(Sfontell Inineratta ffitbrarg Mtjam, Sfwn $ork BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME OF THE SAGE ENDOWMENT FUND THE GIFT OF HENRY W. SAGE BMHESMttcg _ . Cornell University Library QA 29.S86A3 James Stirling; a sketch of his life and 3 1924 001 520 919 JAMES STIRLING OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS London Edinburgh Glasgow Copenhagen New York Toronto Melbourne Cape Town Bombay Calcutta Madras Shanghai HUMPHREY MILFORD Publisher to the University Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924001520919 -&>**&* jj 'Ju/r tipc fir ^Add&TL. ^^^f^^*^«^>^^^ 'Tent/ hfyffe&tK,rfjmAcb , Al-it /uncr &*Mtb /m*> faty-fod&Q rfnup*4i&. My cio^k $04*4/ /Sufi nur aJe^ii^arMA^ <6ty p^n^-^Tti^nMunu. /£ If fat cm^ptfat/U, £&h#hc/ anb /cSivn/te >tdufyh theft TwtkcruP' csHWk* if 3r£&Uk, t **- i£*H£4*Jd/ Wfojcffixtof #uf yc£eJ(*h/ dvn- (fvr 6 " JAMES STIRLING A SKETCH OF HIS %\U and Oftorfts ALONG WITH HIS SCIENTIFIC CORRESPONDENCE BY CHARLES TWEEDIE M.A., B.Sc, F.R.S.E. CARNEGIE FELLOW, 1917-1920; LECTURER IN PURE MATHEMATICS EDINBURGH UNIVERSITY OXFORD AT THE CLARENDON PRESS 1922 5 TO THE MEMORY OF JOHN STURGEON MACKAY. LL.D. TO WHOSE INSPIRATION IS LARGELY DUE MY INTEREST IN THE HISTORY OF MATHEMATICS PREFACE The Life of Stirling has already formed the subject of a very readable article by Dr. J. C. Mitchell, published in his work, Old Glasgow Essays (MacLehose, 1905). An interesting account of his life as manager of the Leadhills Mines is also given by Ramsay in his Scotland and Scotsmen in the Eighteenth Century. The sketch I here present to readers furnishes further details regarding Stirling's student days at Balliol College, Oxford, as culled from contemporary records, along with more accurate information regarding the part he played in the Tory interests, and the reason for his departure for Italy. Undoubtedly, when at Oxford, he shared the strong Jacobite leanings of the rest of his family. Readers familiar with Graham's delightful Social Life in Scotland in the Eighteenth Century, and the scarcity of money among the Scottish landed gentry, will appreciate the tone of the letter to his father of June 1715, quoted in full in my sketch. Whether he ever attended the University of Glasgow is a moot point. Personally, I am inclined to think that he did, for it was then the fashion to enter the University at a much earlier age than now, and he was already about eighteen years of age when he proceeded to Oxford. Very little is known regarding his stay in Venice and the date of his return to Britain; but his private letters show tbat when he took up residence in London he was on intimate terms of friendship with Sir Isaac Newton and other dis- tinguished scholars in the capital. I have taken the opportunity here to add — what has hitherto not been attempted — a short account of Stirling's published works, and of their relation to current mathematical thought. In drawing up this account, I had the valuable viii PREFACE assistance of Professor E. T. Whittaker's notes on Part I of Stirling's Methodus Differ entialis, which he kindly put at my disposal. Stirling's influence as a mathematician of profound analytical skill has been a notable feature within the inner circle of mathematicians. Witness, for example, the tribute of praise rendered by Laplace in his papers on Probability and on the Laws of Functions of very large numbers. Binet, in a celebrated memoir on Definite Integrals, has shown Stirling's place as a pioneer of Gauss. Gauss himself had most unwillingly to make use of Stirling's Series, though its lack of convergence was anathema to him. More recently, Stirling has found disciples among Scandinavian mathema- ticians, and Stirling's theorems and investigations have been chosen by Professor Nielsen to lay the foundation of his Monograph on Gamma Functions. The Letters, forming the scientific correspondence of Stirling herewith published, make an interesting contribution to the history of mathematical science in the first half of the eighteenth century. I have little doubt that suitable research would add to their number. I have endeavoured to reproduce those as exactly as possible, and readers will please observe that errors which may be noted are not necessarily to be ascribed to negligence, either on my part or on that of the printer. For example, on page 47, the value of it/2 given by De Moivre's copy of Stirling's letter (taken from the Miscellanea Analytica) is not correct, being 1-57079632679, and not 1-5707963279 as there stated. A few notes on the letters have been added, but, in the main, the letters have been left to speak for themselves. I am deeply grateful for the readiness with which the Garden letters were placed at my disposal by Mrs. Stirling, Gogar House, Stirling. I am also indebted to the University of Aberdeen for permission to obtain copies of Stirling's letters to Maclaurin. In the troublesome process of preparing suitable manuscript for the press, I had much valuable clerical assistance from my sister, Miss Jessie Tweedie. PREFACE ix Of the many friends who have helped to lighten my task I am particularly indebted to Dr. C. G. Knott, F.R.S., and to Professor E. T. Whittaker, F.R.S., of Edinburgh University; also to Professor George A. Gibson, of Glasgow University, who gave me every encouragement to persevere in my research, and most willingly put at my disposal his mature criticism of the mathematicians contemporary with Stirling. Facsimile reproductions of letters by James Stirling and Colin Maclaurin have been inserted. These have never before appeared in published form, and will, it is hoped, be of interest to students of English or Scottish history, and to mathematical scholars generally. The heavy cost of printing during the past year would have made publication impossible but for the generous donations from the contributors mentioned in the subjoined list of subscribers, to whom I have to express my grateful thanks. CHARLES TWEEDIE. LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS The Trustees of the Carnegie Trust for Scotland (£50). Subscriptions, to the total value of £70, from Captain Archibald Stirling, of Kippen. General Archibald Stirling, of Keir. Sir John Maxwell Stirling Maxwell, Bart., of Pollok. John Alison, M A., LL D., Headmaster of George Watson's College, Edinburgh. George A. Gibson, M.A., LL.D.. Professor of Mathematics, Glasgow University. E. M. Horsburgh, M.A., D.Sc, A.M.I.C.E., Reader in Technical Mathematics. Edinburgh University. William Peddie, D.Sc, Professor of Physics, University College, Dundee. E. T. Whittaker, D.Sc, F.R.S., Professor of Mathematics, Edinburgh University. x LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS Subscriptions, to the total value of £10, from A. G. Burgess, M.A., B.Sc, Rector of Rothesay Academy. Archibald Campbell, MA., LL.B., "Writer to the Signet, 36 Castle Street, Edinburgh. Jas. H. Craw, Esq., Secretary of the Berwickshire Naturalists' Club, West Foulden, Berwick-on-Tweed. Alexander Morgan, M.A., D.Sc, Director of Studies, Edinburgh Provincial Training Centre. George Philip, D.Sc, Executive Officer, Ross and Cromarty Education Authority. Rev. A. Tweedie, M.A., B.D., Maryculter. Mrs. C. E. Walker, M.A., Villa Traquair, Stormont Road, Highgate, London. CONTENTS PAGE LIFE . . . 1 WORKS . . . .23 CORRESPONDENCE 51 FACSIMILES Facsimile of last page of Letter by Stirling to his Father, 1715 (pages 6-7) Frontispiece Facsimile of last page of Letter by Maclaurin to Stirling, 1728 (Letter No. 1) facing p. 57 COAT OP ARMS 01' THE STIIJLINGS OF GARDEN. LIFE OF JAMES STIRLING James Stirling, the celebrated mathematician, to whose name is attached the Theorem in Analysis known as Stirling's Theorem, was born at Garden in the county of Stirling, Scotland, in 1692. He was a member of the cadet branch of the Stirling family, usually described as the Stirling's of Garden. The Stirling family is one of the oldest of the landed families of Scotland. They appear as proprietors of land as early as the twelfth century. In 1 1 80, during the reign of William the Lion, a Stirling acquired the estate of Cawder (Cadder or Calder) in Lanarkshire, and it has been in the possession of the family ever since. Among the sixty-four different ways of spelling the name Stirling, a common one in those early days, was a variation of Striveling. In 1448, the estate of Keir in Perthshire was acquired by a Stirling. In 1534 or 1535 these two branches of the family were united by the marriage of James Striveling of Keir with Janet Striveling, the unfortunate heiress of Cawder. Since that time the main family has been, and remains, the Stirlings of Keir and Cawder. By his second wife, Jean Chisholm, James had a family, and of this family Elizabeth, the second daughter, married, in 1571-2, John Napier of Merchiston, the famous inventor of logarithms, whose lands in the Menteith marched with those of the Barony of Keir. This was not the first intermarriage between the Napiers and the Stirlings, for at the former Napier residence of Wright's Houses in Edinburgh (facing Gillespie Crescent), there is preserved a stone the armorial bearings on which record the marriage of a Napier to a Stirling in 1399. Early in the seventeenth century Sir Archibald Stirling of Keir bought the estate of Garden, in the parish of Kippen (Stirlingshire), and in 1613 he gave it to his son (Sir) John Stirling, when Garden for the first time became a separate 2 LIFE OF JAMES STIRLING estate of a Stirling. The son of John, Sir Archibald Stirling, was a conspicuous Royalist in the Civil War, and was heavily fined by Cromwell ; but his loyalty was rewarded at the Restoration, and he ascended the Scottish bench with the title of Lord Garden. Lord Garden, however, succeeded to the estate of Keir, and his younger son Archibald (1651-1715) became Laird of Garden in 1668. Archibald's eventful career is one long chapter of mis- fortunes. Like the rest of the Stirlings he adhered loyally to the Stuart cause. In 1708, he took part in the rising called the Gathering of the Brig of Turk. He was carried a prisoner to London, and then brought back to Edinburgh, where he was tried for high treason, but acquitted. He died in 1715, and thus escaped the penalty of forfeiture that weighed so heavily on his brother of Keir. He was twice married. By his first wife he had a son, Archibald, who succeeded him, and by his second marriage, with Anna, eldest daughter to Sir Alexander Hamilton of Haggs, near Linlithgow, he had a family of four sons and five daughters. James Stirling, the subject of this sketch, and born in 169;2, was the second surviving son of this marriage. (The sons were James, who died in infancy ; John, who acquired the Garden estate from his brother Archibald in 1717; James, the mathematician ; and Charles.) The Armorial Bearings of the Garden * branch of the Stirlings are : Shield: Argent on a Bend azure, three Buckles or : in chief, a crescent, gules. Crest : A Moor's Head in profile. Motto : Gang Forward. 2 YOUTH OF STIRLING Oxford Save for the account given by Ramsay of Ochtertyre (Scotland and Scotsmen, from the Ochtertyre MSS.), which is not trustworthy in dates at least, little is known of the early 1 Garden, pronounced Garden, or Gardenne. 2 Gang- forward ; Scotice for Allez en avant. STIRLING AT OXFORD 3 years and education of Stirling, prior to his journey to Oxford University in 1710. Ramsay, it is true, says that Stirling studied for a time at Glasgow University. This would have been quite in accordance with Stirling tradition, for those of the family who became students had invariably begun their career at Glasgow University; and the fact that Stirling was a Snell Exhibitioner at Oxford lends some colour to the statement. But there is no trace of his name in the University records. Addison, in his book on the Snell Exhibitioners, states that ' Stirling is said to have studied at the University of Glasgow, but his name does not appear in the Matriculation A lbum '. From the time that he proceeds on his journey to Oxford his career can be more definitely traced, though the accounts hitherto given of him require correction in several details. Some of the letters written by him to his parents during this period have fortunately been preserved. This fact alone s ufficiently indicates the esteem in which he was held by his family, and their expectation of a promising future for the youth. In one of these he narrates his experiences on the journey to London, and his endeavour to keep down expenses: 1 1 spent as little money on the road as I could. I could spend no less, seeing I went with such company, for they lived on the best meat and drink the road could afford. Non of them came so near the price of their horses as I did, altho' they kept them 14 days here, and payed every night 16 pence for the piece of them.' He reached Oxford towards the close of the year 1710. He was nominated Snell Exhibitioner on December 7, 1710, and he matriculated on January 18, J ?■££, paying £7 caution money. On the recommendation of the Earl of Mar he was nominated Warner Exhibitioner, and entered Balliol College on November 27, 1711. In a letter to his father of the same year (February 20, 1711) he gives some idea of his life at Oxford : ' Everything is very dear here. My shirts coast me 14 shillings Sterling a piece, and they are so course I can hardly wear them, and I had as fit hands for buy- ing them as I could.' . . . ' We have a very pleasant life as well as profiteable. We have very much to do, but there is nothing here like strickness. I was lately matriculate, and with the help of my tutor I escaped the oaths, but with much ado.' b2 4 LTFE OF JAMES STIELING He thus began academic life at Oxford in good spirits, but as a non-juring student. At this period Oxford University was not conspicuous for its intellectual activity. The Fellows seem to have led lives of comfortable ease, without paying much regard to the requirements of the students under their care. As we shall see in Stirling's case, the rules imposed upon Scholars were very loosely applied, and, naturally, complaint was made at any stringency later. At the time we speak of political questions were much in the thoughts of both students and college authorities. The University had always been faithful to the house of Stuart. It had received benefits from James I. For a time Oxford had been the head-quarters of King Charles I during the Civil War, and his cavaliers were remembered with regret when the town was occupied by the Parliamentary forces, and had to endure the impositions of Cromwell. At the time of Stirling's entry the reign of Queen Anne was drawing to a close. Partisan feeling between Whigs and Tories was strong, and of all the Colleges Balliol was most conspicuously Tory. According to Davis (History of Balliol College) Balliol 'was for the first half of the 18th century a stronghold of the most reactionary Toryism ', and county families, anxious to place their sons in a home of sound Tory principles, naturally turned to Balliol, despite the fact that Dr. Baron, the Master, was a stout Whig. It is, therefore, abundantly clear that Stirling had every reason to be content with his political surroundings at Balliol, with what results we shall see presently. Perhaps the best picture of the state of affairs is to be gathered from the pages of the invaluable Diary ofT. Hearne, the antiquarian sub-librarian of the Bodleian. For Hearne all Tories were ' honest men ', and nothing good was ever to be found in the ' vile Whigges '. His outspoken Tory sentiments led to his being deprived of his office, and almost of the privilege of consulting books in the Library, though he remained on familiar terms with most of the resident Dons. Luckily for us, James Stirling was one of his acquaintance, and mention of Stirling's name occurs frequently enough to enable us to form some idea of his career. Doubtless STIRLING AT OXFORD 5 their common bond of sympathy arose from their Tory, nay their Jacobite, principles, but it speaks well for the intellectual vigour of the younger man that he associated with a man of Hearne's scholarship. Moreover, Stirling must have been a diligent student, or he could never have acquired the scholarship that bore its fruit in 1717 in the production of his Lineae Tertii Ordinis, a work which is still a recognized commentary on Newton's Enumeration of Curves of the Third Order. But he was not the sort of man to be behindhand in the bold expression of his opinions, and he took a leading part among the Biilliol students in the disturbances of 1714-16. The accession of George of Hanover to the British throne was extremely unpopular in Oxford, and Hearne relates how on May 28, 1715, an attempt to celebrate the King's birthday was a stormy failure, while rioting on a large scale broke out next day. 'The people run up and down, crying, King James the Third! The True King, No 'usurper ! The Duke of Ormond ! &c, and healths were everywhere drunk suitable to the occasion, and every one at the same time drank to a new restauration, which I heartily wish may speedily happen.' . . . 'June 5. King George being informed of the proceedings of the cavaliers at Oxford, on Saturday and Sunday (May 28, 2D), he is very angry, and by his order Townshend, one of the Secretaries of State, hath sent rattling letters to Dr. Charlett, pro-vice-chancellor, and the Mayor. Dr. Charlett shewed me his this morning. This lord Townshend says his majesty (for so they will stile this silly usurper) hath been fully assured that the riots both nights were begun by scholars, and that scholars promoted them, and that he (Dr. Charlett) was so far from discountenancing them, that he did not endeavour in the least to suppress them. He likewise observed that his majesty was as well informed that the other magistrates were not less remiss on these occasions. The heads have had several meetings upon this affair, and they have drawn up a programme, (for they are obliged to do something) to prevent the like hereafter; and this morning very early, old Sherwin the yeoman beadle was sent to London to represent the truth of the matter.' These measures had a marked effect upon the celebration on June 10 of 'King James the IlldV birthday. Special 6 LIFE OF JAMES STIRLING precautions were taken to prevent a riotous outbreak. 'So that all honest men were obliged to drink King James's health, and to shew other tokens of loyalty, very privately in their own houses or else in their own chambers, or else out of town. For my own part I walked out of town to Fox- comb, with honest Will Fullerton, and Mr. Sterling, and Mr. Eccles, all three non-juring civilians of Ealliol College, and with honest Mr. John Leake, formerly of Hart Hall, and Rich. Clements (son to old Harry Clements the bookseller) he being a cavalier. We were very merry at Foxcombe, and came home between nine and ten,' &e. Several of the party were challenged on their return to Oxford, but no further mention is made of Stirling. On August 15 there was again rioting at Oxford, in which a prominent part was taken by scholars of Balliol. There can be little doubt that Stirling was implicated, though he seems to have displayed a commendable caution on June 10 by going out of town with a man so well known as Hearne. His own account of current events is given in the following letter to his father, which is the only trace of Jacobite corre- spondence with Scotland that has been preserved, if it can be so termed : — Oxon 23 July 1715. Sir, I wrote to you not long ago, but I have had no letter this pretty while. The Bishop of Rochester and our Master have renewed an old quarrell : the Bishop vents his wrath on my countrymen, and now is stopping the paying of our Exhibitions : it's true we ought to take Batchelours degrees by the foundation of these exhibitions, and quite them when we are of age to so into orders : Rochester stands on all those things, which his Predecessours use not to mind, and is resolved to keep every nicety to the rigor of the statute ; and accordingly he hath stoped our Exhibitions for a whole year, and so ows us 20 lib. apiece, he insists on knowing our ages, degrees, and wants security for our going into orders. 1 suppose those things may come to nought in a little while, the Bishop is no enemy to our principles. In the meantime I've borrowed money of my friends till I'm ashamed to borrow anjr more. I was resolved not to trouble you while I could otherwise subsist ; but now I am forced to ask about 5 lib. or what in reason you think fit to supply my present needs : STIRLING AT OXFORD 7 for ye little debts I have 1 can delay them I hope till the good humor shall take the Bishop. I doubt not to have the money one time or another, it's out of no ill will against us that he stops it, but he expects our wanting the money will make us solicite our Master to cringe to him, which is all he wants. No doubt you know what a generall change of the affec- tions of the people of England the late proceedings hath occasion : the mobbs begun on the 28 of May to pull down meeting houses and whiggs houses, and to this very day they continue doing the same, the mobb in Yorkshire and Lanca- shire amounted to severall thousands, and would have beat of the forces sent against them had they not been diswaded by the more prudent sort, and they are now rageing in Coventry and Baintry : so (as the court saith) the nation is just ripe for a rebellion. There were severall houses of late at London searched for the Chevalier, the D. of Berwick and M r Lesly. Oxford is impeached of high treason and high crimes and misdemanners and is now in the Touer, a little while ago both Whiggs and Tories wished him hanged, but he has gained some tories to stand his friends in opposition to the Whiggs. They cant make out eitough to impeach the rest they designed. I had a letter from Northside x lately. I shall delay an answere till I have the occasion of a frank. My cousin James sent me a letter the other day from Amster- dam, he is just come from the Canaries, and designs to return there without coming to Britain, he remembers himself very kindly to you and all friends with you. I give my humble duty to you and my mother and my kind respects to my brothers sisters and all my relations 1 am Sir Your most dutifull son Jan. Stirling. It was in the same year (1715) that Stirling first gave indications of his ability as a mathematician. In a letter 2 to Newton, of date Feb. 24, 1715, John Keill, of Oxford, mentions that the problem of orthogonal trajectories, which had been proposed by Leibniz, had recently been solved by ' Mr. Stirling, an undergraduate here ', as well as by others. The statement commonly made that Stirling was expelled 1 James Stirling, son of the Laird of Northside (near Glasgow), is specially mentioned in the List of Persons concerned in the Rebellion of 1745-6 (Scot. Hist. Soc). 2 Macclesfield, Correspondence of Scientific Men, §c, vol. n, p. 421. t 8 LIFE OF JAMES STIRLING from Oxford for his Jacobite leanings, and driven to take refuge in Venice, seems entirely devoid of foundation. Again Hearne's Diary comes to our aid, and indicates that Stirling was certainly under the observation of the government authorities :— '1715 Dec. 30 (Fri) On Wednesday Night last M r Sterling, a Scotchman, of Balliol Coll. and M r Gery, Gentleman Commoner of the same College, were taken up by the Guard of the Souldiers, now at Oxford, and not released till last night. They are both honest, non-juring Gentlemen of my acquaintance.' Also: '1716 July 21 (Sat.) One M> Sterling, a Non-juror of Bal. Coll. (and a Scotchman), having been prosecuted for cursing K. George (as they call the Duke of Brunswick), he was tryed this Assizes at Oxford, and the Jury brought him in not guilty.' The Records of Balliol bear witness to his tenure of the Snell and Warner Exhibitions down to September, 1716. (Also as S.C.L. 1 of one year's standing in September, 1715, and as S.C.L. in September, 1716.) There is no indication of his expulsion, though the last mention of him by Hearne informs us that he had lost his Scholarship for refusing to take 'the Oaths'. ' 1717. March 28 (Fri) M r Stirling of Balliol College, one of those turned out of their Scholarships upon account of the Oaths, hath the offer of a Professorship of Mathematicks in Italy, w oh he hath accepted of, and is about going thither. This Gentleman is printing a Book in the Mathematical way at the Theatre. 2 ' We shall see presently that Stirling found himself compelled to refuse the proffered Chair. The circumstances in which he had this offer are somewhat obscure ; and whether he 1 S.C.L. was a Degree (Student of Civil Law) parallel to that of B A., just as that of Bachelor of Civil Law (B.C.L.) is parallel to that of M.A. The degree has long been abolished, but its possession would suggest that Stirling had at one time the idea of adopting the profession of his grand- father, Lord Garden. 2 The Sheldonian Theatre, Oxford. STIRLING AT OXFORD 9 played any part in the Newton-Leibniz controversy is not certain. In the later stages of the controversy an inter- mediary between Leibniz and Newton was found in the Abbe - Conti, a noble Venetian, born at Padua in 1677, who, after spending nine years as a priest in Venice, gave up the Church, and went to reside in Paris, where he became a favourite in society. In 1715, accompanied by Montmort, he journeyed to London, and received a friendly welcome from Newton and the Fellows of the Royal Society. In a letter 1 to Brook Taylor in 1721, Conti relates how ' M r Newton me pria d'assembler a la Socie'te' les Ambassa- deurs et les autres strangers'. Conti and Nicholas Tron, the Venetian Ambassador at the English Court, became Fellows at the same time in 1715. How Conti came to meet Stirling is unknown to us ; but he must have formed a high opinion of Stirling's ability and personal accomplishments, for Newton in a letter quoted by Brewster {Life of Newton, ii, p. 308) querulously charges Conti with 'sending M r . Stirling to Italy, a person then unknown to me, to be ready to defend me there, if I would have contributed to his maintenance '. The fact that Newton- was a subscriber to Stirling's first venture, Lineae Tertii Ordinis Neutonianae, sive Illustratio Tractalus D. Neutoni De Enumeratione Linearum Tertii Ordinis, and doubtless the ' Book ' mentioned by Hearne, would suggest that Newton had met Stirling before the latter had left England. This little book is dedicated to Tron, and it was on Tron's invita- tion that Stirling accompanied him to Italy with a view to a chair in one of the Universities of the Republic. The long list of subscribers, the majority of whom were either Fellows or Students at Oxford, bears eloquent testimony to the repu- tation he had acquired locally at least as a good mathe- matician. The book was printed at the Sheldonian Theatre, and bears the Imprimatur, dated April 11, 1717, of John Baron, D.D., the Vice-Chancellor of the University, and Master of his own College of Balliol, who was also subscriber for six copies. Of the subscribers, forty-five are associated with Balliol. Richard Rawlinson, of St. John's, was also a 1 Printed in the posthumous Contemplatio Fhilosophica of Brook Taylor. 10 LIFE OF JAMES STIRLING subscriber, and W. Clements, the bookseller in London, took six copies. Thus Stirling left Oxford after publishing a mathematical work that was to earn him a reputation abroad as a scholar. Venice From his residence in Venice, 1 Stirling is known in the Family History of the Stirlings as James Stirling the Venetian. The invitation to Italy and the subsequent refusal are thus recorded in the Rawlinson MSS. in the Bodleian (materials collected by Dr. Richard Rawlinson for a continuation of Ward's Athenae Oxoniertses up to 1750) : ' Jacobus Stirling, e coll. Baliol, exhibit. Scot, a Snell. jura- ment. R. G* recus. 1714, et in Italian! Nobilem virum Nicolaum Tron, Venetiarum Reipublicae ergo apud Anglos Legatum, secutus est, ubi religionis causa matheseos profes- sorium munus sibi oblatum respuit.' The religious difficulty must have been a serious blow to Stirling's hopes, and placed him in great embarrassment, for his means were of the scantiest. But adherence to the Anglican Church was one of the most fundamental principles of the Tories, which had caused so much wavering in their ranks for the Catholic Chevalier, and there was no getting over the objection. We need not be surprised, therefore, that he got into serious difficulties, from which he was rescued in 1719 by the generosity of Newton, who had. henceforward at least, Stirling for one of his most devoted friends. Stirling's 1 I have endeavoured to ascertain the university to which Stirling was called. Professor G. Loria has informed me that it was very probably Padua, Padua being the only university in the Republic of Venice, the Quartier Latin of Venice according to Renan. It had been customary to- select a foreigner for the chnir of Mathematics. A foreigner (Hermann) held it, and resigned it in 1713. It was then vacant until 1716, when Nicholas Bernoulli (afterwards Professor of Law at Bale) was appointed. Professor Favaro of Padua confirms the above, and adds that possibly some information might be gathered from the reports of the Venetian Ambassador, or from the records of the Reformatores Studii (the patrons of chtiirs in a mediaeval university). To get this information it would be necessary to visit Venice. My chief difficulty here is to reconcile the date of Stirling's visit to Italy and the date of the vacancy. It may be added that a College for Scotch and English students still flourished at Padua at this time (see also Evelyn's Diary). C. T. 2 King George. AT VENICE 11 letter to Newton, expressing his gratitude, is here given. It has been copied from Brewster's Life of Newton. Letter Venice 17 Aug. 1719. Sir I had the honour of your letter about five weeks after the date. As your generosity is infinitely above my merite, so I reackon myself ever bound to serve you to the utmost : and, indeed, a present from a person of such worth is more valued by me than ten times the value from another. I humbly ask pardon for not returning my grateful acknow- ledgments before now. I wrote to M r Desaguliers to make my excuse while in the meantime I intended to send a supple- ment to the papers I sent, but now I'm willing they be printed as they are, being at present taken up with my own affair here wherewith I won't presume to trouble you having sent M r Desaguliers a full account thereof. I beg leave to let you know that M 1 ' Nicholas Bernoulli proposed to me to enquire into the curve which defines the resistances of a pendulum when the resistance is proportional to the velocity. I enquired into some of the most easy cases. and found that the pendulum, in the lowest point had no velocity, and consequently could perform but one half oscil- lation, and then rest. Bernoulli had found that before, as also one Count Ricato, which I understood after I communi- cated to Bernoulli what occurred to me. Then he asked me how in that hypothesis of resistance a pendulum could be said to oscill.tte since it only fell to the lowest point of the cycloid, and then rested. So I conjecture that his uncle sets him on to see what he can pick out of your writings that may any ways be cavilled against, for he has also been very busy in enquiring into some other parts of the Principles. I humbly beg pardon for this trouble, and pray God to prolong your daies, wishing that an opportunity should offer that I could demonstrate my gratefullness for the obligation:, you have been pleased to honour me with, I am with the greatest respect Sir Your most humble & most obedient serv' James Stirling. Venice 17 August 1719 n. st. P.S. M r Nicholas Bernoulli, as he hath been accused by D r Keill of an illwill towards you, wrote you a letter some time ago to clear himself. But having in return desired me 12 LIFE OF JAMES STIRLING to assure you that what was printed in the Acta Paris. relating to your 10 Prop., lib. 2, was wrote before he had been in England sent to his friends as his private opinion of the matter, and afterwards published without so much as his knowledge. He is willing to make a full vindication of him- self as to that affair whenever you'll please to desire it. He has laid the whole matter open to me, and if things are as he informs me D r Keill has been somewhat harsh in his case. For my part I can witness that I never hear him mention your name without respect and honour. When he showed me the Ada Eruditorivm where his uncle has lately wrote against D r Keill he showed me that the theorems there about Quadratures are all corollarys from your Quadratures ; and whereas M r John Bernoulli had said there, that it did not appear by your construction of the curve, Prop. 4, lib. 2, that the said construction could be reduced to Logarithms, he presently showed me Coroll. 2 of the said Proposition, where you show how it is reduced to logarithms, and he said he wondered at his uncle's oversight. I find more modesty in him as to your affairs than could be expected from a young man, nephew to one who is now become head of M r Leibnitz's party; and among the many conferences I've had with him I declare never to have heard a disrespectful word from him of any of our country but D r Keill. How long he lived in Italy after his letter to Newton is not known; but life in the cultured atmosphere of Venice must have been, otherwise, very congenial. It was a favourite haunt of the different members of the Bernoullian family. The earliest letter to Stirling of a mathematical nature that lias been preserved is one in 1719 from Nich. Bernoulli, F.R S., at that time Professor in the University of Padua. One is tempted to inquire whether Stirling did not meet Bernoulli and Goldbach on the occasion of their visit to Oxford in 1712. In the letter in question Bernoulli specially refers to their meeting in Venice, and also conveys the greetings of Poleni, Professor of Astronomy at Padua. At the same time Riccati was resident in Venice, which he refused to leave when offered a chair elsewhere. Ramsay says that Stirling made contributions to mathematics while resident in Italy, copies of which he brought home with him : but I have found no trace of them. The only paper of this period is his Methodus Differentialis Newtoniana, published in the Pldlo- AT VENICE 13 sophical Transactions for 1719, with the object of elucidating Newton's methods of Interpolation. London From 1719 to 1724 there is a gap in our information regarding Sterling. But a fragment of a letter by him to his brother, Mr. John Stirling of Garden, shows that in July 1724 lie was at Cader (Cawder or Calder, where the family of his uncle James, the dispossessed Laird of Keir, resided). Early in 1725 he was in London, as a letter to his brother John informs us (London, 5 June, 17 25) when he was making an effort towards ' getting into business '. ' It's not so easily done, all these things require patience and diligence at the beginning.' In the meantime, that he may not be ' quite idle ' he is preparing for the press an edition of . . . l Astronomy to which he is ' adding some things ' ; but for half a year the money will not come in, and he hopes his mother will provide towards his subsistence. ' So I cannot go to the country this summer but I have changed my lodgings and am now in a French house and frequent french Coffeehouses in order to attain the language which is absolutely necessary. So I have given over thoughts of making a living by teaching Mathematicks, but at present I am looking out sharp for any chub I can get to support me till I can do another way. S Isaac Newton lives a little way of in the country. I go frequently to see him, and find him extremely kind and serviceable in every thing I desire but he is much failed and not able to do as he has done .... Direct your letters to be left at Forrest's Coffee House near Charing Cross.' Thus in 1725, at 32 years of age, Stirling had not yet found a settled occupation which would furnish a competency. This project of ' getting into business ' was given up, for, some time after, he acquired an interest in Watt's Academy in Little Tower Street, where (Diet. Nat. Biog.) he taught Mechanics and Experimental Philosophy. It was the same Academy in which his countryman Thomson, the poet, taught for six months from May 1726, and where the latter composed portions of 'Summer'. For about ten years Stirling was 1 The name, unfortunately, is not legible. 14 LIFE OF JAMES STIRLING connected with the Academy, and to this address most of the letters to him from contemporary mathematicians, that have been preserved, were directed. They form part of a larger collection that was partly destroyed by fire, and early in the nineteenth century they were nearly lost altogether through the carelessness of Wallace and Leslie of Edinburgh Univer- sity, to whom' they had been sent on loan from Garden. There are also a few letters to his friends in Scotland from which one can gather a certain amount of information. In the earlier days of his struggle in London he may have had to seek assistance from them, but as his circumstances im- proved he showed as great a generosity in return. By 1729 he could look forward with confidence to the future, for by that time he was able to wipe out his indebtedness in con- nection with his installation in the Academy, as the following extracts from his letters show. In a letter to his brother, dated April 1728, he writes: ' I had 100 Lib. to pay down here when I came first to this Academy, and now have 70 Lib. more, all this for Instruments, and besides the expenses I was at in fiting up apartments for my former project still ly over my head.' Again on July 22, 1720, he writes: ' Besides with what money I am to pay next Michaelmas I shall have paid about 250 Lib. since I came to this house, for my share of the Instruments, after which time I shall be in away of saving, for I find my business brings in about 200 L. a year, and is rather increasing, and 60 or 70 L. serves me for cloaths and pocket money. I designed to have spent some time this summer among you, but on second thoughts I choose to publish some papers during my Leisure time, which have long lain by me. But I intend to execute my design is seeing you next summer if I find that my affairs will permit.' He had always a warm side for his friends in Scotland, and his letters to them are written in a bright and cheerful style. The reference to Newton is the only one he makes regarding his friends at the Royal Society, and the 'papers' he speaks of publishing are almost certainly his well-known Treatise the Methodus Differentitdis (1730), the first part of which he had drawn up some eight or nine years before (vide a letter to Cramer). He was admitted to the Royal Society in 1726, AT LONDON 15 a distinction that put him on an equal footing with the scientists that lived in, or frequented, London. It is most probable that his acquaintance with Maclaurin began at this time. They were both intimate friends of Newton, and fervent admirers of his genius, and both eagerly followed in his footsteps. Letters that passed between them are preserved at Garden and in Aberdeen University. The opening correspondence furnishes the best account we have of the unfortunate dispute between Maclaurin and Campbell regarding the priority of certain theorems in equations (vide Math. Gazette, January 1919). Maclaurin placed great reliance upon Stirling's judgment, and frequently consulted Stirling while engaged in writing his Treatise of Fluxions. Their later letters are mainly concerned with their researches upon the Figure of the Earth and upon the Theor}^ of Attrac- tion. In 1738, Stirling, at Maclaurin's special request, joined the Edinburgh Philosophical Society, in the foundation of which Maclaurin had taken so prominent a part in 1737. Maclaurin also begged for a contribution, but if Stirling gave a paper to the Society it has not been preserved or printed. In 1727 Gabriel Cramer, Professor of Mathematics at Geneva, received a welcome from the Royal Society on the occasion of his visit to London. He formed a warm friendship for Stirling, who was his senior by about twelve years, and several of his letters (o Stirling are preserved. A copy, kept by Stirling, of a letter to Cramer furnishes interest- ing information regarding his own views of his Methodus Differentialis, and also regarding the date at which the Supplement to De Moivre's Miscellanea Analytica was printed. Stirling had sent two copies of his treatise to Cramer, one of the copies being for Nich. Bernoulli, by this time Professor of Law at Bale. Cramer had requested to be the intermediary of the correspondence between Bernoulli and Stirling in order to have the advantage of their mathematical discussions. A few letters from Bernoulli are preserved, the last bearing the date 1733. In this letter Bernoulli pointed out several errata in the works of Stirling, and observed the omission, made by both Stirling and Newton, of a species in their enumeration of Cubic Curves. Newton gave seventy-two species, and Stirling in his little book of 1717 added four 16 LIFE OF JAMES STIRLING more. But there were two additional species, one of which was noted by Nicole in 1731. Murdoch in his Newtoni Genesis Carvarwm per Umbras (1740) mentions that Cramer had told him of Bernoulli's discovery, but without furnishing a date. Bernoulli's letter not only confirms Cramer's state- ment, it also gives undoubted precedence to Bernoulli over Stone's discovery of it iu 1736. From 1730 onwards Stirling's life in London must have been one of considerable comfort, as his ' affairs ' became prosperous, while he was a familiar figure at the Royal Society, where his opinions carried weight. According to Ramsay he was one of the brilliant group of philosophers that gathered round Eolingbroke on his return from exile. Of these Stirling most admired Berkeley. If he at all shared the opinions of the disillusioned politician, then he might still be a Tory, but it was improbable that he retained any loyalty to the Jacobite cause. When the Rebellion broke out in 1745 there is no trace of Stirling being implicated, though his uncle of Cawdor was imprisoned by the government and thus kept out of mischief. His studies were now directed towards the problem of the Figure of the Earth, the discussion of which had given rise to two rival theories, (i) that of Newton, who maintained that the Earth was flatter at the Poles than at the Equator, and (ii) that of the Cassims, who held exactly the opposite view. In 1735 Stirling contributed a short but important note on the subject which appeared in the Philosophical Transactions (vide Tod hunter's History of the Theory of Attraction and the Figure of the Earth). Return to Scotland In 1735, a great change in his circumstances was occasioned by his appointment to the Managership of the Leadhills Mines in Scotland. A more complete change from the busy social life of London to the monotonous and dreary moorland of Leadhills can hardly be imagined. At first he did not break entirely with London, but in a year or two he found it necessary to reside permanently in Scotland, and a letter from Machin to him in 1738, would suggest that he felt the change keenly. RETURN TO SCOTLAND 17 He was now well over forty years of age, but, nothing daunted, he set himself to the discharge of his new duties with all the energy and ability at his command. The letters he exchanged with Maclaurin and Machin show that his interest in scientific research remained unabated, though the want of time due to the absorbing claims of his new duties is frequently brought to our notice. He appears to have discovered further important theorems regarding the Figure of the Earth, which Machin urged him to print, but he never proceeded to publication. His reputation abroad, however, led the younger school of rising mathematicians to cultivate his acquaintance by correspondence, and to this we owe a letter from Clairaut, and also a long and interest- ing letter from Euler. Clairaut (1713-65), who had shown a remarkable precocity for mathematics, was a member of the French Commission under Maupertuis, sent out to Lapland to investigate the length of an arc of a meridian in northern latitudes, a result of which was to establish conclusively Newton's supposition as against the Cassinians. As Voltaire put it : Maupertuis ' avait aplati la Terre et les Cassinis.' While still in Lapland Clairaut sent to the Royal Society a paper, some of the conclusions in which had been already communicated by Stirling. An apology for his ignorance of Stirling's earlier publication furnished Clairaut with the ground for seeking the acquaintance of Stirling in 1738, and requesting his criticism of a second paper on the Figure of the Earth. The correspondence with Euler in 1736-8, in connection with the Euler-Maclaurin Theorem, has already been referred to by me in the Math. Gazette. Euler (1707-83) is the third member of the famous Swiss school of mathematicians with whom Stirling had correspondence. From his letters to Daniel Bernoulli (Fuss, Corr. Math.) it is quite clear that Euler was familiar with Stirling's earlier work. Stirling was so much impressed by Euler 's first letter that he suggested that Euler should allow his name to be put up for fellowship of the Royal Society. Euler's reply, which is fortunately preserved, is remarkable for its wonderful range of mathematical research ; so much so that Stirling wrote to Maclaurin that he was ' not yet fully master of it.' 18 LIFE OF JAMES STIRLING Euler, who was at the time installed in Petrograd, did not then become a Fellow of the Royal Society. In 1741 he left Russia for Berlin, where, in 1744, he was made Director of the Mathematical Section of the Berlin Academy, and it is quite possible that he had a share in conferring upon Stirling the honorary membership of the Academy in 1747. The informa- tion is contained in a letter of that date from Folkes, P.R.S., conveying the message to Stirling with the compliments of Maupertuis, the President, and the Secretary, De Formey. The letter furnishes the last glimpse we have of Stirling's connection with London. (He resigned his membership of the Royal Society in 1754.) Leadhills Regarding Stirling's residence in Scotland we are fortunately provided with much definite information. A detailed account of his skilful management f the mines is given in the Gentle- mans Magazine for 1853. 1 He is also taken as one of the best types of the Scotsmen of his day by Ramsay in his Scotland and Scotsmen. Ramsay, who always speaks of him as the Venetian, met him frequently on his visits to Keir and Garden, and had a profound regard for the courtly and genial society of the Venetian, who by his long residence abroad and in London had acquired to a marked degree la gram.de maniere, without any trace of the pedantry one might have expected. Ramsay also narrates several anecdotes regarding Stirling's keen sense of humour. 2 The association between Venice and the Leadhills in Stirling's career is very remarkable. According to Ramsay, before Stirling left Venice, he had, at the request of certain London merchants, acquired information regarding the manu- facture of plate glass. Indeed, it is asserted by some that owing to his discovery he had to flee from Venice, his life being in danger, though Ramsay makes no mention of this. Be that as it may, his return to London paved the way for further acquaintance, with the result that about 1735 the Scots Mining Company, which was controlled by a group 1 'Modern History of Leadhills'. 2 I. c., vol ii. LEADHILLS 19 of London merchants, associated with the Sun Fire Office, selected him as manager of the Leadhills mines. The company had been formed some twenty years previously with the object of developing the mining for metals, and had for managing director Sir John Erskine of Alva, a man of good ideas, but lacking in business capacity to put them into practice. Leases were taken in different parts of the country, but were all given up, with the exception of that of the Leadhills mines, the property of the Hopetoun family, which had already been worked for over a century. When Stirling was appointed the affairs of the Company were in a bad way. For the first year or more Stirling only resided at the mines for a few weeks, but about 1736 he took up definite residence, devoting his energies entirely to the interests of the Company. Gradually the debts that had accumulated in his predecessor's day were cleared off, and the mines became a source of profit to the shareholders. Eut his scientific pursuits had to be neglected. We find him, in his letters to Maelaurin, with whom he still frecmently corresponded, complaining that he had no time to devote to their scientific researches, and when writing to Eulcr he tells him that he is so much engrossed in business that he finds difficulty in concentrating his thoughts on mathematical subjects in the little time at his disposal. The village in which he and the miners lived was a bleak spot in bare moorland, nearly 1,300 feet above sea level. There was no road to it, and hardly even a track. Provisions and garden produce had to be sent from Edinburgh or Leith. In spite of these disadvantages Stirling has left indelible traces of his wise management, and many of his improvements have a wonderful smack of modernity. The miners were a rough, dissipated set of men, who had good wages but few of the comforts of life. Stirling's first care was to add to their comfort and to lead them by wise regulations to advance their own physical and mental welfare. In the first place he carefully graded the men, and worked them in shifts of six hours, so that with a six hours' day they had ample time at their disposal. To turn their leisure to profit they were encouraged to take up, free of charge, what we should now call ' allotments ', their size being restricted only C 2 20 LIFE OF JAMES STIRLING by the ability of the miners to cultivate. The gardens or crofts produced fair crops, and in time assumed a value in which the miner himself had a special claim, so that he could sell his right to the ground to another miner without fear of interference from the superior. In this way Stirling stimu- laed their industry, while at the game time furnishing them with a healthy relaxation from their underground toil. The miners were subject to a system of rules, drawn up for their guidance, by reference to which disputes could be amicably settled. They had also to make contributions for the main- tenance of their sick and aged. In 1740, doubtless with the aid of Allan Ramsay, the poet, who was a native of the place, a library was instituted, to the upkeep of which each miner had to make a small subscription. Stirling is thus an early precursor of Carnegie in the foundation of the free library. When Ramsay of Ochtertyre visited Leadhills in 1790 the library 1 contained several hundred volumes in the different departments of literature, and it still exists as a lasting memorial to Stirling's provision for the mental improvement of the miners. On the other hand, Stirling's own requirements were well provided for by the Company, whose affairs were so prosperous under his control. They saw to it that he was well housed. More than once they stocked his cellar with wines, while the salary they paid him enabled him to amass a considerable competency. "When, with the increase of years, he became (oo frail to move about with ease, they supplied him with a carriage. The Glasgow Kettle In the eighteenth century the rapidly expanding trade of Glasgow and the enterprise of her merchants made it highly desirable to have better water communication and to make the city a Port, and in 1752 the Town Council opened a separate account to record the relative expenditure. The 1 Of Stirling's private library two books have been preserved. One, on Geometry, was presented to him by Bernoulli in 1719. The other (now at Garden) is his copy of Brook Taylor's Methodus Incrementorum, which he bought in 1725. THE GLASGOW KETTLE 21 first item in this account, which is headed ' Lock design'd upon the River of Clyde ', runs thus : ' Paid for a compliment made by the Town to James Stirling, Mathematician for his service, pains, and trouble, in surveying the River towards deepening by locks, vizt For a Silver Tea Kettle and Lamp weighing 665 oz at 8/ per oz £^6 10 For chasing & Engraving the Towns arms 1 14 4 £28 4 4' Stirling had evidently performed his task gratuitously but with characteristic thoroughness ; and to this day, when the city holds festival, the Kettle is brought from Garden, where it reposes, in grateful memory of the services that occasioned the gift. To this period there belongs only one paper by Stirling, a very short article (Phil. Trans., 1745) entitled 'A Description of a machine to blow Fire by the Fall of Water'. The machine is known to engineers as Stirling's Engine, and furnishes an ingenious mechanical contrivance to create a current of air, due to falling water, sufficiently strong to blow a forge or to supply fresh air in a mine. Its invention is doubtless due to a practical difficulty in his experience as a mining manager. There is also preserved at Garden the manuscript of a treatise by Stirling on Weights and Measures. For thirty-five years Stirling held his managership. He died in 1770, at the ripe age of seventy-eight, when on a visit to Edinburgh to obtain medical treatment. Like Maclaurin and Matthew Stewart, he was buried in Greyfriars Churchyard, ' twa' corps lengths west of Laing's Tomb 7 as the Register Records grimly describe the locality. By his marriage with Barbara Watson, daughter of Mr. Watson of Thirtyacres, near Stirling, he had a daughter, Christian, who married her cousin, Archibald Stirling of Garden, his successor as manager of the mines; and their descendants retain possession of the estate of Garden. 1 LaingV Tomb is a prominent mural tablet (1620) on the rigbt wall surrounding- the churchyard. 22 LIFE OF JAMES STIRLING Thus closed a career filled with early romantic adventure and brilliant academic distinction, followed in later years by as marked success in the industrial field. As a mathematician Stirling is still a living power, and in recent years there has sprung up, more particularly in Scandinavian countries, quite a Stirling cult. His is a record of successful achievement of which any family might well be proud. WORKS PUBLISHED BY J. STIRLING (A) ENUMERATION OF CUBICS § 1. His first publication, Lineae Tertii Ordinis Neutonianae sive Illustratio Tractatus D. Newtoni Be Enumeratione Linearum Tertii Ordinis. Gui subjungitur, Solutio Trium Problematum, was printed at the Sheldonian Theatre, at Oxford, in 1717. As the book 1 is very scarce, I give a short account of its leading contents. By a transcendent effort of genius, Newton had, in the publication of his Enumeration of Cubic Curves, in 1704, made a great advance in the theory of higher plane curves, and brought order into the classification of cubics. He furnished no proofs of his statements in his tractate. Stirling was the first of three mathematicians from Scotland who earned for themselves a permanent reputation by their commentaries on Newton's work. Stirling proved all the theorems of Newton up to, and including, the enumeration of cubics. Maclaurin developed the organic description of curves (the basis for which is given by Newton), in his Geometria Organica (1720); and P. Murdoch 2 gave, in his Genesis Curvarum per Umbras (1740), a proof that all the curves of the third order can be obtained by suitable pro- jection from one of the five divergent parabolas given by the equation „ „ , „ , ^ y A = ax s + 6ar + ex + a. Stirling, in his explanatory book, follows precisely on the lines suggested by Newton's statements, though I doubt whether he had the assistance of Newton in so doing; for 1 Edleston (Correspondence, &c, p. 235) refers to a letter from Taylor to Keill, dated July 17, 1717, which gives a critique of Stirling's book. * Earlier proofs were given by Nicole and Clairaut in 1731 (Mem. de I Acad, des Sciences). 24 WORKS PUBLISHED BY STIRLING in that case why should he have stopped short with but half of the theory 1 § 2. Newton stated that the algebraic equation to a cubic can be reduced to one or other of the four forms (i) xy 2 + ey, or (ii) xy, or (iii) y 2 , or (iv) y, = ax 3 + bx 2 + cx + d; and he gave sufficient information as to the circumstances in which these happen. The demonstration of this statement forms the chief diffi- culty in the theory. Stirling finds it necessary to devote two-thirds of his little book of 128 pages to introductory matter. He bases the analytical discussion on Newton's doctrine of Series, and gives an adequate account of the use of the Parallelogram of Newton for expanding y in ascending or descending powers of x, x and y being connected by an algebraic equation. (He also applies his method to fluxional or differential equations, though here he is not always very clear.) With some pride he gives on p. 32 the theorem * Let y = A + Bx r +Cx 2r +..., then y may be expressed as J 1 . rx 1 . 2 r-x 2 1.2.3. r 6 x i applicable when x is very large if r is negative, or when x is very small if r is positive. As an example he establishes the Binomial Theorem of Newton (p. 36). Pages 41-58 are taken up with the general theory of asymp- totes. A rectilinear asymptote can cut the curve of degree n in, at most, n — 2 finite points. If two branches of the curve touch the same end of an asymptote, or opposite ends but on the same side of the asymptote, then three points of intersection go off' to infinity. A curve cannot have more than n — 1 parallel asymptotes, and if it has n — 1 , then it cannot cut these in any finite point. If the i/-axis is parallel to an asymptote, the equation to the curve can have no term in y n . From this follows the important corollary that the equation to a cubic curve may always be found in the form , , „ . , , , . . {x + a)y 2 = yf 2 (x)+f i (x). 1 Cf. Maclaurin's Theorem. ENUMERATION OF CUBICS 25 For all lines of .odd degree have real points at infinity. Asymptotes may be found by the doctrine of series: but not always. Thus the quartic y — (ax* + bx 3 + . . . + e)/(/.c' + gx 2 + lix + k) has the asymptote ax bf—ag as found by a series. The rest of the asymptotes are given by x = oc, where a. is any one of the roots of f,c 3 + gx 2 + hx + lc = 0. In the standard case of an equation of degree n in x and y, «m+«„-i+ ••■+%> = 0, if we assume the series C D y = Ax + B+ - + - +... x or and substitute in the given equation we find, in general, (1) an equation of degree n for A furnishing n values of A, (2) an equation involving A and B of the first degree in B, (3) an equation in A, B, and C, of the first degree in C, &c. So that in general we may expect n linear asymptotes y = Ax + B. § 3. Pages 58-69, with the diagrams, furnish quite a good introduction to what we now call graph-tracing. He thus graphs the rational function y =f(x)/(p(x) with its asymptotes parallel to the i/-axis found by equating
n nr> CMXZ + b
y = DC—DB = v >
Fig. 1.
and substitution of these values in D leads to an equation
w» + ^- 2 /,(s) &c. = 0,
in which the term in v 71 ^ is awanting. Let D coincide with
and DC with OP. .: &c. Q. E. D.
Stirling adds the extensions, not given by Newton, to a
Diametral Conic, a Diametral Cubic, &c, corresponding to
when 2 0P 1 . 0P 2 =0,2 0P 1 . 0P 2 . 0P 3 = 0, &c.
1 Also stated by Hermann (Phoivnomia).
ENUMERATION OF CUBICS 27
Neivton's Rectangle Theorem for a Conic, and generalization.
The proof is made to depend on the theorem that if
cXj, a 2 , ... a,j are the roots of
r+z+n r T
he would have obtained
A/T=F(n, -z, r + n, 1),
i. e. he would have established the Gaussian formula
F(a, b, c, l)*F( — a, b, c-a, 1) = 1.
STIRLING'S SERIES
§15. On pages 135-8 are given the formulae which have
rendered Stirling's name familiar whenever calculations in-
volving large numbers are concerned.
METHODUS DIFFERENTIALS 43
STIRLING'S THEOREM
When n is a large number the product
-11+;
1.2.3 ...n = 7i n V2mre Un ,
where < 8 < 1.
Stirling actually gives the formula
Log (1 . 2 . 3 ... x) = J log(27r) + (a> + 4) log (aj + i)
-(« + *)- ., 10 1 /^u +
2.12.(* + |) ' 8.360(a; + i) 3
with the law for the continuation of the series.
De Moivre (Stipp. Mike. Anal.) later expressed this result
in the more convenient form
log (1.2 ...x) = |log(2n-) +(» + !) logic
-* + r72.-
■B- 1
h
3.4 a; 3
...
+ ( 1;" +1 -
B»
1
10 n 1 l2»
™2»-l
Cauchy gave the remainder after the last term quoted as
H (271+1) (2 ft +2) x Zn+x
(B t , B 2 , &c, denote the Bernoullian numbers.)
More particularly the series 1
1.2* 3.4 a; 3
has been called the Series of Stirling. It is one of the most
remarkable in the whole range of analysis to which quite
a library of mathematical literature has been devoted. The
series is divergent, and yet in spite of this fact, when n is
very large and only a few of the initial terms are taken, the
approximation to log n ! found by it is quite suitable for
practical purposes. 1 Its relative accuracy is due to the fact
1 See Godefroy, Thiorie des Series, or Bromwich's Treatise on Series.
44 WORKS PUBLISHED BY STIRLING
that the error committed at any stage, by neglecting JR n ,
is always less in absolute value than the first of the terms
neglected , which suggests that the series should be discontinued
when the minimum term is reached. Legendre has shown
that if we write the i-eries as 2 (— 1)™ +1 u n , then
U-n+i/Un < {2n-l)2n/47r 2 x 2 ,
and .-. < (to/ 3a?) 2 -
The terms therefore decrease so long as n does not exceed 3 x.
When n = 3x the error is less in absolute value than
•393409... xx~i e~ ax .
To later mathematicians, such as Gauss, who admitted only
the use of convergent series, Stirling's Series was an insoluble
riddle, but it now finds its place among the series defined as
Asymptotic Series. 1
To meet the objection to its divergence Binet (1. c, p. 226)
gave the convergent representation.
log (x — 1) ! = -|log(27r) + (a; — ^) logo;— a;
1 „ 2 r , 3
1
+ 2
2^2+374^3+ — ^+..
in which S„ denotes , + + ... ad co.
" (sfl)" (x + 2) n
From this by the use of inverse factorials he deduces
(p. 231)
log (a;- 1)! = | log (2 7r) + (as — |) log a; — a;
1 1
12(£B+ 1) 12(03+1) (03+ 2)
59 1
360 (a;+l)(a:+2)(a;+3)
227
480(03+1). ..(a; + 4) C '
§ 16. The conclusion of Stirling's book is taken up with
various problems in interpolation, based partly on a paper by
him in the Philosophical Transactions for 1719, and partly
1 Vide Poincare, Acta Math., 1886.
STIRLING'S SERIES 45
on the researches of Newton and Cotes. It may be noted
that in Prop XXX he gives the expression of one of the roots
of a system of n linear equations in n variables, found 'per
Algebram vulgarem '.
A translation into English by Francis Holliday was published
in 1749 ' with the author's approbation '
There was also a second edition of the original treatise
in 1764.
(C)
CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE
PHILOSOPHICAL TRANSACTIONS
§ 1 7. Though Ramsay (loc. cit.) refers to writings by Stirling
while in Italy, I am not acquainted with any such, save
the first of his three papers printed in the Philosophical
Transactions.
It is entitled Methodus Different ialis Newtoniana Illustrata
Aathore Iacobo Stirling, e Coll. Balliol. Oxon., and furnishes
a useful commentary on Newton's Methodus Differentialis
published in 1711. Stirling restricts his attention entirely
to the case of equal increments and proves the three Inter-
polation Formulae already referred to above (p 40). He
deduces a number of special formulae, several of which are
reproduced in his book of 1730. One of these may be noted
on account of the uncanny accuracy of its approximations in
certain cases.
Let a, ft, y, 8, ... be a series of quantities, and write down
the equations found by equating the differences to zero.
a-/3=0,
a-2/3 + y = 0,
a-3/3 + 3y-4-^> ^ — 4T6""'
atque perficiendo computum ut in margine,
invenietursummaTerminorum 157-866984459,
cuius Radix quadrata 125645129018 est ad
unitatem ut summa omnium Unciarum ad
mediam in Dignitate centesima, vel ut summa
omnium ad alteram e mediis in Dignitate
nonagenima nona.
Problema etiam solvitur per reciprocam illius Seriei, etenim
summa omnium Unciarum est ad Unciam mediam in sub-
duplicata ratione semiperipheriae Circuli ad Seriem
157-079632679
769998199
16658615
654820
37137
2734
246
26
3
157-866984459
+
A
+
9B
+
25 C
+
49D
n+1 2x11+3 4xii+5 6X71+7 Sxw + 9
+
81^
10X71+11
_&c.
vel quod eodem redit, ponatur a — -6366197723676, quoto
scilicet qui prodit dividendo unitatem per semiperipheriam
Circuli; & media proportionalis inter numerum a, & hanc
Seriem, erit ad unitatem, ut Uncia media ad summam omnium.
48 WORKS PUBLISHED BY STIRLING
•00630316606304
3059789351
65566915
2553229
143473
10470
934
98
12
1
Ut si sit in— 100 ut antea, computus
erit ut in margine vides, ubi summa termi-
norum prodit -00633444670787 cujus Radix
quadrata -0795892373872 est ad unitatem
ut Uncia media ad summam omnium in
Dignitate centesima vel nonagesima nona.
Sunt & aliae Series pro Solutione hujus
Problematis aeque simplices ac eae hacte-
nus allatae, sed paulo minus convergentes.
ubi Index Binomii est numerus exiguus.
Caeterum in praxi non opus est recurrere
ad Series; nam sufficit sumere mediam pro- -00633444670787
portionalem inter semicircumferentiam Circuli & n + ^; haec
enim semper approximabit propius quam duo primi Seriei
termini, quorum etiam primus solus plerumque sufficit.
Eadem vero Approximatio aliter & praxi accommodatior sic
enunciatur. Pone 2it = c=l-2732395447352; eritque ut summa
Unciarum ad mediam, ita unitas ad /- quam proxime,
existente errore in excessu circiter / •
1 67174 V 271+1
n
St n= 100, erit- =-006334525, ejusque radix quadrata
•07958973 accurata est in sexta decimali, quae si dividatur per
167m, id est per 160000 dabit correctionem -00000050, & haec
subducta de approximatione, relinquit numerum quaesitum
•07958923 justum in ultima figura.
Similiter si sit n = 900, erit = -000706962545, cuius
Radix quadrata -026588767 superat verum binario in nona
decimali, sin vero Correctio computetur ac subducatur de
approximatione, habebitur numerus desideratus accuratus in
decima tertia decimali.
En autem approximationem aeque facilem & magis accura-
tam, differentia inter logarithmos numerorum n + 2 & n — 2
dividatur per 16, & quotus adjiciatur dimidio logarithmi
Indicis n; huie dein summa adjiciatur logarithmus constans
•0980599385151 hoc est dimidium logarithmi semiperipheriae
Circuli, & summa novissima est logarithmus numeri qui est
ad unitatem ut summa omnium Unciarum ad mediam. St
7i = 900 computus erit
£ log 900 1-4771212547
16)Dif. log 902 & 898 ( -0001206376
Log constans -0980599385
Summa 1-5753018308
PHILOSOPHICAL CONTRIBUTIONS 49
Et haec summa verum superat binario in ultima figura;
estque logarithmus numeri 37-6098698 qui est ad unitatem
ut Summa Unciarum ad mediam in dignitate 900 vel 899.
Et si vis illius numeri reciprocum, sume complementum
logarithmi, scilicet— 2-4246981692, & numerus eidem corre-
spondens invenietur -0265887652.
Et hae sunt Solutiones quae prodierunt per Methodum
Differentialem Newtoni ; quarum demonstrationes jam non
attingo, cum in animo sit brevi publico impertire Tractatum
quem de Interpolatione & Summatione serierum conscripsi.
Tui Studiosissimi
19 Jun. 1729 Jac. Stirling
BIBLIOGRAPHY
(1) Sir D. Brewster: Life of Newton.
(2) J. Brown : Epitaphs and Monumental Inscriptions in Greyfriars
Churchyard, Edinburgh. 1867.
(3) H. W. C. Davis : History of Balliol College, Oxford.
(4) Edleston: Newton's Correspondence ivith Cotes, $c. 1850.
(5) W. Fraser: The Sterlings of Keir and their Private Papers. Privately
printed, 1858.
(6) Gentleman's Magazine for 1853: Modern History of Leadhills.
(7) A. D. Godley's Oxford in the Eighteenth Century. 1908.
(8) T. Hearne: Hearne's Diary, edited by Bliss, 1869; also by the
Oxford Historical Society.
(9) Macclesfield : Correspondence of Scientific Men.
(10) G. 0. Mitchell : Old Glasgow Essays. 1905.
(11) J. Moir Porteous: God's Treasure House in Scotland. 1876.
(12) J. Ramsay : Scotland and Scotsmen in the 18th Century. 1888.
(13) S. P. Rigaud : Miscellaneous Works and Correspondence of the Rev.
James Bradley, D.D. 1832.
(14) B.Taylor: Contemplatio Philosophica. 1793.
(15) W. W. R. Ball : Newton's Classification of Cubics, London Math. Soc.
1891.
(16) Historical works of Cantor, Chasles (Apercu), Montucla ; articles on
Probability and Theory of Finite Differences in Encyclopidie des
Sciences mathimatiques ; modern text-books on Finite Differences
by Markoff, Seliwanov, &c, and on Probability by Bertrand,
Czuber, &c.
(17) G.Cramer: Courbes alge'briques.
(18) P. H. Fuss : Corr. math, et physique de quelques cUebres giometres du
XVIir siecle. 1843.
(19) M. Godefroi ; Thiorie des Series. 1903.
(20) C. Maclaurin : Treatise of Fluxions. 1742.
(21) De Moivre : Doctrine of Chances. 1756.
„ Miscellanea Analytica de Seriebus. 1730.
(22) R. Reiff : Geschichte der Unendlichen Reihen. 1889.
(23) I. Todhunter: History of Probability and History of Attraction and
the Theory of the Figure of the Earth.
(24) Any student wishing to study Stirling's methods cannot do better
than read in the following order :
(i) J. Binet : MSmoire sur les Intigrales EuUriennes ; Jour. Ecole Poly.
1839.
(ii) N. Nielsen : Theorie der Gammafunktion. Teubner, 1906.
Alscr: Les Polynomes de Stirling. Copenhagen, 1820.
(lii) G. Wallenberg und A. Guldberg: Theorie der linearen Differenzen-
gleichungen. Teubner, 1911.
STIRLING'S
SCIENTIFIC CORRESPONDENCE
E 2
INTRODUCTION
Much of the correspondence of James Stirling has been
preserved at the family seat of Garden. In the collection
are several letters from him to his friends in Scotland, and
numerous extracts from them arc to be found in the Family
History: — The Stirlings of Keir and their Private Papers,
by VV. Fraser (Edinburgh, privately printed, 1858). Jn
addition to these are letters of a scientific character which
were with great courtesy placed at my disposal by Mrs. Stirling
in 1917. Of the latter group of letters the earliest is one
from Nicholas Bernoulli in 1719, and the last is one from
M. Folkes, P.R.S. in 1747. Stirling enjoyed the acquaintance
of most of the British mathematicians of his day, while his
reputation and continental experience brought him into corre-
spondence with continental scholars like Clairaut, Cramer,
and Euler.
It is interesting to note that all of his correspondents save
Campailla were, or became Fellows of the Royal Society of
London. (It is clear from letter XI X that Stirling suggested
to Euler that he should become a Fellow.) The dates when
they joined are indicated in the notes added to the letters.
One learns from the letters how much depended on corre-
spondence for the discussion of problems and the diffusion
of new ideas, just as one would turn nowadays to the weekly
and monthly journals of science. Several of the letters in
the collection shed a good deal of light upon obscure points
in the history of Mathematics, as indicated in the notes.
Maclaurin appears to have been Stirling's chief correspondent
and the letters between the two men are of particular interest
to students of Scottish Mathematics. They were warm friends,
though probably in opposite political camps, and Maclaurin
had the benefit of Stirling's judgment when engaged upon
his Treatise of Fluxions.
54 INTRODUCTION
There are not many letters of Stirling, and those are chiefly
copies made by Stirling himself.
I had the good fortune to find four original letters from
Stirling to Maclaurin in the Maclaurin MSS. preserved in
Aberdeen, and they fit in admirably with the letters of the
Garden collection. But I am convinced that other letters by
Stirling are still to be found. Stirling is known to have had
frequent correspondence with R. Simson, G. Cramer, and
De Moivre, not to mention others, and the discovery of fresh
letters might be the reward of careful search. Among letters
of Stirling already published may be mentioned his letter
to Newton in 1719 (Brewster's Newton), a letter to J. Bradley
reproduced in the Works and Correspondence of Bradley,
a letter to De Moivre in the Miscellanea Analytica de Seriebus,
and reference to a second letter in the Supplement to the
same work.
Cramer's Letter III 3 and the letter from Stirling to Castel
V 2 are reproduced in the Stirling Family History.
CONTENTS
PAGE
CORRESPONDENCE WITH MACLAURIN, 1728-1740. 57
11 Letters from Maclaurin to Stirling.
4 ,, ,, Stilling to Maelaui in.
1 Letter „ Gray to Maclaurin relative to Stirling.
The letters to Maclaurin have been obtained through
the courtesy of Aberdeen University.
Letter I 10 is a note attached to the translation of
a letter from Maupertuis to Bradley.
II
LETTER FROM SIR A. CUMING TO STIRLING, 1728 . 93
III
G. CRAMER AND STIRLING, 1728-1733 ... 95
10 Letters from Cramer to Stirling.
1 Letter ,, Stirling to Cramer.
IV
N. BERNOULLI AND STIRLING, 1719-1733 . . 131
3 Letters from Bernoulli.
1 Letter „ Stirling.
V
L'ABBE CASTEL AND STIRLING, 1733 . . .151
1 Letter from Castel.
1 „ „ Stirling.
VI
CAMPA1LLA AND STIRLING, 1738 .... 158
1 Letter from Campailla.
56 CONTENTS
PAGE
VII
J. BEADLEY AND STIRLING, 1733 .... 160
1 Letter from Stirling.
1 „ „ Bradley.
VIII
S. KLINGENSTIERNA AND STIRLING, 1738 . . 164
1 Letter from Klingenstierna, also solutions of cer-
tain problems.
IX
MACH1N AND STIRLING, 1733(?) and 1738 . . 172
2 Letters from Machin.
X
CLAIRAUT AND STIRLING, 1738 .... 176
1 Letter from Clairaut.
XI
EULER AND STIRLING, 1736-1738 .... 178
1 Letter from Stirling, 1738.
1 „ „ Euler, 1738.
(Euler's first letter to Stirling, probably preserved at
Petrograd, was written in 1736.)
XII
M. FOLKES, P.R.S., AND STIRLING, 1747 . . 192
1 Letter from Folkes.
NOTES UPON THE CORRESPONDENCE . . .193
l I*.
J fys#*lU>
\fJ&Jy
~ffii
»*> /W" u*u- ^ea, ^ /<*- / ^^^**k_^ j
«/ J -f*t£ ff >tr2fo yfeJwj- >C»- J
" H y«> M %«d& fa'o^ -fcfUT pt*c£\ f, C^iu^acL
r nig ' J {gwXjtfa-
•*/^\
^rfait&QL/cuJt
I
COLIN MACLAURIN AND STIRLING
(l)
Madaurin to Stirling, 1728
Mr James Stirling
at the Academy in
little Touer Street
London
Sir
Your last letter was very acceptable to me on several
Accounts. I intend to set about publishing the piece on the
Collision of Bodys very soon. I was obliged to delay it till
now having been very busy taking up my Classes in the
College. Your remarks on their experiments are certainly
just. I intend if I can get a good opportunity by any of our
members of parlia* to send you a copy of my remarks before
I publish them. I have seen Koberts's paper since I came
from Perthshire in August where I writ my remarks and find
he has made some of the same observations as I had made ;
nor could it well happen otherwise. I wish I had Mr Graham's
Experiment at full length with Liberty to insert it. I design
to write to him about this. I am much obliged to you for
your kind offer and would accept of it if I was to publish this
piece at London.
I spoke to Col. Middleton and some others of influence
here and find they have better hopes of success to . . .
Mr Campbell in that Business than you have
I think some of his performances deserved to be taken
notice of. But as there is an imperfect piece of mine in the
transactions for 1726 on the same subject I wish you had
rather chose to publish some other of his pieces. I have been
at pains to soften some prejudices and Jealousies that may
possibly revive by it. It is true I have too long delayed
58 STIRLING'S SCIENTIFIC CORRESPONDENCE
publishing the remainder of my piece for which I have only
the excuse of much teaching and my design of giving a
Treatise of Algebra where I was to treat that subject at
large.
I told you in my last I had the method of demonstrating
that rule by the Limits. In one of my Manuscripts is ye
following Article.
I. et x n —px n ~ x + qx n - 2 — rx n ~ 3 &c. =
be any equation proposed ; deduce from it an Equation for its
Limits
nx n ~ 1 — 'n - 1 xpx n ~ 2 + n - 2 x qx n ~ 3 &c. =
and from this last deduce an equation for its limits ; and by
proceeding in this manner you will arrive at the quadratick
oi x n— 1 xx 2 — 2 (n— l)|xe+2g =
whose roots will be impossible if — — p % be less than q
U lb
and therefor in that case at least two roots of ye proposed
Equation will be impossible. Afterwards I shew that if
-- x q 2 be less than pr two roots must be impossible by
a quadratick equation deduced a little differently, and so of
the other terms. But this matter is so easy I do not think it
worth while to contend about it. I have some more concern
about a remark I make in my Algebra on the transformation
of Equations which has been of great use to me in demon-
strating easily many rules in Algebra which I am afraid may
be made use of in the paper you have printed because my
dictates go through everybody's hands here.
The Observation is transform any Equation
x s —px 2 + qx - r =
to another that shall have its roots less than the values of x
by any difference e :
Let y — x — e and
y 3 + 3 ey 2 + 3 e 2 y + e 3 = where any Coefficient considered
—py 2 — 2pey—pe 2 as an Equation gives for its roots
+ qy+qe the limits of the following
— r Coefficient considered as an Equa-
CORRESPONDENCE WITH MACLAURIN 59
tion. This holds in Equations of all sorts and from this I
demonstrate many rules in a very easy manner.
By it too I demonstrate a Theorem in y[our] (?) book where
a Quantity is expressed by a series whose coefficients are first,
second, third fluxions, &c. I shall be vexed a little if he has
taken this from me. Pray let me know if there is any thing
of this in the paper you have printed.
I intended to have sent you one of my Theorems about the
Collision of many Bodys striking one another in different
directions in return for your admirable series. But I must
leave that to another occasion.
I expect to dispose of the six subscriptions I took for
Mr De Moivre's Book. Please to give my humble service to
Mr Machin and communicate what is above. I long for his
new Theory. I am with great Respect
Sir
Your most Obedient and Humble Servant
Colin Maclaurin
Edinburgh Dee 1 7
1728.
(2)
Stirling to Maclaurin, 1728
Sir
A few days ago I received your letter of the 7 th of this
Moneth and am very glad that your Book is in so great a
forwardness, but you have never yet told me in what language
it is, altho at the same time I question not but it is in Latine.
I should be very glad to see what you have done, and since
you mention sending a Copy, you may send it under Cover to
Mr Cuninghame of Balghane ; if I can do you any service as
to getting Mr Grahams Experiment I wish you would let me
know, I question not but that you may have liberty to print
it, because probably it will be in our Transactions very soon.
I am very glad that Coll. Midleton gives Mr Campbel
encouragement to come to London, no doubt but bread might
60 STIRLING'S SCIENTIFIC CORRESPONDENCE
be made by private teaching if a man had a right way of
mak[ing himself] known, but indeed I [ques]tion'if Mr Campbel
will not want a prompter in that p . I am apt to
thi[nk that I ha]ve not given you a distinct account of his
paper about in [ ] * because you se[em to thi]nk that I
choose it out of a great many others to be printed [ ]
which indeed would not have been so very candid before you
had leasure to compleat your paper. But the Matter is quite
otherways. For as soon as your paper was printed, Mr Campbel
sent up his directly to Mr Machine, who at that time being
very busy, delayed presenting it to the Society because the
Correcting of Press would divert him from prosecuting his
Theory of the Moon. Upon this delay Sir Alex. Cuming
complained grieveously to Mr Machine that Mr Campbel was
ill used, this made Mr Machine present it to the Society,
upon which it was ordered to be printed, Mr Machine came to
me and desired I would take the trouble of correcting it
in the Press, which was all the Concern I had in it. And
now I hope you are convinced that I did no more than
yourself would have done had you been asked. Mr Campbels
Method is grounded on the following observation. Let there
be two equations x b + Ax*" + Bx 3 + Cx 2 + Dx + E — and
Ez s + Dz i + Cz 3 + Bz i + Az + 1 = 0, where the reciprocals of
the Roots of the one are the Roots of the other, then it is
plain that the Roots in both are the same as to possibility and
impossibility. He deduces from each of those a Quadratick
Equation for the limits the common way, and on that founds
his Demonstration. But he doth not use that property of
equations which you have been pleased to communicate, indeed
it is very simple and I can see at once what great use can be
made of it, I had observed that the last Term but one gave
the Fluxion of the equation, but never any further before
you mentioned it. But Mr Campbell besides demonstrating
Sir Isaac Rule [ ] one of his own more general, he exempli-
fies it by an equation of 7 dimen[ ]ich his Rule discovers to
have 6 impossible Roots, whereas S r Isaac's disco[ ]ly two
of the Six.
[I] shal now make a remark on some of those Gentlemen
who dispute for the new [n]otion of Fox'ce to shew how
1 Impossible roots (?).
CORRESPONDENCE WITH MACLAURIN 61
much they depend one anothers demonstrations which are to
convince their Adversarys.
Herman in his book page 113, I mean his Phoronomia, says
In hac virium sestimatione, prseeuntem habemus Illustrissimum
Leibnitium, qui eundem non uno loco in Actis eruditorum
Leipsise indicavit quidem non tamen demonstravit, etsi
apodictice demonstrari potest, ut forte alia id occasione
ostendemus — He denys then that his friend Leibnitz ever did
demonstrate it, but owns that it may be done and is in hope
one time or other to do it himself.
Poleni in his Book de Castellis page 49 tells us that Leibnitz
demonstration was published ; and page 52 he mentions
Bernoulli demonstration [ ] as published in Wolfius. And
page 53 [ ] that perhaps some and those not the most
scrupulous might doubt [ J Leibnitz's and Bernoullis
demonstrations, and then page 61 he tells — is meaning in
plain words, Demonstrationem inventam fuisse reor non tamen
editam. So that it is very remarkable that a certain number
of men should run into an opinion ; and all of them deny one
another's proofs. For Herman denys Leibnitz demonstration,
and Poleni denys all that ever were given, and declares further
that he knows not possibly on what principles one should
proceed in such a Demonstration, but at the same time, he
resolves to be of the opinion : whether it be proved or not.
But no doubt you have observed many more of their
Absurdities as well as this. I have not seen Mr Machin since
I got your letter, but shal carry him your complements, I am
afraid it will be long before wee see his Theory, for Mr Hadly
and he do not agree about some part of it. We expect in the
first Transaction Mr Bradley's account of the new motion
observed in the fixt Stars. I wish you good success, and hope
to see your book soon, I am with all respect Sir
London Your most obedient
31 December humble servant
1728 James Stirlinq
62 STIRLING'S SCIENTIFIC CORRESPONDENCE
(3)
Maclaurin to Stirling, 1729 ^
Mr James Stirling
at the Academy in
little Tower Street
London.
Sir
Last tuesday night I saw the philosophical Transactions
for the month of October for the first time. You may
remember I wrote to you some time ago wishing some of
Mr Campbell's papers might be taken notice of. I did not
indeed then know that Mr Machin had any paper of his on
the impossible roots. But even when I heard of it from you
I was not much concerned because from a conversation with
the Author on the street I concluded his method was from the
equations for the Limits and never suspected that he had
followed the very track which I had mark'd out in my paper
in the transactions for May 1726 from the principle that the
squares of the differences of Quantities are always positive as
he has done in the latter part of this paper. As I never
suspected that he had followed that Method I had no suspicion
that he would prevent me in a Theorem that can be only
obtained that way but cannot be overlooked in following that
track. I cannot therefor but be a little concerned that after
I had given the principles of my method and carried it some
length and had it marked that my paper was to be continued
another pursuing the very same thought should be published
in the intervall ; at least I might have been acquainted that
I might have sent the continuation of mine before the other
was published.
You would easily see that the latter part of Mr Campbell's
paper after he has done with the limits is the very continuation
of my theorems if you had the demonstrations.
Let there be any Equation
x n _ Ax 11 - 1 + Bx n ~ 2 - Gx n ~ 3 + Bx n ~ i -Ex n ' b + Fx n ~ 6 - 0x n ~''
+ Hx n ~ 8 - Ix n - 9 + Kx n - 10 - /.x n ~ n + Mx n ~ 12 &c. =
1 1728 O.S. ; but 1729 N.S., cf. Letter L.
CORRESPONDENCE WITH MACLAURIN 63
1)? — 1
and x D 2 will always exceed EG - FB + GA - H
2 m. J
. „ tt-1 u-2 u-3 .
it m = n x — - — x x &c.
2 3 4
till you have as many factors as there are terms in the
Equation preceeding D.
I have had this Theorem by me of a long time : and it easily
arises from my Lemmata premised to my paper in the Trans-
actions for May 1726. An abridgment of my demonstration as
I have it in a book full of Calculs on these subjects is as follows.
The square of the coefficient of D consists of the squares of its
parts and of the double products of those parts multiplyed
into each other. Call the sum of the first of these P the sum
of the products Q and D 2 = P + 2Q. Now the number of
those parts is m and therfor by the 4 th Lemma of the paper
in the transactions for May 1726 (m— 1) P must be greater
than 2 Q and D 2 ( = P + 2 Q) must be greater than Q
9? v ~~— 1
or — D 2 greater than Q. Then I shew that
2m 8 ^
Q=EC-FB + GA-H
and thence conclude that — — D 2 always exceeds
2 m J
EC-FB + GA-H
when the roots of the equation are all real.
I have a general Theoreme by which I am enabled to
compare any products of coefficients with any other products
of the same dimensions or with the Sums and Differences of
any such products which to shew you how much I have
considered this subject tho' I have been prevented when
I thought myself very secure I now give you. Let E and H
be any two coefficients and m the number of Terms from
E to H including both then shall
t?v d , — rr n , m + 2 ^ + 3^,^1+4 m+5 m + 6
EH=P + m+\Q + — — B + — — S
m+7 m + 8 m + 9 m + 10 _ .
+ -j- — — — T &c.
where P expresses the squares of the parts of E multiplyed
64 STIRLING'S SCIENTIFIC CORRESPONDENCE
by the dissimilar parts of C. (a term as far distant from the
beginning of the Equation as H is from E) Q expresses the
squares of the parts of the coefficient immediately preceding E
viz. I) multiplyed by the dissimilar parts of the term next
following C but one viz. in this case E itself. M expresses the
squares of the parts of the coefficient next preceding E but one
that is G multiplyed by the dissimilar parts of the Term next
following C but three viz. G ; and so on. Where I mean by
the parts of a coefficient the terms that according to the
common Genesis of Equations produce it ; and by dissimilar
parts those that involve not the same Quantitys.
This general Theorem opens to me a vast variety of Theorems
for comparing the products or squares of coefficients with one
another of which those hitherto published ave only particular
Examples. Here I give you the theorem for comparing any
two products of the same dimensions as EI and GL. Let s
and m express the number of terms that preceed C and I in
the Equation then let
71-1 71 — s — 1 11 — s — 2 „
p = x — - x &c.
1 8+1 s + 2 8 + 3
, 71 — 771 n—m—1 71 — m — 2 „
and q = x — x — &c.
1 m + 1 TTi + 2 m+3
continued in each till you have as many factors as there are
terms from to E including one of them only; then shall
- x EI alwav exceed CL when the roots are all real.
P
Then I proceed to compare the products of the Coefficients
with the sums or differences of other products & one of the
chief Theorems in that part is that mentioned above which
Mr Campbell also found by the same method as is very
apparent and could not miss in following the track I mark'd
out in the transactions.
I had observed that my rules gave often impossible roots in
the Equations when Sir Isaac's did not in proof of which
I faithfully transcribe from my Manuscript the following
Article.
' In the Equation
x s -Ax i + Bx 3 -Cx* + Dx-E =
a) 5_ 10a ,4 +30a ,3_4 4a ,2 + 32 a ;_9 = o
CORRESPONDENCE WITH MACLAURIN 65
no impossible roots appear by Sir Isaac's rule. But J5 2 x —
here is less than AG — J) for
it — 1 „ 4 1 m — 1 9
m = ;(, x — - — = 5 x - — 10 and = —
2 2 2m 20
now 2 9 o x 30 x 30 is less than 44 x 10 — 32 the first being 405
the latter 408 so that there must be impossible roots by
our rule.'
After that I give other Examples
I believe you will easily allow I could not have invented
these Theorems since tuesday last especially when at present
by teaching six hours daily I have little relish left for such
investigations. I showed too my theorems to some persons,
who can witness for me. But I am afraid these things are
not worthy your attention. Only as these things once cost
me some pains I cannot but with some regret see myself
prevented. However I think I can do myself sufficient justice
by the length I have carried the subject beyond what it is in
the transactions.
I believe you will not find that Mr Campbell sent up his
paper or at least the latter part of it so soon after I sent up
mine which was in the beginning of 1726. One reason I have
is that Mr Machin never mentioned it to me tho' I spent
a whole day with him in September 1727 and talked to him
on this subject and saw some other papers of Mr Campbell's
in his hand at that time. So that I have ground to think
that the paper of May 1726 led the Author into the latter part
of his for October 1728.
When I was with Mr Machin in September 1727 I then
had not found a sufficient demonstration for the cases of
Sir Isac's rule when there may be six or seven impossible
roots arising by it. This part is entirely overlooked by this
Author: for all he demonstrates amounts only to some pro-
perties of Equations that have all their roots real ; from which
he says indeed all S r Isac's rule immediately follows. But I
conclude from thence that he did not try to demonstrate
compleatly Sir Isac's rule. If be had tryed it new difficultys
would have arisen which he has not thought of.
The way he has taken to demonstrate Sir Isac's numbers
66 STIRLING'S SCIENTIFIC CORRESPONDENCE
from the Limits is not so simple as that I have which I may
send you again.
I now beg pardon for this long letter which I beg you
would communicate to Mr Machin not by way of complaint
against him for whom I have more respect than for any
Mathematician whatsoever ; but to do me justice in the matter
of these impossible roots which I had thrown aside for some
time and have now taken up with regret. I would have
justice done me without disputing or displeasing anybody.
At any [rate] in a few days I shall be very easy about the
whole Matter. I am with the greatest Respect
Sir
Your Most Obedient
Affectionat Humble Servant
Edinburgh Colin Maclaurin
febr. 11. 1728
Having room I send you here one of my Theorems about
the Collision of Bodys.
Let the Body G moving in the direction CD strike any
number of Bodys of any magnitude A, B, E, F, &c. and make
Fig. 4.
them move in the lines Ga, Gb, Ce, Gf &c. to determine ye
direction of C itself after the stroke.
CORRESPONDENCE WITH MACLAURIN 67
Suppose Ba, Bb, Be, Bf &c. perpendicular to the directions
CA, CB, CE, CF, &c. Imagine the Bodys G, A, B, E, F &c.
to be placed in G, a, b, e, f &c. respectively ; find the centre of
Gravity of all those Bodys so placed and let it be P. Draw
BP and CG parallel to BP shall be ye direction of G after the
stroke if the Bodys are perfectly hard.
Adieu
(4)
Madaurin to Stirling, 1729
Mr James Stirling
at the Academy in
little Tower Street
London
Sir
I delayed answering your last letter till I could tell you
that now I have sent Mr Folkes the remainder of my paper
concerning the impossible Roots of Equations. I sent him
a part April 19 and the remainder last post. I thought to
have finished it in our Vacation in March but a Gentleman
compelled me to go to the Country with him all that time
where we had nothing but diversions of one sort or other, so
that I did not get looking into it once. However I am
satisfyed that any person who will read this paper and
compare it with Mr Campbell's will do me Justice. On
comparing them further myself I (find) he has prevented me
in one proposition only ; which I have stated without naming
or citing him or his paper to be the least valuable. For I shew
that some other rules I have deduced from my Theorems
always discover impossible roots in an Equation when his rule
discovers any, and often when his discovers none. I wish you
could find time to read both the papers.
I am sorry to find you so uneasy about what has happened
in your last letter. It is over with me. When I found one
of my Propositions in his paper I was at first a little in pain ;
but when I found it was only one of a great many of mine
f2
68 STIRLING'S SCIENTIFIC CORRESPONDENCE
that he bad hit upon ; and reflected that the generality of my
Theorems would satisfy any judicious reader; I became less
concerned. All I now desyre is to have my paper or at least
the first part of it published as soon as possible. I beg you
may put Mr Machin in mind of this. I doubt not but you and
he will do what you can to have this Justice done me. I could
not but send the second part to Mr Folkes having sent him
the first.
I have at the end of my paper given some observations on
Equations for the sake of those who may think the impossible
roots may not deserve all this trouble. Mr Folkes will shew
you the paper. I intend now to set about the Collisions
of Bodys.
The Proposition I sent you in my last letter is the foundation
f all my Theorems about the impossible Roots. I have
a little altered the form of it. It is the VI Proposition
as I have sent them to Mr Folkes the first five having been
given in 1726. I have made all my Theorems as I went over
them last and transcribed them more simple than they were
in my manuscripts ; and that occasioned this little delay : for
your advice about sending up my paper soon perfectly pleased
me. Abridgments and Additions that occurred as I transcribed
it took up my time but it was about the third or fourth of
April before I got beginning to it in earnest, and my teach-
ing in the Colledge continuing still as before with other
avocations ; you will allow I have not lost time.
I have a particular sense of the Justice and kindness you
have showed me in your last letter & will not forget it
if 1 ever have any opportunity of showing with how much
Esteem & affection
I am Sir
Your Most Obedient
Humble Servant
Colin MacLauuin
Edinburgh May 1
1729
CORRESPONDENCE WITH MACLAURIN 69
(3)
Maclaurin to Stirling, 1729
Mr James Stirling
at the Academy
in little Tower Street
London
Sir
Since I received your last I have been mostly in the
country. On my return I was surprised with a printed piece
from Mr Campbell against me which the gentleman who
franked the letter told me lie sent you a copy off. The
Gentleman indeed added he had not frank'd it if he had
known the nature of the paper ; and was ashamed of it.
I wonder I had no message by a good hand from Mr Campbell
before he printed these silly reports he diverts himself with.
Good manners and prudence one would think ought to have
led to another sort of conduct.
He has misrepresented my paper much and found things in
it I never asserted. I shall send you next post a fuller answer
to it. His friends here give out that you desyred him to
write against me. I am convinced this is false.
Please to send me the letter I wrote to you in february
if you have preserved it or a copy of it. I wish if it is not
too much trouble you would send me a copy of all I said
relating to Mr Campbell's taking the hint from my first paper
in my letters to you.
I wish you would allow me (if I print any defence) to
publish your letter to me of the date of febr. 2 7 where you
have expressed yourself very cautiously. But I will not do
it without your permission.
I hope the paper Mr Campbell has sent you will have little
influence on you till you hear my reply. I have writ at large
to Mr Folkes by this post who will show you my letter if you
please. I assure you I am with great Esteem
Sir
Your Most Obedient
Edinburgh Most Humble Servant
nov r 6. 1729 Colin MacLaurin
70 STIRLING'S SCIENTIFIC CORRESPONDENCE
(6)
Stirling to Maclaurin, 1729
To Mr Maclaurin Professor of Mathematicks
in the University of
Edenburgh
Out of your Letter of October 22, 1728
I have other ways of demonstrating the Rule about
impossible roots & particularly one that was suggested to me
from reading your book in 1718 drawn from the limits of
Equations shorter than the one I have published, but according
to my taste not so elegant.
Out of Letter of December 7, 1728
Let x n — px n ~ 1 + qx n ~ 2 — rx n ' 3 &c. = 0, be any Equation
proposed, deduce from it an Equation for its Limits
nx n l —n — 1 xpx n ~ 2 + -it,— 2 x qx n ~' d &c. = 0;
By it too I demonstrate a Theoreme in your book where
a quantity is expresst by a Series whose coefficients are first,
second, third fluxions &c.
A Copy of your Letter Feb 11, 172|.
S r
Last Tuesday night I saw the philosophical Transactions
for the month of October for the first time.
At any rate in a few days I shall be very easy about the
whole matter. I am &c.
S r This is an exact copy except the postscript which
containing a Theoreme about the collision of Bodys I presume
is nothing to the present purpose. I am with all respect
Sr
Your most humble servant
Ja: Stirling
London 29 November 1729
CORRESPONDENCE WITH MACLAURIN 71
Maclaurin to Stirling
Dear Sir
I send you with this letter my answer to Mr George
Campbell which I publish with regret being so far from
delighting in such a difference that I have the greatest dislike
at a publick dispute of this Nature. At the same time that
I own this Aversion I can assure you it Hows not from any
Consciousness of any other wrong I have done this Author
than that I accepted of a settlement here that was proposed
to me when some persons at Aberdeen were persecuting me
and when a settlement here every way made me easy ; at the
same time that he had some hopes tho' uncertain in a course
of years of getting the same place.
I was sensible however of this and therefor made it my
great Concern to see him settled ever since I have been in
this place, nay after my business had proceeded so well that
it was indifferent to me whether he continued here or not in
respect of Interest.
However I have avoided everything that might seem writ
in his strain and have left out many things lest they might
look too strong, particularly in citing Mr Folkes's letter I left
out his words that Mr Campbell's paper was writ with the
greatest passion and partiality to himself, as you will see.
I sent the first sheet in Manuscript to have been communicated
to you above a fortnight ago by Mr Folkes that you might
let me know if you desyred to have anything changed and
have delaj'cd the publication till I thought there was time for
an Answer to come to me. I have printed but a few Copys
intending only to take of as much (without hurting him) * the
Impression he endeavours to make as possible.
It was to avoid little skirmishing that I have not followed
him from page to page — but refuted the essentials of his
piece, overlooking his Imaginations and Strictures upon
them. I am at present in haste having several other letters
to write on this subject. I avoid things together towards the
1 Written above the line.
72 STIRLING'S SCIENTIFIC CORRESPONDENCE
end because it was like to have required another half-sheet.
I am sure I have given more than the subject deserves.
I have left out two or three paragraphs about his inconsistencys
his story of some that visited me and found me so and so
engaged &c. This I answer in my manuscript letter sent to
you, Nov. 5. I am indeed tyred with this affair.
I wished to have heard from you what he objected to the
letter I wrote to you in the beginning of winter. I am truly
sorry Mr Campbell has acted the part he has pleased to act.
But my defence is in such terms after all his bad u?age of me
as I believe to his own friends will shew I have no design to
do him wrong and have been forced into this ungrateful part.
It is true he speaks the same language ; with what ground
let the most partial of his friends judge from what I have
said in my defence.
You may remember that my desyre of doing him service
was what began our correspondence. I then could not have
imagined what has happened. Please to forgive all the trouble
I have given you on this Occasion and believe me to be Sir
Your Most Obedient
Humble Servant
Colin Mac Lauein
If you see Mr de Moivre soon, please to tell him I send him
by this post a bill for six guineas and a letter directed to
Slaughter's Coffee House. I did not know where else to
direct for him.
(8)
Gray to Maclaurin, 1732
London 25 Novem r 1732
Dear Sir
I had the favour of yours yesterday & inclosed a part of
the abstract of your Supplement with a Letter to Mr Machin,
which, as you desired, I copyed & gave to him. He is of
opinion that it will be improper to put any part of your
Abstract into our Abrigment, especially as matters stand.
He will take care to do you all the justice he can and desires
CORRESPONDENCE WITH MACLAURIN 73
his kind services to you. I am thinking that it will not be
improper to move the Society at their first meeting that
Stirling be in Hodgson's room ; because he is much more
capable of judging than him ; but in this I will follow
Mr Machin's advice. I hope you had my last, and am
persuaded you will do in that affair what is fit.
I have a great deal of business to do this evening. I will
therefore only assure you that I am most faithfully
Dear Sir
Your most obedient
& most humble Servant
Jno Gray
(9)
Madaurin to Stirling, 1734
To
Mr James Stirling
at Mr Watt Academy
in little Tower Street
London
Sir
I was sorry on several accounts that I did not see you
again before you left this Country. Being in the Country
your letter about the Variation did not come to my hand till
the time you said you had fix'd for your journey was so near
that I thought a letter could not find you at Calder.
I have observed it since I came to Town & found it betwixt
12 & 13 degrees westerly; the same had appeared in April
last. But I am to take some more pains upon it which if
necessary I shall communicate.
Upon more consideration I did not think it best to write
an answer to Dean Berkeley but to write a treatise of fluxions
which might answer the purpose and be useful to my scholars.
I intend that it shall be kid before you as soon as I shall send
two or three sheets more of it to Mr Warrender that I may
have your judgment of it with all openness & liberty. This
74 STIRLING'S SCIENTIFIC CORRESPONDENCE
favour I am the rather obliged to ask of you that I had
no body to examine it here before I sent it up on whose
judgment I could perfectly depend. Robt. Simpson is lazy
you know and perhaps has not considered that subject so
much as some others. But I can entirely depend on your
judgment. I am not at present inclined to put my name to it.
Amongst other reasons there is one that in my writings in
my younger years I have not perhaps come up to that
accuracy which I may seem to require here. When I was
very young I was an admirer too of infinites ; and it was
Fontenelle's piece that gave me a disgust of them or at least
confirmed it together with reading some of the Antients more
carefully than I had done in my younger years. I have some
thoughts in order to make this little treatise more compleat
to endeavour to make some of Mr De Moivre's theorems more
easy which I hope he will not take amiss as I intend to name
everybody without naming myself.
I have got some few promises as to Mr Machin's book and
one of my correspondents writes me that he has got two
subscriptions. I wonder at Dr Smith's obstinate delay which
deprives me of the power of serving Mr Machin as yet so
much as I desyre to do. It is from a certain number of hands
that I get subscriptions of this kind. Pemberton's book and
the Doctor's delay diminish my influence in that very much.
Looking over some letters I observed the other day that
you had once wrote to me you had got a copy from Mr Machin
of the little piece he had printed on the Moon for me. If you
can recollect to whom you sent it let me know ; for it never
came to my hand ; and I know not how to get it here. Nor
did the Copy of your treatise of Series come to my hand.
You need not be uneasy at this : Only let me know what you
can recollect about them. If Mr Machin's book happens to be
published soon you may always venture to sett me down for
seven Copys. But I hope to gett more if I had once fairly
delivered Dr Smith's book to the subscribers. As to your
Treatise of Series 1 got a copy sent me from one Stewart
a Bookseller as a new book but about half a year after his
son sent me a note of my being due half a guinea for it which
I payed. But as I said I only mention these things in case
you can recollect any thing further about them.
CORRESPONDENCE WITH MACLAURIN 75
I observe in our newspapers that Dr Halley has found the
longitude. I shall be glad to know if there is any more in
this than what was commonly talk'd when I was in London
in 1732. Please to give my humble service to Mr Machin and
believe me to be very affectionatly
Sir
Your Most Obedient
Edinburgh Most Humble Servant
Nov. 16. 1734. Colin MacLaurin
I have taken the liberty to desyre- Mr Warrender to take
advice with you if any difficultys arise about the publishing
the fluxions or the terms with a Bookseller. I would have
given you more trouble perhaps but he was on some terms
with me before you got to London.
(10)
Maclaurin to Stirling, 1738 l
To
Mr James Stirling
at Leadhills
Dear Sir
This is a copy of Maupertuis's letter which I thought it
would be acceptable to j ou to receive. I am told Mr Cassini
would willingly find some fault with the Observation to save
his father's doctrine, but is so much at a loss that he is obliged
to suppose the instrument was twice disordered. If I can be
of any service to you here in anything you may always
command
Dear Sir
Your Most Obedient
Humble Servant
Ed r . feb. r 4. 1737. Colin Mac Laurin
I forgot when you w r as here to tell you that last spring
1 1737 O.S. or 1738 N.S.
76 STIRLING'S SCIENTIFIC CORRESPONDENCE
some Gentlemen had formed a design of a philosophical
society here which they imagined might promote a spirit for
natural knowledge in this country, that you was one of the
members first thought of, and that Ld Hope & I were desyred
to speak to you of it. I hope and intreat you will accept.
The number is limited to 45, of which are L ds Morton, Hope,
Elphinston, St Clair, Lauderdale, Stormont, L d president &
Minto, S r John Clark, D ra Clark, Stevenson, St Clair, Pringle,
Johnston, Simpson, Martin, Mess. Munroe, Craw, Short,
Mr Will™ Carmichael &c. I shall write you a fuller account
afterwards if you will allow me to tell them that you are
willing to be of the number. If you would send us anything
it would be most acceptable to them all & particularly to
yours &c
I had a letter from Mr De Moivre where he desyres to
give his humble service to you. His book was to be out
last week.
Maupertuis to Bradley
A letter from Mons r Maupertuis
To Professor Bradley
Dated at Paris Sepf 27^ h 1737 N.S.
[Translated from the French]
Sir
The Rank You hold among the Learned & the great
Discoveries with which you have enriched Astronomy, would
oblige me to give you an Account of the Success of an Under-
taking, which is of considerable consequence to Sciences (even
tho' 1 were not moved to do it by my desire of having the
honour to be known to you) by reason of the Share you have
in the Work itself. Whereof a great part of the Exactitude
is owing to an Instrument made on the Modell of yours, and
towards the Construction of which I know you were pleased
to lend your Assistance.
Wherefore I have the honour to Acquaint You Sir, That we
are now returned from the Voyage we have made by Order of
His Majesty to the Poler Circle. We have been so happy as
CORRESPONDENCE WITH MACLAURIN 77
to be able, notwithstanding the Severity of that Climate, to
measure from Tornea northward a Distance of 55023-47 Toises
on the Meridian. "We had this distance by a Basis the longest
that ever has been made use of in this Sort of Work, &
measured on the most level surface, that is, on the Ice, taken
in the middle of eight Triangles. And the small number
of these Triangles, together with the Situation of this great
Basis in the Midst of them, Seem to promise us a great Degree
of Exactness ; And leave us no room to apprehend any con-
siderable Accumulation of Mistakes ; As it is to be feared in
a Series of a greater Number of Triangles.
We afterwards determined the Amplitude of this Arch by
the Starr S Drucoids, Which we observed at each end with
the Sector you are Acquainted with. This Starr was first
observed over Kittis, one of the Ends, on the 4, 5, 6, 8. 10 of
October 1736.
And then we immediately carried our Sector by Water to
Tornea, with all the precaution requisite its being any way
put out of Order, And we observed the same Starr at Tornea
the 1. 2, 3, 4 & 5, of Nov r 1730. By comparing these two
Setts of Observations we found, That the Amplitude of our
Arch (without making any other Correction than that which
The procession of the Equinox requires) would be 57'-25"07.
But upon making the necessary Correction according to your
fine Theory (Parallax of Light) of the Aberration caused by
the Motion of Light, This Amplitude by reason of the interval
of Time between the Mean of the Observations, was greater by
l"-83 : & consequently our Amplitude was 57'.27"-9.
We were immediately Sensible that a Degree on the Meridian
under the Polar Circle was much greater than that which had
been formerly measured near Paris.
In Spring of the ensuing Year we Recommenced this whole
operation. At Tornea we observed Alpha Draconis on the 17,
18, & 19 of March 1737; and Afterwards set out for Kittis,
Our Sector was this time drawn in a Sledge on the Snow, and
went but a slow pace. We observed the Same Starr on the
4, 5 & 6 of Aprile 1737. By the Observations made at Tornea
& Kittis we had 57'-25"-19; to Which Adding 5"-35 for the
Aberration of this Starr during the time elapsed between
the Middle of the Observations, we found for the Amplitude
78 STIRLING'S SCIENTIFIC CORRESPONDENCE
of our Arch 57'-30"-54 which differs 3"§ from the Amplitude
determined by S (Delta).
Therefore taking a Mean between these two amplitudes,
Our Arch will be 57'-28"-72 which being compared with the
distance measured on the Earth, gives the Degree 57437-1
Toises; greater by 377-1 Toises than the Middle Degree of
France.
We looked upon the Verification which results from the
Agreement between our two Amplitudes deduced from two
different (Setts of) Operations (Joined to the precautions we
had taken in the Carriage of the Sector) We looked (I say)
upon this Verification to be more certain than any other that
could be made ; and the more because our Instrument cannot
from its Construction serve to be turned Contrary Ways.
And that it was not requisite for our operation to know
precisely the point of the Limb which answered to the Zenith.
We verified the Arch of our Instrument to be 15°-§ by
a Radius of 380 Toises, and a Tangent both measured on
the Ice: and notwithstanding the great Opinion we had of
Mr Graham's Abilities we were astonished to see, that upon
taking the Mean of the Observations made by 5 Observers
which agreed very well together ; The Arch of the Limb
differed but 1" from what it ought to be According to the
Construction. In fine, we Compard the degrees of the Limb
with one Another, and were surprized to find that between
the two Degrees which we had made use of, there is a
Small Inequality, Which does not amount to l", & Which
draws the two Amplitudes, we had found, Still nearer one
Another.
Thus, Sir, You See the Earth is Oblate, according to the
Actual Measurements, as it has been already [found] by
the Laws of Staticks : and this flatness appears even more
considerable than Sir Isaac Newton thought it. I'm likewise
of Opinion, both from the experiments we Made in the frigid
Zone, & by those Which our Academicians sent us from their
Expedition to the Equator ; that Gravity increaseth more
towards the Pole, and diminishes more towards the Line, than
Sir Isaac suppos'd it in his Table.
And this is all conformable to the Remarks you made on
Mr Campbell's Experiments at Jamaica. But I have one
CORRESPONDENCE WITH MACLAURIN 79
favour to beg of you, Sir, & hope you will not refuse it me ;
Which is, to let me know if you have any immediate Observa-
tions on the Aberration of our two Starrs 8 ■ = CB
and GT = GA and PT shall be the velocity of y u Body A,
and PS the velocity of the Body B after y° Concussion.
If they are imperfectly Elastic, take Cs to GS and Ct to GT
as y 6 elasticity to the perfect elasticity and Ct, Gs shall be the
velocitys of the Bodies A and B. In his opinion about the
forces of the Bodies, this construction is very commodious, for
before the percussion ALM represents the force of y° Body A,
and BLN the force of y 6 Body B. But after y e percussion
CTM and GX are the forces of the bodies A and B, if they are
elastic, and CQM CQX are these forces if they are not elastic,
and ACB is the force lost in y° percussion
M r 'S Gravesande demonstrates it, by this proposition, That
y° instantaneous mutations of forces in the two bodies, are
proportional to their respective velocities. But I found that
mi H
98 STIRLING'S SCIENTIFIC CORRESPONDENCE
it cou'd be proved, without the new notion of forces, by this
proposition. That y" contemporaneous mutations of velocities
of the two bodies are reciprocal to their masses wich can be
evinc'd in several manners, and very easily, if granted that
the common center of gravity does not alter its velocity by
the percussion.
• I am just arrived at Paris, and so have no news from france
to impart with ye. You'll oblige me very much, if you vouch-
safe to answer to this, and inform me about your occupation
and those of your Royal Society and its learned members.
Did M r Machin publish his Treatise about y e Theory of y e
Moon 1 Is M r de Moivre's Book ready to be published ? Is
there nothing under the press of S r Isaac's remains'? What
are you about? Can we flatter ourselves of the hopes of
seeing very soon your learned work about y 9 Series'? All
these and other news of that kind, if there are some, will be
very acceptable to me ; and I'll neglect nothing for being able
of returning you the like, as much as the sterility of the
country I live in, and my own incapacity will allow. In the
meanwhile, I desire you to be lofty persuaded, I am, with all
esteem and consideration
Tour most; humble
Most obedient Servant
Paris, tliis hh X bre 1723 G. Cramek
You can direct y e Answer
A Messieurs Rilliet iv Delavine, rue Grenier S l Lazare pour
rendre a M r Cramer a Paris.
Cramer to Stirling, 17:29
To
M r James Stirling F R.S. at the
Academy in little Tower Street
London
Here is, Dear Sir, a Letter from M r Nioh. Bernoulli in answer
to yours, wich I received but t'other day. I send with it,
CORRESPONDENCE WITH CRAMER 99
according to his Orders a Copy of his method of resolving y°
quantity — in its component fractions the former
1 + qZ ' ^
part of wich he sent me to Paris, by M 1 ' Klingenstiern the
supplement I had but in the same time with your Letter.
I hope you have lately received from me an answer to your
kind Letter brought by M r Sinclair. I am with a great
esteem
Your most humble
and obedient Servant
Geneva the 6 th January, 1729. N.S. G. Cramer.
Methodus resolvendi quantitates 1 + qz H + z in in factores
duarum Dimensionum, Auctore D°. Nicolao Bernoulli.
Prob. I Resolvere quantitatem 1 ±qz 1l + z 2n in factores
duarum Dimensionum.
Solut. Sit unus ex factoribus 1 — xz + zz
& productum reliquorum
l+uz + bz 2 + cz\ . . + rz n ~ 3 + sz n ~ 2 + tz n ~ l + sz 11 + rz n+1 .. .
+ hz 211 '*- + az 2 n ~ 3 + s 2 " -2 .
Ex comparatione terminorum homogeneorum producti
horum factorum cum terminis propositae quantitatis invenitur
a = x, b — ax—\, c— bx — a & ita porrho usque ad t = sx — r,
item +q = 2a — tx, adeo ut quantitates 1, a, b, c, ... r, s, t con-
stituant Seriem recurrentem in qua quilibet terminus per x
multiplicatus est aequalis Summae praecedentis it sequentis.
Jam vero si Chorda complementi BD
alicujus arcus AD vocetur x & ladius
AC = 1 Chordae arcuum multiplorum
ejusdem arcus AD exprimentur respec-
tive per eosdem terininos inventae
Seriei recurrentis 1, a, b, c, &c. multi-
plicatos per Choi'dam AD. Hinc si
arcus AE sit ad arcum AD ut n ad 1,
erit Chorda AE ad Chordam AD ut / ad 1, id est AE = t x AD,
& Chorda DE— s x AD. Ex natura vero quadrilateri ADEB
h2
100 STIRLING'S SCIENTIFIC CORRESPONDENCE
circulo inscripti est AE . DB — AB . DE+AD . BE id est
tx.AD = 2ts.AD + AD.BE
sive tx = 2 s + BE = (quia + q = 2s- tx) tx±q + BE,
hinc BE = +q.
Ex quo sequitur quod si arcus habens pro Chorda complementi
+ q dividatur in n partes aequales quarum una sit arcus AD,
hujus complementi Chorda futura sit x : vel si rem per Sinus
conficere malimus, dividendus est arcus habens pro Cosinu
+ ^ q in n partes aequales, qui si vocetur A, erit cosinus arcus
A 1
— = - x Invento valore ipsius x cognoscitur l—xz + zz unus
n 2
ex factoribus quantitatis propositae 1 + qz n + z 2n . Sed & re-
liqui factores hinc cognoscuntur. Si enim tota circumferentia
vocetur C, habebunt omnes sequentes arcus A, C—A, C + A,
20- A, 2(7+ A, 3C—A, 3C+A, &c pro Cosinu +\q, quorum
singuli in partes aequales divisi determinabunt totidem diversos
valores ipsius x.
Coroll. 1. Per methodum serierum recurrentium invenitur
x = radici hujus aequationis
Vqq-4: = (±x+ ■J\xx-\) n -(±x- J\xx-\) n
Coroll 2. Si capiatur arcus AH aequalis alicui sequentium
A C-A C+A 20- A 2C+ A
arcuum
&c & fuerit
n n n n n
CG = z erit GH — radici quadratae f actoris \—xz + zz. Quia
enim OF '= \x erit GF — \x — z,
proinde GH
FH=J\-\j?
&
= Vl-xz + zz
Coroll 3. Si q = 0, erit A = iC,
& reliqui arcus dividendi |0, |(7, \0,
%C &c. Hinc si dividatur tota cir-
cumferentia in 4d partes aequales
AH, HI, IK, &c & ad singulos im-
pares divisionis terminos H, K, M,
&c. ex puncto G ducantur rectae GH,
GK, &c erit horum omnium productum \+z zn .
CORRESPONDENCE WITH CRAMER 101
Probl. II
Resolvere quantitatem 1 + z 2n+l in factores duarum Dimen-
sionum.
Solut. Sit unus ex factoribus 1—xz + zz, & productum
reliquorum
1 + «z + bz 1 + cs 3 . . . rz n ' s + sz n ~ 2 + tz n ~ x + tz n + sz n+1 + rz n+2 . . .
+ bz 2n ~ 3 + as- n ~ i + z 2n ~K
& invenitur ut antea a — x, b = ax—l, c=bx — a, & ifca
porrho usque ad t — sx — r. Sed loco aequationis + q = 2 s - tx
invenietur haec t = ix + s — 0. id est, si ponatur arcus AB ad
A F T)F
arcum AE, ut 1 ad n, erit (quia t = --= & s = ^-, & x = BD)
A-D A.1)
AE-AE.BB + BE=0. Sive BE = AE . BD-AE
& aequatione in analogiam versa
BE : A E = BB- 1 : 1 = (facta BF = BC = A C = 1) BF: CB.
Hinc triangula ABE, CFB, ob angulos ad E & B aequales,
erunt similia & angulus BCF = BAE.
Ergo ang. BCF + wig GBF = ang BFG
= ang BCF = ang BAE+ ang CBF Sed
& ang GBF = ang CBi? 7 . Hinc omnes
tres anguli Trianguli GBF sunt aequales
2 ang. BAE +3 ang CBi^ ipsorum que
men&ura, id est, semicircumferentia
= \C = arc DE+% arc. AB
= (quia arc BE = n ~ 1 arc ^ D) — - — arc AB.
G
ideoque arcus AD — . Si imtur circumferentia Circuli
H 2m +1 &
dividatur in 2n+ 1 partes aequales, quarum una sit arcus AD,
erit Chorda BD = x, vel si semicircumferentia in totidem
partes aequales dividatur, erit cosinus unius partis \x uncle
cognoscetur factor 1 — xz + zz. Quia vero tot factores duarum
dimensionum inveniendi sunt quot imitates sunt in numero n,
habebit totidem diversos valores qui erunt dupli cosinus 1, 3,
5, 7 iVc partium semicircumferentiae in 2n+ 1 partes aequales
divisae : invenitur enim arcus AB = singulis sequentibus
arcubus -j -■> - » -> Arc, quia arcus AE
2u+l 2ti+1 2h. + 1 2h+1 ,H
102 STIRLING'S SCIENTIFIC CORRESPONDENCE
qui est ad arcum AD, ut n ad 1. potest intelligi auctus integra
Circumferentia vel ejus multiplo, hoc modo igitur resolvetur
quantitas proposita l+z in+1 in n
J£ L factores duarum dimensionum &
H
unum factorem 1 + unius dimen-
sionis.
Coroll. Si fuerit
CO = z, AC=CB=.l
& Circumferentia circuli dividatur
in 4/i+2 partes aequales AH, HI,
IK, &c ad singulosimpares divisionis
terminos H, K, M, &c ducantur rectae
GH, OK, OM, &c, erit horum omnium productum aequale
1+Z 2 » +1 .
Probl. Ill Refolvere quantitatem 1 — z 2n+1 in factores
duarum Dimensionum.
Solut. Sit unus ex factoribus 1— xz + zz & productum
reliquorum
l+az + bz 2 + ...+rz n - 3 + s: n -' i + tz n - 1 -tz n -tz n+l -r2 n+2 ...
_] iz 2n-i_ az 2n-2_ e 2n-l
& invenietur s = t + tx : reliqua vero se habent ut prius.
Positis igitur ut in Prob II arcu ABBE = n arc AD, x = BD,
t=-? s = ~, eritM= AE+AE. BD.
AD AD
Hinc DE:AE= BD+l-.l =( facta DF = DC = \)BF:GB
Proinde triangula ADE, GFB habentia angulos ad E & B
aequales erunt similia, & SLngBCF— ang DAE: quamobrem
ang: F = ang: DCF = ang BCF- ang: BCD = ang: DAE-
ang: BCD. Hinc omnes tres anguli trianguli BCF sunt =
ang: B + 2 ang: DAE— ang: BCD: ipsorum que mensura
| C = 1 arc :AD+ arc : DBE- arc : BD = -| arc : AD + arc : BE
= « + f arc. AD-\C.
C 2(7
Hinc C = n + i arc A D, & arc AD =
?l + i 2)1+1
c
cuius dimidii, nempe , cosinus erit \x. Si arcus ADBE
2 n + 1
CORRESPONDENCE WITH CRAMER 103
intelligatur auctus integra circumferentia vel ejus multiplo
invenientur reliqui valores ipsius \x aequales cosinibus arcuum
2(7 3C 46' D
27m' 2^n* 2TTP &c - Et ^
sic resolvetur quantitas proposita
\—z' in+1 in n factores duarum
Dimensionum, & unum factorem
1— s unius dimensionis.
Coroll. Si in fig. Covoll. praeced.
ad singulos pares terminos I, L,
N, &c. ducantur rectae GI, GL,
GN, GO, itc. erit harum omnium productum = 1 — z 2n+ \
Probl IV Resolvere quantitatem 1 - z 2n in factores duarum
Dimensionum.
Solut. Sit unus ex factoribus 1— xz + zz & productum
reliquorum
1 + as + bz 2 . . . + rz n ~ 3 + sz n ~ 2 ± tz' 1 ' 1 - hz n - rz H+1 .. . - bz 2n ' i
Hie quia terminus tz 71 ' 1 debet affici signo tarn affirmative)
quam negativo, opportet esse t = 0, adeoque si ponatur arcus
AE
AD ad arcum..4i? ut 1 ad n, tv per consequens t= -j— j
erit AE — 0, & arcus huic Chordae respondens = vel 0, vel
2 0, vel 3C &c. Proimle arcus _<4 i? = alicui sequentium
20 3t? „ „ , . .. C 20 30
arcuum -> — > — j Arc. & -J x = cosinibus arcuum — > — > — 3
n it, 11 * 2n 2 it, 2 n
&c qua rati one resolvitur quantitas 1— z 2n in n—1 factores
duarum Dimensionum similes huic 1— xz+zz, & alium factorem
duarum dimensionum, nempe 1— zz.
Coroll. Si in fig. Cur. 2 & 3, Probl I ad singulos pares
terminos divisionis /, L, B, 0, Q, A, Ducantur rectae GI GL,
GB &c, erit harum omnium productum = 1— z 2n .
Coroll. geneiale. Si Circumferentia Circuli dividatnr in 2 m
partes aequales AH, HI, IK, &c, & ducantur rectae GH, GI,
GK &c sive m sit numerus par, sive impar semper erit
GHxGKx QM &c = 1 + z m , Sc GAxGIx GL &c = 1 - z m .
Quod est Theorema Cotesii memoratum
Act. Erud. Lips. 1723, pag. 170 & 171.
104 STIKLING'S SCIENTIFIC CORRESPONDENCE
Supplementum Eodem Auctore
Probl. V Dividere fractionem 5- in f ractiones plures,
1
1 + qz^+ z 2
quarum denominatores ascendant tantum ad duas Dimen-
siones.
Solut. Sit una quaesitarum fractionum & summa
1—xz + zz
(x + (3z + yzz + 8z 3 + ez 4 + &c
rehquarum i+az + fe2 + ^ + ^ 4 + &e
Valor ipsius x determinatur in Prdblemate primo, & quan-
titates 1, a, b, c, d, &c designant ut ibidem terminos Seriei
recurrentis 1, a;, xx— 1, x 3 —2x, x^ — Sxx+l, &c. Valores
autem ipsarum e & / post eliminationem ipsarum ot, /?, y, S &c
inveniuntur ut sequitur : nempe si v = 2, id est si
1 _ e-fz + a + (3z
l±qz' i + z i 1—xz + zz 1+xz + zz
invenitur e = i&/ , = ~x- Si n = 3, id est si
2 J 2 x
1 _ e-fz tx + /3z + yzz + Sz*
l±qz* + z 6 ~~ 1-xz + zz \+xz + x~x~^lzz + xz' + z*
1 cc
invenitur e = -|, &f=~ ~ -: si n = 4, id est si
1 e-fz
1 ± qz + z~~ 1 - xz + zz
a + (3z + y zz + Sz 3 + eg 4 + f s 5
l+xz + xz — lzz + x' i —2xz" + xx—l z i + xz 6 + z 6
invenitur e - i & f= - — : similiter si n = 5
1 a;^— 2.r
invenitur e = -| & / = - — . & eeneraliter ob ratio-
J 5 x^-Zxx+l to
nem progressionis jam satis manifestam erit e = -et/=-->
((. 71. f
ubi s & t significant duos postremos terminos Seriei recurrentis
1, a, b, c, d, &c. Hinc si in fig. Probl I sit Chorda BE — +q
CORRESPONDENCE WITH CRAMER 105
& arcus AB — — erit s : t = BE-.AE per ibi demonstrata,
n if
& per consequens /= — - , ipsaque quaesita fractio
1 _ BE
e~fa n~n.AE Z
1-xz + zz l-BBz + zz
Si porrho intelligatur arcus AE auctus integra circumferentia
vel ejus multiplo, ita ut mutentur valores ipsarum BB & BE,
e — fz
mutabitur quoque valor fractionis — — invenienturque
successive omnes fractiones in quas proposita fractio
l ±q ~n + z *„ resol vi potest Q.E.F.
Coroll. Si q = 0, BE = BB = x, AE = AB = 2, fractio
1 x
resolvitur in fractiones hanc form am n 2n habentes.
1 + z 1 "
l-xz + zz
Schol I Solutio inventa congruit cum ea quam Pemberton
ex calculo valde operoso deduxit in Epist. ad amicum pag. 48
& 49 & ejus appendice pag. 11, 12. Est quoque simplicior
quam Moivraei qui invenit fractiones hanc formam habentes
1 «. — le
n n—un" ubi a = \x = sinui -| arcus BB, I — +-|g = sinui
1—xz + zz
-| arcus BE, e — cosinui \ arcus BE, potuisset enim adhibere
1 ez
hanc simpliciorem expressionem n ^V 1—u intelligendo per
1 — 2 az + zz
e non cosinum sed ipsum sinum \ arcus BE
Schol II Non absimili methodo resolvi possunt fractiones
1 1 X
vel:
J ±2 2„-l 1 _.W
Schol III Methodus praeced. supponit q minorem binario,
quando autem q > 2, fractio -■ 2u resolvi potest ut
106 STIRLING'S SCIENTIFIC CORRESPONDENCE