I would very fain have some par- 
 ticular encouragements and privileges given to such servants 
 who should continue long in a place ; it would incite a desire 
 to please, and cause an emulation very beneficial to the 
 public. 
 
 I have heard of an ancient charity in the parish of St. 
 Clement's Danes, where a sum of money, or estate, is left, 
 out of the interest or income of which such maid-servants, 
 who have lived in that parish seven years in one service, 
 receive a reward of ten pounds apiece, if they please to de- 
 mand it. 
 
 This is a noble benefaction, and shows the public spirit of 
 the donor ; but everydody's business is nobody's ; nor have I 
 heard that such reward has been paid to any servant of late 
 years. A thousand pities a gift of that nature should sink 
 into oblivion, and not be kept up as an example to incite all 
 parishes to do the like. 
 
 The Romans had a law called Jus Trium Liherorum, by 
 which every man who had been a father of three children, 
 had particular honours and privileges. This incited the youth 
 to quit a dissolute single life and become fathers of families, 
 to the support and glory of the empire. 
 
 In imitation of this most excellent law, I would have such 
 servants, who should continue many years in one service, 
 meet with singular esteem and reward. 
 
 The apparel of our women-servants should be next 
 regulated, that we may know the mistress from the maid. I 
 remember I was once put very much to the blush, being at a 
 friend's house, and by him required to salute the ladies, I 
 kissed the chamber-jade into the bargain, for she was as well 
 dressed as the best. But I was soon undeceived by a general 
 
506 evekybody's business is nobody's business. 
 
 titter, whicli gave me the utmost confusion ; nor can I believe 
 myself the only person who has made such a mistake. 
 
 Things of this nature would be easily avoided, if servant- 
 maids were to wear liveries, as our footmen do ; or obliged 
 to go in a dress suitable to their station. What should ail 
 them, but a jacket and petticoat of good yard-wide stuff, or 
 calimanco, might keep them decent and warm. 
 
 Our charity children are distinguished by their dress, why 
 then may not our women-servants ? why may they not be 
 made frugal per force, and not suffered to put all on their 
 backs, but obliged to save something against a rainy day ? I 
 am, therefore, entirely against servants wearing of silks, laces, 
 and other superfluous finery ; it sets them above themselves, 
 and makes their mistresses contemptible in their eyes. I am 
 handsomer than my mistress, says a young prinked up bag- 
 gage, what pity it is I should be her servant, I go as well 
 dressed, or better than she. This makes the girl take the 
 first offer to be made a whore, and there is a good servant 
 spoiled ; whereas, were her dress suitable to her condition, it 
 would teach her humility, and put her in mind of her duty. 
 
 Besides the fear of spoiling their clothes makes them afraid 
 of household- work ; so that in a little time we shall have none 
 but chambermaids and nurserymaids ; and of this let me give 
 one instance ; my family is composed of myself and sister, a 
 man and a maid ; and, being without the last, a young wench 
 came to hire herself. The man was gone out, and my sister 
 above stairs, so I opened the door myself, and this person 
 presented herself to my view, dressed completely, more like a 
 visitor than a servant-maid ; she, not knowing me, asked for 
 my sister; pray, madam, said I, be pleased to walk into 
 the parlour, she shall wait on you presently. Accordingly I 
 handed madam in, who took it very cordially. After some 
 apology, I left her alone for a minute or two ; while I, stupid 
 wretch ! ran up to my sister, and told her there was a gentle- 
 woman below come to visit her. Dear brother, said she, don't 
 leave her alone, go down and entertain her while I dress my- 
 self. Accordingly, down I went, and talked of indifferent 
 affairs ; meanwhile my sister dressed herself all over again, 
 not being willing to be seen in an undress. At last she came 
 down dressed as clean as her visitor j but how great was my 
 surprise when I fgund my fine lady a common servant* 
 wench. 
 
ANECDOTE OF A SERVANT WENCH. 507 
 
 My sister understanding what she was, began to inquire 
 what wages she expected? She modestly asked but eight 
 pounds a year. The next question was, what work she could 
 do to deserve suck wages ? to which she answered, she could 
 clean a house, or dress a common family dinner. But cannot 
 you wash, replied my sister, or get up linen ? she answered 
 in the negative, and said, she would undertake neither, nor 
 would she go into a family that did not put out their Unen 
 to wash, and hire a charwoman to scour. She desired to see 
 the house, and having carefully surveyed it, said, the work 
 was too hard for her, nor could she undertake it. This put 
 my sister beyond all patience, and me into the greatest ad 
 miration. Toung woman, said she, you have made a mistake, 
 I want a housemaid, and you are a chambermaid. No, 
 madam, replied she, I am not needlewoman enough for that. 
 And yet you ask eight pounds a year, replied my sister. Yes, 
 madam, said she, nor shall I bate a farthing. Then get you 
 gone for a lazy impudent baggage, said I, you want to be a 
 boarder not a servant ; have you a fortune or estate that you 
 dress at that rate ? No, sir, said she, but I hope I may wear 
 what I work for without offence. What you work, interrupted 
 my sister, why you do not seem willing to undertake any work ; 
 you will not wash nor scour ; you cannot dress a dinner for 
 company ; you are no needlewoman ; and our little house 
 of two rooms on a floor, is too much for you. For God's sake 
 what can you do ? Madam, replied she pertly ; I know my 
 business ; and do not fear a service ; there are more places 
 than parish churches ; if you wash at home, you should 
 have a laundrymaid ; if you give entertainments, you must 
 have a cookmaid ; if you have any needlework, you should 
 have a chambermaid ; and such a house as this is enough for 
 a housemaid in all conscience. 
 
 I was pleased at the wit, and astonished at the impudence 
 of the girl, so dismissed her with thanks for her instructions, 
 assuring her that when I kept four maids she should be house- 
 maid if she pleased. 
 
 Were a servant to do my business with cheerfulness, I 
 should not grudge at five or six pounds per annum; nor would 
 I be so unchristian to put more upon any one than they can 
 bear ; but to pray and pay too is the devil. It is very hard, 
 that I must keep four servants or none. 
 
 In great families, indeed, where many servants are requirei^ 
 
508 EVERYBODY S BUSINESS IS NOBODy's BUSINESS. 
 
 those distinctions of chambermaid, housemaid, cookmaid, 
 laundrymaid, nurserymaid, &c., are requisite, to the end that 
 each may take her particular business, and many hands may 
 make the work light ; but for a private gentleman, of a small 
 fortune, to be obliged to keep so many idle jades, when one 
 might do the business, is intolerable, and matter of great 
 grievance. 
 
 I cannot close this discourse without a gentle admonition 
 and reproof to some of my own sex, I mean those gentlemen 
 who give themselves unnecessary airs, and cannot go to see a 
 friend, but they must kiss and slop the maid ; and all this is 
 done with an air of gallantry, and must not be resented. 
 Nay, some gentlemen are so silly, that they shall carry on an 
 dnderhand affair with their friend's servant-maid, to their 
 own disgrace, and the ruin of many a young creature. 
 Nothing is more base and ungenerous, yet nothing more com- 
 mon, and withal so little taken notice of. D — n me. Jack, says 
 one friend to another, this maid of yours is a pretty girl, you 
 do so and so to her, by G — d. This makes the creature 
 pert, vain, and impudent, and spoils many a good servant. 
 
 What gentleman will descend to this low way af intrigue, 
 when he shall consider that he has a footboy or an appren- 
 tice for his rival, and that he is seldom or never admitted, 
 but when they have been his tasters ; and the fool of fortune, 
 though he comes at the latter end of the feast, yet pays the 
 whole reckoning ; and so indeed would I have all such silly 
 cullies served. 
 
 If I must have an intrigue, let it be with a woman that 
 shall not shame me. I would never go into the kitchen, 
 when the parlour door was open. We are forbidden at 
 Highgate, to kiss the maid when we may kiss the mistress ; 
 why then will gentlemen descend so low, by too much 
 familiarity with these creatures, to bring themselves intc 
 contempt? 
 
 I have been at places where the maid has been so dizzied 
 with these idle compliments that she has mistook one thing 
 for another, and not regarded her mistress in the least ; but 
 put on all the flirting airs imaginable. This behaviour ia 
 nowhere so much complained of as in taverns, coffeehouses, 
 and places of public resort, where there are handsome bar- 
 keepers, &c. These creatures being puffed up with the 
 fulsome flattery of a set of flesh-flies, which are continually 
 
HEFORM OF MANY ABUSES AMONG SERVANTS. 509 
 
 buzzing about them, carry themselves with the utmost inso- 
 lence imaginable ; insomuch, that you must speak to them 
 with a great deal of deference, or you are sure to be affronted. 
 Being at a coffeehouse the other day, where one of these 
 ladies kept the bar, I had bespoke a dish of rice tea ; but 
 madam was so taken up with her sparks, she had quite forgot 
 it. I spake for it again, and with some temper, but was 
 answered after a most taunting manner, not without a toss 
 of the head, a contraction of the nostrils, and other imperti- 
 nences, too many to enumerate. Seeing myself thus publicly 
 insulted by such an animal, I could not choose but show my 
 resentment. Woman, said I, sternly, I want a dish of rice 
 tea, and not what your vanity and impudence may imagine ; 
 therefore treat me as a gentleman and a customer, and serve 
 me with what I call for : keep your impertinent repartees 
 and impudent behaviour for the coxcombs that swarm round 
 your bar, and make you so vain of your blown carcase. And 
 indeed I believe the insolence of this creature will ruin her 
 master at last, by driving away men of sobriety and business, 
 and making the place a den of vagabonds and rakehells. 
 
 Gentlemen, therefore, ought to be very circumspect in their 
 behaviour, and not undervalue themselves to servant- wenches, 
 who are but too apt to treat a gentleman ill whenever he 
 puts himself into their power. 
 
 Let me now beg pardon for this digression, and return to 
 my subject by proposing some practicable methods for regu- 
 lating of servants, which, whether they are followed or not, 
 yet, if they afford matter of improvement and speculation, will 
 answer the height of my expectation, and I will be the first 
 who shall approve of whatever improvements are made from 
 this small beginning. 
 
 The first abuse I. would have reformed is, that servants 
 should be restrained from throwing themselves out of place 
 on every idle vagary. This might be remedied were all con- 
 tracts between master and servant made before a justice of 
 peace, or other proper officer, and a memorandum thereof 
 taken in writing. Nor should such servant leave his or her 
 place (for men and maids might come under the same regu- 
 lation) till the time agreed on be expired, unless such servant 
 be misused or denied necessaries, or show some other reason- 
 able cause for their discharge. In that case, the master or 
 mistress should be reDrimaiided or fined But if servants 
 
510 eveeybodt's business is nobody's business. 
 
 misbehave themselves, or leave their places, not being 
 regularly discharged, they ought to be amerced or punished. 
 But all those idle, ridiculous customs, and laws of their own 
 making, as a month's wages, or a month's warning, and such- 
 like, should be entirely set aside and abolished. 
 
 When a servant has served the limited time duly and 
 faithfully, they should be entitled to a certificate, as is prac- 
 tised at present in the wool-combing trade ; nor should any 
 person hire a servant without a certificate or other proper 
 security. A servant without a certificate should oe deemed 
 a vagrant ; and a master or mistress ought to assign very 
 good reasons indeed when they object against giving a servant 
 his or her certificate. 
 
 And though, to avoid prolixity, I have not mentioned 
 footmen particularly in the foregoing discourse, yet the com- 
 plaints alleged against the maids are as well masculine as 
 feminine, and very applicable to our gentlemen's gentlemen ; 
 I would, therefore, have them under the very same regula- 
 tions, and, as they are fellow-servants, would not make fish 
 of one and flesh of the other, since daily experience teaches 
 us, that " never a barrel the better herring." 
 
 The next great abuse among us is, that under the notion 
 of cleaning our shoes, above ten thousand wicked, idle, 
 pilfering vagrants are permitted to patrol about our city and 
 suburbs. These are called the black-guard, who black your 
 honour's shoes, and incorporate themselves under the title of 
 the Worshipful Company of Japanners. 
 
 Were this all, there were no hurt in it, and the whole 
 might terminate in a jest ; but the mischief ends not here, 
 they corrupt our youth, especially our men-servants ; oaths 
 and impudence are their only flowers of rhetoric ; gaming 
 and thieving are the principal parts of their profession ; 
 japanning but the pretence. For example, a gentleman keeps 
 a servant, who among other things is to clean his master's 
 shoes ; but our gentlemen's gentlemen are above it nowadays, 
 and your man's man performs the oflSce, for which piece of 
 service you pay double and treble, especially if you keep a 
 table, nay, you are well off if the japanner has no more than 
 his own diet from it. 
 
 I have often observed these rascals sneaking from gentle- 
 men's doors with wallets or hats' full of good victuals, which 
 they either carry to their trulls, or sell for a trifle. By thii 
 
BOBBERIES COMMITTED BT SHOE-BLACKS. 511 
 
 means, our butcher's, our baker's, our poulterer's, and cheese- 
 monger's bills are monstrously exaggerated ; not to mention 
 candles just lighted, which sell for fivepence a pound, and 
 many other perquisites best known to themselves and the 
 pilfering villains their confederates. 
 
 Add to this, that their continual gaming sets servants 
 upon their wits to supply this extravagance, though at the 
 same time the master's pocket pays for it, and the time which 
 should be spent in a gentleman's service is loitered away 
 among these rakehells, insomuch that half our messages are 
 ineffectual, the time intended being often expired before the 
 message is delivered. 
 
 How many frequent robberies are committed by these 
 japanners? And to how many more are they confederates? 
 Silver spoons, spurs, and other small pieces of plate, are every 
 day missing, and very often found upon these sort of gentle- 
 men ; yet are they permitted, to the shame of all our good 
 laws, and the scandal of our most excellent government, to 
 lurk about our streets, to debauch our servants and appren- 
 tices, and support an infinite number of scandalous, shameless 
 trulls, yet more wicked than themselves, for not a Jack 
 among them but must have his GUI. 
 
 By whom such indecencies are daily acted, even in our 
 open streets, as are very offensive to the eyes and ears of all 
 sober persons, and even abominable in a Christian country. 
 
 In any riot, or other disturbance, these sparks are always 
 the foremost ; for most among them can turn their hands to 
 picking of pockets, to run away with goods from a fire, or 
 other public confusion, to snatch anything from a woman ol 
 child, to strip a house when the door is open, or any othei 
 branch of a thief s profession. 
 
 In short, it is a nursery for thieves and villains ; modest 
 women are every day insulted by them and their strumpets ; 
 and such children who run about the streets, or those servants 
 who go on errands, do but too frequently bring home some 
 scraps of their beastly profane wit ; insomuch, that the con- 
 versation of our lower rank of people runs only upon bawdy 
 and blasphemy, notwithstanding our societies for reformation, 
 and our laws in force against profaneness; for this lazy life 
 gets them many proselytes, their numbers daily increasing 
 from runaway apprentices and footboys, insomuch that it is 
 
512 eveeybody's business is nobody's business. 
 
 a very hard matter for a gentleman to get him a servant, or 
 for a tradesman to find an apprentice. 
 
 Innumerable other mischiefs accrue, and others will spring 
 up from this race of caterpillars, who must be swept troni 
 out our streets, or we shall be overrun with all manner of 
 wickedness. 
 
 But the subject is so low, it becomes disagreeable even to 
 myself ; give me leave, therefore, to propose a way to clear 
 the streets of these vermin, and to substitute as many honest 
 industrious persons in their stead, who are now starving for 
 want of bread, while these execrable villains live, though in 
 rags and nastiness, yet in plenty and luxury. 
 
 I, therefore, humbly propose that these vagabonds be put 
 immediately under the command of such taskmasters as the 
 government shall appoint, and that they be employed, punished, 
 or rewarded, according to their capacities and demerits ; that 
 is to say, the industrious and docible to woolcombing, and 
 other parts of the woollen manufacture, where hands are 
 wanted, as also to husbandry and other parts of agriculture. 
 
 For it is evident that there are scarce hands enow in the 
 country to carry on either of these affairs. Now, these 
 vagabonds might not only by this means be kept out of harm's 
 way, but be rendered serviceable to the nation. Nor is there 
 any need of transporting them beyond seas, for if any are 
 refractory they should be sent to our stannaries and other 
 mines, to our coal works and other places where hard labour 
 is required. And here I must offer one thing never yet 
 thought of, or proposed by any, and that is, the keeping in 
 due repair the navigation of the river Thames, so useful to 
 our trade in general ; and yet of late years such vast hUls of 
 sand are gathered together in several parts of the river, as 
 are very prejudicial to its navigation, one which is near 
 London Bridge, another near Whitehall, a third near Batter- 
 sea, and a fourth near Fulham. These are of very great 
 hindrance to the navigation ; and indeed the removal of them 
 ought to be a national concern, which I humbly propose may 
 be thus effected. 
 
 The rebellious part of these vagabonds, as also other thieves 
 and offenders, should be formed into bodies under the c6m- 
 mand of proper officers, and under the guard and awe of our 
 Boldiery. These should every day at low water carry away 
 
EMPLOYMENT SUGGESTED FOR VAGEANTS. 513 
 
 these eandhills, and remove every other obstruction to the 
 navigation of this most excellent and useful river. 
 
 It may be objected that the ballast men might do this ; 
 that as fast as the hills are taken away they would gather to- 
 gether again, or that the watermen might do it. To the first, 
 I answer, that ballast men, instead of taking away from 
 these hills, make holes in other places of the river, which is 
 the reason so many young persons are drowned when swim- 
 ming or bathing in the river. 
 
 Besides, it is a work for many hands, and of long con- 
 tinuance; so that ballast men do more harm than good. 
 The second objection is as silly; as if I should never wash 
 myself, because I shall be dirty again, and I think needs no 
 other answer. And as to the third objection, the watermen 
 are not so public-spirited, they live only from hand to mouth, 
 though not one of them but finds the inconvenience of these 
 hills, every day being obliged to go a great way round about 
 for fear of running aground ; insomuch that in a few years 
 the navigation of that part of the river will be entirely 
 obstructed. Nevertheless, every one of these gentleman- 
 watermen hopes it will last his time, and so they aU cry. The 
 devU take the hindmost. But yet I judge it highly neces- 
 sary that this be made a national concern, like Dagenham 
 breach, and that these hiUs be removed by some means or 
 
 other. . , 
 
 And now 1 have mentioned watermen, give me leave to 
 complain of the insolences and exactions they daily commit 
 on the river Thames, and in particular this one instance, 
 which cries aloud for justice. 
 
 A young lady of distinction, in company with her brottier, 
 a little youth, took a pair of oars at or near the Temple, on 
 April day last, and ordered the men to carry them to Ji-epper 
 Alley Stairs. One of the feUows, according to their usual 
 impertinence, asked the lady where she was going? bhe an- 
 swered, near St. Olave's church. Upon which he said, she 
 had better go through the bridge. The lady rephed she had 
 never gone through the bridge in her life, nor would she 
 venture for a hundred guineas ; so commanded him once 
 more to land her at Pepper Alley Stairs. Notwithstanding 
 which, in spite of her fears, threats, and commands ; nay, in 
 spite of the persuasion of his felloW, he forced her through 
 London Bridge, which friahtened her beyond expression. 
 
 VOL. U ^' ^ 
 
514 evekvbody's busistess is nobodit's business. 
 
 And to mend the matter, he obliged her to pay double fare, 
 and mobbed her into the bargain. 
 
 To resent which abuse, application was made to the hall, 
 the fellow summoned, and the lady ordered to attend, which 
 she did, waiting there all the morning, and was appointed to 
 call again in the afternoon. She came accordingly, they 
 told her the fellow had been there, but was gone, and that 
 she must attend another Friday. She attended again and 
 again, but to the same purpose. Nor have they yet produced 
 the man, but tired out the lady, who has spent above ten 
 shillings in coach-hire, been abused and baffled into the bar- 
 gain. 
 
 It is pity, therefore, there are not commissioners for 
 watermen, as there are for hackney coachmen ; or that 
 justices of the peace might not inflict bodily penalties on 
 watermen thus offending. But while watermen are water- 
 men's judges, I shall laugh at those who carry their complaints 
 to the hall. 
 
 The usual plea in behalf of abusive watermen is, that they 
 are drunk, ignorant, or poor ; but will that satisfy the party 
 aggrieved, or deter the offender from reoffending 1 Whereas 
 were the offenders sent to the house of correction, and there 
 punished, or sentenced to work at the sandhills afore- 
 mentioned, for a time suitable to the nature of their crimes, 
 terror of such punishments would make them fearful of 
 offending, to the great quiet of the subject. 
 
 Now, it maybe asked. How shall we have our shoes cleaned, 
 or how are these industrious poor to be maintained ? To this 
 I answer that the places of these vagabonds may be very 
 well supplied by great numbers of ancient persons, poor 
 widows, and others, who have not enough from their 
 respective parishes to maintain them. These poor people I 
 would have authorised and stationed by the j ustices of the peace 
 or other magistrates. Each of these should have a particular 
 walk or stand, and no other shoe-cleaner should come into 
 that walk, unless the person misbehave and be removed. 
 Nor should any person clean shoes in the streets, but these 
 authorised shoe-cleaners, who should have some mark of dis- 
 tinction, and be under the immediate government of the 
 justices of the peace. 
 
 Thus would many thousands of poor people be provided 
 for, without burthening their parishes. Some of these may 
 
EEGULATIONS FOR POKTEES AKD OTHERS. 515 
 
 «arn a shilling or two in the day, and none less than sixpence, 
 or thereabouts. And lest the old japanners should appear 
 again, in the shape of linkboys, and knock down gentlemen in 
 drink, or lead others out of the way into dark remote places, 
 where they either put out their lights, and rob them them- 
 selves, or run away and leave them to be pillaged by others, 
 as is daily practised, I would have no person carry a link for 
 hire but some of these industrious poor, and even such, not 
 without some ticket or badge, to let people know whom they 
 trust. Thus would the streets be cleared night and day ot 
 these vermin ; nor would oaths, skirmishes, blasphemy, 
 obscene talk, or other wicked examples, be so public and 
 frequent. All gaming at orange and gingerbread barrows 
 should be abolished, as also all penny and halfpenny lotteries, 
 thimbles and balls, &c., so frequent in Moorfields, Lincoln's- 
 inn-fields, &c., where idle fellows resort, to play with children 
 and apprentices, and tempt them to steal their parents' or 
 master's money. 
 
 There is one admirable custom in the city of London, which 
 I could wish were imitated in the city and liberties of West- 
 minster, and bills of mortality, which is, no porter can carry 
 a burthen or letter in the city, unless he be a ticket porter ; 
 whereas, out of the freedom part of London, any person may 
 take a knot and turn porter, till he be entrusted with some- 
 thing of value, and then you never hear of him more. 
 
 This is very common, and ought to be amended. I would, 
 therefore, have all porters under some such regulation as 
 coachmen, chairmen, carmen, &c. ; a man may then know 
 whom he entrusts, and not run the risk of losing his goods, 
 &c. Nay, I woidd not have a person carry a basket in the 
 markets, who is not subject to some such regulation; for 
 very many persons oftentimes lose their dinners in sending 
 their meat home by persons they know nothing of 
 
 Thus would all our poor be stationed, and a man or woman 
 able to perform any of these offices, must either comply or 
 be termed an idle vagrant, and sent to a place where they 
 shall be forced to work. By this means industry will be 
 encouraged, idleness punished, and we shall be famed, aa 
 well as happy for our tranquillity and decorum. 
 
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