CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 3 1924 083 856 546 The original of tliis book is in tlie Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924083856546 LIFE AND TIMES EDWARD THE THIRD. VOL. I. LONDON: PEINTED BT SPOTTISWOODE AND CO., NEW-STEEET SQUARE AND PARLIAMENT STREET THE HISTOEY OP THE LIFE AND TIMES EDWARD THE THIRD. WILLIAM LONGMAN. IN TWO VOLUMES. VOL. I. LONDON : LONGMANS, GEEEN, AND CO. 1869. „ i L* f\ r\ i\ i PREFACE. The Lectures on the History of England which I published during the years 1857-^—1.863, ended with the death of Edward the Second. .The present volumes, which comprise the Life and Times of Edward the Third, may therefore be considered as a continuation of that work. In a certain sense they may be so ; but, inasmuch as they were not written for delivery as Lectures, and have consequently been composed on a different plan, they are in truth a separate and independent work. ■ The fact is that, shortly after beginning my re- searches into the History of the reign of Edward the Third, with the view of continuing the Lectures which I had been in the habit of delivering to the Chorleywood Association for the Improvement of the Labouring Classes, a change of residence to another neighbourhood led to the discontinuance of my Lec- tures altogether. But, my attention having been directed to this reign, it appeared to me so full of interest and importance, so abounding in picturesque incidents, and so much neglected by historians, as to be worthy of further study with a view to the VI PREFACE. composition of a work especially devoted to it. En- couraged by the commendations bestowed on my Lectures, I consequently determined to attempt to write the history of this reign in a manner which, though equally aiming at perspicacity and graphic narrative, might at the same time deserve the atten- tion of the historical enquirer. While, therefore, 1 have endeavoured to present, as far as practicable, a living picture of the times, filled in with all the details necessary to present a correct representation of the political events of the reign, accompanied by the social circumstances which attended them and by which they were influenced, I have also entered with minute elaboration into the elucidation of various in- teresting subjects of unquestionable importance, but more suited to the student than to the listener. I am well aware of the imperfect way in which this historical picture has been drawn, and of the great difficulty of delineating it fully and satisfac- torily on the one hand, and without exaggeration and unwarranted assumptions on the other. But even this attempt may, perhaps,, present the history of the past in a truer and more valuable form than a bare narrative of public events unaccompanied by what to some may seem trivial details. Again, each series of subjects, such as the wars with Scotland and with France, the relations with the Pope, the history of trade and of commercial legisla- tion, of the manners and customs of the times, might have been separately and completely treated and PREFACE. VU brought to its conclusion without reference to any- thing else. But such a course would have made the history a series of separate dissertations, and have reduced the narrative to a comparatively dry record of political events. On such a plan, we should not have seen Edward engaged in a mighty war, march- ing with his hawk^ and hounds, as if setting forth on some right royal sport ; we should not have seen the gallant, cheery, genial John of Chandos, singing the songs, which he had just learned in Germany, to pass away the time while the King — sitting in his favourite ship " The Cog Thomas," and dressed in a. well-fitting velvet jacket, with a beaver hat to match, " which became him well " — waited the onslaught of the Spaniards. We should not have fully recognised the important effects of a grievous plague on all the relations of political and private life, nor the influence of the polished manners of chivalry on the stern real- ities of war. For these reasons, therefore, I have from time to time interrupted the narrative to mention various incidents connected with the life and habits of the nation, and to give an account of the laws which were then being made. There is also another feature in the treatment of this reign, to which attention may be called. It is, the introduction of sketches of the contemporaneous history of some of the nations of Continental Europe. Edward's wars brought him into such complicated relations with various foreign States that they cannot be properly understood without some account of their VUl PREFACE. history and of their connection with each other. It thus became necessary to introduce a brief outline of the origin of the various sovereignties and dominions of which Europe was then composed, and show their influence on Edward's wars and alliances. The his- tory of France, too, had so constant and important a bearing on its wars with England, that it was neces- sary to enter somewhat minutely into it. For the same reason an account has been given of the terrible outbreak of the oppressed peasantry known as "The Jacquerie." Again, that deeply interesting attempt at revolution, headed by Etienne Marcel, which in many of its features almost exactly resembles the greater struggle which occurred four centuries after- wards, liad so immediate a bearing on the relations between England and France, that a narrative of it also was indispensable. In like manner, the fatal expedition of the Black Prince into Spain rendered necessary a sketch of the history of that country, and an account of the crimes of the monster whom Prince Edward supported, and from the results of which that expedition sprang. Such is the way in which I have attempted to make intelligible the Life and Times of Edward the Third ; and if the perusal of these volumes should encourage others either to write or to study more carefully the History of our nation, should it impress on the minds of public men the conviction—more important than ever at the present day— that no man is fitted to take part in the government of his PREFACE. IX country who is not well acquainted with its past history, and possessed of a clear knowledge of the origin and ancient working of its institutions, I shall be amply recompensed. In conclusion, I must tender my sincere thanks to various friends to whom I am indebted for much valuable aid. To mention them by name would give me great pleasure, but my doing so might seem like a shrinking from responsibility and a wish to shelter myself from censure under the shadow of authorities that would carry more weight than any statement or opinion of my own. They will, I am sure, appreciate my motives, and accept this recognition of their assistance, accompanied by my most hearty thanks for their kindness in giving it. AsHLYNS, Great BEEiraAMSiED : January, 1869, CONTENTS THE FIEST VOLUME. ojejc^ CHAPTER I. PACK From the Accession to the Peace with Scotland . . 1 CHAPTER II. Feom the Maeeiage op Edwaed to the Fall of Moetimee . 21 CHAPTER III. The Dispute between England and Feancb . . . .41 CHAPTER IV. Restoration op Oedbe in England, and Wae with Scotland in support op Balliol 49 CHAPTER V. Laws eelatitb to Social and Commercial Life passed during the early Tears op Edwaed's Reign . . . 76 CHAPTER VI. Preparations for Wae with Feance. — England's Foeeign Alliances : theie Oeigin and Object . . . .93 XU CONTENTS OF CHAPTER VII. PAGE FuETHEB Pbepaeations FOB Wae. — Edwaed's foemal As- sumption OF THE Title of King of Peance, and his Embaekation foe Flanders ... . . 112 CHAPTER VIII. Beginning of the Wae. — The Piest Campaign, and its itnsa- TISFACTOET OhABAOTEB. EdWAED'S MOEE FOEMAL ASSUMP- TION of the Title of King of Peange, and his Retuen TO England 131 CHAPTER IX. Edward's Necessities foe Monet, his Return to Plandees, the fiest Battle, the fruitless End of the Campaign, and Edward's second Retuen to England . . . 160 CHAPTER X. The King's unexpected Retuen to England and its Con- sequences. — Peolongation of Teuce with Feance, and Conclusion of Teuce with Scotland . . . .179 CBLiPTER XI. Recommencement of "Wae with Peance, and the Invasion OF Beittant . ■ 194- CHAPTER XII. Edward's First Campaign in Brittany .... 209 CHAPTER XIII. Parliament decides on Peace, oe Wae in earnest. —The - CONSEQUENT PeePAEATIONS MADE FOE WaE, UNTIL EdWAED'S geeat Invasion of Feance 219 CHAPTER XIV. Edwaed's Invasion of Feance, and the Batole of Ce£cy . 239 THE FIRST VOLUME. XUl CHAPTER XV. FAQS The Siege and Capture of Calais 263 CHAPTER XVI. England's Peospeeity after the Taking of Calais. — Its Diminution by the " Black Death," and the Conse- quences OF THAT Pestilence 290 CHAPTER XVII. Peolongation op Truce. — Teeacheeous Attempt to eecover Calais. — Death op Philip VI., and Accession of John . 313 CHAPTER XVIII. Sea Eight with the Spaniards, and War in G-ascony and Brittany 322 CHAPTER XIX. Domestic Legislation 336 CHAPTER XX. Renewal of the War, and Invasion of Feance by the Black Prince 362 CHAPTER XXI. The Battle op Poitiers 377 CHAPTER XXII. Scotch Apfaies AND Release, OF King David . . . -iOl APPENDIX. An Account -OF the Building of the Round Tower at Windsor in a.d. 1344 413 ILLUSTRATIONS TO THE FIEST VOLUME. MAPS. MAP. PAGK 1. Oeigin of the Kingdoms of Wbstben Europe (in Four Compartments) .... To face 93 1. Empire of Charlemagne. 2. Ditto, in a.d. 847, as divided among the Sons of LE'vns THE Pious. 3. Ditto, in a.d. 888, aptek Deposition of Charles the Fat. 4. France and Germany in the Time of Edward III. 2. Campaigns m Flanders .... 131 3. Brittany, Normandy, and North-Western France . 209 4. Battibs of Crecy and Poitiers . . . 239 5. Ford op Blanche-tache . . . .264 " Entre Port le Grand et Noyelles-sur-Mer, on montre encore le guA de Blanquetaqtte) Blangue toque signifie tache blanche en patois picard), qui sauva Tann^e anglaise quelques jours avant la bataille de Or&y en 1 346." — Description historiqtie et pittoresqtie du Beparte- ment de la Somme, par M. H. Dusenel et P. A. Scribe. Amiens and Paris, 1836, 2 vols. " L' armAe anglaise partit k minuit d'Oisemont, guidie par Gobin Agache, et arriva vers cinq heures du matin au guA de Blanque- taque. Cassinl s'est tromp^ en pla^ant ce gu6 a I'entrte de 1' em- bouchure de la Somme au-dessus du Crotoy. " Ce que les marins noinment Blanqv£taque, c'est-a-dire tache blanche, est le point le plus apparent de la falaise crayeuse qui forme au dessus de Port une longue bande de couleur blanche. C'est done a douze ou quinze cent metres environ a I'aval de ce village que VOL. I. a xvi ILLUSTEATIONS TO „.„ PAGE MAP . Q nous devons placer I'endroit oi se trouvait ce passage, mv tous les points de la Somme, depuis Port jusqu'au Crotoy, le fond de la riviire est mobile comme ses flots ; clmque marie le creuse ou Fexhausae alternativement, mais le ga& de Blanquetaque na jamais vaxii. Dans les longues gnerres du moyen Age il a toujours servi de passage aux nombreuses armies qui ravageaient les pays. Aujourd'hui, comme au temps de Gobin Agache, ce gui ' a gravier de blanch marie, fort et dur, sur quoi on pent fermemeut charrior ' (Froissart), mais maintenant le fleuve est entiirement guiable depuis Port jusqu'^ Noyelles." — Mstoire andenne et moderned^ Abbe- ville et de son Arrondieeement (pp. 119, 120), par S. C. Louandre. Abbeville, 1834. 6. SouTHEEN Feahce .... To facB 3(!3 PLATES. PoETEAiT OF Edwaed III. (From a Wall Painting formerly in St. Stephen's Chapel, Westminster.) . , FronUspiece " Tlie paintings given in outline in this plate, formed the decoration of the east end of St. Stephen's Chapel, on the north side of the high altar. They are in two tiers, or series, totally unconnected with each other. The lower division, which is two feet and an inch in height, exhibits a row of arches, seven in number, but which are divided into three compartments, each having its separate perspective of groins and windows, resembling in some degree small oratories or chapels. In each arch is a figure in armour, kneeling, representing the King, Edward the Third, with his five sons, intro- duced, as it were, to the altar by Saint George, the patron saint of England. Under each figure has been its name in French, but of these only Saint George and the King are legible. There can be little doubt that these were intended for portraits of the royal family ; and it is very much to be regretted that, by some un- accountable accident, the faces of the four younger princes should have been completely obliterated, while every other part of the picture is nearly perfect. "The face of the King may certainly be called handsome ; he probably was about forty-four years of age when this portrait was painted." —Account of the Collegiate Chapel of St. Stephen, Westminster. By John Topham, Esq., P.R.S., folio, Antiq. Society, London. " The crown of the King who kneels under the adjoining arch is embossed and gilt ; the helmet silvered ; its rim, gilt. Mail, the same as on St. George. His surcoat is quartered with the arms of England and France; lions embossed and gilt on a red field, made by glazing red lake on gold ; fleurs de lys embossed THE FIRST VOLUME. XVll and gilt on a light blue field ; the scabbard of his sword, black ; that of his dagger, mottled Mack and gold ; handles of both gilt ; swordbelt, black with gilt quatrefoils." — Ibid, page 14. Effigy of Queen Phii.lippa, (From lier Monument in Westminster Abbey.) .... To face 21 WOODCUTS. Sir John D'Aubernoun, (From a Brass in the Church of Stoke Davemon, Surrey), illustrating the Armour of the Commencement of the Reign of Edward III. . To face 1 a, Bassinet, b, Camail, or tippet of ring mail, e, Epauliers, or shoulder-pieces, d, Rerebraces, or brassarts. e, Coudes, or shoulder-pieces. /, Cyclas, underneath which is the jupon and hauberk, g, Jupon, which lies under the cyclas, but over the hauberk, h, G-amborsed or Pourpoint work worn under the hauberk, i, Lower part of the Hauberk, or shirt of mail, the wide open sleeves of which appear next to the coudes. Jc, Ge- nouillires or knee-pieees. I, Greaves, m, Sollerets of S pieces, or lames, n, Prick Spurs, o, Shield much reduced in length from the preceding century, p, Vambraces, or avant-bras, armour for the fore-arm. Aechbishop Steateord. (From his Monument in Canter- bury Cathedral.) . . . . . . 179 a, a, Pallium, or Pall of the Archbishop, b, b, b, the Golden Pins by which it was attached to the chasuble, o, the Chasuble. d, the Amice, e, the Apparel (parure) of the amice. /, Tunic. g, the Dalmatic fringe at the extremities, h, the Alb with its parures. i, the Mitre [Mitra pretiosam). Jc, the Stole. /, Maniple. m, Gloves ; the hands are broken away, n, the Crozier, or Arch- bishop's Staff, placed on the right side ; a very unusual position. The cross with which it terminated is broken away, o, Sandals ornamented with roses. COUKT OF EXOHEQCER IN IRELAND IN THE 16tH CENTURY. (From the Red Book of the Exchequer Court of Ireland, copied from " Gentleman's Magazine," January, 1856.) Explanation of Figures . . . • . .183 1. Figure to the extreme right, the Usher, adjourning the court, and exclaiming A domain. 2. Next to the left, the Lord Treasurer's or Second Eemembranoer, whose chief duty was to take care that sheriffs and others who were accountable to the crown, should pay the money collected by them, and perform the other duties incident to their offices. On xviii ILLUSTRATIONS TO THE FIRST VOLUME. PASS the parchment placed before him are inscribed the words Reeep- tumfuit viceoomiti per breve hujus Saccarij. 3. To his left, the Chief Eemembrancer, who was a principal officer of the Court, to whom the keeping of the Records was entrusted. The words in his hand are Memorandum qttod deeimo die Maii, ^-e. i. The next to the left, the Summonister, preparing a writ, the words on which are Henriczis dei gratiS,. . 5. The next, the Pursuivant, or Messenger to the Court, with a writ bearing words Exiit breve viceoomiti. 6. To the extreme left (probably), the Marshal. 7. At the foot, on the left hand side, the Treasurer. 8. Above the Treasurer, the Chancellor, exclaiming Voir dire, or, " Speak the truth." 9. Next above, the Baron, giving judgment, Soient forfes, "Let them be forfeited." )0, 11, 12. Plaintiff, Defendant, and Champion with his sword j a trial by combat in a civil case being probably the subject repre- sented. 13. At foot of the table, the Sheriff. On the table, covered with a chequered cloth, are five counters, the Red Book of the Court, and baga cum rotulis, or bag containing records. COVEEED Wat to PEOTECT PiONETLES ADVANCINS to UNDIEMINE Walls. (From VioUet-le-Duc's " Essay on the Military Architecture of the Middle Ages." Oxford and London : J. H. and J. Parker. 1) .... To /ace 199 A, A Guard, b, A Pioneer, c. The Hoarding, d. The Machicoulis. E, The Platform for a Passage inside the Parapet. Round Table. (From a Miniature of the Fourteenth Cen- tury, Bib. Imp. de Paris. " Les Arts du Moyen Age," par Paul La Croix [Bibliophile Jacob]. Didot, Paris, 1869.) 224 Aechee with Sheaf op Aeeows. (From YioUet-le-Duc's " Essay on the Military Architecture of the Middle Ages." 257 Ceossbowman with Shield. {Ibid.') . . . 257 Ceossbowmen. (From VioUet-le-Duc's " Dictionnaire Rai- sonn6 de I'Architecture Fran9aise.") . . .365 TowBB at Caecassonne. (From Yiollet-le-Duc's " Essay on the Military Architecture of the Middle Ages.") . . 366 Bird's Eye View op Carcassonne. (Tbid.) . . 367 'For the loan of this and the six others from this interesting work, I am indebted to the kindness of Mr, James Parker. SIR JOHN D'AUBERNOUN. %, a in Hip Churoh of Stoke Davernon, Surrey, iUuBtrating the armour of the commencement From a brass in u^^ ^^^ of Edward lU. (For explimation, see List of lUnstrationa.) THE LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD THE THIRD A.D. 1327—77. CHAPTER I. FROM THE ACCESSION TO THE PEACE WITH SCOTLAND. The King, whose history it is the purpose of the a.d. 1327, following pages to relate, was the last but one of the Plantagenets who sat on the throne of England. This race, known also as The House of Anjou, reigned over England for nearly two hundred and fifty years. It sprang, in this country, from the marriage of Matilda, daughter of Henry the First, with Geoffrey, Count of Anjou, whose son succeeded to the throne as Henry the Second. Its rule in England came to an end, at the death of Richard the Second, when Henry of Lancaster became King. Six, out of the eight Kings of this race, were distinguished for manly vigour and determined will. These qualities, re- markable in the first Edward, the greatest of his Contrast race, but entirely wanting in his degenerate son, theliiiTg reappeared in his grandson, Edward the Third. Born ^"'}^!^ of a weak and vicious father and depraved mother, VOL. I. B LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWAKD III. Chap. I. . and succeeding to the throne when only fourteen years of age, he can have excited but small hope of future greatness, and, it would not have been sur- prising, had his reign been one of frivolous folly, or submissive dependence. But, despite all disadvan- tages, he speedily freed himself from the evil in- fluences under which his reign began ; and none, more brilliant in arms, nor more fruitful in social progress, has ever graced the annals of English history. The great, external, characteristic of Edward's reign, is to be found, in its constant state of foreign warfare. There was war with Scotland, which must be looked on as being then a foreign country, so con- tinually was England engaged in hostilities with its rulers, and so closely was Scotland united to England's then great enemy, France. This war was waged, in the vain endeavour, to compel the Scots to accept, as their king, a Baliol instead of a Bruce. There was war with Spain, the object of which was to place a detested tyrant on the throne of Castile ; but the greatest war was that with France, carried, on with the (professed) object, vain and mischievous indeed,, though at one time nearly successful, of uniting the crowns of France and England under one sovereignty! yet immortalised by the capture of Calais, the vic- tories of Crecy and Poitiers, and by the gallant ex- ploits of the Prince of Wales, known after those triumphant successes as " The Black Prince." The internal characteristics of the reign, however, to be found in the lives of its memorable men, such as Chaucer, Wyclif, Wykeham, Mandeville, and others ^yho lived during its course, and in the remarkable progress which the nation then made in liberty, civi- lisation, and commerce, are equally interesting, and ment. Chap. I. CHAKACTBEISTICS OF HIS EEIGN. 6 of far greater importance. Parliament began to have a.d. 1327 a more direct influence in government ; the questions j^g^g of peace and war, became in a great measure de- ofPariia- pendent on its granting or withholding supplies, in- stead of beginning and ending according only to the will of the King. Towards the end of the reign, the Commons dared to remonstrate against wasteful ex- penditure, and asserted their power, in a way, till then unheard of. Thus arose the first Parliamentary struggle recorded in English history. The English English language was then first recognised by law, and ordered first u^ed to be used in pleadings in the courts of justice ; and, g^^°^"' the birth of English literature, also dates from this ( splendid reign. Commerce Imade great progress ; laws relative to it were passed, some of which were beneficial, but others cannot be thus characterised. Increase of revenue was Edward's chief aim in these enactments, and the commercial interests of his own Commer- kingdom were not unfrequently sacrificed for that object ; therefore, while giving him full credit for some parts of his commercial policy, he cannot be deemed justly entitled to the name of " The Father of English Commerce," ^ by which he has been some- times designated. But yet, commerce made progress, and its importance was more fully recognised. Our woollen manufactures increased in this reign, although they did not, as is often supposed, originate in it ; they were, nevertheless, so greatly extended, improved, and encouraged during its continuance, that from this period may be dated a new era in their history. Edward, profiting by discontents among the manu- facturers of Flanders,^ with whose skill he had become 1 Hallam's Middle Ages, vol. ii. p. 384 (8vo. 1841). ^ M'Pherson's History of Commerce, vol. i. p. 505. n 2 4 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD III. Chap. I. A.r).i327. acquainted through his marriage with the daughter of the Count of Hainault, persuaded many of the Flemish weavers to come over and settle in England, offering them every encouragement. Cnmmer- Commerce indeed became so important, that, fol- ciaipariia- ]Qyy\^„ the example of his father,^ Edward felt the necessity of summoning a commercial parliament, apparently more numerous than the national Parlia^ ment itself, to discuss questions of trade.^ Mer- chants became so rich, and were held in such high esteem, that in the year 1363, one Picard, Mayor of London, entertained Edward the Third, the Black Prince, and the Kings of France, Scotland, and Cyprus, with many of the nobility, in London at his house in the Vintry, where the foreign wine- merchants carried on their business. On the depar- ture of his illustrious guests, he presented them with handsome gifts.^ The principle of summoning class Parliaments, as they may be called, was often acted on in Edward's reign, and is a great proof of the growing importance of trade. Men from seaport towns, as will be seen in the course of this history, were constantly summoned to meet and report as to 1 Dec. 16, 1315. Oct. 20, 1318. M'Pherson's History of Com- merce, vol. i. pp. 481, 486. "^ Ibid. p. 519, referring to the following passage in Willis' History of Buckingham (London, a.d. 1755), p. 41 : "Those pre- cepts were to send to the King's councils in matters relating to trade, and not to his Parliaments. The first of these directed, Anno II., Ballivis Villae de Bokyngham, being very strictly en- joined, they were obliged to comply with. And as it required them to send three or four de probioribus et discretioribus Ho- minibus dictae Villae, they accordingly returned these three men, whose names are entered on the dorse of the writ, viz. Hugh Kynebell, Roger le Draper, and Henry de Selveton." * Stow's Survey of London, folio, London, 1754, vol. i. p. 309. Chap. I. CHARACTERISTICS OF HIS REIGN. 5 the state of the shipping. These special Parliaments, A.D.i32r. were in fact more entirely the advisers of the King than the national Parliaments. The business of the latter — at the beginning of the reign — consisted chiefly in granting or withholding supplies, and in presenting pe- titions for the redress of grievances; while the former, like Royal Commissions in the present day, must have been summoned, to investigate and state facts, and express opinions as a foundation for legislation. The resistance to the Pope's encroachments, which Dawn of was demanded by Parliament and insisted on even mation. by the clergy, and the opposition, first begun by Wyclif, to doctrines now peculiar to the Church of Rome, signalise the reign as the epoch, during which the Reformation — that noble assertion of the right of man to use his reason even in spiritual matters, which can never be given up without the simultaneous loss of political freedom, — took its rise. There is, too, another special feature of the reign, which marks a stage in social progress, and at the present time possesses a peculiar interest. It isj^the struggle, con- strucgie sequent on the scarcity of labour, which took place {'a^^ur^an^ between labour and capital, between employers and capital, employed, the attempt on the one hand to lower wages by the force of law, and on the other to allow of their natural rise. This was the result of the frightful depopulation of the country, by the terrible plague known as the Black Death. To this short summary, of those events of this reign which have an especial interest at the present day, must be added the statement, that the rela- Koiations tions between England and Ireland, and the legis- Trciand. lation in reference to that country, were of no small significance^ 6 LIFE AND TIMES OP EDWARD III. Chap. I, A.D. 1327. To the observer of social progress, all these cir- ■WarTifith cumstances are facts of paramount interest, but to France. thosc to whom gallant bravery and stirring events are more attractive, the constant warfare with France will appear to be the most memorable characteristic of the reign. The battles of Crdcy and Poitiers, and the gallant exploits of the King's son, Edward the Black Prince, impress themselves on some minds more vividly than the progress of trade and com- merce ; and the peculiarities of the feudal system, and usages of chivalry, which at this time were carried to the highest point, but which thenceforward began to decline, impart to the incidents of the battles and manners of the age, a picturesque interest, which is apt to blind one to the defects, inseparably mingled, with that splendid, but imperfect, condition of society- Edward's Edward the Third ascended the throne when still January"' ^ mere boy, and while his father, dethroned and ira- 24th,i32r; prisoned for his misgovernment and vices, was yet living. He was born on November 13th, 1312; on January 24th, 1327, he was proclaimed King of England, by order and consent of Parliament ; and on the 29th of that month, writs were addressed, in his name, to the Sheriffs of the various counties^ :■ ordering them to proclaim him in their several juris- dictions. On the 1st of February he received the order of knighthood from his cousin, Henry, Earl of Lan- caster, brother of Thomas of Lancaster who was be-, headed in the reign of Edward the Second, and grand- father of Blanche, the wife of John' of Gaunt, from whom Henry the Fourth pretended to derive a right andcoro- to the throne. On the same day he was crowned at Westminster, by Walter Reynolds, Archbishop of Canterbury. The dowry of the Queen Mother, was, Chap. I. DEPOSITION OF EDWARD II. 7 immediately afterwards, fixed at so excessive an a.d. 1327. amount, that hardly one-third of the revenues of the kingdom was left for the young King.^ Edward had been appointed Guardian of the King- dom on Qctober 26th, 1326 ; but, the nation was dis- satisfied, that his imprisoned father, who was then treated with universal contempt not unmingled with disgust, should any longer remain even their nominal King. Accordingly, at the meeting of Parliament on January 7th, 1327, the strong measure was taken Deposition of deposing him.^ There was none to utter a word n. in his favour ; all agreed that he was unworthy to reign ; and, by the common consent of Parliament, it was determined, that his eldest son should be King in his stead. The decision was communicated to a crowd which filled the great hall of Westminster, and shouted its assent ; and the Archbishop of Canter- bury then preached a sermon, taking for his theme the saying, " Vox populi Vox Dei." The hypocritical Queen pretended to weep when she was informed of what Parliament had done respecting her husband ; and the young Prince declared he would never wear the crown against the will of his father. The wretched King was at Kenilworth, under custody of the Earl of Lancaster. A deputation, among whom was John Stratford, Bishop of Winchester, who had been chosen as Edward's adviser, and who subsequently be- came Archbishop of Canterbury, was therefore sent thither to obtain his resignation. In this there was, ' Walsingham, pp. 186-188 — "Eodem tempore assignata fuit dos Reginae talis et tanta, quod Eegi filio regni pars tertia vix remansit;" and Rymer, vol. ii. p. 683. ' With reference to the Parliamentarj power of deposition, see Freeman's Norman Conquest, vol. i. pp. 115-117. 8 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD III. Chap. I* A.D.1327. of course, no difficulty; and indeed, the depth of his humiliation, as evinced in his words of consent, is sadly touching. He wept, and said, "It grieved him much that he had deserved so little of his people, and he begged pardon of all who were present ; but, since it could not be otherwise, he thanked them for electing his eldest son." When the deputation re- turned to London, with the insignia and the poor- King's consent, " the people rejoiced." ^ Eeversai After the Coronation of the young King, Parlia- in''™or^" ™6^'t proceeded to the consideration of the petition treason in of Henry of Lancaster, for the reversal of the pro- reign, ceedings against his brother Thomas, which had en- tailed on him the forfeiture of his dignity as Earl. His conviction was clearly illegal, inasmuch as the Earl had not been lawfully arraigned ; being one of the Peers of the Realm, he should have been judged by his Peers, which was not done. The proceedings were, consequently, pronounced by the whole Parliament to be null and void.^ It was necessary, also, for the safety of all those, who had taken part with the Queen and Mortimer against the King and the Despencers, and who had been, in the words of the petition, " Of the Quarrel of the Earl of Lancaster," that they should be indemnified from the consequences of their treasonable proceedings. Treasonable they undoubtedly were, though circumstances may have 1 Walsingliam, pp. 186, 187. 2 Rot. Pail. vol. ii. pp. 3-5. In 1341, a Statute (15 Ed. 3. c. 2) was passed providing that no Peei- should be judged except by his Peers. " The confinement of the Privileges of Peerage . . . may have prevailed and probably did prevail before in some degree, but by this Statute it was clearly and distinctly recognised."— Parry's Parliaments and Councils, p. 113 note (°), and see Be- port on the Dignity of a Peer, vol. i. p. 313. Chap. I. GUARDIANS APPOINTED. 9 justified the treason. A Statute (1st Edward III.) a.d. 13S7. was accordingly passed, providing against their being "impeached, molested, or grieved in person or in goods," on account of anything they had done, from the landing of the Queen from France in the autumn of 1326, till the Coronation of the young King. This proceeding made Mortimer also safe, and there can be but little doubt of his anxiety to bring it about, and of his influence in effecting it. Edward was but fourteen years and two months Guardians old, and therefore a body of guardians, with the Earl ^pp°'° ^ ' of Lancaster at its head,^ was appointed to watch over his interests, and to act as a council for the government of the kingdom. It is pi.jgular that Mortimer was not named among them ; but it is Mortimer " evident, from the proceedings so soon afterwards ciudedj talcen against him, that he was no favourite of the barons, and that they regarded him with suspicion. The belief that he was continuing to live an adul- terous life with Queen Isabella — which, if not begun, had at least been continued at Paris during her visit to her brother in 1325, and the knowledge of which had caused the Bishop of Exeter to retire , from her company^ — must have made them un- , Avilling to place him in a position of authoritative I power ; besides which, the attainder pronounced I against him, at the time of the defeat of the barons at Boroughbridge, in 1322,^ was not then actually reversed. But yet, in open defiance of the arrange- ments thus made by Parliament, Mortimer and the his arro- Queen contrived for three years to usurp all power in usurptition the state; nominally, for a time, in conjunction with ofp""'^'^- ' Walsingham, p. 192 ; and Eot. Pari. vol. ii. p. 52. ' » "Walsingham, p. 177. ^ ibia. 10 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD III. Chap. I. the King's uncle, the Earl of Kent, who was one of the guardians. They managed the young King to such an extent, and so shamelessly, that " no one dared open his mouth for the good of the King or of the kingdom."^ War between England and Scotland broke out almost immediately. The young King,— or rather his uncle, the Earl of Kent, and the suspected favourite Eoger Mortimer, who governed in his name,^ — lost no time after his accession, in issuing orders,^ for the due observance of the thirteen years' truce, made between the two countries on June 7th, 1323. This proceeding was quickly followed, by an attempt to convert tht truce into a permanent peace.* There is no reason to suppose, that this was not an honest endeavour to establish peace between the two king- doms, notwithstanding the insult offered to " The Bruce," by withholding from him the title of King of Scotland, which some Scottish historians represent as evidence to the contrary.® It was soon found, how- ever, that there v/as no prospect of agreement as to terras, for neither King was inclined to yield what the other demanded ; and about Easter, King Robert the Bruce formally defied the King of England.^ Edward then issued a proclamation,^ stating that, although he had agreed with " Robert Bruce and his Scotch adherents," that the commissioners should meet on Sunday, the 18th of May, on the marches of Scotland, to treat for permanent peace, he found, that 1 Knighton, col. 2553. 2 Buchon's Froissart, vol. i. p. 19. 3 Feb. 15, Rymer, vol. ii. p. 689. * March 4 and 6, Rymer, vol. ii. pp. 695, 696. » See Burton's History of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 419. ^ Buchon's Froissart, vol. i. p. 20. ^ April 5, Rymer, vol. ii. p. 702. Chap. I. WAR WITH SCOTLAND. 11 Kobert had collected a large body of forces on the A.D.1327. marches ; and, that he purposed, if he could not have peace on his own terms, to invade England. Edward therefore, according, as he said, to the advice of his Prelates, Magnates, and Nobles (the Commons not being even mentioned), ordered all the forces of the kingdom to meet him at Newcastle-on-Tyne, on Monday, the 19th of May ; and he directed his great- uncle, Thomas Plantagenet, Earl of Norfolk and Earl Edward Marshal of England, to be present with the army. Sna.^^ ° At the same time, he ordered his navy to rendezvous fi'.^lj^^the at Skinburness, a small seaport in the Sol way Frith, Scots, and on the north-west of Cumberland. The King, ac- thc-jsronh companied by his mother, his brother, and his two i*and°^' sisters, had already set out for the North when he issued this proclamation ; it was dated from Ramsey, a village ten miles noi-th of Huntingdon. The Royal progress can be traced through Peterborough, Stam- ford and Nottingham to York, by the orders which he issued from those various places. These were, now, for a continuation of the negotiations for peace ;'^ now, for the raising of men, each of whom was to be provided with a horse worth from 305. to 40s. by the Aldermen of the city of London and of forty-two other cities and towns ;^ now, to say that he had heard that the Scots had already invaded England, burning and laying waste the country, and that consequently in the East and West Ridings of Yorkshire and in Lancashire all men between the ages of sixteen and sixty capable of fighting were to join him at York without delay. He stayed about six weeks at York, which he ordered ta be strongly fortified, as it was ' April 23, Rymer, vol. ii. p. 704. » Ibid. p. 705. 12 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD III. Chap. I., A.D.I 327. intended that the Queen and the rest of her children sliould remain there, while he accompanied the army. When he reached York, he summoned Edward? Baliol/ the Competitor's son, from France, in order to make use of him, in case of need, as a rival puppet king ; but he soon sent him back again for a time,; . as the temporary peace, which he shortly after-t' wards made Avith Scotland, rendered his presence useless. At York, Edward was joined, early in June, by Sir John of Hainault, the uncle of his future Queen ; ^ His at Edward's request, he had come over from Flanders allies!^ with a large body of troops, to help him in his war with the Scots.^ In order to prevent any chance of a collision between them and the citizens, the Flemings were lodged in a quarter of the city which was entirely given up to them ; and Sir Johnj^Jiai.) an abbey, belonging to the white monks, in the same part of the town, allotted to him and his retinue;: but, unfortunately, the peace of the city was soon disturbed, by a quarrel between the foreigners and the English. A great banquet was given, in the Their house of the Friars Minor, by the King and his: ^"(^i^'^he mother to their allies ; while they were feasting, a ErigHsh at quarrel broke out, between the English archers, and the Hainault camp-followers who had accompanied their masters to the feast. It arose, according to some accounts, from a quarrel at dice ; according to others, from insults offered by the strangers to the wives arid daughters of the citizens.* This quarrel was not put down without much bloodshed, and the 1 April 23, Rymer, vol. ii. p. 709. 2 Ibid. p. 706. 3 Buclion's Froissart, vol. i. p. 20. " Leland, as quoted by Buchon, Froissart, vol. i. p. 22, note. Chap. I. WAR WITH SCOTLAND. 13 ill-feeling thence engendered lasted during the whole a.d. 1327. stay of the army in York. At last, news reached the King, that the Scots had Edward crossed the Tyne, and were actually burning and the Scots laying waste the country; it was decided to ad- cr^Jgse^the vance to meet them. The young King therefore Tyne, set out from York with the army. He marched through Topcliffe, a village on the river Swale, to Northallerton ; while there, hearing that the Scots were gathering together at Carlisle, he ordered all the ablebodied men in the Wapentake of Holdernesse and in the town of Beverley to be arrayed, and those who were not able to fight to make contributions in money. ^ He then proceeded to Durham, but got no tidings of the position of the Scots, until he entered Northumberland ; even then he was unable to find them. It Avas only by the ruins the Scots tut cannot had left behind them, and by the smoke of the burn- ing villages, that the English were able to discover their line of march. The numbers of the English Numbers Avere about 62,000; those of the Scots about 24,000. tending""' Bruce was too ill with leprosy to accompany his *''""^^- army, but his place was well supplied by his nephew, Thomas Randolph Earl of Moray, and Sir James Douglas. The Scots were moimted on hardy little horses, unencumbered by any baggage, and were thus able to move about quickly, and elude the pursuit of the English.^ Each man carried a bag of oatmeal, and an iron plate to bake it on. They found plenty of cattle, and cooked their meat in the skin's of the "^^^ ^."f" beasts they had killed. At length, the English de- "^^ ^vno termined to cross over to the north bank of the Tyne, the Scots and lie in wait for the Scots, on their return to their return." ' Kymer, vol. ii. p. 709. 2 Buchon's Froissart, vol. i. p. 25. u LIFE AND TIMES OP EDWARD III. Chap. I. The Scots ai'e at length dis- covered, A.D. 1327. own country. They adopted this course ; but, after waiting for more than a week, suffering greatly from drenching storms, against which they had no protection, determined to recross the river, and again march in search of their nimble foes. An esquire named Thomas de Rokeby now informed the King where the Scots were. He said he had been taken prisoner by them, but had been released, in order that he might inform the English of the position of the Scots, who, he said, were anxious to fight them. Edward knighted him on the spot, and promised him a grant of land of the annual value of £100 sterling. Rokeby then led the English to the banks of the river Wear, on the opposite side of which, in a strong position, the Scots were encamped. The English saw, however, that it was in vain to think of passing the Wear and attacking the Scots where they were posted, and therefore, in accordance with the chival- rous spirit of the times, invited them to cross the river, saying, that they would retire to give them room to fight, but that, if this did not suit the Scots, they would do so themselves on similar con- ditions.^ The Scots, too wary to agree to the pro- posal, answered, that the King and his barons knew that they were in Edward's kingdom, and had burnt and wasted the country, and that if this displeased but the English cannot bring them to battle. • See a remarkable parallel to this incident (which has probablf been often repeated with more or less similarity) in the story of Cyrus and Tomyris, in Herodotus, i. 205 : "But if you will not attend to ray advice, and prefer everything before peace ; in a word, if you are very anxious to make trial of the Massaget*, toil no longer in throwing a bridge over the river ; but do you cross over to our side, while we retire three days' march from the river] or if you had rather receive us on your side, do you the like." Chap. I. WAE WITH SCOTLAND. 15 the English, they had better come and chastise them, A.D.1327. for they meant to remain as long as it suited them. The English 'waited, vainly hoping that want of provisions would compel the Scots to cross and begin the attack. But the Scots were not to be drawn unwillingly into a conflict ; for, wliile the Eng- lish were suffering great distress, they had enough to eat, and were used to this rough style of cam- paigning. They therefore cared nothing for the Eng- lish, and out of bravado, began blowing their horns and making such a noise, that "it seemed as if all the devils had come to carry them off." At last, after The Scots three days' waiting, the English, one morning, were bufare*"^' surprised to find that the Scots had disappeared. ^°™^ In order to deceive the English, they had left their camp-fires burning, and, in the darkness of night, had silently moved on to a stronger position on the same river, in a wood at a place called Stanhope Park, an extensive hunting-ground belonging to the Bishop of Durham, situated about five miles WNW, of Wolsingham. Edward now received a seasonable supply of money, Edward which he borrowed from the Bairdi, a company of m°oney of Florentine bankers settled in London. To them and ""^ ■^'"■'^'• to the Perucchi, a similar company of bankers, Ed- ward continually applied in his frequent necessities for money. The Lombards, Bardi (or Longobardi), were the great money-lenders of the time, and gave their name to Lombard Street, where they carried on their business. After a time, in 1345, the Bardi failed, and the King of England was then found to be in their debt, to the amount of 1,000,000 golden guldens. When this happened, Edward turned for help, in raising money on the wool he exported, to the 16 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWAED HI- Chap. I A.D.13S8. Hanseatic league, a company of German merchants which had been established in London in the year 1260.^ In security for the repayment of the money now borrowed of the Bardi, Edward gave them an order on the collectors of customs at Southampton and Sandwich.^ When the English became aware of the departure of the Scots, they moved to a position on the river opposite them, still hoping the Scots would begin the attack. But the English were negligent in keeping watch, and were surprised, one night, by Douglas, Avho, deceiving the English sentinels by using their watchword, penetrated into their camp, and nearly took the young King prisoner. The Scots still avoided a general engagement, and after a time repeated their former stratagem. They again broke up their camp in the night, and by means of hurdles which they The Scots had secretly prepared, crossed a morass in their rear, escap . -^hich defended them from attack but also rendered their retreat difficult. Before Edward was aware of their departure, they were many miles on theif way to Scotland. They left behind them, in their camp, the carcasses of above five hundred deer and black cattle, which lay there ready killed, and many thousand pairs of shoes, made of raw hides with the hair on. Edward at once saw that pursuit would be in vain. • Pauli's Pictures of Old England, p. 184. See also an interesting article, " Notes on Florence," in Eraser's Magazine, October 1S66. The history of the four great bankers of Florence —the Perucchi, Bardi, Scali, and Acciajoli— is about to be pub- lished in Italy, from MSS. in the Palazzo Riccardi in Florence, and will doubtless throw great light on the financial operations of the 14th century. 2 Ry^^r, vol. ii. p. 712. ; 5™ Chap. I. PEACE WITH SCOTLAND. 17 ®\ His heavy cavalry could not have overtaken the A.D.1328. 'iV; nimble little horses of the Scots, before they had m crossed the border; and he therefore prepared for ■I8lk an immediate return to England.^ He dismissed *k his array ; ordered his treasurer to pay Sir John of Hainault the sum of £4,000 on account of lkii|! £14,000 which he had agreed to give him ; and ml directed, that if his treasurer had not money enough ililiji in the treasury, he was to pledge the royal jewels in juliit his custody, to a sufficient extent to enable him to it|ljlpay the Earl the required amount.^ il|E Before leaving Stanhope, Edward ordered the imiili Archbishop of Canterbury to summon the clergy (0^; of his diocese to a colloquy with the other prelates, j( J magnates, and great men of the kingdom, to be held ^opll^at Lincoln on the 15th of September.^ There is no Iggrecord of the proceedings of this " colloquy," but it j,|;;is pretty clear that it was decided to attempt to settle the terms of a permanent peace ; for, on the 9th of but make ,jiOctober, the King issued orders from Nottingham, orpeace! ' v,appointing Henry de Percy and William de Denum ,. jto treat with the Scots for that purpose.* The Scots yijConsented to negotiate ; and, on the 20th of Novem- .yjber, the King wrote from Pontefract letters of safe- ' J.LConduct to the Scottish commissioners, who were ^" to meet the English at Newcastle-on-Tyne. Two ,'days afterwards, the King named the English com- '" missioners,^ The terms of peace were agreed on ; and, on the 10th of December, the King wrote from Ijt S«Coventry, to summon the clergy of the two provinces '', yji • Buchon's Froissarl, vol. i. pp. 23-32. 'I' 1 1,1 ' Ryraer, vol. ii. pp. 708 and 713. f* ,jjf 3 Ibid. p. 712. ^ Ibid. p. 719. " Ibid. p. 723. *'!':; ,,fl VOL. I. C 18 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD III. Chap. I.. A.D. 1328. of York and Canterbury to meet Parliament at York, at a colloquy and deliberation,. on Sunday, the: 6tli of the following February, for the purpose of considering whether peace should be made with Scot- land.^ The King reached York about the middle of January, and made preparations for the proper re^ ception of one hundred Scotch knights who were to be present during the deliberations of Parliament,^! but the Bruce was not yet designated as King of Scotland. At last, on the 1st of March, King Edward- wrote to hiin, as, " by the grace of God, the illustrious King of the Scots," to say that, in order to put an end to the constant quarrels between the two nationsj- he had agreed, by the advice of the Prelates, Nobles,' Earls, Barons, and Commons of the kingdom, to enter into a treaty with him, abandoning all claims over Scotland.^ Its condi- The terms of the important treaty between the two tions very , . , , . , ,, , . favourable kiugdoms, which was eventually entered into, and landr*' signed by King Robert at Edinburgh on the 17th of March, and by Edward at Northampton on the 4th of May,^ after confirmation by the Parliament which met on the 24th of April,^ were most favourable to Scotland. It was a.greed, that Edward should give up his claim of feudal superiority over Scotland; that the documents called Ragman Rolls, sio-ned in 12.96 by Baliol and numerous noblemen, whose names filled thirty-five skins of parchment," admitting the rights of England over Scotland, should be delivered up; and, which however was not mentioned in the treaty, 1 Eymer, vol. ii. p. 725. 2 ih;^_ p 728. 3 Ibid. p. 730. 4 Ibid. pp. 734 and 740. i 5 Parry's Parliament and Councils, p. 93. •> Tytler's Scotland, vol. i. p. 121. Chap. I. MURDER OF EDWARD II. 19 that the great stone of Scone, on which the Kings A.D.1328. of Scotland were crowned, together with various treasures and documents which Edward the First had carried away from Scotland, should also be restored. It was further agreed, that Bruce should pay the sum of £20,000, divided into three annual instalments, to the King of England ; that his son David, then in his sixth year, who afterwards became David the Second of Scotland, should be married to Edward's sister, Joan of the Tower, then only in her seventh year ; and that certain estates belonging to nobles who had sided with the English, and which had thereby become forfeit, should be restored to them. It was certainly desirable to try to restore peace, on a firm footing, between the two countries; but the treaty was most unpopular with the English,^ and Treaty there were riots in London, when, in compliance with ""P'^p'^'"'' its provisions, it was attempted, but in vain, to re- move and restore the regal stone of Scone. The pavtiybe- 111 1 11 cause it treaty was supposed by the people, to be the work was the of Isabella and Mortimer, who were already greatly Mortimer. disliked ; partly, on account of Mortimer's insolence ; partly, because of the general belief, that they were living an adulterous life together; and partly, because it was commonly thought, that the money, to be paid by Bruce, was destined for their private use. Four months after the signing of the treaty, David and Joan were solemnly betrothed at Berwick-on- Tweed. While the negotiations with Scotland were goinsr Murder o( on, Edward's father was barbarously murdered ; in his n.'^"'^ prison at Berkeley Castle. This took place on the > Knighton, col. 2553. c 2 20 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWAED III. Chap. I. A.D. 1328. 21st of September, while Edward was at Lincoln ; but, ■ it is nearly certain, that no suspicion that the event was caused by violence, was then entertained ; for the young King took no steps to enquire into the cause of his father's death, and did not hurry the leisurely progress he was making through central England. iivg.-amd '"Ty H .1. us "Vrestminster Abbey. Chap. II. EDWAED's MAKEIAGE. 21 CHAPTEE 11. FROM THE MAEKIAGE OF EDWARD TO THE FALL OF MORTIMER. Peace with Scotland having been settled for a a.d. isas. time, another object now occupied young Edward's thoughts. This was his approaching marriage with Edward's the niece of Sir John of Hainault. The alliance had wiX"^* been discussed, during the visit of Queen Isabella to PM>ppaof the Count of Hainault in 1326,^ and was further con- sidered while Sir John was in the North of England. The King wrote to the Pope from York on the 15th of August, only a few days after leaving Stanhope, to ask him to grant a dispensation for the mar- riage. The relationship was somewhat remote, as the Prince and his intended bride were only the great-grandchildren of a common ancestor f but, the Pope's permission was necessary to legalise the mar- riage. Shortly after Sir John of Hainault's departure, ' Buchon {Froissart, vol.i. p. 7, note) shows clearly that Edward did not accompany his mother to Flanders, and therefore the roman- tic story of his falling in love with Philippa falls to the ground. 2 Philip III. Charles of Valois Philip 1 V. (the Fair) _A ^ I Wm. Count = Joan Philip of Louis X. Philip V. Charles IV. Isabella of Hainault Valois VI. (le Hutin) (the Long) (the Fair) married Edward II. Philippa = Edward m. 22 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD III. Chap. II, A.D.1328. a special embassy was sent to his brother William at Valenciennes, to demand his daughter Philippa in marriage for the young King. The Count's consent was readily given, on condition that the Pope granted his dispensation. This was quickly obtained ; and then, William de Burghersh, Constable of Dover, and William de Clinton, were sent to Flanders to fetch the bride. Philippa, accompanied by her uncle and numerous attendants — among whom was Walter de Maunay, who came as her ecuyer tranchant, to serve her at table, and who, as Sir Walter de Maunay, after- wards became renowned as one of the most gallant knights of the time — arrived in London about the beginning of December,^ and was received with the greatest hospitality by the King and his mother. on Jan. The marriage took place at York, on January 24th. 24th 1328 <-j A ; J ^ 1328, but the Queen was not crowned until March 4th, 1330.^ The bridegroom was only a few months' more than fifteen years of age, and the bride was still younger; but such early marriages were usual at that time, when the average duration of life among the nobility hardly exceeded forty years.^ Soon after the King's marriage, a Parliament was held at Northampton. During its sitting, Edward 1 Rymer, vol. ii. p. 724 ; and Buchon's Froissart, vol. i. p. 35. 2 Walsingham, p. 192; Knighton, col. 2552; and Eymer, vol. ii. p. 781. 3 " On reference to Dugdale's Baronage, it will appear tliat in the middle ages the deaths of a great proportion of the English nobility, even when occasioned by natural causes (for war and pestilence had their full share), occurred under the age of forty ; and that their eldest sons, though commonly the off- spring of very early marriages, very frequently became wards of the Crown by reason of their minority."— Note by Thomas Amyot, F.R.S., to the " Contemporary Chronicle," Archa-.ol. vol. xxii. p. 241. Chap. II. CLAIMS THE THRONE OP FRANCE. 23 made claim to the throne of France, and thus, laid A.D.1328. the foundations of a war, which never entirely ceased for a hundred years. Almost immediately on his ac- Edward cession, he had sent ambassadors to treat for peace with to^the ^'™ France;^ and, on March 31st, 1327, peace was con- of'^rance eluded between the two nations, the principal condi- tion being, that France should restore to England cer- tain lands she had recently seized in Aquitaine.^ This treaty, however, did not prevent Edward from claiming the throne, on the death (Feb. 1st, 1328) of Charles the Fourth (the Fair).^ There can be no doubt that this his claim claim was contrary to the law of France. It was be^ng' founded on the fact of his mother being the daughter of o7descmt Philip the Fourth (the Fair) ; but, by the Salic Law, through which prevailed in France, women could not succeed line. to the throne, and of course, therefore, could not transmit any right of succession, unless there were no other claimant. A different opinion was, how- ever, maintained, even by some French jurists; and it was in accordance with this opinion that Edward made his demand.* Philip of Valois, who succeeded as Philip the Sixth, was the nephew of Philip the Fourth, being the son of his brother, Charles, Count of Valois. Philip the Fourth had three sons, who all became Kings of France: Louis the Tenth, called Le Hutin, or The Quarrelsome ; Philip the Fifth, called The Long ; and Charles the Fourth, called The Fair.* These all died without leaving male issue, and the son of their uncle, Charles of Valois, was therefore, ac- cording to the Salic Law, the nearest successor to the throne. 1 Rymer, vol. ii. p. 693. = Ibid. p. 700. * Tyrell's England, vol. i. p. 351. '' See Sismondi, vol. x. pp. 8 and 10, * See Genealogical Table at pnge 21. 24 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD HI- Chap. II. A.D.1328. Edward summons a Parlia- ment, but Mortimer's insolence prevents the trans- action of any business. Beginning of resist- ance to Mortimer. His vio- lence at the Salis- bury Par- liament. Shortly after this a Parliament was summoned to meet at Salisbury, or New Sarum, as it was then called. It was, probably, intended to submit French affairs to its consideration ; but, owing to Mortimer's insolent pride (as presently to be noticed) no business was done, except that the King's brother, John of Eltham, was made Earl of Cornwall, and Mortimer was made Earl of the Marches of Wales.^ A struggle, fatal at last to Mortimer, now began between him and the nobles. Mortimer had usurped all power; he never consulted Edward's guardians, and his arrogance exceeded all bounds. But it was not until the King's own uncle, the Earl of Kent, had fallen a victim to Mortimer's ambition, that the nobles prevailed against him. Mortimer's outrageous con- duct, at the Salisbury Parliament, was the cause of the first blow which was struck at his power. The nobles had been forbidden to go to that Parliament, attended, as was often the case in those turbulent times, by their armed vassals. Mortimer set himself above this order, and came, surrounded by his retinue in arms. The King's cousin, Henry Earl of Lancaster, and other nobles, hearing of this, did not dare to trust themselves within his power, and halted therefore at Winchester. The bishops and prelates, nevertheless, met together, and during their ■ deliberations, Mortimer broke into their chamber v with his armed men, threatening them with loss of life and limb, if they did anything contrary to his pleasure. He then proposed to the young King to march to Winchester, and seize the nobles who had absented themselves.^ The King refused, and Parlia- ' Stow's Chronicle, p. 229. ^ Kot. Pari. 4, 5, and 6 Ed. III. No. 1, m. 7. Chap. II. CHARGES AGAINST MOKTIMEE. 25 ment broke up. The barons, both spiritual and tem- A.D.1328 poral, were now determined to submit no longer to Mortimer's tyranny, and a certain number, of whom banVthem- the chief were the late King's two brothers, the Earls ^"^'^^ '°" o ' gether of Norfolk and Kent, with the Earl of Lancaster, the against Archbishop of Canterbury, and the Bishops of London and Winchester, banded themselves together to call him to account. But Mortimer's time had not yet come. The confederates met in London, just before Christ- They mas, but Lancaster was accidentally absent. He was London, involved in suspicious circumstances about the mur- ^as'tCTTs' der of one .of his brothers' enemies, and had to clear absent ; himself. Sir Thomas Wyther, who had been a par- tisan of Thomas, late Earl of Lancaster, suspected Robert Lord Holland of having deserted the Earl, and of having thereby caused his death; meeting him by chance in Henley Wood, near Windsor, Sir the cause Thomas murdered him, and cut off his head, which absence, he carried to the Earl Henry. He thought the Earl would be pleased, at his having taken revenge on a man, whom he looked on as a traitor to his brother. It is doubtful whether Henry of Lancaster was a party to the murder ; but he protected the murderer, and thereby laid himself open to suspicions, from which it was necessary to clear himself, before he could join the barons who were planning Mortimer's ruin. Having at last done so, he met the confederates at he joins St. Paul's, where it was agreed to issue a manifesto, ,vho agree setting forth their charges against Mortimer. These pg,.t°i„ were, principally, the murder of the late King, the charges • /.I. 1 • n -I against seizure of his treasures, the unsatistactory peace with Mcnimer, Scotland, and the usurping the Government into his own hands. Mortimer, however, succeeded in persuading the young King, that it was against 26 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD III. Chap. II. A.P.1328. him that the barons were plotting; they were glad, therefore, to avail themselves of the mediation of the Archbishop of Canterbury, and make peace with Mortimer, by the sacrifice of half their lands. ^ Mor- but Morti- timer thus baffled their designs, and made himself safe their''^'^''' fo^ ^ *™^ 5 ^^^1 "^*^^ ^^ ^^^ brought the Earl of designs. Kent to the scaffold, he felt no security. It was soon after this discomfiture of Mortimer's enemies, that it became necessary for Edward to decide, what measures he would take, relative to his The King claim to the throne of France. Philip of Valois, al- deiaysTo* ™ost immediately after his coronation, was engaged summon jn -^yar with the Flemings, and was thereby prevented to do from summoning Edward to do him homage for his bemise possessious iu France, of which Philip was feudal lord. of iiis war L ; J Count of Flanders had deceived the Flem- with the Flemings J ings as to their political liberties, and the citizens of Bruges, Ypres, and Le Franc — a part of Flanders comprising Dunkirk, Gravelines, and other towns—- had consequently risen against him, and driven him to Ghent, where he dwelt in but little safety.^ He attended the coronation of Philip with great pomp, and took the opportunity of asking Philip, to assist him in putting down his rebellious subjects. Philip promised him his support, for he was jealousS of the liberty enjoyed by the trading Flemings, and was glad of an opportunity of giving them such a les- son, as might teach his own subjects,^ that merchants and tradesmen — who were now, to the disgust of many rulers, becoming of increased importance in their kingdoms — should not, with impunity, entertain ideas of political independence, i^nother reason also > Rot. Pari. 4, 5, 6 Ed. III. No. 1, m. 7, ' Buchon's Froissart, vol. i. p. 39. ^ Sismondi, vol. x. p. 18. 3 summons Edward , Chap. II. SUMMOIiTED TO DO HOMAGE TO PHILIP. 27 induced Philip to listen willingly to Louis's request. A.D.1328. It enabled him, to call together his numerous vassals, and make them recognise his authority. These vas- sals, too, were glad to engage in a war, the object of which was the repression of the growing pretensions of burghers and citizens, and the manifestation of the superiority of chivalry to plebeian strength, or, as it might not unfairly be described, of cavalry as against infantry.^ They therefore gladly obeyed the sum- mons, and in August defeated the Flemings at Cas- sel, with fearful slaughter, but, only after a narrow he defeats escape, of being themselves defeated by the despised then ' ^° burghers. On his return from this expedition, Philip sent Peter Roger, Abbot of Fecamp, who afterwards became Pope Clement the Sixth, to summon Edward to do him homage.^ To this summons Edward paid no attention ; in February of the following year (1329), therefore, Philip sent two seigneurs to England, accompanied by two lawyers, to repeat his summons, he repeats They landed at Dover, and after a day's rest, mounted mons. their horses and rode to Windsor, where the King then was. The King received them with due honour, and told them, that, if they would go to London, he would there give them an answer. The King then entertained them at dinner, after which they rode to Colnbrook, where they slept, and the next day reached London. The King soon followed them, and immediately ordered that the Sarum Parliament, which ' Sismondi, vol. x. p. 19. ^ The exact date of this summons is not to be ascertained, but it must have been either at the time when Philip summoned his vassals to his standard, or, more probably, on his victorious return. — See Sismondi, vol. x. p. 26; and Buchon's Froissart, vol. i. p. 42, note. 28 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD III. Chap. IT, A.D. 1329. Edward agrees to do but se- cretly pro- tests that he does not re- nounce his claim to the throne. Edward goes to France. had been adjourned to the 9th of February, should assemble at Westminster, but, being for some reason unable himself to be present, two Commissioners were appointed to take his place.^ It was decided that Philip's summons should be obeyed ; the French lords departed, and on the 14th of April the King wrote to Philip to say that the troubles of his kingdom, which were not yet over, had hitherto prevented him from doing homage, but that he would now do so without delay,^ Isabella and Mortimer had at this time gained a temporary advantage over the barons, but they had by no means mastered them, and they were there^ fore afraid as yet to involve the nation in a foreign war. A secret protest was however recorded, that in doing homage to the King of France, Edward did not thereby intend to renounce his claim to the French throne.^ Great preparations were made by the King of France, for the reception of the young King of Eng- land at Amiens ; and it was of course determined by the latter, that he should appear with as much pomp and majesty as the King of France. On the 26th of May, after borrowing 5,000 marks from the Bardi, Edward sailed from England, having appointed his brother, the Earl of Cornwall, Regent of the king- dom during his absence.* He took over with him a great number of nobles, and one thousand horses; | and on the day appointed for doing homage (June the 6th) he appeared before the King of France in a robe of crimson velvet, embroidered with leopards of Rymer, vol. ii. p. 756. 2 Ibid. p. 760. 3 Baronius' Annales Ecclesiastici, continued by Odoricus Bay- naldus. Edition 1750, vol. xxv. p. 203. * Rymer, vol. ii. pp. 763, 764. Chap. II. DOES HOMAGE TO FRENCH KING. 29 gold, his crown on his head, his sword by his side, A.D.1329. and gold spurs on his heels. The King of France He^ars received him with equal pomp. He sat on his throne, I'!^"'''? ^'^^ . king m crowned m like manner ; his sceptre in his hand, and great state. clothed in blue velvet, powdered with fleurs-de-lis of Philip gold.'^ There now arose a dispute, as to the form in him in which homage should be done. The King of France 61"^' state. demanded a liege, or full homage, which was done bare- headed and with sword ungirt. But Edward refused, and would do homage only in general terms. Philip Dispute accepted this, on condition, that, on his return to fo™ of^ England, Edward would consult his records ; and '"""^g^. that, if he found that liege homaoje was due, he would Settled by „ . compro- send over letters-patent 01 it. mise. But there was also another dispute. Edward de- manded the restitution of, and consequent reception of homage for, certain territories in France, which had been taken from his father by Charles IV. ; but this was refused, on the ground that they had been acquired by right of war. At length, however, it was agreed, that Edward should do homage for only those parts of France which he tield, and that if on his return to England, he found that he had thereby done himself a. wrong, he should make complaint thereof to the Parliament of Paris. ^ The Bishop of Lincoln, who accompanied the King, then orally protested that " whatever the King of England, or anybody for him, might do, he (the King) did not intend to renounce Edward any right he had, or ought to have, in the Duchy of homage Guienne or in its belongings, and that by his acts, binder pro- the King of France did not acquire any new rights." ' Barnes, p. 36. 2 Contin. Chron. Guil, de JVa/tgis. D. L. D'Achery's Spici- legium. To;n. iii. Paris, 1723. A.D. 1329. The oath. 30 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWAKD III. Chap. II. The oath was then tendered in the following form: " Sire ! you become Man of the King of France my Lord, in respect of the Duchy of Guienne and its be- longings, which you acknowledge to hold of him, as Duke of Guienne and Peer of France, according to the form of the peace made by your ancestors and those of the King of France, in the same manner as your ancestors, Kings of England and Dukes of Guienne, have done for the said Duchy to the previous Kings of France." The King of England answered " Voire" (truly). The Chamberlain of France, the Viscount de Melun, then said, " The King of France, our lord, receives you, save and except his protestations," and the King of France answered " Voire," The King of England then put his hands between the hands of the King of France, and the King of France kissed his mouth, according to the forms prescribed by the feudal system.^ This was not a satisfactory conclusion, as it left much open for future dispute ; but it was all that Edward could be accomplished, and Edward returned to Eng- England." land, whcre he arrived ©n June 11th. He went at once to Windsor, and he gave his young Queen a glowing account of his reception, and of France, with which, like a boy, he declared no country could be compared.^ The young King, in the fulness of his youthful delight, then made a proposal for the mar- riage of his sister Eleanor to the eldest son of the King of France, and also for a marriage between John of Eltham, Earl of Cornwall, and one of the daughters of Philip.^ Neither of these marriages, however, took place. ' Kymer, vol. ii. p. 765. 2 Buchon's Froissart, vol. i. p. 45. 3 Eymer, vol. iii. p. 766. Chap. II. MORTIMER AND THE EARL OF KENT. 31 Four days before King Edward returned to Eng- a.d. 1329. land died Robert Bruce, that great King of Scotland, De^Ihof who, after fourteen years of constant struggles, had j™'"^;j^" achieved the entire independence of his kingdom, and now left his undisputed crown to his young son, David (the Second), who was affianced to the sister of the King of England. On Edward's return from France, he was in no Ambassa- T-ii •! 1 1 p ''^ arrive hurry to keep his promises to Philip, who therefore from sent over ambassadors to remind him. They remained abouHhe in England for nearly a year, during which time, ^"'^'^s^- events of great importance took place there. After bafflino; the designs of the Earl of Lancaster and the barons, Mortimer's arrogance had become greater than ever, and none dared openly to oppose Mortimer him. He knew, however, that the Earl of Kent was ruin the watching an opportunity to destroy him ; he therefore ^ent"^ managed, with the assent and help of the Queen, to prejudice the young King against him, by per- suading him that his uncle wished to poison him.-' He then proceeded to trepan the Earl into com- mitting high treason. For this purpose, he caused a He spreads report to be widely spread, that Edward the Second p^'ons'^as to was still alive, and closely confined in Corfe Castle in be1n"tiu' Dorsetshire.^ He also contrived, that two persons alive, should go, in a secret manner, to the Earl of Kent, and inform him of this, while others told him that a large number of influential persons were ready to join in a plot, to release and restore the late King. The Earl of Kent fell into the snare. He went to the neighbourhood of Corfe Castle, to inquire into the truth of the report. Mortimer had taken care ' Buchon's Froissart, vol. i. p. 40. 2 Kot. Pari. 4, 5, 6 Ed. III. No, 1, m. 7. 32 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWAED III. Chap. II. A.D. 1329. and there- by deludes the Earl of Kent into the com- mission of high treason. A.D.1330. Mortimer charges the Earl of Kent with high trea- son before a packed] Parlia- ment. that everyone in the neighbourhood should believe the story; and, indeed, the governor of the castle had pretended to show the King to a friar, whom the Earl had sent to make enquiries, and who of course con- vinced him that it was true. He went therefore to the governor of the castle, and asked leave to see his pri- soner. The governor, a creature of Mortimer's, made difficulties ; but oiFered to convey to the supposed King a letter, which his brother, the Earl, had writ- ten to him. Of course this letter was at once sent to Mortimer, who lost no time in turning it to account.V A Parliament had assembled at Winchester, to con- sider the relations with France f but it consisted only of Mortimer's creatures, for the nobles in general,;- recollecting Mortimer's conduct at the Salisbury Parliament, kept away. On the 11th of March, the Earl of Kent was brought before this Parliament, charged with high treason. He could not deny the charge. Mortimer had so skilfully laid his plans that the Earl was completely deceived,. and had, on the oc- casion of his visiting the Pope at Avignon relative to the canonization of Thomas Earl of Lancaster,, consulted him as to the steps he should take relative to his brother, whom he believed to be alive and im- prisoned in Corfe Castle. The Pope commanded him to do his utmost to release the deposed monarch, and accordingly, on his return to England, the Earl enr tered into a plot for that purpose.^ The Earl was condemned to death, and it was of vital importance that there should be no delay in ' Stow's Chronicle, p. 229; and Murimuth, p. 61, ^ Rymer, vol. ii. p. 783. . 3 Barnes, p. 40.— The Earl's confession is related in a letter from Edward to the Pope, written to explain the reasons wliy the Earl was put to death. (Rymer, vol. ii. p. 783.) Chap. IL EXECUTION OF THE EARL OF KENT. 33 carrying the sentence into execution. The nobles a.d. isso. might hear of what was going on and release him, j,^~^^i and so, eight days after he had been brought to is found trial, he was beheaded at Winchester. It was diffi- fondemned cult to find a man, as executioner, to do the bloody '° ^®^*' deed. From morning till evening, the poor Earl was kept waiting in suspense; at last, a criminal from the Marshalsea was found, who, under promise that his own life should be spared, consented to be the andexecu- executioner.^ But the death of the Earl of Kent did '®'^" not put a stop to the reports, that Edward the Se- cond was still alive, and murmurings at his execution became general. Mortimer, therefore, in the King's name, ordered it to be proclaimed throughout the kingdom, that whosoever spread such reports, or ut- tered complaints as to the execution of the Earl of Kent, should be sent to prison ; he also ordered dili- gent enquiries to be made, as to the names of those who were confederates of the Earl, in order that all who were discovered might be imprisoned.^ For a few short months Mortimer now revelled in Mortimer's fancied security. He set no bounds to his covetous- arrogance, ness or his pride: he obtained a grant of a great part of the Earl's forfeited estates, and of greater por- tions, than he had before possessed, of the lands of the Despencers. He held, in Koyal fashion, round tables, , or tournaments,^ and conducted himself altogether with such vanity and insolence, that his own son J,, called him the King of Folly. " He would suffer the ^ ' Knighton, col. 2556 ; and Walsingham, p. 192. 2 April 13^ 1330^ Rymer, vol. ii. p. 787. 3 Avesbury, p. 7, " Rotundam tabulam per plures dies tenuit." Tlie term " Round Table " is often indiscriminately used, to express lieither the tournament or jousting ; or, the feasting at the actual iiiround table which always followed. VOL. I. D 34 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD III. Chap. II. A.D. 1330. King to rise to him, and would walk with the King equally, step by step, and cheek by cheek, never preferring the King, but would go foremost himself with his officers." He never stirred abroad, without a much larger train than the King himself, having constantly one hundred and eighty knights in his re- tinue, besides a greater number of esquires and other followers, either by way of parade, or for the safety of his person.^ The disgust of the barons, and their hatred of Mortimer, were thereby greatly aggravated ; but they were obliged to stifle their resentment, for a time. Mortimer's career, however, was nearly run. Three months after the execution of his uncle, Edward became a father, and this event seemed suddenly Birth of to rouse him to independent action. His firstborn the^^ilc'k child, Edward, afterwards called the Black Prince, Prince. g^jj^ ^j^q ^^^g ^]^g gpg^ Duke of Comwall,^ was born at Woodstock on the 15th of June, his father being then only seventeen years and seven months old. The King was now approaching man's estate, and determined to shake off his subjection to Mortimer. Doubtless he had learned, that Mortimer was suspected of having ordered the murder of his father ; he must also have felt indignant at Mortimer's intimacy with his mother, who was even said to be with child by him;^ and Mortimer's usurpation of kingly power, and the murder (for so it may justly be called) of the King's uncle the Earl of Kent, were of themselves enough to rouse the youthful sovereign to an assertion ' Stow's Annals, p. 229. 2 See Lectures on the History of England, vol. i. p. 337, to an account of the conversion of the Earldom of Cornwall into a Duchy. 3 Froissart, vol. i. p. 41. Chap. II. PLAN TO SEIZE MOETIMEE. 35 of his rights, and to a resolution to call the offender A.D.1330. to account. He consulted a young friend, William rpj^^ j^;^ Lord Montacute, and arranged with him a plan for is resolved ' ° J . to free the seizure of Mortimer. Montacute's friendship with himself Edward, was naturally increased, by the valuable aid Mortimer, he lent him on this occasion, and Edward, shortly afterwards, appointed him his seneschal in Aqui- taine;^ gave up to him, all his rights and claims over the Isle of Man ;^ and, having, as he himself says, found him " strenuous in arms, provident in counsel, useful and faithful in all things," gave him leave to hunt one day in each year in any of his forests.^ Not content with all these favours, he afterwards, repeating the recognition of his valuable services, made over to him the forests of Selkirk and Ettrick, and the county and town of Peebles.* Parliaments used, in those days, to be held, annually, soon after Michaelmas, and one being summoned to meet at Nottingham on the 15 th of October, it was de- termined to take that opportunity of carrying the plot and ar- into execution. Queen Isabella and Mortimer, how- a plan for ever, suspected some design against them ; on arriving '''^seizure at Nottingham before the King, therefore, they took possession of the castle, and made careful arrange- ments for their security. When the King reached at Not- Nottingham, he was admitted to the castle; but, only "°^ ^™" three or four of his servants were allowed to enter with him. The Earl of Lancaster, and the other great men, were refused admittance ; they were therefore obliged to take up their lodgings about a mile from the town. In order to carry the plan into execution, it was necessary to secure the help of Sir William Eland, 1 Eymer, vol. ii. p. 845. » Ibid. p. 868. » Ibid. p. 909. * Ibid. p. 924. B 2 36 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD III. Chap. II. A.m33o. ti^e governor of the castle. The King and his friends, finding him quite ready to help them, proposed that ThegoTer- he should Open the gates of the castle to them at ca"stie'^ *^^ night. Sir William said this was impossible ; as the Queen had had new locks put on all the gates, and the keys were laid under her pillow every night. agrees to But he told them of a subterranean passage, which King and l^d, from the chief tower, into a cave on the west side his tri^nds q£ ^jjg castle, made by some Saxon prince during the by a secret i j x o passage. Danish invasions, which was unknown to the Queen and her attendants, and through this passage, since called Mortimer's Hole, Eland proposed to admit them. On Friday, October 19th, the conspirators, accom- panied by Sir William Eland, took horse, and rode away from Nottingham, in order to deceive Morti- mer ; he either knew or suspected their plot, thought they had got alarmed, and had fled to escape his Mortimer vengeance. But at midnight, Avhile Mortimer was in and his . • i i t->- i n -r • friends are Consultation with the Bishop of Lincoln and others, ^^'^® ' the young King, accompanied by his friends, burst into his chamber, and after a slight resistance made him prisoner.^ Some of Mortimer's attendants were killed in the struggle, and Montacute and his comi panions became, consequently, liable to trial for mur- der. Edward therefore afterwards obtained froni Parliament an act of indemnity, freeing them from all such consequences.^ The next morning, Simon de Bereford, and others of Mortimer's adherents, were and sent Seized, and all were sent prisoners to the Tower of Tower. London. On the same day, the King issued a pro- clamation, stating that the government had been carried on in a way that was dishonourable to himself 1 Knighton, cols. 2555-6 ; Stow, p. 229. * Rymor, vol. ii. p. 830. Chap. II. EDWAED SUMMONS A PARLIAMENT. 37 and to his kingdom ; that he had arrested Mortimer, A.D.1330. Sir Oliver de Ingham, and Sir Simon de Bereford, who were the principal movers in these ill-doings; and, that he had consequently taken the govern- ment into his own hands.^ Shortly afterwards, he Edward issued writs for the meeting of a Parliament at a Pariia- Westminster on the 26th of November, promising "^°' redress of grievances. To this, he invited all who had grievances against the government, arising from the evil practices of "those who were his minis- ters ;" and he went on to say that, whereas " certain knights, who had come to Parliament as represen- tatives of counties, were men of covine and main- tainers of false quarrels,"^ who would not suffer the grievances of the people to be brought forward, he ordered the sheriffs to cause to be elected, with the common consent of the county, two of the most proper and sufficient knights or Serjeants of the county, who were not liable to suspicion of being actuated by such motives.^ It is remarkable, that this Parliament was summoned to meet somewhat hurriedly, that is, in thirty-one days * instead of forty " at least," as prescribed by the 14th article of Magna Charta ; this was probably caused, by the anxiety of the King to bring the traitors at once for the . • J , trial of to judgment. Mortimer. Mortimer was charged by the King before the Peers The in this Parliament, with usurping Royal power, mur- against dering King Edward the Second, appearing with force ^^o"'™^*^- • Rymer, vol. ii. p. 799. ^ That is, men who made deceitful compacts to the prejudice of others, and who received bribes for supporting false claims. ' Eymer, vol. ii. p. 800. * Parry's Parliaments and Councils, p. 95 (note). 38 LIFE AND TIMES OP EDWAUD III. Chap. 11/ A.D.1330. and in arms at the Parliament at Salisbury, contriving — the death of the Earl of Kent, obtaining from the King the grant of numerous castles and other pos- sessions in decrease of the revenues of the crown, and with appropriating to himself, the King's treasure and the payment from the Scots.^ It is to be observed, that, in the Record of the Proceedings of this Parliament, the presence of the Commons is not mentioned ; although it is clear that they were elected and that they attended,'"^ since the Statutes were passed, at the request of the Commons.' This may probably have been, because the Commons were necessarily excluded from the proceedings against Mortimer, as having nothing to do with them, a Peer having the right to claim trial by Peers only The Peers, among whom the Earls and Bar9ns were included, acted therefore on this business as a distinct body, separate and apart from the Commons, although they were not then, as now, systematically sepafated; As judges of Parliament, they gave their judg- ment as follows : * " The earls, barons, and peers, having examined the articles, returned to the King, and said all, by one of the peers, that the things contained in the articles were notorious, and known to them and to the people, and particularly an article touching the death of the King's father ; for which, the said earls, barons, and peers, as Judges of the Parliament, by assent of the King in the same Parliament, awarded and adjudged that Roger, as traitor and enemy of the King, and of the kingdom, 1 Eot. Pari. vol. ii. pp. 52 and 53. 2 Report on the Dignity of a Peer, vol. i. p. 301. 3 Statutes of the Realm, vol. i. p. 261. * Report on the Dignity of a Peer, vol. i. p. 299. Parlia- ment con- demns Mortimer to death. Chap. II. PROCEEDINGS IN PARLIAMENT. 39 should be drawn and hanged ; and the Earl Marshal A.D.1330. was commanded to do execution of that judgment."^ Mortimer, accordingly, was executed on Thursday He is hung Nov. 29th at " the Elms,"^ now called Tyburn. This Thl^se""" judgment was reversed twenty-four years afterwards ifi"gai. as illegal ; because judgment was given without trial, and also, perhaps, for want of a lawful Presentment of the offence to warrant such trial.^ The King then commanded the earls, barons, and Pariia- peers to give judgment on Sir Simon de Bereford, "n'demns Knight, as aiding and abetting Mortimer. They g™°ford* however answered, that Bereford was not their peer, also to and that therefore they could not sit in judgment on him ; but, as his guilt was notorious, they, as Judges of Parliament, by assent of the King, awarded and judged that he should be drawn and hanged. This sentence was carried into effect.* A similar judgment was then pronounced against John Mautravers, for having been a party to the death of the Earl of Kent, by telling him that Edward the Second was still living; and also, against others, who were concerned in the death of the late King ; rewards were offered for their apprehension, dead or alive. These judgments were but this all clearly illegal. It was therefore especially agreed, als'o^"'^^ that this act of the peers should not be considered as '"^e^'- a precedent,^ and some of the judgments were subse- quently reversed. Thomas de Berkeley, accused "in full parliament " of being implicated in the murder of Edward the Second, " put himself on his country," and was consequently tried by a jury of twelve men, 1 Rot. Pari. -pol. ii. p. 53. ^ 11,5^. 4 Ed. III. No. 1 (m. 1). '' See Report on the Dignity of a Peer, vol, i. p. 298. < Eot. Pari. 4 Ed. III. No. 2 (m. 2). ' Ibid. Nos. 3j 4, 5, and 6; and Rymer, vol. ii. p. 801. 40 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWAED III. Chap. II. A.D.1330. Matters of impor- tance settled ty this parlia- ment. Keepers, afterwards Justices, of the Peace appointed; the laws against purveyors confirmed ; and trade regulated. who acquitted him; but, inasmuch as he had placed, as keepers under him, the men who had murdered Edward the Second, he was ordered to appear before the King in his next Parliament, to receive judgment.^ The Queen Dowager herself, was evidently considered a party to the murder of her husband, and was con- sequently kept in a kind of honourable confinement at Castle Rising in Norfolk, where her son visited her two or three times a year. She was allowed £1,000 a year for her maintenance.^ There were other matters of importance settled by this Parliament. The son and widow of the Earl of Kent were fully restored to their possessions and dignities; and all who had been implicated with him, together with the Earl of Lancaster and those who had joined with him in resisting Mortimer, received full pardon. Keepers of the Peace, who had been appointed by Mortimer, and who afterwards became Justices, were re-appointed ; the laws against pur- veyors were confirmed ; and the regulation of trade, which was so marked a characteristic of legislation at that time, was undertaken in various ways. The prices, at which horsemen and footmen should be car- ried across the sea from Dover, and at which wine should be sold, were settled; and the punishment, to be inflicted on those who sold "corrupt" wines, was de- fined.^ It was also ordered that " a Parliament should be hoiden every year once, or more often if need be."* ' Rot. Pari. No. 16; and see remarks on this Parliament in general in Report on Dignity of a Peer, vol. i. p. 301, &c. 2 "Mille libras," Walsingham, p. 193; " tria millia marcaruin," Knighton, col. 2556, and Froissart, vol. i. p. 41. 3 Slat. 4 Ed. III. caps. 2, 3, 4, 8, and 12. " Stat. 4 Ed. III. c. 14. Chap. III. THE DISPUTE WITH FRANCE. 41 CHAPTER III. THE DISPUTE BETWEEN ENGLAND AND FRANCE. Shortly after the execution of Mortimer, the long- a.d. 1330. standing dispute with France, as to the exact form of homage, which had been left unsettled in 1329, when Edward did homage under 'a kind of protest, was brought to an end ; and the fulfilment of the Settlement conditions of the peace made in 1327, was insisted on puteswith by Philip, In order, however, clearly to understand ^'^^°'^^- these transactions, it is necessary, to explain, more fully, the history of the disputes between the two countries, from the latter part of the reign of Ed- ward the Second till the fall of Mortimer. During that reign, Charles the Fourth made great Summary efforts, to compel Edward, as Duke of Aquitaine and ofthedi^ Count of Ponthieu, fully and publicly to acknowledge P"*^- his sovereignty over those territories ; and, in 1322, he annoyed Edward, by directing his seneschals to cite various Gascon lords to appear before their tri- bunals, and thus entrap them into an inferential admission of dependence on the French Crown. The dispute between the two monarchs, was aggravated by a quarrel as to the erection, in Agenois, on what was alleged to be French territory, of a castle, called Sanctus Sacerdos, by the Lord of Montpezat. This was taken possession of by the French, but retaken by the Lord of Montpezat ; Charles consequently sent his uncle, Charles of Valois, to invade Aquitaine. 42 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWAED III. Chap. Ill, A.1X1330. All Aqaitaine except Agenois restored to Edward the Second. Peace with France, March Slst, 1327. Valois conquered the greater part of Guienne, and besieged the Earl of Kent, whom Edward the Second had sent over either to negotiate or fight as might be found advisable, in the castle of La R6ole. Ed- ward became alarmed, and sent his wife Isabella to negotiate with her brother. It was soon settled that Edward should give him provisional possession of the whole of Guienne ; under promise, that all Aquitaine, except Agenois, should be restored to him on his doing homage, but that Edward should sue for Agenois in the French Courts of Law, and that if it should be decided that that province was to be restored to him, he should pay the King of France a certain sum of money. Edward prepared to go to France for these purposes, but was prevented from doing so by the Despencers ; they feared to trust him out of their sight, and to place him in the power of his wifej and of Mortimer who was with her in Paris. It was consequently arranged, that his son should go in liis stead, and it thus became necessary, to transfer to him the possession of Aquitaine and Ponthieuf^ This was done; young Edward did homage, and Aquitaine was given back to him ; but, according to the agreement, Agenois was withheld. Notwith- standing this arrangement, however, war was about to break out between England and France, when the deposition of Edward the Second changed the policy of England, and Edward the Third, soon after his accession, made the treaty of peace with France which has been previously mentioned. This peace was settled on March Slst, 1327; its conditions were, that each should restore to the other the conquests recently made; that Edward should destroy certain Gascon fortresses ; and, that Chap. III. THE DISPUTE WITH FRANCE. 43 he should pay the King of France the sum of 50,000 a.d.i330. marks. -^ In the following year (1328), on January Buryet 13th, Charles died, and, notwithstanding the treaty ^^^^^^^^ of peace so recently made between the two countries, "> <^'a'm ' . T„ , „ 1 . , IT-. the French iLdward, mmdful of his claim to the French throne, throne. at once wrote (March 28th) to the seneschal of Gascony, to various Gascon lords, and to the lords of Navarre, to say that he intended to recover his rights and heritages, and those of his mother, by all means in his power; he told them to commu- nicate secretly with the various nobles and others, and to enlist them on his side ; ^ and, on the 16th May, he sent over the Bishops of Worcester and Chester, to demand and receive all his rights and possessions in France.^ He also opened negotiations, for an alliance with the Duke of Brabant and the Count of Los, and made arrangements as to soldiers to be furnished him by the Duke.* At the same time he fortified the Channel Islands, and ordered his senes- chals to treat with other lords of Aquitaine, for help in " recovering his rights " both in France and Aqui- taine, promising them indemnity against losses, and that he would make no peace with France without including them.^ In short, he proceeded to make active preparations for supporting his claim by force of arms. It was after this, as already related, that Philip, Edward , . , . /I 1 ^ !_ summoned on his return from the victory at Cassel, first sum- to do moned Edward to do him homage. Notwithstand- ^°™^§®' ing their having counselled Edward to take so bold a course as to claim the throne of France, Mortimer and ' Rymer, vol. ii. p. 700. ^ jbid. p. 736. ^ ibi^ p. 743, ■• Ibid. p. 744, June 9th, and p. 749, August 2nd. * September 16th, Rymer, vol. ii. p. 750. 44 LIPK AND TIMES OF EDWAED III, Chap. HI* A.D. 1330. Isabella were afraid to advise him to renounce his ~^ fealty to Philip and defy him ; they managed, there* off pro- fore, to stave off an answer to the summons for some ^qairy mouths. But, early in the following year, 1329, pro°p^r* Philip again summoned Edward ; he then thought it form of advisable to obey the summons, and went to France to perform the required homage. Soon after Edward's return (on June 11th, 1329), as before related, Philip sent over ambassadors^ to take part in the investigations as to the form of homage due from Edward, as Duke of Aquitaine, to the King of France, which Edward had promised to institute im- mediately he arrived in England. Mortimer was still unwilling, either openly to oppose Philip's demands or to yield to them, and by various devices, such as amusing them with a tournament in Cheapside,^ he managed to keep the ambassadors in England till the following spring, before giving them any definite answer.^ The negotiations for a marriage between Edward's sister and Philip's son, and between Ed- ward's brother, John of Eltham, Earl of Cornwall, and one of Philip's daughters, were also continued,* and amicable communications with France were Treaty thus Constantly kept on foot. In the meanwhile, the fulfilled, castles and territories taken by each party, and on'^hT' agreed by the treaty of 1327 to be given up, were point of not restored ; the English in Aquitaine prepared out„ for war, filled Saintes, a frontier town in Saintonge, with soldiers, and the King of France sent his bro- ther, the Count of Alengon, to watch the frontiers. > Froissart, vol i. p. 45. 2 gtow, p. 230. ^ Froissart, vol. i. p. 45. 4 September 24th, 1329, Eymer, vol. ii. p. 773 ; January l7tb, 1330, ibid. p. 777 ; April 10th, 1330, ibid. p. 785. Chap. DI. PEACE MADE WITH FRANCE. 45 Alengon exceeded his orders, attacked Saintes and A.D.1330. took it, and war was on the point of breaking out j,^^^ between the two countries.-"- At a Parliament held at ™en' Eltham in February, the King asked for a subsidy Edward to enable him to carry on the war in case the King * ^" ^' ^' of France should refuse " all reasonable ways of peace." This was granted by the earls and barons, but was refused by the prelates, because the archbishops were absent, and the King therefore wrote to the archbishops from Winchester, on March 18th, urgently pressing them to call all the clergy together to grant their por- tion of the required subsidy.^ On April 30th, Edward His pre- made excuses for not attending the French Parliament, for war! as he had promised; he next repudiated Philip's juris- diction, and ordered ships to be got ready to convey troops to Aquitaine. The Earl of Cornwall was then directed to go to the Duchy to bring matters to a settlement ; ^ but, singularly enough, certain commis- sioners, appointed by the Eltham Parliament on the 5th February * to make an amicable treaty with France, and whose powers were confirmed by the King on the 10th April,^ were all this while busily employed in endeavouring to settle matters in a friendly way ; at last their efforts were crowned with success. A treaty was concluded atBois-de-Vincennes on May 1st, Peace 1330, by which it was agreed that the castles and made. palaces, about which there had been so much dis- pute, should be restored or destroyed, and that com- missioners should be appointed to superintend the carrying out of the conditions of the peace made at the beginning of the reign.® But the question of ' Sismondi, vol. x. p. 50. ^ Rymer, vol. ii. p. 783. ' Ibid. pp. 785, 778 and 779. * Ibid. p. 778. » Ibid. p. 785, 6 Ibid. p. 792. l->^'- A->^'\^ /V^' ^6 (O-^-' 46 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWAKD III. Chap.IH. left un- settled. '^A.D.isso. homage, which was of the greatest importance, as ' "7" being the origin of all the disputes, was still left un- But the ° ° ^ ' question of settled, and very nearly produced a rupture between the two countries. The Earl of Cornwall went to France at the end of May, and in the beginning of June the Bishops of Lichfield and Coventry and of Norwich, John Wal- wayn, Canon of Hereford, and John of Shoreditch and Thomas Sampson, professors of Civil Law, were appointed as the English Commissioners.-'^ They had no instructions however to enquire into the question of homage, but only to make arrangements for the restitution of the conquered territories on either side, and Edward was consequently summoned, to do imoned fuii ^-ud licge homage for Guienne, at the Paris Par- liament on the 29th of July. He did not appear, and, therefore, on the 1st of September, Philip sum- moned him to do so on the 15th of December.^ It was at this time that Mortimer was getting into trouble, and was evidently undecided what course to take. Immediately on the King's arrival at Notting- ham, on the 20th of September, Mortimer induced him to write to the Pope, stating that he believed that the King of France was preparing for war with England, and begging for his intercession; on the same day he wrote to the seneschals of Guienne to inform them of the negotiations that had been going on between England and France, and to state that the King of France had rejected all reasonable proposals. He then went on to say that if the King of France should attempt to " make executions " in Guienne without employing force, they were to " dissimulate" and pro- Edward again surnn to do homage. Mortimer advises fresh excuses ; Rymer, vol. ii. pp. 793-4. Ibid. p. 797. Chap. ni. EDWAKD VISITS FEANCE SECEKTLY. 47 crastinate so as to gain time, but that if he employed A.D.1330. force they were to resist with force. It was neces- sary, however, to provide for the payment of the soldiers employed, and he promised to see to this at the Parliament to be held at Nottingham on the 15th of October.^ The execution of Mortimer on the 29th of November a.d. 1331. again changed the policy of England. On January T,ut~^his 16th, 1331, " amicable " negotiations on the question p^^^ of homage were resumed;^ on the 30th of March the homage King agreed that the homage he had done the King ^^'^'^ of France should be considered full and liege homage, and he explicitly stated its exact form for future observance.^ Shortly afterwards, the King went to Edward France with Lord Montacute, John Stratford Bishop Kingo/ of Winchester (who had been appointed Lord Chan- ^'"''"'^f *■ . secretly. cellor at the end of the previous November), and a few other of his intimate personal friends, in a private way, "with scarce fifteen horsemen," disguised as • '/. merchants.* What could have been the real object of this singular proceeding it is difficult to divine, but it is said to have been taken under colour of per- forming a vow; it was probably intended however thereby to make an opportunity for settling all dis- putes with Philip, for during Edward's sojourn in France he arranged that Philip should restore to him the castle of Saintes, and should pay him the ' Eymer, vol. ii. p. 798. " Ibid. p. 805. • Ibid. p. 813 ; and Froissart, vol. i. p. 45. * Stow, p. 230, who erroneously states this journey to have taken place in 1330. Edward sailed from Dover on April 4ih, 1331, on the same day he appointed his brother, John of Eltham, custos in his absence, and on the 20th of April he returned. (Rymer, vol. ii. pp. 814, 815, 818 ; and Walsingham, p. 193.) 48 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD III. Chap. III. A.D. 1331. sum of 30,000 livres tournois for the damages done to it in excess of his instructions by his brother the Count of Alen9on. Philip also admitted that Edward's explanation as to homage was sufficient. Peace pro- Peace between England and France was soon after- claimed, -^ards proclaimed in Gascony, and proposals were actually made for the betrothal of Edward's infant son, then just one year old, to one of Philip's daugh- ters ; ^ but it is remarkable that the question as to the restitution of Agenois still remained unsettled, and in the Parliament held in the following autumn, it was seriously considered whether this, and some other questions which seem to have been still left undecided, should be brought to a conclusion by force of arms or by amicable treaty. The latter course was chosen by an unanimous decision.^ ' Eymer, vol. ii. pp. 821 and 822, and Rapin, vol. i. p. 412. ^ Rot. Pari. vol. ii. p. 61. — "Les queux Prelatz, &c., respon- dirent . . . eant regard as perils poeient avenir par les deux voips, c'est assaver d'entrer en proces, ou la guerre. Qe iire Seign. le Eoi d'Engleterre y preist amiable Trete od le Roi de France des busoignes susdites. Et on mesme le Parlement si faust ac- corde . . . continuance se face de p fire Seignur leRoi de amiable Trete . . . par restitution avoir de la terre de Ageneys et le droit de la Corona sauver." Chap. IV. ORDER RESTORED IN ENGLAND. 49 CHAPTER IV. KESTORATION OF ORDER IN ENGLAND, AND WAR WITH SCOTLAND IN SUPPORT OF BALIOL. King Edward was now firmly seated on the throne, a.d.issi. No unprincipled minister or profligate mother con- Edward trolled his actions ; his Queen had brought him a ^™'j; ' . . , -n seated on son and heir; the difficulties with France were settled the throne. for a time, and there was an interval of peace with Scotland. Edward, therefore, on his return from France, had nothing to do but, with the help of his ■ advisers, to re-establish order and restore the supre- macy of the law in England. At this time, and for a long period subsequently, the King's private advisers were called his Council. The Ministry of modern times, responsible to Parliament, and of which a select portion is called the Cabinet, did not exist before 1693.^ From the time of Edward the Machinery First, the King's advisers were called the Council or mcur"°' Privy Council, which was " no other than the King's The Court ^ (Curia Eegis) of older times, being composed ^'°^''i of the same persons, and having, in a principal of.the degree, the same subjects of deliberation." It was a Council, numerous body, consisting of about twenty members, and when they were all called together it was a full Council; but in ordinary cases, only those deemed ' Macaulay's History of England^ ch. xx. ' See Lectures on History of England, vol. i. p. 114, VOL. I. E 50 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD III. Chap. IV. A.D. 1331. fittest to advise were summoned. It is not clear, bow- ever, to whom was assigned the duty of summoning. The Chancellor, the Treasurer, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the Lord Steward, the Lord Admiral, and others, were among the principal members of the Council. ]ts duties were assumed to be both legis- lative and judicial ; but, the exercise of the first was regarded with a proper jealousy by Parliament, so soon as the Council began to feel and exercise its power. " In the reigns of Edward the First and Edward the Second, the Council appear to have been the regular advisers of the King in passing laws, to which the Houses of Parliament had assented." "But from the beginning of Edward the Third's reign, it seems that the Council and the Lords' house in Parlia- ment were often blended together in one assembly," The Great which was Called the Great Council, to which the King's ordinary Council was attached. " Parliament was also considered to some extent as a high court of justice, where relief was given in cases where the course of law was obstructed, as well as where it was defective." ^ This was notably the case in the pro- ceedings against Mortimer and others in 1330. The members of the Council or Privy Council were thus the King's ordinary advisers ; but, on account of the King's youth, a special adviser was considered ne- cessary, and the Bishop of London was selected " to be with him constantly, to advise him with the aid of the Chancellor, Treasurer, and others,"^ There can, however, be but little doubt that his early friend, Lori Chancellor Stratford, exercised the greatest influence over him. » Hallam's Middle Ages, 870. (ed. 1841), vol. ii. pp. 269-74. 2 Rot. Pari. vol. ii. p. 62 (15). Chap. IV. TURBULENT SPIRIT OF THE TIMES. 51 There were at this time some disturbances in a.d.i331. Ireland, and the King wished to visit that country, Disturb- in order to put them down ; but Parliament advised i°eiand" that he should not go, until the lawless state of Edward England, which had arisen while Mortimer ruled the attention country, had been reformed.^ Armed men infested ^^"^^^^^ the courts of justice, and endeavoured to overawe the the king- judges.^ Great numbers of men banded themselves together in large bodies, living in woods and forests, robbing all persons that came in their way,^ seizing even the King's judges, and extorting money from them by way of ransom ; and the nobles, instead of aiding the sheriffs in punishing them, kept these robbers in their pay and protected them.^ Jousts and tournaments were forbidden, unless under special leave.* They served for the rendezvous of armed persons ; from the number of places at which they were held, they were evidently a popular form of wWrh was amusement, and furnished convenient opportunities auiw'^'^ for gathering together and plotting, if need be, how Moni- to defeat the law. Special keepers of the peace, to Keepers of be afterwards developed into the county magistrates 'i"'P''*ce J^ . appointed. of the present day, had been ordered to be appointed in January 1329, during the sway of Mortimer; but they were not able to put down the robbers, and at one time, consequently, it became necessary, for the King himself to march at the head of a body of soldiers, to attack and disperse them.® Such, indeed, was the turbulent spirit of the times, that it was the habit of the Members coming to ' Rot. Pari. vol. ii, p. 61. ^ Eymer, vol. ii. p. 753. 3 Ibid. pp. 754 and 784. * Hot. Pari. vol. ii. p. 62 (9). ) 5 Uymer, vol. ii. pp. 725, 732, 795, 808, 815, and 824. ^ Carte, vol. ii. p. 409. E 2 52 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWAED III. Chap. IV. A.D.1332. Persons forbidden to enter litmilon armed. Brawling forb.dden. The King of France proposes a crnsade. Parliament, and of others also, to travel to' London fully armed with swords, long knives, actons, and haubergeons, for the sake of overawing the King or any opponent. The Parliament of March 1332 there- fore deemed it necessary to forbid any persons — except those appointed by the King to keep the peace, and Earls and Barons who were allowed to carry their swords — to enter the City of London or the suburbs thus armed. At the same time, an amusing regula- tion was made, for the prevention of any disturbance of Parliament ; little boys were forbidden to play at bars, or other games, or to amuse themselves by knocking off the hats of passers-by in the neigh- bourhood of the Palace of Westminster.^ A procla- mation to the same effect was made, by order of the King, at the Parliament held at York in the follow- ing January ,^ and was indeed continually repeated. But Edward attended to the general welfare of the kingdom in other ways, and it was in this year, as will be afterwards more particularly related, that he encouraged the growth of the woollen manufacture, by inducing Flemish weavers to settle in England.^ Edward just then seemed to have abandoned, for a time, all idea of laying claim to the crown of France, and the two kings appeared outwardly to have no cause of quarrel. In the spring of 1332, Philip pro-, posed to Edward to unite with him in a crusade against the Saracens in the Holy Land, or the Moors in Spain. It seemed not to matter, which of these absurd adventures was pursued ; military glory, tinged with religious fanaticism, rather than any determined policy, influenced both the proposal and » Rot. Pari. vol. ii. p. 64 (2 & 3). a Ibid. p. 68 (4). 3 Rymer, vol. ii. p. 823. Chap. IV. CONSTITUTION OF PAELIAMENT. 53 its acceptance. Edward was quite willing to join A.D.1332. in either; but the Parliament, held on the 16th of Edward March, although advising Edward to accede to Philip's ^g^^s, proposal, recommended him to postpone the expedi- ft^akes tion for three years.^ Events, however, occurred in [^^^^ ^^'■^'' Scotland which entirely put a stop to this proposed years, joint crusade. At the Parliament held at Westminster in the fol-^^ lowing September — the prelates, nobles, and knights constitu- of the counties each deliberating separately, and the pari°a'."'* citizens and burgesses not being even mentioned,^ — "n™" «' ^ • Rot. Pari. vol. ii. p. 65 (9). ^ Note from Report on the Dignity of a Peer. — On these proceedings it is observable, that the knights, as well as the prelates, earls, and barons, were distinguislied from the citizens and burgesses, and frequently acted separately ; and it seems evident that when the Parliament was to act as the adviser of the Crown, the prelates, earls, barons, and " Grantz " were most generally consulted, and sometimes the kuiglits of the shires ; but the "Gentz de Commune," or citizens and burgesses, seem to have been little regarded, except when an Aid was required. Parlia- ment, therefore, when assembled in Edward the Third's reign, had not yet completely assumed its present form : the Lords aud Commons were not yet considered as two Houses, perfectly distinct and acting separately and on perfect equality in their different functions. The knights of the shires appear to have been treated as of a higher order than the representatives of cities and boroughs; and on this, as on otlier occasions, the Pailiament continued to sit after the knights, citizens, and burgesses had been dismissed, and when the clergy, except the prelates, hail also been dismissed ; so that their presence was not deemed necessary to the constiiution of a Parliament to which the prelates, earls, and barons were sum- moned. But the proceedings of a Parliament cannot, after ihe dismission of the knights, citizens, and burgesses, have been in their nature legislative, for that would have been contraiy to th-j Declaratory Statute of the loth Ed. II. " The matters which are ^ to be established for the estate of our Lord the King and of his heirs, and for the Estate of the Realm and of the People, shall 54 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWAED III. Chap. lY. A.D,i332. it was Stated, that nev^s came day by day that the ■^^"^ Scots were preparing to break the peace. It was con- sequently advised, that the King should at once pro- ceed to the North of England, without waiting even till the petitions had been heard; and Parliament granted a subsidy, for the expenses which this and the disturbances in Ireland would put him to.^ -V7ar It has been mentioned that one of the conditions between q£ ^j^g peace between the English and Scotch, which and -vsras made by Mortimer at the begmnmg of Edward's bcginT reign, was, that estates in Scotland, belonging to ^°*'°' certain English barons, which had been seized by Bruce, should be restored. Notwithstanding Edward's because remonstrances to the Regent Randolph, this condi- do^noT*^ tion had not been fulfilled,'^ and consequently the certain barons determined to recover their estates by force. estates Lord Beaumottt, who was at their head, had opposed English, the peace, and having thereby incurred Mortimer's ill-will, had left England and lived in France. While there, he had plotted with Edward Baliol, son of John Baliol late King of Scotland, to make an attempt to place him on the throne, thinking he would thereby be enabled to recover his own rights.^ He therefore Baiiorsson brought Baliol, who had returned to France after his England, visit to England in 1327, over to England, where he be treated, accorded, and established in Parliament by our Lord the King, and by the assent of the Prelates, Earls, and Barons, and tlie Commonalty of the Realm, according as it hath been heretofore accustomed." The Parliament probably then acted only as a Council of the Crown to advise the King in the general administratiob of his government, and to act as a supreme court of justice — Report on the Dignity of a Peer, vol. i. p. 307. ' Rot. Pari. vol. ii. p. 66 (3) ; and Rymer, vol. ii. p. 845. 2 Rymer, vol. ii. p. 837 (April 22, 1332). 3 Tytler, vol. i. p. 385. Chap. IV. BALIOL INVADES SCOTLAJfD. 55 remained for some time on his estates in Yorkshire, A.D.1332. while arranging plans for the invasion of Scotland.^ After a time, Baliol had an interview with King Edward, and offered to do him homage for the king- dom of Scotland, provided the latter helped him to obtain the throne.^ But Edward would not violate the and vainly Scotch treaty, being bound to pay the Pope £20,000 totXr if he did so,^ and he therefore refused to allow the Edward to ' _ help hira forces raised by Baliol and Beaumont to march to the through England.* He appointed Lord Henry Percy ihiono. guardian of the marches and governor of the five northern counties of England, and gave him orders to prevent the passage of Baliol's troops ; by repeated proclamations, he, also, strictly enjoined the preserva- tion of the peace between the two kingdoms. Baliol was compelled, therefore, to invade Scotland Baiioi and by sea. He set sail from Ravenspur * in Yorkshire, in^de""' and landed at Kinghorn, near Dunfermline, in Fife- Scotiand^^, shire. His success was most rapid and unexpected. Scotland was no longer governed by a sagacious monarch, assisted by able counsellors. The young King, David the Second, was a mere child ; Lord Randolph, Earl of Moray, the wise Regent, died at this critical moment, in July, of poison as was sus- pected ; and Sir James Douglas had fallen in battle, fighting against the Moors in Spain. The king- dom was weakened by divided counsels, and there ' Holinshed, vol. ii. p. 600. 2 Barnes, p. 58. ' Knighton, col. 2560. * Rymer, vol. ii. p. 833 (March 24, 1332). ^ A great Yorkshire harbour, now long buried under the sea, near Spurn Head in the East Riding. The historical parallel of the sailing of these troops, destined for an attack on a nation with whom Edward was at peace, with that of the Alabama, may he worth consideration. 56 LII'E AND TIMES OF EDWARD III. Chap. IV. A.D.1332. Baliol's rapid success. Battle of Dupplin Moor. Baliol utterly defeats the Scotiisb army, was none able to plan a resistance to the English invasion. Baliol reached . Kinghorn on August 7th,^ and his English archers easily put to flight the undisciplined multitude, assembled to oppose their landing. Baliol then advanced to Dunfermline, where he obtained a seasonable supply of arras and provisions, and, having ordered his fleet to sail round to the mouth of the Tay, he himself marched towards Perth, and took up a strong position with the river Earn in his front. Notwithstanding these successes however, his situa- tion was full of danger. On landing, he had at most only 300 men-at-arms and 3,000 foot-sol- diers,^ and must soon have been driven out of the country, had not Scotland been in the hands of an incapable Regent. Donald, Earl of Mar, another nephew of King Robert, who had been appointed Regent on the death of Randolph, collected an army of 40,000 men, and drew up opposite Baliol's little force, on Dupplin Moor, on the left bank of the river, Earn, which, therefore, flowed between him and Baliol ; while the Earl of March, with an army nearly as numerous, prepared to attack Baliol on the flank. But there were (as usual) traitors in the Scottish camp, and Baliol's little army was led across the river, by a Scottish baron, who knew of a safe ford.^ The Regent's army was taken by surprise, and its defeat was so utterly overwhelming, that the number of the slain, among whom was the Regent himself, is said to have been more than four times as many as that of the whole English army. Baliol now entered. Perth, and prepared to defend it against the ex- pected attack of the Earl of March. But there were 1 Knighton, col. 2560. a Ibid, 3 Walsingham, p. 194. Chap. IV. BALIOL DOES HOMAGE TO EDWARD. 57 traitors in the camp of the latter also, and the Scot- A.D.1332. tish army dispersed without striking a blow at the : invaders. r. Ijaliol had now overcome all opposition : David and i) ' ,,,?>• his affianced bride were sent to France for safety/ tA^. n and on September 24th, 13.32, in less than two months f^_jU^ after his landing, Baliol himself was crowned at Scone and is '^ ^ Tr- r> o 1 19 Clowned at iiing 01 Scotland.'' Scone. Baliol being now the actual King of Scotland, it was necessary for Edward to settle what course he Edward should take towards him. Ambition was stronger whether than affection : he preferred lending his support to a re^co'^n^se king to whom he could dictate, than to one who, him as . . King. although his brother-in-law, might prefer the inde- pendence of his kingdom to friendship with his wife's brother. Scotland had been so constantly allied with "\ France, that its submission to England seemed neces- > sary for the safety of the latter country. Edward - '' consequently lost no time in preparing for any emer- gency ; and, having been advised by his Parliament to proceed towards the North of England, issued orders from Nottingham on the 7th of October for the assemblage of troops for service in Scotland.^ Soon afterwards he opened negotiations with Baliol." These were quickly brought to a conclusion, and, on the 23rd of November, Baliol admitted, in a formal"^ --., document, that his successes were obtained by the help of Edward's good subjects and by his sufferance ; acknowledged that he held Scotland from Edward as his suzerain ; and did him full and liege homage for / it. He further agreed to give Edward possession of Berwick ; and, treating the marriage of Edward's f 1 Tytler, vol. i. p. 394. 2 Walsingham, p. 195. ' Eyraer, vol. ii. p. 846. * Ibid. p. 847. 58 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWAED III. Chap. tV. A.D. 1333. sister, Joan, with David, as only a betrothal, offered to marry her himself/ Meeting of But, notwithstanding . all these arrangements, at*Yoi™*° Edward thought it necessary again to consult his to'scouish Parliament, and he therefore summoned it to meet affairs. him at York, on the 4th of December, to advise him " whether he should claim Scotland as his own do- main, or retain the service of it as his ancestors did, or receive its value." ^ The prelates and clergy, the earls and barons, and the knights of the shires and Commons, each considered the matter separately ; but there being a thin attendance, they declined to give advice on so weighty a matter, and desired that Parliament should be adjourned until the 20th of January (a.d. 13-33). In the meantime, Baliol, fancying himself in com- plete security, was encamped at Annan, without taking proper precautions against attack. He thus allowed himself to be surprised on the 16th of December by a large body of horse, under the command of the Earl of Moray second son of the great Randolph, along with Sir Simon Eraser, and Archibald Douglas, brother to Bruce's old companion-in-arms, the good Sir James. These barons made a sudden and rapid march from Moffat in the twilight of a December evening, and broke in upon him at midnight. He was completely taken by surprise, the nobles and their vassals and retainers were put to the sword Baliol without mercy, and Baliol was compelled to fly to flies to England. ' Eymer, vol. ii. p. 847. 2 " Lequel il se devoit trere vers Escoce en clamant le Demeigne de meisme la terra, ou de soi faire partie a prendre I'avantage d'aver en service come ses Auncestres avoient, ou la Value."— Rot. Pari. vol. ii. p. 67. Chap. IV. EDWARD HELPS BALIOL. 59 England, having in less than five months gained and a.d. 1333. lost a crown, which was soon, however, to be again , "V ^ recovered.^ JO^^^^^ The English Parliament assembled at York at the I y'^-^ end of January as agreed, and the three bodies again < 'V deliberated apart, for nearly a week, when they advised that the King should seek the advice of the Pope and the King of France.^ Edward, however, consulted neither ; and, the Scots having shortly afterwards re- sumed their habitual border warfare, considered the Edward treaty with Bruce at an end, and prepared to march 1001™^^ to Baliol's help. to his help. On the 21st of March, he wrote from Pontefract to the Earl Marshal and others, ordering them to meet him at Newcastle with their forces on the 30th of May;^ and at the same time gave leave to all the inhabitants of Northumberland, Cumberland, and Westmoreland, who wished to drive their cattle southward, for security against the incursions of the Scots, to feed them in his pastures and forests. lie also ordered sixty carpenters, and other workmen, to make him certain great engines of war.* In a letter Great which Edward wrote about the same time, ordering ^"ar'made^ soldiers to be sent from Wales, he distinctly charged for Ed- ward who the Scots with breaking the peace,^ which the Scotch charges historians instance as " a singular piece of diplomatic ^ith effrontery ;"® but it can hardly be denied that there t^e^peafe was at any rate some ground for Edward's statement. Notwithstanding Baliol's own admission, made pro- bably in the hope of pleasing and flattering Edward, 1 Tytler, vol. i. p. 396. 2 Rot. Pari. vol. ii. pp. 68 and 69 (7). ^ Rymer, vol. ii. p. 855. ^ Ibid. vol. ii. p. 856. 5 Ibid. p. 857. « Tytler, vol. i. p. 397. 60 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWAED III. Chap. IV. A.D. 1333. The Bnice party pre- pare fcr the de- fence of Scotland. Edward takes measures to protect commerce during war. Beginning of inter- national law. his success was not achieved by the help of Edward's soldiers, and had nothing to do with the treaty be- tween Edward and David ; but when the Scots began their border warfare and invaded England, they cer- tainly broke the peace, and gave Edward an oppor- tunity, not unwelcome probably, of considering it at an end. On Edward's arrival at Newcastle, prayers were ordered to be offered up for his success. He wrote to the Count of Flanders, and to the magistrates of Bruges, Ghent, and Ypres, requesting them to pre- vent the Count's subjects from assisting the Scots with their ships; and on arriving at Belford, four- teen miles south of Berwick, he wrote to the King of France, explaining to him that it was the Scots who had broken the peace. ^ The Bruce party of the Scots now "prepared for the defence of the Kingdom, and put a strong garri- son into Berwick, which Baliol had promised to surrender to Edward. Berwick was considered the key of Scotland, and was consequently the constant scene of conflict. Edward the First took it in the year 1296, Bruce re-took it in 1318, and strengthened its fortifications, and now again it was about to be besieged. The commerce of England had at this period be- come so important, that the fresh breaking out of war between Edward and Scotland rendered it ne- cessary to take measures for its protection. Thus, at that remote period, the questions of international law which have been debated so much in our own day and are still in part unsettled, began to assume a vast practical importance. Merchant ships, with their car- ' Rymer, vol. ii. pp. 860 and 862. •Chap. IV. SIEGE OF BERWICK. 61 goes, were constantly seized by the contending parties a.d. 1333 on either side; and even the subjectsof other nations, not engaged in war, made piratical attacks on the trading vessels of belligerents. This they did, in some cases, with leave from their sovereign, who issued what are called letters of marque, "to empower individuals to procure redress by means of armed vessels, for injuries suffered, or alleged to be suffered, by them;"^ a licence was thus given to piracy. In other cases, these attacks were made without such leave, and the marauders were therefore sheer pirates. Edward, desirous of extending English commerce, especially with Flanders, complained of these prac- tices to the Count of Hainault, and "represented to him the injustice of making the innocent suffer for the guilty, and the sad condition of merchants, if they must be liable to suffer for the crimes com- mitted by thieves and pirates upon the sea."^ A negotiation ensued, in which mutual restitution was promised. Edward also made arrangements for the protection of other foreign merchants, who feared their ships would be seized ; and the Kings of France and Aragon agreed to give no letters of marque or licences to pirates, unless any of their subjects who might have been plundered on the sea were refused redress.' The siege of Berwick began in the middle of May, The siege and the city was so well defended, that Edward de- wick! ' cided to blockade it, in order to reduce it by famine. The Scots were soon obliged to negotiate, and agreed to deliver up the town unless relieved by a certain day, ' M'Pherson's History of Commerce, vol. i. p. 509. ^ Rymer, vol. ii. p. 862. ' M'Pherson's History of Commerce, voL i. p. 509. 62 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWAKD III. Chap. IVC A.D.1333. Seton, the governor's son, being given as one of the hostages for the fulfilment of the agreement. Sir William Keith, and a few others, managed to force their way into the town, and this, as the Scots con- sidered, fulfilled the conditions of the agreement and relieved them frorri the necessity of surrendering. Edward did not so consider it, and demanded a sur- render ; but they declared they would defend the city to the last extremity. In the meanwhile, formidable riots had broken out in Wales from north to south against the English dominion, to which the Welsh had not yet willingly succumbed. Edward had heard of these early in June, and it is probable that the Scots had also become aware of their occurrence, and were thereby encouraged to prolong their resistance.'- Edward Edward considered the refusal of the Scots as a Se°on treacherous infringement of the agreement, and, as is Barwick ®^^^ ^J some Scotch historians, hung Seton before the gate of the town,^ The garrison were now alarmed, and it was at last agreed, on the 15th of July, that there should be a cessation of arms till sunrise on the 20th, and that the town and castle should both be surrendered on that day, unless, by vespers on the day before, they were relieved, either by an army, or by two hundred men of arms forcing their way into the place without losing more than thirty of their number.' On the 19th of July, to the great joy of the garrison. Sir Archibald Douglas, brother of 'The Good Sir James,' who had succeeded Sir Andrew Moray of Bothwell, the successor of the Earl of Mar, as Regent of Scotland, appeared before Berwick. The English were encamped on Halidon 1 Rymer, vol. ii. p. 863. 2 Tytler, vol. i. pp. 400-402. ' Rymer, vol. ii. p. 864. Chap. IV. DEFEAT OF THE SCOTS. 63 Hill; and, having nothing to do but to prevent the A.D.1333. Scots from entering the castle, they quietly awaited Douglas' attack. The Scots were posted on an oppo- Battle of site hill, with a marsh at its foot separating them Hiii. from the English ; but, feeling that they must fight at all hazards, they determined to cross, the marsh and advance up the hill against the English. The English array was well provided with archers, vrho drew their bows, with the unerring aim and fatal quickness for which they were so justly famous. The Scots were Defeat of thrown into confusion, and were soon defeated with such terrible slaughter, especially of the nobles, that it was commonly said among the English, that the Scottish wars were at last ended ; since, not a man of that nation was left, who had either skill or power to assemble an army, or direct its operations.^ The battle was fought on the 19th of July, and on the 22nd, Edward ordered the Archbishops and Bishops to oifer up thanks to God for the victory.^ It is impossible to avoid sympathising with the \ Scots in these struggles. They fought for a Bruce '-x against a Baliol. It is true, that, in refusing to restore the forfeited estates to the English, the Scots had broken the treaty of Edinburgh; but Edward should ('><"' have made a formal demand for their restitution, and \\ '' V c. resorted to arms only in case of refusal. Edward, '' however, doubtless wished to recover his influence • over Scotland ; he probably shared in the general in- dignation against the treaty made when he was too young to assent or dissent ; he knew that France se- cretly sided with the Bruce party ; and he was there- fore glad of an excuse to meddle in Scottish affairs. 1 Murimuth's Chron. p. 71 (London, 1846). * Rymer, vol. ii. p. 866. 64 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD III, Chap. IT. A.D.1334. Surrender of Ber. wick, and Edward's eiforts to promote its com- merce. After the disastrous defeat of the Scots at Halidon Hill, Berwick was, of course, surrendered to the Eng- lish ; and Edward, ever anxious to promote commerce, proclaimed that all merchants who would settle in it should hold their houses by burgage tenure.^ This was a kind of town socage, the terms of which were, that land was held on condition of making returns jn money, produce, or service, neither of servile nor military nature ;, and, the tenant was not liable to be dispossessed, so long as these services were performed. In many instances, and particularly in larger towns, these rents and services were compounded for by a stipulated annual sum, paid in common by the tenants, which was termed a fee farm rent. The indepen- dence and certainty which characterised this form of tenure, contributed greatly to the commerce and wealth, and thereby to the importance of the boroughs and towns where it was adopted. It was therefore a great boon to the inhabitants of Berwick.^ The commerce of England ]^ general had suffered from the war with Scotland, for inany foreign mer- chants, fearing that their ships would be seized by privateers having letters of marque, had given up sending their ships to England. Edward conse- quently ordered his sheriffs to make it known every- where, that all merchants, having his letter of safe-! conduct, might come freely to England to dispose of their goods on payment of the usual customs, and that no one should interfere with thera.^ On the fall of Berwick, Patrick, Earl of March, who had previously been suspected of a secret leaning 1 M'Pherson's History of Commerce, vol. i. p. 509. 2 See Norton's Commentaries on London, ch, iii., and Lectures on the History of England, vol. i. p. 83. 3 Kyraer, vol. ii. p. 868. Chap. IV. FBENCH SUPPORT OF SCOTLAND. 65 to the English, at once submitted to Edward, and A.D.1334. many of the Scottish nobles followed liis example. Baiioiaoes Baliol, was now once more seated on the throne of f'l^^^^ Scotland, but he soon greatly disgusted his subjects, age for the by yielding to Edward the whole of the Kingdom Scotland; south of the Forth ; by acknowledginoj him as his ^'"! ^JT^^ 'J 00 up to nim liege lord ; and, by doinof him full homaoje for that tiie ■whole r>oin ?.,! 1-1^ n i ofSootland part 01 bcotland, over which he was himseli allowed south of to remain the King.i "^'^"''"^ Edward returned to England soon after the victory, and, for the next two years and a half, until war was declared between England and France, was con- tinually engaged in journeys, to and fro, between England and Scotland, being repeatedly obliged to go to the assistance of his vassal Baliol. It was necessary, however, at the same time, to Edward's keep continual watch over France ; for Philip's friend- divided ship could not but be hollow, so long as Edward per- sfJi^^d sisted in refusing to recognise him as the lawful a°. 1334. granted him, for one year/ of their own accord, and most hkely as a " benevolence," ten shiUings on each sack of wool and the same amount on each last of leather exported, but, on the 19th of September, the Parliament substituted for this a tenth from the citizens and burgesses, and a fifteenth from the barons and knights of shires f and the clergy, in con- vocation at St. Paul's, granted him a tenth of their goods and benefices.^ Edward made great preparations for supporting Baliol in the following year with a large force. On the 20th of December he wrote from Roxburgh to the sheriffs of England, ordering that all men having forty pounds a year in land, who had not taken up the military order of knights owing knight's service, should do so by the end of May, and a few days afterwards he issued orders for the arming and arraying of the whole nation.* Scotland The Combined forces of Edward and Baliol overran by Ed- a considerable part of Scotland, but, early in the fol- Baifoh"'^ lowing year, Edward left Scotland, and appointed ' Glaus. 8 E. III. m. 12. m. 8. d. — This grant of the merchants seems to have been made without the action of Parliament. It was the custom of the time to tax particular classes. Thus Par- liament sometimes taxed the wool-merchants, sometimes the citizens and burgesses, and sometimes the clergy. In accordancei with this practice, the King, probably, informed the Mayor of London, or some leading merchant, that he required money. The Mayor or other person then communicated with the merchants, and obtained from them the required proffer of a grant. In this particular case there are no known documents which record the grant. These grants were often made as "benevolences" in return for some privilege which had been granted, or might he expected. 2 Pat. 8 Ed. III. p. 2, m. 15 ; and Rymer, vol. ii. p. 895. 3 Rymer, vol. ii. p. 897. < Ibid. pp. 899-901. Chap. IV. EDWARD AGAIN [NVADES SCOTLAND. 69 Baliol constable of the array. Shortly after this, the A.D. 1335, war was suspended by the arrival in England of am- bassadors from France, who were sent to mediate for peace between England and Scotland. It is difficult to assign any reason for this interference on the part of France, since her interest was evidently the per- petuation of war between the two countries ; unless indeed Philip feared that the Scots would be sub- jugated, and wished to ingratiate himself in their favour, by averting such a result. Edward gave the ambassadors an audience at Gedling, near Notting- ham ; but he was not now desirous of peace, would consent to nothing more than a truce till mid- Truce summer, and immediately began his preparations to England renew the "war.^ In the spring he wrote to Ireland s"^ianj for support in money, men, and arms;^ and, suspect- ing that the French were secretly aiding the Scots, sent to Calais to ascertain whether, with their con- nivance, the Scots were fitting out ships against him in that port, and if such were found to be the case, ordered that the ships should be seized.^ After this, afterwhich he for the third time invaded Scotland, and, pene- agaln"^ trating into the country by Carlisle, while Baliol en- 'g^^^^^nd tered by Berwick, met his dependent King at Perth. The cause of the Bruce party again seemed despe- rate, but a gleam of hope shone forth to them from the defeat of the Count of Namur, who was on his way Defeat of to join Edward with a band of foreign knights. He ^fVimur was surprised and defeated by the Earls of March and ^y *^ TIT 1 ^ • I 1 • Scots. j Moray, and was taken prisoner ; but his captors, with f great generosity, released him and his companions ^ without ransom, and escorted them across the border. i ' Eymer, vol. ii. pp. 903, 904. 2 Ibid. pp. 905-907. 3 Ibid. p. 911. 70 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWAKD III. Chap. IV. A.P.I 335. The Bruce party sub- mits to Edward. Edward returns to the North of Eng. land. Alarm about in- vasion of England by the French. On the return of the Scots, they were attacked by the English and utterly routed. James Douglas was killed, but his brother Archibald, who had been Regent of Scotland before the appointment of Robert and Randolph to ofl&ce, escaped. Randolph, however, was taken prisoner, and the Bruce party was so di- spirited that Robert, the other Regent, and the Earl of Athole, one of the disinberited barons — who was always changing from one side to the other, and had lately gone over to the Bruce party — concluded a treaty of peace with Edward, at Perth, on August 18th, 1335.1 In the following month, Athole was appointed Governor of Scotland, under Baliol; and, early in October, Edward, believing that Baliol was now securely settled on his throne and being himself called to England to defend it against French in- vasion, returned to Berwick-on-Tweed, from whence he proceeded southwards in December. He had, however, hardly left Scotland, when the ill-judged severity of the new Governor provoked the Scots to resistance, and at last, under the leadership of Sir Andrew Moray of Bothwell, they rose against him and slew him, and Moray was then immediately appointed Regent in his stead. The Scots, however, still groaned under Baliol's yoke. Encouraged by the support of their French allies, they continued to plot against him ; whilst every day they received promises of powerful help from the King of France. Edward, alarmed at the reports that there were numerous fleets afloat ready to invade England, had written at the beginning of August to order all men between sixteen and sixty to be arrayed, ' Avesbury, p. 24. Chap. IV. TJaUCE WITH SCOTLAND. 71 and a council to be immediately held in London. A.D.1335. Leaders of the Londoners were appointed, who were to defend the city in case the enemy landed. The King's son was sent to Nottingham for safety ; the Isle of Wight and the Channel Islands were put in a state of defence ; ships in the port of London were seized for the use of the King, and everything was made ready to defend the country.^ Philip, in fact, was constantly preparing for war with England : he phiiip's supported her foes, his troops landed on her coasts in ^gl.'iJiTt"^ sudden forays, and he vexed Edward's seneschals in Edward. Aquitaine. Before the submission of Athole to Ed- ward, Philip had written to Pope Benedict the Twelfth, to say that his treaties with the Scots obliged him to help them ; and the Pope in answer had, at the end of July, written strongly to dissuade him from war with England, and offered to act as mediator between him and Edward. The Pope then wrote to both Edward and Philip, exhorting them to peace, and Philip consequently sent ambassadors to Edward to negotiate. At length on the 23rd of November a truce with Scotland, to last for a month, was ao^reed on, '^^"'' ' . . porary and its further prolongation till the end of January, truce with A.D. 1336, was afterwards arranged.^ The Pope did not desist in his endeavours to bring a.d.1336. about a more permanent peace, and, before the truce had expired it was again prolonged till Easter ; but Edward, still alarmed at the rumours of the warlike preparations of the Scots, was obliged once more to prepare for war. At the instance of the Pope, how- ever, the truce was a second time prolonged ; but at length Edward's patience was exhausted, and on the ' Rymer, vol. ii. pp. 916, 917, 919, and 920. ' Ibid. pp. 926, 928. 72 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWAED 111. Chap. IV. A.D. 1336, Edward returns to Scotland. He ap- points Commis- sioners to treat with the King of France and Willi Bruce, 7th of April he determined to invade Scotland. He gave the command of the army to Henry Earl of Lancaster;^ but at the end of June accompanied it in person.^ While Edward was in Scotland, Philip- kept up a harassing interference with his lieutenants in the Duchy of Aquitaine. When Edward did hom- age to Philip, it had been agreed that commissioners should be appointed to settle various still outstand^* ing disputes between them ; but Philip's seneschal in Agenois, encouraged doubtless by Philip him- self, took the law into his own hands, and expelled Edward's vassal, Aymeric de Durfort, from that pro- vince by main force. Before going to Scotland Ed- ward had made great complaints of this to Philip,^ but he wished both to avoid a war with France and to ter- minate that with Scotland ; and accordingly, almost immediately after his arrival at Perth, had appointed commissioners to treat with the King of France rela- tive to their often-proposed expedition to the Holy Land, and to the settlement of all disputes between them, and to negotiate at the same time with Bruce himself, relative to the conclusion of a peace betweem England and Scotland.* '; Edward now believed, that there really was a chance of the disputes with France being settled amicably ; but still, it was neces^sary to be pre- pared against Philip's habitual treachery. Accord- ingly, he wrote from Perth to Sir Oliver de Ingham, his seneschal in Gascony, on the 20th of August/ telling him that, in order to prevent dangers which 1 Rymer, vol. ii. pp. 930, 931, 933, and 936. 2 lyd. p. 941. 3 Sismondi, vol. x. p. 100; and Rjmer, vol. ii. p. 936. * July 6, 1336, Rymer, vol. ii. p. 942. * Rymer, vol. ii. p. 944. Chap. IV. THEEATENKD INVASION OF ENGLAND. 73 might arise in Aquitaine from the want of armed men, A.Eusse. he was to allow none such to leave the duchy without his special leave, and to punish severely those who seemed disposed to disobey. Immediately afterwards, Edward summoned a Par- andsum- liament -to meet at Nottingham at the end of the fol- pariL- lowing February, to advise him as to his quarrel with ^^jfj^"*. France and war with Scotland.-^ That war still ham. continued, but the Scots avoided any general en- gagement, acting on the policy always adopted by Bruce. Probably they also relied on the speedy in- vasion of England by their French allies. Edward therefore returned to England, leaving his brother, the Earl of Cornwall, to direct the operations of the army. The Earl, however, died in October,^ and the King was consequently obliged once more to return to Scotland. But he still continued his negotiations Avith both France and Scotland,^ although he had good reason to believe that Philip was at that very time pre- paring to help the Scots by invading England. Con- sequently, Edward wrote to the Mayor of Bayonne, to say that he had been informed that there was a fleet on the coast of Normandy ready for that enter- prise, and desired him to send a fleet to England to assist him in repelling the apprehended invasion. Preparations for the invasion of England were made Prepara- by France in Sicily, Genoa, and even in Norway [i™nfng/ and Holland, but without the consent of the rulers "England. of those countries, and under colour of an expedi- tion to the Holy Land. The Government of the first two forbad the preparations immediately they ' Eymer, vol. ii. (Perth, August 24, 1336). 2 Walsingham, p. 197. s -RymeT, vol. ii. p. 945. over the sea. 74 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWAED III. Ghai>. IV. A.D.1336. became aware of them/ and Edward protested, pro- bably with equal success, against what was being attempted in Norway and Holland. The Count of Flanders, not unnaturally, also took part against England, and seized all the English merchants and their property in Flanders. Edward retaliated by similar measures in England.^ Edward how- ever had not neglected to prepare at home for Edward's the defence of England. So early as April he had STr appointed Sir GeoflFrey Say and Sir John Norwich defence, jjjg admirals ; and on the 16th of August he com- manded them to proceed to sea, England's ancient Edward dominion over which he asserted in the following dominion remarkable words : " We, considering that our pro- genitors. Kings of England, were lords of the Eng- lish sea on every side, and also defenders against invasions of enemies before these times; it would much grieve us if our royal honour in such defence should perish or be in aught diminished in our time, which God forbid."^ The Isle of Wight was attacked, and other parts of England were threatened ; at the beginning of November, therefore, the fleets were or- dered to assemble at Portsmouth and Orewell.* On the 11th of December the King found it necessary to issue a Commission, to consult as to the best measures for the defence of England ; he told the commis- _ sioners that as he was then in Scotland conducting the war, they were bound to expose their lives in de- fence of the country.^ 1 Rymer, vol. ii. pp. 946 and 949 (Sept., Oct., and Nov. 1336). 2 Ibid. p. 948. 3 Rot. Scot. i. 442 (as quoted by Nicolas, Hist. Brit. Navy, vol. ii. p. 17). * Rymer, vol. ii. p. 951. s Ibid. p. 953. Chap. IV. WAK WITH FRANCE. 75 At length Edward thought his presence in Eng- a.d. isae. land was even more necessary than in Scotland ; j,^^^ he therefore left that country in the middle of De- returns to cember,^ and returned to England, to prepare for t^mde the settlement of the dispute with France by arms '^fte'^^i'th or negotiation, according as he might be advised by Franco. Parliament. War between the two countries broke out in the course of the following year, and Edward did not again invade Scotland in person for more than twenty years. ' Rymer, vol. ii. p. 956. 76 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD III. Chap. V, CHAPTEE V, CA.D. 1336.] Edward the Third unjustly called "The Father of English Com- LAWS KELATITE TO SOCIAIi AND COMMERCIAL LIFE PASSED DUEINO THE EAKLT YEARS OF EDWARD's REIGN. England, from the earliest times in which anything is known about it, was famous for her commerce; her Kings, even in the remote period when she first achieved secure possession of political liberty, were not allowed to forget the importance of commercial prosperity. In Magna Charta the trade with foreign merchants was carefully protected ; and, in each suc- ceeding reign, enactments were made, with the object of promoting commercial intercourse between Eng- land and the Continent of Europe. In the reign of Edward the Third, a vast number of arrangements were made and laws passed for the regulation of English commerce ; but, as already stated, their mo- tive was to increase revenue, and their effect was often so prejudicial, that, to this King, there cannot be awarded the praise, of legislating with a wise in- sight into the importance of encouraging its growth. Nevertheless, these matters were forced on Edward's mind, at the very beginning of his reign, by his need of money ; the war with Scotland, and the disputes with France, increased instead of diminishing the necessity of his attention to them. It will therefore be convenient here to interrupt, for a short interval, the current narrative of political events in order to Chap. V. MODE OF PROMULGATION' OF STATUTES. 77 give an account of the statutes passed at this time for [a.d. 1336.1 the promotion of commercial prosperity, and also of some laws curiously illustrating the manners of the time. It would require an elaborate work, especially devoted to the subject, to do adequate justice to the vast and interesting subject of the history of English trade and commerce ; but even the slight sketch which alone can be introduced here, and the incidental notices appearing from time to time in the narrative, will, it is believed, give some idea of its progress, and help to bring before the reader's mind a living picture of the times. It may be well, however, to begin by stating the way in which the Statutes of the Realm, or Acts of Parliament, were then promulgated or made known, and how this purpose is now accomplished, so as to remind the reader of the difference between the four- teenth and nineteenth centuries in this respect. Previously to, and for centuries after the reign of Piomniga- Edward the Third, Parliaments were held at various stTtutes, ' places over the kingdom — wherever, in fact, it best " ^hiciT^ suited the convenience of the King — and indeed there •''^"^ were is no law to prevent their being now held elsewhere known, than at Westminster.^ An Act of Parliament might, therefore, be passed in Westminster, or at York, or elsewhere ; but wherever this might take place, it was necessary that it should be made known, as quickly as possible, over the whole length and breadth of the kingdom. The art of printing had not been disco- vered, there was no postal system by which letters were conveyed from one part of England to another, and communication of all kinds, except on horseback, was slow and difficult. Written copies of new Statutes ' See Lectures on the History of England, vol. i. p. 108. 78 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWAKD III. Chap. V. [A,D. 1336.] were therefore sent to all the Sheriffs, with instruc. tions that they should be " published and cried " in ' every county in England, and they were sent also to the Cathedrals and Monasteries to be preserved among their records. In the first year of .Richard the Third (14S4), which was not long after the invention of printing, this practice was given up, and no good system substituted in its place. The inconvenience, arising from the consequent defective promulgation of the Statutes, was not remedied until the year 1796, when it was provided that printed copies should be distributed all over the kingdom; and after the Union of Great Britain and Ireland, it was provided that 5,500 copies of every General Act should be printed by the King's printer, and transmitted to all requisite persons, thrpughout the kingdom, con- nected with the legislature and the administration of justice. This is the way in which the Acts of Par- liament are authenticated and promulgated at the present day.-^ \ Law for The first of the Statutes to which I have referred, frM^donTof relatcs to the free access of foreign merchants to our ports and inland towns. It was provided by Magna. Charta, that foreign merchants, in time of peace, should have safe and sure conduct to come into England; to go through it as well by land as by water ; to remain in it, to buy and sell, without any manner of evil tolls, by the old and rightful customs, and to depart out of England.^ The freedom of trade, thus granted to foreign merchants, was confirmed by various kings, especially by Edward the First, who (in 1303),gave8 > The Statutes of the Realm (London, 1810), vol. i., Intro^ duction, ch. v. sec. 2. 2 Reeve's History of English Law, vol. i. p. 234. commerce. Chap. V. CHAETEE TO FOEEIGN MEECHANTS. 79 charter to foreign merchants, allowing them, on condi- [a..d. isaeo tion of their paying certain import and export duties, freedom to trade by wholesale in all parts of his dominions, and to sell spices and mercery by retail. He also exempted them from the payment of " pont- age," a duty imposed upon the ordinary residents for making and repairing bridges; " murage," a similar duty for upholding the walls of towns; and " pavage" for paving streets. Edward the Third in 1328, at the beginning of his reign;^ confirmed this highly important charter ; the confirmation was repeated in the following year,^ and again in 1332.^ But, not- withstanding these enactments, such was the jealousy of foreign merchants, felt by the freemen of cities, to whom exclusive privileges of trade had been granted, sometimes by their charters, and sometimes by Acts of Parliament, that they refused to allow merchants who brought foreign goods into the country to sell to any person but themselves, in order to enable them to re-sell at any price they pleased ; riots often took place, from the resident traders trying to enforce compliance with these chartered privileges. An Act to put a stop to these practices, was therefore passed, while Edward was on his way to Scotland after the truce made by the mediation of the French ambas- sadors. This Act (the 9th Edward III. Statute 1st, York, Act 9th 26th May a.d. 1335} is as follows : "Whereas in divers iii. cities, boroughs, and other places of his realm, great '^'' '" duress and grievous damage have been done to him *" and his people, by some people of cities, boroughs, ports of the sea, and other places in the said realm, which in long time past have not suflfered, nor yet 1 Rymer, vol. ii. p. 746. « ibij. p. 757. a ibid. p. 836. 80 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWAED III. Chap. V. tA.D. 1336.] will suffer merchant strangers, nor others, which do carry and bring in by sea or land, wines and other livings and victuals, to sell and deliver such wines and other things to any other than to themselves; by reason whereof such stuff aforesaid is sold to the King and to his people more dear than they should be. Charter to Our Lord the King, desiring the profit of his people, ^er-^" hath ordained and established, that all merchants, ciiants. strangers, and denizens, and all other, that will buy or sell corn, wines, and all other livings, victuals, wools, clothes, wares, merchandises, and all other things vendible, from whence soever they come, may freely, without interruption, sell them to what persons it shall please them, except always the enemies of oixr Lord the King and of his Realm." The Statute then goes on to impose penalties (such as loss of franchise, fines, and imprisonment) on those who in- fringed the law.^ By a subsequent Act (11th Edward III.), London was excepted from these provisions; but the act was continually evaded, and " it Avas not until the reign of Richard the Second that all dealings between foreigner and foreigner within the City of London were emphatically prohibited."^ Foreign mer- chants were subjected to the great hardship, from which they were sometimes relieved by special favourj of being each made liable for the debts and crimes of the others in the kingdom, probably from the fear that they might escape from justice by leaving the kingdom. This unjust custom was abolished by law in 1353.^ Trade was interfered with to an extraordinary ' Statutes of the Realm, vol. i. p. 269. 2 See Mr. Norton's iavaluable Commentaries on London,hooV.i, chap. vii. New edition. London, 1869. 3 M'Pherson's History of Commerce, vol. i. pp. 474 and 479. Chap. V. . LAW RELATIVE TO CUBRE>^CY. 81 extent by piracy, and the Calais pirates were most [a.d. me.i notorious. It is unnecessary to trace the history of these pirates beyond a few years; but it may be Piracy, noticed that in 1315, twenty-two piratical vessels issued from Calais, and, notwithstanding that England and France were then at peace, seized four English vessels laden with wool and other merchandise for Antwerp, and about the same time they even attacked an English vessel (similarly laden) which was stranded off Margate, and carried it off to Calais. The Eng- lish themselves, however, were not innocent of similar evildoing, and in 1320 the Flemings complained that the English had seized some of their ships laden with wines and other goods, and had carried them off to England. Another Act was passed by the York Parliament, Law reia- the great object of which was to prevent the debase- p'onatioir raent of the coin at home, the introduction of bad °f ^'^^^'•' ' and de- money from abroad, and the carrying good money basBment away out of the country. It was provided that good currency, silver money, or articles of silver plate, might be imported, and taken to places of exchange, where English money was given for it, and where travel- lers were accommodated with English and foreign money, when arriving at or departing from the king- dom ; but, in violation of all sound principles of com- mercial policy, it was ordered, that no money or plate should be taken out of the kingdom. The places of exchange were appointed at Dover, Lon- don, Yarmouth, Kingston-upon-HuU, St. Bothulph (Boston), Newcastle, Cirencester, Hartlepool, Scar- borough, York, Ravensered, Lincoln, Southampton, Norwich, Lynn, Ipswich, Sandwich, Winchelsea, and VOL. L a 82 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWAED III. Chap. V, [A.D. 1336.] Bristol/ which twenty places may therefore be sup- posed to have been then the principal centres of trade. The exchanges were a source of profit to the King, and formed part of his revenue. This Statute (9 Edward III, Stat. 2) begins by stating that " Because we have perceived that divers people beyond the sea, endeavour to counterfeit our sterling money of England, and to send into England their weak money, in deceit of us, and damage and oppression of our people, we have ordained that from henceforth no religious man, nor other, shall carry any sterling out of the realm of England, nor silver in plate, nor vessel of gold, nor of silver, also, that no false money be brought into the realm, that no sterling halfpenny nor farthing be molten, for to make vessel or any other thing by goldsmiths, nor other, also that all manner of black money, which hath been com- monly current of late in our realm, be utterly ex- cluded." Penalties were imposed on those who infringed this law, and it was also provided that no pilgrirlis should go out of the kingdom from any place but Dover, searchers being appointed at all the ports, to see that none carried out gold or silver without licence, or brought in counterfeit money.^ Very little At this time there was very little gold money coined currency by the King of England — so little, indeed, that it has time*!'^ been generally believed that there was none.* A few years later, however (in 1344), the King and Parlia- ment ordered gold money, called leopards and nobles, each of three sizes, to be coined. The largest pieces, > Rymer, vol. ii. p. 922 ; and Statutes, vol. i. p. 273. 2 Statutes of the Realm, vol. i. p. 273. 3 M'Pherson's History of Commerce, vol. i. p. 530. Chap. V. SOCIAL AND COMMERCIAL LEGISLATION. 83 stamped with two leopards, and equal to two small [a.d. isss. florins of Florence of full weight, were ordered to pass for six shillings. The halves were stamped with one leopard, and the quarters with a helmet.^ The nobles consisted of pieces valued at six shillings and eight- pence, and of halves and quarters of nobles.^ In 1346 Edward, seeing the advantage that would arise from the use of an uniform currency in England and abroad, and thus anticipating the hitherto unsuccessful efforts of modern statesmen, endeavoured to establish an international currency between England and Flan- ders, but it does not appear that he succeeded.^ Acts to prevent the introduction of counterfeit money and the exportation of good money were often passed, their very frequency showing their inefficiency. In the following year, while Edward was on his singular way back from Scotland to prepare for war with latirrio France, a very singular law was passed at Auckland, ^^''"S- in Durham, on October 15th, 1336 (10th Edward III. Stat. 3), regulating how much people might eat. It seems, at first sight, difficult to understand what can have given rise to so singular and imprac- ticable a law. Its object, however, was, doubtless, to limit expenditure, both in dress and food. This period was one of great extravagance in dress, and probably also in living, and one of the great charac- teristics of the period was, the tendency to interfere with, and regulate, the most minute details of social and domestic life.* 1 Eymer, vol. iii. p. 1. ^ Ibid. p. 16. » ibid. p. 77. * Sumptuary laws abounded in ancient legislation. Thus, among the Eomans, the Lex Orchia limited the number of guests at a feast ; the Lex Fannia restricted the cost of an ordinary entertainment to ten asses, and so forth. The Act referred to in the text was left unrepealed till 19 & 20 Vict. c. 64. G 2 84 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD III. Chap. V. [A.D. 1336.] Act 10th Edward 111. Stat. 3. Law relative to eating. Woollen manafao- ture. The Statute begins by stating, " Whereas, through the excessive and over many sorts of costly meats which the people of this realm have used, more than elsewhere, many mischiefs have happened to the people of the said realm: for the great men, by these excesses, have been sore grieved, and the lesser people, who only endeavour to imitate the great ones in such sort of meats, are much impoverished ; where- by they are not able to aid themselves nor their liege Lord, in time of need, as they ought ; and many other evils have happened, as well to souls as bodies ; Our Lord the King hath ordained and established that no man, of what estate or condition soever he be, shall cause himself to be served in his house or elsewhere, at dinner, meal, or supper, or at any other time, with more than two courses, and each mess of two sorts of victuals at the utmost, be it of flesh or fish, with the common sorts of pottage, with- out sauce or any other sort of victuals ; and if any man choose to have sauce for his mess, he well may, provided it be not made at great cost, and if flesh or fish be mixed therein it shall be of two sorts only at the utmost, except on the principal feasts of the year," on which days every man may be served with three courses at the utmost." There is no penalty imposed' for infringing this law, and indeed it must have been difficult to find out whether or not it was obeyed,-, unless there was a domestic spy in every house.^ The next point requiring special attention, is the progress of the woollen manufactures, as it marks an important stage in the progress of England from a purely agricultural state, to that of the greatest manu« facturing country in the world. On his return from ' Statutes of the Realm, vol. i. p. 278. Chap. V. THE WOOLLEN MAKUFACTDEE. 85 Scotland, after the Battle of Halidon Hill, Edward [a-d^^s- invited weavers and clothworkers from all parts to come and settle in England.^ So great, indeed, was the importance of this branch of trade, that even while engaged in his last attempt to subdue the Bruce party, and at the very moment when he was also preparing for war with France, Edward thought it requisite to send from Bothwell, in the West of Scotland,^ letters of protection for two weavers of Brabant, who were carrying on their business at York, expressing at the same time his belief, that their carrying on their business in his kingdom, would be of great advantage to the nation. It has often been stated that Edward the Third History of the wool- introduced the woollen manufacture into England, len manu- but such is not the case.^ It is true that, before his England. reign, there were but few woollen fabrics woven in England, and the principal part of our wool, up to that time, was carried abroad, to be made into cloth, and then brought back into England. The export commerce, too, of English towns was almost confined to the exportation of wool, the great staple commodity of England, upon which, in its raw or manufactured state, more than on any other, our wealth has been founded.^ But it was the Romans who originally intro- in'^o- "' duced duced it into England. They established manufac- by the tories in Yorkshire, and it is known that a large one °'"^°'' was set up at Winchester to supply the Roman army. ' Rymer's Foedera (London, 1821), vol. ii. p. 849. 2 On December 12, a.d. 1336, ibid. p. 954. ^ The facts relative to the History of the Woollen Manufacture are taken principally from the History of the Worsted Manu- facture in England. By John James, F.S.A,, 1857. Printed at Bradford. '' Hallam's Middle Ages, 8°, vol. ii. p. 282. 86 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD III. Chap. V. [A.D. 1336.] Spinning was much practised by ladies in Anglo- Saxon times, principally by the younger and un- married women, who were thence called spinsters. Of the large number of Flemish weavers who came over with William the Conqueror, many settled at cultivated Norwich, and thus laid the foundation of the com- Normans, mercial importance of that city. The name of that particular kind of woollen manufacture, which is called worsted, is derived, as is believed on good authority^ from a place of that name in Norfolk, but im- where many of these weavers settled. Although, menseiy howevcr, the woolleu manufacture existed in Ens:- incrcased ' . ° by Edward land before the time of Edward the Third, yet he so far extended, improved, and so notably en- couraged this branch of trade, that from his reign may be dated a new era in its history. The Flemings were an industrious people, skilled in all manufac- tures, and it was to Flanders that our raw wool was principally exported. The predecessors of Edward the Third had alter- nately fostered and checked the trade with Flanders. In 1304, Edward the First, having no keen insight into the value of the trade between' England and that country, and being anxious to be on friendly terms with France, and to induce the King of France to banish Friendship the Scots from his kingdom, agreed, at his request, Flemings to Sacrifice his friendship with the Flemings, and VEdwa'ld banish them from England. At the same time, he First. ordered home all his own subjects who were settled in Flanders. But the Flemings were well aware of the advantage of cultivating trade with England, and, notwithstanding the sentence of banishment, settled and married here. In 1315, therefore, Edward the Second, at the request of the King of France, repeated Chap. V. ENCOUBA.GBMBNT OF WOOLLEN MANUFACTUEE. 87 the sentence, excluding, however, those who had taken [a-k. isse.i iinto themselves English wives. There were never- theless frequent quarrels between the English and Flemings, occasioned partly, by the persistence of the latter, in refusing to give up their trade with Scotland to please the English. The marriage of Edward the Third with Philippa of Hainault naturally increased the intimacy and intercourse between England and Flanders ; and in 1331, after the fall of Mortimer, when Edward was able to take the government of the country into his own hands, he sent emissaries over to Flanders to induce Flemish weavers to settle Edward , . T^-P T T • 1 • /¥• • III. encou- m this country. Me succeeded m his eirorts to in- rages crease the woollen trade, and the weavers settled weaversto principally in Norfolk, Suffolk, and Essex. It is g"'j", evident that Edward and his Queen took a great personal interest in the manufacture, for they fre- quently visited Norwich, where most of the Queen's countrymen lived. The weavers, however, were looked on with much jealousy and were often ill-treated, and the King therefore took them under his special protection.-^ The English were, for some time, unable to produce or finish cloth of the finest quality, but the sheep were of so good a breed that, in 1338, the exportation of live rams "for the improvement" Exporta- of foreign wool was forbidden ;^ ten years later, how- EngUsh ever, an English flock was smuggled out of England fo^b^^gn into Spain, and is said to have been the source of i»it some the fine Spanish wool.^ into Spain. On the 30th of February 1337, the King gave his consent to an Act, having for its object the promotion of the woollen manufactures, — by com- 1 Eymer, vol. iii. p. 23, ^ Ibid. vol. ii. p. 1034. ^ M'Pherson's History of Commerce, vol. i. p. 539. 88 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD III. Chap. V, [A. D. 133 6.] pelling his subjects to wear English cloth, forbidding the expe*rtation of wool, and again offering encou- ragement to foreign weavers to settle in England. The Act was, however, far from irtipartial, for by it the King and his family, and all persons possessed of a certain income, were allowed to wear what they pleased, so that it was only the inferior classes who came under its provisions. The words of the Statute Act nth are as follows: — "It is accorded by our Sovereign iii^as^to Lord the King, that no merchant, foreign or denizen, Er'iish "°^ none other, shall bring, nor cause to be brought, made anv wools out of the realm, till by the Kins: and his cloths. --I ., • 1 1 • •111 Council it be otherwise provided : that no man nor woman, great nor small (the King, Queen, and their children only excepted), shall wear no cloth other than is made in England, Ireland, Wales, or Scot- land : that no merchant shall bring into the said lands any cloths made in any other places than in the same: that no man nor woman (the King, Queen, and their children, the Prelates, Earls, Barons, Knights, and Ladies, and people of Holy Church, which may expend by year £100 of their benefices at least, only except) shall wear no fur in his clothes : and lastly it is accorded, that all the clothworkers of strange lands, of whatsoever country they be, which will come into England, Ireland, Wales, and ScotW, Avithin the King's power, shall come safely and surely, and shall be in the King's protection and safe-con- duct, to dwell in the same lands, choosing where they will ; and to the intent, the said clothworkers shall have the greater ,will to come and dwell here, our Sovereign Lord the King will grant thera franchises, as many and such as may suffice them." 1 • 2 Ed. III. Statutes of the Realm, vol. i. p. 280. Chap. V. THE KING EXPORTS WOOL. 89 It is not to be assumed, however, that these enact- ca.d. isse.j ments, for the encouragement of manufacturing in- dustry, were passed purely with a view to the benefit of the King's English subjects. In fact, he raised a considerable part of his revenue from the export of wool, and acted as a kind of merchant on his own account. He therefore availed himself of the condition of the enactment, " till by the King and his Council it be thereof otherwise provided," to set aside, so far as related to himself, that part of the Act which forbade such export.^ On the 27th of July in the following year (a.d. 1338), the Parliament having granted the King the right to purchase 20,000 sacks of wool, he immediately ordered the whole to be shipped to Antwerp. He thus promoted the manu- But the facturing industry of that city, regardless of its effect „evCTthe. on that of England. Had he taken this course, from g^^^^g^fg an enlarged view of the advantage of the freedom of 'lie wool commerce, he would have been entitled to take high to him. rank as a wise administrator ; but in this, as in other similar transactions, there can be but little doubt, that the raising of money for his selfish wars, was his only motive. If the account given by Knighton, the Canon of Leicester, is to be relied on, Edward made a considerable profit on the wool thus exported, as, according to this historian, he bought it for about three pounds (nine marks) the sack, and sold it for twenty.^ Shortly afterwards, in a.d. 1340, the ex- port of wool seems to have been permitted, on con- dition of a certain quantity of silver being brought back in return,^ Wool being almost our only means of • Hallam's Middle Ages, 8°, vol. ii. p. 386. ^ Rymer, vol. ii. pp. 1051 and 1054; Knighton, col. 2570. 3 14 Ed. III. Stat. i. c. 21. 90 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD III. Chap. V, rA.D. 1386.] getting silver at that time. It then became necessary, Export for the King to take care, that he had for himself the "ermi'tted ^^^* chance in buying and selling ; and it was pro- irni the vided, in 1341, "That no merchant, nor other, buy nor King to be ^ i i i i i • t first served Carry wools out 01 the land between this and the m^uying y^^^^ ^f g^_ Michael next coming, to the intent that selling. ^]jg King be served of that, that to him is granted; and that they which have wools shall be bound to sell according to the sort and price of the country."^ He had previously found the necessity of preventing competition with himself. On the 10th of March 1338, he wrote from Westminster to the Sheriff of York, stating that, whereas the last Parliament had granted him a certain number of sacks of wool, it would be a great damage to him, if foreign and Eng- lish merchants were allowed to buy and export wool; he therefore forbade the purchase of wool by any one, until the wool granted to him had been collected together.^ But this intimation seems to have been insufficient, and it was therefore necessary, in 1341, to pass the Act of Parliament just quoted. It is hardly necessary to remark, that these various regulations, relative to the export of wool and the re- sidence of foreigners in England, were quite contrary Edward's to the true principles of commerce. It would have cOTtramo ^^^^ ™°^^ *° *^^ interest of the country, if Edward true prin- had allowed trade to take its natural course without commerce, any restrictions whatever ; had permitted English wool to be sold, wherever purchasers were to be found ; and, had allowed foreigners to settle in England, without any especial and favourable privileges on their behalf on the one hand, or on behalf of his own subjects on » 15 Ed. III., Stat. iii. c. 5. Statutes of the Realm, \oll'^-^^' 2 Eymer, vol. ii. p. 1022. (London, 1821.) Chap. V. STATUTE OF THE STAPLE. 91 the other. But it must be recollected that at that [a.d. issg. time the commercial intercourse between different countries was, comparatively, very limited ; that all nations were, till freedom of trade was established between them, as jealous of each other, in such matters, as were, at one time, England and France; that duties on exports were then thought the best means of raising revenue ; and, that the best way of encouraging that branch of manufacture, which was considered especially suited to any particular nation, was supposed to. be, that of forbidding the import of similar products from foreign countries. The King, as already stated, derived a large income from the duty paid on every sack of wool sent abroad. In one year (a.d. 1354) he even received the then enormous sum of eighty thousand pounds and up- wards from this source.-^ The duty was collected at places or ports called Staples, where the King's Staple Wooi Avas said to be established ; those who exported goods '''^p'^'- from thence were called Merchants of the Staple, and they seem to have been first formed into the Society of " The Mayor and Merchants of the Staple " in 1313.^ The word, in its original sense, denoted, a place or port, to which goods were required to be brought, for payment of the customs, before they could be sold or exported. Previous to the time of Edward the Third, the articles on which customs were paid, were wool, woolfels (woolskins), leather, and tin ; but, in his reign, woollen cloths and worsted also be- came articles of the Staple. The Staple was appointed sometimes in England, and sometimes in foreign countries. At the beginning of Edward's reign ' M'Pherson's History of Commerce, vol. i. p. 553. 2 Ibid. p. 478. 92 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD III. Chap.V. [A.D. 1336.] staples were appointed to be held at Newcastle-on- Tyne, York, Lincoln, Norwich, London, Winchester, Exeter, and Bristol ; at Dublin, Drogheda, and Cork, for Ireland; Shr'e-vs^sbury, Carmarthen, and Cardiff for Wales ; Lostwithiel and Truro for the tin of Corn- wall, and Ashburton for that of Devonshire. The places were, however, changed from time to time; were sometimes appointed abroad ; were at one time (2 Ed. in. c. 9) abolished ^ altogether ; were again appointed and agSiff 'aBblished ; till at last, in 1353, the Statute of the Staple established a more complete Statute of set of regulations for its government. There can be the Staple. ^^ doubt, that the establishment of these Staple cities, greatly facilitated the arbitrary raising of the royal revenues ; but, at the same time, they must have equally checked the progress of trade, by limiting the markets at which all goods of a particular class were ' to be sold ; and, the constant change of the localities, at which these Staples were established, must have introduced an element of unfiertainty and confusion in mercantile transactions most injurious to commerce. In the course of the history of Edward's reign, it will frequently be seen, that commercial privileges, and especially those having relation to the export or manufacture of wool, and the import of cloth, were held out as inducements to alliances ; but these facts will be noticed at the time of their occurrence, and some account of Edward's measures relative to Englisll commerce having been given, the thread of the History may now be resumed. 1 March 3rd, 1334, Rymer, vol. ii. p. 879. Map 2 THI ORIGIN or THE KINGDOMS OF WESTERN EUROPE Londoru.L on^mcazs & Co. Chap. VI. "■ CAUSES OF THE EEENCH WAR. 93 CHAPTEE VI. PEEPARATIONS FOB WAK WITH FRANCE — ENGLAND'S FOREIGN ALLIANCES : THEIR ORIGIN AND OBJECT. NoTWiTHSTAiTDiNG the ' exchange of courtesies be- A.D.1336. tween Edward and Philip, and their plan of an united crusade to the Holy Land, it had now become evi- Warbe- dent that there was no chance of peace. Day by day c°™^in the hostility of France increased ; and the unsettled state of other bordering countries, whose interests couW not -fail to be involved in a struggle between England and France, showed plainly that a war of no Ordinary extent would soon break out. The shores of England were not safe from French invasion ; the English provinces in France were vexed and harassed by the French ; the Flemish weavers eagerly sought the help of England against their tyrannical ruler, who was the ally of France ; the Count of Artois, who was England's ally, was at violent enmity with Philip; and the Emperor, who had set up an anti-Pope and received the Imperial Crown at his hand, was also at variance with Philip for supporting the legitimate Pope. These circum- stances combined to induce Edward to determine on 'war with France, and enabled him to form alliances against Philip. Edward's assertion of his right to the throne of prance, at the beginning of his reign, having been so 94 LIFE AXD TIMES OF EDWARD III. Chap. VI. A.D. 1336. long left in abeyance, and his disputes with France, CaMteTof which he so continually endeavoured to settle, hav- wai-with ing ];iad reference solely to Philip's encroachments in Aquitaine, it becomes doubtful whether Edward's claim to the throne was the real cause of the v-'ar; but he soon found it necessary to make it his pretext, and to style himself King of France. The resolve of Philip to wrest Aquitaine from the rule of the King of England, and Edward's determination to keep it, were, seemingly, its main and true cause. Philip wished to destroy feudalism ; and to reduce Aquitaine to the same state of dependence on the throne of France, as that to which he had reduced all the other great fiefs held of the French Crown,^ and thus to consolidate France into one homogeneous king- dom. His object was a most wise one ; but, it was not to be expected, that Edward would quietly sub- mit to occupy the comparatively degraded position, destined by Philip for him and for the other lords of the various provinces of which France was then composed ; a collision between the two therefore be- came inevitable. Philip's Actuated by this motive, Philip had continually meXin" encroached in Aquitaine; and, rejecting Edward's Aquitaine. repeated offers to treat with him, had made the English seas unsafe for EngUsh commerce, until| at last, he goaded Edward into the temporary relin. quishing of his designs on Scotland, leaving Baliolto take care of himself, and making active preparations for war with France. At the end of the year 1336, the English fleets were assembled at Portsmouth and Orewell, and when his Council met him in London to consider the state of his relations with France, i ' Sismondi, vol. ix. p. 449. Cbap. VI. KINGDOMS OF WESTERN EUEOPE. 95 Edward again asserted England's dommion over the A.D.isse. sea, and made preparations for war.-"^ To enable Edward to wage war successfully on the Edward continent of Europe, it was necessary for him to make foreign alliances with foreign Powers, and secure the friend- "iHaaccs. ship of such persons as had influence there. For this purpose, at the suggestion of the Count of Artois, he sent to consult his brother-in-law the Count of Hainault, now also Count of Holland, as to war with France; finding the Count well-disposed to support him, he sent over a special commission to him, on the 16th December, and also to the Count of Juliers who had married Queen Philippa's sister, to empower them to make alliances for him.^ In order, however, to explain properly the various The origin circumstances connected with the alliances thus formed kingdoms by Edward, it is necessary to give a sketch of the Europe.^™ origin, extent, and mutual relations of the political divisions of Western Europe. The Continental kingdoms of Western Europe all The sprang, originally, from the great Western Empire, J^p're" which itself arose out of the ruins of that of Eome. founded ihis mighty empire was founded in a.d. 800, when Roman i Charlemagne was crowned Emperor of the West (or of ™''''^^' jthe Romans) by Pope Leo the Third. It comprised J the whole of France, a considerable part of Spain, i|the greater part of Germany, and all Italy except that which, till A.D. 1860, formed the kingdom of Naples. ■■ In the year 847 this empire was divided among I'the three sons of Lewis the Pious (or le Debonair), i'; ' Rymer, vol. ii. pp. 950, 951, 953, and 954: " Progenitores ibostri, Eeges Angliae, domini maris et transmarini passagii, totis j^emporibus pr£eteritis, extiterunt." " Buchon's Froissart, vol. i. p. 56 ; and Eymer, vol. ii. p. 955. 96 LIFE AND TIMES OP EDWARD III. Chap. VI. A.D. 1336. The Western Empire divided among the sons of Louis le Debonair. Limits of the three kingdoms. The Em- pire marly reunited, but at the death of Charles the Eat divided into eight kingdoms. who had succeeded his father Charlemagne. The greater part of France fell to the share of Charles the Bald, and became a separate kingdom, if such a name can be given to a collection of fiefs whose lords hardly acknowledged the King of the Franks even as their feudal superior. Lorraine and Italy, with the title . of Emperor, fell to the share of Lothaire, the eldest son, and Germany was ruled over by Louis.-^ The geogra-. phical limits of these three kingdoms were as follows:— France comprised all between the Atlantic and the rivers Rhone, Saone, and the Upper Meuse on the north and east, and Spain on the south.^ Lorraine, or Lothringen (so called from Lothaire), extended from the mouth of the Rhine to Provence, and was bounded^ by that river on one frontier, and by France on the other. ^ Germany consisted of that part of Charle-, magne's empire which lay beyond the Rhine.* The Empire was nearly reunited by Charles the, Fat, son of Louis of Germany, but, at his deposition : in A.D. 888, eight distinct kingdoms sprang from its ruins. These were — Germany, which was bounded by the Rhine and Elbe ; Lorraine, by the Rhine, the Meuse, and the Scheldt ; France, by the ocean, the Pyrenees, the Rhone, the Saone, and the Meuse; Burgundy, at first formed two divisions under the 1 Hallam's Middle Ages, 8° (1841 ed.) vol. i. p. 14. ^ Francia Occidentalis, that is to say, Neustria and Aquitaine, — Bryce's Holy Roman Empire, new edition (1866), p. 85. ^ " To Lothar, who as Emperor must possess the two capitals Eome and Aachen (Aix-la-Chapelle), a long and narrow kingdom stretching from the North Sea to the Mediterranean." — Ibid. ■• " Lewis received all east of the Rhine — Franks, Saxons, Bava- rians, Austria, Carinthia, with possible supremacies over Czeelis and Moravians beyond. Throughout these regions German was spoken." — Bryce, p. 85. Chap. VI. POLITICAL DIVISIONS OF WESTERN EUROPE. 97 names of Pkovence or Cisjurane Burgundy, and a.d.issg. Teansjurane Burgundy, but these were, after a time, united in the kingdom of Arles, which was bounded The eight by the Mediterranean, the Rhone, the Saone, the '"^ °'"^' Jura, and the Maritime Alps;^ Navarre comprised the Spanish Marches ; Italy, the Frank possessions in that peninsula ; and, lastly, Moravia, which comprised, in addition to Moravia proper, Bohemia and Pannonia as far as the Drave. But the breaking- up of the empire did not end here. The land was again subdivided among dukes and counts, on con- ditions which formed the basis of the feudal system. These dukes and counts were engaged in constant struggles to render themselves independent of their feudal lord paramount ; but, as will be seen in the history of the present reign, the lord paramount Avas engaged in a struggle to absorb them, and was at last successful in this effort.^ ' Of these kingdoms, or empires, the only ones whose history and geography, on account of their relation with the history of England, need be further traced out, are France and Germany. In order to understand the complicated conditions of the alliances, formed by ' "The kingdom of Provence or Burgundy (Regnum Pro- vincicB sen Burgundice)—a,ho, though less accurately, called the kingdom of Cisjurane Burgundy- — was founded by Boso in a.d. 877, and included Provence, Dauphine, the southern part of Savoy, and the country between the Saone and the Jura. The kingdom of Transjurane Burgundy (ife$r«M/B Jurense, Burgundia TVani/Mrewiw)— founded by Rudolph in a.d. 888, recognised in the same year by the Emperor Arnulph — included the northern parts of Savoy, and all Switzerland between the Reuss and the Jura. The kingdom of Burgundy or Aries {Regnum Burgundice Regnum Arelatense) was formed by the union of these, under Conrad the Pacific, a.d. 937."— Bryce, pp. 437, 438. " Brewer's Historical Atlas, 8°, 3rd edit. p. 31. VOL. I. H 98 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD III, Chap. VD Founda- tion of kingdom of France and its feudal depend- encies. A.D.1336. Edward, with the dukes and counts of the petty sove- reignties, held as fiefs of those countries, it is necessary to know to whom they were feudally subject, and there- fore to relate the rise of their feudal superiors. To begin with France : — Its dismemberment soon began ; about the end of the ninth century, twenty- nine provinces, or fragments of provinces, were already erected into small states, the ancient go- vernors of which, under the names of duke, count, and viscount, had become their true sovereigns. When Hugh Capet, the representative of the Counts of Paris and Orleans, and the founder of the race of kings who ruled over France for eight hundred years, placed himself on the throne in a.d. 986, these were increased to fifty-five fiefs which were only nominally subject to the Crown.-"- Hugh Capet was their feudal superior, but they did little more than acknowledge themselves as his vassals. The possessors of six of these fiefs received afterwards the title of peers of France. These were — the Count of Flanders, whose fief stretched from the Scheldt to the Somme; the Count of Champagne; the Duke of Normandy, to whom Brittany did homage; the Duke of Burgundy, on whom the Count of Nivernois seems to have depended ; the Duke of Aquitaine (also King of Eng- land), whose territory, though less than the ancient kingdom of that name, comprehended Poitou, Li- mousin, and most of Guienne, Avith the feudal supe- riority over the Angouraois, and some other central districts ; and, lastly, the Count of Toulouse, who pos- sessed Languedoc, with the small countries of Quercy and Rouergue, and the superiority over Auvergne.^ ' Guizot's Civilisation in France, Lecture xxiv. 2 Hallam's Middle Ages, 8° (1841), vol. i. p. 19. Ohap. VI. ORIGIN OF GEEMANY. 99 Next turn to Germany : — When Louis, son of Louis A.D.isse. le Debonair, succeeded to the throne of Germany, in originl)f A.D. 843, neither Lorraine nor Italy belonged to it. Germany. But Henry the First, surnamed the Fowler, who suc- ceeded to the throne in a.d. 919, raised Germany to the highest rank among the states of Europe. He con- quered Lorraine, which he divided into Upper Lorraine, or the Moselle, and Lower Lorraine, or Brabant. To secure these and other conquests, he resorted to a policy new to Germany, the erection of fortified towns, and granted especial privileges to those who would settle in them.^ His son Otho was called into Italy, in a.d. 962, by the united entreaties of princes and prelates, to put an end to the divisions and weakness which prevailed over the whole kingdom. The Pope Origin of revived in his favour the imperial title, Avhich had pjre. '" been thirty-eight years in abeyance, crowned him Emperor of the Romans,^ and acknowledged him as head of the Church.^ The title of King of the Eomans, which after a time was added to that of Emperor, was first adopted by Henry the Second, great grandson of Henry the Fowler. Before his coro- ' Dunfiam's History of the Germanic Empire, vol. i. p. 108. ^ "From the eleventh century to the sixteenth the invariable practice was for the monarch to be called ' Eomanorum Rex sem- per Augustus ' till his coronation by the Pope ; after it, ' Eoma- norum Imperator semper Augustus.'" — Bryce, p. 443. " The German King became Roman Emj.eror .... the fusion for a time imperceptible . . . The King became more than Ger- man, the Emperor less than Roman . . . till at the end of six centuries the monarch . , . might not inappropriately be termed 'German Emperor,' . . . although this was never his legal title. Till 1806 he was " Romanorum Imperator semper Augustus.' " — Bryce, p. 139. ^ " The Emperor's double position as head both of Church and State."— Ibid. p. 140. H 2 100 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD III. Chap. VI; A.D.1336. nation by the Pope, in 1014, he never styled himself Emperor, but only King of the Romans, an example followed by his successors, although not regularly until the reign of Henry V.^ The boundaries, of the kingdoms of France and of the empire, had not been altered, when Edward the Third made alliances with the dukes and counts who were their feudatories; this sketch therefore, explains the relations which Edward's then allies bore to the Emperor and the King of France, and the peculiar conditions under which they agreed to fight with Edward against France. The Flemings and the Bra- banters were his chief supporters. The principal part of Flanders was subject to France, but a portion of it, and the whole of Brabant, were held of the Emperor. Details In Order, however, to make intelligible these and Edward's Succeeding events, it is necessary that a more par- " ''^^' ticular account should be given of some of the cir- cumstances attending these alliances, which were not perfected for nearly a year and a half. During this period, Edward seems to have been equally, and often indeed with some apparent inconsistency,- engaged, at the same time, in active preparations for war and ostensibly earnest negotiations for the pre- , servation of peace ; in securing alliances by granting commercial privileges to foreigners ; and contempo- raneously enacting laws for the special commercial advantage of England. The remarkable history of Robert, who claimed to be Count of Artois, and who has already, been men- tioned as influencing Edward's conduct, is so interest- ing in itself, and so curiously illustrates the manners ' The Holy Roman Empire is the creation of Otto the Great.— Bryce, p. 88; and see ibid. pp. 216, 219-222, 443, and 446. Chap. VI. HISTORY OF KOBEET OF AETOIS. 101 of the times, that it may well claim the first place. A.D.isse. He formed a close friendship with Edward, but his ^ friendship did not carry over any nation to the side able of England. It produced simply a feeling of personal Rotofof animosity in Philip against Edward, so virulent, that^;;^"^"'^" it had, without doubt, great influence, in inducing x\ Philip to reject Edward's offers for the settlement of / the quarrels between them. Artois was separated from the royal dominions of France, and erected into an earldom by St. Louis (the Ninth) in a.d. 1237,^ under the rule of his brother Robert. The father of the Robert who now claimed the earldom, was the only son of Robert second Count of Artois ; he was killed in battle in A.D. 1297,^ while his father was still living. The second count died in a.d. 1302 ; and, in despite of the apparently superior claims of his grandson, was succeeded by his daughter Mahault, wife of Otho the Fourth, Count of Burgundy. On arriving at the age of twenty-one years, in a.d. 1307,^ Robert had appealed against this usurpation. But two of the sons of Philip the Fourth (the Fair), viz., Philip and Charles, had married Mahault's two daughters, and Philip had endeavoured to secure to them possession of the counties of both Burgundy and Artois. Robert appealed to the Parliament of France, as the legal tribunal of his feudal superior ; but the Parliament — influenced by Philip, who, to suit his own purpose, pretended that the Salic law was not in force in Artois — decided against him on October the 3rd, A.D. 1307. So long as Philip the Fourth Avas alive Robert submitted, but throughout the reign of his ' Sismondi, vol. vii. p. 182. ^ Ibid. vol. ix. p. 21. 3 Ibid. vol. X. p. 39. 102 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD III. Chap. VI. to the Earldom A.D. 1336. successors, Louis the Tenth (Le Hutiu, or the Quarrel- some) and Philip the Fifth (the Long), he renewed and continued his efforts to get possession of the His claim county. He was supported by the gentry of Artois,but he and his friends were defeated in battle by Philip the Fifth, and the French Parliament again decided against him on May 18th, a.d. 1318. When the two kings, Philip the Fifth and Charles the Fourth, who had married Mahault's two daughters, were dead, as well as Mahault herself, and when Philip's widow also was dead, and her three daughters were disputing the succession to Artois, Robert thought the time had at last come when he might renew his claims. He had married the sister of the reigning King of France, Philip the Sixth ; had much assisted him in ob- taining the throne ; and had been of great service to him at the battle of Cassel in a.d. 1328, when Philip defeated the Flemings who had risen against their ruler Count Louis the First. At Robert's request, therefore, Philip gave him leave ^ to reopea the question before the French. Parliament. His com- plaint was, that a grand fief of the kingdom had been granted to the female to the prejudice of the male line. At the very moment (June 6th, a.d. 1329) that the Count of Artois obtained leave for the hear- ing of his complaint, Edward the Third of England was rendering homage to the King of France, who had succeeded to his own throne, on the very prin- ciples on Avhich Robert sought to establish his claims to the earldom of Artois. Robert's cause having been, already, twice decided by the Parliament of Paris, it was now necessary for him to produce fresh evidence in support of his clainls. ' Sismondi, vol. x. p. 41. inconsist- ently dis- puted by PhUip. Ohap. VI. HISTORY OF EOBBRT OF ARTOIS. 103 The trial proceeded. Fifty Avitnesses deposed that a.d. isse. when Robert's father, Philip of Artois, married Blanche, daughter of the Duke of Brittany, in 1280, his father, the reigning Count, engaged that the earl- dom should pass to his children.^ The necessity for any Decision snch engagement does not appear, but fifty witnesses Robert, deposed to its having been entered into. Suddenlj^, during the trial, the King turned against Robert. He accused him of having poisoned Mahault and her daughter Joan, widow of Philip V., of producing false witnesses, and of forging documents in support of his claims, with the help of a girl of Divion. This girl had been a mistress of the Bishop of Arras, and had, it was said, taken the seals off various ancient documents with which her lover the Bishop had supplied her, and attached them to those produced in Court. The girl, under torture, confessed to the forgery, and the Parliament of course decided against Robert. But it was not until August, a.d. 1331, that he was summoned to answer the charge of forgery. Having no confidence in the tribunal he did not appear, and the girl of Divion, who was accused of being his accomplice, was burnt. Robert escaped to Brussels, and sentence of banishment was pro- nounced against him. In those days, the belief in magic was almost uni- Relief in versal. The Pope, John XXII. ,^ believed in the ™^^'°' intervention of infernal powers when invoked by sorcerers, and had contributed to the spread of this belief in France. Philip was a firm believer in the diabolical art, and became convinced that Robert had made use of its wicked devices to work him harm. Robert was equally a believer, and, deceived by im- ' Sismond), vol. x, p. 42. ^ i\)i^_ vol. x. p. 74. 104 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWABD III. Chap. VI. A.D. 1336. posters who promised to give him power to wreak vengeance on Philip for deciding against him, en- deavoured to avail himself of their help. In October, a.d. 1333, by the advice of these pre- tenders, he caused a certain monk, named Henry Sagebran, of the Order of the Holy Trinity, to be brought to him at Namur. After making him swear to Heresorts keep the secrets he was about to reveal, Robert opened to suicery. ^ ^i^^jg chest and took out of it a wax figure about eighteen inches long, with hair on its head, and made to represent a young man. The monk wished to touch it, but Robert would not let him. " Do not touch it, brother Henry," said Robert, " it is all made and baptized ; they sent it me from France, made and baptized ; it wants nothing, and it is made against John of France (the King's eldest son), and in his name, and to grieve him. But I want another, and I want to have it baptized." "For whom is it?" said brother Henry. " It is against a she-devil," said Robert ; " it is against the Queen. She is not a Queen, but a she-devil. As long as she lives she will never do any good ; she will do nothing but grieve me. As long as she lives I shall have no peace ; but if she were dead, and her son were dead, I should have peace with the King, for I could do with him just as" I liked. I have no doubt of it. I pray you to baptize it for me ; for it is all made, and only wants baptism. I have the godfathers and godmothers ready, and everything that is wanted, except baptism. There is nothing more to do but to baptize a child, and say the names that belong to it." The monk refused to have anything to do with the matter ; but, shortly after- wards, he and other agents employed by Robert for sorcery were arrested and thrown into prison in Paris. When Philip heard of this he was greatly terrified, for Chap. VI. ROBERT FLIES TO ENGLAND. 105 he had no doubt that if the thing had once been bap- A.D.isse. tized by a lawful priest, Robert could have made both „ ~~ his wife and his son die slowly, by letting the images England. melt away in the sun, or have killed them at once, by piercing the things in the place of the heart with a needle. Robert was no less alarmed ; the horror in- spired by the practice of magic might, he felt, be his ruin. He feared he should be given up to the King of France, and so, early in a.d. 1334, escaped into Eng- land, disguised as a merchant, and begged Edward to protect his life. Edward received him hospitably, and thereby roused Philip's rage much more against himself, and increased his desire to make war with England.^ During this and the two following years Philip was Phiiiptries constantly trying to goad Edward into war ; Edward EdwTr'd was as constantly trying to stave it off, at least until "^^° "'"^* he had conquered Scotland. In December, a.d. 1336, Philip, in conformity with his plans of encroachment in Aquitaine, and mortified at the escape of Robert, wrote to the seneschal of Bordeaux, Edward's lieu- tenant, to say, that his master Avas bound, by faith and loyalty as a peer of France, to give up to him his mortal enemy Robert, and to have him taken to some place in the kingdom, so secure that Philip could send his people to receive him and take him away. Edward paid no attention to this, and accordingly Philip, on the 3rd of March, a.d. 1337, issued a prohibition p-riendship "to all men, liege and free, of whatsoever state they ^'^^^^ may be, living in the kingdom, or out of the kingdom, andRobert from giving Robert advice, comfort, help, assistance, in any manner whatsoever, or suffering him to remain in their territories." ^ Edward felt that this was directed ' Sismondi, vol. x. pp. 75-78 ; and Buchon's Froissart, vol. i. P- 49. 2 Ibid. vol. X. p. 106. 106 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD III. Chap. VI. A.D.1336, against himself; as, however, he had not received Robert into a fief of the King of France, he took no notice of it, but rather increased his favours to him. On April 23rd, a.d. 1337,^ he wrote to the keepers of his castles of Guildford, Wallingford, and Somerton,' to allow Robert to live in them " with his family, his horses, and his harness," and he gave him a " special licence" to "hunt and take game in our park at Guildford;" and on May 3rd, ''^ writing from Dun- stable, he gave him a pension of 1,200 marks a year. Robert thus contracted an intimate friendship with Edward, and had much influence in instigating him to go to war with France, and, as already stated, suggested his making alliances in Flanders. The grounds, on which an alliance with the various countries bordering on France became necessary to Edward, and the means by which he succeeded in forming them, must now be stated. A firm alliance with the Flemings was of great importance to Edward, partly on account of the commercial intercourse between England and Flan- ders, and partly because the most convenient access Edward to France was through that country. Edward, there- aiiiance fore, gladly availed himself of an opportunity that Flemings, offered itself of securing them as his allies. For a long time he treated with their ruler ; but eventually it became necessary to abandon this course, and throw himself into the hands of the nation at large. The difficulties into which this course led him, explain to some extent the singular inconsistencies of Edward's conduct in his negotiations with the Flemings. Their Count, Louis the First, had no sympathy with the 1 Eymer's Fcedera, vol. ii. p. 967. (London, 1821.) 2 Ibid. p. 969. Chap. VI. ALLIANCE WITH THE BEABANTEES. 107 love of liberty engendered among his subjects by their a.d. 1336. commercial pursuits, and cared nothing for their pro- sperity, so long as he derived from them sufficient re- venue to enable him to enjoy himself at Paris, where he almost always lived. They were constantly in revolt against his tyranny, and Louis doubtlessly thought they were encouraged by the English. By the advice, therefore, of Philip, Avho never lost an opportunity of injuring Edward's subjects. Count Louis ordered all the English in Flanders to be seized and thrown into prison.^ On the 5th October, a.d. 1336,^ Edward retaliated by issuing similar orders relative to the Flemings in England, and shortly afterwards, on October 18th,^ wrote letters of com- plaint to Count Louis and to the burgomasters of Bruges, Ypres, and Ghent. These burgomasters were a body of sturdy independent magistrates, to whom the government of the towns was entrusted ; after a time they willingly treated with England for assist- ance, and thus, eventually, Flanders became associated with England against France.* The friendship of the Duke of Brabant, was also Edward „ . _ -, , , 1 . . makes an 01 great importance to Edward, who was, at this time, alliance more inclined to ally himself with the Brabanters Bra-"^ than with the Flemings. There seems to have been •^^"'"'^1 a temporary estrangement between Edward and the Flemings ; for, in a letter from Edward, dated the 18th March, to the King of Castile, asking him to forbid his subjects from having any dealings with the Flemings, he adds, as his reason, " because they have joined his enemies;" nevertheless, in the following month, he directed his ambassadors to treat with the ' Sismondi, vol. x. p. 103. ^ Rymer, vol. ii. p. 948. . ' Ibid. p. 948. ■» Sismondi, vol. x. p. 103. 108 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD III. Chap. VI. A.D. 1337. and esta- blishes staples in Brabant. Edward sends am- bassadors abroad to make alliances and com- mercial treaties. Count of Flanders for the marriage of his second daughter, Joan, with the Count's son. Be this, how- ever, as it may, Edward was now desirous of making an alliance with the Duke of Brabant. The Bra- banters were the great rivals of the Flemings in the wool manufacture, and the Duke asked Edward to establish a staple in his Duchy. On the 3rd of De- cember, A.D. 1336, Edward answered, that he could not do so, without security for the safe going and coming of English merchants carrying wool there, and that the wools should not be made use of by the Flemings. He told the Duke, however, that cer- tain merchants should go over from England to con- sider the subject with hirn.^ The result was, that on the 10th of February the King granted the Duke's request, and gave leave for staples to be established in Brussels, Louvain, and Mechlin.^ Edward's anxiety to secure foreign alliances must have been great, for, regardless of its effect on English manufactures, in the following month, on the 15th of April, he appointed the Bishop of Lincoln, the Earl of Salisbury, and the Earl of Huntingdon, as his ambas- sadors to treat with any foreign powers relative to the export of wool, and sent them abroad for that purpose.' Their suite was numerous and brilliant, and there were among them many young knights-bachelors, who had one of their eyes covered with a piece of cloth, so that they could not see with it. It was said that they had made a vow to some ladies in their country, that they would never use but one eye until they had personally performed some deeds of arms in France.* 1 Rymer's Fmdera, vol. ii. p. 952. * Ibid. p. 959. 3 Ibid. p. 966. * Buchon's Froissarl, vol. i. p. 58. Chap. VL HISTOEY OF JAMES VAN AKTEVBLDE. 109 These ambassadors had power also to treat with A.D.1337. the Count of Flanders for the settlement of all dif- ferences between him and Edward, and even for a marriage between their children. It seems, therefore, that Edward still sided with Count Louis more than with his subjects, but soon afterwards he made a firm alliance with one of the leaders of the latter, who even- They tually became one of his principal advisers in the war alliance with France. This was James van Artevelde. He is J^^^^ ^^^ usuallv called " the Brewer of Ghent," and is often, on Aneyeide, Cfl.ll6Q. DV the authority of Froissart (who, however, in his earlier his ene- MSS. had given a very different account of him^), re- Brewer 0/ presented as a mere upstart demagogue, anxious only Ghent." to raise himself into despotic power. This, however. His TT IT 1 1 1 . 1 1 History. was not the case, tie was allied by birth to the most noble families of Flanders,^ wasbrought up at the Court of France,^ and had merely associated himself with the company or guild of brewers,* just as members of the Royal Family of England sometimes do with similar companies in the City of London at the present day. He was undoubtedly strongly opposed to the selfish oppressions of Count Louis, and sided with the traders. He was a man of great eloquence ; he gained the con- fidence of the clergy, who lent him money ; he Avas beloved by the merchants, because he promoted com- merce, and by means of English wool had found work for the weavers ; and the soldiers also were proud of him.* Artevelde saw the advantage of a friendship between the two nations, and on the arrival of the English ambassadors, " he and his grandfather, Sohier * Examen critique des Historiens de Jaques van Artevelde. Par Augusts Voisin, Bibliothecaire et Professeur a rUniversite de Gand, p. 24. (Gaud, 1841.) ^ Ibid. p. 4. ^ Ibid. p. 17. ■* Ibid. pp. 11, 12. ^ j^id. p. 20. 110 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD III. Chap. VI. A.r>.i337. le Courtroisin, gave them a brilliant reception, and by his influence the three Flemish towns of Ghent, Bruges, and Ypres concluded a treaty of friendship and commerce with England." ^ Shortly after this, Van Artevelde was made ruwaert or regent^ of Flanders, and the Count was driven, for a short time, out of his territories ; but yet, Yan Artevelde did not attempt to grasp at sovereignty over Flanders during the Count's absence, and the sturdy Flemings took jealous - care that he should not infringe their laws, or the prin- ciples on which their government was founded. They reserved to themselves the paramount authority, of which the executive power only was intrusted to Van' Artevelde;^ and, indeed, on one occasion, when Van Artevelde was grossly insulted by one Steenbeke, and in retaliation attacked Steenbeke's house, the magis- trates let him know that he could not with impunity attack the domicile of a citizen, and Van Artevelde at once submitted.* Edward's There was another ruler whom Edward had already witMhe secured as an ally. Tiiis was Reynald the Second, Gueidres C!ount of Gueldres and Zutphen, a feudatory of the Emperor, who was married to Edward's sister Eleanor in 1332.^ In the following spring, Edward agreed with him, the Count of Hainault, and the Margrave of Juliers, that they should furnish him with 1,000 (or 2,000 if necessary) men-at-arms to fight against the French.^ ' Examen critique des Historiens de Jaques van Artevelde, Par Auguste Voisin, Bibliothecaire et Professeur a 1' University de Gand, pp. 36, 37. 2 Ibid. p. 64. 3 Ibid. p. 64.- ^ Ibid. p. 39. ■ » Rymer, vol. ii. pp. 826, 832, and 833. 6 Ibid. pp. 970 and 971 (May 24, 1337), and pp. 984 and 985 (July 12). Chap. VI. CREATION OP DUKE OF CORNWALL. Ill It is singular that, notwithstanding the treaty made a.d. 1337. with Brabant relative to the export of wool, an Act ~ was passed, at the Parliament assembled at Westmin- inconsist- ster in the following month, forbidding the export of forbids the wool without the King's especial leave, or the use of ^j^^'' °' foreign cloth, and encouraging foreign weavers to settle in England.^ Edward was always desirous of encouraging English trade, except when he thought it desirable to act against his principles in this re- spect, in order to win over foreign rulers to his side, or increase his revenue. In this Parliament, many dignities were conferred. Edward's The King's eldest son was created Duke of Cornwall, Duke pf being invested "by a wreath on his head, a ring on his "^"''^ finger, and a silver verge." Since that time the eldest son of the Kings of England, being heir to the throne,^ is born Duke of Cornwall. At the same period the King's early friend, William de Montacute, who had assisted him in seizing Mortimer, was created Earl of Salisbury ; Henry of Lancaster, Earl of Derby ; Hugh de Audley, Earl of Gloucester ; William de Bohun, Earl of Northampton ; Ptobert de Ufford, Earl of Suffolk ; and William de Clynton, Earl of Hunting- don ; beside whom twenty Knights were also created.^ ' Statutes at large, vol. i. p. 280. ^ See Lectures on the History of England, vol. i. p. 337. ^ Knighton, col. 2568 ; Holinshed (London, 1807), vol. ii. p. 605; Walsingham, p. 197. 112 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWAKD III. Chap. VII4 CHAPTEK VII. FUETHER PEEPAEATIONS FOB WAE^EDWABD'S FOEMAL ASSCMP' TION OF THE TITLE OF KING OF FEANCE, AND HIS EMBARKA- TION FOE FLANDEES. '/'A.T>. 1337. The King, on his return to London, at the end of EdwarT A.D. 1336, Seeing that it was necessary to provide fJrwar^and ^^t Only for war with France, but also even against against ^ probablc invasiou of England, took measures for invasion, ^ /-\ 1 1 /■ t :-._ both objects. On the 14th of January, a.d. 1337, he appoints issucd an order from the Tower of London, appoint- and builds ing his early friend, William Montacute Earl of Salis- ships. bury. Admiral of the fleet,^ and captain of all the ships and places from the mouth of the Thames along the whole of the south coast. On the same day he ap- pointed Robert Ufford (Earl of Suffolk) and John de Roos, in like manner, admirals of the fleet from the mouth of the Thames towards the north. Two days afterwards he appointed Nicholas Usumaris, a Genoese, vice-admiral of the fleet of the Duchy of Aquitaine.^ It was necessary also to provide against the intrigues of the Pope, and the entrance of spies into England, and to prevent the surreptitious in- troduction of treasonable letters into the country — 1 " The first time an officer with that title was appointed."— Nicolas, Brit. Navy, vol. i. p. 25. 2 Ryraer, vol. ii. pp. 956 and 957. Chai'. Vir. FURTHER PREPARATIONS FOR WAR. 113 which had often been accomplished through the A.D.1337. priests — and therefore no one was allowed to leave the country without license, and all persons arriv- ing at Dover from abroad were carefully searched for letters. The usual method of providing ships of war at Method of this time, was by calling on various cities and ports shi>' 0?^ to furnish a certain number, or by impressing ^^''• merchant- vessels. In accordance with this practice, Edward wrote to the city of Bayonne, calling on the j citizens to furnish him with ships of war well fitted out, and send them to England, carefully peeping into the Normandy ports on their way.^ This system, when applied to England, was found to be grievously burthensome to the country, beside being unconsti- tutional; and, so soon began the opposition (continued important by the patriot Hampden, in the 17th century, with tofte"""^ such important results) to arbitrary taxation, by means ^"^ °^' of the levy of ships and ship money, without consent of Parliament, that, towards the end of the reign, when Parliament began to take more power into its own hands, it was strongly remonstrated against. Butitisclear that the King had also ships of his own. The King for he wrote from King's Langley, in Hertfordshire, of his own. to the Prior of Blithe (Blida), directing him to send eighty oaks to Kingston-on-Hull, to be used in building ships. About the same time, finding that two of his ships, the " Christopher " and " Cogge Edward," required fresh anchors, he wrote to the Sheriffs of London ordering them to purchase for him 5,000 pounds of iron, 200 planks of Estland, and 100, quarters of sea-coal for their manufacture, ' Rymer, vol. ii. pp. 963 and 965. VOL, I. I 114 LIFE AND TIMES OP EDWAED III, Chap. VIL A.D.1337. Edward continues to offer peace and make ready for war. Mutual aid given by France and Scot- land. \ Siege of Stirling. Invasion of the Channel Islands. and for other operations at the Tower ;^ and he promised to give an order on the Treasury for the amount of their cost. Shortly afterwards, the King ordered " those two great oaks," which the Earl of Surrey had given him from his forest of Werch, to be sent to the Tower, for the supports of a certain great machine he was constructing there. An outward appearance of peaceable intentions was, however, constantly kept up on both sides. At the beginning of the year the King of France sent over an ambassador to try to bring about an amicable settle- ment ;^ and in the middle of April, Edward sent am- bassadors to France for alike purpo.se ;^ but they had no success, and Edward did not cease to prepare for war. Great, indeed, was the necessity for readiness, and little ground had Edward for thinking that Philip would continue at peace so long as England held a foot of ground in France. France and Scotland gave each other mutual aid. The Scots, knowing that England must soon be at war with France, rejected all over- tures for peace ; while France, well aware of the im- portance of preventing an alliance between Scotland and England, continued secretly to help the Scots. Edward was now called to the North of England, to resist the Scots, who had, immediately on his de- parture, recommenced their attacks on the English garrisons, and had now laid siege to Stirling.* On his way he learned that " certain adherents of the Scots," who were either French, or set on by the King of France, had invaded the Channel Islands; and Edward therefore wrote from York, in May, 1 " Bordas de Estland," Eymer, vol. ii. p. 958. 2 January 28, 1337, ibid. p. 958. 3 Rymer, vol. ii. pp. 966, 967. * Walsingharn, 199. Chap. VII. BEABANTEES ALLOWED TO BUY WOOL. 115 to the clergy and barons of those islands, appointing a.d. 1337. Thomas Ferrars as governor, and ordering him to make levies to resist further invasions.'- About the same time (on May 24th) his ambassadors made alli- ances with the Counts of Hainault and Gueldres, and with the Margrave of Juliers, and settled the terms of payment for the soldiers they were to furnish.^ Having, in the previous February, as already re- Brabanters lated, granted leave for the establishment of wool- buy wool staples in Brabant, and arranged for the safe passage land"^' of merchants carrying wool thither,^ Edward now made arrangements to allow the Brabant merchants to buy wool in England. It was agreed that two burgesses slrould come from each town that required a supply of wool, with open letters from the Duke stating how much was wanted for half a year. But it was added (which shows how little hope Edward had of avoiding war) that " if fieace be not made in half a j Tn.^ year, of which we much doubt," the permission was to be renewed from half-year to half-year till peace was . / concluded.* The next month (on June 12th) he '^^ wrote from Berwick-on-Tweed, giving orders rela- tive to provisioning the fleet at Portsmouth, and^ actually ordering it to be got ready for his passage to Aquitaine. / The ambassadors, appointed by Edward to make Edward alliances in the Low Countries, having now accom- fleet to'' phshed the objects of their embassy, were ready to PXafsatl return to England ; but, so unceasine; were the ma- ^°^? °^ '"'•■ 1 . ■ . ^ their chmations of France against England, it was unsafe return. ' Eymer, vol. ii. p. 969. = ibja. pp. 970, 971, 973. 'Ibid. p. 959. " Ibid. p. 971. 1 2 116 LIFE AND TIMES OP EDWARD III. Chap. VII.! A.D. 1337. for them to cross the sea without a strong escort. _ « Foreigners and pirates " had gathered together to Flemish Avaylay them on their return. Edward therefore treasure wrote (on June 20th) to John de Roos, admiral of the^Eng^ the northern fleet, ordering him to set sail from Yar- lish fleet, mouth to Dordrecht with forty well-armed ships, to protect them on their way back to England.^ On their voyage they met with two Flemish ships sailing to Scotland with 240 Scotchmen on board— amonsr whom were the Bishop of Glasgow and many young nobles — and a considerable amount of money, about 15,000^., sent doubtless by the Count of Flanders or the King of France to assist the Scots in defraying the expenses of their war with England. These were all taken prisoners and carried to Sandwich.^ Edward ^^ The King of France having refused all Edward's- Bayonne ovcrtures for pcacc, the latter (on June 27th) wrote to PhUm dis- ^^ citizens of Bayonne, saying that he wished for peace dains \a\}a. France, but that Philip " disdained to consent to peace. ^ peace;" he therefore begged them to send as many ships as possible to England, and, repeating the order- he had given three months before, desired the admiral, Nicholas Usumaris, to look into the French ports as he passed, and destroy all ships fitted out against the English which he might find there. At the same time Edward also wrote to the citizens of Bordeaux and other " communities " of Aquitaine, promising to \ make no peace with France without including them.' Enormous All thcsc Warlike preparations required large sup- cxpenses. ^^.^^ ^^ moncy. Edward's allies could not be expected to provide him with soldiers, without payment ; the ' Rymer, vol. ii. p. 974. = Walslngliam, p. 198 ; and Knighton, col. 2-570. 3 Rymer, vol. ii. p. 977. Chap. VII. EOYAL MONOPOLY OF WOOL. 117 Duke of Brabant was promised the enormous sum a,d.1337. of 60,000Z, for his assistance.-^ Independently of heavy taxation, Edward raised money by ordering (on July 1st) all the " priories alien," belonging to the King of France in England, to be seized, and their value to be paid into the exchequer. War was not yet declared between England and Arranged. France ; but, notwithstanding the nominal peace be- to resist tween the two countries, France actually made pre- '"''^^'°°- parationsfor the invasion of England. Early in July, , , therefore, Edward, who had now returned to London, i/ 1/^ appointed Theobald Kussel to be governor of the /.I* Isle of Wight and Channel Islands, giving him power * to levy troops for their defence. Shortly afterwards, he ordered greater activity to be shown in the defence of the Isle of Thanet, and the castles of North and South Wales to be put in order, so as to be ready to repel the French invaders wherever they might land.2 As one of the means of raising money for his Subsidy heavy expenses, Edward had obtained permission to ti^eTin'" buy 20,000 sacks of wool. This somewhat singular arrangement brings to light one of the ways in which the King obtained his supplies, and a most cumbrous and mischievous way it was. The wool itself was not granted to him, but only the right to buy it (which was, in effect, a right to pre-emption), and the profit he could make by selling it was the amount of subsidy he received. He thus became a merchant on his own account, and interfered, con- sequently, with all the regular course of trade. He allowed no wool to be bought or sold till he had ' Rymer, vol. ii. p. 981. ^ ibja. pp. 933, 984, 987. g in the form of wool. 118 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWAED m. Chap. VII. A.D.1337, obtained his 20,000 sacks,^ and he impressed ships, to the great inconvenience of their owners and the merchants in general, to carry the "wool to Brabant, where he intended to sell it. These ships were kept Avaiting for the wool, in the Thames and other places, the whole summer and autumn, and it is no wonder that later in the reign, when political intrigues had increased political liberty, such practices should have Hisdiffi- been deprecated. Butthere was still another difficultv cnlty in -,..., . rni -ft- selling it. and complication in the transaction. The King could not, of course, buy and sell in his own person, and he therefore employed ninety-six merchants to do so for him. They were to advance the King the sum of 200,000/. As security for this payment, he as- simed to them all the customs-duties throushout the kingdom ; as remuneration for their trouble, he granted to them one-half of the profit on the transac- tion. The sellers received tallies on delivery of the wool, and the " obligatory letters of payment " were made out in the King's name. The merchants, there- fore, had but little risk, and acted only as middlemen; and, inasmuch as they, who were to a large extent able to dictate to the owners what should be the price of the wool, gave only 31. a sack for it, and sold it for 20/., they must have been exorbitantly paid for their trouble ; while the king (or rather the kingdom) did not ultimately realise any adequate amount, from this very circuitous and costly mode of what was in reality arbitrary taxation.^ Preparations for war still continued, and the coii- • See especially Rymer, vol. ii. p. 1022, as to the King's prac- tice in this respect. 2 Rymer, vol. ii. pp. 988 and 989 ; Knighton, col, 2570 ; and Murimuth (London, 1846), p. 83. Chap. VII. ALLIANCE WITH THE EMPEBOR. 119 ditions of alliances became constantly more rigorously a.d. 1337. defined. In answer, doubtless, to a requisition from the ~ Duke of Brabant, Edward declared (on Aua^ust 20th) Edward's , -,-. //iT-i arrange- that he would not deliver up to " the iLmperor nor to ments with the King of Germany " certain letters, written by the of Brabant Duke of Brabant to his feudal lord the Emperor, promising to serve the Emperor within the frontiers of the empire in Low Germany or elsewhere.-^ These letters had been delivered to the King of England, in consequence probably of an alliance between him and the Emperor, the effect of which was intended to be that the Emperor should support Edward in his wars. About the same time (on August 26th) he made an alUance with the Emperor against the King of France, and with according to which the Emperor agreed to furnish peror. the King with 2,000 men-at-arms, and for which Edward agreed to pay him the sum of 3,000 gold florins of Florence. In this treaty, Edward, although he had not yet decided to designate himself as King of France,^ styled his opponent as "Philip calling ' Rymer, vol. ii. p. 989. It is singular that Edward should nave spoken of the Empei'or and of the King of Germany as two distinct persons, for they were one and the same, but the title of "King of Germany" was rarely used. ^ Ibid. p. 991. In this letter Edward speaks of Louis as Em- peror of the Eomans, whereas he was only their king. The reason of this may, however, have been owing to the fact that Lewis was legally King of the Romans, having been duly elected, but that his title to the empire, which he owed to his coronation by the Anti-pope, was one that might be recognised or not as was convenient in writing to him or of him. Writing to the Pope (on Oct. I7th, 1337, Eymer, 1004) he calls him merely Sir Lewis of Bavaria, " Domino Lodovico de Bavaria." In Ed- ward's letter of August 20th both titles are given, in all proba- bility, to prevent Edward taking advantage of Lewis's questionable title to the empire to betray the Duke to him. 120 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD III. Chap. VII. A.D. 1337. himself King of the Franks," an annoying and insult- ing designation which he thenceforth almost in- variably continued. Nor were the minutest details of First preparation neglected. On "the 28th of August he si°dSif wrote to his chamberlains of North and South Wales, uniform, ordering that the 1,000 soldiers to be furnished by Wales should, for the sake of more hastily procuring the cloth, be all clothed in cloth of one colour. This seems to be the first instance reco.rded of soldiers being dressed in uniform.^ Edward But it was Still ncedful to raise more money ; and suppHes ; accordingly, on the 21st of August Edward wrote to the Sheriffs of the various counties, ordering them to gather together the clergy, barons, knights, citizens, and others, at certain towns, in order to hear the King's intentions relative to w.ar with France. On the ' same day he wrote to the bishops and archbishops, reciting that, the King of France having resisted all overtures for peace, he must go to war with hirn. He therefore ordered them to call the clergy to- gether, to persuade them to grant such a subsidy as the necessity required "in alleviation of his ex- penses," and to tell him quickly how much they in- tended to give; and he charged them openly to publish and expound his requirements in every church, and at other places where people assembled on solemn days and feasts, " so that our faithful people, being in- formed of this, may grant us liberally a subsidy, and and, in pray for us." ^ A few days afterwards (on August tain them, 28th} he Sent a document to the archbishops, bishops, ekho-"^ ^"hen, at a later period, Philip, continuing the wise England traditional policy of the Kings of France, had endea- ^^ voured to absorb the feudatories, and consequently long in- to feducie Edvvard's power as Duke of Aquitaine. Hollow and insincere negotiations for peace had been carried on for ten years, and had lasted so long, be- cause neither Edward nor Philip was willing to incur the responsibility of beginning, what could not but prove a terrible war. They also acted in obedience to the recommendations of the Popes, whose habit and interest it was to assume the character of gene- ral mediators, and whose advice no king willingly NVrdisregarded. Th^se ceased at length, or dragged on •with utter hopelessness of any: good result, and the •Avar began. The French had never ceased from giving secret help to Scotland, from encouraging piratical descents on England's shores, or from inter- fering with English commerce, and Edward was stung at length into a declaration of war, and an open de- nial of Philip's right to call himself King of France. k2 132 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWAKD III. Chap. VIII. A.D.1338. Edward determined to invade France from the Northern rather than the Western side. Inhissubse- Edward quent campaigns, the Western shores of France gave to tnvade^ him a more convenient access to that kingdom, but France now, having secured the help of a large body of allies north side, on the Northern and North-Eastern frontiers, he determined to commence operations from that side. His first campaign was singularly unsatisfactory and fruitless. He spent vast sums of money without gaining one important battle, and ultimately, returned to England, by permission of his creditors, without reaping one single solid advantage from the cam- paign. He lands On July 22nd, a.d. 1338, Edward landed at Ant- wera'aiid '^^''"Pi ^^^ ^ great crowd was assembled to witness TCTokeshia the magnificent pomp with which he disembarked. peace. On the night of his arrival, he had an escape ■ of his life, for a fire broke out in the house in which he lodged.^ His first act on landing, was to repeat the revocation of the powers, granted to his ambassadors to treat for peace with Philip " calling himself King of France," which he had issued before leaving Eng« land.^ The Soon after the King's departure from England, the proWdes yo""g Duke of Cornwall, then eight years old, who defence of ^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^ nominal guardian of the kingdom during England, his father's absence — the real governors being the members of " The Great Council," — was obliged to take measures to protect the English coasts from invasion. Philip thought the absence of the King a favourable opportunity for redoubling his efforts to injure the English, and had gathered together a vast multitude of ships filled with soldiers, in order ' Chronique rimee, p. 8. 2 Rymer, vol. ii. p. 1051. measures. Chap. VIII- PKBPAEATIONS AGAINST INVASIOlSr. 133 to make a descent on the English shores. A vigilant a.d. 1333 watch was therefore ordered to be kept against the approach of the enemy, and it was directed that ar- rangements should be made, for lighting bonfires from one end of the kingdom to the other, the instant the invaders were seen.-*- At the end of September, hearing, as he said, that French and Norman ships had been gathered together to invade England, the Duke ordered his admirals to get ready to resist them.' In October he prepared against an invasion His of the Isle of Sheppey, and a few days later he thought it necessary to order even London itself to be fortified, on the side towards the Thames, with stones and pali- sades. He also ordered the monks of various Priories alien to remove farther from the sea, lest, apparently, they might give aid to invaders ;^ but the Abbots and Priors throughout the country, not dependent on a foreign power, were, on the contrary, to keep nearer to the sea, and to arm all their dependents, in order to resist the invaders.* In all churches near the sea, it was arranged that the bells should be rung only once a day, but that in case of invasion they should all be set ringing together.^ The alarm as to invasion did not cease, and early in the following year, the Duke sent letters to the Sheriffs of all the counties ordering them to levy troops to protect the kingdom ; ' Rymer, vol. ii. p. 1055. 2 ibid. p. 1060. ' " Quod omnes et singuli religiosi, de domino et potestate Regis Franciae et alterius cujuseumque contra nos de inimicitia existentis in abbatiis prioratibus et aliis domibus religiosis infra dictum regnum nostrum prope mare situatis, ubi accessus hujus- modi inimicorum nostrorum de facili habere possit vobis mandamus quod monachos prioratus de Lewes de quibus suspitio habetur," &c.— Ibid. p. 1061. * Ibid. p. 1062. 6 Ibid. pp. 1061 and 1066. 13^ LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWABD III. Chap. VIII. A.D.133S. at the same time he wrote to the Archbishops and Bishops directing them to arm their dependents at their own cost, for the same purpose. He then wrote to the Abbots and Priors to the same effect; ordered the town of Southampton to be fortified ; and directed that springalds, quarrels, lances, arbalists, and bows and arroAvs should be served out from the Tower of London. He also gave instructions that the walls of Winchester should be repaired, and not only forbade the inhabitants of Southampton to leave the town, but commanded those who were absent to re- turn thither. At the end of March he wrote, from Berkhamsted, to relieve the Abbot of St. Albans from certain expenses for the defence of Essex, but, at the same time, ordered him to keep his men armed, and warned the captains of ships sailing to Antwerp and elsewhere to be on their guard against attack.-' While these measures for the protection of England were being taken, the King was placed in a difficult Edward at position at Antwerp. His course was not easy. The n werp. (^^^j^^ q£ fjanders had made some concessions to his subjects, which induced them to remain neutral, in the quarrel between England and France. The result of this was, that, before Edward sailed from England, he had found it necessary to make the treaty with the Flemings, of which an account has already been given, recognising their neutrality. It was not long, however, before Van Artevelde convinced the Flemings of the danger of placing any confidence in their Count, and they consequently rose against him and drove him out of Lower Flanders to St. Omer before the end of the year.' > Rymer, vol. ii. pp. 1070, 1071, 1076-1078. ^ Sismoiidi, vul. x. p. 74. CitAP. viii. Edward's money difficulties. 135 Edward's other allies hung back, because he had a.d. isss. not paid them his promised subsidies. Both the His allies Flemings and the Brabanters were desirous of the hang back, friendship of England, for the sake of the wool it pro- duced ; but the Flemings were unwilling to break entirely with their Count, and the Brabanters required money as well as trade privileges. Edward had relied on the sale of the 20,000^ sacks The wool of wool, the privileged right to buy and sell which Pariia- ^ had, before his departure, been granted him by Pariia- g^^^*^ ment to provide means for paying his allies ; but, ^°^^^"°' to his great annoyance, hardly 3,000 sacks had been delivered. On the 27th of July, therefore, the Duke of Cornwall wrote in the King's name stating "the irreparable damage" it would be to him if they were not delivered, ordering all wools in the ports of London, Sandwich, Ipswich, Kingston-on-HuU, New- castle-on-Tyne, and other places to be seized and sent to Great Yarmouth for transmission to him at Ant- werp, with all possible speed, and appointing Robert Howel and Robert of Watford as his agents for that purpose.^ But still the wool did not come ; and so, on the 7th of August, the King himself wrote from Antwerp urging its being sent, and setting forth the difficulties in which he was placed by its non-arrival.^ A few days afterwards, on the 20th of August, the andhecon. King again wrote to hasten the sending of the wool, orders" "*' but this time he ordered that, if there were any diffi- ^^°en'° ^^ culty in obtaining the residue of the 20,000 sacks anywhere, granted to him, wool should be taken " wherever it could be found, whether within the liberties or with- out, of all persons whether ecclesiastics or seculars, ' Rymer, vol. ii. p. lOol. ^ Ibid. p. 1051. 3 Ibid. p. 1054. 136 LIFE AND TIMES OF BDWAKD III. Chap. VIII. A.D. 1338. sparing no one." ^ From this time forth there were no more complaints about the wool, and it may there- fore be presumed that it arrived at Antwerp and that the King raised money by its sale, but, as will soon be seen, its produce was far from sufficient to supply his wants. Edward was, however, unable to begin active war' The Date fare, for his allies still hung back. The Duke of Bra- fears to bant feared to support him heartily ; he was afraid of Edward offending the King of France, and constantly made heartily, excuses to him for his apparent support of Edward.^ In order therefore to cement his alliance with Bra- bant, and bring the vacillating Duke entirely over to his side, Edward, regardless of the interests of his own subjects and influenced only by his military objects, granted commercial privileges to Diest, Brussels, Tienen, Mechlin, and Louvain.* But his allies still hesitated to bring their forces into the field. They said they would be ready as soon as the Duke of Brabant, and thus threw the responsibility of delay on him. Edward therefore urged the Duke to fulfil his engagements, but the Duke, still anxious to avoid an open rupture with France, made excuses and said he must have a con- sultation with the other feudatories of the German Empire. It was rather late to come to such a con- clusion, and Edward must have been greatly annoyed at this seeming duplicity. But reproaches would have been useless. Edward therefore consented to Meeting of the arrangement, and his allies accordingly met at at HaiJe. Halle, a village of Hainault on the borders of Bra- bant, to consider whether they would or would not ' Rymer, p. 1057. ^ Buchon's Froissart, vol. i. pp. 65 and 69. ' Rymer, vol. ii. p. 1058. Chap. Vin. HESITATION OF EDWARD 's ALLIES. 137 fiffht for him. Besides the Duke, there were present, a.d. lass. the young Count of Hainault, whose father (the father-in-law of King Edward, the Emperor Louis, and the Margrave of Juliers) had died on June 7th, 1337 ; ^ the young Count's uncle. Sir John of Hai- Their de- nault ; the Lord of Beaumont ; the Duke of Gueldres ; "^'°°- the Margrave of Juliers ; and the Lord of Fauquemont. They decided that they could not act without the consent of the Emperor, and advised Edward to ask for it; adding, that he would have no difficulty in obtaining it, because the King of France had en- croached on the Emperor's rights by taking forcible possession of Arleux, in Artois, and other places in the Cambresis which belonged to the Empire.^ But there was another powerful motive for the Em- peror's siding with Edward, and that was the Pope's hostility against him. Ever since the Pontificate of The Popes Boniface VIIL, the power of the Popes had begun tares o7*' to decline, and they were now mere creatures in ^'''°<=^- the hands of France. After violent quarrels between Philip the Fair and Boniface VIIL, the residence of the Popes had at length, in 1305, during the Papacy of Clement V., been removed from Rome; first to Lyons and then to Avignon, at the instance, as was supposed, of the King of France, by whose influence Glement had been elected. His successor, John XXII., wishing to confer the Imperial Crown on the King of France, opposed the election of Louis Duke of Bavaria. When, therefore, in direct opposition to his recommendations, Louis was elected, presumed to act as Emperor, took the title of Louis IV. without his consent, and without taking the oath of fealty and obedience which Clement had claimed as necessary to ' Buchon's Froissart, vol. i. p. 61. » Ibid. pp. 64-66. 138 LIFE AND TIMES OF BDWAED III. Chap. VIII. A.D. 1338. the legal installation of the Emperor, he commanded him to lay down his authority. Louis not only re. S.tweei fused to do this, but set up a rival Pope ; whereupon the Pope John excommunicated him, and placed Germany under Emperor, an interdict so long as obedience should be yielded to him.^ When Benedict XII. became Pope, on December 24th, 1334, the Emperor Louis would gladly have reconciled himself with the Papacy. His Anti-Pope, . Peter de Corvara, an austere Franciscan friar, was dead, and had, before his death, been ignominiously deposed, after confessing himself a heretic, and repu- diating the acts of the " heretical and schismatic " Emperor, to whom he owed his elevation. More- over, Louis was getting old, and superstitious terrors filled his breast. He was alarmed at the idea of- dying at enmity with the head of the Church. Bene- dict too, on his side, had no wish to perpetuate the alienation of so important a state, or aggregation of states, as the Empire, and he hoped he might secure its friendship without forfeiting that of France. He therefore made advances to Louis, and Louis sent ambassadors to the Pope. But the Pope had miscal- culated his own strength and the jealous tyranny of his French master. Philip threw every obstacle in the way of reconciliation between the Pope and the Emperor ; the Pope was obliged to yield, and the Emperor threw himself into the arms of England. This did not come about, however, until Louis had tried every means of obtaining restoration to the bosom of what he was now, in the approach of 1 Hallam's Middle Ages, 8vo. vol. ii. pp. 31 and 32, and Mil- man's Latin Christianity (edit. 1864), vol. vii. pp. 386, 396, 413, 416,417,419. (}hap. VIII. NEGOTIATIONS WITH THE EMPEROK. 139 old age, willing to consider as the only true Church, a.d. laas. So humiliated was he, that he even condescended to The propose an alliance with France, but the conditions ?™J|fi3?Jif. proposed by Philip were too hard for the repentant sinner to accept. The latter demanded that the Em- peror should agree to enter into no treaty with any enemy of France. England was the only enemy to whom this condition could apply. The Pope was anxious that the alliance should be formed ; it would have put the Emperor at his feet, and the condition imposed by Philip suited both him and the King of France, as the humiliation of England would have been equally gratifying to each of them. The Pope, therefore, wrote to Edward to dissuade him from alliance with Louis. He endeavoured to excite his superstitious fears, and warned him against allying himself with an excommunicated rebel. This was in the middle of 1337. Edward utterly disregarded tlie Pope's letter, and immediately opened negotiations for an alliance with the Emperor. Soon afterwards he wrote to the Pope, justifying his war with France and his friendship with the Emperor, but at the same time consenting to receive ambassadors from hira,^ to treat for peace between himself and Philip " calling himself King of France." Nothing came of the con- ferences, and at the end of the following year (1338), finding that his ambassadors had failed in their ne- gotiations, and that his letters abusing the Emperor produced no effect, the Pope again wrote to Edward, after his return from Coblentz, expressing his dread of his forming an alliance with the Germans,^ de- • October 17, 1337. Rymer, vol. ii. p. 1004. " Milraan, vol. vii, p. 442 (note n), and Rymer, vol. ii. p. 1063 (November, 1338). , . . / , 140 LIFE AND TIMES 01)' EDWARD III. Chap. Vlir,- A.D. 1338. daring the Empire vacant, and his full right so to declare it. Germany At length, the Emperor was roused to a more respsthe (jigfjigg(j sense of his position. The alliance with claims. England was ripening ; it had been steadily ad- vancing since the middle of 1337.^ Edward, before he left England,^ had sent ambassadors to the Em- peror to make arrangements with him, and, at last, Louis wrote to the Pope, demanding absolution for his past errors, and threatening to extort it by force of arms if it were refused. The indignation of Germany against the Pope was now fully roused. Diet after Diet — such was the term applied to the meetings of the Electors of the Empire — met, each more determined than the other to maintain its in- dependent right to elect the Emperor without the Pope's interference. The States-General at Frank- fort — all the Electors being present except the King of Bohemia, whose absence was caused by his friendn ship for Philip's son^ — declared that the Imperial dignity and power came from God alone, and that an Emperor, elected by the competent electors, needed no approbation of the Pope. The Pope replied, by • causing his ban of excommunication to be nailed on the gate of the great church at Frankfort.* The quarrel between the Emperor and the Pope seemed now to be decisive, and the Emperor became more willing to enter into an alliance with England. At length, in compliance with the suggestions of his allies, Edward sent his brother-in-law, the Margrave of Juliers, to make arrangements for a conference » Rymer, vol. ii. pp. 991, 999. '^ Ibid. p. 1046. 3 Chroniqm rimee, p. 9. * Milman, Latin Christianity, vol. vii. p. 445. Chip. VIII. HIS ALLIANCE WITH THE EMPEEOR. 141 between himself and Louis, and about the end of a.d. isse. August, or the beginning of September, Edward and Ed^'s the Emperor met at a Diet at Coblentz.^ SnC His journey thither was, from beginning to end, a magnificent progress; his daily progress from Antwerp may be traced in the most minute and interesting manner, by means of a wardrobe account book of his expenses, which is still in existence. He was accompanied, as far as Herenthals, bv his Queen, accom- for whom, m order to msure a proper splendour ot his Queen, appearance during his residence at Antwerp, he had ordered " horses, saddles, silver vessels, zones, silk purses, and other jewels and things " to the value of 564^. 3s. 4i. in money of that day.^ He also took with him his little daughter Joan, a child of five years old. It would occupy too much space here to relate the details of the grandeur of his progress, of his lavish liberality at Cologne, of the fiddlers and minstrels gathered together to entertain him, and of the solemn pomp with which he was received at Coblentz.' It is sufficient here to say, that the grandeur was equalled, only by the extravagance of the expenditure. On his arrival, two thrones were erected in the interview market-place ; one for the Emperor Louis, the other Edward for Edward of England. They sat in imperial and Emptor, royal pomp, surrounded by above 17,000 gentlemen, barons, and armed knights. The Emperor held the sceptre in his right hand, the globe in his left, and a German knight held a drawn sword over his head. The proceedings began by a protest against the ' Buchon's Froissart, vol. i. p. 66 (note). ' Eymer, vol. ii. p. 1059. ' A most interesting account of the journey, compiled from the Wardrobe Book, is given in Pauli's Pictures of Old England, chap, V, 142 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD III. Chap. TUT. A.D. 1338. usurpations of the Pope. After this, Edward arose, and addressing the Emperor as defender of justice in all Christendom, accused Philip, of unjustly keeping possession of Normandy, Aquitaine, and Anjou, which Philip had taken from his ancestors ; and, of usurp- ing the crown of France, which Edward claimed as his heritage from his mother. The Emperor then spoke. He charged Philip, with refusing him the homage and feudal rights due to him, for the fiefs of the Empire held by Philip ; pronounced him de- prived of all protection from the Empire, until he had The restored to Edward his mother's heritage; and, lastly, mTkeT' appointed Edward his Vicar-General in all parts of Edward the Empire situated on the left bank of the Rhine, General, and bcyoud Cologne, giving orders to all the princes the Princes of the Low Countrics to follow him in war for the pireTofl" space of seven years.^ him with When this solemn interview with the Emperor forces. Avas ovcr, Edward went to Arques, and afterwards to Mechlin ; at both places, as Lieutenant of the Empire, he received homage from all the nobles whom he had summoned to meet him.^ The same Plan of ceremony was repeated at Herz in the county of sealed!" Looz, where he dispensed justice, and performed other duties appertaining to the Emperor. Edward then summoned the Princes to meet him with their forces, in the middle of July of the following year, under the flag of the Empire ; putting forward as the object of the war, the recovery of Cambrai, a depen- dency of the Empire, of which the French had un- " justly kept possession.^ It was only by such a pretext ' Sismondi, vol. x. pp. 137-8. 2 Delepierre's translation of De Klerk's Chronique rimee, p. 9- 3 Sismondi, vol. x. p. 139, and Buchon's Froissart, vol, i. p. 69. Chap. VIII- EDWAED NEGOTIATES WITH THE FLEMINGS. 143 that Edward could avail himself of the aid of the A.D. laas, Emperor's feudatories. Edward returned to Antwerp, about the 20th of Birth of September, and, on the 29th of November, Queen afterwards Philippa was delivered of a son, called Lionel after curence the lion which formed the arms of Brabant, and afterwards created Duke of Clarence. Edward now endeavoured to turn his compulsory Edward .... 1 , . negotiates wmter inactivity to good account, by cementing a with the firmer friendship with the Flemings; on the I2th of andwkt' November, he appointed Count Reynald, of Gueldres ^^^^^^^ and Zutphen, to treat with Count Louis, "and with the burgomasters and citizens of the various towns of Elanders, relative to an alliance with them. He even went so far, as to give the Count power to treat with Louis, for the marriage of his daughter Isabella with the Count Louis's eldest son.^ There seems some inconsistency in Edward's assiduity in cultivating the friendship of the Count of Flanders, while he was acting under the advice of Van Arte- velde ; but, although ^ Van Artevelde was regent of Flanders, Louis still remained its count, or sovereign, and Edward therefore probably thought it advisable to be on good terms with both. All this while, neither did the King of France cease Efiforts of in his efforts, to cripple England; nor did the Pope de- o'f rSe sist from his endeavours, to break ofF the alliance be- '^^^Z. tween Edward and the Emperor. Philip despatched three large fleets to sea, with orders to do all the in- jury possible to the English, without the least mercy. They were manned by Genoese, Normans, Bretons, Picards, and Spaniards, and were commanded by Hugh Quieret, Peter Bahucet, and one Barbecaire, > Rymer vol. ii. p. 1063. 2 Voisin, p. 54. 144 LIFE ANB TIMES OF EDWARD ITI. Chap. VIII. A.D. 1338. Southamp- ton pil- laged and burned. The Ge- noese and their mer- cenary fleets. Anxiety of the Nor- mans to invade and conquer England. under whom the Genoese were placed.^ Southampton was pillaged and burnt by a body of Normans and Genoese, who landed on a Sunday while the inhabi- tants were at mass.^ The Genoese were always ready to hire themselves out on any side, and had evidently no objection to fight against the English, although one of their countrymen was an English admiral, and other Genoese were actually in the pay of the English. From the time of the Crusades, however, the Genoese had been more especially allies of the French, and the Pisans of England. A fleet of French and hired Genoese, containing 40,000 soldiers, did great damage to the Cinque Ports^ and other seaport% and so harassed the English that no vessel could leave the coast without being plundered.* The English navy was consequently obliged to be always on the alert, to prevent English commerce from being entirely stopped, the English seaports destroyed, and the ships laden with the King's wool intercepted.^ The Normans at this time were especially anxious to invade and conquer England. They remembered, doubtless, how a Norman Duke, three centuries before, had landed on its shores and conquered the country, and were ambitious of repeating the exploit. They con- sequently made a formal agreement with the King of * Buchon's Froissart, vol. i. p. 70. 2 Knighton, cols. 2572-3 ; Buchon's Froissart, vol. 1. p. 72 ; and Rymer (March 16, 1339), p. 1077, relative to the fortification of Southampton, which had been "lately burnt." Knighton places this invasion under the year 1338, but it is uncertain whether this took place in the autumn of 1338 or early in 1339. See Nicolas' Brit. Navy, vol. ii. p. 34 (note). 3 Rymer, vol. ii. p. 1067 (December 8, 1368), relative to the burning of Portsmouth, Fodyngton, Portsea, and Estene near Portsmouth. * Nicolas' Brit. Navy, vol. i. p. 36. ^ Rymer, vol. ii. p. 1060. CHAf. VIII. THE POPE BBMONSTEATES WITH EDWARD. 145 France to do so at their own cost, and entered into a.d. isss. elaborate arrangements as to the division of the plunder after they had reduced England to subjec- tion. This bold plan, which began and ended in the wishes of the Normans, was not known to Edward until after the taking of Caen, when it excited, his vehement indignation.' After Edward's return from Coblentz, the Pope, The Pope as already related, wrote to him, to express his de- strates testation of his alliance with the Emperor. He ac- E^*ard. cused the Emperor of favouring " detestable heresies and horrible horrors ; " of usurping the title of Em- peror with " detestable temerity ; " and charged him with various other evil deeds, in language such as was rarely used except by the Holy Fathers in their Bulls. In conclusion, he begged Edward to have nothing to do with Louis, who was neither King nor Emperor, representing, that nothing that Louis had done, could do, or should do, was of the slightest validity ; and that, although it was but human to err, if Edward was seduced by his serpent-like deceptions, and per- sisted in such evil courses, something dreadful would happen to himself.^ Whether or not it was out of alarm at this lengthy, and mysteriously terrible, letter, it is difficult to determine ; but, about a week after it was written, Edward appointed the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishops of Durham and Lincoln, the Earl of Salisbury, Sir Bartholomew de Burghersh, Sir Walter de Scrope, and Archdeacon John de Offord, his ambassadors, to Edward treat for peace with France.^ It is evident, that he preewTth did so most unwillingly, for he did not style Philip ^^"'^^i ' Buchon's Froissart, vol. i. p. 72 (note). " Rymer, vol. ii. p. 1063. 3 Ibid. p. 1065. VOL. I. L 146 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD III. Chap. VIII, A.D. 1338. " King of France," but only " our cousin," and, on the following day, he expressly forbade his ambassadors to treat with Philip as if he were King of France.^ But shortly afterwards, seemingly at the request of the Pope, he consented to call him King of France.^ but Nothing came of the negotiations, for it was clear comes of that neither king was disposed to yield, and indeed tiadons"' three months afterwards, the Duke of Cornwall in Edward's name made fresh demands on the clergy of Measures , ,. ^ -«7- i /- i i i , . of the the diocese or i ork, tor a supply to enable hini to homrfor Carry on the war and "recover the rights of his onthe°war ^'"o^'^" j" reminding the Archbishop, that, when the clergy of the dioceses of Canterbury granted him a subsidy, those of his province, to the King's great astonishment, had refused to do so.^ At the same time the Duke ordered above 12,000 men to be ar- rayed for the defence of the kingdom, of whom about 1,500 were men-at-arms, 5,000 " other armed men," and 5,000 bowmen. In issuing this order it was espe- cially directed that the rich men, and men of property, who could afford to serve at their own charges, should be chosen, and that the poor and " small men " should be spared.* The number of "other armed men" called out exactly equalled the number of bowmen; and it is remarkable that Rutland and Middlesex, supplied the smallest, and Lincolnshire the greatest number, London being probably excluded. The Duke wrote also to the Archbishops and all the Bishops, telling them that he had received informa- tion that the French intended to invade England;; about the middle of March, calling on them to sum- mon the whole of the clergy and direct them to arm ' Rymev, vol. ii. p. 1066. 2 n,id. p. 1068. 3 Ibid. p. 1069. 4 Ibid. p. 1070. Chap.vhi. ED ward's want of money. 147 their servants, and to furnish men for the defence a.d. 1339. of the country, who were to be ready at the same time as those furnished by the laity.^ At the same Edwari time Edward made a treaty, dated at Antwerp, on a°rea"y*^ February 16th, 1339, with the Dukes of Austria, ^'^^^'^^^ Styria, and Carinthia, for the hire of 200 armed men, Austria, to be used in the war waging between himself and carilfthk. Philip " calling himself King of France." ^ Edward's expenses became very heavy. He had Edward brought with him from England 1,600 men at arms ^"ssed and 10,000 archers, whose daily cost was great ;^ he for money, was bound to pay large sums to his allies ; and he and his court were living in great magnificence. He He pledges was therefore compelled to pledge his great crown, his little crown, and the Queen's crown, to the Arch- bishop of Treves, for the repayment of 61,000 gold florins of Florence money, which he had borrowed of him ;* and he soon afterwards borrowed 54,0(i0 florins of three citizens of Mechlin.^ The time ap- pointed for the assembling of the united forces had now arrived, but the troops did not come. In order to attach the wavering Duke of Brabant more firmly to his cause, Edward had endeavoured, during the previous month, to bring about a marriage between his son the Duke of Cornwall and the Duke's daughter Margaret, but the marriage never took place," and all Edward's preparations and profuse expenditure seemed to he thrown away. Philip had made as good use as Edward of the period of compulsory inactivity, and his etforts to detach the Emperor from his alliance with Edward ' Eymer, vol. ii. p. 1072. 2 Ibid. p. 1073. ' Buchon's Froissart, vol. i. p. 70. ■• Rymer, vol. ii. p. 1073. ' Ibid. p. 1085. 6 Ibid. p. 1083. 148 LIFE AND TIMES OF BDWAED III. Chap. Villi , A. D. 1339. had succeeded for a time. He sent John King of Philip per- Bohemia for the purpose. John was eminently fitted suades the for the task ; he was skilled in arms, chivalrous in Emperor .. . . -, . . ^, to break disposition, and persuasive m manners. He repre- Edward. sentcd to the Emperor, that his dignity was compro- mised by entering into the pay of the King of Eng- land ; his efforts were seconded by letters from the Pope, Benedict XII., who, although well disposed towards the Emperor, and even anxious for his suc- cess, as a means of restoring independence to the Church, had been induced by Philip to threaten him with renewed excommunication if he persisted in his designs of invading France.^ The Emperor was a man of great devotion, and, seized with re- morse at having so long resisted the Holy See, he yielded. He wrote to Edward that, notwithstand- ing his promises, he would not join him, and sent back the subsidies he had already received from him.^ The Duke of Brabant, also, still wavered, and Philip now thought he had broken up Edward's foreign alliances. He therefore endeavoured to pre- vent his receiving reinforcements from England, and occupied the Channel with a fleet collected from ' Sismondi, vol. x. p. 144. ^ Ibid. p. 145. A somewhat different account of the rupture of the treaty between Edward and the Emperor is given in Delepierre's translation of Chronique rimee de Klerk. It is there stated (p. 11) that the cause of the rupture was the non-arrival of the suljsidy, and Jean de Klerk adds that he himself heard Edward say, " It is for my great advantage that God has willed that my project should be carried out in a different way. If the Emperor had been mixed up in this war and success had crowned our efforts, fame would have given the honours of victory to him, and not to him to whom they were justly due. Besides he is under the ban of the Holy Church, so that, because of him, the matter would have been more difficult to manage," Chap.viil, war commenced. 149 Spain, Italy, Brittany, Normandy, and Picardy, and a.d. 1339-. his forces even landed on the English coast, ravaging Southampton.^ . But while all these plottings were going on, Ed- Edward ward, to please the Pope, still continued to negotiate for peace^ for peace,^ though, at the same time, he elaborately ^"^i"°j set forth before him the grounds on which he jus- tified his war against Philip. He insisted on his right to the crown, relying especially on the theory, that although a female could not succeed to the throne, her male descendants could do so in prefer- ence to younger male branches of the family, and justified his friendship with the Emperor.^ The Pope wrote a letter of expostulation to Edward in October,* tagging him to consider seriously the consequences of his alliance with the Emperor ; he wrote again in November, stating how shocked he was to hear that Edward had accepted the vicariate of the Empire from the Emperor.* These letters were nothing but ill-argued assertions that l/ouis was a heretic and no Emperor, and that Edward had better have nothing to do with him. But they were too late. The war had already begun. In the middle of July, the time appointed by Ed- Edward wdrd, as Yicar of the Empire, for the meeting of Sies. his aUies, he went to Vilvoorden, a town on the Senne between Malines and Brussels, expecting their arrival. He selected this place as being convenient for a march on Cambrai, the siege of which was in- tended to be the beginning of the campaign. Week after week he awaited their arrival, but no allies ap- ' Buchon's Froissart, vol. i. p. 72. " Eymer, vol. ii. p. 1085. ' Walsingham, p. 201. 4 Rymer, vol. ii. p. 1093. ^ Ibid. p. 1096. 150 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD III. Chap. VIFI. A.D.1339. Edward Eummons his allies. Defiance of the King of France. Siege of Cambrai. peared, for they were waiting for the shifty Duke of Brabant. Edward, therefore, formally summoned them all to come to him at Mechlin, and the sum- mons was quickly obeyed by John of Hainault, the Duke of Gueldres, the Margrave of Juliers, Robert of Artois, the Margrave of Misnia or Meissen, the Margrave of Brandenburg, son of the Emperor Louis, the Lord of Fauquemont, and even by the Duke of Brabant himself. The Emperor had repented of allowing himself to be cajoled by the King of Bohemia, and had permitted his son to join Edward with 100 lances.^ The first step, according to feudal customs, was to defy the King of France. The Bishop of Lincoln was accordingly sent to Paris, with a challenge, signed and sealed by all except the Duke of Brabant, who, how- ever, promised " to do his part in proper time and place." The Duke then returned to Brussels.* There was still delay, however, and Edward was obliged to go to Brussels to see the Duke of Brabant once more, and bring him to a definite course of action. He at length persuaded the Duke to promise to join him with 1,200 lances as soon as he knew that Cam- brai was besieged. Edward passed through Mons, in Hainault, and on his arrival at Valenciennes found the young Count William of Hainault with his uncle John. The form of summoning Cambrai to surrender to Edward, as Vicar of the Emperor, was then gone through, after which the Earl of Hainault was admonished to assist Edward in the siege. Cambrai was besieged, and the Duke of Brabant at last joined the English army with his promised soldiers. The young Count of Namur also ' Sismondi, p. 148. ^ Buchon's Froissart, vol. i. p. 71. Chap. VIH. SIEGE OF CAMBRAI. 151 came to serve under the Count of Hainault ; they a.d. 1339 had both however agreed, that they would fight on Edward's side, only so long as he remained within the boundaries of the Empire, and that, if he crossed into France, they would leave him and join King Philip.^ Their support of Edward, so long as he led the army as the Emperor's Vicar, was no cause for enmity with France; but if he crossed the frontier, he then acted only as King of England, and their fighting under his banner under such circumstances would make them enemies of France. But little passion or rancour entered into the wars of those days. Men fought on Courtesy /• 1 • 1 T 1 /. 1 • '° warfare terms 01 high courtesy towards those or .their own at this rank ; mingled, however, with not a little of heartless ^*"° selfishness, and a total disregard of tlie sufferings of the humbler classes. They looked on war as a noble pastime, rather than a struggle animated by virulent hatred. It is true that they did as much harm as possible to their enemies by destroying the towns and villages of their unoffending subjects, who were not unfrequently put to the sword, but the actual fight- mg was carried on as between themselves personally with ceremonious politeness. Continual skirmishing went on, and isolated, but resultless, feats of valour were performed on either side: one John of Chandos, whose subsequent gal- Joimof lantry and noble friendship with Edward and his son ^''^'"^°'' were of an almost romantic character, was one of those who thus distinguished themselves. Sir Walter de Maunay, too, was unceasing in his bold attacks. Notwithstanding the efforts, however, of the mighty hosts, in number about 40,000, gathered round Cambrai, the city resisted their efforts. After a ' Buchon'g Froiasart, vol. i. p. 76. 152 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWAED III. Chap. VIII^, A D. 1339. Siege of Oambrai given up and Prance invaded. Edward offers battle, and Philip fixes the day. conference, therefore, in which Robert of Artois, in whom the King had great confidence, took a promi- nent part, it was agreed to abandon the siege and invade France. The Counts of Hainault and Namur went with the English array as far as the river Scheldt, which was the boundary of the Empire ; but when Edward crossed it and thus made war on thei? feudal suzerain, they refused to go with him, and politely took their leave. Sir John of Hainault, however, remained with Edward, Philip having apparently no feudal superiority over him. The King marched first to Mont St. Martin, where he arrived about October 13, then entered the Ver- mandois, and so proceeded on to Tierasche and the Flamangrie, pillaging and devastating the country wherever he went. Philip, on hearing that Edward had crossed the frontier and entered France, ad- vanced from Compiegne to St. Quentin, accompanied by John King of Bohemia, the King of Navarre, and the King of Scotland. He then marched to Viron- fosse, and seemed desirous to come to blows ; Edward, therefore, resolved to wait for him, and the course he adopted to bring on a battle was singularly cha- racteristic of chivalrous usages.-^ A herald was sent to Philip to demand a battle between the two armies, to which Philip agreed, appointing the following Friday as the day. When Friday morning arrived " the two armies got them- selves in readiness, and heard mass, each among his own people, and at his own quarters, and many took the sacrament and confessed themselves." ^ But, not- withstanding all these preparations, no battle took place. It is said, that an astrologer advised the King ' Buchon's Froissart, vol. i. pp. 77 and 80, ^ Ibid. p. 82. Chap. VIH. ^^^^ 0^ '■'^^ CAMPAIGN. 153 o£ France, never to fight with the King of England a.d.i339. in person. Philip, being a believer in astrology, campaign may have been influenced by this advice ; but it is ^nds^^^ more likely that he felt he would do more harm to fighting. Edward, and bring greater discredit on his enter- prise. if he could render his invasion of France fruitless without fighting, than even by defeating him in the open field. It is not easy, however, to explain the conduct of either king. Edward re- tired to Brussels, and the King of France returned to Paris.-^ Edward was, all the while, greatly pressed for money, and on the 26th of September had written from Markoyn in France, to empower the Duke of Cornwall, the Archbishop of Canterbury, and others, to. receive fines, to grant pardons, to sell permissions to marry the wards of the Crown, and to raise money by any other means which the feudal system pro- vided.^ On his return from France, on the 1st of November, he wrote the following account of his inva- sion, from Brussels, to his son the Duke of Cornwall. It diiFers slightly from Froissart's narrative, and curi- ously illustrates the mode of warfare of those times. " We have often informed you of the cause of The King's our long stay in Brabant, but still no aid comes to account us from our kingdom, and the stay is grievous to campaign, us, and our allies are heavy in their wants, and our messengers for peace, who have staid so long with the cardinals and council of France, will bring us no offer except that we shall not have a palm's breadth of land in the kingdom of France, and our cousin Philip of Yalois swore every day that we should ' Buehon's Froissarf, vol. i. p. 84. ^ Rymer, vol. ii. p. 1091, 154 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD III. Chap. VIII. A.r).i339. not stay a day in France without his giving us Edward's ^^*'^^^- ^^f trusting in God and our right, made own ac- our allies come before us, and showed them cer- the cam- tainly that we could not wait any longer, but P'^'g"- would pursue our rights : they, seeing the dishonour that would fall on them if they staid behind us, agreed to follow us, and to march into France on a certain day, at which day and place we were ready and our allies came after us as soon as they could. The Monday after the feast of St. Matthew we went out of Valenciennes, and the same day we began to burn in Cambrai, and during all the week much corn and beasts were destroyed. The Saturday following we came to Markeynge, which is between Cambrai and France, and we began to burn in France the same day, and we heard that Philip was coming towards us at Peronne, on his way to Noyon. On the Saturday before the feast of St. Luke, we passed the water of Oise, and staid there Sunday, when our allies told us that their victuals were nearly expended, and that winter was coming on, and that it would not suit them to stay, but that they must march back. On Monday morning there came a messenger from the King of France, _ saying that he would place himself where he was not protected by wood, marsh, or water, and that he would give battle to the King of England on the next Thursday. On Wednesday came letters from the King of Bohemia and Duke of Lorraine, with their seals hanging, saying that, as to what the King of France had said, he would keep his covenant. The next day we went towards Fla- mangrie and staid there all Friday. In the evening three spies were taken, who said that Philip was a Chap. Tin. EDWAED'S OWN ACCOUNT OF CAMPAIGN. 155 league and a half from us, and would fight on Satur- A.p.1339. day. On Saturday we were ready before day-break, and took some of his spies, who told us that his avant garde was on the field. At the same time we took prisoner a gentleman of Germany who told us they had cut down great trees to prevent our ap- proach. We remained on foot all day, and in the evening our allies said we had staid long enough, and we got on our horses and went to Daveneis, a league and a half from our cousin, and told him we would wait there all Sunday. We found that he had been in such haste to take up a stronger position, that 1,000 of his horsemen had sunk in a marsh. On Monday we heard that the French had retreated, and our allies would stay no longer, about which we are to have a council with them the day after the feast of St. Martin at Antwerp."^ On Edward's return from his campaign in France, Edivard he made an important treaty with the Duke of JT^omnt Brabant, dated at Brussels on the 3rd of November, t™atywitii . . ' Brabant. A.D. 1339, in which the cities of Brussels, Antwerp, Louvain, Bruges, Ghent, Ypres, and seven others were comprised. It provided that the King and the Duke should render each other mutual assistance, each at his own cost, during the war, that war should neither be begun nor ended but by mutual consent, that commerce should be encouraged between Flanders and Brabant, and nothing should be changed in the commercial arrangements between the two countries without the consent, not only of Edward and the Duke, but also of the towns comprised in the treaty.^ This ' Rimer's Fmdera, vol.ii. p. 1094, and Avesbury (Oxon, 1720), * Voisin, p. 29. On December 3rd, Sismondi, vol. x. p. 156, quoting Meyer. 156 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD III. Cha?. VIII, A.D. 1339. And quarters his arms with those of France. Treaty between Flanders and Brabant. Edward's fresh treaty with the Flemings, and with their Count. The Pope excommu- nicates Flanders. was brought about by the advice of Van Artevelde; and at his suggestion Edward, who had, for some time, occasionally taken the title of King of France now not only did so in a more formal manner, but quartered his arms with those of France, in order to remove the scruples of the Flemings as to becoming his allies, and he now for the first time placed the motto " Dieu et mon Droit " on his seal.^ Van Arte- velde having thus brought Flanders and Brabant into closer commercial union, a treaty between them was entered into at Ghent. This was shortly after- wards, on January 4th, a.d. 1340, followed by sl treaty between the Flemings and the English, in virtue of which they recognised Edward as King of France, declared war against France,^ and agreed that the campaign should begin with the siege of Tournai.- It is remarkable that on the very same day that Edward appointed the Earl of Salisbury and others to make this treaty with the Flemings, such was his anxiety to be on good terms with Count Louis^ that he again gave his ambassadors power to treat with him for the marriage of his daughter Isabella with the Count's son.^ This negotiation, however, again failed. Philip, seeing that Van Artevelde counteracted all his projects for bringing the Flemings back under the dominion of their Count, managed to persuade the Pope to excommunicate the whole of Flanders.^ By doing this he strengthened the friendship between it and England. ' Knighton, col. 2576, and Buchon's Froissarf, vol. i. p. 85. 2 'Bachoii's Froissart, vol. i. pp. 85, 86 ; Rymer, vol. iiw p.ll06; and Voisin, p. 38. 3 Rymer, vol. ii. p. 1106. * Voisin, p. 38* Chap. VIII. EDWARD AEEANGES WITH HIS CREDITORS. .157 It being now the middle of winter, and therefore, a.d. 1340. according to the custom of the times, impracticable to carry on war until the following spring, King Edward wished to return to England ; but his allies would not allow him to do so, until he had made satisfactory arrangements for the payment of his debts. These were enormous, and amounted to about Edward 30,000Z.,^ or nearly half a million of money, if con- obtain verted into the corresponding value of the present ^^.^^^ ''™™ , '^ nis credi- day. He was consequently obliged solemnly to pro- tors to mise to return within a certain time, and leave the England. Earls of Derby, Salisbury, Northampton, and SuflFolk as hostages for the performance of his promise.'^ At the same time, although he did not leave Flanders until more than two months afterwards, he gave full powers to the Duke of Brabant to carry on the war in his absence, subject, however, to the condition that the troops should not be disposed of without Van Artevelde's advice.^ About the same time the Government at home, in the King's name, ordered the masters and sailors of certain ships belonging to Bayonne, which were at Sandwich and other English ports, to hold themselves in readiness for the inva- Prepara- sion of France in the following year, according to the inva- an agreement which had been made with them. The ^r^l in Guardian also directed certain provisions to be sent ^^^ foUow- ing year, to the King, probably for the use of the Court at Antwerp during his absence in England. The sup- plies thus ordered were 5 lasts of red herrings from Yarniouth, 50 of codfish from Blackheath, and 5000 stock-fish from Boston.* ' See Paulis' Pictures of Old England, p. 170. ^ Rymer, vol. ii. p. 1100. ^ Voisin, p. 19. * December 9th and 23rci, Kymer, vol. ii. pp. 1101 and 1103. 158 LIf E AND TIMES OF EDWAED III. Chap. VIIL A.P. l.'i40, Constant negotia- tions for peace. Edward finally breaks off the nego- tiations. Notwithstanding these arrangements for the con- tinuance of the war, Edward constantly negotiated with Philip for peace. He did so at the earnest so- licitation of the Pope, who wrote to him continualljj to persuade him to break off his friendship with the Einperor and make peace with France. His Holiness insinuated, that Edward's friends were sure to leave him in the lurch, and that " with subtle and ingenuity and exquisite fraud " they would shift their burthens off their own backs on to his ; ^ and soon afterwards, finding apparently that his cardinals were unsuccess- ful in their negotiations, the Pope said that, if they could not arrange a peace, he would himself go to England to negotiate personally with Edward.^ At last, Edward seems to have become weary of the Pope's interference and of the fruitless negotiations; and, at the end of January 1340, he wrote, as King of France and England, to the Pope, telling him that, at his persuasion he had tried to make peace with France, but that his efforts were all in vain.' He then, repeating his title of King of France and England, notified to his subjects in France the cause of the war, recapitulated his rights to the throne of France, and ordered a document to the same effect to be afiixed to the doors of all the churches and other places in Flanders bordering on France.* On the same day he made known to the peers and commons of France and Flanders that all who submitted to him and recognised him as their king, before a certain day, should be " received into his peace and laken under his protection." ^ 1 Eymer, vol. ii. p. 1096. ^ Ibid. p. 1103. 3 Ibid. p. 1107. ^ Ibid. p. 1109 (February 8tli, 1340). 5 Ibid. p. nil. Chap. VIII. THE KING RETURNS TO ENGLAND. 159 After this, he embarked for England, leaving the A.D.1340. four Earls as hostages for his return, and empower- 7, ing Van Artevelde and Reynald Count of Gueldres return to to go through Flanders and receive the oaths of '°s^° • the people to him.^ Edward arrived at Orewell on February 21st,2 1340. ' Voisin, p. 30. * Eymer, vol. ii. p. 1115. 160 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWAED III. Cuap. IX. CHAPTEE IX. Edward's necessities foe money, his eeturn to flandibs, the first battle, the fruitless end of the campaiau, AND Edward's second return to England. A.i>. 1340. During the King's absence in Flanders, a Parliament Pariia- ^^^ ^"^^^ assembled, on October 13th, a.d. 1339, to tnentary take into Consideration three subjects. The first ings in the was, the waj in which the internal peace of the king- absence, dom could be best kept ; the second, the guarding of the northern borders against the Scots ; and the last and most important, how the sea should be cleared of enemies, so that they should do no damage, nor " enter the kingdom to destroy it." Archbishop Stratford, who had just returned from the King, opened the proceedings by giving a short account of the course of events in Flanders. He then went on to say that the King had contracted obligations to the enormous amount of 300,000^., and that for this reason, and to enable him to carry on the war, he required a large aid. It is worthy of remark, that the Commons were now, for the first time, specially mentioned with the " Great Men," as those to whom this address was delivered. They had evidently already begun to increase in importance, and it was the King's necessities that produced this result.'' ^ ' See Report on the Dignity of a Peer, vol. i. p. 308. Chap. IX. EDWAED'S NECESSITIES FOR MONEY. 161 Parliament proceeded to consider how the aid [a. p. 1340.] could be granted with the least injury to the people, England taking into account the dearth of money ; for the ^^^^^^^ country had been greatly impoverished by the war, ty the and actual coin was very scarce. Some of the mem- bers of the King's Council proposed, that the tenth sheaf, lamb, and fleece, should be granted for two years. A long debate ensued ; the redress of certain grievances was insisted on ; and at last the Peers, " Les Grauntz," granted the tenth sheaf of corn of all sorts of their demesne lands^ except the lands of their bondsmen, the tenth fleece, and the tenth lamb of the next year, to be paid in two years ; but they stipulated, that the maletolt of wool which had lately been illegally levied, should be done away with, and the old custom abided by ; that a charter i%hould be granted to them, providing that the maletolt should never be levied again ; that the grant thus made should not be considered a custom ; and, lastly, they desired that the wardship of lands, which then went into the King's hand by the nonage of heirs, should pass to the nearest of kin instead. . These were considerable, but most reasonable con- ditions; the Commons, however, acting for them- selves as a separate and distinct body, declared they could not grant an aid "without consult- ing the commons of their counties." This seems TheCom- to be the first occasion on which members of ""'"sfirst Parliament openly declared themselves the repre- declare themselves ' " This grant being confined to their demesnes, they did not attempt to charge their tenants in capite by subinfeudation. The Commons declined granting such an aid without consulting those whom they represented, including possibly the tenants of the Lords by snb-infeudation."— /?epo»-< on the Dignity of a Peer vol. i. p. 309. ' VOL. I. M 162 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD III, Chap. IX, A.D. 1340. sentatives of their electors. They accordingly deman- therepre- ^^^ *^^* another Parliament should be summoned^ sentatives to meet at a convenient time, promising that, in of the , . , , , "^ , .° '. electors, the meantime, they would return to their counties^ and do their utmost to obtain for the King a proper aid. They prayed, also, that writs should be sent to every sheriff, ordering that two of the most esteemed knights in counties should be elected for the Com- mons, but that none of them should be sheriffs or other officers. •*• The sheriffs had so much oppressed the people, that the King, shortly before, had pro- vided for their annual election by the freeholdei?i of each county ; it was doubtless on accoun* of their oppressions, that the Commons wished to exclude them from Parliament.^ The Commoui. also required that none but knights, " ceynt des espes," that is, military tenants of the Crown ac- tually knighted, should be returned for counties.^ Other important matters were also brought under the consideration of the Commons in this Parliament, such as the state of the country, which was evidently Dangerous lawless and dangerous. Bodies of men throughout' state of the , , . , , . country, the kingdom had banded themselves together looking out for bad news from the seat of war, intending, if any such arrived, to rise and plunder the country. The Commons, however, declared that the law, if properly put in force, was sufficient for the protection of the country. The capture of merchant vessels by the French was another matter which was brought before the Commons, and it is amusing to find them complaining that the owners of ships, " for the sake > Eot. Pari. Tol. ii. pp. 103 and 104. 2 Rymer, vol. ii. p. 1090 (Sept. 22, 1339). 3 Rot. Pari. vol. ii. p. 106 (22). Chap. IX. SUBSIDY GEANTED. 163 of merchandise and greediness of gain," had sent -^•^- 1^^"-* their ships to sea, and thus exposed them to capture. The only redress they proposed was, that for the present the ships should be kept at home.-^ The French ships had taken the Isle of Jersey, and done Jfsey 1 1 1111 taken by other great damage by sea and land, because, as it therrenoh. was stated, there was actually no English fleet at sea, and the advice of the Commons as to the prevention of this mischief was asked for. They declared that these were matters of which they had no knowledge, and begged to be excused from advising on them ; that it was the business of the guardians of the Cinque Ports, "who had honours above all the com- Rightsand moners of the land," and paid no taxes because the thean^ue duty of guarding the land devolved upon them ; and, ^o"^- that they, ought to perform that duty, without asking for any higher wages for so doing.^ Parliament met again at the end of January 1340, and the Commons promised to state their intentions on the 19 th of the following month ; when that time arrived, they said they were ready to grant an aid. It is very doubtful whether the war was popular, and indeed there was nothing to make it so ; no victory had been gained, and Edward seemingly had to deal with greedy and selfish allies. But the country felt the necessity of supporting the honour of the King, and the Commons promised an aid. They said they Parliament would grant the King 30,000 sacks of wool; but ^ng^^ it was GQ certain conditions, without the fulfilment ^^^'"'*^ of which they declared their grant must be considered null and void ; and they said that, as these matters so nearly touched thte King himself, it was desirable that he and his secret council should be consulted ' Rot. Pari, vol. ii. p. 105 (15). 2 Ibid. p. 105 (11). M 2 164 'LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWAKD III. Chap. IX. A-D. 1340. Subsidy- granted on conditions. Necessity of Ed- ward's return to England. about them.^ This was agreed to, but, inasmuch as there Avas an immediate necessity for the equipment of a fleet, the Commons were asked how they would meet this difficulty. They answered that they would grant 2,050 sacks of wool on account, and would con- sider their grant a gift if their conditions were not complied with. The mariners of the Cinque Ports had been summoned to attend the Parliament; before it broke up, they promised to furnish thirty ships, called niefs, half at their own cost, and half at that of the Government ; the mariners of the west agreed to provide seventy similar vessels, on much the same conditions.^ A greater vigour was also infused into all preparations for the defence of the country, the necessity for which was a striking evidence of the aggressive activity of the French, even during the invasion of their country by the English. Masterly inaction at home, and an equally well devised activity abroad, were the tactics with which they met the attacks of Edward. During the sitting of this Parliament, Edward was preparing to return for a short time to his own do- minions. .His presence was needed, to stimulate the nation to unprecedented sacrifices for carrying on the war. It was not unpopular with the nobles, to whom it was a pastime, but there was widespread dissatis- faction throughout the country, for the people felt its burthen, and hitherto there had been no com- pensating glory. But unless greater sums could be raised, the King of England would be dishonoured, and the country itself exposed to imminent danger. Edward therefore having, as previously related, ob- tained leave from his creditors to visit England, made 1 Eot. Pari. vol. ii. p. 107 (7). ^ Ibid, p, 108. Chap. IX. EDWABD'S TITLE OF KING OP FRANCE. 165 preparations for his voj'age ; but before setting sail he A.D. 1340. issued a proclamation to the people of France, again asserting his claim to the throne, basing it on the fact that his mother was sister to the late King, while Phihp was only his cousin, declaring that he would govern the people according to their ancient laws, and promising to receive into his protection all who would take the oath of allegiance to him.^ Shortly- after this he embarked for England, and landed at Orewell, on the 21st February, as before related.^ Immediately on his arrival he wrote from Harwich The King iTBturns to the Archbishop of Canterbury, stating that he and ex- should be present at a Parliament about to assemble caiiTg*^'^ at the end of March, and directing that measures ^JP'*^'^, '-^ King of should be taken to ensure a full attendance. But the France, most important part of his letter related to his as- sumption of the title of King of France. He told the Archbishop that his subjects need not be astonished that he had done so, for there were many causes for it which he would explain to the Parliament, and he went on to say, that thereby there should be no damage to the kingdom of England.^ To this Parliament, according to frequent custom, a large number of merchants and others were ordered to come for a " colloquy." There are no documents to show how these colloquies were conducted, but of course those thus summoned did not take part in the debates. Probably they met together for discussion, and communicated the result to Parliament itself. Parliament met on the 29th March, and the pre- Proceed- lates, earls and barons for themselves and for all their pfriia- tenants, and the knights of the counties, for them- ' Eymer, vol. ii. p. 1111 (Feb. 8th, 1340). 2 Ibid. p. 1115. 3 jbid. ment. 166 LIFE AND TIMES OF BDWAED III. Chap. IX. A.D. 1340. Supplies granted for two years. Labourers exempted from the taxation. selves and for the Commons of the land,^ granted the King "the ninth lamb, the ninth fleece, and the ninth sheaf, to be taken by two years then next to come.^ The citizens and burgesses granted the true ninth part of all their goods and chattels, to be taken and levied by lawful and reasonable tax by the same two years ; the foreign merchants who did not dwell in cities nor boroughs, and other people that dwelt in forests and wastes, and all others that lived not of their tillage or store of sheep were be set law- fully at the value to the fifteen." With that regard for the poor which certainly, in many points, distins- guished this age, it was expressly stated that it was not the intention of the King, nor of the other great men, nor of the Commons, that " the poor and those who lived of their labour," should be liable to the payment of this grant of a fifteenth. The Commons also protested, that the grants were made on condition of the petitions for the redress of grievances being granted. There was also granted by " the prelates earls barons and Commons of the realm forty shillings to be taken of every sack of wool, and forty shillings of every three hundred woolfells, and forty shillings 1 " Les communes de la terre." Rot. Pari. 14 Ed. 3. (m. 3) 6. ^ " This grant may have been in lieu of the tenth sheaf, &q., which the earls and barons had agreed to grant in the last Par- liament, and probably that was considered an agreement to grant rather than an absolute grant. It may also be observed that the prelates, earls and barons made the grant for themselves and all their tenants, thus taking on themselves to be the representatives of all their tenants, and considering the knights of the shires as not representing such tenants." — Report on the Dignity of a Peer, vol. i. p. 311. It rather appears, however, that this grant of the peers was out of their demesne lands ; that is, lands held as strictly private property with the serfs and bondsmen held therewith. , Chap. IX. RBDEBSS OF GRIEVANCES. 167 of every last of leather that pass beyond the sea;" A.D.1340. but it was also provided that "every man that ship- peth wools over the sea, Englishman or other, shall find good and sufficient surety to bring back again of every sack of wool, plate of silver to the value of two marks, and to bring the same to the King's exchange and there to receive his money." It was stipulated that these duties should not be considered as a precedent, but that at the expiration of two years only the same duties as before should be levied.^ The counties palatine of Durham, Chester, Cornwall, &c., were not then represented in Parliament, and, therefore, could not be taxed by it, so they separately made a like grant, and the clergy also granted a ninth of their sheaves, fleeces, and lambs.^ The petitions for the redress of grievances were Eedressof then presented, and their prayer having been granted, |rantedr' the result was, as usual, embodied in an Act of Par- "^'^•■ liament. The statute (14 Edw. III. Stat, 2) began, according to custom, by a confirmation of previous rights and liberties ; then, among other things, en- acted that, whereas there had been great complaints of the delay of justice, at every Parliament five commissioners, consisting of a prelate, two earls, and two barons, should be chosen, to hear complaints of provision delays and to give judgment, unless, on account of Sy^f the difficulty of any particular case, they thought it J"s'"=^' necessary to submit it to the consideration of Parlia- ment itself. Next, as already stated, the sheriffs, who presumed on the fact of their appointment being for a term of years, and relied on their reappointment, • Statutes of the realm, vol. i. pp. 288, 289 and 290 ; and Kot. Pari. vol. ii. p. 112. * Carte, vol. i. p. 435. 168 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD III. Chap. IX. A.D. 1340. against op- pressions by sheriffs, enforce- ment of uniformity of weights and measures, oppres- sions of purveyors forbidden. Statute relative to the King's assump- having been guilty of oppressions of the people, it was provided that they should be elected for one. year only, and that these sheriffs having let certain hundreds and wapentakes at a higher rate than they yielded to the King, all those which had been severe(| from the counties should be rejoined to them. Then as indeed was previously provided by the Great Charter and confirmed by statute 25 Edw. I. chap. 35, it was settled that one measure and weight should be used throughout the kingdom, and standards of bushels, gallons, and weights should be sent to every county, Lastly, in consequence of the frauds and extortions practised by the King's purveyors, who had to provide sustenance for the King and his retinue whenever he journeyed through the kingdom, it was provided that these purveyors should not compel people to sell to them ; that they should neither take nor buy any-- thing unless by agreement between buyer and seller; that purveyances for wars, or for victualling castles and towns should be made by merchants, appointed by the treasurer, in order that "none be put to sell anything against their will;" that the sheriff in each county should state the number of the King's horses for which purveyance should be made ; that no purveyance should be made above that number, except that the chief keeper of the horses might have a hackney ; and, that he should take care that the country was not overcharged as to the number of men attending the horses, but that there should be " for every horse a knave, without bringing women, pages, or dogs with them." The fears, lest the King's assumption of the title of King of France, should make Edward the King of France and England rather than of England and Chap. IX. GBOWING POWER OF PARLIAMENT. 169 France, and should thus reduce England to a de- A.D.1340. pendancy of France, were allayed by a Statute (14 tionofthe Edw. III. Stat. 3), providing that " our Kealm of K^nVof England, nor the people of the same, of what estate ^^ance. or condition they be, shall not in any time to come be put in subjection nor obeisance of us, nor of our heirs nor successors as kings of France." The clergy also obtained from the King a redress of certain grievances, such as, the oppressions of purveyors, and the taking into the King's hand of the temporalities, that is revenues, of vacant prelacies, churches, and benefices.' The proceedings of this Parliament have been thus Growing minutely dwelt on, because of their importance in Pariia- showing the growing power of Parliament, and es- "^^°'' pecially of the Commons, who, although they had not become a separate body, yet discussed such business as especially concerned them, separately from the " great men." The necessities of the crown were the principal inducements for calling to the Parliament Representatives of the Commons, and those places only from which aids were to be demanded, were required to send representatives, though the laws made in Parliament for other purposes extended to all.2 Shortly after this, notwithstanding a somewhat The Pope affectionate letter from the Pope, dissuading Edward Tours'to from continuing the prosecution of his claims to the ^1^"^^*^^ throne of France, telling him that according to the fyom con- law of France they were illegal, and that he ^vas un- war. wise to rely on the friendship, of the Flemings and the Germans, the former of whom the Pope declared ' 14 Edward III. Statute 4. ^ See Report on the Dignity of a Peer, vol. i. p. 309. 170 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD III. Chap. IX, A.D. 1340. were notorious for their inconstancy,' the King made preparations for returning to Flanders and resuming the war. He had found it necessary, however, not- withstanding the grant from Parliament, to issue a The King commission (dated March 1st) to the Bishop of Lin- . money by coln, the Earl of Derby, and nine others, to raise a '°'^"' loan for him, stating that " you know that on account of the war for the salvation of our kingdom of Eng- land, and of the English Church, we have been daily obliged to spend innumerable sums of money, we therefore empower you to contract a loan in our name."^ It would be difficult to ascertain the exact amount of the King's debts, but they must have been enormous, and the authorities he gave for borrowing money about this time were very numerous. Among these may be mentioned, that one Antony Bache lent the King 11,720^. for the payment of his soldiers, and for the release of " his great golden crown " out of pawn from the Archbishop of Treves, and " the Httle crown " pawned at Cologne ; and that the King granted him the subsidies of leather, sheep, and corn as security.^ But still, Edward had not money enough to leave England, and was obliged to borrow 20,000 marks of the city of London.* The King ^t last the Kins; was ready to start, and fixed the prepares to " . , i i • return to 13th of Juue as the day of his departure, but his Chancellor, Archbishop Stratford,^ warned hina that Philip had" prepared a great fleet to intercept him on his passage, and consequently endeavoured to dis- Eymer, vol. ii. p. 1117. 2 Ibid. p. 1116. ■ 3Ibid. p. 1124(May 16, 1340). * Carte, vol. ii. p, 436. Tyn-ell, vol. iii. p. 422. The Count of Gueldres according to Wulsingham, p. 226. Chap. IX. EDWARD SAILS FOE FLANDERS. .171 suade him from the voyage. King Edward treated A.D.1340 the information with contempt, and the Chancellor therefore resigned his seal of office. The King then sent for Sir Robert Morley his admiral, and for one Crabbe, a famous seaman, who was probably a son of an engineer of the same name who had distin- guished himself at the siege of Berwick, in the reign of Edward I. They confirmed the report of the Arch- bishop, which put the King in a great rage, and he declared that they and the Archbishop had agreed to- gether to prevent his going, and added, " I will go in spite of you, and you who fear where no fear is may stay at home." Morley and Crabbe then pledged their lives that, if the King then sailed, he and all who is warned went with him would be exposed to great danger ; but ^ ' they said that, if the King was resolved to go, they would go with him, even although they might die for it, This appeased the King, and he sent for the Arch- bishop, and reinstated him in his office of Chancellor. He then sent to all the various ports, to collect to- gether an increased number of men and ships, and on the 22nd of June, sailed from Orewell, with a fleet of but sets about 200 vessels, on his second short and fruitless june 22nd. campaign. He left his son Edward as guardian of the kingdom in his absence, with the Archbishop of Canterbury, and the Earls of Lancaster, Warren, and Huntingdon, as his special advisers.-^ Before the King's departure, Archbishop Stratford again resigned the chancellorship on account of his advanced age, and his brother Robert, Bishop of Chichester, was appointed in his place.^ The report that the French had made great pre- Rot. Pari. 14 Edward III. (36) ; and Avesbury, pp. 54, 55, 56. ^ Rymer, vol. ii. p. 1129. 172 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD III. Chap. IX. and arrives off Slays. A.D.1340. parations to intercept King Edward on his passage was soon found to be perfectly true, and, when Ed- ward approached the port of Sluys on the coast of Flanders, he discovered a very forest of masts in the harbour. He came to anchor at Blankenberg, ten miles to the westward of the mouth of the Sluys, and sent Lord Cobham and two other knights on shore to reconnoitre the strength of the hostile fleet. On their return they reported that, besides other vessels, the enemy had nineteen ships, so large that they had never seen their like, and that among them was the Chris- topher, a large ship which the French had taken from the English the year before. -"^ According to the very interesting account which the King himself sent to his son,^ which is the earliest despatch in exist- ence containing an account of a naval victory, the number of the French fleet was 190, and he says they were manned by above 35,000 Normans, Picards, ' and Genoese — a large number, considering the small size of many of the vessels at that time. On re- ceiving the knights' report, the King ordered the captains to weigh anchor and stand out to sea, in order to postpone the engagement until the follow- ing day. The next morning, Saturday, the 24th of June, the French came out of the harbour to attack the English, Edward allowed them to sail out some distance, in order to get the wind and sun at his back ; about ten o'clock, having placed his ships in a favourable position, he began the attack. When the fleets engaged, the French made a great noise with 1 Buchon's Froissart, vol. i. pp. 87 and 106 ; and Knighton, col. 2577. 2 Nicholas, Brit. Navy, vol. ii. p. 501, quoting from Archives of the City of London, Eegister " F," folio 39. Great sea fight. Cbap.ix. the naval victory off sluys. 173 their trumpets, and the English set up a great shout. a.d. t34o The English began with a vast flight of arrows from their long bows, which the French answered with their cross bows ; but the long bows had much the best of it. They then came to close quarters, and the ships being made fast together with grappling- irons, the men-at-arms fought with swords, spears, and axes. Soon the Christopher was retaken by the Defeat of English, and its capture caused great exultation on fleet with their part. She was quickly filled with English archers, J™^™^ and the battle raged with fresh fury. At last, about seven in the evening, the French were put to flight, and the fight ended in their complete defeat. They lost, it is said, about 25,000 men and nearly the whole of their fleet. ^ During Edward's absence in England, the Queen, Birth of whom he had left in Flanders, gave birth to a son Gaunt. named John, and called John of Ghent, or Gaunt (as pronounced) from the place of his birth. Before Edward had returned to Flanders the French PMiip had attacked various towns in the Low Countries, and count^o'f ° among others, had pillaged Haspre, which belonged Hainauit to Wilham, Count of Hainault, Holland, and Zealand, giug Edward's brother-in-law, who had so chivalrously ^^^°' adhered to Philip's side, when Edward invaded France, but had since incurred Philip's anger by accompanying Edward into the Cambresis and Thier- asche.^ This naturally alienated the Count from Philip, and he revenged himself on him by attacking Aubenton, which he soon took, pillaged, and burnt, and theii dismissing his soldiers, went to England, " For a fuller account of this important victory see Nicolas, Brit. Navy, vol. ii. chap. 1. " Buchon's Froissarf, vol. i. pp. 86 and 89. 174 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD III. Chap. IX.' A.D. 1340. Philip tries to make friends of the Flemings, but they refuse. Flanders placed under an interdict by the Pope. During Edward's absence Philip besieges Quesnoy, which is defended by can- nons, now first used. to conclude a more intimate alliance with his brother-' in-law Edward.^ While Edward was still in England, Philip had endeavoured to bring over the Flemings to his side.^ He offered to forgive them all their debts to him, and to confirm to them their neutrality and freedom of- commerce, provided they would only separate them- selves from Edward. But they answered that the King of England had already granted them all that Philip offered, and that they had no need of other help. Philip, enraged at their refusal, induced the Pope to place Flanders under an interdict, whereby neither could mass be said in the churches, marriages celebrated, baptism performed, nor the sacraments administered to the sick or dying, till Edward sent priests from England, who cared nothing for the in- terdict, to perform those services.^ Philip, however, was not satisfied with mere ec- clesiastical thunders, but he also sent his son John, Duke of Normandy, to punish the Hainaulters ani the Flemings for their friendship with Edward, giving him instructions to ravage the country so that it should never recover. The Duke's siege of Quesnoy is remarkable as being, apparently, the first occasion on which cannons were used in European warfare. He is said to have been repulsed by cannons and bom- bards, Avhich flung large iron bolts in such a manner as made the French afraid for their horses.'* Although this siege is the first occasion on which mention is made of cannons being so used, yet it is ' Buchon's Froissart, vol. i. pp. 90-92. ^ Sismondi, vol. x. p. 163. 3 Buchon's Froissart, vol. i. p. 94, and Sismondi, vol. x. p. 164 (quoting Meyer). ^ Buchon's Froissart, vol. i. p. 98. Cbap. IX. PLAN OP CAMPAIGK. 175 that they were made nearly 40 years earlier, as there A.r). i34o. is a cannon at Amberg, in Germany, on which is in- pa^f scribed the date of a.d. 1303. Eoger Bacon, who <*"''^'' o ' cannon. died in 1292, knew the properties of gunpowder, but it does not follow that he was acquainted with its application to firearms. When Edward landed in Flanders after defeating the French fleet at Sluys, he went to Ghent, where he held a council, and afterwards went with Van Arte- Edward velde ^ to Vilvoorde, to arrange the plan of the in- pJan°of a tended campaign with his allies. fresh cam- The subsidy which had been granted to the King writes ur- in the last Parliament was in kind, and he therefore Ing'ian'd wrote to that about to assemble at Westminster, to '^^!' ^"P" ' plies. say that it was necessary for him to have actual coin sent him to pay his soldiers. His letter was dated at Bruges, on the 9th July, and he styled himself King of England and France. He stated that he had arranged to besiege Tournai ; that he was to be there with 100,000 men, 40,000 of whom were to be commanded by Van Artevelde, that Robert of Artois was to go to St. Omer with 50,000 men ; that he would consequently require great sums of money, and he begged them to lose no time in sending him supplies.^ Parliament met on the 12th, and the King's letter Subsidy having been read, it was agreed that the subsidy by^plriia- of corn, wool, and lambs, which had been granted, ">ent,and , ' ' ' o ' amount should be sold, and the amount sent to the King.^ A to be number of merchants were summoned before Parlia- Bruges, ment, to treat about it, and minute arrangements ' Voisin, p. 39 ; and Buchon's Froissart, voL i. p. 108. ^Rymer, vol. ii. p. 1130. ' Eot. Pari. 14 Ed. III. part 2 (5 to 10). 176 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD III. Chap; IX. A.D^i34o. were made for that purpose; the price at which the wool was to be sold was settled, and it was ordered that payment should be made in September at Bruges in gold " according to the price at which gold circu* lated between merchant and merchant." Arrange- ments were also made with the bankers " The Merchants of Bard and Peruch " as to the remitting of money on the security of the wool, which was to be sent by the 8th of September.^ Notwithstanding these arrangements, the Arch- bishop of Canterbury, and the others who had the management of the affair, wrote on the 30th July and again on the 13th August, to the King to ex- plain to him that the difficulty in collecting the wool, caused a delay in sending the money.^ Nevertheless the troops were assembled round Tournai on the 23rd of July, and the siege began.^ The Dukes of Bra- siege of bant and Gueldres, the Margraves of Juliers, of Bran- denburg, and of Misnia, commanded various divisions, and the city was surrounded on all sides. Philip, too, who had advanced to relieve Tournai, was attended by a large body of Dukes and Counts, among whom was the young King of Scotland.* Edward wished to bring matters to a speedy con- clusion, and therefore, with that bold chivalrous per- sonal courage which so often distinguished him, wrote fromChin-lez-Tournai,on the 26th of July, to the King of France, addressing him, however, only as Philip of Valois, and dating his letter " in the first year of our reign over France." He proposed either to fight him in single combat, or each at the head of 100 men, or 1 Rot. Pari. 14 Edward III. pt. 2 (19 to 26). 2 Ibid. (29 and 30). * Buchon's Froissart, vol. i. p. 111. * Ibid. p. 115. Tournai. Chap. IX. SIEGE OF TOUENAI. 17T with their whole armies, so that the war might be a.d.isjo. finished in ten days. Philip answered/ on the 30th Ed^^ of July, that he had seen letters addressed by Edward °^^^^ ^^ to Philip of Valois, but as those letters were not ad- fightPhiUp dressed to him, as appeared clearly from their tenor, combat or he .should send him no answer ; but he added, that on aTawie he intended to drive him out of his kingdom, when j"'>°yT,^y! it seemed good to him.'' - not being The English endeavoured to reduce Tournai by as icing famine, but the siege lasted for two months without °efusg^g"io' effect, and Edward could not succeed in bringina; "°'"<"= ^^^ " " oifer. Philip to a general engagement.* Robert of Artois had been defeated at St. Omer on the 26th July, Defeat of and the defeat had been followed, by a sudden cause- Ands'^af less and unaccountable terror which came over his S'- Omer. troops at midnight, causing them to pull down their tents, and take to flight. This singular circumstance induced many of the soldiers, who knew the accusa- tions that had been brought against Robert of Artois, to think that their companions must have been be- witched.* The siege of Tournai continued, but without any prospect of a successful termination, and many cir- cumstances combined to make Edward desirous of peace. No money had arrived from England; the Edwarri, French had taken great part of Guienne ; and the haraled Scots, assisted by the French, had gained great sue- by want cesses, were ravaging the North of England, and had offers to ' taken Edinburgh by stratagem.^ Philip, on his side, was equally desirous of bringing the war to a conclu- sion; for he had secret information that Tournai was ' Rymer, vol. ii. pt. 2, p. 1131. 2 Ibid. p. 1131. ' Buchon's Froissart, vol. i. p. 20. ■> Ibid. p. 124. ' Ibid. p. ] 13. VOL. I. N make peace. 178 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD III. Chai. IX. A.D.1340. Truce for nine months. Edward and his Queen " steal away" to England, leaving the Earl of Derby in pawn. nearly starved out, and was pressed for money as much as Edward. By the mediation, therefore, of his sister, the mother of the Count of Hainault, and mother-in-law of the King of England, a truce to last till the 24:th of the following June, between the English and French, and English and Scots, was made on the 25th of September.-^ It was agreed that all hostilities should at once cease in the Low Countries, at the end of twenty days in Aquitaine," and of twenty-five days in Scotland. Both armies were then dismissed, and thus ended Edward's second useless and inglorious campaign in France. It can hardly be doubted that social progress and commercial intercourse were much promoted by these campaigns; but, as military exploits, they were complete failures, Edward returned loaded with debts, and was obliged to " steal away privately " for Zealand, leaving Henry of Lancaster, Earl of Derby, in pawn for them.^ At Zealand he found a vessel, in which he and his Queen embarked, and, after a bad passage of three days, landed at the Tower of London, in the middle of the night of November 30th.^ 1 Rymer, vol.ii. p. 1136 ; a,ndiCiiTpgra.\e'sChro?ncles of England, edited by Hingeston, p. 209. ^ Stowe's Chronicle, p. 237. ^ Rymer, vol. ii. p. 1141. ..^ps^^^ ARCHBISHOP STRATFORD, From his Monument in Canterbury Cathedral. cFor explanation,seeListof UluBtrationfl. Chap. X. THE KWG'S SUDDEN EETUBN. 179 CHAPTEE X. THE king's unexpected EETUEN TO ENSLAND AND ITS CONSE- QUENCES; PKOLON&ATION OF TEUCE WITH TEANCB, AND CON- CLUSION OP TEUCE WITH SCOTLAND. The King's return to England was quite unexpected, A.D.1340. and his arrival in the middle of the night took all The King's by surprise. He found the Tower unguarded, and ^'"'^- his first act therefore was to imprison the Constable return, and Other officers for their negligence. He then turned His his attention to the punishment of those who, as mentof in his anger he thought, had neglected to supply ftlwe^' him with money for the payment of his allies. The ^ 'J'^ Mayor of London, the Clerk of the Exchequer, and and of' many others whose duty it was to raise or receive the who°neg"^ subsidies which had been granted, were thrown into gen'^'^ij'm prison ; as were also Robert Stratford, Bishop of supplies. Chichester, brother of the Archbishop of Canterbury, who was then his Chancellor, and the Bishop of Lich- field and Coventry, who was his Lord Treasurer, but he was soon obliged to release them, as it was contrary to the Clementine Constitution to imprison bishops.^ The next victim was one who, in his position as the King's confidential adviser for many years, nearly approached that of the Prime Minister of modern England. This was John Stratford, Archbishop of Canterbury, and the contest that now ensued between him and the King is one of the most curious and ' Tyrrell's History of England, vol. iii. p. 441. N 2 180 LME AND TIMES OF EDWARD III. Chap. X. A.D. 1340. characteristicincidentsof the reign. That the charges Edward's against the Archbishop were utterly groundless, is quarrel sufficiently proved, by the circumstances attending his Arch- restoration to power, and his subsequent intimate Stratford, friendship with the King. Stratford had taken so prominent a part in all the political proceedings, that it was not unnatural for the courtiers and syco- phants, by whom Edward was surrounded in Flanders — when seeking for a victim on whom to fix the re- sponsibility of the King's profuse expenditure and the blame of tardiness in supplying him with money to meet it — to fasten en him. The Archbishop's first act, on hearing of the King's sudden landing, looked like guilty fear. He fled to Canterbury, and took refuge within the sacred precincts of the Priory of Christ Church. But Stratford knew and had deplored the state of England. He knew that the Tower was undefended, and that pirates might have sailed, up the Thames and pillaged it ; and, although he knew that this disgraceful circumstance was not owing^to any fault of his, yet he also knew that the Kingiin his rage would hold him responsible for it. He who flies therefore fled to a place of safety. On hearing of the Archbishop's flight, the King sent to demand that he should either give himself up, or find means to pay the King's creditors the suras for which he had made himself responsible. The Arch^ bishop answered, that he must take time to consider what his answer should be. He then wrote letter after letter to the King, advising him to free himself from his evil counsellors ; but, when no notice was taken of his communications, he took anothei? ste]) which looked like the revenge of a disappointed priest, desirous of availing himself of his power of for safety, Chap. X. THE KIXG AND ARCHBISHOP STRATFORD. 181 exciting superstitious terror and ranging it on his a.d. 1340. side, rather than the indignant protest of conscious innocence. With attendant circumstances of unusual solemnity, he preached a sermon in Canterbury Cathe- dral excommunicating all, except the King and his family, who should disturb the peace of the king- dom or lay violent hands on the clergy. But those weredaysof rough justice, or injustice when needful, and the priest could hardly be blamed for defending himself with the weapons provided for him by his position. The King answered by summoning the Archbishop but is sum- to his presence to defend himself, at the same time ihe"King^ sending a letter to the prior of the convent where he '" return. had taten refuge, which he ordered the prior to read in public. In this, he charged the Archbishop with being the author of the war, with neglecting to pro- vide means for carrying it on, and with endeavouring to escape a trial. Again the Archbishop preached a pohtical sermon, and, when it was ended, ordered the King's letter to be read in English to the vast assembled crowd. He then answered every charge The Arch- against him, and the scribes were set to work to answer!' multiply copies of his defence and send them to be read in every church in his province. This was the best, and a very efifectual, mode of publication before the days of printing. The Arclibishop also wrote to the King, and now He offers for the first time took the step which prudence as h°4tif°'' well as justice demanded. He advised the Kino^ to 'i''''°T^ 11 u V Parlia- caliararhament, and oiFered to defend himself before ment. It. At the same time he wrote to Sir Robert Bour- chier, the first lay Chancellor, complaining that exces- sive demands for subsidies were made on the clergy ; 182 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWAKD III. Chap. X. A.D. 1340. and also to the King in council complaining of the un- constitutional acts of his advisers. He further sent a circular to the Bishop of London and his suffragans, calling on them to unite with him in enforcing obe- The dience to the laws of the land. The King, or rather J^iy!l.the his advisers in his name, now replied by a document "iFamosns j^novra as the "Famosus Libellus." This was addressed Libellus. to the Bishop of London, who was ordered to make it known as publicly as possible. It elaborately repeated all the former charges against the Archbishop, adding, that in consequence of his not sending money to Flanders the King was obliged to give up the expe- dition at the very point of success — a convenient but time-serving discovery, — and that the Archbishop refused to confer with the King except in full Par- liament, which, for reasons which were not given, he said it was not convenient then to call. This curious document ended by comparing the Archbishop to " a mouse in your bag, a serpent in your lap, a fire in your bosom." The Archbishop replied in the same style, showing, conclusively, that he was not answerable for the wars as he was not in the King's counsels when war was declared, and exculpating himself from the responsibility of the insufficiency of money for the King's needs. To this, no reply was attempted, but the King wrote an angry I'ejoinder, stating that he should substantiate his charges against ^^ the Archbishop when he saw fit. - At length it was settled to hold a Parliament, and the Archbishop determined to attend and take his seat among his peers. It met on April 23rd, 1341, and the Archbishop crossed the Thames from Lambetii on the following day, accompanied by the Bishops of London and Chichester, a great number of the clergy • COURT OF EXCHEQUER IN IRELAND IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY. From the Red Book of the Exchequer Court of Ireland ; copied from Gentleman's Magazine, January 185S. (.For explanation, aee List of Illustrations.) Chap.x. the akchbishop's quaerej, with the king. 183 and knights, and escorted by a body of armed men. a.d. 1341. He presented himself at the door of Westminster Hall, but was refused admittance by Ralph Baron of Stafford, the seneschal of the Royal Household, and the Lord John Darcy the King's Chamberlain. They defended the door with a body of armed men. The . Archbishop was informed that he could not be The Arch- allowed to enter until he had cleared himself of cer- refused tain charges made against him in the Court of Ex- j^ p^S^ chequer. He answered that he was only fulfilling ™en'' his duty in attending the King's Parliament with the other peers of the realm, but that, in order to avoid giving offence, he would appear before that Court. He accordingly did so, heard the charges against him, was allowed time to answer them, and again presented himself at Westminster Hall. His return was unexpected, and he took his seat in the buttakos Painted Chamber unopposed. No proceedings took place in Parliament on that occasion ; and when it again met, on Saturday the 28th of April, the Archbishop presented himself at the door. His en- trance was opposed by armed men, and an unseemly He is altercation ensued between him and John Darcy, opposed, who came up at the moment, in which, however, the Archbishop conducted himself with great dignity. Signs of a wish for reconciliation with the Archbishop were now given by the King. The Earls of North- ampton and Salisbury were appointed as mediators, and the King left it to Parliament to adjust the terms on which the Archbishop should be restored to favour. His enemies, however, tried to damage him in the eyes of the country, and drew up articles of im- peachment against him. The Archbishop met them openly, attended Parliament on the Isc of May, and 184 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWAED III. Chap. X. A.T>. 1341. demanded to be arraigned before his peers according to the provisions of Magna Charta. A committee was appointed to enquire into the whole matter; but when the Archbishop again took his seat, he was rudely interrupted by the King's advisers. Kin"' Edward had already begun to feel, the need of the Archbishop's counsels, and was greatly annoyed at this insult to him ; and, when Parhament again met on the 3rd of May, he declared, in the presence of bntsubse- the whole assembly, that he admitted him to his admitted gracc and held him free from all the charges brought Ki*^s against him. Stratford was then replaced on the grace. Privy Couucil, and remained till his death a firm friend of the King. Two years afterwards the pro- ceedings against him were formally declared to be null and void, on the ground that they were neither reasonable nor true.'^ King Edward's conduct, throughout the whole of these transactions, cannot but be considered as very despicable. There was evidently no ground for the accusations brought against the Archbishop, and the attack on him is explicable, only on the ground that the moral condition of the Court was thoroughly vicious. King Edward's morality was by no means of an elevated cast. Stratford was a severe reformer, and had thereby probably drawn on himself the 1 I have taken all the facts in this account of the dispute between the King and Archbishop Stratford from Dean Hook's valuable work, The Lives of the Archbishops of Canterbury, vol. iv. c. 10, who has, as he informs his readers, carefully compiled it from various, not easily accessible, authorities, but some interesting details are necessarily omitted, and the whole Life of the Arch- bishop in Dean Hook's work is well worth careful study. See also Eymer, vol. ii. pp. 1147 and 1154; and Rot. Pari. vol. ii. p. 139 (22). Chap.x. edwaed's disgraceful tkeachery. 185 enmity of the younger and more dissipated courtiers, a.d. 1341. who easily persuaded the King to listen to their advice. After the reinstatement of Archbishop Stratford, pariia- Parliament proceeded with its ordinary business. It "f"ses was called together by the King for the purpose of supplies obtaining supplies, but would grant nothing until the redress of King had agreed to certain demands for the redress whichwere of grievances. These related, principally, to pro- ^giat^JP^JIf viding securities against the tyranny of the King's responsi- officers, who, it was assumed, could not be brought King's before the courts of justice, so long as they retained their offices. It was therefore demanded, and granted, that "in every Parliament, at the third day, the King should take into his hands the offices of all the ministers aforesaid, and so should they abide four or five days, so always that they and all other ministers be put to answer to every complaint, and, if default be found, should be punished by judg- ment of the peers." ^ From this arrangement the Justices of the King's Bench and Common Pleas, and the Barons of the Exchequer, were exempted. These TheKing's demands were perfectly reasonable, but the King, *''*'"'^^'^y- with a duplicity worthy of the worst treacheries of the Stuarts, agreed to them only in order to obtain a grant of supply, and ventured on repudiating them by writ on the 1st of October following, stating that, whereas such demands were "contrary to the laws, and customs of our Realm of England, and to our prerogatives and rights royal " we never consented to the making of the statute, but " dissimuled in the premisses," and, therefore, " we have decreed the said statute to be void ! " ^ ' Statute 15 Edw. III. chap, iii.-vi. ^ Statutes at large, vol. i. p. 297. 186 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD III. Chap.X. Privilege of Peers. Supply of wool granted. A.D.1341. An Important statute (15 Ed. III. Stat. 1, e. 2) was passed by this Parliament, which has already, been noticed in connection with the reversal of the pro- ceedings against Henry of Lancaster in 1327.. It provided that Peers should be tried only by their Peers. This was an authoritative establishment of a pre-existing practice ; but it is especially remarkable, as being the first occasion, on which the " distinction of the Peers of the Realm, as a separate class, by privi- leges confined to themselves personally as Peers, and not extending to any others, was first, apparently, esta- blished." The cause of its being passed at this time was doubtless Stratford's demand to be tried by his peers.'^ A subsidy in the form of a grant of a supply of wool was then granted, and it was provided that in order that the King might be first " served," no wool should be exported from the kingdom before Michael- mas ; " that they that have wools should be bound to sell, according to the sort and price of the country, to accomplish the wool granted to the King," and that the wools " should be gathered, according to the weight ordained by the statute, that is to say, 14 lbs. for the stone, and 26 stones for the sack." ^ •Notwithstanding the truce made by Edward with France and Scotland, or perhaps in anticipation that it would not be renewed at its expiration in June, . he continually made preparations for the recommence- ment of war. On the 12th of February, in accord- ance with the arbitrary system on which ships were provided for the navy, he wrote to the mayors and ' Report on the Dignity of a Peer, vol. i. p. 311; Parry's Parliament and Councils, p. 113, note (°), and Eot. Pari. vol. ii. p. 127. = 15 Edward III. Statute 3. The King prepares i'or ihe renewal of war with Scotland. Chap. X. EDWARD PREPARES AGAIN FOE WAR. 187 bailiffs of twenty-eight seaports to order ships to be a.d. i34i. got ready, of which a list was to be sent to hira, and directed that two men from each port should at- tend the Parliament, then about to assemble, to give information about the ships, and to consult about the best means of repulsing the French. At the same time, he made an alliance with the Kings of Arragon and Majorca against "Philip of Yalois."^ On the ^^g°'/^^; iOth of April, however, he sent commissioners to treat peace, but for peace with Philip, whom he still refused to ad- uoXfov dress as King of France ; he seems, even then, to have '^^l^J'^^ contemplated the necessity of renewing the war, for, on the same day, he ordered 100 ships " called pes- a fleet soners and creyers,"^ and other " minute ships under H ^It 30 tons burthen," to be collected together in readi- j^^'g^'^^j, ness for his passage to France ; and, a few days and a afterwards, on the 18th, he ordered a large number bows and of bows and arrows, " because we want many bows aemanded. and arrows for our expedition of war against France, which we have taken in strong hand." There were ordered 7,300 bows, 14,550 sheaves of arrows, each containing 24 (thus giving about four dozen rounds for each bow), 2,000 separate heads for the arrows, and 50 dozen cords for the bows. The bows were to be paid for at i2d. each, each sheaf of arrows with sharp heads, lAd., and without, lid.^ Still, the King, apparently, wished to avoid the ' Rymer, vol. ii. pp. 1150, 1151. ^ A "crayer" was a small merchant vessel which seldom exceeded sixty tons in burthen. Crayers were classed with fishing boats and other small vessels under thirty tons burthen in 1341. "Pes- soners " or " poissoners," were fishing-boats. Only one instance has been found of the use of the word. — Nicolas' Navj/, vol. ii. pp. 161 and 165. ' Eymer, vol. ii. pp. 1156, 1157. 188 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD III. Cbap. X. A.D. 1341 Further negotia tions for peace. Philip breaks up the al- liance between Edward and the Emperor. Edward orders a further supply of bows and immediate renewal of the war with France for, on the 24th of May, he directed his Flemish and Bra- bant allies to treat for a prolongation of the truce, till the 29th of August, with " the illustrious man," Philip of Valois,^ but a month afterwards, on the 24th of June, hearing that, notwithstanding the truce, the French were preparing to invade England, Edward ordered his fleets to be got ready.''' It is clear that on neither side was there any sincere desire for peace; and that, while on the one hand Edward wished only for delay, on the other Philip never ceased secretly to help the Scots, and to connive at his troops and vessels of war harassing the English. Philip, too, neglected no opportunity of detaching Edward's allies from his side, and succeeded so completely with the Emperor of Germany, that he persuaded him to write Edward a specious letter, breaking off the alliance between them. The Emperor began by stating that, although he was oppressed with cares, he was willing to try to bring about a peace between England and France ; he then went on to remind Edward, that the war would cost him a great deal both in men and money, and concluded by revoking the Vicariate which he had granted him, because, he said, Edward had made a truce with France without consulting him, as had been agreed between them.* Edward rejected the Emperor's offer of mediation;* but, on the very same day, he appointed other commissioners to treat for peace with Philip,^ although only a few days afterwards, on the 23rd of July, he wrote to the Earl of Gloucester, to say that he should require a large number of bows and arrows for the expedition to ' Rymer, 3 Ibid. p. vol. ii. p. 1166. 1160. = Ibid. p. 1165. Ibid. p. 1167. 5 Ibid. p. 1168, Chap. X. TEUCE WITH FEANCE — WAK WITH SCOTLAND. 189 France, which, he said, he was just about to under- A.D.1341. take. He ordered the Earl to send to the Tower of ^^~f^^ London, without delay, 1,000 bows, of which 250 war with were to be painted, and the rest to be white, and 800 sheaves of arrows. The price of the painted bows was to be 18c?. each.^ At length, however, these in- consistent proceedings were brought to an end ; and on the 27th September,'^ a prolongation of the truce Trace till the 24th of the following June was agreed on and England proclaimed, the King having written, a short time pre- ^"^„^g_ viously, to Bayonne, to order ships not to be sent, be- cause, as he said, he had unwillingly agreed to a truce. ^ Edward now prepared for war with Scotland, for War with the Scots had availed themselves of his being occupied in foreign warfare, to make greater efforts than before to free themselves from the domination of the English, The events which took place in that country since Events in the appointment of Sir Andrew Moray as Regent, and ft-om^" the retirement of Edward from Scotland at the end king's departure of the year 1336 must therefore now be related. from Scot- When Edward left Scotland, he gave the command end of of his army to the Earls of Arundel, Salisbury, and un'Ji/the^ Norfolk. Baliol, although nominally King of Scot- ^"cewith land, had a very partial and insecure hold on the country ; without English support he would have been quickly driven out, and the young David welcomed back from France. The first operation of the English was to lay siege Siege of to Dunbar. This strong fortress was the key of ■°"°''^''' the south-east of Scotland, and it was therefore of the utmost importance to the English to gain pos- session of it. In the absence of the Earl of March, to whom the castle belonged, it was defended by ' Rymer, vol. ii. p. 1169. ? Ibid. p. 1177. ^ Ibid. p. 1175. 190 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD III. Chap, X. A.D. 1341. Lis wife, a daughter of the famous Randolph, Earl Biack~ °^ Moray. From the darkness of her hair, and her Agues. successful defence of the castle, she got the name of Black Agnes of Dunbar. For five months she resisted the English, fearlessly exposing herself on the ramparts, directing her soldiers, and turning the English into ridicule. When a stone hurled from the engines struck the walls, she herself wiped off the dust with a napkin, and wherever the attack was fiercest, there was she present. At length, two Genoese ships arrived in support of the English, and blockaded the entrance to the harbour, thus preventing the Scotsi from obtaining supplies by sea. The garrison was reduced to the utmost extremity and was on the point of yielding, when Alexander Ramsay, of Dal- housie, sailing at midnight from the Bass, managed to pass the blockading ships, and convey provisions into the fortress. Salisbury then gave up the siege English in despair. After this, the Scots had great successes.; confined they cleared the open country of the English, and casdis. confined them within the walls of the five castles of Edinburgh, Stirling, Perth, Cupar, and Roxburgh. Chivainc The Spirit of the times is strikingly shown in the ilUlUSC" menLs amuscments with which the actors in these fierce fkLTs^ *^ conflicts diverted themselves, but which indeed were scarcely less fatal than the battles themselves. They were the offspring of chivalry, which at that time was at its highest point of development. On one occa- sion, Henry of Lancaster, Earl of Derby, sent to Sir William Douglas, the Knight of Liddesdale, whose bravery procured him the title of " The Flower of Chivalry," to beg him to run three courses, or have three jousts, with him. " The Flower of Chivalry " was wounded in the hand, bv a splinter from his own sieges. Chap.X, WAB with SCOTLAND. 191 lance, in the first encounter, and was obliged to give a.d. 1341. up the contest. On another occasion, the Earl en- treated Sir Alexander Ramsay to hold a solemn joust- ing for three days, twenty against twenty, which was instantly agreed to. Two English knights were killed, and Sir William Ramsay was so severely ■ wounded by a spear which penetrated through the bars of his helmet, that he died as soon as the spear was pulled out. About this time the Scots had a great loss in the Death of death of the Regent, Sir Andrew Moray, after which o/scot-*^" Robert the Steward was appointed sole governor. '''°'^' His first act was to send the Knight of Liddesdale to The the King of France for help ; and then, about the end ffScotilnd of April, A.D. 1339, just at the time that Edward was !^"dsto ^ . . r^ -1 Trance for preparing to besiege Cambrai, he laid siege to Perth, help, and The siege of that city had lasted ten weeks, and the besreges Scots were about to give it up, when five French ships ^'^''';*'' of war, with the Knight of Liddesdale on board, ap- of French peared in the Tay. The knight had executed his '^'^^' mission with well-timed success. The siege now pro- ceeded with renewed vigour, and during its progress there occurred a striking incident. In the midst of the military operations, on the 7th July, soon after Eclipse of noon, the sun was eclipsed. There was for a short '''^ '""' time nearly total darkness, and the eclipse lasted on the whole for two hours and a half. The soldiers of both armies forgot their strife, and gazed in terror on the sky. But the leader of the besiegers, Sir William Bullock, who had been Baliol's Chancellor, and had deserted his master, unintimidated at what was then thought to be a sign of divine wrath, redoubled his efforts, and the English governor yielded the castle to its assailants. 192 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWAED III. Chap. X, A.D. 1341 Misery of Scotland. Edward advances towards Scotland, but takes no active part in the war. Capture of Edinburgh by the Scots. But although the cause of the Bruce party was now flourishing, and their Scotch opponents were unsupr ported by the presence of their King, who had become an object of suspicion to the English, and had, at Edward's orders, retired, a pensioned dependant, to England, yet the country was suffering frightfully from the miseries of war. Famine raged in the land,*: and the district round Perth was reduced to such a desert, that the wild deer came down from thermoun* tains, and ranged about in herds close to the town. But the Steward still pursued his course, and, after the capture of Perth, laid siege to Stirling, of whicih he soon obtained possession. Edward had returned to England before the siege of Stirling began, and, being anxious to prevent its fall, and inflict a heavy blow on the Scots, before war again broke out with France, went to New- castle-on-Tyne in November, a.d. 1341, and imme-. diately issued orders to his military tenantrs to join him there with about 1,000 men-at-arms on the 24th January following,^ But Stirling fell before; he could advance to its relief, and Edward's fleet having been shattered by a tempest, he was unable to take any personal part in the war. After the siege of Stirling, the Scots laid siege to Edinburgh, of which they obtained possession by a stratagem. One Walter Curry, a merchantman of -i Dundee, landed in the Forth, and he and his followers shaved off their beards to make themselves look like : Englishmen, the Scots not having adopted the Norman | fashion of shaving the beard. ^ They then presented themselves at the gate of the castle, as Englishmen and friends, and offered to supply the garrison with ' Ry m&r, vol. ii. p. 1181. « Ty tier's Scotland, vol. i. p. 439. CfiA?. X. TEUCE WITH SCOTLAND. 193 food. The porter, deceived by their appearance and a.d. 1342. professions, allowed them to enter, when Douglas and his friends rushed from a hiding place, obtained en- trance into the castle, and took possession of it. V Soon after this, in consequence of Edward being inconvenienced by the dispersion of his fleet, and of the Scots having become alarmed at his evident in- tention to invade Scotland with vigour, the latter made proposals for peace to which he was not unwil- ^ling to listen. Early in December a truce for six Truce with months was agreed on between them, the chief con- dition of which was, that, unless young David Bruce their King returned to Scotland by the first of May ■with a force sufficient to resist the English and de- fend his country, the Scots would submit them- selves to Edward.^ Edward then went back to England,^ Bruce re- Extended turned to Scotland on June 4 of the following year, years, and at the end of the year a truce for two years was made between England and Scotland.^ After this, no events having influence on England took place in Scotland for nearly four years, when their king was brought a prisoner to England. ^ ' Buchon's Froissart, vol. i. p. 140. ^ Edward was at Newcastle-on-Tyne up to Dec. 5th, 1341, at "Menros" (Melrose?) on December 27th, and till January 10th, 1342, and in London on the 1st of February Kymer, vol. ii. pp. 1184-1186. ^ Tytler, vol. i. p. 443. 194 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD III. Chap. XL CHAPTEE XL EECOMMENCEMENT OF WAR 'WITH FRANCE, AND THE INVASION OP BRITTANY. A.D. 1342. Origin of fresh war with Trance. Disputed succession to the Duchy of Brittany, On Edward's return to London, from his expedition to Scotland, he was continually, and at the very same moment, occupied with negotiations for peace on the one hand, and preparations for war on the other. The invasion of France from the north had proved a failure ; but there now arose another com- bination of circumstances which gave Edward an opportunity of entering France from the west, re- kindled the war and fanned it into a flame which blazed for many years, placed France at the feet of Edward, and brought the King of France and his son as prisoners to England. It was during this cam- paign that Prince Edward, since known as Edward the Black Prince, gained his fame as a warrior; and that the taking of Calais, opened the gates of France to England for more than two hundred years. The circumstances, out of which this great war imme- diately sprang, were connected with a dispute relative to the succession to the Duchy of Brittany. Arthur, the second Duke of Brittany, had, by his first wife Marie, daughter of Guy, Viscount of Limoges, three sons; by his second, Joland of Dreux, one, named John of Montfort, and three daughters. The three sons of the first marriage were Guy, Count of Penthi^vre, who died on the Chaf. XI. AFFAIBS OF BKITTANY. 195 16th of March, a.d. 1331, (Juring the life of his A.D.1341. father, leaving an only daughter, named Jane ; Peter, who died young ; and John, who succeeded to the duchy as John the Third. John the Third died on the 30th of April, a.d. 1341, on his return from the siege of Tournai, where he had attended the King of France, " better accoutred than any other prince or lord." ^ He left no issue, but, in order to prevent the succession to the throne of his half- brother, John of Mohtfort, whom he detested, ^ he had given his niece, Jeanne of Penthi^vre, in marriage to Charles of Blois, who was nephew of Philip of Valois, his father having married Philip's youngest sister Margaret.^ Duke John wished to enlist Philip on the side of his niece, and thus defeat the just claims of his half-brother, although Philip had suc- ceeded to the throne of France on the very principles which would exclude Jeanne of Penthievre. Brittany however had passed as a female fief more than once before, and did again afterwards. Immediately on the death of Duke John, John of john of Montfort took measures to secure possession of the 1^^""^°"^' duchy. He first proceeded to Nantes, the capital of session of Brittany, where he was well received by the citizens ""^ ^' as their lord. They all swore fealty and did homage to him,* and the treasurer gave up to him a large sum of money which Duke John had accumulated there.^ He then proceeded to Brest, which he took after some fighting and after the death of the governor Gamier de Clisson ; next he attacked Kennes, which the citizens were ready to surrender, but the nobles ' Buchon'a Froissart, vol. i. p. 127. * Sismondi, vol. x. p. 108. ' Froissart, vol. i. p. 128. * Ibid. p. 128. * Rymer, vol. ii. p. 1164. o 2 196 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD III. Chap. XI; A.D. 1341. but is sum- moned to Paris to submit his claims to tlie deci- sion of the King. Philip decides against him. De Mont- fort escapes to Nantes, wished to hold out, and a fight ensued between these two divisions of the inhabitants, which ended in an agreement to give up the town to De Montfort. The strong castle of Hennebon, situated near the sea- coast on the south of Brittany, afterwards memorable' for its gallant defence by the Countess of Montfort against the Count of Blois, surrendered without striking a blow. Vannes next yielded ; and De Mont- fort then proceeded to Roche Periou, a castle of which Olivier de Clisson was governor. Of this and of Auray, after some little delay, he obtained possession by negotiation. Other towns also yielded, and De Montfort obtained possession of the greater part of Brittany, although the nobles held aloof from him.^ : In the meantime, Charles of Blois himself took no active measures to obtain possession of the duchy, but contented himself with appealing to Philip. Philip, accordingly, summoned John of Montfort to Paris, ordering him to present himself before the Court of Peers, and receive its decision as to the rival claims of himself and Charles of Blois. De Mont- fort went to Paris, attended by 400 knights. A great discussion before the Court ensued, in which the laws of Moses were cited on one side, and the custom which regulated the succession of subjects on the other. But the court had stronger arguments to guide them than those of the lawyers, and, on September 7th a.d. 1341, decision was given in favour of Philip's nephew.^ This was what De Montfort expected, and therefore, in order to avoid being placed under arrest until he had given up his strong places, had fled from Paris, early in the morning, at the opening of the gates ; ' Buchon's Froissart, vol. i. pp. 128-133. ^ Sismondi, vol. x. p. 189. Chap. XI. DE MONTFOBT ESCAPES TO ENGLAND. 197 escaped in the disguise of a tradesman, with four of a.d. i34ii. his attendants, the rest keeping about his house as ' usual and providing for his table, whilst he was sup- posed to be sick in his chamber. His departure was thus concealed for several days, very few of his own retinue knowing of it till he had got back to Brit- tany.^ He directed his steps to Nantes, where he joined his Countess ; and then, knowing he had made the King of France his enemy, he resolved to make the King of England his friend. He therefore em- and then harked for England, and landed in Cornwall, at a England. port called Cepsee,^ and finding that Edward was at Windsor, he sought him there. He was well re- ceived by the King and Queen and the whole court ; Robert of Artois being one of the number. Having He explained the cause of his coming, he oflfered to hold Edward's the Duchy of Brittany of the King of England, and co,'fdi°"o„ do him homage for it, provided Edward would sup- ofacUnow- 1 • ■ 1 T>-' (> T-1 lodging port nim agamst the l\ing or r ranee, or any other him as elaimant of the Duchy. Edward, considering that francef he would have an easy access to France through Brittany, and that his German and Flemish allies had deserted him, lent a willing ear to De Montfort's proposals. He therefore granted the Count's request, ' Carte, vol. ii. p. 446 ; and Barnes's Edward, p. 243, quoting Mezeray. ' Buchon's Froisiart, vol. i. p. 133. Buchon, in a note, calls this place Chertsey, which is probably correct. If so, De Montfort did not land in Cornwall ; but still it is somewhat unlikely that he Bailed up the Thames. According to Froissart, De Montfort visited England before he was summoned to Paris, but this is iiAprobable. There can be but little doubt that he first resolved to make a friend of Edward when he broke with Philip. De Montfort, however, certainly did homage for Brittany to Edward at Westminster, on May 20, 1346, after his escape from imprison- ment in Paris Rymer, vol. iii. p. 39. 198 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWABD III, Chap. XI.' A.D. 1341. received his homage for Brittany,^ and, on Septem- ber 24th A.D, 1341, first designating him as Duke of Brittany and Count of Montfort, created him Earl of Richmond, investing him with all its rights and privileges. These were, the castles, vills, hamlets,' military fiefs, advowsons of churches, abbeys, priories, hospitals, chapels, and other religious houses, wards, marriages, reliefs, escheats, fisheries, parks, woods,, warrens, game, markets, liberties, free customs, ser- vices, as well of free as of born tenants and all other things whatever and wherever belonging or ap- pertaining to the Earldom, in the same manner as it was held by John, the late Duke of Brittany and Earl of Richmond.^ De Montfort then returned to Nantes. When De Montfort escaped from Paris, Philip and Charles of Blois prepared to take possession of Brit- tany. Philip however took no personal part in the expedition, but appointed his eldest son, John Duke of Normandy, to its command. John was accom- theDachy. ponied by his uncle, the Count of Alengon ; by the Dukes of Burgundy and Bourbon, and other nobles. By the help of his friends, Charles was enabled to levy an army of 5000 men-at-arms, 3000 crossbow- men, who were then called Genoese, because the most skilful of them came from the mountains of Liguria ; and a numerous corps of French infantry.^ Oa entering Brittany, they laid siege to the castle of Chantonceaux, which was very strong, and made a gallant defence; but at last, the besiegers brought * Buchon's Froissart (vol. i. p. 133, note), thinks that De Mont- fort then only promised to do homage for Brittany. 2 Rymer, vol. ii. p. 1176. Thia grant was confirmed at West- minster on the 20th February following. See Rymer, p. 1187. ' Siaraondi, vol. x. p. 191. fE&Sftfi!Srr. COVERED WAY TO PROTECT PIONEERS ADVANCING TO UNDERMINE WALLS. From VioUet-le- Due's Essay on the Military Arehiteeture of the Middle Ages. (For explanation, see List of Illustrationa.) Chap. XI. THE. COUNTESS OF MONTFORT. 199 up quantities of great beams and faggots to fill up a,D;1342. the ditches, so that they could get to the foot of the castle walls. The besieged flung down upon them stones, hot lime, and firebrands ; notwith- standing which, their opponents advanced close to the walls, under cover of the large beams they had brought up, and were thus enabled to mine the walls in safety. The castle then soon surrendered, and the lives and eifects of the garrison were spared. The invaders next advanced to Nantes, and, either and then by treachery or mismanagement on the part of Henry and takes of Leon the governor, De Montfort's only early sup- ^'^""''' porter, they succeeded not only in taking the town, (on November 1st), but also in taking prisoner De and tai^es Montfort himself, who was carried off to Paris, and fort pri- kept in prison there for nearly four years. ^ p^"^^ *" The blow thus inflicted on De Montfort's cause Heroic would have been overwhelming, but for the heroic of°"g^ courage of his wife, Avho, as Froissart says, possessed Countess the spirit of a man and the heart of a lion. She fort, was at Rennes when she heard of the capture of her husband ; but, instead of being thereby dispirited, she roused herself to greater exertions, and raised the courage of her friends and soldiers by presenting to them her infant son, saying, " Be not discomforted, nor amazed for my lord whom we have lost. He was but a single man ; see here my little son, who, please God, will be his restorer, and wbo will do you much service." She then put Rennes in a state to stand a siege, and afterwards went to the strong castle of Hennebon, in order to be conveniently placed for the reception of the promised help from the English.2 ' Buchon'B Froissart, vol. i. pp. 136-138. ^ ji^ia. p. 133, 200 LIFE AND TIMES OF EBWAED III. Chap. XL A.D. 1342. Edward helping the Earl of Mont- fort, not considered by Philip as war with France. Edward delays to send the promised help. The Countess of Mont- fort sends Amanry de Clisson to Eng- land. It is singular that the promise of assistance given by Edward to De Montfort was not considered a breach of the truce just renewed between England and France.^ The war about to commence was looked on as a private quarrel between two rivals for the Duchy of Brittany, in which Edward sup- ported one side, and Philip the other ; and it seemed convenient to consider that the royal interests were not concerned, for whether it was the Count of Blois who succeeded to the Duchy, or his rival the Count of Montfort, the successor would, in either case, be the feudatory of the King of France. Edward, however, was in no hurry to fulfil his pro- mise. He took no steps to support De Montfort, until the Countess sent Amaury de Clisson, entreating him to send the promised help, declaring that she re- cognised him as King of France, that she would open to him, as such, all the places which she held in the Duchy,^ and proposing that her son should 1 Sismondi, vol. x. p. 191. 2 Sismondi (vol. x. p. 200) states that Amaury de Clisson found Edward thinking of nothing but feasting the Countess of Salisbury with whom (following Froissart), he stated that the King had fallen in love. But Froissart (vol. i. p. 148), on the contrary, states that Edward was feasting the Earl of Salisbury (and not the Countess), who had just returned from prison, having been exchanged for the Earl of Moray in the summer of (probably in June) 1342. It is, however, probable, that Froissart utterly confused the sequence of events at this time, for it was impossible that Edward could have been feasting the Earl of Salisbury at the time of De Clisson's visit to England, unless indeed, which is not unlikely, De Clisson came twice to England, During his (first?) visit Salisbury was still in prison. Amaury de Clisson came to Eng- land in or before March, 1342. During that month Edward wrote the several orders mentioned in the text, specially referring to an agreement with De Clisson, which prove the time of his visit; but Salisbury was in prison then, and for at least two Ghap. XI. COUNTESS MONTFOET SENDS TO EDWAED. 201 marry one of the King's daughters, who should be a.d. 1342, called the Duchess of Brittany.^ Edward yielded to months subsequently. On the 20th of May Edward made arrange- ments for his release (Rymer, vol. ii. p. 1195). It is probable, however, that De Clisson came twice to England, in consequence of Edward's dilatoriness, for on the 20th July, Edward refers to "other subsequent conventions " with De Clisson (Et postmodum alise conventiones inter Almaricum, &c., &c.), although Froissart mentions only one visit (Rymer, vol. ii. p. 1205). The siege of Eennes did not begin till some time after February, and it was after the siege had begun that, according to Froissart, De Clisson visited Edward, and, as Froissart says, he returned to Brittany with Sir Walter de Maunay. This must therefore have been his second visit. Edward also appointed Sir Walter de Maunay, " whom he loved much, for he had well and loyally served him in many perilous deeds," to return to Brittany with De Clisson, with 3,000 or 4,000 of the best bowmen of England ; he gave him authority to take possession of all the castles in Brittany in his name, and so infatuated was Edward in his determination to prosecute the war with France, on any pretext, and at any cost, that he actually borrowed 1,000Z. of De Montfort, to pay his own soldiers, whom he was sending to support De Montfort's claims to the Duchy . (Buchon's Froissart, vol. i. p.- 148; and Rymer, vol. ii. p. 1189). Froissart's story of Edward's falling in love with the Countess of Froissart's Salisbury seems to be entirely devoid of foundation ; at any rate, ermr as to at the time and place he assigns to his romance. Buchon's Frois- ^^^^ ^,f sart (vol. i. p. 145) states that Edward fell in love with the Coun- Salisbury, less, at the Earl's castle of Wark, just after David had besieged it, and he places the time of the siege immediately after King David's return to Scotland (pp. 140-142), and soon after he had taken and burnt the city of Durham (p. 142). He says that the besieged sent for help (p. 143) to King Edward, who had arrived at Berwick ; that the Scots had decamped before his reaching the castle ; that he remained there for one day, and fell des- perately in love with the Countess. Now Bruce returned to .Scotland, and landed at Irinerbervie on June 4th 1342, when Edward was in the South of England, preparing for the invasion of Brittany, whither he went in the autumn of that year. It * Buchon's Froissart, vol. i. p. 149. 202 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD III. Chap. XI. A.D. 1342. De CHssoii's entreaties, and, on February 20th, gave Edward oi'ders for one hundred ships to be assembled at orders Orewell and Great Yarmouth, to transport his soldiers lorcGS to be sent to to Brittany, and, on the same day, he wrote to all rittany, ^^^ Sheriffs that " No Earl, Baron, soldier, or other man-at-arms " should be allowed to leave the country without his leave. ^ The King at first had no intention of talcing part in the war personally, believing that he could assist De Montfort without going to war with the King of France ; and Philip, as already stated, did not look on the war in Brittany as a royal war. But the French sent spies to England to ascertain what was going on, and Edward consequently felt it necessary to issue an order on the 20th of March that all persons coming into or going out of the kingdom should be searched for letters giving information about is therefore clear that, if David invaded England, as Froissart states, soon after his return from France, Edward was not at that time in the North of England, and could not have fallen in love with the Countess in Northumberland. It is certain, however, that Froissart antedated the time at which David's invasion of England took place, and it may therefore be supposed that the fact of his falling in love with the Countess during that invasion is not thereby invalidated. But David's invasion took place in the autumn of a.d. 1346,* when Edward was laying siege to Calais ; and therefore, although it is quite possible that Edward may have fallen in love with the Countess of Salisbury at some time or other, yet it is certain that Froissart's story of the time when, and circumstances under which he did so, is entirely devoid of foundation. 1 Eymer, vol. ii. pp. 1187-1188. * " The period immediately following the arrival of David in his dominions, till we reach the battle of Durham (Neville's Cross, Oct. 17, 1346), is undistinguished by events of any importance. '■ — Tytler's Scotland, vol. i. p. 443. Chap. XI. EDWARD PREPAEES FOR RENEWAL OF WAR. 203 English affairs.^ Notwithstanding, or possibl}'' in A.i).i342. consequence of, these evidences of Philip's hostility, Edw^ Edward appointed commissioners on the 5th of April ^'^^^^ ^"."j,]^ to treat for peace with " Philip of Valois," as he con- Philip, tinued to call the King of France. On the same day he sent to the Dukes of Brabant and Gueldres, William Count of Hainault, John of Hainault, the Lord of Beaumont, and his other allies in Flanders with the same object,^ as he could not make peace with France without their consent. But, although Edward thus negotiated for peace, he continued his preparations but does for war, and seems even, at this time, to have had some his pre- thoughts of going in person ; for on the 14th of April l^^^y'^.'^"!' he wrote to the archbishops, bishops, earls and other nobles of Ireland, ordering a levy of soldiers " because we think, with God's help, shortly to pass over into France to recover our rights."^ Edward also adopted his usual policy, of calling together all who could give him practical advice as to matters with which they WCTe personally acquainted, and on the 15th of April, summoned a sort of naval Parliament. He wrote to the mayor and bailiffs of Winchelsea, Romney, Rye, Edward Looe, Pevensey, Fowey, Polruan, and about twenty 1"^^"" other ports, directing them each to send two of the ^g^["" best and most discreet seafaring men to the council about to assemble at Westminster on the 29th of April, to give their counsel and advice.* It was high time for Edward to bestir himself, for on the 12th of May he actually found it necessary to prepare against an in- vasion of the Isle of Wight, which he had good reason to believe Avas about to be undertaken by the French.^ ' Rymer, vol. ii. p. 1190. 2 n,;^, p_ ngi^ ,' Ibid. p. 1193. ■» Ibid. p. 1193. » Ibid. p. 1194. 204 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD III. Chap. XL A.D. 13-12. Death of Pope Be- nedict XII.; succeeded by Cle- ment VI. who tries in vain to bring about a peace. He tries to induce the Plemings to submit to their Count, but fails to do so. On the 25tli of April, Pope Benedict the Twelfth died. He had always endeavoured to promote peace and to hold an even balance between the sovereigns of Europe,^ and his death therefore was likely to= dinainish the very slight chances of peace raised by his attempts at mediation. His successor, Clement the- Sixth, a Frenchman, devoted to French interests, and surrounded by French cardinals, endeavoured, how- ever, to effect a reconciliation between the two Kino's.^ and addressed a letter to them with that object on the 30th of June. But his letter, which was nothing but a string of commonplace preachings on the advantages of peace, produced no effect.^ He also sent a legate into Flanders, with orders to take off the excommuni- cation under which the Flemings were placed by Bene- dict two years before, on condition of the Flemings' asking pardon for their rebellion against their Count. Louis had returned to Flanders, and had been well re- ceived by his subjects, and the Pope therefore fancied they were ready to return under the Count's yoke. But his interference was ill timed, for a quarrel had broken out between the large and small towns, which soon led to the flight of Louis and his return to Paris. Louis had granted, to Ghent, Bruges and Ypres, the exclusive privilege of manufacturing wool, and had thereby destroyed the manufactories which had previously been carried on in the small villages.* A civil war between these two sections of the com-* munity was consequently on the point of breaking out, but it was prevented by Van Artevelde, who seized one of the leaders of the village party, and thus reduced it to submission. Van Artevelde him- 1 Sismondi, vol. x. p. 196. 2 jbid. p. 197. .? ibid. p. 198. Chap. XL THE POPES FRUITLESS INTEEFERENCE. 205 self was put in prison in his turn, but was released A.D.1342. by his partisans, and the Count consulted his safety by returning to Paris. Thus ended, for a time, the Pope's efforts for peace. Edward continued his preparations for the war in Edward „ . ^ . , . , continues Brittany, and seems now to have more seriously con- his p,.e. templated the necessity of going in person. On the ^^r^'a"?^ 20th of May, he wrote to the Sheriffs of all the counties, except York, Northumberland, Cumberland, and Westmoreland, ordering them to proclaim pub- licly through their bailiwicks, that " all men-at-arms, armed men, and archers who wish to go with us to our wars, are to provide themselves with proper arms and other necessaries by the 24th of June, so as to be ready to go with us."' On the 20th of June he wrote to the mayors and bailiffs of thirty-nine ports,^ ' Rymer, vol. ii. p i. 1195. ^ The ports were : — Bristol Maidstone Romenhale Chalk Mousehole Eye Clive Mount St. Michael Seaford Dartmouth in periculo maris Shoreham Dovor Newport in the Isle Sidmouth Exmouth of Wight St. Helen of the Isle Falmouth Newehithe of Wight Favershara Pevensey Stroud Greenhithe Plymouth Southampton Greenwich Polruan Tynemouth Hastings Poole Wareham Hythe Portsmouth Winchelsey London RofiF' (Rochester) Yarmouth Loo Eomney It may he observed here that certain ports of England, such as the Cinque Ports, were held of the king on the tenure of supply- ing ships in time of war. These ports were originally the king's demesnes. The extension of the demand for ships, to othtr 206 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWAED III. Chapi XL A.D. 1342. Rate of payments to soldiers at this period. Payments made by grants of wool. many of which, such as Pevensey, have long ceased to exist, ordering them to provide ships for the. pas- sage of William de Bohun, Earl of Northampton^ to Brittany with his troops. The following details relative to the King's Military arrangements, and the pay of the soldiers, illustrates the system pursued, and the manners of the times. On June 25th he ordered payment to be made to one Ralph Stafford, who had volunteered to go to the war with fiftymen.-^ Of these men furnished by Ralph, there were to be two knights-bannerets, who were each to receive 4s. aday, sixteen knights at 2s. a day, thirty-one esquires at Is. a day, and fifty bowmen on horseback at Qd. a day. No payment was assigned to Ralph; but, from a comparison with other payments to Earls, it is probable he received 8s. a day. The total cost of Ralph and his men was estimated at 455/. for each quarter of the year, for the payment of which the King assigned to him fifty-seven sacks of wool, at 8/. the sack, to be delivered to him out of the wool the preemption of which had been granted to him. On the 3rd of July Edward arranged in the same manner with Robert of Artois for 120 men, who Avere to go with him to Brittany ; but his bowmen, not being men holding by knight's service, were to receive only 4d. a day.^ On the 13th of July he ordered 474 sacks of wool, at 6/., and 87 at 5/. 6s. Sd. the sack, to be delivered, out of the 1000 sacks granted, to the maritime and sometimes to inland towns, without consent of Parliament, was often resisted as unconstitutional, and, even- tually, gave rise to the resistance of Hampden in the great case of Ship money in the reign of Charles I. and provoked the civil war. ' Eymer, vol. ii. p. 1201. , 2 Ibid. p. 1202. Ghap. XI. EDWARD KESOLVES TO INVADE FKANCE. 207 Earls of various counties, in payment for 888 soldiers, a.d. 1342. of whom five were Earls at 8s. a day, eleven knights- bannerets at 45., 106 Knights at 3s., 334 esquires at Is., and 432 bowmen on horseback at 6d. a day. On the same day he wrote to the Earl of Kildare and other Irish Lords, stating that, as the Earl of Nor- thampton was about to go to Brittany and Gascony, he asked them to accompany him with 116 men-at- • arms and 250 hobelers.^ On the 20th of July, he ordered 8,970 sheaves of arrows with iron heads, and 1,600 bowstrings, and on the same day he for- mally appointed the Earl of Northampton his captain and lieutenant in Brittany, giving as his reason for doing so, that John of Montfort had promised to recognise him as King of France, to do homage to him as such, and to give up all his strong places to him.^ At the end of July,^ Robert of Artois embarked for Robert of Brittany. It is not stated that the Earl of North- goesTo ampton Avent with him, nor indeed does it appear ^[Jh'the that the Earl took any active part in the war, but E"' "^ 1111 1 ■ 1 /-I -n 1 Northamp. it IS probable that he accompanied Count Kobert. ton and Soon after the departure of the forces destined for ush army, the invasion of Brittany, Edward became heartily Edward tired of the fruitless negotiations for peace Avhich he i^eco^es <-> ^ weary of had undertaken at the entreaties of the Pope, but fruitless which were always frustrated by Philip's infractions tions for of the truces which were entered into. On the 8th ^°^'"^' of August, therefore, he wrote to the Pope to say that and writes it was useless to continue negotiations any further f pope^to and a few days afterwards, he wrote to the Arch- ?aythathe r,,"^ >s about to bishops of Canterbury and York, reciting that at Jn^'ade France. ' Rymer, vol. ii. p. 1203. ' Ibid. p. 1205. ' Sismondi, vol. x. p. 211. * Rymer, vol. ii. p. 1208. Eto^W'*'^ CBAP.Xn. . EVENTS IN BRITTANY. 209 CHAPTEE Xir. Edward's first campaign in beittant. When Edward set sail for Brittany De Montfort had A.D.1342. been a prisoner for nearly a year ; during that time various events had happened in his Duchy, of which an account must be given, before relating the history of Edward's invasion. It tvas at the beginning of the winter of 1341 that Events in De,Montfort was captured, and, as usual at that period, after^ap- alliWiarfare was suspended till spring, "at which time," ^""^ °^ says Froissart, " it is better than in winter to make walF."^ De Blois remained at Nantes, and his allies re- turned to Paris, taking with them their prisoner De Montfort. When spring arrived, the French troops again took the field. Louis de la Cerda, commonly called Louis of Spain, — great-grandson of Alphonso the Tenth, King of Castile and Leon, and of Blanche, daughter of Louis the Ninth of France, — was ap- pointed Marshal of the army. Naval warfare, at that time, was carried on by soldiers, who fought on board, ship instead of on shore, rather than by sailors whose whole life was. passed on the sea ; it is therefore not to be wondered at, that so gallant and active a com- mander as Louis of Spain soon afterwards took the ' Buchon's Froissart, vol. i. p. 147. It is to be regretted that there is in English no single word to represent the expressive French word " guerroyer." VOL. I. ■ P 210 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD III. Chap.ICII. A.D. 1342. command of the French navy also. The Dukes of Normandy and Burgundy, the Count of Alen9on, and others, accompanied De Blois, and their first exploit Capture of was the Capture of Eennes, at the beginning of May, ^"'''''- after a long siege.^ The They then resolved to attack Hennebon, thinking of°Mout- th^'' ^f *^^y could take it and make the Countess and fort Jier son prisoners, they would end the war. But the Hennebon Countess was not SO easily to be vanquished, and she ga anty. ^ig^jngu^gijed hersclf greatly, by the able and heroic manner, in which she defended the castle against its assailants. She not only directed the management of the defence, but herself took an active part in the fighting. Clad in armour, she rode through the streets on horseback, encouraging her troops and ordering the ladies and other women to unpave the streets, carry the stones to the ramparts, and throw them down on their enemies ; and, she had pots of quicklime brought for the same purpose. On one occasion, seeing that the besiegers had left their camp un- guarded, she made a sally with 300 horsemen, and set their tents on fire, but was unable to get back into the castle for several days. The siege went on vigorously, and no help came from England. The besiegers annoyed the garrison greatly, by means of a huge machine, which threw great stones into the castle, without ceasing day or night. At last, traitors within the walls, despairing of the arrival of the pro- mised help, plotted the betrayal of. the castle to Charles of Blois. At this juncture, however, the Countess, who was continually on the ramparts gazing over the vacant sea in hopes that she might descry the English, cried out, " I see them coming," ' Buchon's Froissart, vol. i. p. 149. Chap. XII. BELIEF OF HENNEBOK. 211 and it was indeed the English fleet that was seen ap- A.D.1342. preaching. It had been delayed by stormy weather for sixty days, but at last arrived, about the end of rives from May, at a critical moment. Sir Walter de Maunay was °^ *" ' on board, accompanied by Amaury de Clisson. Hen- sir Waiter , . , . -ni de Maunay nebon was built on the river Blavet near the seacoast, and and the English therefore had no difficulty in entering de™cusson the castle, where they were received with great joy by ^^^^' the Countess. She received them in halls and cham- bers hung with tapestry, and gave them a magnificent entertainment. But, all that night and the following day, the huge machine never ceased throwing great stones into the town. So, as Froissart quaintly says. Sir Walter de Maunay " looked and said he had a great wish to go and destroy this great engine, which was so near them and caused them so much annoyance." He accordingly went quietly out of sir Walter one of the gates, with 300 archers, who soon put ^J^^^\\l to flight the men working the machine, and then i^e^iegers. broke it into pieces. After this gallant exploit they returned into the town, and, adds Froissart, " who- ever had then seen the Countess come down from the castle with great cheer, and kiss Master Walter de Maunay and his companions, one after the other, two or three times, might well say it was a valiant dame." ^ Louis of Spain, Marshal of the army of Charles of Siege of Blois, now gave up the siege of Hennebon, and went ^ventT to join the Earl before Auray, whither Charles had some time before taken a part of the besieging army. Louis was however directed to besiege some other various towns, the names of which are completely confused by 'Xn by the ' Buchon's Froissart, vol. i. pp. 149-153, p2 212 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWAKD III. Chap. XII.' A.D. 1342. Froissart/ and the siege of Auray was carried on by De Blois. After an obstinate defence of more than six weeks from the time when the siege began, and which was prolonged till the garrison, after eating all their horses, were nearly starved, the city was taken.^ After Auray and its fall, Vanncs — another town in that district, still taken.^^ interesting on account of the vast Druidical remains with which the land is throughout covered — fell into the hands of De Blois. In the meantime Louis of Spain had embarked his troops, landed in Lower Brittany,* and marched them up to Quimperle, ravaging the country and loading his ships with the plunder. When De Maunay and De Clisson heard Avhere Louis had gone, and how he was overrunning the country, they embarked and followed him. The plunder taken by Louis was now retaken by De Maunay, who soon defeated him with the loss of nearly the whole of his troops, and Louis himself narrowly escaped being taken prisoner. He was pursued by the English by sea and on land, but at length was able to join De Hennebon Blois, who had resumed the attack on Hennebon. sieged, but Amaury de Clisson and Sir Walter de Maunay, abandoned, howevcr, defended it so well that the siege was again abandoned. Robert of It was about this time that Robert of Artois was ^pedUion °^ ^^^ ^^Y ^° Brittany, the fleet having sailed to- toBrit- wards the end of July.* He was accompanied by tany. • Buchon's Froissart, vol. i. p. 154, note. ^ Ibid. p. 155. 3 Called also Bretagne Bretonnant, Higher Brittany being called also Bretagne-Galot. — Buchon's Froissart, vol. i. p. 156, note. '^ On July 3rd he was " about to go " (Rymer, vol. ii. p. 1201) ; on July 20th the Earl of Northampton was appointed the King's lieutenant in France. Chap. XII. THE ENGLISH LAND IN BBITTANY. 213 the Earls of Suffolk and Pembroke, by the Earl of A.D.1342. Salisbury, who had lately been released from prison, and probably, as already 'stated, by the Earl of Northampton. According to Froissart, the Countess of Montfort had, shortly before, come to England in person, and returned with Robert ; but it is very improbable that such was the case, as there does not appear to be sufficient time, between the siege of Hennebon and the departure of Robert of Artois from England, for the Countess to have made a voyage to England.-^ Robert's fleet consisted of forty ships of various sizes. Philip, having received information of the approach pwiip of the English fleet, sent a fleet to meet them, under fleet to the command of Louis of Spain, and an engagement Eng°ish*^ between the two fleets took place near Guernsey, on their . , . T T • passage; Darkness put a stop to the fighting, and during the but the night a furious storm arose which separated the separated fleets, and drove the French, according to Froissart's hyastorm. highly figurative expression, " more than a hundred leagues from the place where they fought." The The Eng- English then proceeded on their voyage, and landed near'van- near Varines, to which they laid siege, and sent °^^' their fleet to Hennebon. The Countess of Mont- fort and Sir Walter de Maunay took part in the siege. Vannes soon fell, and the Countess and Sir andtakeit. Walter then returned to Hennebon. A part of the English forces, under the command of the Earls of Salisbury, Suffolk, and Pembroke, went to besiege Rennes; among the garrison was a man of whom mention was then first made, but who afterwards became the greatest military commander of his time ' See Buchon's Froissart, vol. i. p. 163, note 2 ; p. 164, note 1 (2nd column); and p. 165. 214 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD III. Chap. XII. A.D. 1342. Bertrand da Gues- clin. Vannes retaken. Death of Robert of Artois. Edward lands near Vannes. Edward besieges Vannes, in France. This was Bertrand du Guesclin.^ Robert of Artois remained at Vannes, and the French, taking advantage of the absence of a part of the English army, attacked and took it. Robert was badly wounded during the siege, and was obliged to return to London, where he died in the middle of November.^ In the meanwhile, Edward had been getting ready to take part in the war in person. On the 5th of October^ he sailed from Sandwich, and landed near Yannes, which eventually became the point at which the armies drew togetlier for a trial of strength. But it was some little time before the opposing forces thus met. The chief towns of Brittany, were Vannes, Rennes, and Nantes. Vannes had been retaken by the French ; Rennes was besieged by the Earl of Salisbury ; and Nantes was occupied by Charles of Blois, who was there collecting a large force of arms. Shortly after his arrival in Brittany, Edward wrote, "to his true and faithful Monsieur Thomas de Wake Lord of Lydel," from La Rosere, stating, that he had begun fighting and hoped to do such deeds as would redound to his own honour and that of England, if he were speedily supplied with men-at-arms and bowmen.'* He then laid siege to Vannes ; but, finding it to be very strong, left part of his forces there under the com- 1 Buchon's Froissart, vol. i. p. 176. 2 Ibid. pp. 169, 170, and 171. 3 Eymer, vol. ii. p. 1212 ; but see note b in Nicolas' British Navy, vol. ii. p. 80, which renders it doubtful whether it was not after the 15th of October that Edward set sail. Knighton (col. 2582) states that Edward sailed from Portsmouth and landed at Brest, but this is evidently incorrect. ■• Rymer, vol. ii. p. 1213. Chap. XII. WAK IN BEITTANT. 215 mand of the Earl of Warwick, Walter de Maunay a.d. 1342. and others, to mask it,; and proceeded to Rennes, butleaves with about 1,500 men-at-arms and 6,000 bowmen. ^'^^"^0 When, however, he had been five days before Rennes, Renues, he heard that Charles of Blois was at Nantes, and so, leaving his friend, the Earl of Salisbury, to continue the siege of Rennes, Edward marched oiF to measure and then his strength with his chief opponent at Nantes. Edward tried to tempt Charles of Blois to come out which he of the city to fight with him, but, failing in this, endeavoured to take the city by assault. He did not but soon succeed, and therefore, leaving a portion of his forces fhTsirge to continue the siege, wandered about, ravaging the ^"^ns to country, and, after a time, returned to Yannes. Vannes. In' the meanwhile John of Normandy, Philip's eldest son, was assembling an army at Angers ; when ready, he marched to Nantes to reinforce the Count of Blois. On reaching Nantes, however, he found that Edward had left it, and had gone to assist in the siege of Vannes, and -therefore hastened off to protect it. Edward then with- TheEng- drew his troops from Rennes, and gathered them all French together before Vannes, which thus at last became ^"^''j^^gj^"^^ the probable battle-field between the two contending gathered parties. But after all, nothing came of all these before preparations for a decisive struggle. The two armies ^*°"*^- faced each other all the winter without any serious fighting. The French were four times as numerous as the English, and the Duke of Normandy tried therefore to besiege the English in their camp, and Distress cut off their supplies, for the coast was so well armL guarded by Louis of Spain that Edward could receive ^"^^^l ** nothing by sea. But the English were so placed that this could not be done effectually, and the Duke 216 LIFE AND TIMES OE EDWARD III. Chap. XII. A.D. 1343. A truce agreed on. A.D. 1342. of Normandy himself found it difficult to supply his own army. The weather was especially inclement ; rain and snow deluged the camps, the horses died, and the soldiers became discontented.^ At last, on January 19th, a.d. 1343, at the in- tercession of the Pope, a truce was agreed on at Malestroit, not, however, without a vigorous protest on the part of Edward, that he submitted his quarrel to the Pope, as a private person and not as a judge. So jealous was the King of any interference on the part of the Pope in the affairs of England, that he repeated this protest twice (on the 20th of May and the 29th of August ^), during the negotiations which ensued, for the conversion of the truce into a peace. The truce was to last till Michaelmas, and thence to be continued for three years ; the Scots, the Flemings, the Hainaulters, and the two rivals to the Duchy, were to be included in it ; De Montfort was to be set free; and it was also agreed that, if hostilities broke ouJ; between De Montfort and De Blois, it should not be considered a breach of the arrangement, unless one or other of the Kings took part in their quarrel.^ The truce was evidently unexpected by the English, and by the king's son the Duke of Cornwall, who had been left guardian of the kingdom during his father's absence, for the young Duke continued to make active preparations for war, up to and even after the time of its being signed. ' Buchon's Froissart, vol. i. pp. 171-177. See also Edward's letter to his son, Avesbury, p. 98. 2 Eymer, vol. ii. pp. 1224 and 1231. See also Rot. Pari. 17 Ed, III. (8). 3 Buchon's Froissart, vol. i. p. 177, note ; and Avesbury, p. 102. The truce unexpect- ed by the English. Cbap.xh. sudden teucb. 217 On the 20th of December/ the King hiioself, by A.r).i343. his great seal, had ordered 506 men-at-arms and 606 ancTcon- bowraen to be sent to Brittany immediately; and on sequent^ January 3rd the Guardian ordered 5132 lances and tionsfor archers to be raised in North and South Wales, part the war. of whom were, as on a former occasion, especially directed to be clothed in uniform, and 3000 of the number were to sail for Brittany on the 1st of March at latest.^ On the 26th of the same month (after the trace was signed, but before news of it could reach England) seven persons were directed each to furnish 51 men-at-arms to go with the others, and ships were got ready to convey them.^ On the 1st of February the Guardian wrote to the Sheriff of Lincoln, and all the SheriflFs south of the Trent, saying that all men- at-arms who wished to take part in the war were to be ready to sail from Portsmouth by the 1st of March.* At last however the news of the truce ar- News of rived; on the 6th of February^ the Duke counter- reaches''* manded the orders to the fleet ; and, on the 20th, the and'war-' King wrote to the Sheriff of London, the Bishop of ^^^^ p.''^- Durham, the Justice of Chester, and others, to inform counter- them of the temporary cessation of arms.^ manded. Edward then embarked for England, and after a Edward stormy passage, during which he was driven to the England" coast of Spain, landed at Weymouth on the 2nd of °° ^^'^^ March.'' Thus ended a third campaign, which pro- ' Kymer, vol. ii. p. 1216. 2 ibid. p. 1217. ^ Ibid. p. 1218. * Ibid. p. 1219. » Ibid. p. 1219. ' ' Le Roy as viscountz de Londres, salutz, &c. En mesme le manere a touz les viscontes d'Engleterre, c'est assavoir, al evesque deDuresme, al justice de Cestre, al gardein de Cinque Portz, al justice d' Irland, al justice de Suthgales, al justice de Northgales.' — Eymer, vol. ii. p. 1219. ' Eymer, vol. ii. p. 1220, and Avesbury, p. 109. 218 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWAED III. Chap. XII. A.D.1343. duced no advantage whatever to England, shed no glory on her arms, and only increased the load of debt consequently incurred by Edward, It must however be admitted, that the campaign was equally barren of valuable results to the King of France. Chap. XIII. PAKLIAMENT CONSIDERS THE TEUCE. 219 CHAPTER XIII. PAELIAMENT DECIDES ON PEACE, OK WAE IN EARNEST. THE CON- SEQUENT PREPARATIONS MADE FOR WAR, UNTIL EDWARD'S GREAT XNTASION OF FRANCE. Soon after the King had returned from Brittany, a a.d. 1343, Parliament was held in the Palace of Westminster ParUa- to consider of the truce that had been made, and of "®°' , ' meets to the propriety of convertina; it into a peace. During consider •z -xi- J TT- ■, -Si 1 , T T> • the truce. its Sitting, the King s son Kdward was created rrince TheKmg's 01 VVaieS. ted Prince The Bishops, Prelates, and Barons sat in the of Wales. "White Chamber," afterwards called the Court of Consti- Eequests ; ^ and the Knights of the Shires and S-"*^ the Commons, as the representatives of the cities ™^"*- and boroughs were then termed,^ in the Painted Chamber. Though frequent mention is made, in former Parliament rolls, of the four orders of Par- liament, viz. : Prelates, Barons, Knights of the Shires, and Citizens or Burgesses, consulting apart by them- selves, yet this is the first time that a clear distinction First dis- is made of the two houses as formed at present, and tlTtwo °^ that the Knights of Shires are mentioned as sitting in '^'"'ses. the same chamber as the representatives of boroughs, separately from the " Great Men." ^ It is not how- ' Tyrell's England, vol. iii. p. 471. " May's Parliamentary Practice, 8vo. 3rd ed. p. 22. ^ Rot. Pari. 17 Ed. III. (8). In the Parliament held in the 220 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWAED III. Chap. XIII. A.T). 1343. Parlia- ment re- commends peace if possible, but pro- mises sup- port in case of ivar. Edward sends Commis- sioners to the Pope relative to the peace. Edward's resistance to Papal aggres- sion. ever to be inferred, that, thenceforward, they always formed two distinct bodies, for such is not the case. The days on which the King himself was present, were called Parliament days. At this time, there were about 250 members of the House of Commons, and all were maintained at the expense of the places they repre- sented. Thus, four shillings a day was allowed to a knight of the shire, and two shillings to a citizen or burgess.' Gn the 1st of May, the two houses separately de- livered their opinion to the King in person, in the White Chamber, approving of the truce, and advising a peace, if to be had on proper terms ; but if not, promising to support him in maintaining his quarrel. It was provided by the agreement relative to the truce, that Commissioners from both parties should appear before the Pope to settle the conditions of peace. Edward frequently communicated Avith the Pope on the subject ; but, it is necessary to bear in mind, that he never recognised him as having any inherent right to dictate, and always directed in express terms that he should be treated as a private person and common friend, and not as a judge. Parliament was very jealous of the Pope's inter- ference, for he was continually making aggressions, on the King's rights and authority, and on the rights of private persons in England. These aggressions had reference, chiefly, to Avhat were called "pro- visions " to ecclesiastical benefices. The Pope con- stantly appointed — or provided — persons to fill vacant livings or other ecclesiastical offices, in defiance of following year, all sat in the White Chamber. Eot. Pari. vol. ii. p. 148 (8> ' May's Parliamentary Practice, p. 25. CuAf. XIII. RESISTANCE TO POPB'S AGGRESSIONS. 221 the right of the King, or of the patrons of such a.d.isis. livings, 80 to do ; he attempted also, to dispose of the temporalities, that is, the revenues, as well as the spiritualities, of the benefices. Parliament always re- sisted these encroachments, and it is important to Resistance observe that thus, before, and in apparent anticipa- p ''^^ tion of, the Reformation, the nation, as represented by King and Parliament, would not submit to the Pope's attempted usurpations of temporal power; and, that the dignitaries of the English Church concurred in opposing his aggressions.^ The Commons peti- tioned the King against these grievances, in the Par- liament at this time assembled ; ^ this resistance to the Pope, was one of the great features of the reign. King Edward consequently wrote to the Pope on the 10th of September (and indeed at various other times), to complain of his appointing " foreigners, most of them suspicious persons, who do not reside on their benefices, who do not know the faces of the flocks entrusted to them, who do not understand their la"nguage, but, neglecting the cure of souls, seek, as hirelings, o\ily their temporal lucre ; " he went on to say, that the Pope, " as a successor of the Apostles, was appointed to feed and not to shear the Lord's sheep;" and concluded, by entreating the Pope to put an end to such scandals.* The King had written to the Pope previously, on the Resistance 30th of August, to complain of the " immense army of vlsor^™" ■ provisors," who were persons encouraged by the Pope " " The notion that the bishops at this period sided with the Pope can only have suggested itself to minds ignorant of the state of feeling in England in the fourteenth century." Hook's Lives of the Archbishops of Canterbury, vol. iv. p. 72 (note). * Rot. Pari. 17 Ed. III. ^ Rymer, vol. ii. p. 1233. 222 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWAED III. Chap. XIII. A.D.1343. Introduc- tion of Pope's Bulls prohibited. Edward's defence of the Church of Eng- land. to sue in the Court of Rome for a " provision," that is, an appointment to a vacant living in defiance of the right of its patron; stating that, "reflecting and grieving over the injury and intolerable hurt to the kingdom which had arisen from these provisions," the Parliament had declared that " they neither could nor would tolerate such things any longer." ^ He had found it necessary to forbid any person to bring the Pope's Bulls into England, as they contained his secret orders to the clergy ; and, on the 30th of July, repeated a former order, that all persons coming into England should be searched, and, if Bulls were found on them, taken into custody. It was not long, however, before the King had to issue a mandate, dated January 30th, A.D. 1344, to the Sheriffs of all the counties, the Con- stable of Dovor and the Cinque Ports, to the Prince of Wales (probably in his capacity of Duke of Cornwall and Earl of Chester), and to the Bishop of Durham, relative to these matters. It recited that the Church of England was founded in ancient times, and certain landed and other possessions granted for its support ; but, that the Pope had endeavoured to appropriate to himself the rights of presentation to the various livings and ecclesiastical offices, as if he himself were the patron ; and, in conclusion, again forbade any persons to bring into England, Bulls or documents from the Pope making such appointments.^ It became neces- sary, however, to state on the 5th of April, that it was not the King's intention to apply these orders to bishops.^ This dispute about provisors was con- tinued throughout the reign ; and, as will be related, important Statutes were passed to prevent the Pope's Rymer, vol. ii. p. 1232. Ibid. p. 11. ^ Ibid. vol. iii. p. 2. Chap. XUI. TEUCE WITH FRANCE PROLONGED. 223 aggressions ; but it did not come to an end till the a.d. i34s. reign of Henry the Eighth. Notice, however, must be continually taken, of the strenuous opposition, at this time offered by the English nation, to the Pope's usurpations; especially, as it was in this reign that the seeds were sown of that Great Reformation, which was not completed until two centuries had passed away. No progress was made in converting the truce Failure of into a peace, but, on the 29th of November, Edward rions'foi- wrote to the Pope agreeing to its prolongation for a ^^^^^^gg '**' year ; although he felt it necessary at the same time to complain that the truce was not observed by the French, especially in Brittany;^ and indeed, on the 24th of the following month, he ordered ships to be got ready to take soldiers to that province. Philip had kept up petty hostilities there, after the truce was signed, and had excited especial indignation by his execution of Olivier de Clisson, whom he looked on as a traitor.^ Edward however took no notice of this, but, on the contrary, continually issued orders to his own subjects for the strict observance of the truce.' It was clear that Philip had no serious intention of making a permanent peace, or of aban- doning his ptoject of uniting the whole of France under his own royal dominion, and it is also certain that Edward had no intention of giving up Guienne. It is very doubtful whether Edward's real object, Edward's in his repeated invasions of France, was to obtain the usV^ '° throne, or simply to secure peaceable- and undisputed ^a^;o'^s'"f France. ' Rymer, vol. ii, p. 1239. " See Buohon's Froissart, vol. i, p. 178 (note 2) for the grounds on which the charge of treason is founded. ' Rymer, vol. iii. pp. 10 and 19. 224 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD III. Chap. XIII. A.D. 1343. Edward pats for- ■ward his claims to the throne of France. A.D. 1344. Domestic events. Tourna- ment at Windsor. The Round Table at Windsor. possession of Guienne — setting up his claim, perhaps by way of menace, with a view to the latter aim. Had it been the former, it is extraordinary that he did not march on Paris, and demand coronation as King of France after the battle of Crdcy, when France lay at his feet, and her sovereign and his,' son were prisoners in his hands. But, be this as it may, Edward did not cease to claim the throne, or to call himself King of France; and when his ambas- sadors went to France to discuss, in the presence of the Pope, the conditions on which the truce should be converted into a peace, they insisted that the first- subject of debate should be Edward's right to the French throne. But Philip declared that Edward should never hold a foot of land in France, except as a vassal, and the attempt to establish a permanerit. peace fell therefore to the ground.' Edward remained in England during the whojel of the year 1344, attending to the defence of th^ kingdom, preparing for war, negotiating for peace,| and attending to various domestic concerns. On the 1st of January, he proclaimed a great tourna- ment, or Round Table as it was. called, in memory of King Arthur, to be held at Windsor, to which he invited knights from various foreign countries* None came from France ; for Philip, fearing that Edward would attach them to himself as friends, forbade his subjects from attending, and set up a Round Table of his own at Paris. Shortly after this tournament, Edward gave orders for the making of "a house called a Round Table "^ at Windsor, which was to be 200 feet in diameter, in which the knights 1 Carte, vol. ii. p. 452 (quoting Cleopatra, E. ii., in Bib. Cotton.). 2 This was the present Round Tower of Windsor. See Ap- pendix at the end of this Volume. 1— v^ fe ROUND TABLE. From a minialure of the ronrleenth Century (Bib. Imp. de Pans). Lea Arts du Moyen-Age. Par Paul La Ciols (Bi'Dliophile Jacob). Chap. XIII. ROUND TABLE AT WINDSOR. 225 attending tournaments were to dine.^ For this A.D.1344. building, on the 26th of February, he appointed one Wilhara de Horle as his carpenter, and gave him leave to choose as many carpenters, in towns, boroughs, and other places, as he might require. On the same day, he appointed one William de Ramseye his head bricklayer, with the singular permission to press working bricklayers in the city of London and in the counties of Kent, Norfolk, Suffolk, Bedford, and Northampton into his service. Two days after- wards, he appointed William de Langley to provide carriages, for the convej'ance of stone and other materials for the works.^ Parhament assembled on the 7th of June, and Pai-iia- Edward informed it, that Philip had broken the truce assembles, in Brittany ; had sent troops into Guienne, where they to renewal' had taken possession of various castles and towns ; °f "«'ar if that the Scots had declared that they would break the truce whenever the French desired them to do so ; that he had heard for certain that it was the inten- tion of his " adversary who called himself the King of Prance," to destroy the English language, and to ' Eex Edwardus fecit convocari plures artifices at castrum de Wyndespores, et coepit £edificare domum, quae " Eotunda Tabula " Tocaretur: habuit autem ejus area a centro ad circumferentiam, per semidiametrum, centum pedes ; et sic diametri ducentorum pedum erat. Expensse per hebdomedam erant primo centuu librae ; sed ex post, proper nova quae Rex suscepit de Francia re- secabantur ad novem libras, eo quod censuit pro aliis negotiis tbe- saurum plurimum comportandum." — Walsingham, edited by H. T. Riley, M.A., vol. i. p. 263. A " Eound Table," however, often, and perhaps usually, signified an actual table, round which the King and his Knights sat. See the illustration of a " Round Table" taken from a miniature of the 14th century. Copied, by permission, from Les Arts du Moyen Age. Par Paul Lacroix : Paris, Didot, 1869. 2 Rymer, vol. iii. p. 6. VOL.' L Q 226 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWAKD III. Chap. XHr. A.D.1344. occupy the land of England ; and that, consequently, it was clear that Philip was determined on war. In answer to this formidable charge against Philip, Par- liament advised the King to put an end to this state of constantly impending warfare, either by a firm peace, or by battle. Supplies were then voted by the clergy ' and by the Commons ; but no grant was made by the nobles, probably because they promised either to ac- company the King, according to their tenure as the King's tenants in capite by Knight's service, or, to tax their demesnes separately, as they had done before, it being part of his undertaking with Parliament that he should invade France in person.-^ The Commons thought it necessary to make various conditions respect- ing their grant, one of which was, that the money should be expended for the purposes for which it was asked. Edward had assumed that a warlike policy would be supported by Parliament, and, from the beginning of the year, had been making preparations for war. On the 6th of February, he had taken measures to ascertain how many ships he could collect, by sum- moning, according to his custom, men from each of forty-four ports ^ to inform him on the subject. He Edward's prepara- tions for ' Rot. Pari. 18 Ed. III. 8-10, p. 148, and ^ Eymer, vol. iii. p. 4. The ports to whii dition to those to which he wrote two years a list has been given, were — Barnstaple Blakeneye (an ancient sea-port in Norfolk) Boston Cirencester Colchester Dunwich Exmouth Exeter Gosport Grimsby Harwich Ipswich Kyngston- on-Hull Lynn Lyme Maldon Melcombe Newcastle- on-Tyne Orford See note on p. 205. 14, p. 150. ch he wrote, in ad- previously, of which liavenesere Eavenesrode Sandwich Scarborough Seaford Southampton Waynflete Weymouth Chap. XIU. PEEPAEATIONS FOE WAE. 227 continually gave orders, that no knight or armed a.d.134'!. man should go out of England without leave; and, with the view of keeping coin in the country, had repeated his proclamation against the export of sterling money or plate.^ He seems about this tim? to have been less pressed for money, for, on thts 10th of March, he appointed certain persons to go Return of abroad to take out of pawn the great crown from crown "^^ certain merchants of Germany, to whom it had been Q.°^any pledged. They accomplished their mission, and re- turned with the crown on the 24th of April.^ On the 24th of March he gave orders to the Earls of Derby and Arundel, commanding in Brittany, to observe the truce strictly;^ but, on the very same day, he directed them to make alliances with the Bobles, and with any others of any nation or condition whatsoever.* He also still continued his arrangements for putting the navy in proper condition, and at the same time that he enjoined the observance of the truce, ordered all ships, above thirty tons burthen, throughout the ports of England, to be impressed for the defence of the country.^ Soon afterwards,^ Parliament having advised him to make war in earnest, he issued orders to his admirals, to get together all ships, both great or small, as well as crayers, barges, flutes,' and great boats, " whether of fishermen or others, which were able to carry men or horses beyond the sea ; " and to assemble them in the Solent before ' Rymer, vol, iii. p. 5. ^ Ibid. pp. 7 and 12. 3 jj^jj^ p jg. ■•Ibid. p. 8. sibid. p, 11. « Ibid. p. 15. ' Sir Harris Nicolas (Brit, Navy, vol. ii. p. 162, note) states that there is much difficulty in ascertaining what kind of vessel a flute was, but he considers it was a very large vessel, and probably had two masts, two sails, and two rudders, one at each end. Q 2 228 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD III. Chap. XIU. A.D. 1344. the 8th of September, in order that they might go abroad with him. Then, on the 30th of June, he required all persons having forty acres of land to take up the military order of knighthood;^ and on the following day he ordered 15,530 hurdles^ and 210 bridges (probably pontoons for the crossing of rivers and ditches) for the expedition to France. On the 10th of July, he wrote to " request " the Earl of Desmond and other Irish lords to send him 170 men-at-arms and 450 hobelers, or light cavalry mounted on ponies so called, to Portsmouth, and informed them that he had provided ships at his own cost to carry them to France.^ Negotia- But while he was thus actively preparing for war, peace. ""^ in accordance probably with the recommendations of Parliament, he wrote to the Pope and sent ambas- sadors to him to treat for peace. On the following day, however, he thought it necessary to issue a pro- clamation, calling himself King of France and Eng- land, and Lord of Ireland, recapitulating his cause of quarrel with Philip, and stating that he had sent am- bassadors to the Pope to treat for peace with Philip, but that he had communicated with him as a private person, and not as a judge.* Attempts These negotiations came to nothing, and were pro- thelm-*" l^ably set on foot by Edward, in order to leave Philip Dake°of''^ without cxcuse, and without any expectation of suc- Brabant. cess ; for his preparations for war, and his cultivatioiii of foreign alliances, went on continually and simulta- neously. He was especially desirous of attaching the Duke of Brabant firmly to his side, and endeavoured to bring about a marriage between his son the Prince ' Eymer, vol. iii. p. 16. ^ " Claias pro eskippamento equorum nostrorum." 3 Eymer, vol. iii. p. 17. * Ibid. pp. 18, 19. Chap. XHT. ATTEMPTS TO DETACH THE FLEMINGS. 229 of Wales and the Duke's daughter. But, as they a.d. 1344. were related, it was necessary to obtain the Pope's consent, and he therefore wrote to him on the 26th of October, and again on the 23rd of February follow- ing, dating this letter "in the sixth year of our reign over France." On the 12th of April he made another and most urgent application, quaintly quoting the text, " Knock and it shall be opened unto you." But the marriage never took place; either, because the Pope, out of fear of offending France, refused to grant the required dispensation ; or, because the Duke op- posed it on account of his preference for friendly relations with the Count of Flanders rather than with Edward, and because he wished his daughter to marry the, Count's son.-^ An attempt seems to have been made about this ^■^- 134!5, time to detach the inhabitants of Bruges, Ypres, and to deTaVih Ghent from their alliance with England ; for, on *^^ ^J*"'™" o J ' ings irom February 20th, 1345, Edward wrote to them, to their assert the genuineness of certain letters, which he aiUance. had previously written to them, desiring that they should not treat with their Count without his con- sent, as it would be contrary to his treaty with France. It seems strange, however, how such a con- dition could have formed part of that treaty. It appears also that .Edward himself was in treaty Avith the Count of Flanders ; for, on the same day, he wrote to the Flemings to assert the genuineness of certain -other letters, which he had previously written, direct- ing that, if the Count wished to go to Flanders with the Countess and his son, or even to come to Eng- land, they were to receive him honourably.^ ' Sismondi, vol. x. p. 263 ; and Eymer, vol. iii. pp. 25, 32. ' Rymer, vol. iii. p. 30. 230 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD III. Chap. XIII, A.D.1345. The beginning of 1345 was occupied, like the greater part of the former year, with fruitless negotia* The Pope & ^ -, . ; • j» i mi in vain tioDS for peace, and active preparations lor war.^ ihe ^"prevent Popc mingled his exhortations to peace with persistent to re: the war, renewal of a^^^gj^ptg to maintain his pretended right of inter- ference with the temporalities of the English Church!, and, in February, sent over two Cardinals to treat with Edward on the subject. The King listened, but would not consent to their proposals, and in less than a fortnight they returned from their fruitless mission.^ Edward continued his preparations for war, forbidding the export of horses above the value of 60s. unless for private use,^ and ordering the fleet to assemble at Sandwich by the .5th of May.* The Pope now became alarmed at the approach of war, and on the 15th of April he wrote to Edward to say what a 'blessed thing it would be to have peace, and attack the Pagans ; * but the King was not to be diverted from his purpose by such arguments, and went on with his preparations. Edward had ample reasons for disbelieving that Philip had any honest wish for peace. At the tournament held at Windsor the year before, various Gascon lords had come over, and, on their own behalf, as well as on that of various others who remained at home but were favourable to Edward, had begged Request of him to Send them soldiers, commanded by a captaia forEngHsh Capable of defending the country against the French. soldiers. ;pi^gy tol^ ]^[^ ^jj^t " his good couutry of Gasconj and his good friends and his good city of Bordeaux were badly comforted and supported." " In conse- ' Rymer, vol. iii. p. 28. 2 Ibid. p. 31. 3 Ibid. p. 30. 4 Ibid. p. 33. » Ibid. p. 34. •^ Buchon's Froissart, vol. i. p. 182. Chap. XHI. PHILIP DEFIED. 231 quence of these representations, Edward, early in A.D.1345. April, appointed the Earl of Derby as his com- mander in Gascony; and, shortly afterwards, issued letters of protection to various barons going there.^ It is remarkable that the King should have delayed for more than a year to act on the advice of his Gascon friends; but, judging by the scale on which the next campaign was conducted, the determination with which it was carried on, and its magnificently successful results, his conduct may be explained, by the supposition, that he had resolved, that his next attack on France should be of a formidable character, and therefore waited till he was well prepared.'"^ Simultaneously with these arrangements for the de- fence of Gascony, Edward prepared to attack France OTde"*^ in Brittany. He gave the Earl of Northampton power h°'^\ to defy Philip, and, after taking this preliminary step, ampton to to commence the war in that country.^ Phmp. In the meantime, De Montfort had escaped from DeMont- his prison in the Louvre in the disguise of a mer- escapes chant,* and had fled to England. On the 20th of pron,and May he did homage for Brittany to Edward, as King ^°^^ , •L ■' T a homage to of i* ranee, and shortly afterwards returned to his Edward for Duchy.S Brittany. '•, Preparations for war were now hurried on, with even vgreater activity than before. Within a week of the time that De Montfort did homage to Edward, the King wrote to the Pope, to say that Philip was continually ' Rymer, vol. iii. pp. 34, 36. ^ Froissart (vol. i. p. 182) would lead one to suppose that Ed- ward sent Derby to Gascony immediately after the tournament, 'Assez tot aprfes ordonna le dit roi, &c.," but it is evident from the document in Rymer that this was not the case. ' Rymer, vol. iii. pp. 36, 37. * Sismondi, vol. x. p. 249. ° Rymer, vol. iii. p. 39. 232 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD III. Chap. XIII. A.D. 1345. Lord North- ampton embarks for Brit- tany, and the Earl of Derby for Gascony. Edward goes to Flanders to try its fidelity, tefore going in person to the wai-. He em- barks on July 3. breaking truces, and that he must therefore excuse him if he sought redress by force of arms.' Then, on the 4th of June he wrote to the mayor and sheriffs of London, ordering them to proclaim that all per- sons who were going with the Earl of Northampton to Brittany should proceed to Portsmouth without delay; ^ and on the 11th of the same month he again wrote to the sheriffs to say that Lord Northampton had sailed, that the Earl of Derby ^ was just about to set out for Gascony, and that all who were going with him should at once make their way to Southampton.* Edward had now provided for the invasion of France in two important districts : in Brittany, where he had trustworthy friends in De Montfort and his party; and in Gascony, where he still held possession of many fortified places. Before he took the field in person however, he thought it prudent to ascertain whether he could depend on the fidelity of the Flem- ings ; he therefore crossed the channel to confer with Van Artevelde and the burgomasters of Ghent, Ypres, and Bruges. On the 3rd of July he embarked from Sandwich with his son the Prince of Wales, having created hiy son Lionel guardian of the king- dom in his absence, and gone through the usual ceremony of receiving from the Chancellor, Robert of Sadyngton, the third layman appointed to this ' Rymer, vol. iii. p. 41. 2 Ibid. p. 42. 3 In order to avoid confusion, I have designated the Earl of Derby by that title until his advance to relieve Aiguillon. Some historians have styled him the Earl of Lancaster at this time, but the exact date of his becoming Earl of Lancaster is uncertain. He took that title on the death of his father, Henry Earl of Lancaster. That event took place in a.d. 1345, but in what month is not stated.— See Sandford's Genealogical History of England, p. 112. i Rymer, vol. iii. p. 44. Chap. Xin. EDWAED VISITS PLANDEES. 233 office by Edward, the great seal which he kept in A.D. 1.345. his custody for the government of England/ and delivering to him another to be used during his absence. This ceremony took place in the Great Hall of Westminster, where the Court of Chancery now "usually" sat.^ The custom of following the EsfaWish- King wherever he went had been done away with by JhrcoUTt Edward the Third; ' one great step, towards the for- of Chan- ination of the England of the present day, was thus London, taken. There is something impressive in the idea of the King being, not only the fountain of all justice, but also its dispenser, and his presence being necessary for that function ; but the constant migration of the King, with all his courts and his judges, entailed great expense on the places where his courts were held, and it cannot be doubted, that the fixing the Court of Chancery in a particular locality, was a wise measure, and convenient to the whole community. On Edward's arrival at Sluys, he was received by Edward Van Artevelde, who for nine years had been at the onTanding, head of the government of Flanders. He had ruled ''/ ^™^ '' . . . Artevelde. the country with great skill and wisdom, but, when Edward came, was in a difficult position. A quarrel Quarrel had broken out between the large and small towns. largTand The manufacturers of Ghent, Ypres, and Bruges, j^nsof wished to monopolise the making of broad cloths, Flanders, ' Pro regimine regni Anglise ; Eymer, vol. iii. pp. 50. ^ "Ubi Cancellarius communiter sedet." — Eymer, vol. iii. p. 53. ' " But the two Courts were now by the King's command fixed in the places where, unless on a few extraordinary occasions, they continued to be held down to our own times — at the upper end of Westminster Hall, the King's Bench on the left hand, and the Chancery on the right, both remaining open to the Hall, and a bar being erected to keep off the multitude from pressing on the Judges."— Campbell's Chancellors, post 8vo. vol. i. p. 188. 236 LIFE AJSTD TIMES OF EDWARD III. Chap. XIII. A.D. 1345. his alliance, and adherence to that of France, of John ^ ~, of Hainault, Lord of Beaumont, on the occasion of Tjp3.tn. of William of the death of his nephew William the Second, Count and"Ms '' of Hainault, Holland, and Zealand, whose sister was rertn carried to Edward.1 to the When the King came home from Flanders he French. wrote, as already related, to the Sheriffs of the various counties, giving them an account of his expedition, and stating that his return had been delayed by a great storm. He then went on to say that, having agreed with his prelates, knights and other nobles, and other persons, that he should, as quickly as pos- sible, make an end of the war, he ordered all barons, bannerets, soldiers, and persons capable of bearing arms between the ages of sixteen and twenty, to pre- pare without delay to go to Gascony and Brittany. Ships to convey the troops were to be got ready by the 9th of October ; criminals were pardoned on con- dition of serving in the war, and were ordered to be at Portsmouth by the same date, under the penalty of their pardons being recalled f and the Prince of Wales was directed to gather together 2,000 men from North and 2,000 from South Wales, half of whom were to be lances and half bowmen, who Edward were to assemble at the same place.^ It is evident, act^eiy^ that Edward now intended to make war in earnest; for war, ^j^^ j^. ^g singular, that he seems, at this time, to have had no intention of making Normandy the point at which he should attack France, and pro- During these active preparations for war, Edward rtscost""^ neglected no legitimate means of providing for its cost ; on the 15 th of September, he wrote to cer- ' Sismondi, vol. x. p. 265, and Froissart, p. 207. ^ R)Tier, vol. iii, p. 57. ^ jbid. p. 60. ^ , Chap. XIII. PEEPARATIONS TOE WAR. 237 tain priors, to say, that others of their order had A.D.1345, attended his Council at Westminster on the 2nd of August, and granted him an annual tenth, in addition to their usual contribution, but that they had not come with them ; he therefore summoned these priors to come to Westminster on the 9th of October, and consider what supply they would grant.^ But it was nearly a year before the King set out on his expedition. The Pope still tried to bring about a peace, and still interfered with the temporal power of the King in Church matters. Edward was The Pope's always ready to listen to the Pope's specious proposals preserve" for peace, but was equally prepared with good argu- fj'^fas''"'^ ments for rejecting them. OntheSthof November, he power in gave directions for the reception of ambassadors from the Pope. Three days afterwards, he wrote to him to say that he perceived he wished to throw on him the responsibility of the rupture of the truce, but that nevertheless after he had heard what his ambassador, the Archbishop of Ravenna, had to say, he would write to him and show him that he was blameless.^ The spring of a.d. 1346 was spent in continued ■^■^- is^s. preparations for war. The expedition was to have t^ons for' sailed early in March ; but, on the 5th, King Edward ™^'=°"" issued a proclamation, stating that, on account of "horrid tempests" it was postponed till the 1st of May.^ All kinds of false rumours were now spread about, and it became necessary for the King to make known, that all persons guilty of such misconduct, should be punished according to law ; and, in order that the people might be well informed of the cause of the war with France, and impressed with a sense of ' Rymer, vol. iii. p. 60. « Ibid. pp. 62, 63. 3 ibid. p. 71. tinue, 238 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD III. Chap. XIII. A.D. 1346. and also prepara- tions for the defence of Eng- land. The King sails with the Prince of Wales and the troops on July 2, - A.D.1346. its justice, he ordered sermons to be preached, elabo- rately setting forth its origin, and defending his claim to the French throne.^ It was necessary, however, to provide not only for the invasion of France, but also against that of England. On the 15th of March, therefore, Edward ordered that, in case of invasion, beacon fires should be lit on all the hills ; ^ and gave particular direc- tions, that Essex and Hampshire should be ready to repel invaders. In order not to divest England of defenders, he ordered that persons (excepting those already enlisted) dwelling within six leagues of the sea, in the counties of Somerset, Dorset, Norfolk, Suffolk, Essex, Cornwall, and Sussex, should not be compelled to go to war.^ At last all was in readiness : on the 25th of June, the King appointed Lionel guardian of the kingdom, and on the 2nd of July he and the Prince of Wales sailed with the troops. But their destination was neither Brittany nor Gascony, but Normandy.* • Eymer, vol. iii. p. 72. 3 Ibid. p. 81. 2 Ibid. ■» Ibid. pp. 84, 85. J4£5 Ham of the BATTLE OF CRECY ltefidvffuj)tl346 ^Camdiy JFie-ld of M aup ertiite Prince of Wales Plan of the BATTLE or rOITIEES lSP<-Seplsna)er33Se Chap. XIV. EDWAED'S INVASION OF PRANCE. 239 CHAPTER XIV. EDTYAEd'S INTASION of FRANCE, AND THE BATTLE OF CE^OT. The crushing victory of Cr^cy, and the capture of a.d. 1346. Calais, were the results of the campaign in which ~ King Edward now engaged. Before giving an ac- Bount of these glorious events, however, it is neces- sary to relate what had been doing in Gascony and Brittany. When the Earl of Derby sailed for Gascony, his Eari instructions were, either to defend Guienne, or to campaign attack 'Perigord and Saintonge, as he might think ™Guienne fit. He landed at Bayonne in the middle of June cony. 1345, with 300 knights, 600 men-at-arms and 2000 bowmen; marched to Bordeaux, where his little army was increased by forces furnished by that pro- vince;^ and then proceeded to lay siege to Bergerac, a town situated on the river Dordogne. The defence of lerigord, the Limousin, and Saintonge, had been entrusted by Philip to the Count of Lille Jourdain,^ ^^|Jff °""'- who had made Berarerac his head-quarters ; but the fends Pen- fford tlie Count was utterly incapable of fulfilling the duties Limousin thus confided to him, and by the advice of Sir Walter to^^e^''" de Maunay, Earl Derby determined to attack him, "Sire," said Sir Walter, "if we were good men-at- arms, we should this night at supper drink the wines • Sismondi, vol. x. p. 250. ^ Buchon's Froissart, vol. i. p. 190, note 1. 240 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWAKD III., Chap. XIV. A.D.1346. of these French lords." "Yes," said Earl Derby, EarToi^rby " tl^^t shall not waltfor me," and immediately prepared takes ^Q attack the town. The garrison was taken by Bergerac, _ <^ _ ■' surprise. The English, at once taking possession of the suburbs, soon compelled the town itself to sur- render, and Lille Jourdain retreated to La Reole. This took place on the 26 th of August. Earl and other Derby then took various small towns of Perigord towns. •' . . . 1 r ^ and Agenois m succession, and after the capture and then of Auberochc, Lille, and Libourne, took up his quar- returns to r. i t • . . , -^ , Bordeaux, ters at Jiordeaux, leaving garrisons in the towns he had taken, and sending the Earl of Pembroke to take command at Bergerac.^ He had not been allowed, however, to pursue his victorious career entirely without opposition, although the French had not veutured on actual fighting, and had confined their operations to putting the country in a state of de- fence. The Duke "jj^g arming of Languedoc was entrusted by Philip bon de- to the Dukc of Bourbon, who went to Cahors and Langue- Agen for that purpose in September, after the fall of '^°°" Bergerac, and remained in those parts with an army of observation till the end of the year.^ Touraine, Vienne, Haute Vienne, and Angoumois, were placel under the care of the Duke of Normandy, who visited • See Buchon's Froissart, vol. i. pp. 183-190; and Avesbury, p. 121 . Froissart states that the Earl of Derby sailed on June 4th, 1344, but neither day nor year are correct, as it was on June 1 1th, 1345, that the king gave orders for the immediate assemblage*! of those who were to accompany him. Avesbury states that Ear! Derby sailed about Michaelmas, but it is probable that about the middle of June was the actual time. Bergerac fell on August 26th, according to a French MS. Chronicle referred to by Buchon in a note to Froissart, p. 187. 2 Buchon's Froissart, vol. i. p. 208 (note 2). CuAr. XIT. SIEGE Of AUBEEOCHE. 241 Tours, Poitiers, Limoges, and Angoul^me during the a.d.i346. months of September and October, rousing the nobility and collecting men-at-arms. Accordingly, when Philip himself went to Angoul^me in September, he was able to get together a considerable array ; but it was of no avail, for it never got near the English, and in December took up its winter quarters at Ch4tillon- sur-Indre. When the Count of Lille Joiirdain became aware Campaign that the Earl of Derby had shut himself up in his Count de cantonments at Bordeaux, he thought he might ven- jouniain. ture to attack some of the towns held by the Eng- lish. So he called together the Counts of Perigord, Carmaing, Comminges, Bruniquel, and other Gascon Barons belonging to the French party, who were eager to free themselves from the disgrace of the humihations inflicted on them by Earl Derby. They came with an army of about 11,000 men, and laid Hebe- siege to Auberoche, closing it in on all sides, before beroche."' the English garrison left in it by Lord Derby were aware of their intentions.-^ Four great engines, which Lille Jourdain had procured from Toulouse, threw great masses of rock into the town, and killed num- bers of the garrison. The English sent off a young The gar- page to Earl Derby for help ; but he was discovered, a mes-^"*^ and, with that cruelty which was so singularly inter- ^^arf^"^*" mingled with the chivalrous honour of the times, was Derby, placed in one of the engines and hurled back into the town. The Earl of Derby, however, received in- telligence of the state of the town, and set off from Bordeaux with the small body of soldiers at his dis- posal, sending word to Earl Pembroke to come from Bergerac and meet him at Libourne. Pembroke was ' Buchon's Froissart, vol. i. p. 190. VOL. I, R 242 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD III. Chap. XIV. A.D.1346. who de- feats the French, and relieves Aube- roche. Eavl Derby's successes in the South. He retires into winter quarters at Bordeaux, The war in Brit- tany. unable to keep the appointment, and Derby, having only 300 lances and 600 bowmen, hesitated to attack the French with such overwhelming numbers against him. But Sir Walter de Maunay, always ready with bold counsels, advised that they should try to take the French by surprise ; and so, on October 23rd, a,d. 1345,-^ advancing under cover of a wood, they fell on the French while at supper, inflicting on them so severe a defeat, that there was hardly a family among the nobles of Languedoc which did not lose some of its members by death or captivity. While the Earl of Derby was advancing to the re- lief of Auberoche, the Duke of Normandy was only ten leagues off, but did not think it consistent with his dignity, to take part in a contest with an enemy Avhora he affected to despise.^ After the capture of that city,^ the Earl turned his arms towards the South, and took St. Baseille, Montsegur, and the strong castle of Aiguillon at the confluence of the Lot and Garonne. La Reole offered more resistance, but was at length obliged to surrender; and then, after taking Angoul^me and some other towns, Derby retired into winter quarters at Bordeaux.^ For these successes King Edward ordered thanks to be given to God in the following spring.^ In Brittany, whither the Earl of Northampton had gone in June, 1345,® the war was carried on with less activity. De Montfort died on the 26th of September following, leaving his son to the guardianship of the king of England, and the territories he held in Brit- ' Buchon's Froissart, vol. i. p. 193, note 3. ^ Sismoiidi, vol. x. p. 256. ' Buchon's Froissart, vol. i. p. 195, note 1. ' Eymer, vol. iii. p. 81 (May 6, 1346). < Ibid. p. 203. 6 Ibid. p. 44. Chap. XIV. SIEGE OF ANGOULEME. 243 tany to be defended by Northampton, -who took a.d. i346. Cai'haix and Roche de E,ien, and then retired to his winter quarters. In the spring, Northampton was re- called to England, and joined the King's expedition to Normandy, leaving Sir Thomas d'Agworth in com- mand in Brittany.^ It was, as already stated, the end of June, 1346, Philip's before King Edward embarked for the invasion of JioXfor France; but, early in that year, Philip had prepared Jl^^^tof for the renewal of the war. He had given orders, for the war. the assemblage of a large army at Toulouse on the 3.rd of February,^ under the command of his son the Duke of Normandy, and of another at Orleans, of which he was to be the chief; but he altered his plans, and united both armies under the command of his son. This united army is said to have numbered about 100,000 men. The Duke began by taking Villa Franche, and then laid siege to Angoul^me, An?ou- which was defended by a captain called John of sii'^edty Norwich; but Ville Franche, being left by the Duke p^teof of Normandy without a garrison, was retaken and '^°^- garrisoned by a body of men sent by the Earl of Derby, who also succeeded in reinforcing Aiguillon. The garrison placed in Yille Franche by Derby consisted of only about 120 men ; but, in expecta- tion of an attempt being made for its recovery, Derby sent the Earl of Pembroke, Sir Walter de Maunay, and others, to throw supplies into the town and in- crease the garrison. The siege of Angouleme lasted some time, and at last John of Norwich, seeing that It was impossible to avoid its capture, contrived by Sismondi, vol. x. p. 258; and James's Black Prince, vol. ii, p. 42. ^ Buchon's Froissart, vol. i. p. 208 (note 2). K 2 244 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWAED III. Chap. XIV. A.D. 1.346. an ingenious stratagem to withdraw his troops and ' march with them into Aiguillon. AngoulSme imme- diately surrendered to the Duke of Normandy, and the Duke then, about the beginning of May, laid siege to Aiguillon.^ Edward's Such was the position of the opposing forces when JvomEng- Edward set sail from England, accompanied by his land. gQjj j-i^g young Prince of Wales. His army consisted ™'^'"^- of about 32,000 men, of whom 6,000 were Irish, 12,000 Welshmen, 4,000 men-at-arms, and 10,000 bowmen.^ It is stated that they were conveyed in 1,100 large ships and 50 of a smaller size; but either the number of the ships must be exaggerated, or that of the soldiers understated.^ It was Edward's first intention to go to the assistance of the Earl of Derby in Gascony, but he was persuaded by GeoflFrey of Harcourt, who had done homage to Edward for his lands in Normandy on June 13th, a.d. 1345/ to in- vade France by Normandy instead ; he consequently sailed for that part of France on July 11th, 1346, He lands and landed at Cape la Hogiie, Saint- Vaste, on the mandyi following day.^ His first act was to confer knight- hood on his son.^ The descent of Edward on Normandy was as un- expected by Philip, as it Avas, originally, undesigned and finds by Ed Ward ; he consequently found the country almost fended!' Undefended, and marched through it as he pleased, i ' Buchoii's Froissart, vol. i. p. 212. ^ Jbij. p. 217, note 3. \ 3 Historise Aiiglicana3 Sciiptores X. Londini, 1562. Knighton, p. 2585. ^ Eymer, vol. iii. p. 44. * See Nicolas, Brit. Navy, vol. ii. p. 88 (note a) for conclusive proof that Froissart'3 account of the king sailing for Gascony, and of his being driven back by storms is incorrect. ^ Rymer, vol. iii. p. 90. Chap. XIV. EDWARD INVADES NOEMANDY, 245 ravaging, pillaging, and collecting a vast amount of a.d. 1346. plunder. He divided his army into three columns, His"di^o- which marched only till ten or eleven o'clock in the f^."°" °^ nis 101 C6S( morning, and then united to encamp together for the night. Michael Northburgh, Clerk of the Council accompanying the King, wrote an elaborate letter describing the progress of the army. He says that Edward took Barfleur on the 14th of July, Valogries on the 18th, and then, passing through Cherbourg, Montebourg, Carantan, " which town is as large as Leicester," and St. L6, where they found "1,000 tuns of wine, and of other things great plenty," arrived on the 26th of July before Caen, the burial-place of His arrival William the Conqueror, which at that time contained caen? 20,000 inhabitants,^ and which " was larger than any town in England except London."^ From Caen, Ed- ward wrote to the Archbishop of York, giving his own account of all he had done, from which it appears that his fleet had destroyed more than one hundred sail of the enemy.^ Philip had by this time become aware of Edward's wiiich lie landing, but he and his army were too far off to ^^^'*^ses, render any material help to Caen, and all he could do was to send his constable, the Count of Guines, and the Count of Tancarville, to assist in its defence. The inhabitants were eager to attack the English ; but, when they saw them and heard their shouts, they fled in disorder, and the two counts, who with 25 knights had taken refuge in a gateway, were enabled to save their lives, only by the fortunate accident of their recognising a one-eyed knight, named Thomas Holland, - ' Sismondi, vol. x. p. 278. > ^ Robert of Avesbuiy, Oxford, a.d. 1720, pp. 124-7. ' Nicolas, Brit. Navy, vol. ii. p. 90. 246 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD III. Chap. XIT. A.D. 1346. whom they had known in the wars of Granada, and to and takes "^hom they Surrendered themselves.^ Edward now took possession of Caen and gave it up to pillage, his He is en- rage against the inhabitants being greatly excited, riiL'ed at ■, ■, t r. , -. , . . ' the dis- by the discovery oi the treaty for the invasion of Tpfanfor England in the year 1339, of which an account has Eil'^f nf ^^^'^^^y been given. ^ He was guilty, therefore, of and gives the cruelfy of ordering those, who had escaped from up to death while defending the town, to be massacred; pillage. |jjj|. Qgoflfrgy Qf Harcourt persuaded him to be more merciful. He said, " Dear Sire, restrain your cou- rage a little, and be satisfied with what you have done. You have yet a long journey before you get to Calais, where you intend to go."^ From this remark of Harcourt*, it seems that Edward altered his plans, when he found that the French armies were concentrated in the South, and ' Buohon's Froissart, vol. i. p. 224. ^ See aflte, page 143. Avesbury (p. 130) states that this treaty was made iu 1337 ; but Buchon (vol. i. p. 72) and Sismondi (vol. X. p. 279) state that it was made in 1339. ^ Buchon's Froissart, vol. i. p. 225. ■* It is obvious that the speeches reported by Froissart must, in most cases, be inventions ; and even the short conversations which he relates in his liistory cannot be supposed to have much authority. At the time of Edward's invasion of Normandy, Froissart was only about nine years old, and his minute accounts of events and conversations at that time must rest mainly on tradition. There- are many kinds of statements which one can easily imagine to be inventions, and others again vvhicli are unlikely to have been, made without some foundation. Froissart's account of Harcourt's conversation with the King about goinp; to Calais appears to be one of the latter class. His narrative from 1326 to 1348 is taken principally from the memoirs of Jean-Ie-Bel, Canon of St. Lam- bert of Liege, who accompanied John of Hainault to England; but he added to them from his own researches (Buchon's edition, vol. i., advertisement to book i. part ii.). Chap. XIV. EDWAED TRIES TO CROSS THE SEINE. 247 that the idea of seizing the important fortress of a.b. 1346. Calais then first entered into his mind. It is clear that his approach to Paris was caused only by his inability to cross the lower part of the Seine. Edward yielded to Harcourt's advice, and remained three days at Caen ; after which, he sent back his fleet, loaded with plunder, and marched towards the Seine. Edward On his way to Louviers, he was met at Lisieux towards by two cardinals, who exhorted him to make peace, |'^'j„7^'' and offered him (on the authority, it may be assumed, of the King of France) the duchy of Aquitaine, " as his father had held it," if he would consent to do so. Edward refused, and continued his march. ^ He first took Louviers, " which was one of the towns of Normandy where they made the greatest plenty of drapery, and was large, rich, and trading." He then proceeded to Rouen, with the intention of crossing the but cannot Seine at that point, but found the bridge broken down. "°^^ "" The French were utterly unable to offer any resistance to the English, and, becoming seriously alarmed, broke down the bridges ; they thus endeavoured to The prevent Edward from reaching the sea-coast, before di^^troythe the French armies could offer him battle. Edward, '^"'iges. unable to cross the river at Rouen, went up its left bank, burning Pont de I'Arche, Vernon, and Verneuil^ on his way. But he did not find a single bridge that was left standing. At last, early in August, he Edwnrd" reached Poissy, only a few miles from Paris, and ai'ivesat the bridge over the river at that place having been near Paris, destroyed, he set to work to rebuild it. He accord- ravages mgly halted his troops for that purpose, and, while couutiy. the bridge was being made, ravaged the country up ' Robert of Avesbury, p. 128. ^ This is a mistake of Froissart. Verneuil is far to the S.W. 248 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD III. Chap. XIV. A.D. 1346. Philip's alarm. Quarrel tetwceii the Em- peror and ihe Pope. The son of the King of Bo- hen;ia to the very gates of Paris. He burnt St. Germain, Montjoie, St. Cloud, Boulogne, and Bourg la Reine.^ The inhabitants of Paris were now greatly alarmed, and Philip saw that it was necessary to stir himself if he wished to save his kingdom. His army was con- centrated in Aquitaine, 150 leagues from Paris, and could . not possibly be recalled in time to defend the capital. Philip's jealousy of the Emperor Louis de- prived him of the hope of obtaining help from Ger- many ; but, fortunately for Philip, a new quarrel between the Pope and the Emperor had recently broken out, which brought him a valuable ally. The Pope, after compelling the Emperor to submit to the most abject humiliations, which brought on him the utter contempt of his own subjects and feudatories, was enraged that all the conditions he had imposed were not fulfilled with sufficient speed ; he accord- ingly cursed him, with an extravagance of cursing power seldom if ever exceeded by an angry occupant of St. Peter's chair. " Be he accursed in his going out and coming in ! The Lord strike him with madness, and blindness, and fury! May the heavens rain lightning upon him ! " were among the choice invectives indulged in by the Pope. He then called on the Electors of the Empire to choose another Emperor,^ and put forward as his nominee Charles, son of John, King of Bohemia. On the lltli of Julyj Charles Avent through the preliminary form of being elected King of the Romans, but, when he presented himself at Aix la Chapelle, to be crowned, he found the gates shut against him. His election had been declared void by the Diet of Spires. Unable there? ' Buchon's Froissart, vol. i. (book i. part i.) chap. 273. ^ Milman's Latin Chrisiianilt/, vol. vii. p. 459. Chap. XIV. EDWAKD's DANGEROUS POSITION. 249 fore to find any place in Germany which would a.d. 1346, recognise him, he had no alternative but to offer his ~~ services to the King of France. He arrived at tuneiy St. Denis, with about 500 knights and a large number th™flssist- of German nobles, most opportunely, just at the time p^^/ that the English were ravaging the neighbourhood of Paris. Their presence raised the courage of Philip and his soldiers, and Philip soon collected an army more numerous than that of the English. The King's -who brother, the Count of Alen9on, the Count of Blois, large Count Louis of Flanders, Sir John of Hainault — the ^^'"'^' uncle of the Queen of England — (who had deserted to the French), the King of Bohemia, the Duke of Lor- raine, and many others, joined the French. . Philip established his head-quarters at St. Denis, and the people were all ready for fighting. "For a long time," says the chronicler of St. Denis,. " there had not been seen at St. Denis the King of France in arms and ready for battle." Edward's situation now became most critical. He Edward's position had left behind him a devastated country, no longer becomes able to support his army, and exasperated by his gerousf" ravages ; he was followed by an army more than twice as large as his own ; and, when he had passed one river, had to cross another, or fight for the exist- ence of his army at any time or place his enemy might choose. After passing the Seine, the Somme would still be before him ; and it was not'likely that the .French would leave standing a single bridge over that river. It is true that the Flemings were advancing to his assistance ; they had been besieging Bovines, but had given up the siege, and advanced to Gravelines, when they heard of the approach of the English. Still, . even if they ventured so far into France as to be able 250 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD III. Chap. XIV. A.D. 1346. Edward builds a bridge over the Seine, ci'OBses the river, and begins his retreat. Edward reaches Airaincs, and tries to find means of passing tile Somme. to join the English, it was not likely they would suc- ceed in crossing the Sorame. On the 16th of August, the bridge at Poissy was finished ; ^ and Edward lost no time in crossing the river, and beginning what must be called his retreat. He had only just passed over, when his advanced guard, consisting of 500 lances and 1,200 bowmen, under the command of Geoffrey d'Harcourt, met a large body of the citizens of Amiens " on horse and foot, and in grand array," on their way to Paris, to join Philip's army. A battle ensued, in which, after hard fighting, the French were defeated with the loss (as it is said) of 1,200 men. Edward then marched through the country, burning and pillaging, as he had done in Normandy ; but he gave orders that no church, abbey, nor monastery should be injured. He passed by Beauvais without attacking it ; biit, after he had left it, he saw that the abbey was in flames, and therefore sought out those who liad thus disobeyed his orders, and hung twenty of them. Edward remained three days at Airaines, Avhile his marshals, the Earl of Warwick and Geoffrey of Har- court, were endeavouring to find a ford or a bridge over the Somme that was not broken down ; they searched in vain. Accompanied by a body of 1,000 men-at arms and 2,000 bowmen, they looked for a place where they could cross the river ; but the bridges were either destroyed or well defended They went to Pont de Remy, and found it strongly guarded; Long- en-Ponthieu and Pequigny were equally impassable, and they were obliged to return to Edward with the news of their ill-success. Philip, with an army of above 100,000 men,^ fol- 1 Buchon's Froissart, vol. i. p. 227. * Ibid. vol. i. p. 229. Chap. XIV. EDWARD's ESCAPE. 251 lowed Edward without any great haste; he felt a.d. i346. certain that he could either choose his own time and 7. place for fighting, or starve hiin into a surrender. pmsiie3 When Edward heard the discouraging report of his klluroiy- marshals, knowing that the French were at his heels, he determined to leave Airaines immediately, and march onwards in the hope of finding means of crossing the inver. He quitted it early in the. Edward morning of the 23rd of August, and left in such haste, liraines that when Philip arrived a few hours afterwards, "^jt'lf^he he found " meat on the spits, bread and pastry in the French at ovens, wine in barrels, and even some tables ready spread." To have waited for the French would have been madness ; the English were outnumbered by probably four or five to one, and, in the event of defeat, not a man could have escaped. But if, on the other hand, they were able to cross the Somme, they could choose their own time and place for fighting, and, in case of need, retreat to Flanders. The French were convinced that the English could and not get across the Somme, and so they pursued them to'wards no farther that day; but the English pushed on with all ^''''^^"i''' haste to Oisemont, on their way to Abbeville, below and rests or t|lftp» which Edward believed there was a ford. On Ed- ward's arrival there, he anxiously enquired, "whether there was anyone who could sho\v him a passage, ^''°"' * which' ought to be below Abbeville, where Ave and our host can pass Avithout danger." At last, " a varlet, called Gobin Agace," came to the King and said, " Sire, in the name of God, I promise you, and at the Gobin risk of my head, that I will take you to such a place, the King where you and your host may pass the river Somme J^'^f^js^of without danger ; and there are certain places in the one, passage where twelve men abreast could pass it twice mont, where ha enquires 252 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD III. Chap. XIV. A.D.i34e. between day and night, and would not have water above their knees: for when the tide comes in, it chokes the river so that nobody could pass ; but when this tide, which comes twice between night and day, is all gone back, the river remains there so small that one can easily pass on foot and on horse. This can be done nowhere but there, except at the bridge of Abbeville, which is a strong city, large and well furnished with soldiers. And the said passage. Sire, has a bottom of white stone, strong and hard, on which called you Can drive firmly, and for this reason it is called Tacht'^ the Blanche Tache." Edward promised to make hira and twenty of his companions freemen, and give thenr 100 gold nobles, if his information proved true ; then, as Gobin advised, he ordered his troops to be ready to march the next morning before sunrise. ivhich is NoAv Philip knew, that this was the only ford on by'^Gode- the Somme, by which Edward could cross; he had, mardu therefore, posted Godemar du Fay, with 12,000 men, to guard the passage. August 24, At midnight, the English trumpets sounded; he^ prepares fore daybreak, on the morning of Thursday, August Somme.*^ 24th, Edward was ready with his whole army on the banks of the river, waiting for the tide to go out. It was an anxious time. Behind him, was a mighty host, now, doubtless, hurrying on to seize its expected prey, and at any moment likely to appear; before him, the wearisome tide, hurrying for no man, still ob- stinately refusing to allow the English to pass ; whilst, on the opposite bank, was another army, eager to at- tack him. At last, the tide turned ; the water became shallow ; and the English dashed across. The Genoese crossbowmen poured showers of arrows into the ranks of the English, but the English long bows were more Chap. XIV. EDWARD CROSSES THE SOMIIE. 253 deadly still. Under cover of the English arrows, the a.d.1346. men-at-arms forced the passage ; the French gave way ; Edward the main body of the English crossed the river ; the p^Tage!"' Frenchmen fled; and Godemar's army was utterly scat- Qo//j^^r*^ tered,^ with the loss, it is said, of more than 2,000 men-at-arms.^ At length, then, the English were safe ; but they The were only just in time; the advanced guard of the arrive, but French arrived before all the English had crossed, J^'^ '°° killed some of the hindermost, and seized some horses. But the tide was coming in, and the French army was obhged to remain on the bank, watching the enemy who had eluded them. Had Philip been a little more rapid, not an Englishman could have escaped. ■ Edward now felt at his ease. He had arrived in Edward Ponthieu ; he was on ground which he had inherited waittbrthe from Margaret of France, his grandfather's second wife, ^'■<='><>'^> -although it did not then belong to him ; he had plenty of provisions, and could choose his own time and place for fighting. On his arrival north of the Sornme, he ful- filled his promise to Agace, and then sent his marshals forward with part of his army. " On the same day, Monsieur Hugh le Despencer took the town of Crotoy, and he and his men killed 400 men-at-arms, took the town, and found great plenty of victuals."^ Edward slept that night at La Broye, a castle on the river Authie,* not far from Cr^cy, then an obscure village, but ever since one of the most memorable battle-fields of history. The next day, Friday, the 25th of August, the English troops went skirmishing about the country ' Buchon's Froissart, vol. i. p. 231. ^Avesbul•y, p. 138. ^ jbij. p. jsg. * "Chateau sur la riviere d'Authie, peu eloigned de Crecy." Buchon's Froissart, vol. i. p. 233 (note 2). 254 LII^E AND TIMES OF EDWARD III. Chap. XIV. AD. 1346. and chooses Crecy as his battle field. Philip's prepara- tions for pursuing the Eng- lish. till midday, when the army was drawn together; the King determined to encamp iot the night in the woods near Crccy, and wait in their neighbourhood for the attack of the French.' " I am on the rightful heritage of my mother/ which 'was given her in mar- riage," said he, " and. I will defend it against my adversary, Philip of Valois." Edward then took counsel with his marshals, and examined the country, so as to select a favourable spot for the approaching contest. He despatched messengers to Abbeville, to find out whether the French were moving ; then, finding that there was no chance of their advancing that day, sent his soldiers to their tents, bidding them take repose, so as to be in readiness for the morrow. That evening, he gave a grand entertainment to the leaders of his army, and, when all had departed, re- ~ tired to his oratory, fell on his knees before the altar, and devoutly prayed, that, if he fought on the follow- si ing day, he might come with honour out of battle.^ When Philip found that the English had escaped from the trap, in which he thought he had caught them, he was greatly enraged ; there was nothing left , for him, however, but to go back to Abbeville, there cross the river and renew his pursuit of them, i He therefore returned to that city, and remained j there during the rest of Thursday and the whole of Friday. On the following day, Saturday, August 26th, A.D. 1346, took place that renowned battle,'! which not only saved the English army Trom de- struction, but proved so disastrous to the French, that ' ' This is an evident mistake on the part of Froissart. It was the heritage of his ffrandmother Margaret, second wife _of Edward I. His mother Queen Isabella's settlement was, how- ever, 2000/. a year from Ponthieu. 2 Buchon's Froissart, pp. 232-234. Chap. XIV. PREPARATIONS FOR THE BATTLE. 255 Edward might, without difficulty, have marched back a.d. 1346. to Paris, driving the French before him, and insisted on his coronation as King of France. Edward arranged his plans for the coming fight, with care and forethought ; but Philip, relying on his King superiority of numbers, neglected the comfort of his JaJ'eless. troops, was careless in his arrangements, and paid °'^*^- dearly for his folly. On that eventful Saturday morning, the King and K'ng the Prince of Wales rose early, heard mass and re- arranges ceived the sacrament, and the greater part of his Jn^ordeT^ army confessed themselves. Edward then arranged of battle. his troops, in the order of battle which he had planned the previous day. This was, that all should fight on foot, and remain on the defensive. He therefore sent all his horses to the rear with the baggage waggons, where they were protected by a Avood. He divided his army into three battalions. The first consisted of 800 men-at-arms, 2,000 archers, and 1,000 Welshmen, Of this, he gave the command to the ThcPrince Prince of Wales, with the Earls of Warwick and aivisior Hereford, Geoffrey of Harcourt, John of Chandos, and others under him. Each had his banner or his pen- non before him, and the red dragon of Wales (the dragon of Merlin and his prophecies) floated before the Welshmen. The second, was under the command The Earl of the Earls of Northampton, Arundel, and others, and aL^ton's' comprised about 500 men-at-arms and 1,200 bowmen, division. The third, was commanded by the King himself, and xheKing's numbered nearly 3,000, of whom 700 were men-at '^'"''°"' arms, and 2,000 were archers. These are the numbers, given by Froissart,^ which make Edward's army at this time to have consisted ' Buchon's ed. vol. i. book i. part i. chap. 284. 256 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWAED III. Chap. XIY. A.D. 1346. Bstimate of the numbers of the English. Asserted nse of cannon at Crecy. Exact position of the English. of only just over 8,000 men, of whom 2,000 were men-at-arms, 5,200 were bowmen, and 1,000 Welsh- men. This, however, must be an insufficient estimate, even according to Froissart's own account, which represents him as sailing from England, only two months previously, with 4,000 men-at-arms and 10,000 bowmen, " besides Irishmen- and Welshmen," and of the latter, it is tolerably certain, he took with him 3,550.^ Thus, Froissart would make out, that, in these two months, Edward had lost 2,000 men-at- arms, nearly 5,000 bowmen, the Avhole of the Irish, and 2,550 out of the 3,550 Welshmen. This is very improbable, as the English had had no hard fighting, except at Caen and while crossing the Somme ; but the materials for calculating the numbers of the English army are so scanty, that we must rest satisfied, either Avith the general statement, that the French greatly outnumbered the English, or with that of Villani, who makes the numbers of the English at Crecy to be 34,000. It is stated by Villani^ that Edward placed between his archers " bombards, which, with fire, throw little iron balls to frighten and destroy the horses." But this is not mentioned by Froissart, who derived his account of the battle, as he himself states,^ from eye-witnesses ; Villani, who lived in Italy and was not present at the battle, is the only authority for Edward's employment of cannon at Cr^cy. The ground sloped towards the south and east. The Prince of Wales was placed on the right, nearly at the bottom of the hill, with the bowmen in front. The second division was on the left, protected by the river Male, and by a deep ditch. The King took up ' Rymer, April 20, 1346, vol. iii. p. 79, 2 Vol. vii. p. 163. 3 Buchon's ed. vol. i. p. 236. CROSSBOWMAN WITH SHIELD. From Viollet-le- Due's Essay on the Military Architecture of the Middle Ages. Chap. XIV. PHEPARATIOI*fS FOE THE BATTLE. 257 his position above and behind the others, at a spot A.D.1346. where a windmill then stood. ^ When all was arranged in perfect order, the King rode through the ranks, speaking cheerilj' to the men. It was then about mid- day, and Edward ordered his soldiers "to eat at their ease and drink a cup," after which they returned to their ranks, sat themselves on the ground, their bassinets and bows beside them, and waited patiently for the French. The French were not so well cared for, nor were Philip's their plans so well arranged. Many' of the soldiers ments. were badly lodged on the Friday night ; the King and some of his troops were lodged in Abbeville, others in the neighbouring villages, but many lay down in the fields. They began their march early in the morning of Saturday, August the 26th, the King, accompanied by the King of Bohemia and John of Hainault, leading the way, and the others advancing in a confused mass. When the King was two leagues from Abbeville, one of his leaders advised him to get his forces in order, to send the foot soldiers to the front, out of the way of the horses, and to send forward some knights to . reconnoitre. Philip approved of the advice, and sent ^^ ^^^^^ four knights towards Crdcy. On their return, they knights were unwilling to state the conclusion at which they recon- had arrived, after seeing the English ; but, on being B°|gj^sh'^° pressed by Philip, one of them said, " Sire, we have seen and observed the English. They are arranged in three lines of battle, there is no sign of their retreat- ing. They will wait for you. I advise that you make J^^7^ your people stay here, and rest for this day, for by Philip to the time those behind are come up it will be late, your battle; ' James's Black Prince, 2 vols. 8vo. London, 1836, vol. i. p. 470. VOL. 1. S 258 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD III. Chap. XIV; A.D.1346. people will be tired, but your enemies will be fresh. You will be able to arrange your lines of battle better to which to-morrow, and be sure they will wait for you," The he agrees, j^jj^g ti^ought the advice was good, and ordered it to be followed. So his two marshals rode, one to the front and one to the rear, crying out, " Halt banners, j)„t jjg in the name of God and St, Denis." Those in the cannot front, obeyed the orders ; but those in the rear said, advance of they would not stop till they were as far advanced as ioop=. ^j^^gg -j^ front. They were jealous of those who, as they thought, were in a more honourable position. So they all pressed on, and arrived in the presence of the English, in complete confusion,^ When the English saw the French approaching, they rose slowly, and stood undaunted in their set' tied order. The Prince was in the front, with his bowmen " in the form of a harrow," and the racn-at- arms in the rear. When Philip saw the English "it stirred his blood, for he hated them ; " and he ordered The battle the Genoese crossbowmen, 15,000 in number, whom '^^'"^' he had sent for from Italy after the landing of Ed- A storm Ward, to advance. But the Genoese had marched more ihTGe-^ than six leagues and were weary, and refused to "lacifen's"'^ go forward. Then came on a terrible storm; the their bow- rain descended in torrents, wettins: and slackenino; striniis. ? o o the bowstrings ; the sky was darkened, and flocks of ravens, birds of ill omen as the soldiers thought. The storm hovcred ovcr the French army. At last the storm thrsim ceased, the sun shone forth, and the Genoese were them.*^^ persuaded to advance. But it was afternoon; the sun dazzled them, and their bows were almost use- less. When they got near the English, they set up a loud shout, to frighten them ; but the English never ' Buchon's Froissart, vol. i. book i. part i. ch, 285 and 286. Cbap. XIV. THE BATTLE OF CElSCY. 259. moved, and seemed not to notice them. They then a.d. 1345, set up a second shout, and moved forward a step; ^j but still the English stirred not. A third time they courage of shouted " very loud and very clear," advancing with ush. their cross-bows stretched, and began to shoot. Then, at last, the English advanced one step forward, took TheEng- their bows out of the cases, in which they had ^^en dil-' taken the precaution of placing them for protec- ^^^^^^^ tion from the rain, and shot so quickly, " that it arrows. seemed as if it snowed." This so discomfited the ^he Ge- noese Genoese, that they cut the strings of their bows, and retreat. retreated.^ Behind the Genoese was " a great hedge " of men-at-arms, "mounted and apparelled very richly," and when Philip saw the Genoese retreating he was phiiip greatly enraged, and called out to the men-at-arms, "hem ^ "Kill me those scoundrels." His orders Avere obeyed, be killed. and right and left did they slash into their retreating friends, the English arrows all the while relentlessly pouring in upon them, wounding the horses, and increasing the confusion. " Thus, at vespers," says Froissart, " began the battle between La Broye and Crecy in Ponthieu."^ Phihp, " raging with anger and discontent," asked John of John of Hainault what he should do, and the Earl ^^^^^^^ advised him to retreat. Philip took no notice of this ^j]^"^ . *■ Philip to dastardly counsel, but rode forward a little, and saw retreat, his brother the Count of Alengon on an eminence, advancing to attack the English. He would gladly have joined him, but was prevented by the confused crowd of his own soldiers. The Count of Alengon on Furious one side, and the Count of Flanders on the other, IT^^ now made a simultaneous attack on that division of ^"s"^'^ ' Buchon's Froissart, vol. i. Book 1, Part 1, ch. 287. ^ Ibid. p. 237. s 2 260 LIFE AND TIMES OP EDWARD III. Chap. XIV, A.D. 1346. The Eng- lish Earls send to Edvvai'd for help, uhich he refuses. Courage- ous con- duct of the blind old King of Bohemia, the English which was commanded by the Black Prince, and about the same time a body of German and Savoyard knights broke through the Prince's bowmen, to the men-at-arms behind, and engaged with them in a hand-to-hand fight. Then the Earls of Northampton and Arundel, who commanded the second division of the English, seeing the furious attack that was made on the Prince, sent to the King to beg him to come to his son's help. " Is he dead, or unhorsed, or so wounded that he cannot help himself ? " asked the King. " No, Sire, please God ; but he is in a hard passage of arms, and he much needs your help." " Sir Thomas," said the King, " return to those who have sent you, and tell them not to send to me again so long as my son lives ; I command them to let the child gain his spurs, for I wish, if God has so ordered it, that the day may be his, and that the honour may rest with him and those to whom I have given it in charge." So the knight returned with the King's answer, and the English fought more fiercely than before. Vain were the efi'orts of the French : they could not break them. The Count d'Alengon, the Count of Flanders, and numbers of the French nobles, were slain ; the Welshmen rushed in, stabbing the horses with their knives and short lances, and killing the dismounted knights. In the meantime, John of Luxembourg, King of Bohemia, son of the Emperor Henry the Seventh, who was old and blind, when he heard that the battle had begun, asked his knights how it was going on. " Sire, thus and thus is it : all the Genoese are discomfited, and the King has ordered them all to be killed, and they arc falling on one another and Chap. XIV. DEFEAT OV THE FKENCH. 261 hinder us," was the answer. " Ha ! " said the King, A.D. 1346. " that is a little sign for us." Then he asked after his son the King of Germany. " Where is Charles, my son ? " They answered, " Sire, we know not, we think he is fighting." Then said the King, " Lords, you are my vassals, ray friends, and rny companions ; I pray you, and beg you, that 5'ou will lead me so far that I may strike one blow with my sword." So his knights obeyed his orders; and, lest the blind old hero should get separated from them, on each side rode a knight, with his bridle tied to that of the King. Thus they went into the fight. The old King struck " one blow with his sword, even three, even four, and fought right valiantly." In the morning, they all who is made one heap of corpses.-^ ^ *'"' The battle was lost to the French ; it was of no The use fighting any longer ; and John of Hainault advised fjfeTtod*™ the King to fly. Philip, whose horse was killed under hiin, mounted one furnished him by Sir John, and un- willingly rode away from the field. It was midnight ■when he reached the Castle of La Broye.^ The gate was shut, the bridge was drawn up. " Who is it that knocks at this hour ? " was the answer to the shouts and hammerings of the King's companions. " Open, castellan, it is the unfortunate King of France."^ 1 Buchon's Froissart, vol. i. ch. 288-290. The story of the Prince of .Wales adopting the plume of feathers and the motto "Ich dien," in memory of his having fought with the King of Bohemia, is of very doubtful authority. ^ It is evident this is a mistake of Froissart, unless there wore two places of the same name. See ante, p. 253. ' In all previously printed editions of Froissart, this phrase is given as " C'est la fortune de France," but Bucton states that he did not find it in that form in any MSS. he examined, besides which he considers it to be in complete contradiction to the cir- cumstances of the day and of the epoch. Vol. i. p. 240 note. 262 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWARD III. CnAr. XIV. A.D.1346. The King entered, remained there for the night, and PhiiiT" the next day continued his flight to Amiens. retreats to When Philip fled, the French were routed and A in i f'.Ti 3 were flying in utter confusion ; but the English did not pursue them. They were still few in num- bers, compared with their enemies, and prudently remained satisfied with the victory they had gained. Conduct Great fires, and numerous torches, were lit in the EngiTsh English camp to dispel the darkness, and the King after the jjq™ f^^. i]^q fj)..g^ time, slakcd his thirst, and then, Dattle. ' ' , . ' ' heartily welcomed his brave son, kissing him and praising him. That night they thanked God, with de- vout adoration, for the victory they had gained, and " thus they passed this night without pomp or vanity." Renewed On Sunday morning, there was a great fog, and the next Edward sent out 500 men-at-arms and 2,000 bowmen, fmtiier"^ to sec whether the French were rallying. A fresh defeat of body of soldicrs, not knowing the defeat of the pre- vious day, were advancing from Abbeville, and were immediately attacked and routed by the Enghsh. Soon after this, another troop, led by the Archbishop of Rouen and the Grand Prior of France, were also met and defeated by the English. But, at last, 're-, sistance was at an end, and the English counted the Number slaiu. Besides the King of Bohemia, 11 sovereign the skin." princes, 80 bannerets, 1,200 knights, and 30,000 foot, perished on the French side. No record was kept of the losses of the English ; but they were nothing in comparison with those of the French, for, if these contemporary statements are true, the num- bers of the French killed in the conflict far exceeded that of the whole of the English army.^ 1 Buchon's Froissart, vol. i. ch. 294 and 295 ; and Avesbury, pp. 136-140. Chap. XV. THE KING MARCHES ON CALAIS. 263 CHAPTEE XV. THE SIESE AND CAPTBEE OF CALAIS. .The consequences of the battle of Cr^cy were most a.d.i.346. disastrous to France, for the relative positions of the Qg^^g. two monarchs and of the two nations were thereby queices of __-, _^. , ^-._ •'the battle entirely changed. When Jldward landed in Jb ranee, ofCrecy. the French were hemming in the English in Guienne with overwhelming numbers ; and, when he had pene- trated into the heart of the country, his own situation was most perilous. It then became necessary to conquer or surrender ; escape to England was im- possible. But Cr^cy changed everything. The very flower of the French nobility was dishonoured or destroyed, as the Chronicler of St. Denis says with bitter sorrow ; and he adds, " we must therefore be- lieve that God has punished us for our sins." But it was not merely the nobility of France that was destroyed — Chivalry itself was disgraced ; for Cr^cy proved that English villeins — common men bending their long bows, and Welsh and Irish serfs, armed with knives and spears — were more than a match for the proud nobles of France, mounted on war-horses and clothed in gorgeous armour. On Monday, August the 28th, Edward began his Edward's march to Calais, while Philip fled to Paris. He Calais. ° passed through the Boulonnais, taking Estaples on his way, and on September the 3rd ^ arrived before ' Robert of Avesbury, p. 140. 264 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWAED III. Chap. XV. AD. 1346. Calais.-^ It is somewhat improbable, that, when Ed- ward landed in Normandy, it was part of his plan to lay siege to Calais ; had such been the case, it may be surmised that he would have landed nearer that city. As already related, however, he may have decided on so doing, after the capture of Caen. Whea flying before the French, anxiously seeking for means to cross the Seine, his plan can hardly have been any other than to secure his escape to England ; but, after he had beaten the French at Cr^cy, it is pro- Number * The forces of Edward in Normandy and before Calais, and and cost of tj^gji. gggt g^g stated in an ancient MS. (quoted in Buchon'si^row- Edwards «, n ,. , forces. sart, vol. i. p. 274) as follows : — 1 My Lord the Prince, per day 4/. 1 Bishop of Durham, per day 6s. 8rf. 1 3 Earls, each per day 6s. 8 • England ing place m Jingland, (juienne, and lirittany, of which Edward's it is neccssary now to give an account. The defence absence, gf England against the Scots, claims the first place. Invasion When Edward embarked for Normandy in July, bythe "" 1346, the Scots determined to avail themselves of the opportunity of invading England. Notwithstanding the truce of 1342, hostilities between the two coun- tries had never entirely ceased ; and now that, as they believed, England was "bare of fighting men, and that none but cowardly clerks and mean mechanics stood between them and a march to London,"^ they were resolved not to lose a chance, seemingly so fair, of inflicting a heavy blow on their English enemies, although Sir William Douglas, " the Knight of Lid- desdale," advised the Scottish nobles not to make so hazardous an attempt.^ The Scots lost no time in putting their plans in King refused to allow them to pass. This statement is not enough to disprove Froissart's account, especially when Knighton ap- parently makes two blunders. The first is as to the time of year at which this expulsion took place. He says (col. 2592) that it was shortly before the Feast of John the Baptist ; but, that feast being on June 24th, it is clear Knighton's date is quite wroog, = He may have, however, meant the Decollation of John the Bap- tist, which was on Angust 29th. It is probable also that he has confounded the expulsion of the 1,700 with a subsequent incident, \ for he quotes, as having reference to the expulsion, an intercepted '[ letter describing the famished state of the town, which was ce,r- \ tainly written at and belonged to a later period of the siege. ' Fordun, quoted by Tytler, vol. i. p. 446. 2 « For you shall read that my great grandfather Never went with his forces into France, But that the Scot on his unfurnished kingdom Came pouring like the tide into a breach." Shakspeare, Henry V., Act I. Scene 2. Chap. XV. THE SCOTS INVADE ENGLAND. 269 execution; but, although Edward was absent, there a.d. :34fi. were energetic counsellors left in England to watch over the kingdom, and on the 20th August,^ only three ■weeks after his departure, the necessary orders were issued, and a large army was soon collected to de- fend the North from the invasion of the Scots. Two months however elapsed before the armies met. David advanced to Hexham, then marched The Scots through Durham, plundering and laying waste the England. country, and did not halt till he reached Bear Park, near Nevill's Cross, By the time he had penetrated thus far, the English army, accompanied by Queen Philippa,^ had reached the North of England, and was encamped at Bishop's Auckland. But, although the English were thus only about six miles from the Scottish camp, the two armies were concealed from each other by the undulating nature of the ground; and, utterly unconscious therefore of their position, "the Knight of Liddesdale" set out early in the morning of October 17th, with a strong squadron of heavy-armed cavalry, to forage. He suddenly found himself in the presence of the whole English army, which lost no time in attacking him, and he was obliged to retreat with the loss of 500 men. The Erighsh followed up this success by marching forward to attack the main body of the Scots. ' Eymer, vol. iii. p. 89. ^ Froissart is the only historian who states that the Queen was present at Nevill's Cross ; but, as it is well remarked by Buchon, in his edition of Froissart (vol. i. p. 253, note), " If we were to reject all the important facts, for which we have only the testimony of this conscientious historian, there would be few interesting facts left in the curious history of these long wars." Still it is very doubtful whether the Queen was present. See Political Poems and s, edited by Thos. Wright, M.A., vol. i. Introduction, p. xx. NeviU's Cross, 270 LIFE AND TIMES OP EDWARD IIL Chap. XV. ' A.D. 1346. The great battle was now about to begin. David drew up his army in three divisions ; taking the' Battle of command of the centre himself, giving the right' wing to the Earl of Moray, and the left to the Knight of Liddesdale, the Steward, and the Earl of' Dunbar. They were hardly in order of battle, when the English arrived within bowshot, and began to discharge their arrows. This Avorried the Scots" greatly, and Sir John Graham, an experienced sol- dier, asl. 1346. it Avas nearly half finished a party of English got into boats and destroyed it. But the French were not dis- heartened, and began the bridge again ; and neverthe- less, although they were daily attacked by the Eng^ lish, they at last completed it and assaulted the town. They were repulsed, but continually renewed the at- tack, bringing up fresh troops four times a day. This lasted for six days, and then the French sent to Toulouse for six great engines, which threw heavy stones into the town night and day. But the Enghsh made other engines, with vrhich they destroyed those of the French ; and so, the siege went on, every device being tried by the French, and all means of defence being successfully made use of by the English. At last, about the 12th August, the Earl of Lancaster^ advanced from La Eeole to Bergerac on his way to relieve the place.^ While the Earl was at Bergerac, the Duke of Normandy tried to make a truce with him ; but he, knowing that Edward had landed in Normandy, refused, and the French camp was then immediately broken up. This took place on the 20th of August.^ The news of Edward's landing reached the Duke, in all probability, about the same time that the Earl of Lancaster heard of it, and, doubtless, was the cause, of his first proposing a truce, and then abandon- ing the siege. It is stated by Froissart ^ that a letter from Philip, giving an account of the defeat at Crecy and ordering his son to join his army immediately, The Earl of Lancas ter ad- vances to its relief. Siege given lip, 1 Avesbury (p. 141) styles the Earl of Lancaster, "Domini Henrici Lancastrias tunc Comitis Derbeiffi;" but, as already ex- plained, he became Earl of Lancaster in a.d. 1345. — See Sand- ford's Genealogical History, pp. 109 and 112. 2 Buchon's Froissart, vol. i. p. 248 (note 1). 3 Eobert of xivesbury, p. 142. * Buchon's ed., vol. i. p. 246. CuAr. XV. SUCCESSES OF THE EAEL OF LANCASTEE. 273 •was the reason why the Duke of Normandy gave up a.d. i346. the siege of Aiguillon ; but, as the siege was aban- doned six days before the battle, this is evidently a mistake, and it is probable, that Philip's orders to his son to ioin him at Paris, were sent as soon as Philip and retreat t T-i 1 1 1 • T of the became aware that jbdward was advancing towards French, that city. Be this, however, as it may, it is certain, that on the 20th August, the Duke of Normandy broke up his camp, and marched off with his army to the assistance of his father. This, left the Earl of Lancaster at liberty, to attack various other towns. Successes Having taken Sauveterre, Chateau Neuf sur Cha- Eariof rente, and St. Jean d'Angely, he marched on Poi^ Lancaster, tiers, which he took after a vigorous resistance ; then, after taking some small towns, he returned to Bordeaux, and took shipping for England, where he and Ms arrived early in the following year.^ The Earl's England, object in returning to England was, probably, to organise a reinforcement of the army besieging Calais. He had reduced the south of France to almost total Vsuhjection, and, according to the custom of the time, could not continue warlike operations during the winter, Shortly after the retreat of the French from sir Waiter Aiguillon, Sir Walter de Maunay, having heard of obtdnsT the victory at Crecy, was anxious to join his Royal ^l^^l""'^' Master at Calais f and, by means of the release of a Calais, prisoner whom he had taken at Aiguillon, obtained a ' January 14, 1347. — ^Robert of Avesbury, pp. 142-4. Frois- sart (p. 251) states that it was Lancaster's intention to sail for Calais; but, whether this was so or not, it is clear from liis letter (quoted by Avesbury) that he went straight to England. ' Buchon's Froissart, vol. i. p. 247. VOL. I. T 274 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWAED III. Chap. XV. A. D. 1346. but is taken prisoner at Orleans. He is re- leased. Events in Brittany. SirT. D'Ag- worth suc- ceeds Earl Noith- ampton as comman- der. He defeats a large body of theFrcncl). safe-conduct through France, from the Duke of Nor- mandy, for himself and twenty companions. He was, however, taken prisoner at St. Jean d'Angely, but escaped. At Orleans he was again taken, and carried off to Paris. On his arrival, the King of France, knowing that Sir Walter was a skilful commander, threatened to put him to death, alleging, as an excuse for such treachery, that he was his greatest enemy. When the Duke of Normandy heard of this, he was very wroth, and declared he would never bear arms against the King of England, if his father disgraced himself by executing Sir Walter. At length Philip yielded, and not only released Sir Walter, but made him dine with him, and gave him jewels and other presents of great value. Sir Walter accepted thein, subject to King Edward's approval; and when he reached Calais, finding that the King disapproved of his receiving presents from his enemy, returned them to Philip. The events which had occurred in Brittany must now be related. On the Earl of Northampton's de- parture for England, in the spring of a.d. 1346, Sir Thomas D'Agworth carried on the war there. It was necessary for him to convey stores to the gar- risons in the various cities held by the English, for famine was raging throughout Brittany, and a bad harvest was expected. But the English troops were greatly outnumbered by the French, and he, there- fore, had great difficulty in effecting his object. At length, on the 9th of June, Sir Thomas, accompanied by only 80 men-at-arms and 100 horse-archers, who were escorting a body of peasants conveying stores, was atta:cked by the whole body of the forces under the command of Charles of Blois,which, it is said (with evi- Ehap. XV. EVENTS IN BKITTANY. 275 dent exaggeration), consisted of about 1,800 knights A.D.1347. and men-at-arms, 2,000 archers, and 30,000 irregular foot. Sir Thomas, seeing that it was impossible to retreat or cut his way through the vast mass which was opposed to him, made a stand in a very strong position on a hill, and defended himself so well against the repeated attacks of the French, thinning their ranks with his archers as they charged up- hill, that at last the French retreated,^ and D'Ag- worth was able to convey the stores in safety to their destination. On the 10th of January in the following year (1347) D'Agworth was appointed Commander in Brit- tany,^ and soon had to defend the fortress of Roche D'Ag- Derien, against a formidable attack on it by Charles Jfgves of Blois. In a letter to Edward's Chancellor,^ John ^l^^^ Offord, D'Agworth gives an interesting account of the operations. He states, that, Charles having laid siege to it with 1,200 men-at-arms, knights, and esquires, with 600 other men-at-arms, 600 bowmen of the country, and 2,000 crossbowmen, and an im- mense number of rabble, he determined to attack him ; and, that, on the 20th of June, he came to close quar- ters with him before daybreak, after threading his way through " great forests of ditches and hedges." D'Agworth says, he had only about-SOO men-at-arms and 400 archers; but, that at daybreak the gar- rison sallied out of the town, and their united forces defeated the French with great slaughter. Froissart * ' James's Black Prince, vol. ii. p. 44, quoting Lobineau, Hist, de Bretagne, vol. i. p. 338. '^ Rymer, vol. iii. p. 100. ^ Robert of Avesbuiy, p. 159. * Buchon's edition, vol. i. pp. 261, 262. T 2 276 LIFK AJJiTD TIMES OF EDWAED III. CuAP. XV. A.D.1347. Charles of Blois taken prisoner, and sent to the Tower of London. Philip's conduct after the battle of Crecy. His plans for tlie relief of Calais. gives a more minute account of the battle, and states that it began at midnight, that D'Agworth was taken prisoner and rescued, and that the struggle was re- newed the next morning. Among the prisoners- taken by the English, was Charles of Blois himself, who, after he was healed of the numerous wounds he had received, was sent a prisoner to the Tower of London, where he was confined with the King of Scotland. After the relief of Roche Derien and the capture of Charles, the English had many successes in Brittany ; but Jeanne of Penthi^vre, wife of Charles, following the example set her by the Coun- tess of Montfort, gallantly carried on the war during the imprisonment of her husband. Such was the position of affairs in France, after the battle of Cr^cy. The means, taken by Philip for the relief of Calais, now claim attention. Philip was at first so disheartened at the defeat of his troops, that he did nothing but accuse Godemar of having been its cause, because he did not prevent the English from crossing the Somme; but at last he became pacified apd fled to Paris.^ He considered the cam- paign at an end, and dismissed both the army which had been defeated at Cr^cy, and also that which he had summoned from Aiguillon.^ The siege of Calais must, however, soon have awakened him to the fact that, although he might fancy that fighting was over for the present, such was not Edward's idea ; he consequently found it necessary, to make arrange- ments for garrisoning and fortifying the various for- tresses round Calais, so as in fact to besiege the besiegers. He also occupied the sea with many Nor- ' Buchon's Froissart, vol. i. p. 2-44. ^ Sismondi, vol. x. p. 313. Cbap. XV. NEGOTIATIONS WITH THE FLEMINGS. 27T man and Genoese ships, much to the embarrassment A.D.1347. of English commerce.^ The friendship of Flanders was of great importance The Eng- both to the English and the French, and each, ^^^J^^ therefore, made great efforts to secure it. On the I'o'h court ° the alh- death of the Count of Flanders at Crecy, his son, anceofthe Louis de M&,le, a boy of fifteen years old, who, as "^'"'"ss- vassal to the King of France, was under Philip's guardianship and took the oath of allegiance to him, became heir to Fknders.^ Edward thought, that a marriage, between his daughter Isabella and the young Count, would secure the friendship of the entire country. The Flemings themselves were well Efiward ' •disposed towards him, and were inclined to favour the daughter alliance, for they felt that if the marriage took place r"age"o they would be better able to resist the French, and ''^^ yo""s - . , ^ Count, and that the friendship of England was of more value to so does the them than that of France. But the Duke of Brabant Brabant. was equally anxious to secure the Count for one of his own daughters, and promised Philip that if he Would give his consent to such a marriage, he would bring round the Flemings to friendship with France. He contrived to cajole the burgomasters into the same opinion, and persuaded them to invite the young Count to come back to Flanders. Louis de M41e Tiie returned accordingly at the beginning of Novem- comure- ber, A.D. 1346, and was received with great acclama- \^™^ "^ tions. On hearing of this, Edward sent the Earls TheEnn-. of Northampton, Arundel, and Cobham, as ambas- J*^'^ ^,'"" 1 T-i • mi bassadora sadors to the Flemings. They represented to the persuade commonalty^ of the great towns, the importance of ings to™' an alliance with England ; and called their atten- j^eir °" ' Buchon's Froissart, vol. i. p. 256. marrvino- ^ Ibid. p. 257, note. 3 Hjij. p. 257. Edward'l daughter, 278 LIFE AND TIMES OF EDWAKD III. Chap. XV. A.D. 1347. tion to the fact, that the manufacturers of Flanders were entirely dependent on England for their wool.. At last, they persuaded the ' Flemings to petition Louis to marry Edward's daughter. The young Count would not consent ; he answered, with great anger, that he would never marry the daughter of a man who had killed his father. It is a striking evidence of the power of the citizens of Flanders, that, when they found their Count resolved to adhere to the French rather than the English alliance, they seized him and kept him in a kind of honourable andteep Captivity. The Count, under these circumstances, giwrd" '^' thought it politic to pretend to yield, and pro- He feigns jYiisetj to marry the English princess. The Flemings, were delighted, and so was Edward. On the 1st of March, a.d. 1347, Edward and Philippa, with great pomp, met the young Count and the burgo- masters at Bergues in the abbey of St. Vinox. The King of England then took the Count of Flanders by the hand, and called God to witness that he was innocent of his father's death — as indeed he might with perfect truth, since the old Count fell in fair battle-fight. Louis pretended to be satisfied, agreed to the marriage in the most formal manner, and a day was appointed for the ceremony to take place. The parties then separated, and Louis re- turned to his virtual imprisonment in Ghent. lie had gained his object ; he had deceived the Flemings, and dispelled their suspicions. He was, however, watched, and never went out without being guarded ; and is kept but a Considerable amount of liberty was granted under less ,. ,, ,, - .,,.-,.,, restraint, to him, and he was allowed to mdulge in his favour- ite sport of hawking, or "going to the river," as Froissart calls it, accompanied by his guards.. But Chap. XV. THE SIEGE OF CALAIS CONTINUED. 279 he was always watching his opportunity, and one a.d. 1347, day, the 28th of March/ a.d. 1347, his falconer having loosed his hawk at one heron, he did so at another, and galloped after it at the top of his horse's speed. He soon outstripped his attendants, and rode towards the frontier. Before long, he reached Artois, was safe in the kingdom of France, and remained the ally of and es- Phihp till the end of the war. Fmnce? The effect of Count Louis's escape into France, was The only to throw the Flemings more heartily into Ed- adhei'e to ward's cause. They at once raised an army of above ^''i^™''