15 
 
 \6p 
 
 Qforncll Hmttcrattjj ffiihrarg 
 

 
 ^ses^J^-^ 
 
 1^ 
 
 7 
 
 Cornell University Library 
 J15 .M16 1890 
 Journal of William MaclaY,Unrt^^^^^ 
 
 3 1924 030 423 796 
 
Cornell University 
 Library 
 
 The original of this book is in 
 the Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924030423796 
 
JOURNAL OF 
 
 WILLIAM MACLAT 
 
 UNITED STATES SENATOR FROM PENNSYLVANIA 
 1789-1791 
 
 EDITED BY 
 
 EDGAR S. MACLAY, A. M. 
 
 NEW YORK k} i 
 
 D. APPLBTON AND COMPANY ^i^ivjlw* 
 
 18 90 «rM;' 
 
 I; 
 
 rrY 
 
^'Jzr^^ 
 
 CORNELL 
 
 \ LIBHARY J 
 
 OOPYRIOHT, 1890, 
 
 By D. APPLETON AND COMPANY. 
 
FIKST SESSION 
 OF THE FIRST CONGRESS. 
 
PREFACE.* 
 
 Theee is a tendency, when dealing with public men of the 
 past, to throw a glamour around their memory, and, by a sys- 
 tematic perversion or ignoring of facts, to lead present gener- 
 ations to regard them as little less than deities. The signers 
 of the Declaration of Independence, the framers of our Con- 
 stitution, and all who in any way were involved in the incep- 
 tion of this nation, are venerated with a childlike awe, render- 
 ing us oblivious to the motives which led to those occurrences 
 or to the pressure of circumstances which induced many to take 
 the course they did. The journal of William Maclay, begin- 
 ning with the 24th of April, 1789, and ending on the 3d of 
 March, 1791, gives a graphic description of the debates, cere- 
 monies, and social life of that important period of our na- 
 tional existence. Some hesitancy has been felt in giving an 
 unreserved publication of this journal to the world, owing to 
 the severity of the criticisms made on prominent personages, 
 which in a large degree serve to dispel the roseate illusions in 
 reference to men of that day. It should be kept in mind, 
 however, that the journal was strictly private in its nature, 
 intended merely for personal reference, and that the thought 
 of its publication seems never to have entered the mind of 
 its author, else he undoubtedly would have smoothed over 
 many phrases and erased entire passages, as being too forcible 
 for public expression. 
 
iy PREFACE. 
 
 But in just this circumstance lies the great value of the 
 work. 'William Maclay wrote every evening of events which 
 took place during the day. He wrote while his mind was 
 yet heated vsdth the fierce debates in the Senate, and while 
 the scenes were yet fresh in his memory, thus transmitting 
 on paper pictures of historical events which are wonderfully 
 vivid. Great care, therefore, has been taken to give the pres- 
 ent publication word for word from the original manuscript, 
 even to the spelling of proper names : Ellsworth being spelled 
 with one " 1," Eead as Eeed, Beckley, -Clerk of the House of 
 Representatives, as Buckley, and Carroll as Carrol. 
 
 William Maclay, like many of those who were actively 
 engaged in the Revolution, was of -Scotch descent, his father, 
 Charles Maclay, having sailed for America in 1T34. The 
 brothers of Wilham Maclay were also active in the movements 
 which led to the overthrow of British supremacy in America ; 
 his brother, the Hon. John Maclay, being a member of that 
 conference held in "Carpenters' Hall" which declared that 
 " they, in behalf of the people of Pennsylvania, were .willing to 
 concur in a vote of Congress declaring the United Colonies free 
 and independent States." John Maclay also served three terms 
 in the Pennsylvania Legislature, 1Y90, 1792, and 1T94. An- 
 other brother of William Maclay, the Hon. Samuel Maclay, was 
 chosen Speaker of the Pennsylvania State Senate, of which 
 body he was a member from 1Y9Y to 1802, and resigned in 
 1802 in order to serve in the United States Senate, where he 
 represented Pennsylvania from 1802 to 1809. 
 
 William Maclay was born on the 20th of July, 1Y37, in 
 New Garden Township, Pennsylvania, and was educated in the 
 classical school of the Rev. John Blair. He studied law, and 
 admitted to practice at the York County bar, April 28, 
 1760. At the close of the French and Indian War he visited 
 England and had an interview with Thomas Penn, one of the 
 
PRBPACB. y 
 
 proprietaries, relative to the surveys in the middle and north- 
 ern parts of the province. In 11'12 he laid out the town of 
 Sunbury, and erected for himself a stone house, which was 
 standing a few years since. He acted as the representative of 
 the Penn family, and took a prominent part in the so-called 
 Pennamite war. At the outset of the Revolution, although 
 an officer of the proprietary Government, he took aii active 
 part in favor of independence, during which struggle he held 
 the position of assistant commissary. In 1781 he was elected to 
 the Assembly 'of Pennsylvania, and from that time filled the 
 offices of member of the Supreme Executive Council, Judge 
 of the Court of Common Pleas, deputy surveyor, and was 
 one of the commissioners for carrying into effect the laws 
 respecting the navigation of the Susquehanna. In January, 
 1789, he was elected to the United States Senate. The ques- 
 tion as to who should hold the long term of office was decided 
 by lot — William Maclay drawing the short term, while Eob- 
 ert Morris, his colleague, drew the long term. 
 
 William Maclay began to differ with the Federalists very 
 early in the session. He did not approve of the state cere- 
 mony attendant upon the intercourse of the President with 
 Congress ; he flatly objected to the presence of the President 
 in the Senate while business was being transacted ; and boldly 
 spoke against his policy in the immediate presence of Presi- 
 dent Washington. He was one of the foremost in opposing 
 the chartering of the United States Bank, even at the sacri- 
 fice of personal popularity, for the strong Democratic position 
 he took and the stubbornness with which he maintained it in 
 the face of overwhelming pressure cost him his re-election, he 
 being succeeded by an ardent Federalist. 
 
 So pronounced were the Democratic views of Will- 
 iam Maclay, and so boldly and ably did he maintain his 
 position in the face of the opposition, that the question 
 
yi PEEPACB. 
 
 can well be raised if he, rather than Thomas Jefferson, was 
 not the true founder of the Democratic party. It is well 
 known that on the organization of the " new Government," 
 as it was then called, April, 1789, Tliomas Jefferson was in 
 France, where he had resided since 1784, and that he did 
 not arrive in 'Sew York, then the seat of government, until 
 March, 1790, some eleven months after the Federal machine 
 had been in operation. And it was some time after he took 
 his place as Secretary of State that his influence and ability 
 as a leader of men were felt among the elements composing 
 the Democratic party. It was during these first months of 
 the new Government's life that questions seriously affecting 
 its character, whether to be monarchical or republican in its 
 forms, were iiercely debated and decided. It was then that 
 the foundations of the great Democracy were laid ; the super- 
 structure erected by Thomas Jefferson being in conformity 
 with the precedents then and there irrevocably established. 
 
 Who, then, was the leader of the opposition to this strong 
 monarchical tendency? The records of the First Congress, 
 unfortunately, are fragmentary and meager, so that little has 
 been known of the stirring debates that took place at that 
 time. The journal of William Maclay, however, throws a 
 flood of light on this period, and estabhshes beyond cavil the 
 claims of Pennsylvania to having produced the father of the 
 Democratic party in the person of William Maclay. 
 
 For a hundred years this valuable journal has been jeal- 
 ously guarded from pubhc scrutiny by the descendants of the 
 statesman. Portions of it were privately printed in 1880, and 
 a limited edition distributed among the members and friends 
 of the family. Many passages, however, were suppressed, as 
 being too caustic in their strictures on eminent personages 
 whom we are accustomed to regard with the highest venera- 
 tion. This, however, in a great measure, destroyed the com- 
 
PREFACE. vii 
 
 plexion of the context and the valne of the work. But, now 
 that an unreserved publication is called for in the interest of 
 history, it will be seen that William Maclay was foremost in 
 the opposition to these extreme monarchical Adews of the Fed- 
 eralists, and that in combating and siibverting their aspira^ 
 tions he laid the foundation of the Democratic party. 
 
 On his retirement from the Senate, William Maclay re- 
 sided on his farm, adjoining Harrisburg, where he erected a 
 stone mansion. In the year 1795 he was elected a member of 
 the Pennsylvania House of Representatives, and was again 
 elected in 1803. He was a presidential elector in 1*796, and 
 from 1801 to 1803 officiated as one of the Associate Judges of 
 Dauphin County. He died on the 16th of April, 1804, in 
 Harrisburg, and is buried in Paxtang churchyard. 
 
 He was a man of the strictest integrity, positive opinions, 
 keen insight into the underlying motives of men, and with in- 
 domitable perseverance and tenacity of purpose in carrying 
 out views once formed. In personal appearance he was six 
 feet and three inches in height, light complexion, while his 
 hair, in middle age, appears to have been brown, and was tied 
 behind or " clubbed." Mr. Harris, of Harrisburg, narrates 
 that he " well remembered, when a young collegian, during 
 the summer vacation he used to watch Mr. Maclay wearing a 
 suit of white flannel, with lace ruffles, walking up and down 
 the river-bank in Maclayville — as it was then called — 'and he 
 thought he had never seen such a dignified, majestic old gen- 
 tleman : while," he added, " I was always half afraid of him 
 — ^Ixe seemed to awe me into insignificance." 
 
 Edgae S. Maclay. 
 
 New York, Augiist, 1890. 
 
In ^^ ~n'i } 
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER PAGE 
 
 List of Persons referred to in the Journal . . . xi 
 The Rules of Proceedings for the First United States 
 
 Senate xiii 
 
 FIEST SESSION OF THE FIEST CONGEESS. 
 
 I. — On Titles and Ceremonies 1 
 
 ts»^I. — The First Tariff Debate^ 44 
 
 ^|j,,-Hfi=-'THE Judiciaet BillV. 8S 
 
 IV. — On the Permanent Residence of Congress .... 134- 
 
 SECOND SESSION OF THE FIEST CONGEESS. 
 
 v.— Speculation in CERTiFicATsSk 173 
 
 V^I.— The Assumption and Naturalization Bill^. . . . 306 
 
 VII. — Salaries and Pensions 254 
 
 VIH. — The Permanent Residence 277 
 
 ^<^IX.— The Funding BilC-^. 396 
 
 X.— On the Residence of Congress 304 
 
 m 
 
 y THTED SESSION OF THE FIEST CONGEESS. iZ 
 
 V^XI. — The Settlement and Assumption Bills\^ .... 817 
 
 XII. — As TO Re-election 345 
 
 XIII. — Centralization of Power 363 
 
 XIV. — Relations with France, and the Excise .... 378 
 
 ^i/"/ 
 
LIST OF PEESONS REFEREED TO IN THE JOURNAL. 
 
 Ames, Fisheb, Eep., Massachusetts. 
 
 Ashe, Jomr Ba^iist, Rep., North Caro- 
 lina. 
 
 Baldwdt, Abbahau, Eep., Georgia. 
 
 Bakbt, Captain, captain in the United 
 States Navy during the Revolution. 
 
 Bassett, Richard, Senator, Delaware. 
 
 Beokley, John, Clerk of the House of 
 Representatives. 
 
 Benson, Rep., New York. 
 
 Bingham, William, afterward Pennsyl- 
 vania State Senator. 
 
 Bland, Theodoke, Rep., Virginia. 
 
 BonDiNOT, Elias, Rep., New Jersey. 
 
 Brown, John, Eep., Virginia. 
 
 Bbyan, Judge, father of the abolition 
 laws. 
 
 Bdeke, Edmund, Eep., South Carolina. 
 
 Bdtleb, Pieeoe, Senator, South Carolina. 
 
 Caeeoll, Chablss, Senator, Maryland. 
 (Note. Written with one " 1 " in jour- 
 
 , nal.) 
 
 Cabboll, David, Eep., Maryland. 
 
 Chew, President of the Pennsylvania 
 High Court of En-ors and Appeals, 
 1790-1806. 
 
 Cltmeb, Geobob, Rep., Pennsylvania. 
 
 Coles, Isaac, Eep., Virginia. 
 
 Contee, Benjamin, Rep., Maryland. 
 
 CoxE, Tench, Assistant Secretary of the 
 Treasury. 
 
 Dalton, Tbistbam, Senator, Massachu- 
 setts, 
 
 Delany, Shabpe, Collector of Duties at 
 the Port of Philadelphia. 
 
 Dickenson, Philemon, Senator, New 
 Jersey. 
 
 Ellioott, Andeew, Surveyor. 
 
 Ellswobth, Oliver, Senator, Connecti- 
 cut. (Note. Written Elsworth in the 
 journal.) 
 
 Elmer, Jonathan, Senator, New Jersey. 
 
 Few, William, Senator, Georgia. 
 
 Elndley, William, afterward Congress- 
 man, serving eleven terms. 
 
 FiTzsmoNs, Thomas, Rep., Pennsyl- 
 vania. 
 
 Floyd, William, Rep., New York. 
 
 FosTEB, Theodore, Senator, Ehode 
 Island. 
 
 Gale, George, Eep., Maryland. 
 
 Gallatin, Albert, afterward United 
 States Senator. 
 
 Gerey, Elbridge, Eep., Massachusetts. 
 
 Giles, William B., Eep., Virginia. 
 
 GiLMAN, Nicholas, Rep., New Hamp- 
 shire. 
 
 Goodhue, Benjamin, Eep., Massachu- 
 setts. 
 
 Grayson, William, Senator, Virginia. 
 
 Gray, George, member of the Consti- 
 tutional Convention of Pennsylvania, 
 1789-'90. 
 
 Grout, Jonathan, Rep., Massachusetts. 
 
 GuNN, James, Senator, Georgia. 
 
 GuRNEY, Colonel Francis, member of 
 Pennsylvania Legislature. 
 
 Hamilton, Alexander, Secretary of the 
 Treasury. 
 
 Harris, Davy, son of John Harris. 
 
 Harris, John, founder of Harrisburg, 
 and father-in-law to William Maolay. 
 
 Hartley, Thomas, Rep., Pennsylvania. 
 
 Hawkins, Benjamin, Senator, North 
 Carolina. 
 
 Heister, Daniel, Rep., Pennsylvania. 
 
 Hehby, John, Senator, Maryland. 
 
 HiLLAGAs, Michael, Assistant Treasurer. 
 
 Huoeb, Daniel, Eep., South Carolina. 
 
 Humpheeys, Colonel. 
 
 Huntington, Benjamin, Rep., Connecti- 
 cut. 
 
Xll 
 
 LIST OP PERSONS REFERRED TO IN THE JOURNAL. 
 
 iBwiir, Matthew, Master of EoUs of 
 Pennsylvania, 1790-1800. 
 
 Izard, Ralph, Senator, South Carolina. 
 
 3A0Ksoir; James, Kep., Georgia. 
 
 jEFFERSoif, Thomas, Secretary of State. 
 
 JoHNSow, "William S., Senator, Conueot- 
 ieut. 
 
 Johnston, Samuel, Senator, North Caro- 
 lina. 
 
 Kma, Edfus, Senator, New York. 
 
 Knox, General, Secretary of War. 
 
 Langdon, John, Senator, New Hamp- 
 shire. I 
 
 Lawrence, John, Eep., New York. 
 
 Lear, Tobias, Private Secretary to Wash- 
 ington. 
 
 Lee, Eiohabd Henbt, Senator, Virginia. 
 
 Leon ard, George, Kep., Massachusetts. 
 
 LmN, Chaplain of the Senate. 
 
 LivERMORE, Samuel, Kep., New Hamp- 
 shire. 
 
 Livingston, William, Governor of New 
 
 Logan, George, member of Pennsyl- 
 vania Legislature. 
 
 Maolat, William, Senator, Pennsylva- 
 nia. 
 
 Macpherson, William, afterward Naval 
 Officer of the Port of Philadelphia. 
 
 Matthews, George, Eep., Georgia. 
 
 Madison, James, Jr., Eep., Virginia. 
 
 Meredith, Samuel, first Treasurer of 
 the Dnited States, 1789-1801. 
 
 MiEFLnj, General Thomas, President of 
 the Supreme Executive Council of 
 Pennsylvania. 
 
 Miles, Samuel, Mayor of Philadelphia, 
 1790-'91. 
 
 Montgomery, Colonel John, commis- 
 sioned an Associate Judge of Cumber- 
 land County, Pa., in 1794. 
 
 Morris, Egbert, Senator, Pennsylva- 
 nia. 
 
 Mohlenberg, F. a., Kep., Pennsylva- 
 nia, and Speaker of the House. 
 
 Muhlenberg, General Peter, Eep., 
 Pennsylvania. 
 
 Oswald, Eleazeb, editor " Independent 
 Gazetteer." 
 
 Otis, Samuel, Secretary of the Senate. 
 
 Page, John, Kep., Virginia. 
 
 Parker, Josiah, Eep., Virginia. 
 
 Partridge, Gboroii, Eep., Massachu- 
 setts. 
 
 Pateeson, William, Senator, New Jer- 
 sey. 
 
 Petit, chairman of the Public Creditors. 
 
 Peters, Eiohard, Speaker of the Penn- 
 sylvania Assembly, 1789-'90. 
 
 Powell, afterward Speaker of Pennsyl- 
 vania Senate. 
 
 Bead, George, Senator, Delaware. 
 
 EusH, Dr. Benjamin, member of Penn- 
 sylvania Convention which ratified the 
 United States Constitution, 1787. 
 
 Eyeeson, member of Pennsylvania As- 
 sembly. 
 
 SooTT, Thomas, Eep., Pennsylvania. 
 
 Schuyler, Philip, Senator, New York. 
 
 Sedgwick, Theodore, Eep., Massachu- 
 setts. 
 
 Seney, Joshua, Eep., Maryland. 
 
 Sherman, Eogee, Eep., Connecticut. 
 
 Smiue, John, member of Pennsylvania 
 Legislature, afterward of Congress, 
 1793-'95, 1799-1813. 
 
 Smith, William, Eep., Maryland. 
 
 Stanton, Joseph, Senator, Rhode Isl- 
 and. 
 
 Stone, Michael ■?., Eep., Maryland. 
 
 Strong, Caleb, Senator, Massachusetts. 
 
 Sturges, Jonathan, Eep., Connecticut. 
 
 Sylvester, Peter, Eep., New York. 
 
 Thatcher, George, Eep., Massachu- 
 setts. 
 
 Thompson, Charles, Secretary of the 
 old Congress. 
 
 Trumbull, Jonathan, Eep., Connecti- 
 cut. 
 
 Troxtun, Captain, afterward Command- 
 er of the frigate Constellation. 
 
 Tucker, Thomas T., Eep., South Caro- 
 lina. 
 
 Wadsworth, Jeeemlah, Eep., Connecti- 
 cut. 
 
 White, Alexander, Rep., Virginia. 
 
 Williamson, Hugh, Eep., North Caro- 
 lina. 
 
 WiNGATB, Paine, Senator, New Hamp- 
 shire. 
 
 Wynkoop, Henry, Eep., Pennsylvania. 
 
 Vandalsen, William Maclay's landlord 
 while in New York. 
 
 ViNiNG, John, Eep., Delaware. 
 
THE EULES OF PROCEEDINGS FOE THE FIEST UNITED 
 STATES SENATE. 
 
 (From the cover of William Maelay's Journal.) 
 
 Each House may determine the rules of its proceedings, punish its 
 members for disorderly behavior, and, with the concurrence of two thirds, 
 expel a member — (Second clause, fifth section, first article on the Constitution 
 of the United States). 
 
 EuLE 1. The President (of the Senate) should be in the chair within 
 half an hour of the time to which the Senate stands adjourned ; and the 
 Senators shall immediately take their seats in a circular order ; those from 
 New Hampshire occupying the right of the Chair and those from Georgia 
 the left. 
 
 Rule 3. The minutes of the preceding day shall be read before any 
 other business is entered upon ; inaccuracies or inelegancies may be cor- 
 rected or amended ; but no reconsideration as to matter of substance shall 
 take place on such reading. 
 
 fiuLE 3. Erery Senator presenting a petition, memorial, or other writing, 
 shall briefly state the import of the same ; and every such paper after being 
 read shall be deemed to lie on the table, unless the same is dismissed upon 
 special motion for impropriety or want of decency. 
 
 KuLE 4 Every motion made and seconded shall be repeated from the 
 Chair and then be open to discussion, the motion, if verbal, shall be put 
 in writing at the request of the President (of the Senate) or any two 
 Senators. 
 
 Rule 5. Adoption, rejection, amendment, commitment, or postponement, 
 shall be considered as proper modes of treating business ; and in all cases 
 (treaties, returned bills, etc., and the expulsion of a member, excepted) a 
 majority of votes shall govern. 
 
 teuLE 6. , Every Senator when speaking shall address himself to the 
 Charo No Senator shall be named in debate, but may be referred to by 
 mentioning the State he represents or by alluding to his place in the 
 House. 
 
 Rule 7. In ease of a debate becoming tedious, four Senators may call 
 for the question ; or the same number may at any time move for the previ- 
 ous question, viz., " Shall the main question now be put ? " 
 
xiv RULES OF THE FIRST UNITED STATES SENATE. 
 
 Rule 8. Priority of speaking and all questions of order shall be decided 
 by the President (of the Senate) ; but either party may appeal to a vote oi 
 the House. 
 
 Rule 9. The name of the Senator making and of the one who seconds a 
 motion shall be entered on the journals of the House. 
 
 Rule 10. No Senator shall speak more than twice on the same subject 
 without leave obtained from the Chair. 
 
 EUle 11. Inviolable secrecy shall be observed with respect to all matters 
 transacted in the Senate while the doors are shut, or as often as the same is 
 enjoined from the Chair. 
 
 Rule 12» Every member of a committee shall attend the same at the 
 time appointed by the chairman, who shall be the Senator of the most 
 northerly State of those from whom the committee are taken. 
 
 Rule 13. When a commitment is agreed upon, the President (of the 
 Senate) shall take the sense of the Senate as to the manner of appointing 
 the committee, whether by motion from the Senators, nomination from the 
 Chair, or by ballot ; which shall take place accordingly. 
 
 Rule 14. The files of the House shall remain open for the inspection of 
 all the Senators, etc., but no original paper shall be removed from the 
 House without leave obtained for that purpose by the Senate. 
 
 Rule 15. The yeas and nays on any question shall be entered on the 
 journals at the desire of one fifth of the Senators present. 
 
 Rule 16. These rules shall be engrossed on parchment and hung up in 
 some conspicuous part of the Senate chamber. And every Senator who shall 
 neglect attendance during a session, absent himself without leave or with- 
 draw for more than a quarter of an hour without permission after a quorum 
 is formed, shall be guilty of disorderly behavior, and his name, together with 
 the nature of the transgression, shall be written on a slip of paper and 
 annexed to the bottom of the rules ; there to remain until the Senate, on 
 his application or otherwise, shall take order on the same. 
 
JOURNAL OF WILLIAM MACLAY. 
 
 CHAPTEE I. 
 
 ON TITLES AND CEREMONIES. 
 
 New York, 'Bl^ih April, 1789. — I understood that it was 
 agreed among the Senators yesterday that they would meet at 
 the Hall this morning and go in a body to pay their respects 
 to General Washington. I went about ten o'clock to the Hall, 
 accordingly ; there was, however, no person there. After 
 staying some time, Elsworth /came in. I suspected how it 
 was. I repeated the conversation of last night, and asked him 
 whether he had been to wait on tlie General. Yes, he had 
 been,, and a'nv/mher more with him; some went last night 
 a/nd some this morning. What a perfidious custom it is ! I, 
 however, whipped down-stairs and Joined the Speaker and a 
 number more of the Pennsylvanians who were collecting for 
 that purpose. Went, paid my respects, eta_ Mind this, not 
 to resent it, but to keep myself more out of his power. Mr. 
 Izard had yesterday been very anxious to get a report adopted 
 respecting the communications between the Houses. It was 
 so, but now we hear the House laughed at it. Mr. Izard 
 moved to have the adoption taken from the liiinutes. No, 
 this could not be done. 
 
 Eut now a curious scene opened. Mr. Lee, being of the 
 Title Committee of yesterday, produced a copy of the resolu- 
 tion for appointing that committee, and moved that the House 
 should pass a vote for transmitting it down to the Lower 
 House. This was truly ridiculous ; but, mind, tliis base busi- 
 ness had been gone into solely yesterday on the motion of our 
 
 Vice-President^ 
 1 
 
2 SHALL THE SPEAKER BE STYLED "HONORABLE?" [1789 
 
 This was barefaced indeed. But now Lee wanted to bring 
 it on again when the President would not appear in it. I 
 likewise suspect Lee's integrity in this business. He knows 
 the giving of titles would hurt us. I showed the absurdity of 
 his motion plain enough, but it seems to me that, by getting 
 a division of the resolution, I could perhaps throw out the 
 part about titles altogether. Mr. Carrol, of Maryland, showed 
 he was against titles. I wrought it so far that I got a ques- 
 tion whether we should throw out the part about titles alto- 
 gether. "We lost the question on the throwing out that part. 
 However, I could plainly see that we had. gained ground with 
 the House. 
 
 Now a most curious qxiestion arose. The Vice-President 
 knew not how to direct the letter to the Speaker. He called 
 on the House to know how it should be directed. The House 
 showed a manifest disinclination to interfere. The Vice-Presi- 
 dent urged, and ceased not until a question was pointedly put 
 whether the Speaker should be styled honorable. It passed in 
 the negative, a,nd Jfro.m this.. omen I think our Vice-President 
 may^o an.d dream about titles,^ for none will he get. 
 
 April 25th, Saturday. — Attended the House. Ceremonies, 
 endless ceremonies, the whole business of the day. I did not 
 embark warmly this day. Otis, our Secretary, makes a most 
 miserable hand at it. The grossest mistakes made on our 
 minutes, and it cost us an hour or two to rectify them. I 
 was up as often I believe as was necessary, and certainly 
 threw so much 'light on two subjects that the debate ended on 
 each. 
 
 The Vice-President, as usual, made us two or three speeches 
 from the Chair. I will endeavor to recollect one of them. It 
 was on the reading of a report which mentioned that the Presi- 
 dent should be received in the Senate chamber and proceed 
 thence to the House of Representatives to be sworn : " Gentle- 
 men, I do not know whether the framers of the Constitution 
 had in view the two kings of Sparta or the two consuls of 
 Rome* when they formed it ; one to have all the power while 
 
 * " Are we," Adams observed in the Senate, " the two kings of Sparta, 
 the two consuls of Rome, or the two suffetes of Carthage t "—J. 'C. Hamil- 
 ton's History of the United States, toI. iii, p. 560. 
 
April 35] "ARE WE THE TWO CONSULS OP ROME?" g 
 
 he held it, and the other to be nothing. Nor do I know 
 whether the architect that formed onr room and the wide chair 
 in it (to hold two, I suppose) had the Constitution before him. 
 Gentlemen, I feel great difficulty how to act. I am possessed 
 of two separate powers ; the one in esse and the other in posse. 
 I am Vice-President. In this I am nothing, but I may be 
 everything. But I am president also of the Senate; When 
 the President comes into the Senate, what shall I be ? I can 
 not be [president] then. No, gentlemen, I can not, I can not. 
 I wish gentlemen to think what I shall be." 
 
 Here, as if oppressed with a sense of his distressed situa- 
 tion, he threw himself back in his chair. A solemn silence 
 ensued. God forgive me, for it was invohmtary, but the pro- 
 fane muscles of my face were in, tune for laughter in spite of 
 my indisposition. Elsworth thumbed over the sheet Constitu- 
 tion and turned it for some time. At length he rose and ad- 
 dressed the Chair with the utmost gravity : " Mr. President, I 
 have looked over the Constitution (pause), and I find, sir, it is 
 e^'ident and clear, sir, that wherever the Senate are to be, there, 
 sir, you must be at the head of them. But further, sir (here 
 he looked aghast, as if some tremendous gulf had yawned be- 
 fore him), I shall not pretend to say." 
 
 Thursday next is appointed for swearing in the President. 
 I am worse of my rheumatism, but perhaps it is owing to the 
 change of the weather, for the wind is at the northeast and 
 cold. Gave Mr. Yandalsen an half Johannes ; * he is to sell it 
 and give me credit for the amount of his bill, Us. 3d. 
 
 26th April, Swnd,a/y. — Went out half after nine o'clock. 
 Visited Governor St. Clair, General Butler, Delany, MePher- 
 son, at Elsworth's. Called on Mr. Clymer and Mr. Fitz- 
 simons. Mr. Clymer in the exceptionables, or peevish and 
 fretting at everything*. I know not how it is, but I can not 
 get into these men. There is a kind of guarded distance on 
 their parts that seems to preclude sociability. I believe I 
 had best be guarded too. The very end of this visit was to 
 try to concert some measures with them for the removal of 
 Congress. But they kept me off. I mentioned a favorable 
 
 * A Portuguese gold coin, equal to about eight dollars. 
 
4 SHALL CONGKBSS ATTEND WASHINGTON TO CHURCH? [1789 
 
 disposition in some of the Maryland gentlemen to be in unison 
 ■with the Pennsylvanian delegation. They seemed not to credit 
 me. Mr. O'Brien and Mr. Hartly came in, and I took my 
 leave. Came home, and, as the day was blustering and cold, 
 ^ stayed all day in my room, Wrote some letters. Mr. Wyn- 
 koop dined out, so I saw nobody. 
 
 'Zlih April, 1789, Monday. — Tried my knee and walked a 
 good deal. Attended the Hall. We had prayers this day by 
 the chaplain, Dr. Provost. A new arrangement was reported 
 from the Joint Committee of Ceremonies. This is an endless 
 * business. Lee offered a motion to the Chair that after the 
 President was sworn (which now is to be in the gallery oppo- 
 site the Senate chamber), the Congress should accompany him 
 to Saint Paul's Church and attend divine service. This had 
 been agitated in Joint Committee. But Lee said expressly that 
 they would not agree to it. I opposed it as an improper busi- 
 ness after it had been in the hands of the Joint Committee and 
 rejected, as I thought this a certain method of creating a dis- 
 sension between the Houses. Izard got up in great wrath and 
 stuttered that the fact was not so. He, however, would say 
 nothing more. I made an effort to rise. The Vice-President 
 hurried the question, and it was put and carried by the church- 
 man. Mr. Carrol, though he had been the first to speak against 
 it, yet was silent on this vote. This proves him not the man 
 of firmness wliich I once thought him. 
 
 I went after this to hear the debate in the House of Eepre- 
 sentatives. The duty ni six cents had been reported by the 
 Committee on Molasses. The partiality of the ISTew England 
 members to this article was now manifest. All from their 
 quarter was a universal cry against it. Three o'clock came, 
 and an adjournment was called before the matter was settled. ' 
 
 I took a long walk after dinner with the Speaker and Gen- 
 eral Muhlenberg, and my knees stood it very well. • Hope I 
 shall be perfectly well in a few days. God grant it ! 
 
 ^8th April— This day I ought to note with some extraor- 
 dinary mark. I had dressed and was about to set out, when 
 General "Washington, the greatest man in the -rt^orld, paid me a 
 visit. I met him at the foot of the stairs. Mr. "Wynkoop just 
 came in. We asked him to take a seat. He excused himself 
 
April 28] A CRITICISM ON NEW ENGLAND CHARACTER. 5 
 
 on account of the mimber of his visits. "We accompanied him 
 to the door. He mad6 us complaisant bows — one before he 
 mounted and the other as he went away on horseback. 
 
 Attended at the Hall. Jiist nothing at all done. I, how- 
 ever, paid my formal visit to the Vice-President this morning, 
 being nearly recovered of my lameness. Quitted the Hall 
 about twelve. Called on Mr. LangdoUj who has been sick 
 some time. It began to rain, and I came home. 
 
 I may as well minute a remark here as anywhere else, and, 
 indeed, I wish it wbre otherwise, not for what we have, but 
 for what, others want; but we. have, really more. republican 
 plainness .and sincere ope miess of bd ^aiaog-ia-JSennsylYaaia 
 ^ than in a,ny otheiTplace Xhave ever been. I was impressed 
 with a different opinion until I have had full opportuaity of 
 observing the gentlemen of New England, and sorry indeed 
 am I to say it, but no people in the Union dwell more on triv-_^ 
 ial^istinctions and matters of mere form. They really^seem 
 to show a readiness to stand on punctiho and ceremony. A 
 little learning is a dangerous thing ('tis said). May not the 
 same be said of breeding? It is certainly true that people 
 little used with company are more apt to take offense, and are 
 less easy, than men much versant in public life. They are an 
 unmixed people in New England, and used only to see neigh- 
 bors like themselves ; and when once an error of behavior has 
 crept in among them, there is small chance of its being cured ; 
 for, should they go abroad, being early used to- a ceremonious 
 and reserved behavior, and believing that good manners con- 
 sists entirely in punctilios, they only add a few more stiffened 
 airs to their deportment, excluding good humor, affability of 
 conversation, and accommodation of temper and sentiment as 
 qualities too vulgar for a gentleman. 
 
 Mr. Strong gave us this morning a story which, with many 
 others of a similar nature (which I have heard), places this in a 
 clear point of light. By the Constitution of Massachusetts the 
 Senate have the right of communicating bills to their Lower 
 House. Some singular business made them [the Lower 
 House] shut their doors. At this time called Samuel Adams 
 of the Senate to communicate a bill. The door-keeper told 
 him his orders. Back returned the enraged Senator; the 
 
6 A JBHU-LIKB SPIRIT IN THE SENATE. [1789 
 
 whole Senate took flame and blazed forth in furious memo- 
 rial against the Lower House for bi-each of privilege. A 
 violent contest ensued, and the whole State was conv^ilsed 
 with litigation. 
 
 29th 4^HZ.— Attended the Hall this day. A bill was read 
 the second time respecting the administering the oath for the 
 support of the new Government. A diversity of opinion arose 
 whether the law should be extended so as to oblige the oflBcers 
 of the State governments to take the oaths. The power of 
 Congress to do this was asserted by some and derided by others 
 in pointed terms. I did not enter into the merits of either 
 side, but before the question was put gave my opinion that the 
 first step toward doing good was to be siire of doing no harm. 
 Gentlemen had been very pointed for and against this power ; 
 if we divided, here, what must we expect the people out of 
 doors to be ? That in the exercise of the powers given us by 
 Congress wB_should_dealJ^iiQ, uncgjdajnties ; that while we ■ 
 had the Constitution^tom^^_before us_all was safe and certain, 
 but if we took on us to deal in doubtful matters we trod on 
 hollow ground, and might be charged with an assumption of 
 powers not delegated. I therefore on this ground was against 
 the commitment, and with it closed the business of the day. 
 The bill, however, was committed. 
 
 I have observed ever since we began to do business that a 
 Jehu-like spirit has prevailed with a number of gentlemen, 
 and with none more than with the member from the Ancient 
 Dominion, who is said to be a notorioiis anti-Federalist (a most 
 expensive and enormous machine of a Federal Judiciary, pomp- 
 ous titles, strong efforts after religious distinctions, coercive 
 laws for taking the oaths, etc.). I have uniformly opposed, as 
 far as I was able, everything of this kind, and I believe have 
 sacrificed every chance of being popular and every grain of 
 influence in the Senate by so doing. But be it so. I have the 
 testimony of my own conscience that I am right. High-hand- 
 ed measures are at no time justifiable, but now they are Tiighly 
 impolitic. Never will I c onsent to straining th e Constitution, 
 nor never wiiri ccmseiir'to the exercise of a doubtful power. 
 We come here the servants, not the lords, of our constituents. 
 The new Government, instead of being a powerful macliine 
 
April 30] THE HOUSE OF LORDS BROUGHT BEFORE US. Y 
 
 whose authority woiild support any measure, needs helps and 
 props on all sides, and must be supported by the ablest names 
 and the most shining characters which we can select. The 
 President's amiable deportment, however, smooths and sweety 
 ens everything. Charles Thompson has, however, been ill 
 used by the Committee of Arrangements of the ceremonial. 
 This is wrong. His name has been left out of the arrange- 
 ments for to-morrow. ' 
 
 30th April, Thursday. — This is a great, important day. 
 Goddess of etiquette, assist me while I describe it. The Sen- 
 ate stood adjourned to half after eleven o'clock. About ten 
 dressed in my best clothes ; went for Mr. Morris' lodgings, 
 but met his son, who told me that his father would not be in 
 town until Saturday. Turned into the Hall. The crowd 
 already great. The Senate met. The Vice-President rose in 
 the most solemn manner. This son of Adam seemed im- 
 pressed with deeper gravity, yet what shall I think of him ? 
 He often, in the midst of his most important airs — I believe ^ 
 when he is at loss, for expressions (and this he often is, wrapped 
 up, I suppose, in the contemplation of his own importance) — 
 suffers an unmeaning kind of vacant laugh to escape him. 
 This was the case to-day, and really to me bore the air of ridi- 
 culing the farce he was acting. " Gentlemen, I wish for the 
 direction of the Senate. The President will, I suppose, ad- 
 dress the Congress. How shall I behave ? How shall we re- 
 ceive it ? Shall it be standing or sitting ? " 
 
 Here followed a considerable deal of talk from him which 
 I could make nothing of. Mr. Lee began with the House of 
 Commons (as is usual with him), then the House of Lords, then 
 the King, and then back again. The result of his information 
 was, that the Lords sat and the Commons stood on the delivery 
 of the King's speech. Mr. Izard got up and told how often he 
 had been in the Houses of Parliament. He said a great deal 
 of what he had seen there. [He] made, however, this sagar 
 cious discovery, that the Commons stood because they had no 
 seats to sit on, being arrived at the bar of the House of Lords. 
 It was discovered after some time that the King sat, too, and i 
 had his robes and crown on. i 
 
 Mr. Adams got up again and said he had been very often 
 
8 THE REPEESENTATIVBS ENTEB THE SENATE. [1789 
 
 indeed at the Parliament on those occasions, but there always 
 was such a crowd, and ladies along, that for his part he could 
 not say how it was. Mr. Carrol got up to declare that he 
 thought it of no consequence how it was in Great Britain ; 
 they were no rule to us, etc. But all at once the Secretary, 
 who had been out, whispered to the Chair that the Clerk from 
 the Kepresenta;tives was at the door with a communication. 
 Gentlemen of the Senate, how shall he be received ? A silly 
 kind of resolution of the committee on that business had been 
 laid on the table some days ago. The amount of it was that 
 each House should communicate to the other what and how 
 they chose ; it concluded, however, something in this way : 
 That everything should be done with all the propriety that 
 yiz& proper. The question was. Shall this be adopted, that we 
 may know how to receive the Clerk ? It was objected [that] 
 this will throw no light on the subject ; it will leave you where 
 you are. Mr. Lee brought the House of Commons before us 
 again. He reprobated the rule ; declared that the Clerk should 
 not come within the bar of the House ; that the proper mode 
 was for the Sergeant-at-Arms, with the mace on his shoulder, 
 to meet the Clerk at the door and receive his communication ; 
 we are not, however, provided for this ceremonious way of 
 doing business, having neither mace nor sergeant nor Masters 
 in Chancery, who carry down bills from the English Lords. 
 
 Mr. Izard got up and labored imintelUgibly to show the 
 great distinction between a communication and a delivery of a 
 thing, but he was not minded. Mr. Elsworth showed plainly 
 enough that if the Clerk was not permitted to deliver the com- 
 mmiication, the Speaker might as weU send it inclosed. Ee- 
 peated accounts came [that] the Speaker and Eepresentatives 
 were at the door. Confusion ensued ; the members left their 
 seats. Mr. Bead rose and called the attention of the Senate to 
 the neglect that had been shown Mr. Thompson, late Secretary. 
 Mr. Lee rose to answer him, but I could not hear one word he 
 said. The Speaker was introduced, followed by the Eepre- 
 sentatives. Here we sat an hour and ten mimites before the 
 President arrived— this delay was owing to Lee, Izard, and 
 Dalton, who had stayed with us while the Speaker came in, 
 instead of going to attend the President. The President ad- 
 
April 30] "WASHINGTON ADDRESSES CONGRESS. 9 
 
 vaneed between the Seaate and Kepresentatives, bowing to 
 each. He was placed in the chair by the Yice-President ; the 
 Senate with their president on the right, the Speaker and the 
 Representatives on his left. The Vice-President rose and ad- 
 dressed a short sentence to him. The import of it was that 
 he should now take the oath of office as President. He seemed 
 to have forgot half what he was to say, for'he made a dead 
 pause and stood for some time, to appearance, in a vacant 
 mood. He finished with a formal bow, and the President was 
 condixcted out of the middle window into the gallery, and the 
 oath was administered by the Chanc^gjl' Notice that the 
 business done was communicated to the crowd by proclama- 
 tion, etc., who gave three cheers, and repeated it on the Presi- 
 dent's bowing to them. 
 
 As the company returned into the Senate chamber, the 
 President took the chair and the Senators afld Kepresentatives 
 their seats. He rose, and all. arose also, and addressed them 
 (see the address). ~This greatman was agitated and embar- 
 rassed more than ever he was by the leveled caunon. or pointed 
 fflflsket He trembled," arid several times could scarce make 
 out to read, though it must be supposed he had often read it 
 before. He put part of the fingers of his left hand into the 
 side of what I think the tailors call the fall of the breeches 
 [corresponding to the modern side-pocket], changing the paper 
 into his left [right] hand. -After some time he then did the same 
 with some of the fingers of his right hand. When he came to 
 the wo.ris_gZZ_iA6 world, lae made, a JLou-rishlwSiB^ his right 
 hand, wliich left rather an ungainly inapressira. I sincerely, 
 forlny'part, wisIiear"§lT^t~Cefemony in the hands of the danc- 
 ing-masters, and that this first of men had read off his address 
 in the plainest manner, without ever taking his eyes from the 
 paper, for I felt hurt that he was not first in everything. He 
 was dressed in deep brown,- with metal buttons, with an eagle 
 on them, white stockings, a bag, and sword. — 
 
 From the hall there was a grand procession to Saint Paul's 
 Church, where prayers were said by the Bishop. The proces- 
 sion was well conducted and without accident, as far as I have 
 heard. The militia were all under arms, lined the street near 
 the church, made a good figure, and behaved well. 
 
10 "HIS MOST GRACIOUS SPEECH." [1789 
 
 The Senate returned to their chamber after service, formed, 
 and took up the address. Our Vice-President called it his 
 most gracious speech. I can not approve of this. A comnut- 
 tee was appointed on it — Johnson, Carrol, Patterson. Ad- 
 journed. In the evening there were grand fireworks. The 
 Spanish Ambassador's house was adorned with transparent 
 paintings ; the French Minister's house was illuminated, and 
 had some transparent pieces; the Hall was grandly illumi- 
 nated, and after all this the people went to bed. 
 
 May 1st. — Attended at the Hall at eleven. The prayers 
 were over and the minutes reading. Wlien we came to the 
 minute of the speech it stood. Sis inost gracious speech. I 
 looked all around the Senate. Every countenance seemed to 
 wear a blank. The Secretary was going on : I must speak or 
 nobody would. " Mr. President, we have lately had a hard 
 struggle for our liberty against kingly authority. The minds 
 of men are still heated : everything related to that species of 
 government is odious to the people. The words prefixed to 
 the President's speech are the same that are usually placed be- 
 fore the speech of his Britannic Majesty. I know they wiU 
 give offense. I consider them as improper. I therefore 
 move that they be struck out, and that it stand simply address 
 or speech, as may be judged most suitable." 
 
 Mr. Adams rose in his chair and expressed the greatest 
 surprise that anytliing should be objected to on account of its 
 being taken from the practice of that Govermnent under which 
 we had lived so long and happily formerly ; that he was for a 
 dignified and respectable government, and as far as he knew 
 the senthnents of people they thought as he did ; that for his 
 part he was one of the first in the late contest [the Revolution], 
 and, if he could home thought of this, he never would have 
 dramn his swoi'd. 
 
 Painful as it was, I had to contend with the Chair. I ad- 
 mitted that the people of the colonies (now States) had enjoyed 
 formerly great happiness under that species of government 
 but the abuses of that Government under which they had 
 smarted had taught them what they had to fear from that kind 
 of govermnent ; that there had been a revolution in the senti- 
 ments of people respecting government equally great as tliat 
 
Mat 1] WILLIAM M ACL AY OBJECTS TO ROYAL FORMS. ll 
 
 wliicli had happened in the Government itself ; that even the 
 modes of it were now abhorred ; that the enemies of the Con- 
 stitution had objected to it the facility there would be of tran- 
 sition from it to kingly government and all the trappings and 
 splendor of royalty ; that if such a thing as this appeared on 
 our minutes, they would not fail to represent it as the first step 
 of the ladder in the ascent to royalty. The Vice-President 
 rose a second time, and declared that he had mentioned it to 
 the Secretary ; that he could not possibly conceive that any 
 person could take offense at it. I had to get up again and de- 
 clare tliat, although I knew of it being mentioned from the 
 Chair, yet my opposition did not proceed from any motive of 
 contempt ; that, although it was a painful task, it was solely a 
 sense of duty that raised me. 
 
 The Vice-President stood during this time ; said he had 
 been long abroad, and did not know how the temper of people 
 might be now. Up now rose Mr. Eead, and declared for the 
 paragraph. He saw no reason to object to it because the Brit- 
 ish speeches were styled most gracious. If we chose to object 
 to words because they had been used in the same sense in 
 Britain, we should soon be at a loss to do business. I had to 
 reply. " It is time enough to submit to necessity when it ex- 
 ists. At present we are at no loss for words. The words 
 speech or address without any addition will suit us well 
 enough." The first time I was up. Mr. Lee followed me 
 with a word or two by way of secontling me ; but when the 
 Vice-President, on being last up, declared that he was the 
 person from whom the words were taken, Mr. Lee got up 
 and informed the Chair that he did not know that circum- 
 stance, as he had been absent when it happened. The ques- 
 tion was put and carried for erasing the words without a 
 division. 
 
 After the House adjourned the Vice-President took me to 
 one side, declared how much he was for an eificient Govern- 
 ment, how much he respected General "Washington, and much 
 of that kind. I told him I would yield to no person in respect 
 to General "Washington ; that our cornmon friends would per- 
 haps one day inforni him that I was not wanting in respect to 
 himseK [Adams] ; that my wishes for an efficient Government 
 
12 , A NEW MONARCHY FOR AMERICA. [1789 
 
 were as high as any man's, and begged him to believe that I 
 did myself great violence when I opposed him in the chair, 
 and uotliing but a sense of duty could force me to it. He got 
 on the subject of checks to government and the balances of 
 power. His tale was long. He seemed to expect some an- 
 swer. I caught at the last word, and said undoubtedly with- 
 out a balance there could be no eqiulibrium, and so left him 
 hanging in geometry. 
 
 The unequivocal declaration that he would never have 
 drawn his sword, etc., has drawn my mind to the following 
 remarks : That the motives of the actors in the late Revolution 
 were various can not be doubted. The abolishing of royalty, 
 the extinguishment of patronage and dependencies attached to 
 that form of government, were the exalted motives of many 
 revolutionists, and these were the improvements meant by 
 them to be made of the war which was forced on us by I^ritish 
 aggression — in fine, the amelioration of government and bet- 
 tering the condition of mankind. These ends and none other 
 were publicly avowed, and all our constitutions and public 
 acts were formed in this spirit. Yet there were not wanting 
 a party whose motives were different. They wished for the 
 loaves and fishes of government, and cared for nothing else 
 but a translation of the diadem and scepter from London to 
 Boston, New York, or Philadelphia ; or, in other words, the 
 creation of a new monarchy in America, and to form niches 
 for themselves in the temple of royalty. 
 
 This spirit manifested itself strongly among the officers at 
 the close of the war, and I have been afraid the army would 
 not have been disbanded if the common soldiers could have 
 been kept together. This spirit they developed in the Order 
 of Cincinnati, where I trust it will spend itself in a harmless 
 flame and soon become extinguished. That Mr. Adams should, 
 however, so unequivocally avow this motive, at a time when a 
 republican form of government is secured to every State in 
 the Uniouj appears to me a mark of extreme folly.* • 
 
 Mem., 1790.— It is worthy of remark that about this time 
 a spirit of reformation broke out in France which finally abol- 
 
 * "John Adams was included by Jefferson among the believers in mon- 
 arohy," — Randall's Life of Jefferson, vol. i, p. 586. 
 
MayI] "DID the vice-president call?" 13 
 
 ished all titles and every trace of the feudal system. Strange, 
 indeed, that in that very country [America], where the flame 
 of freedom had been kindled, an attempt should be made to 
 introduce these absurdities and humiliating distinctions which, 
 the hand of reason, aided by our example, was prostrating in 
 the heart of Eiirope. I, however, will endeavor (as I have 
 hitherto done) to use the resentment of the Kepresentatives to 
 defeat Mr. Adams agd others on the subject of titles. The 
 pompous and lordly distinctions which the Senate have mani- 
 fested a disposition to establish between the two Houses have 
 nettled the Representatives, and this business of titles may be 
 considered as part of the same tune. While we are debating 
 on titles I will, through the Speaker, Mr. Muhlenberg, and 
 other- friends, get the idea suggested of answering the Presi- 
 dent's address without any title, in contempt of our delibera- 
 tions, which still continue on that subject. This once effected, 
 will confound them [the Senators] completely, and establish a 
 precedent they will not dare to violate. 
 
 Let me not remember it to his disadvantage, but on Thurs- 
 day, soon after I came to the Hall, the Vice-President stepped 
 up to me ; said he had called at my lodgings, but found I 
 was abroad. I thanked him for the honor he did me, and 
 expressed my sorrow, in the usual way, for being abroad. I 
 was, however, a little surprised, considering the hurry of the 
 day, and more especially as I had but just left home. At night 
 I asked Vandalsen whether any cards had been left for me. 
 " ITo." " Did anybody call ? " ' " Nobody." " Are you sure 
 the Vice-President did not ? " "I am very siu-e. I know Mr. 
 Adams, the Vice-President, as well as I know any man. I 
 have been at home the whole day ; he did not call." From 
 the drift of dust and feathers one finds how the wind blows. 
 I did not minute this on Thursday, thinking that perhaps some 
 mistake had happened which would explain itseK. Perhaps it 
 may still do so. 
 
 The President's speech is now in the hands of every one, 
 and is received with merited applause. A thought as to the 
 composition of it. Biit first I will lay down my own rules ft>r 
 judging in cases of this kind. When every word conveys an 
 idea and sentiment follows expression, the composition is good ; 
 
14 SENATORS DISCUSS THE "GRACIOTJS" APFAIB. [1789 
 
 but when the words and expressions are so happily arranged 
 that every corresponding idea and sentiment brings a kindred 
 gronp in its train, the composition rises to excellent, grand, 
 subhme. Now for the sinking scale. When ideas follow 
 slowly, with difBculty, or not at all, the composition may be 
 termed heavy, dull, stupid. I Mill read it again, but I declare 
 I am inclined to place it under the Tiecim) head. 
 
 May M. — Attended Senate. This a day of no business what- 
 ever. Langdon came and shook hands very heartily with me. 
 Some of the other New England men [were] shy. Patterson 
 only was at the Senate chamber before me. He passed censure 
 on the conduct of the Yice-President, said he made himself too 
 busy. He hinted as if some of the Senate would have taken 
 notice of the gracious affair if I had not. I told him I was no 
 courtier and had no occasion to trim, but said it was a most 
 ■ disagreeable thing to contend with the Chair, and I had alone 
 held that disagreeable post more than once. After Senate ad- 
 journed, I saw the Vice-President standing disengaged. I 
 stepped up to him, asked for his health, and fell into common- 
 place chat. He is not well furnished with small talk more 
 than myself, and has a very silly kind of laugh. I have often 
 looked with the utmost attention at him to see if his aspect, 
 air, etc., could inspire me with an opinion of his being a man 
 of genius ; but it was Hke repeating " Tristam, tristam." !N"o ; 
 the thing seems impossible. It is a silly opinion of mine, but 
 I can not get rid of it, that every man, like a labeled bottle, 
 has his contents marked on his visage. 
 
 May 3d, Sunday. — I did not feel very well this day. De- 
 termined to try the warm bath. Went and bespoke it to be 
 ready at eleven. Went ; continued in the water near half an 
 hour. Had a most profuse sweat, but found a little of a head- 
 ache. I wet my head as well as the rest of me. I can recol- 
 lect that bathing or swimming used to give me the headache : 
 will see how it will affect me. This day the first that seems 
 genial and warm. It is now four o'clock, and I will take a 
 walk. 
 
 In my walk, I fell in with Mr. Sturges, Mr. Wyngate, and 
 Mr. Goodhue. We took a circuit on the island and came into 
 town. On the way we talked of the permanent residence. 
 
May 4] WASHINGTON INSTITUTES LEVEE DAYS. 15 
 
 They all allowed that ISTew York was not the place. One of 
 them said it ought to be in Pennsylvania. I said little, bnt 
 remarked that, although we could be better accommodated in 
 Philadelphia, I thought we should think of the permanent resi-, 
 dence where houses should be built for the members from each 
 State, when they would .not be degraded to the humiliating 
 necessity of begging for lodgings from house to house. I, 
 however, remarked coolly that Yirginia offered a quiescence 
 in this plan, expecting the Pennsylvanians would be fretted 
 into an acceptance of their measure for the Potomac ; that the 
 Potomac was convenient for a great part of Pennsylvania; 
 that, by our joining votes to those of Virginia and Maryland 
 and the more southerly States, we could go to the Potomac 
 any time. One of them remarked that in Senate the numer- 
 ous votes of Virginia would not avail. I did not get time to 
 answer, for another replied that we had numbers on our side 
 in the Senate also. They asked me to go to their lodgings to 
 drink tea. I did so. There we found Mr. Thatcher and Mr. 
 Grout. I sat a good while. Mr. Thatcher talked most, but a 
 good deal wildly. There was a good deal said about the differ- 
 ent new countries. I recommended the Genesee and the heads 
 of the Susquehanna, I really think deservedly. I, however, 
 had no objections to drawing their attention to the Susque- 
 hanna. 
 
 Jfth May, Monday. — ^Went pretty early to the post-oificfe 
 to deliver letters. As I came back, met General St. Clair. He 
 seemed desirous of speaking with me ; said he had been at my 
 lodgings, and asked me what I thought of the President's new 
 arrangements. It was the first I. had heard of them. The 
 President is neither to entertain nor receive invitations. He 
 is to have levee days on Tuesdays and Fridays, when only he 
 is to be seen. I told the General that General Washington 
 stood on as difficult ground as he ever had done in his life : 
 that to suffer himself to be run down, on the one hand, by a 
 crowd of visitants so as to engross his time, would never do, as 
 it would render the doing of business impracticable; but, on 
 the other hand, for him to be seen only in public on stated 
 times, like an Eastern Lama, would be equally offensive. If 
 he was not to be seen but in public, where nothing confidential 
 
16 DIGNITY AND PRE-EMINENCE OP THE SENATE. [1789 
 
 could pass between him and any individual, the business would, 
 to all appearance, be done without him, and he could not 
 escape the charge of favoritism. All court would be paid to 
 the supposed favorite ; weakness and insignificance would be 
 considered as characteristic of the President, and he would 
 not escape contempt ; that it was not thus the General gained 
 the universal plaudits of his admiring fellow-citizens. I reit- 
 erated these ideas in every shape and in every different light I 
 could place them for near half an hour that we walked in front 
 of St. Paul's Church. The General said he wished to col- 
 lect men's sentiments, and the design was to communicate them 
 to the General [Washington]. I told him my late conduct in 
 the Senate had been such as would render any opinion of mine 
 very ungracious at court, and perhaps he had best never make 
 any mention of my name. Much more was said, but not worth 
 committing to paper. 
 
 Attended Senate. Soon after the bill prescribing the oath, 
 etc., was taken up, and the amendments. The first amendment 
 was on the enacting clause. It stood. Be it enacted hy the 
 Congress of the United States ; the amendment, ly the Senate 
 amd Eepresentatimes. It was openly avowed by Mr. Izard 
 that the dignity and pre-eminence of the Senate was the object 
 aimed at by the amendment ; but the words of the Constitu- 
 tion are, " All legislative power herein granted shall be vested 
 in a Congress of the United States." Again, section 8, the 
 " Congress shall have power," etc. The amount of all I said 
 resolved itself into this : The legislatime authority, the poioer 
 (of making laws in certain cases) is given to Congress. Let 
 Congress execute this trust under the same name. In other 
 words, it is under the Firm of Congress that we have received 
 our authority md power. Let us execute it under the same 
 ,firm-. Elsworth, who is a vastly better speaker than I am, 
 was in sentiment with me this time. He placed the subject in 
 various lights, and said enough, I thought, to convince any one 
 who was not determined to be otherwise. But the fact with 
 us is that the point sought after is to find out what will be 
 most agreeable, or, in other words, where will the majority 
 be? for never was a text more practiced on than xthat "" in a 
 multitude of counselors " (say Senators) " there is safety." In- 
 
may4j taking of oaths. 17 
 
 deed, it seems tlie governing principle. Mr. Izard gave us a 
 kind of dissenting speecli from both original and amendment. 
 He wanted the President's name in it. Onr Yice-President 
 rose in tlie chair to deliver sentiments to the same purpose, and 
 upon this principle he was rather against the amendment because 
 it did not mention the President. The amendment carried. 
 
 The next amendment was a clause obliging the officers of 
 the State Legislature to take the oath within a month after the 
 1st of August. Mr. Elsworth argued on the inaccuracies of 
 the language of the amendment ; that it was doubtful as to 
 the intent of it every way. I thought he nearly exhausted the 
 subject. Before the vote was put I chose to say something. 
 It amounted to this : that the subject was a doubtful one every 
 way, that the power of Congress at any time, or the propriety 
 of exercising it at this time, is admitted. The words of the 
 amendment were also doubtful and doubted. I would there- 
 fore deal in no doubtful matters. Izard rose in a flame, de- 
 clared he knew not what gentlemen meant by talking of doubts. 
 He never heard of any. He was very angry. Mr. Langdon 
 followed him. Read the Constitution that all officers, both of 
 the United States and several States', should be bound by oath, 
 etc. 
 
 I had to get up in my own defense. I observed the gentle- 
 man mistook the point. The question was not whether the 
 officers should take the oath, but was it our business to inter- 
 fere in it ? It was equally clear that Senators, Representatives, 
 and electors were to be chosen by the States, but who ever 
 thought of a law to oblige them to do these things? The 
 adopting States, by the terms of their adoption, had pledged 
 themselves to conform to the Constitution, wliich contained 
 these things among its fundamental rules; that among the 
 powers delegated to Congress this was not mentioned, nor was 
 it necessary, being already provided for in the Constitution ; 
 that as to doubts, individuals had doubted and States had 
 doubted. Massachusetts, it appeared, considered the power of 
 making a law to be with Congress. Connecticut thought so 
 differently that they had passed a State law for the purpose ; 
 that, for my part, I greatly doubted at least the propriety of 
 meddling with it unless the States should be guilty of neglect. 
 
18 THE DIGNITY OP THE SENATE INSISTED ON. [1789 
 
 But that 1 was not so uncharitable as to damn him that doubt- 
 ed not. Up rose Lee. He was for the amendment, but had 
 more doubts than anybody. The rage of speaking caught hold 
 of half the Senate at least. Some sensible things were said, 
 but a great many foolish ones. Elsworth rose a second time. 
 He took nearly the track I had been on, but he explained 
 everything with a clearness and perspicuity which I was quite 
 incapable of. I was highly pleased with him. How readily 
 do the sentimental strings sound unison when both are touched 
 by the same agreeable motive ! But enough, the amendment 
 was carried against us. 
 
 I learned this day that the title selected from all the poten- 
 tates of the earth for our President was to have been taken 
 from Poland, viz.. Elective Majesty. "What a royal escape ! 
 Dined this day with the French Minister, the first place I have 
 been at since my illness. But I have minuted enough for this 
 day, so stop. 
 
 May 5th. — The bill of yesterday [prescribing the oath] had 
 a third reading, but now how is it to be sent to the other 
 House ? A motion was made and seconded that it go by the 
 Secretary. From half after eleven to half after one was this 
 important question agitated. The other House had affronted 
 the Senate by sending up the bill in a letter, and now we 
 would not send it down by a member. The dignity of the 
 House was much insisted on. "\Yfi_ffiere plagued.again with 
 the House of Lords and Commons, and " parliamentary " was 
 the supplementary word to every sentence. I doubted much 
 whether r should rise or not; however, when everybody else 
 had something to say, I scorned to be silent. I remarked that 
 I rose with reluctance on a subject when I had not been able 
 to draw any information from experience, as the State I had 
 the honor of representing had but one House ; yet from what 
 I could learn the States which had two Houses in the. Union 
 carried on their communications by members ; that this I con- 
 sidered as the most cordial and friendly mode of intercourse, 
 and that I would much rather take example from our own 
 States than from Grreat Britain ; that this intercourse, there- 
 fore, was the one which I most sincerely wished, and thought 
 the sooner it was adopted the better; that if our members 
 
May 5] ELSWORTH PLAYS A MIDDLE GAME. 19 
 
 should be ill-treated below, as had been alleged by some gentle- 
 men, the faidt would not be ours, and then we would be fully 
 justified in adopting some other mode ; that a communication 
 by our Secretary was a bad one ; that it interrupted business, , 
 as we could not proceed without him. If we meant it by way 
 of returning the affront that had been offered to us, this was 
 wrong. "We should send the bill by letter, and this would be 
 treating them in kind. 
 
 I was answered, or at least an attempt was made, but I was 
 not convinced. Mr. Langdon got up soon after, and seemed 
 to adopt all I had said, but the motion was carried against us. 
 Elsworth was with us and so was Mr. Carrol, but he concluded 
 with saying he woidd this time vote for the Secretary to go 
 down with the bill. Gave my landlord another half Johannes. 
 He now owes me £2 Is. lOd. Paid him for some wood. 
 
 I forgot to minute a very long speech of Mr. Elsworth 
 when the bill was on the third reading. He prefaced his dis- 
 course by saying he would make no motion, but gentlemen 
 might do as they pleased after he had delivered his sentiments. 
 The whole amounted to this, that the great and dignified sta- 
 tion of the President and the conspicuous part he would act in 
 the field of legislation, as all laws must pass in review before 
 him, and were subject to his revision and correction, etc., en- 
 titled him to have his name or place marked in the enacting 
 clause of all laws ; or at least he should be brought into view 
 among the component parts of Congress. Ideas of the above 
 kind were dwelt on and varied with agreeable enough diction 
 for nearly a quarter of an hour. I am confident Elsworth 
 neither wished nor expected to have any serious motion made 
 on such untenable ground. What, then, could be his motive ? 
 Solely to play the courtier ? Something of this kind had been 
 hinted from the Chair. Mr. Izard had been explicit on tlie 
 subject, Mr. Elsworth now plays a middle game. He knows 
 the thing can not take place, but he will bring it fully in view 
 so that he can say, " It was not my fault," and thus secure his 
 interest with the high-toned courtiers. Is such a man to be 
 trusted ? No motion was made ; indeed, the spirit of his ad- 
 dress was reducible to this : " I will make no motion ; if any 
 of you are foolish enough to do it, you may." 
 
20 THE ANSWER TO THE PRESIDENT'S ADDRESS. [1789 
 
 May 6th. — No Senate this day; there was a commence- 
 ment at Saint Paul's Church ; the Senate were served with 
 tickets. Dr. Johnson, the principal of the college, could not 
 attend v/ith us. I had heard that Mr. Morris was come to 
 town. I went for his lodgings. This another useless journey, 
 for he has not come. I would have been very glad of Mr. 
 Morris' company. It has happened otherwise. I have been 
 a bird alone. I have had to bear the chilling cold of the 
 North and the intemperate warmth of the South, neither of 
 which is favorable to the Middle State from which I come. 
 Lee and Izard, hot as the burning sands of Carolina, hate us. 
 Adams with all his frigid friends, cool and wary, bear us no 
 good-will. I could not find a confidant in one of them, or say 
 to my heart, " Here is the man I can trust." What has been 
 my conduct, then ? Spirit of Eectitude, bear witness for me. 
 Have I trimmed to one of them ? Or have I withheld a single 
 sentiment that my judgment approved of ? I trust I have not. 
 "Regardless of consequences, with no eye to emolument, vrith- 
 out desire for reai^pointment, I mean to act as if I were im- 
 mortal, and yet I wish to give satisfaction and content to the 
 State that sent me here. Never, however, will I purchase that 
 with discontent in my own bosom, nor does my dear country 
 demand such a sacrifice at my hand. 
 
 ~~ Mcm^ 7th.—T\\Q bill for taking the oath for the support of 
 the Constitution came up. The amendments all agreed to, 
 and a small one added. The committee reported an answer to 
 the President's speech. It was read. One part was objected 
 to, which stated the United States to have been in anarchy 
 and confusion, and the President stepping in and rescuing 
 them. A very long debate. The words were struck out. 
 Mr. Lee offered part of a sentence which, I thought, filled the 
 sentence with propriety. It was, however, lost. Mr. Patter- 
 son offered a clause, "rescued us from evils impending over 
 us." This was carried ; but half the Senate nearly made sour 
 faces at it. Mr. Elsworth said it was tautological, but seemed 
 at a loss as to mending it. I rose, more in consequence of a 
 kind of determination that I have adopted of sayino- some- 
 thing every day than from any fondness of the subject? I ad- 
 mitted that there appeared something tautological in the words 
 
Mat 7] A CANOPIED THRONE. 21 
 
 and it was not easy to mend them consistent with elegant dic- 
 tion, but, if the first syllable was taken from the word impend- 
 ing, it would then stand, " evils pending over us." The objec- 
 tion would be obviated, but I would not say the language 
 would be eloquent. But, since I was up, I could not help 
 remarking that I thought the whole clause improper ; that to 
 state the whole Union as being in anarchy or under impending 
 ruiii was sanctifying the calumnies of our enemies, who had 
 long labored in the foreign gazettes to represent us as a people 
 void of government. It was fixing a stain on the annals of 
 America, for future historians would appeal to the transac- 
 tions of this very day as a proof of our disordered circum- 
 stances. I therefore was against the whole clause. Mr. "Wyn- 
 gate followed me, and was for having the clause struck [out]. 
 This could not well be done consistent with order. I men- 
 tioned that, if a reconsideration was moved, I would second it. 
 It was reconsidered and amended, and afterward recommitted 
 to the same committee. They retired for the purpose of dress- 
 ing it. 
 
 Now the Yice-President rose to draw the attention of the 
 Senate to the manner of delivering the answer to the Presi- 
 dent. A committee was appointed to confer on this and other 
 subjects with a committee of Kepresentatives. " There are 
 three ways, gentlemen " (said our Yice-President), " by which 
 the President may communicate with us. One is personally. 
 If he comes here, we must have a seat for him. In England it 
 is called a throne. To be sure, it is behind that seat we must 
 seek for shelter and protection. The second is by a minister 
 of state. The third is by his chamberlain or one of his aides- 
 de-camp, I had almost said, but that is a military phrase. . It 
 may become a great constitiitional question." Seeing the 
 House look blank, he said, " I throw these things oiit for 
 gentlemen to think of." Mr. Lee got up and said something 
 on the propriety of having a seat with a canopy for the Presi- 
 dent. Mr. Langdon said something, but did not seem well col- 
 lected, and spoke so low I did not hear him. 
 
 The time was trifled till near three o'clock. The day was 
 cold, and the jnembera-jeollected^ near the fire, leaving their 
 seats. The committee returned with the message, and it really 
 
22 "DIGNITY AND SPLENDOR" OF GOVERNMENT. [1789 
 
 read vastly better, and was altered in the exceptional phrases. 
 In one place, speaking of the Government, it mentioned " dig- 
 nity and sjjlendor." I submitted it to the gentlemen who had 
 the amending of it whether "respectability" was not better 
 than splendor. Mr. Carrol, of the committee, did not defend 
 the word " splendor," but said " respectability " had been used 
 before, if he recollected right. Mr. Patterson said it sounded 
 much better than "respectability," and rounded the period. 
 Dr. Johnson said " splendor " signified in this place the high- 
 est perfection of government. These were the three members 
 of the committee. I mentioned that, if the word respectability 
 had been used immediately before, it would be improper ; that 
 dignity alone I thought expressed all that was wanted. As to 
 the seeking of sounding names and pompous expressions, I 
 thought them exceptionable on that very account, and that no 
 argument was necessary to show it ; that different men had a 
 train of different ideas raised by the same word ; that " splen- 
 dor," when applied to government, brought into my mind, 
 instead of the highest perfection, all the faulty finery, brilliant 
 scenes, and expensive trappings of royal govermnent, and im- 
 pressed my mind with an idea quite the reverse of republican 
 respectability, which I thought consisted in firm and prudent 
 councils, frugality, and economy. 
 
 I found I was not seconded, and concluded that my motion 
 went to recommend a reconsideration of the word "splendor" 
 to the committee. They did not alter it, and the answer was 
 agreed to. The Vice-President rose in the chair and repeated 
 twice, with more joy in his face than I had ever seen him as- 
 sume before, he hoped the Government would be supported 
 with dignity and splendor. I thought he did it by way of 
 triumph over me for a former defeat I gave him, but may be 
 I was mistaken. 
 
 May 8th. — Attended a joint committee on the papers of 
 the old Congress. Made progress in the business. Agreed to 
 meet at half-past ten on Monday and report. Senate fonned. 
 The Secretary, as usual, had made some mistakes, which were 
 rectified, and now Mr. Elsworth moved for the report of the 
 Joint Committee to be taken up on the subject of titles. It 
 was accordingly done. Mr. Lee led the business. He took 
 
May 8] "PEAR GOD AND HONOR THE KING." 23 
 
 Ms old ground — all the world, civilized and savage, called for 
 titles ; that there must be something in human nature that 
 occasioned this general consent ; that, therefore, he conceived 
 it was right. Here he began to enumerate many nations who 
 gave titles — such as Venice, Genoa, and others. The Greeks 
 and Romans, it was said, had no titles, " but " (making a pro- 
 found bow to the Chair) " you were pleased to set us right in 
 this with respect to the Conscript Fathers the other day." 
 Here he repeated the Yice-President's speech of the 23d 
 ultimo [April], almost verbatim all over. 
 
 Mr. Elsworth rose. He had a paper in his hat, which he 
 looked constantly at. He repeated almost all that Mr. Lee had 
 said, but got on the subject of kings — declared that the sen- 
 tence in the primer of fern- Ood and honor ilie Tcvng was of 
 great importance ; that kings were of divine appointment ; 
 that Saul, the head and shoulders taller than the rest of the 
 people, was elected by God and anointed by his appointment. 
 
 I sat, after he liad done, for a considerable time, to see if 
 anybody would rise. At last I got up and first answered Lee 
 as well as I could with nearly the same argmuents, drawn from 
 the Constitution, as I had used on the 23d ult. I mentioned 
 that Avithin the space of twenty years back more light had been 
 thrown on the subject of governments and on human affairs in 
 general than for several generations before ; that this light of 
 knowledge had diminished the veneration for titles, and that 
 mankind now considered themselves as little bound to imitate 
 the follies of civilized nations as the brutalities of savages; 
 tliat the abuse of power and the fear of bloody masters had 
 ■ extorted titles as well as adoration, in some instances from the 
 trembling crowd ; that the impression now on the minds of 
 the citizens of these States was that of horror for kingly au- 
 thority. 
 
 Izard got up. He dwelt almost entirely on the iintiquity 
 of kingly government. He could not, however, well get fur- 
 ther back than Philip of Macedon. He seemed to have forgot 
 both Homer and the Bible. He urged for something equiva- 
 lent to nobility having been common among the Eomans, for 
 they had three names that seemed to answer to honorable, or 
 something like it, before and something behind. He did not 
 
24 TITLES AEB FORBIDDEN FRUIT. [1789 
 
 say Esquire. Mr. Carrol rose and took my side of the ques- 
 tion. He followed nearly the track I had been in, and dwelt 
 much on the information that was now abroad in the world. 
 He spoke against kings. Mr. Lee and Mr. Izard were both 
 up again. Elsworth was up again. Langdon was up sev- 
 eral times, but spoke short each time. Patterson was up, but 
 there was no knowing which side he was of. Mr. Lee consid- 
 ered him as against him and answered him, but Patterson 
 finally voted with Lee. The Vice-President repeatedly helped 
 the speakers for titles. Elsworth was enumerating how com- 
 mon the appellation of President was. The Vice-President 
 put him in mind that there were presidents of fire companies 
 and of a cricket club. Mr. Lee at another time was saying he 
 believed some of the States authorized titles by their Constitu- 
 tions. The Vice-President, from the chair, told him that Con- 
 necticut did it. At sundry other times he interfered in a like 
 manner. I had been frequently up to answer new points dur- 
 ing the debate. 
 
 I collected myself for a last effort. I read the clause in the 
 Constitution against titles of nobility ; showed that the spirit 
 of it was against not only granting titles by Congress, but 
 against the permission of foreign potentates granting <m,y titles 
 whatever ; that as to kingly government, it was equally out of 
 the question, as a republican government was guaranteed to 
 every State in the Union ; that they were both equally forbid- 
 den fruit of the Constitution. I called the attention of tlie 
 House to the consequences that were like to follow ; that gen- 
 tlemen seemed to court a rupture with the other House. The 
 Representatives had adopted the report, and were this day act- 
 ing on it, or according to the spirit of the report. We were 
 proposing a title. Our conduct would mark us to the world 
 as actuated by the spirit of dissension, and the characters of 
 the Houses would be as aristocratic and democratical. 
 
 The report [of the Committee on Titles] was, however, re- 
 jected. "Excellency" was moved for as a title by Mr. Izard. 
 It was withdrawn by Mr. Izard, and " highness " with some 
 prefatory word, proposed by Mr. Lee. Now long harangues 
 were made in favor of this title. " Elective " was placed be- 
 fore. It was insisted that such a dignified title would add 
 
May9J looking up A TITLE FOR WASHINGTON. 25 
 
 greatly to the weight and authority of the Government both 
 at home and abroad. I declared myself totally of a different 
 opinion ; that at present it was impossible to add to the re- 
 spect entertained for General "Washington ; that if you gave 
 him the title of any foreign prince or potentate, a belief would 
 follow that the manners of that prince and his modes of gov- 
 ernment would be adopted by the President. (Mr. Lee had, 
 just before I got up, read over a list of the titles of all the 
 princes and potentates of the earth, marking where the word 
 " highness " occurred. The Grand Turk had it, all the princes 
 of Germany had' [it], sons and daughters of crown heads, etc.) 
 That particularly " elective highness," which sounded nearly 
 like " electoral highness," would have a most ungrateful sound 
 to many thotisands of industrious citizens who had fled from 
 German oppression ; that " highness " was part of the title of a 
 prince or princes of the blood, and was often given to dukes ; 
 that it was degrading our President to place him on a par 
 with any prince of any blood in Europe, nor was there one of 
 them that could enter the list of true glory with him. 
 
 But I will minute no more. The debate lasted till half " 
 after three o'clock, and it ended in appointing a committee to 
 consider of a title to be given to the President. This whole , j, 
 silly business is the work of Mr. Adams and Mr. Lee ; Izard ' 
 follows Lee, and the New England men, w ho always herd to - \ 
 getijer, follQW Mr. Adams. Mr. Thompson says this used to 
 be the case in the old Congress. I had, to be sure, the great- 
 est share in this debate, and must now have completely sold 
 (no, sold is a bad word, for I have got nothing for it) every 
 particle of court favor, for a court our House see:ns deter- 
 mined on, and to run into all the fooleries, fopperies, fineries, 
 and pomp of royal etiquette ; a nd all this for Mr. Ad ams. 
 
 May 9th. — Attended the Hall at ten o'clock to go on the 
 Judicial Committee. Met many of the members. I know not 
 the motive, but I never was received with more familiarity, 
 nor quite so much, before by the members. Elsworth in par- 
 ticular seemed to show a kind of fondness. The Judicial Com- 
 mittee did no business. Senate formed. It took a long time 
 to correct the minutes. Otis keeps them miserably. At length 
 the committee came in and reported a 'title — His Highness tlie 
 
26 A COMMITTEE OP CONFERENCE. [1789 
 
 President of the United States of America <md Protector of 
 the Rights of the Same. Mr. Few had spoken a word or two 
 with me, and signified his unwillingness to do anything hastily. 
 He got up and spoke a great deal against hasty measures. He 
 did not pointedly move for postponement, but it amounted 
 nearly to it. The Clerk of the other House in the mean time 
 appeared at the bar and announced the adoption of the report 
 of the Joint Committee (rejecting titles). 
 
 I got up and expressed my opinion that what had fallen 
 from the honorable gentleman from Georgia amounted to a 
 motion for postponement, and asked leave to second him. I 
 then pointed out the rupture that was likely to ensue with the 
 other House ; that this was a matter of very serious import, 
 and I thought it our indispensable duty to avoid any incon- 
 venience of that kind ; that by the arrangement between the 
 Houses in case of disagreement a conference might be request- 
 ed ; that my intention was, if the postponement was carried, to 
 move immediately for a committee of conference to be ap- 
 pointed on the difference between the Houses, and I had hopes 
 that by these means all subject of debate would be done away. 
 Mr. Eead got up and moved that the report might be adopted. 
 He was not seconded, but the motion was in itself idle. Mr. 
 Strong spoke in favor of the postponement, and was inter- 
 rupted from the Chair. Mr. Dalton after some time spoke in 
 favor of it. I could now see a visible anxiety in the Chair. 
 
 I had a fine, slack, and easy time of it to-day. Friends 
 seemed to rise in succession. Lee went over his old ground 
 twice, but owned at last there was great difiiculty every way, 
 but said plainly the best mode was for the House to adopt the 
 report, and then the other House would follow. He found, 
 however, the current began to turn against him, and he laid 
 his head on his hand as if he would have slept. Mr. Strong 
 was up again. He said among many things that he thought 
 the other House would follow, but there was a risk in it. 
 
 Mr. Izard got up at last. He, too, was for a postponement. 
 I could see the Vice-President kindled at him. Mr. Izard said 
 we knew the other House had adopted the report [rejecting 
 titles]. The Vice-President interrupted him and said no ; we 
 had no right to know it nor could we know it until after the 
 
May 9] "WHAT WILL THE COMMON PEOPLE SAY?" 27 
 
 Clerk had this morning given official information. The mem- 
 bers fixed themselves, and the question was called for. 
 
 Up now got the Vice-President, and for forty minutes did 
 he harangiie us from the chair. He began first on the subject, 
 of order, and found fault with everything almost, but down he 
 came to particulars, and pointedly blamed a member for dis- 
 orderly behavior. The member had mentioned the appearance 
 of a captious disposition in the other House. This was dis- 
 orderly and spoke with asperity. The member meant was 
 Mr. Izard. AH this was only prefatory. On he got to his 
 favorite topic of titles, and over the old ground of the im- 
 mense advantage of, the absolute necessity of them. "When he 
 had exhausted this subject he turned a new leaf, I believe, on 
 the conviction that the postponement would be carried and 
 perhaps the business lost by an attention to the other House. 
 
 " Gentlemen, I must tell you that it is you and the Presi- 
 dent that have the making of titles. Suppose the President to 
 have the appointment of Mr. Jefferson at the court of France. 
 Mr. Jefferson is, in virtue of that appointment, the most illus- 
 trious, the most powerful, and what not. But the President 
 must be himself something that includes all the dignities of the 
 diplomatic corps and something greater still. "What will the 
 common people of foreign countries, what will the sailors and 
 the soldiers saj', ' George Washington, President of the United 
 States ' ? They will despise him to all eternity. This is all non- 
 sense to the philosopher, but so is all government whatever." 
 
 The above I recollect with great precision, but he said fifty 
 more things, equally injudicious, which I do not think worth 
 minuting. It is evident that he begins to despair of getting 
 the article of titles through the House of Kepresentatives, and 
 has turned his eye to get it done solely by the Senate. 
 
 Having experienced relief by the interference of sundry 
 members, I had determined not to say another word, but his 
 new leaf appeared so absurd I could not help some animadver- 
 sions on it. I rose. Mr. President, the Constitution of the 
 United States has designated our Chief Magistrate by the ap- 
 pellation of the President of the United States of America. 
 This is his title of office, nor can we alter, add to, or diminish 
 it withoiit infringing the Constitution. In Hke manner per- 
 
28 "BOMBASTIC NONSENSE." [1789 
 
 sons authorized to transact business with foreign powers are 
 styled Ambassadors, PuUic Ministers, etc. To give them 
 any other appellation would be an equal infringement. As to 
 grades of orders or titles of nobility, nothing of the kind can 
 be established by Congress. 
 
 Can, then, the President and Senate do that which is prohib- 
 ited to the United States at large ? Certainly not. Let us read 
 the Constitution : No title of nobility shall he grafted ly the 
 United States. The Constitution goes further. The servants 
 of the public are prohibited from accepting them from any 
 foreign state, king, or prince. So that the appellations and 
 terms given to nobility in the Old World are contraband lan- 
 guage in the TJnited States, nor can we apply them to our citi- 
 zens consistent with the Constitution. As to what the com- 
 mon people, soldiers, and sailors of foreign countries may think 
 of us, I do not think it imports us much. Perhaps the less 
 they think, or have occasion to think of us, the better. 
 
 But suppose this a desirable point, how is it to be gained ? 
 The English excepted, foreigners do not understand our lan- 
 guage. We must use Hohen Mogende to a Dutchman, Bey- 
 lerbey to a Turk or Algerine, and so of the rest. From the 
 English indeed we may borrow terms tliat would not be wholly 
 unintelligible to our own citizens. Btit will they thank us for 
 the compliment ? "Would not the plagiarism be more likely to 
 be attended with contempt than respect among all of them ? It 
 has been admitted that all this is nonsense to the pliilosopher. 
 I am ready to admit that every high-sounding, pompous appel- 
 lation, descriptive of qualities which the object does not pos- 
 sess, must appear bombastic nonsense in the eye of every mse 
 man. But I can not admit such an idea with respect to gov- 
 ernment itself. Philosophers have admitted not the utility but 
 the necessity of it [government], and their labors have been 
 directed to correct the vices and expose the follies which have 
 been ingrafted upon it, and to reduce^ the practice of it to the 
 principles of common sense, such as we see exemplified by the 
 merchant, the mechanic, and the farmer, whose every act or 
 operation tends to a productive or beneficial effect, and, above 
 all, to illustrate this fact, that government was instituted for 
 the benefit of the people, and that no act of government is jus- 
 
May 10] DELAYING THE IMPOST. 29 
 
 tifiable that has not this for its object. Such has been the 
 labor of philosophers with respect to government, and sorry 
 indeed would I be if their labors should be in vain. 
 
 After all this he had to put the question, and the postpone- 
 ment was carried. I kept my word, and offered the resolution 
 for a conference on the differences, etc. It was carried, and 
 the committee appointed. Elsworth, the most conceited man 
 in the world, drew up a new resolution. It was to keep the 
 differences out of sight, and to proceed de novo on a title for 
 the President. I did not enter into debate, but expressed my 
 fear that the House of Representatives would be irritated and 
 would not meet us on that ground. And, as if they meant to 
 provoke the other House, they insisted that the minute of re- 
 jection should go down with the appointment of the commit- 
 tee. Little good can come of it thus circumstanced, more 
 especially^as the old committee were reappointed. 
 
 Ma/y 10th. — Being Sunday, bathed and stayed at home all 
 the day after, as it was raining and I was afraid to go out, for 
 fear of catching cold. Wrote to my family as usual. A Phila- 
 delphia merchant was in with Mr. Wynkoop. He alleged that 
 Mr. Fitzsimons delayed the Impost bill, while his own India- 
 men should arrive, for it seems he has more than one. On 
 Friday evening Mr. Fitzsimons avowed that he had set Gerry 
 on to bring in the Company bill. Now, it seems the Company 
 bUl must be rejected again. I asked Mr. Fitzsimons what 
 could be the means of the bill hanging so long in the hands of 
 the committee. He blamed Gerry ; baid it was left with Gerry 
 last Saturday ; that he had called this evening (Friday), and 
 he found it still lying on Mr. Gerry's table xmtouched. I asked 
 if he did not expect blame ; he said he was afraid they would 
 say of him, as he was a merchant, that he delayed it until his 
 own vessels would arrive from the East Indies. They do, in- 
 deed, say so / and I say the bill is delayed by some means to 
 the great loss of revenue. Mr. Wynkoop remarked that Mr. 
 Fitzsimons acted in a double capacity — as a mercliant and as a 
 Representative. The man replied shrewdly, " You will al- 
 ways jbiid the merchamt wppermosty 
 
 May 11th. — I have actually delayed making up my journal 
 for this day imtil the morning of the 12th. I feel liow very ' 
 
30 WASHINGTON AT THE THEATRE. [1789 
 
 wrong it is. There is a bhmtness over my memory already. 
 The first thing I did in the morning was delivering my letters 
 at the post-office. Called to see if Mr. Morris was come to 
 town. He was not. Met two committees at the hall : first on 
 the affairs of the Old Congress Papers. This business dis- 
 posed of, the second on the judiciary department. Senate 
 met. Mr. Lee moved to put off the order of the day, on the 
 subject of titles, until to-morrow. Agreed to. He then moved 
 to consider the appointing of a Sergeant-at-Arms. This lost. 
 Mr, Izard and sundry gentlemen of the Senate [were] dissatis- 
 fied with our Vice-President. He takes on him to school the 
 members from the chair. His grasping after titles has been 
 obs erved by everybody. Mr. Izard, after describing his air, 
 manner, deportment, and personal figure in the chair, con- 
 cluded with applying the title of Rohmdity to him. I have 
 really often looked at him with surprise mingled with con- 
 tempt when he is in the chair and no business before the Sen- 
 ate. Instead of that sedate, easy air which I would have him 
 possess, he will look on one side, then on the other, then down 
 on the knees of his breeches, then dimple his visage with the 
 most silly kind of half smile which I can not well express in 
 English. The Scotch-Irish have a word that hits it exactly — 
 smvdgvng. God forgive me for the vile thought, but I can 
 not help thinking of a monkey just put into breeches when I 
 saw him betray such evident marks of self-conceit. He made 
 us a speech this day also, but, as I did not minute the heads of 
 it when he spoke, I will not attempt to recollect it. 
 
 Senate adjourned, and the Judicial Committee met. Sat 
 like near three o'clock. Appointed a sub-committee to draft 
 a bill. I do not like it in any part, or rather I generally dis- 
 like it, but we will see how it looks in form of a bill. After 
 dinner we were called on by the Speaker and his brother and 
 asked to eat a Pennsylvania dinner to-morrow. Took a walk. 
 
 I received a ticket from the President of the United States 
 to use his box this evening at the theatre, being the first of his 
 appearance at the playhouse since his entering on his office. 
 Went. The President, Governor of the State, foreign Minis- 
 ters, Senators from New Hampshire, Connecticut, Pennsyl- 
 vania, M. [Maryland or Massachusetts ?], and South Carolina ; 
 
May 12] "USHER OP THE BLACK ROB." 31 
 
 and some ladies in the same box. I am old, and notices or at- 
 tentions are lost on me. I coxild have wished some of my 
 dear children in my place ; they are young and would have 
 enjoyed it. Long might they live to boast of having been, 
 seated in the same box with the first Character in the world. 
 The play was the " School for Scandal." I never liked it ; 
 indeed, I think it an indecent representation before ladies of 
 character and virtue. Farce, the " Old Soldier." The house 
 greatly crowded, and I thought the players acted well ; but I 
 wish we had seen tlie Conscious Lovers, or some one that in- 
 culcated more prudential manners. 
 
 May 12th. — ^Went early this morning to wait on Mr. Fitz- 
 simons. "Was informed that Mr. Morris had called to see him 
 this morning. Took no notice of this, but went in quest of 
 Mr. Morris. Found him at the door where he kept his office. 
 Took a long walk with him, and gave him a detail of all that 
 had happened in the Senate since he left it, as exactly as I 
 could. He seemed to listen to me in a friendly way. Came 
 to the Hall at eleven. Senate met, but there really was noth- 
 ing happened worth mentioning. The business of considering 
 the title, which was laid on the table, was postponed to see • 
 what would be the result of the conference of the joint com- 
 mittee on that business. Adjourned. 
 
 "Went to heai the debates of the House of Eepresentatives 
 from the gallery. From thence went with Mr. Morris to the 
 President's levee. Stayed until the company began to with- 
 draw. Felt, I believe^ a little awkward, for my knee pained 
 me, and ^is business of standing was not very agreeable to 
 me. Left Mr. Morris at the levee ; came home. Stayed till 
 four o'clock, and went and dined with the Speaker of the 
 House. 
 
 This day the Yice-President gave us no set speech from 
 the chair, but I know not whether it was want of memory or 
 design, but a motion made by me and seconded by Lee was 
 passed by him and a second motion put. He [Mr. Adams], 
 liowever, seemed confused. The speech which he made yes- 
 terday was on the subject of our having a Sergeant-at-Arms. 
 He seemed to wish that the officer should be Usher of the 
 Slack Mod. He described this office as appurtenant to the 
 
 I I 
 
32 A COMMITTKB ON NEWSPAPERS. [1789 
 
 House of Lords, and concluded by telling us that Sir Francis 
 Mollineaux was the officer, and that he Jiad the honor of being 
 introduced to the House of Lords. 
 
 My business with Mr. Fitzsimons this morning was to in- 
 form him how much I feared the cabal of the New England 
 members in the Senate ; and that, if they were not gratified in 
 some measiire on their favorite article of molasses, they would 
 join with every member who objected to any single article, and 
 promise him gratification in his particular humor if he would 
 join them. By these means, all the discontents being united, 
 and indulgence given even to caprice and whim, the bill woul4 
 be lost. He laughed at my fears. The molasses affair was to 
 be called up again. I asked him if he was sure of [a] majority 
 in the House for continuing the duty at six cents. " Yery con- 
 fident of it " ; yet he was mistaken, and it was reduced to five. 
 
 I felt great joy on the coming of Mr. Morris to to^wTi, for 
 now I shall have one in whom I can confide. 
 
 May 13th. — Paid some visits this morning. Senate met. 
 The Yice-President piit us in mind that the report for the 
 President's title lay on the table. Mr. Lee informed the House 
 that the committee on that business had met, but being in the 
 Senate chamber were dispersed on the meeting of the Senate, 
 and had agreed to meet to-morrow morning. Report for class- 
 ing the Senate permitted to lie on the table. Moved, and a 
 committee appointed to confer on the subject of newspapers. 
 A committee of nine appointed for the penal Federal laws. I 
 can observe total change of behavior, or at least a considerable 
 one, in our Vice-President. Instead of directing two Senators 
 to read the ballots for committee-men, as he did heretofore, he 
 this day read them aloud from the chair, and the Clerk tallied. 
 This is the first step toward reformation, and I hope it will be 
 progressi/oe. 
 
 May llfth. — This a most stormy day, with rain. Went to 
 the Hall half after nine. Met Mr. Ellicott and took him with 
 me to the Board of Treasury. He left his papers. I met the 
 committee for the dividing of the rooms. I told Few and the 
 committee in general that I had heard there were designs on 
 foot to saddle Congress with the expenses of the City HaJl. He 
 did not give a word of answer. L'Enfant was with us, and, 
 
May 14] "YOUR HIGHNESS OP THE SENATE." 33 
 
 like most Frenchmen, was so talkative that scarce a word could 
 be said. Adjourned, to meet to-morrow at ten o'clock. Senate 
 met. The Vice-President reminded us of the title report. The 
 committee was out on that business. Classing report adopted. 
 A motion of yesterday was on the table for the regulating 
 joint committees. Elsworth, according to his custom, drew 
 another one. Mr. Langdon withdrew his complaisance to Mr. 
 Elsworth. Lee moved to strike out the latter part of Els- 
 worth's. Elsworth, in complaisance to Lee, seconded him. 
 This spoiled the motion, and, all complaisance being at an end, 
 the rest was rejected by the House. 
 
 It was here the Vice-President made us his speech for the 
 day. He said parliamentary customs, when found convenient, 
 should be followed as good examples (this is the first time I 
 ever heard him guard his parliamentary lessons, but I observed 
 yesterday that there was a change) ; that conferences were very 
 seldom used by the Houses in Great Britain ; that little bene- 
 fit was obtained from them ; that there could be but little use 
 only in case of difference of opinion with respect to bills. The 
 whole seemed to aim at lessening the intercourse between the 
 two Houses. I could not help thinking of his speech of the 
 9th instant. It seemed the second part of it. 
 
 Now rose Mr. Lee to report on titles from the Joint Com- 
 mittee. He reported that the committee from the other House 
 had adhered in the strictest manner to their former resohition. 
 He moved that the report, which had been laid on the table, 
 in favor of titles, should be entered on the files of the House, 
 and that a motion which he had in his hand should be adopted. 
 The spirit of the motion was that, to keep up a proper respect 
 for our Chief Magistrate, attention should be paid to the cus- 
 toms of civilized nations ; that the appearance of the affecta- 
 tion of simplicity would be injurious ; that the Senate had de- 
 cided in favor of titles from these motives ; but that, in con- 
 formity to the practice of the other House, for the present, 
 they resolved to address the President without title. 
 
 Yesterday Mr, Muhlenberg accosted me with Your High- 
 ness of the Senate. On my pausing, he said Mr. Wynkoop 
 Had been christened by them " His Highness of the Lower 
 House," and he thought I was entitled to the same distinction 
 3 
 
34 RIBNZI RUINED BY TITLES. [1789 
 
 in the Senate. As we had the business all over again to-day, I 
 determined to try what ridicule could do. Mr. President, if 
 all men were of one stature, there would be neither high nor 
 low. Highness, when appUed to an individual, must naturally 
 denote the excess of stature which he possesses over other 
 men. An honorable member told us the other day of a certain 
 king [Saul] who was a head and shoulders taller than anybody 
 else. This, more especially when he was gloriously greased 
 with a great horn of oil, must render him highly conspicuous. 
 History, too, if I mistake not, will furnish us with an example 
 where a great Thracian obtained the empire of the world from 
 no other circumstance. But, if tliis antiquated principle is to 
 be adopted, give us fair play. Let America be searched, and 
 it is most probable that the honor will be f oimd to belong to 
 some huge Patagonian. This, indeed, is putting one sadly over 
 the head of another. True, but Nature has done it, and men 
 should see where she leads before they adopt her as a guide. 
 
 It may be said that this business is metaphorical, and the 
 high station of the President entitled him to it. Nothing can 
 be true metaphorically which is not so naturally, and under 
 this view of the proposed title it belongs with more propriety 
 to the man in the moon than anybody else, as his station (when 
 we have the honor of seeing him) is certainly the most exalted 
 of any that we know of. Gentlemen may say this is fanciful. 
 Would they wish to see the subject in the most serious point of 
 view that it is possible to place ? Eome, after being benighted 
 for ages in the darkest gloom of ecclesiastic and aristocratic tyr- 
 anny, beheld a reformer [Eienzi] in the fourteenth century, who, 
 preaching from stocks and stones and the busts and fragments 
 of ancient heroes, lighted up the lamp of liberty to meridian 
 splendor. Intoxicated with success, he assumed a string of 
 titles, none of which, in my recollection, was equally absurd 
 with the one before you ; in consequence of which, and of his 
 aping some other symbols of nobility and royalty, he feU and 
 pulled down the whole republican structure along Avith him, 
 marking particularly the subject of titles as one of the princi- 
 pal rocks on which he was shipwrecked. As to the latter part 
 of the title, I would only observe that the power of war is the 
 organ of protection. This is placed in Congress by the Con- 
 
Mat 14] A TITLE REPORTED FOR WASHINGTON". 85 
 
 stitution. Any attempt to divest them of it and place it else- 
 wliere, even with George "Washington, is treason against the 
 United States, or, at least, a violation of the Constitution. 
 
 In order to get out of the kind of puzzle which Lee had 
 engaged us in, we moved a general postponement of the report 
 on the title, hoping this would cut up the whole matter by the 
 roots. It was carried. And even after this Lee hung with 
 obstinacy to the idea of putting it on the files of the House. 
 
 Through the whole of this base business I have endeavored 
 to mark the conduct of General "Washington. I have no clew 
 that will lead me fairly to any just conclusion as to his senti- 
 ments. I think it scarce possible, but he must have dropped 
 something on a subject which has excited so much warmth. 
 If he did, it was not on our side, or I would have heard it. 
 But no matter. I have, by plowing with the heifer of the 
 other House, completely defeated them. 
 
 Mr. Carrol rose and opposed the imperfect resolution be- 
 ing put on the files .by order of the House. I seconded him 
 in opposing this, as putting such a thing on the files by special 
 order of the House was giving it an authority which no post- 
 poned paper should have, and carried the air of adoptiqp. 
 Papers were never specially ordered on the files but with a 
 view of perpetuating information. A special order for put- 
 ting on the files would hereafter be considered as an adoption, 
 this part of- this motion being lost by a general postponement 
 of the report. 
 
 Mr. Morris rose after the question had been carried, and 
 expressed his disUke of the title, viz., Sighness amd Protector 
 of the Rights of America. He said the protection lay with 
 the whole Congress. He was right in his remarks, but he was 
 told the question was carried. Mr. Carrol expressed great 
 dislike at the fore part of the motion, which stated the acts of 
 the Senate to be in favor of titles, when, in fact, no such reso- 
 lution ever had passed the Senate. I rose and moved a divis- 
 ion of the motion. "Was immediately seconded by Mr. Car- 
 rol. Ifow a long debate ensued. Mr. Elsworth traversed^ 
 the field of titles over again. Dr. Johnson spoke much more 
 to the point. Mr. Patterson, after reading over the motion, 
 was of opinion that a division should take place at the word 
 
36 JEALOUSY BETWEEN THE HOUSES. [1789 
 
 " Senate." I was also, with Mr. Morris, of opinion that the 
 division would stand best at this place. I withdrew my mo- 
 tion and seconded his for the division from the word " Sen- 
 ate." The division was full enough to answer all the purposes 
 which they ^.vowed, taking it at this place. But it is evident 
 they have not given up the idea of titles, and seem insultingly 
 to say so to the House of Representatives. Affectation of 
 simplicity is directly charged on the other House. This they 
 amended by putting in the word appearance. 
 
 I endeavored to draw my principal argument, when last 
 up, from the unfairness of the fore part. It expressly recited 
 a determination of the Senate to grant titles. No such resolu- 
 tion had ever passed. It might be implied that the Senate 
 were in favor of titles, but why refer to a resolution that did 
 not exist ? Accommodation was the principle held out. But 
 was ever [a] thing done with so ill grace ? It was saying, 
 " We meet you on the principles of accommodation, but you 
 are completely wrong, and we are perfectly right." Can any 
 good come of such accommodation ? Mr. Carrol declared 
 that the idea held forth was that the Senate were for titles, 
 but it was well known they were not all for titles. He was 
 opposed, and so were sundry other gentlemen. He wished 
 only for a fair question, that it might be seen who were for 
 them and who were not. He wished the yeas and nays, and 
 let the world judge. Mr. Few declared the gentleman had 
 missed the opportunity of the yeas and nays. They should 
 have been called when the report against titles was rejected. 
 Mr. Few was much out in this, for there were but three of us, 
 and he need not have made his remarks. It was evident that 
 they wished to prevent the yeas and nays. The question was 
 put. The House divided. Eight with us; ten against us. 
 Mr. Carrol called for the yeas and nays. None rose with him 
 but Mr. Henry and myself, and for want of another man we 
 lost them. 
 
 The conunittee was now ordered to wait on the President 
 to know the time when he will be pleased to receive the ad- 
 dress of the Senate. The report of the joint committee on 
 the enrollment of papers was read, and the House adjourned. 
 
 And now I hope we have disposed of a business [relating 
 
Mat 15] LEE'S AIM. 37 
 
 to titles] which in one shape or other has engaged almost the 
 whole time of the Senate from the 23d of April, the day that 
 our Vice-President began it. Had it not been for Mr. Lee I 
 am firmly convinced no other man would have ventured to 
 follow our Yice-President. But Lee led, Elsworth seconded 
 him, the New England men followed, and Mr. Izard joined 
 them, but really haud passibus CEquis, for he was only for the 
 title of " Excellency," which had been sanctified by use. Lee 
 has a cultivated understanding, great practice in public busi- 
 ness, with a factious, restless disposition. He has acted as a 
 high priest through the whole of this idolatrous business. 
 
 It is easy to see what his aim is. By flattering the Presi- 
 dent of the Senate he hopes to govern all the members from 
 New England and, vnth. a little assistance from Carolina or 
 Georgia,, to be absolute in the Senate. Elsworth, and some 
 more of the New England men, flatter him in turn, expecting 
 he will be with them on the question of residence [of Con- 
 gress]. Had it not been for our Yice-President and Lee, I am 
 convinced the Senate would have been as averse to titles as the 
 House of Eepresentatives. The game that our Vice-President 
 and Mr. Lee appear to have now in view is to separate the 
 Senate as much as possible from the House of Representatives. 
 Our Vice-President's doctrine is that, all honors and titles 
 should flow from the President [of the United States] and 
 Senate only. But, once more, subject of titles, farewell ; may 
 I never hear motion or debate on thee more ! 
 
 Memorandum : The fall of Rienzi, the Eoman reformer, 
 who split on the rock of titles, was completely in point. 
 
 May 15th. — Called early this morning on Mr. Scott. I 
 know not where he was, but I did not find him until the fourth 
 time of my calling. It was to guard him on the subject of 
 appropriating the rooms of the City Hall. This is a deceitful 
 business. I put into his hands a form of a report. But he 
 does not seem to be the right stuff to work with ; but I have 
 got the business in a good train, and Mr. White, of Virginia, 
 is to draw a report. 
 
 Senate met. On the reading of the minutes Mr. Few got 
 up and moved warmly that the minute of yesterday on the 
 division of Mr, Lee's motion should be struck out. Lee was 
 
38 "HIS EXCELLENCY THE VICE-PRESIDENT." [1789 
 
 for it in a moment. By these means the vote of yesterday, 
 which respected titles, would have the appearance of unanim- 
 ity. It was opposed by Mr. Carrol, Elsworth, and myself. 
 The minute, however, remained. The committee reported 
 that the President of the United States would receive our ad- 
 dress a quarter after twelve on Monday. It was said we 
 should go in carriages.' 
 
 The classing report was called for ; the ballots were drawn. 
 I fell in the first class.* 
 
 The Vice-President now informed the Senate that a letter 
 had come to his hand which he supposed was intended for 
 him, but it was most improperly directed. It was directed to 
 " His Excellency the Vice-President." He asked the opinion 
 of the Senate, laughingly, and concluded it was against all rule. 
 I said that until we had a rule obliging people to be regular 
 we must submit to their irregularities, more especially of this 
 kind. Mr. Morris said the majesty of the people would do as 
 they pleased. All this I considered as sportive. But he [Mr. 
 Adams] put a serious question. Should the letter, so directed, 
 be read ? Langdon and sundry others said yes ; and read it 
 was, from Loudon, the printer, offering to print for us. Ad- 
 journed. 
 
 I can not help here noting a trait of insolence in Lee, Els- 
 worth, and Johnson. This committee [of titles] take on them 
 to inform the committee of the Eepresentatives that the Sen- 
 ate would, for the present, address the President wndefr the 
 sa/me style amd title as the House of Sepresentatmes had given 
 himn. This, in fact, was saying the Senate will do what we 
 please. Insolence, indeed, but the fact justifies it. But, with 
 all their art, I have balked them for once. 
 
 May 16th. — Settled all accoimts with Mr. Vandalsen, and 
 he owes me twelve shillings and sixpence. Visited Mr. Dal- 
 ton and Mr. Langdon. Attended the committee on the divid- 
 ing the rooms ; declared my sentiments plainly, with all respect 
 to the residence of Congress. It was brought in view by talk 
 of this kind : that from here we would go ; that I scorned all 
 private trick and cabal about it, and would openly, at all times, 
 
 * The short term of two years in the Senate (which were decided by lot), 
 with Mr. Dalton, Mr. Elsworth, Mr. Elmer, Mr. Carrol, and Mr. Grayson. 
 
May 16] A PETITION FROM PRINTERS. 39 
 
 declare for a departure from this place. Committee to meet 
 on Monday at ten. 
 
 Senate met. A message came from the House of Eepre- 
 sentatives. It was on the afEair of a joint committee on news- 
 papers and employing printers. Sundry petitions had come 
 in from different printers. One was just now read from one 
 Fenno. I moved that Fenno's, and all petitions of a similar 
 nature, should be referred, for information, to the Committee 
 on Newspapers and Employing Printers. It was seconded. 
 Elsworth rose in great warmth and opposed it violently. Some 
 more of the New England men joined him. It really seemed 
 to me as if he wished to try whether he could not carry any- 
 thing. He was, however, disappointed. A report of a com- 
 mittee for revising the minutes was read. The petition of one 
 Duncan Campbell was read, and occasioned sundry remarks. 
 Laid on the table. 
 
 The address to the President was now produced engrossed. 
 The word " to " disobliged Elsworth, and a long debate ensued 
 about it. I did not toiich the trite subject. But it was to be 
 signed, and here a mighty difficulty was signified from the 
 Chair, and the wisdom of the House called on to determine if 
 the Chair had done right. Every act had been signed " J. A., 
 "Vice-President." The Vice-President gave this information 
 in such a way as left nobody in doubt that his opinion went 
 with the practice. Mr. Carrol got up and said he thought it 
 a matter of indifference, and concluded that he agreed it should 
 be signed " Vice-President." His looks, I thought, betrayed 
 dissent. But the goddess of good nature will apologize for 
 this slight aberration from sentimental rectitude. He has for 
 some time past been equally with myself opposed to the opin- 
 ions of the Chair, and this was his peace-offering. About two 
 weeks ago I was with Mr. Bead, of the Delaware State, in the 
 upper gaUery of the House of Eepresentatives. A message 
 came from the Senate. The signature was read aloud : "John 
 Adams, Vice-President." M^. Bead turned to me and said, 
 "This is wrong." Yet Mr. Bead now made a very long 
 speech, declaring there was no impropriety in it. Mr. Lee 
 hinted, very diffidently, his disapprobation of it. Mr. Morris 
 said our acts should be signed by our Vice-President. Mr. 
 
40 HOW SHALL THE VICE-PRESIDENT SIGNf [1789 
 
 Elsworth showed some inconvenience that would attend this 
 practice. 
 
 I rose. Said the very term Vice-President carried on the 
 face of it the idea of holding the place of the President in his 
 absence ; that every act done by the Vice-President as^ such 
 impKed that when so acting he held the place of the President. 
 In this point of view nothing could be more improper than 
 the Vice-President signing an address to the President. It 
 was like a man signing an address to himself. That the busi- 
 ness of the Vice-President was when he acted exactly the same 
 with that of President, and could not mix itself with us as a 
 Senate. 
 
 Here the Vice-President tried very hard to raise a laugh. 
 Seeing him willing to bear me down, I continued : " Sir, we 
 know you not as Vice-President within this House. As Presi- 
 dent of the Senate only do we know you. As President of 
 the Senate only can you sign or authenticate any act of that 
 body." He said after I sat down that he believed he need not 
 put the question ; a majority of those who had spoken seemed 
 to be in favor of his signing as President of the Senate. _ Mr. 
 Carrol said he need not put the question, and none was put. 
 Adjourned. 
 
 May 17th, Simday. — Stayed at" home all this day and 
 bathed. Wrote letters to sundry persons. Did not go out 
 until four o'clock, when I thought it warm enough. Called at 
 the lodgings of Mr. Fitzsimons and Clymer. They had gone 
 to Bruns-wick. Walked to the Speaker's house. We walked 
 to Cuyler's Hook. The east wind blew raw and cold. I left 
 them and came home. Found myself rather indisposed. 
 Caught some cold in my walk and was the worse for it. I 
 never had been in a place remarkable for such variable weath- 
 er. Set oiit when one will, with ever such agreeable sunshine, 
 I never have been able to go two miles and return without a 
 change of air. The wind which crosses the North [Hudson] 
 Eiver is cold. But there is a rawness in the east wind that, 
 with me, seems to clog the springs of life. Mr. Scott, how- 
 ever, from Washington County [Pennsylvania], has experi- 
 enced a favorable revolution in his health since he came here. 
 
 May 18th, M&nday. — Attended the Hall at ten o'clock on 
 
May 18] SENATE ANSWERS WASHINGTON'S ADDRESS. 41 
 
 what was called the arrangement committee, but they did not 
 meet, and nothing was done ; general discourse only obtained 
 among [the members], principally on the necessity of our re- 
 moval to the permanent residence. White, Sturges, and Scott 
 were with me. 
 
 Senate met. The address [to the President] was read over, 
 and we proceeded in carriages to the President's to present it. 
 Having no part to act but that of a mute, I had nothing to em- 
 barrass me. We were received in an antechamber. Had some 
 little diflSculty about seats, as there were several wanting, from 
 whence may be inferred that the President's major-domo is 
 not the most provident, as our numbers were well enough 
 known. We had not been seated more than three minutes 
 when it was signified to us to wait on the President in his 
 levee-room. The Vice-President went foremost, and the Sena- 
 tors followed without any particular order. We made our 
 bows as we entered, and the Yice-President, having made a 
 bow, began to read an address. He was much confused. 
 The paper trembled in his hand, though he had the aid of 
 both by resting it on his hat, which he held in his left hand. 
 He read very badly all that was on the front pages. The 
 turning of the page seemed to restore him, and he read the 
 rest with more propriety. This agitation was the more re- 
 markable, as there were but twenty-two persons present and 
 none of tliem strangers. 
 
 The President took his reply out of his coat-pocket. He 
 had his spectacles in his jacket-pocket, having his hat in his 
 left hand and the paper in his right. He had too many ob- 
 jects for his hands. He shifted his hat between his forearm 
 and the left side of his breast. But taking his spectacles from 
 the case embarrassed him. He got rid of this small distress 
 by laying the spectacle-case on the chimney-piece. Colonel 
 Humphreys stood on his right, Mr. Lear on his left. Having 
 adjusted his spectacles, which was not very easy, considering 
 the engagements on his hands, he read the reply vrith tolerable 
 exactness and without much emotion. I thought he should 
 have received us with his spectacles on, which would have 
 saved the making of some uncouth motions. Yet, on the 
 whole, he did nearly as well as anybody could have done the 
 
42 PBNNSYEVANIANS ATTEND THE LEVEE. [1789 
 
 same motions. Could the laws of etiquette have permitted 
 him to have been disencumbered of his hat, it would have re- 
 lieved him much. 
 
 After having read his reply, he delivered the paper to the 
 Vice-President with an easy inclination, bowed around to the 
 company, and desired them to be seated. This politeness 
 seems founded on reason, for men, after standing quite still 
 some time, want to sit, if it were for only a minute or two. 
 The Yice-President did not comply, nor did he refuse, but 
 stood so long that the President repeated the request. He 
 declined it by making a low bow, and retired. We made our 
 bows, came out to the door, and waited till our carriages took 
 us up. Colonel Humphreys waited on us to the door. 
 
 Eeturned [to the Hall]. Senate formed. The address and 
 reply were ordered on the minutes. The Clerk of the House 
 of Eepresentatives brought up the Impost bill. Thursday 
 was assigned for it. Some petitions were read, and the House 
 adjourned. 
 
 May 19th. — Paid visits to ten o'clock. Attended at the 
 City Hall, but the arranging committee did not meet. Senate 
 met at eleven. A report was taken up regulating the mode of 
 keeping the journals, and directing them to be published 
 monthly. Agreed to, and the committee appointed to prepare 
 them for the press. Adjourned. I was not of any committee, 
 so went into the House of Representatives to hear the debates. 
 The House was in committee of the whole on the establish- 
 ment of the great departments. Stayed imtil after two o'clock. 
 
 Had agreed with sundry of our Pennsylvania friends to go 
 to the levee. General Muhlenberg came to me and told me 
 they would meet me in the committee-room. We did so, and 
 went to the levee. I went foremost, and left them to follow 
 and do as well as they could. Indeed, they had no great thing 
 of a pattern, for I am but a poor courtier. The company was 
 large for the room. The foreign Ministers were there, Yan 
 Berkel, the Diitch Minister (for the first time, I suppose), 
 gaudy as a peacock. Our Pennsylvanians withdrew before 
 me. The President honored me with a particular t&te-d-tete. 
 " How will this weather suit your farming ? " " Poorly, sir ; 
 the season is the most backward I have ever known. It is 
 
May 20] A STEOLL IN THE BOWERY. 43 
 
 remarkably so here, but by letters from Pemisylvania vegeta- 
 tion is slow in proportion there." " The fruit, it is to be ex- 
 pected, will be safe ; backward seasons are in favor of it, but 
 in Virginia it was lost before I left that place." " Much de- 
 pends on the exposure of the orchard. Those with a northern 
 aspect have been found by us [in Pennsylvania] to be the 
 most certain in producing fruit." " Yes, that is a good ob- 
 servation and should be attended to." Made my bow and 
 retired. 
 
 May 20th. — I attended at the Hall about half after ten 
 o'clock. The committee did not meet me. Senate met, but 
 there was no business done. Adjourned, that the committee 
 might go to work. I thought I got cold yesterday in the 
 House of Eepresentatives, and set off to come home. Colonel 
 Few overtook me, and we took a long walk to view the gar- 
 dens of a Dutchman who Hves beyond the Bowery. Spent 
 some time, with a degree of satisfaction, viewing his harmless 
 and silent little beauties of the garden. On the road Mr. Tew 
 threw out many generous sentiments on the subject of the 
 temporary residence. The general beHef is, however, that he 
 is favorable to this place [New York]. Returned and felt 
 nothing the better for my walk. Stayed at home the residue 
 of the day. Mr. Clymer and Mr. Fitzsimons called to see us. 
 Nothing remarkable. 
 
44 THE FIRST TARIFF DEBATE. [1789 
 
 CHAPTEE II. 
 
 THE FIRST TABIFF DEBATE. 
 
 May ^is«.— Went about half after uine to Mr. Moms' 
 lodgings. He was out, but was expected in. Stayed until ten, 
 then went to the Hall and stayed until the Senate met. Our 
 Yiee-President is progressive in reformation. He used to keep 
 us until half after eleven, or a quarter at least. He was here 
 this day at eight or ten minutes before eleven, and, strange to 
 tell, he was without a sword. 
 
 The Impost bill, being the order of the day, was taken up 
 and postponed until Monday. A resolution was handed to the 
 Chair by Elsworth. It was for the Senate forming something 
 like a committee of the whole. However, it seemed to amoimt 
 to nothing more than a suspension of our rules for the time 
 mentioned or alluded to in it. Adjourned. I returned home 
 to write letters. 
 
 An idea has gone abroad that the mercantile interest has 
 been exerted to delay this [impost] bill. The merchants have 
 undoubtedly regulated the prices of their goods agreeable to 
 the proposed duties, so that the consumers of dutied articles 
 really pay the whole of the impost ; and whatever the proposed 
 duties fexceed the State duties now paid is clear gain to the 
 merchant. Some of them, indeed, dispute the payment of the 
 State impost. The interim collection bill is rejected in the 
 Lower House, and the reason given is the most loose I ever 
 heard assigned, viz., " It was said a better one was forming." 
 Surely this was no parliamentary reason. Had any new bill 
 been offered to the House, had any been in the hands of a 
 committee, the reason woiild have justified the measure ; but 
 because it is said Mr. Williams, of Baltimore, is making one of 
 
May 22] "VICE-PRESIDENT IS MY TITLE." 4.5 
 
 his own motion, and withotit any order of the House, it is not 
 so proper. Perhaps it may turn out best. 
 
 May £M. — Attended at the Hall at ten o'clock, and waited 
 a whole hour for the coimnittee for arranging the rooms. 
 They did not meet. The Senate met. Soon after, the Clerk 
 of the Lower House attended with the bill for taking the oaths, 
 which was presented to the Chair. The Vice-President rose ' 
 and addressed the House : " I have, since the other day, when 
 the matter of my signing was talked of in the Senate, exam- 
 ined the Constitution. I am placed here by the people. To 
 part with the style given me is a dereliction of my right. It 
 is being false to my trust. Vice-President is my title, and it 
 is a point I will insist upon." He said several other things, 
 then paused and looked over the bill. He then addressed the 
 Senate again, and with great positiveness told them that he 
 would sign it as Vice-President of the TJnited States and Presi- 
 dent of the Senate. He asked Mr. Lee if it had been com- 
 pared, and handed it to Mr. Lee. I can not say whether he 
 signed it before he spoke to Mr. Lee or after, but it was not 
 read nor was any question whatever put upon it — whether it 
 should be read, whether it should be signed, or any other mo- 
 tion whatever. Mr. Elsworth got up and declared himself 
 satisfied with that way of signing it. Mr. Strong got iip and 
 thought it should be Vice-President alone. This certainly is a 
 most egregious insult to any deliberative body, but, as Patter- 
 son told me a day or two after the gracious affair * that if I 
 had not opposed that measure somebody else would, I deter- 
 mined to see who would oppose this — and all was silence. 
 
 Adjourned till Monday at eleven o'clock. 
 
 Called on Mr. Morris tliis afternoon. Told him that mur- 
 murs were abroad against the conduct of the Congress ; that, 
 although the duty was not collected for the use of the public, 
 yet, as the rates were in the possession of everybody, the mer- 
 chants had raised their goods in proportion ; that the public 
 was now in the act of paying, and the merchants gainers, for 
 the public treasury got nothing ; that commercial influence 
 was blamed for the delay. He replied, " I suppose they blame 
 
 » See under date May 1, 1789. 
 
46 THE MERCHANTS GAINERS— THE PUBLIC LOSERS. [1789 
 
 me." I answered, " These things were said before he came to 
 town." I desired him to appoint some time when I coiild wait 
 on him in order to examine the Impost bill, that we might be 
 prepared with any amendments which we would offer. He 
 appointed Sunday at 9 A. m. I asked his opinion as to the 
 height of the duties generally. He said he wished to see the 
 bill for collection, and to know under what penalties smug- 
 gling would be prohibited, that from them he could form an 
 opinion whether they were too high or not. I replied that 
 they would not be too high with regard to the amount of the 
 revenue raised, and I would have the penalties and prohibitions 
 against smuggling as severe as possible ; and if, under the cir- 
 cumstances, the depravity and villainy of people would render 
 the impost unproductive, it would, at least, demonstrate the 
 necessity of adopting some other mode of supplying the 
 treasury. , 
 
 May 23d, Sabwrday: — This a fine day and all the world are 
 rmi a-gadding. Mr. Dennis called this morning. He says the 
 sloip Chesapeake from bengal is unloading at Amboy. The 
 duties on this sliip would, by this act, have been about eight 
 thousand pounds ; some say ten. I am much distressed with 
 the delays of Congress. The reputation of our Administration 
 will be ruined. The merchants have already added the amount 
 of the duties to the price of goods. In this point of view the 
 impost is levied, but not a farthing goes into the Treasury of 
 the United States ; and all the difference between the State 
 duties levied and the proposed duties is clear gain to the mer- 
 chants. In the Jerseys it is all clear gain, for they have no 
 duties, and vessels, are daily crowding there to store their goods 
 luitil the impost takes place. Delany's estimate of the impost 
 for Peimsylvania for the year was $863,623 — 323,858 : 12 : 6. 
 Half of this taken for the spring importation is $161,929 : 6 : 6 ; 
 as Pennsylvania is supposed one eighth of the Union, if we were 
 adopting States, the loss would be $1,295,434:10; and the 
 devil of it is that the sum -svill actually be paid by the con- 
 smners. 
 
 I could not bear my own thoughts on this subject any 
 longer. I considered it as my duty to go and rouse our Penn- 
 sylvania members. I called on the Speaker and his brother 
 
May 34] DELAY IN THE TARIFF BILL. 4.7 
 
 first. They admitted all I said. ^ From there I went to Mr. 
 Scott. He said it was undeniable. I endeavored to rouse all 
 of them. From there I went to the lodgings of Mr. Fitzsimons 
 and Mr. Elsworth ; found Mr. Fitzsimons, declared my mind 
 with great freedom, and he heard me with more patience than 
 ever I remember. He said he vdshed he had stuck to this 
 business from the beginning ; that he had brought this draft of 
 a bill which was committed to Gerry, Lawrence, and himself. 
 He left it with Lawrence, being an oificial man, to correct ; 
 that Lawrence kept it three weeks and did nothing; that 
 Gerry then took it, and kept it two weeks, and put it in the 
 hands of Mr. Williams, of Baltimore, who had kept it imtil 
 Avithin three or four days ;. that it came from Williams a most 
 voluminous thing of more than forty pages; that he would 
 now stick to it until it was finished. 
 
 There could not have been selected within the walls of the 
 House two such improper characters as Gerry and Lawrence : 
 Gerry highly anti-Federal, married, and intimately connected 
 with the trade of this place ; Lawrence, of New York, a mere 
 tool for British agents and factors. Nothing else could have 
 been expected. The foregoing calculation, foimded on De- 
 lany's estimate, is certainly much too high. But if we suppose 
 the port of Philadelphia to receive one fifth only of the impor- 
 tations, and throw one half oflE for errors and accidents, yet 
 still the loss sustained will be near a million and a half of dol- 
 lars, and the greater part of this smn actually remains as profit 
 to the merchant. Mr. Fitzsimons has promised that the bill 
 shall be reported on Monday. The Speaker has promised to 
 go among the members and rouse them all in his power. For 
 my part, think what they will of me, I will not be silent. 
 
 May 2^th. — Being Simday, I attended Mr. Morris, agree- 
 able to appointment. We did. not perfectly agree about the 
 preamble of the bill, but there was no difference of conse- 
 quence. It was verbal only. We came to the discrimination 
 between nations in treaty and those not. Here we differed. 
 He was totally against it. He used arguments. I made some 
 reply, but each retained his opinion. Mr. Morris said the teas 
 would bearm.ore. He said double, and I agreed to it. I al- 
 leged that all seven and a half ad valorem articles should be 
 
48 THE PRESIDENT'S SALARY. [1789 
 
 raised at least to ten per ceni. Mr. Morris seemed of the same 
 way of thinking. Mr. Morris, however, suddenly exclaimed : 
 " Let us go to Fitzsimons, he knows all about it ; he has been 
 thinking on the subject. I want to go and take a stroll some- 
 where." I thought by this he did not hke close thinking. I 
 have been of this opinion before now. He has, however, a 
 strong and vigorous mind when it does act. To Fitzsimons 
 we went and found him very busy at the bill. Mr. Carrol, of 
 the Representatives, came in. We got on the discrimination. 
 We were all of a different opinion from Mr. Morris. We 
 asked Mr. Fitzsimons the reason of so many articles being at 
 seven and a half, which we thought should be ten, along with 
 glass and china. He said there really was no reason for it, 
 but the House would not agree to it. 
 
 Mr. Morris proposed a jaunt to the Narrows, but no boat 
 could be got. We then walked up the North Kiver to one 
 Brannan's, who has the greenhouse and gardens. Here we 
 dined. Mr. Morris often touched me on the subject of my 
 dislike to the Vice-President. We got on the subject of their 
 salaries. Mr. Morris mentioned $20,000 for the President and 
 $8,000 for the Vice-President. I opposed both, but it was in 
 the funny way, all of it. At one time, however, when Mr. 
 Morris was absent, I spoke seriously to Fitzsimons, saying the 
 old proverb must be reversed. Here it was, " Be no service, but 
 salary." Mr. Morris had alleged that the Vice-President must 
 see the foreign ministers, etc., as the President could not, and 
 the salary was to enable him to do so. And what obligation is 
 he under to do so ? Some of the Presidents of Pennsylvania 
 have had £1,250 to enable them to see strangers. Some have 
 not spent £10 per annum in that way. They had hinted so 
 often at my disUke of the Vice-President that after dinner I 
 gave them one of his speeches in the Senate. Was tills pru- 
 dent ? No. But I never was a prudent man. 
 
 Strolled after dinner about the house taken by the Vice- 
 President. Sat in the shade. Crossed through the fields and 
 came at length to Baron Polnitz. This man we found sensible 
 and well informed. He has studied agriculture, and has more 
 machines in that way than I have seen before. I have heard 
 him spoken rather disrespectfully of. This, however, I sup- 
 
May 35] GENERAL KNOX VISITS THE SENATE. 49 
 
 pose, flowed from the force of our old habits, derived from the 
 English, who seldom speak well of a foreigner. I will see 
 him again. It is said he has moved in the higher stations 
 of life and seen much. But I intend to hear from him, and 
 perhaps will hear more of him in the mean time. 
 
 May 25th. — "Wrote letters to my family. Went early this 
 morning to the Hall. The Senate met. The Impost bill was 
 taken, and, according to Elsworth's resolution, we were to act: 
 as if in a committee of the whole. But the Vice-President 
 kept the chair, and I thought it made Mr. Elsworth look fool- 
 ish. A message was announced from the President by Gen- 
 eral Knox. According to the resolution we were in committee, 
 but the Vice-President kept the chair, and the General Knox 
 ad%'anced and laid the papei's— being very bulky — on the table. 
 The Vice-President had given us a speech before the minutes 
 were read, on the subject of receiving a message from the 
 President. His supreme delight seems to be in etiquette. But 
 I really believe he had a further view in it. The entry on the 
 minutes for Friday did not appear to me to correspond with 
 the facts. There was something that imported the bill being 
 reported by the committee that composed it, and the minute 
 read that the Yice-President signed it. I determined I would 
 not imbroil myself with him if possible, and nobody made any 
 observation. By making his observations at this time, he di- 
 verted the attention of the Senate from the minutes. 
 
 "We sat on the Impost bill, and debated long on the style of 
 the enacting clause. It was an old field, and the same argu- 
 ments were used which had formerly been advanced ; but the 
 style of the law which had already passed was adopted. Now 
 came the first duty of twelve cents on spirits of Jamaica proof. 
 "We debated until quarter past three, and it was reduced to 
 eight. Adjourned. 
 
 When I came home in the evening I told Mr. Wynkoop 
 the business of the day. He said things of this kind made 
 him think whether our style of government in Pennsylvania 
 was not best. Certain it is that a government with so many 
 branches affords a larger field for c£ibalHng ; first in the Lower' 
 House, and the moment a party finds a measure lost or likely 
 to be lost, all engines are set to work in the Upper House. If 
 4 
 
e 
 
 50 "you ARE AGAINST TITLES." [1789 
 
 they are likely to fail here, the last attempt is made with the 
 President, and, as most pains are always taken by bad men and 
 to support bad measures, the calculation seems in favor of the 
 exertions and endeavors that are used more than in the just- 
 ness of the measure. On the other hand, a fuller field is open 
 for investigation, but, irafortunately, intrigue and cabal take 
 place of fair inquiry. Here an observation forces itself upon 
 me : that, in general, the further any rn paaiirp is p.a.rrjf'd, frpni 
 t he people, the less their interests are attended to. 
 
 I fear that our impost will be rendered in a great measure 
 unproductive. This business is the work of the New England 
 men. They want the article of molasses quite struck out, or, 
 at least, greatly reduced ; therefore they will strike at every- 
 thing, or, to place it in a different point of view, almost every 
 part will be proscribed either by one or other of those who 
 choose to be opponents, for every conspirator must be indulged 
 in the sacrifice of his particular enemy. I called on Mr. Fitz- 
 simons some time ago to express my fears on this very head, 
 and I wished him to consent to a reduction of the molasses 
 duty to four cents, to avoid a thing of this kind ; but I was not 
 attended to. Indeed, I thought he had the best right to know. 
 I felt too much confidence about that time in the return of 
 Mr. Morris. 
 
 . May ^ffifA.— Attended the Hall early. Was the first. Mr. 
 Morris came next, the Yice-President next. I made an apol- 
 ogy to the "Vice-President for the absence of our chaplain, Mr. 
 Linn. There had been some conversation yesterday in the 
 Senate about the style of the Bishop. It had been entered on 
 the minutes right reverend. The Vice-President revived' the 
 discourse ; got at me about titles. I really never had opened 
 njy month on the affair of yesterday. He, however, addressed 
 to me all he said, concluding : " You are against titles. But 
 tihere are no people in the world so much in favor of titles as 
 the people of America ; and the Government never will be 
 properly administered until they are adopted in the fullest 
 manner." " We think differently, indeed, on the same subject. 
 I am convinced that were we to adopt them in the fashion of 
 Europe, we would ruin all. You have told us, sir, that they 
 are idle in a philosophic point of view. Governments have 
 
May 26] NATIONS IN COMMERCIAL TRBATr. 61 
 
 been long at odds witli common sense. I hope the conduct of 
 America will reconcile them. Instead of adding respect to 
 government, I consider that they would bring the personages 
 who assume them into contempt and ridicule." 
 
 Senate met. After some motions as to the business which 
 should be taken up, and the appointment of a^ committee of 
 conference on the mode of receiving communications from the 
 President, the impost was taken up. There was a discrimina- 
 tion of five cents in favor of nations having commercial trea- 
 ties with us per gallon on Jamaica spirits. Then rose against 
 all discrimination, Mr. Lee, Mr. Dalton, Mr. Izard, Mr. Mor- 
 ris, Mr. "Wingate, and Mr. Strong. At first they rather gave 
 opinions than any arguments. I. de clared fo r the discrimina-j 
 tion; that if commercial treaties were of any"use"a;t "all^na-i 
 tions in treaty should stand on better terms than those who 
 kept at a sulky distance ; but, if we now treated all alike, we 
 need never hereafter propose a commercial treaty. I asked if 
 we were not called on by gratitude to treat with discrimina- 
 tion those nations who had given us a helping hand in the 
 time of distress. Mr. Carrol rose on the same side with me. 
 I was, however, answered from all sides. All commercial trea- 
 ties were condemned. It was echoed from all parts of the 
 House that nothing but interest governed all nations. My 
 very words were repeated and contrad^ted in the most fjbited 
 terms. I never had delivered anytl™g in the speaking&vay 
 on which I was so hard run. Mr. S%ing, who is but a jlttor 
 speaker, showed ill-nature ; said nothing like reason or ali- 
 ment had been offered. It was insisted that this discrimina- 
 tion was Awing an inimical disposition to Great Britain ; it 
 was decl^wig commercial war with her. 
 
 I ha(rto reply as well as I could. I alleged that these 
 arguments were, against tlie whole system of administration 
 under the old Congress, and, in some measure, against the en- 
 gagements entered into by that body, although these engage- 
 ments were sanctified by the Constitution ; that Great Britain 
 had nothing to do in this business ; that nations in treaty were 
 on terms of friendship ; that strangers had no right to be' 
 offended at acts of kindness between friends. She might be a 
 friend if she pleased, and enjoy these favors. On the contra^yj 
 
52 PRANCE CIVIL— ENGLAND HOSTILE. [1789 
 
 I thought our friends were the people, who haxi a right to be 
 offended if no discrimination took place. It had been asserted 
 that interest solely governed nations. I was sorry it was so 
 much the case, but I hoped we would not in every point be 
 governed by that principle. The conduct of France to us in 
 our distress, I thought, was founded, in part, on more gener- 
 ous principles. Had the principle of interest solely governed, 
 she would have taken advantage of our distress when we were 
 in abject circumstances and would have imposed hard terms 
 on us, instead of treating on the terms of mutual reciprocity. 
 She likewise remitted large sums of money. "Was this from 
 the principle of interest only ? What had been the conduct of 
 the two nations since the peace ? Civility on the part of the 
 French, and very different treatment by the British. Our 
 newspapers teem with these accounts. Elsworth had said, it 
 has been asked if we were not called on by gratitude, etc. I 
 answer no. The answer " no " has been given to the calls of 
 gratitude in this business, but the great voice of the people at 
 large would give a very different' answer. So far as my sphere 
 of knowledge extended I had a right to say so ; but the sense 
 of the people at large, expressed by their representatives in 
 the clause before us, holds a different language. 
 
 Ml'. Langdon spoke, and seemed to be of our opinion. I 
 did ng||hear a " no," however, on the question but Mr. Carrol's 
 and ajf own. A 
 
 ^1 ran smooth nw till we came to the molasses. TiU 
 .quAer after three dia the New England members beat this 
 (ground, even to the baiting of the hook that caught the fish 
 ,that went to buy the molasses. The motion was Areduce it 
 to four cents from five. I had prepared notes, buRhere was 
 such an eagerness to speak, and, finding that we sl^ld carry 
 it, I let them fight it out. The votes for four [cents] carried. 
 All the arguments of the other House were repeated over and 
 over. 
 
 Mwy 27th. — I spent this morning in writing letters to my 
 family, to go by General Butler, who sets off this day and will 
 pass by Harrisburg. Attended Senate. The minutes were 
 read. I was astonished to hear Strong immediately get up 
 and begin a long harangue on the subject of molasses. One 
 
May 28] MOLASSES, MADEIRA WINE, AND SUGAR. 63 
 
 looked at another. Mr. Carrol had taken his seat next to me. 
 Several of the gentlemen murmured. At last Mr. Carrol rose 
 and asked pardon for interrupting any gentleman, but said 
 that matter had been determined yesterday. The Yice-Presi-* 
 dent said the question had been taken on four cents being put 
 instead of five, but no question had been taken on the para- 
 graph after it was amended. The whole sentence was on mo- 
 lasses per gallon, four cents ; that a second should be put on it 
 was idle ; but it was plain that this matter had been agreed on 
 between the Vice-President and the New England men, and in 
 all probability they have got some people who voted for four 
 yesterday to promise to vote for less to-day. Dalton, how- 
 ever, got up and made a long speech that some of the gentle- 
 men are absent, and particularly the gentlemen who moved 
 for the four cents, and desired it might be put ofi till to-mor- 
 row. I must declare this the most uncandid piece of proceed- 
 ing that I have ever seen in the Senate. 
 
 Now came wine of Madeira. All arguments of yesterday 
 were had over again, and it was voted at eighteen cents. When 
 we came to loaf-sugar, it was postponed. "When we came to 
 cables, the New EnJj^d men moved to postpone everything 
 of that kind (Mr. L^^don being absent) until we came to 
 steel. I then moved an adjournment, as it was near the time, 
 for I wished Mr. Morris to be here, as I expected a pointed 
 opposition on that bo^ess, and as he has all the information 
 on the most of subjecH I have been as attentive as possible 
 to get information, as far as my sphere of influence extended, 
 but the private communications of the citizens of Philadelphia 
 have generally been by letter to Mr. Morris, Mr. Fitzsimons, 
 or Mr. Clymer. I regret that they furnish me with none of 
 this information. I must, however, serve my country as well 
 as I can. The collection bill is at last reported. I can not 
 think but that there has been a studied delay in this business. 
 The bill itself is said to be a volume. It is ordered to be 
 printed. 
 
 May %8tb,. — Having found the opposition to run hard yes- 
 terday against the impost, I determined to go this morning 
 among all my Pennsylvania friends, and call on them for any 
 information which they could give me in the way of their pri- 
 
54 ADAMS DOUBTS !& THE GOVERNMENT WILL LIVE. [1789 
 
 vate letters or otherwise. I got an account of all the sugar- 
 houses in Philadelphia from the Speaker. Called on Mr. Mor- 
 ris. Told him the war on molasses was to be waged again. 
 Called on Mr. Clymer and Mr. Fitzsimons. Got from Mr. 
 Fitzsimons a list of the Pennsylvania protecting duties. Then 
 went to the Hall. I was here near an hour before any person 
 came. Langdon, Carrol, and the Vice-President came. The 
 discourse was general on the subject of government. " If our 
 new Government does well," said our Vice-President, " I shall 
 be more surprised than ever I was in my life." Mr. Carrol 
 said he hoped well of it; it would be sufficiently powerful. 
 " If it is," said Mr. Adams, " I know not from whence it is to 
 arise. It can not have energy. It has neither rewards nor pun- 
 ishments." Mr. Carrol replied the people of America were en-- 
 lightened. Information and knowledge would be the support 
 of it. Mr. Adams replied, information and knowledge were 
 not the sources of obedience ; that ignorance was a much 
 better source. Somebody replied that it had formerly been 
 considered as the mother of devotion, but the doctrine of late 
 was considered as rather stale. I began now to think of what 
 Mr. Morris had told me, that it was jjpessary to make Mr. 
 Adams Vice-President to keep him qi^^. He is anti-Federal, 
 but one of a very different turn from the general cast. A 
 mark may be missed as well above as below, and he is a high 
 flier. ^ 
 
 Senate met. Cables, cordage, etcWame up. They stood at 
 seventy-five cents. Mr. Langdon spoke warmly against this. 
 Mr. Morris moved a reduction to fifty cerits. I urged him so 
 much that he said sixty. This was seconded. I had to show 
 some pointed reason why I urged sixty. Indeed, it was much 
 against my will that any reduction took place. The protecting 
 duties of Pennsylvania were 4s. 2d., about fifty-six cents. To 
 place the manufacturers of Pennsylvania, who had a claim on 
 the faith of the State, on a worse ground than they stood be- 
 fore, would be injurious in a degree to their private property, 
 and break the engagement the State had made with them. 
 This argument went to all the protecting duties of Pennsyl- 
 vania. Gentlemen had complained that they had no hemp in 
 the "Western States. This was the case of Pennsylvania. At 
 
May 28] DEBATE ON CORDAGE, TWINE, AND MOLASSES. 65 
 
 the close of tlie war the protecting duties on cordage called for 
 the manufacturing of it. The manufacture called for the hemp. 
 It was, in fact, a bounty on the raising of that article. The 
 effect of the protecting duty in Pennsylvania was at first felt by 
 the importers. It was for a time an unproductive expense. It 
 is thus almost with every distant prospect. He that plants ah 
 orchard can not immediately eat the fruit of it ; but the fruit 
 had ah'eady ripened in Pennsylvania, and so it would in other 
 places. I was up four times in all. We carried it, however, 
 at sixty. ' 
 
 "We passed on with little interruption until we got to 
 twine. Mr. Lee kept us an hour and a quarter on this busi- 
 ness, because the Virginians had hitherto imported their nets 
 from Britain. Once for all I may remark of him [Mr. Lee] 
 that he has given opposition to every article, especially thfe 
 protecting duties. He declares openly against the principle of 
 them. Mr. Grayson declares against aU impost as the most 
 unjust and oppressive mode of taxation. It was in vain Lee 
 was told he could be supplied with aU the nets Yirginia want- 
 ed from any part of New England ; that what could be sup- 
 plied fr6m any one part of the Union should be protected by 
 duties on the importation of the same articles from foreign 
 paft. It was lowered to one dollar and fifty cents. 
 
 And now for the article of molasses. Lee, who is a perfect 
 Ishmael, declared the second question totally out of order. It 
 is tme, parliamentary precedent might be alleged in favor of 
 such second question ; but in the present case it was evidently 
 a trick, and I guessed some parties had changed sides. From 
 the discourse it appeared to me that Mr. Few, of Georgia, had 
 changed. The Vice-President made a harangue on the subject 
 of order. The facts were all agreed to, viz. : that it was agreed 
 to strike out five cents ; that the first motion seconded was to 
 insert two cents. The second mption seconded was for three 
 cents. The third motion seconded was for four cents. Tliat 
 a very long and tedious discussion took place with all the three 
 motions before the Chair ; that an adjournment had been 
 called for, and negatived expressly on the avowed reason that 
 the committee would first get rid of the article ; that the Vice- 
 President mentioned from the chair that he would put the 
 
56 "THE LOAF-SUGAR OF AMERICA WAS BAD." [1789 
 
 question on four first, that being the highest sum. The qxies- 
 tion was put and carried, and the Senate afterward adjourned. 
 
 The Vice-President made a speech, which really was to me 
 unintelligible. He seemed willing to persuade the members 
 that the above was a very unfair mode of doing business, and 
 that they had not an opportiuiity of declaring their sentiments 
 freely in the above way. He concluded, however, that after 
 the four [cents] had heen carried it was vn order to move for 
 any lower sum. Somebody whispered that he ought to get 
 his wig dressed. Mr. Morris rose and declared it was with 
 reluctance that he differed with the Chair on a question of 
 order, and was beginning to argue on the subject, but the New 
 England men, seeing their darling Vice-President likely to be 
 involved in embarrassment for the ungiiarded steps he had 
 taken in their favor, with one consent declared they were sat- 
 isfied to pass the article at present and take it up in the 
 Senate. 
 
 If ow came the postponed article of loaf-sugar. Lee labored 
 with spite and acrimony in this business. He said the loaf- 
 sugar of America was bad. It was lime and other vile com- 
 positions. He had broken a spoon in trying to dissolve and 
 separate it, and so I must go on breaking my spoons and three 
 milHons of people must be taxed to support half a ^ven 
 people in Philadelphia. He pronounced this sentence, espe- 
 cially the part about the spoon, with so tremulous an accent 
 and so forlorn an aspect as would have excited even Stoics to 
 laughter. There was a laugh, but no retort on him. I sup- 
 ported the motion by showing that the sugar-baking business 
 was of importance, as it gave employment to many other ar- 
 tificers — ^the mason, bricklayer, carpenter, and all the artificers 
 employed in building, for they had to build largely. The cop- 
 persmith, potter, and cooper were in much employ with thenj. 
 The business was in a declining state, and some sugar-houses 
 discontinued; that in Pennsylvania the old protecting duty 
 W^'S 9/10 per hundred-weight, and the raw gugar was one 
 per cent; that now there was no protecting duty whatever, 
 fpr one cent on the poimd of brown sugar was in propor- 
 tion, to three on the loaf; that the sugar-baker of Pennsyl- 
 yania was therefore undeniably on a worse footing than for- 
 
May 29] STEEL, NAILS, SPIKES, AND SALT. 57 
 
 merly, at least by the whole amotint of the Peimsylvania 
 protecting duty, as he paid 6/6 per hundred-weight more 
 on the importation of the raw material. The British, too, 
 aimed at a monopoly of this business, and gave a bounty of 
 26s. sterling on exportation ; so that it became us to counter- 
 act them or lose the manufacture. Mr. Morris and Mr. Dal- 
 ton satisfied some gentlemen as to the manner of importing 
 sugars. I thoiight this as plain a subject as could come before 
 the House, and yet we divided, and the Yice-President gave 
 us the casting vote. He desired leave to give us the reason of 
 his vote. This seemed to imply a degree of vanity, as if 
 among us all we had not placed the matter in a right point of 
 view. For my part I was satisfied with his vote. It was near 
 four o'clock. Adjourned, 
 
 May 29th. — The Senate met. The article of steel was 
 passed over with little difficulty, and here I confess I expected 
 considerable opposition. N^ails and spikes came next. Here 
 sifi. opposition from the Carolina and Georgia members led to 
 an increase of the duty. Now came salt. Up rose Mr. Lee, 
 of the Ancient Dominion. He gave us an account of the 
 great revenue derived from salt in France, England, and all 
 the world. Condemned the general system of the bill. Said 
 this was almost the only article in it that would reach the inte- 
 rior parts of the State. The interior parts of the country with 
 their new lands could much better afford to pay high taxes 
 than the settlers of the exhausted lands ; that the carriage of 
 it was nothing, for they all had teams and fine horses. He 
 concluded a lengthy harangue with a motion for twelve cents, 
 which, in his opinion, was vastly too low. He was seconded 
 by Mr. Carrol, of Maryland. Elsworth rose for an augmen- 
 tation, but said if twelve was lost he would move for nine. 
 I^e, Carrol, Elsworth, and Mr. Morris, speakers in favor of 
 the augmentation. Any reduction seemed out of the question 
 with everybody. Against the augmentation [were the] speak- 
 ers Izard, Few, and self. 
 
 I thought my friends on our si^e of the question were 
 rather warm, and used some argimients that did not apply 
 well. They, perhaps, with equal justice, thought the same of 
 me. I advocated the new settlers ; endeavored to show that 
 
58 "ALL PEOPLE WERE FOND OP FINERY." [1789 
 
 their superior crops were justly due to superior labor; that 
 every acre of new land cost from five to ten dollars per acre, 
 clearing and fencing. The expenses of new buildings were 
 immense. IVfen spent an active life on a farm, and died with 
 the farm in debt to them ; that new settlers labored for pos- 
 terity—for the public. They were the real belief actors to the 
 community, and deserved exemption if any. It had been said 
 it was their choice. No. Necessity, dire necessity, compelled 
 many. But were they exempted from the effects of the other 
 part of the bill? No. They could raise no sheep, of eoiirse 
 no wool, coarse duffels,* blankets, swan-skin&— in a word, all 
 their woolens were imported, and they would of course pay 
 the imposts on these articles from necessity, which was not the 
 case in general with other citizens, who might either manu- 
 facture or buy as they had the materials. 
 
 But, over and above this, luxuries would find their way 
 among them. Aft people, down to the savage, were fond of 
 finery, the rudest the most so. And I was convinced that thp 
 poor, the amount of their several stocks taken into considerar 
 tion, spent more hi superfluities than the rich ; that, all these 
 arguments apart, the article of salt was the most necessary of 
 any in the bill, and in proportion to the original cost was tlie 
 highest taxed ; that it was a new and an im tried source of rev- 
 enue in many of the States; that it ought, therefore, to be 
 touched with a gentle hand, if at all ; that I knew not whether 
 th^ discontents would follow that had been predicted, and I 
 Jioped they would not, but wished we could avoid giving occHr 
 sion for any ; that for these reasons I should at present be for 
 leaving it where the wisdom of the other House had placed it. 
 The question was put. The House divided, and the Vice- 
 President gave it in our favor. 
 
 In the course of the debate it came out that Mr. Fitzsim- 
 ons had furnished Mr. Carrol with all his remarks and the 
 doemnents which he had collected on the subject of revenue, 
 as well respecting Pennsylvania as the Union in general. I do 
 think that as an individual I have taken as much pains to col- 
 lect information as any of them. But I am much less known, 
 
 * A coarse woolen cloth, having a thick nap. 
 
May 30] SENATORS CALL ON THE LADIES OF CONGRESS. 59 
 
 and of course information by letter from individuals has gen- 
 erally fallen to the share of Mr. Fitzsimons, Mr. Morris, and 
 Mr. Clymer. The information from the Collector's office I 
 never could get at, although Mr. Fitzsimons told me in 
 Philadelphia that Mr. Delaney had furnished him {but vol-im- 
 tarily) with. Mr. Morris has a statement of the Custom- 
 House of Philadelphia, or some such paper. He used it this 
 day as he sat beside me. I asked him to let me see the article 
 of salt in it. He said it was not there. 
 
 "Wliat shall I think of Lee, this Ishmael of the House ? He 
 labored [on] the subject of titles with a diligence worthy of a 
 better cause. He seemed disposed to destroy the whole effect 
 of the Impost bill on every other article. The tax on salt he 
 knows must be odious, and this he is for doubling at the first 
 word. He is a gi-eat advocate for an excise. If I really wished 
 to destroy the new Constitution, to injure it to the utmost of 
 my power, I would follow exactly the line of conduct which 
 he has pursued. Far be it, however, from- me to say this of 
 him. People employ the same means for very different ends, 
 and such is the vanity of human opinion that the same object 
 is often aimed at by means directly opposite. Adjourned to 
 Monday. 
 
 May 30th. — The Speaker called. He dined yesterday with 
 the President. A number of the Senators were present. The 
 Penusylvanians had agreed to call on Mrs. Morris between ten 
 and eleven. Mr. Morris had yesterday mentioned that time as 
 convenient time to her. The gentlemen of Congress have, it 
 seems, called on Mrs. -"Washington and all the congressional 
 ladies. Speaker Wynkoop and self called on Mrs. Morris half 
 after ten. Not at home. Left our cards. Being in the lady 
 way, we called to see Mrs. Langdon and Mrs. Dalton. Foqud 
 Mr. Langdon ; the ladies abroad. This finished the visiting 
 tour. Came home ; felt uncommonly heavy this day. It was 
 warm. Never wished so much for home ; think I must abso- 
 lutely set off . for home about this day week. The Collection 
 bill is reported, and I will do all I can to inspire my acquaint- 
 ances with a spirit of expedition in both Houses. 
 
 May 31. — Being Sunday, was called on this morning 
 by General St. Clair. He desired my commands for Phila- 
 
60 THE EAST INDIA TRADE DENOUNCED. [1789 
 
 delphia. "Wrote by him to Mr. Peters and Mr. Harris. I find 
 going out hurts nie. I come home ahnost from every walk 
 with a sore throat, complaint in my breast, or something of 
 that kind. I therefore determined to stay at home more. 
 Kead and kept my room. 
 
 June 1st, Monday. — Called this morning on Mr. Clymer 
 and Mr. Fitzsimons. I wished for a general abstract of the 
 trade of the United States; Mr. Fitzsimons had such a 
 paper, for he one day gave ns some business from it. He, 
 however, put Sheffield's pamphlet into my hand. I had never 
 read Sheffield's work, and therefore received it with pleasure. 
 Came to the Hall and was soon delighted with the reception 
 of letters from my family, who were all well, and my dear 
 little son Billy recovered of the small-pox, for which he has 
 been inoculated. 
 
 The Impost bill was taken up, and a number of articles 
 passed over. When we came to tea, the impost proceeded on 
 a discrimination in favor of our own ships. Here a motion 
 was made by Elsworth, seconded by Lee, that went against all 
 discrimination in favor of our own shipping, or, in other 
 words, against any protecting duty for the East India trade ; 
 and, indeed, the argument went against the East India trade 
 altogether. I got up early in this business. I laid it down 
 that the use of tea was now so general that any interdiction of 
 it was impossible; that have it the people woidd. If this, 
 then, was the case, conmion prudence told us to get it from 
 the first hand; that it was evident teas were now obtained 
 vastly cheaper than before our merchants traded to China. 
 This difference had been stated at fifty per cent on some teas. 
 It had been alleged against this trade that it destroyed the 
 lives of seamen. The fact had been represented to me differ- 
 ently by those who made the voyage ; that it was the practice 
 of all nations to encourage their own trade, but oiir permitting 
 the British to supplant us in this trade was suffering them to 
 encourage their trade at our expense. 
 
 It had been said the British would take raw materials from 
 us and give us teas. I was well informed that the Chinese 
 took many articles from us, and some that no other people 
 would take. A detail of these articles I had no doubt would 
 
JuNBl] DUTY ON TEAS. 61 
 
 be more fully entered into by some of the gentlemen wbo 
 would follow me. To talk of not protecting a trade sought 
 after by all tlie world was a phenomenon in a national council. 
 I therefore was clearly for the discrimination. Mr. Morris 
 followed. He weiit most minutely into the India trade ; showed 
 that ginseng was a considerable article in that trade, anchors, 
 iron, spars, masts, naval stores of all kinds. He, in fact, made 
 it clear that a dollar sent to Europe for East India goods would 
 not import more than half a dollar sent to the East Indies. 
 The debate was amazingly lengthy. Both Few and Elsworth 
 said the trade had been represented as ilourisliing ; this it had 
 obtained without any protecting duties ; why, then, give any 
 now? 
 
 I rose to information, and mentioned that the protecting 
 duty of Pennsylvania was twopence per pound and the pro- 
 tecting duty of New York twopence, and that the ill policy of 
 withdrawing these duties now, when the trade to the East 
 Indies was threatened with combination against it, was evi- 
 dent. We got the discrimination carried by nine votes to 
 eight. 
 
 Now for the duty. Mr. Morris moved to raise all the tea- 
 duties. This was lost. But I wish we had uniformly moved 
 to raise, for by this means we secured it at the rate in the bill. 
 When we came to the real discrimination, now a great debate 
 arose. Four cents was the difference on Boheas, and so, nearly 
 in proportion. Mr. Lee moved for eight, avowedly on this 
 principle that the four cents were more than the old protect- 
 ing duty under which the trade had flourished. This debate 
 was mostly conducted on our side by Mr. Morris. I only 
 showed that, though the difference between six and ten cents 
 was more than the old protecting duties, the difference between 
 six and eight was less, -and that the gentlemen, on their own 
 principle, should have moved for more than eight. But in the 
 critical situation of the trade to the East, with combinations in 
 India contracts and ships fitted out at Ostend, and the increas- 
 ing endeavors df the English to engross the whole trade of the 
 East, the discrimination of four was not too much. Carried at 
 four o'clock — at nine to eight. 
 
 In the first argument I mentioned that, if there had been 
 
62 TARIFF TO ENCOURAGE MANUFACTURES. [1789 
 
 any exclusive company engrossing the India trade, there might 
 be something in the arguments. This, however, was not the 
 case, nor could it be. 
 
 Jvm^ %d. — Had an excellent opportunity of writing home 
 by the person who brought my letters yesterday. This em- 
 ployed me to near eleven o'clock. Attended at the Hall. 
 After some preliminary business, proceeded on the Impost 
 bill without much opposition till we came to an enumeration 
 of fifteen or sixteen articles which all stood at seven and a half 
 per cent. The most of these articles stood, in the old protect- 
 ing duties of Pennsylvania, at twelve and a half per cent. I 
 feared much the spirit of reduction would get into the oppos- 
 ers of the impost, and that they would be for lowering every- 
 thing. From this sole motive I would have an augmentation, 
 by way of securing the duty where it was. However, I had 
 better ground. I set out with naming over the greater part of 
 the articles on which the protecting duties of Pennsylvania 
 were over twelve and a half per cent and thirteen per cent in 
 New York. I reasoned from the effect of these duties on the 
 promoting the manufacture. But by the present duties the 
 manufactures would stand on worse ground by five per cent 
 than they had done under the State laws ; that although the 
 United States were not absolutely obliged to make good the 
 engagements of the State to individuals, yet, as individuals had 
 embarked their property in these manufactures, depending on 
 the State laws, I thought it wrong to violate those laws with- 
 out absolute necessity. 
 
 \^ I was, as usual, opposed by the Southern people. Before 
 I rose I spoke to Mr. Morris to rise and move an augmenta- 
 tion. He said no. Mr. Few, of Georgia, asserted that the 
 manufactures of Pennsylvania would be better off under the 
 sevein and a half than they had been under the twelve and a 
 half per cent. Mr. Morris got up an(raisei-ted the same thing. 
 I declare I could not believe either of tliem. Mr. Morris, how- 
 ever, stated the manufacture of paper to be in the most flourish- 
 ing condition imaginable in Pennsylvania ; said he was afraid 
 to mention the amount of paper that had been exported last 
 year lest he might not be believed ; that it had been stated to 
 him at not less than £80,000. He went through the business 
 
June 3] DUTIES RAISED. 63 
 
 down to gathering the rags in the sti-eet. After this it was in 
 vain to say anything more, but the effect was that it stood at 
 seven and a half. 
 
 A number of articles were now raised to ten per cent. 
 But what surprised me was that Mr. Morris was against rais- 
 ing leather and leather manufactures, canes, walldng-sticks, 
 whips, ready-made clothing, brushes, gold, silver, and plated 
 ware, jewelry and paste-work, M'rought tin and pewter ware. 
 He gave no reason for this, which is not usual with him. 
 Some of the articles were, notwithstanding, placed at ten Avith- 
 out him. His weight in our Senate is great on commercial 
 subjects. Mr. Morris moved, at my request, to have cotton 
 exempted for some time from duty. This was carried by a 
 kind of compromise. We proceeded smoothly till we came 
 to the drawback on fish, etc., and New England rum. Long 
 conversations on this subject ; but agreed to. We expected a 
 sharp debate on the drawback or discount on American ves- 
 sels, but it was passed nem. eon. The last clause Mr. Morris 
 moved to expunge, but it was carried, and I heard not a " Ifo " 
 but his own. It was now late, and we adjourned. 
 
 I omitted to mention in its proper place that Mr. Morris 
 moved for ten per cent on a long list of scythes, sickles, axes, 
 spades, shovels, locks, hinges, etc., down to plow-irons, but 
 none of them were carried, and, of course, stood in the mass 
 of five per cent. 
 
 June 3d. — In rather a disagreeable situation witli my- 
 swelled knee. This vile rheumatism seems determined to tor- 
 ment me while I stay here. Attended at the Hall at ten ; read 
 the newspaper. At eleven the Senate met. The Clerk from 
 the House of Representatives came with a message and brought 
 up the law about the oaths. The impost was taken up ; the 
 title and preamble debated, and altered a little. And now a 
 lengthy debate took place on a motion of Mr. Lee to put off 
 the consideration of the bill until Monday next. I spoke first 
 against the motion. I was for proceeding immediately. The 
 bill had been very long imder consideration. The public ex- 
 pectation had been tired. A million of dollars had been lost 
 to the treasury, and, what was still worse, the people had paid 
 the money ; for the merchants had raised their goods, and the 
 
64 
 
 A LONG DEBATE ON NEWSPAPERS. [1780 
 
 impost was in actual collection on all the spring importations ; 
 tliat I wished the new Government might stand fair with the 
 public and give them no just cause of censure at so early a 
 period. After very considerable debate, Mr. Morris moved 
 that to-morrow be assigned for the second reading in the Sen- 
 ate. This was agreed to. 
 
 ISTow a very long debate took place about the newspapers. 
 All the printers in the city crowd their papers into the hands 
 of the members. The bulk of the papers consist of advertise- 
 ments. Useful information ought not to be excluded; but 
 this is overdone. The real mean appears to me to be the tak- 
 ing of one or two papers by each member. But one part of 
 the House struggled for taking all, the other for taking none. 
 1^0 vote could be carried for either, and, of course, the printers 
 wiU continue their old practice of sending and expecting pay- 
 ment. 
 
 Mr. Morris some time ago promised the London prices 
 current. His words were, " I will give you one." They are 
 of no use in the world to anybody further than all the duties 
 are marked in them, and on the, business of the impost they 
 may be useful. I thought he was long in performing his 
 promise, and this day asked him for it. He said he had one 
 and would let me see it, but he had it not here ; perhaps I was 
 mistaken in this business. 
 
 Jvm,e Ifth. — Went to the Hall at ten, but found the mem- 
 bers occupied by two committees. Sauntered about till eleven ; 
 rather disagreeable. Senate was formed. The minutes were 
 read. They stood : Mr. Langdon administered the oath to the 
 Yioe-President ; the Vice-President administered, etc. The 
 law is, the oath, etc., shall be adniinistered hy amy one member 
 of the Senate to tJie President of the Senate, and by him to all 
 the members. And again : The President of the Senate for 
 the timie heing. The minutes are totally under the direction 
 of our Vice-President, or rather Otis is his creature. I told 
 Patterson that I would not get up again, but let them be as 
 they would. 
 
 But now a discourse was raised again whether the members 
 should be styled honorable on the minutes. The Vice-Presi- 
 dent declared from the chair that it was a most serious affair, 
 
June 4] NEW ENGLANDERS ATTACK PENNSYLVANIA, 66 
 
 and a vote of the House should be taken on it. He gave us a 
 touch again on the subject ; was against using the word unless 
 " right " was added to it. He said a good deal to this purposey 
 Lee was up in a moment for it. The Vice-President made ub 
 a second speech. He said it was of great importance. If we^ 
 took the title " honorable," it was a colonial appellation, and \ 
 we should disgrace ourselves forever by it ; that it was applied 
 to the justices of every court. Up now rose Grayson, of Yir- 
 ginia, and gave us volley after volley against all kinds of titles 
 whatever. Louder and louder did he inveigh against them. 
 Lee looked like madness. Carrol and myself exchanged looks 
 and laughs of congratulation. Even the Yice-President him- 
 self seemed struck in a heap — Izard would have said roi/imcUt/jf. 
 Grayson mentioned the Doge of Yenice in his harangue, as he i 
 was mentioning all the great names in the world. " Pray, do ,' 
 you know his title ? " said the Yice-President from the chair. ^ 
 " No," says Grayson, smartly, " I am not very well acquainted 
 with him." ! 
 
 We now took up the Impost bill, and proceeded smoothly 
 till we came to the article of molasses. It was the wish of the 
 majority of the Senate to have the question without any de- 
 bate ; but now Mr. Dalton rose, and we were obliged to hear 
 everything over again which had been formerly advanced. It 
 was long and tedious. Some observations were just and per- 
 tinent, but many were quite foreign to the purpose. Dr. John- 
 son rose on the same side. Dalton was for lowering it to 
 three cents, but Dr. Johnson said he had been convinced that 
 it ought to be but two, or rather none at all. The drift of the 
 doctor's argument was : Molasses, imported, is either distilled, 
 and then as a raw material it ought not to be taxed, or it is 
 consumed by the poor as food, and so ought not to be taxed. 
 So it ought not to be taxed at all. 
 
 Up rose Strong, and, facing himself to the right where Mr. 
 Morris and myself sat, fell violently on the members from 
 Pennsylvania, with insinuations that seemed to import that we 
 wished to overcharge New England with an imdue proportion 
 of the impost. What was the most remarkable, Mr. Morris 
 had whispered to me that he would not get up on this busi- 
 ness, but would attend with the utmost attention to all their 
 5 
 
66 DEBATE ON NEW ENGLAND BUM. [1789 
 
 arguments, fully determined to give them their utmost weight. 
 But when this attack was begun, I could see his nostrils widen 
 and his nose flatten like the head of a viper. Elsworth, how- 
 ever, got up before him, and this gave him time to recollect 
 himself. He rose after Elsworth, and charmingly did he un- 
 ravel all their windings. It is too long to set down, but he 
 was clear and conclusive. 
 
 I, in the mean while, busied myself in examining the abstract 
 of the importations into Philadelphia given me by Delany. In 
 this place I can not help remarking that there is something of 
 a singularity in my disposition. Although I was equally con- 
 cerned, I really felt joy on this attack, and the more so when 
 I saw Mr. Morris was moved. The bufEetings that I used to 
 get from some of these people in his absence, and the senti- 
 mental insults that I received, seemed now to say, " Take you, 
 too, a part." 
 
 AVTien he had done, I rose and repeated from their own 
 observations that the whole of the molasses imported into 
 Massachusetts was three million gallons. Two millions they 
 distilled and had the drawback, if they chose to export it, so 
 that this was totally out of the question. That consumed in 
 the State, in substance, was the remaining million. But we 
 imported last year so much molasses into Pennsylvania that, 
 making sufficient allowance for two distilleries that were 
 worked, the remainder for consumption, in substance, was half 
 a million. Was this the object to make such a stir about ? 
 It was said that some of the New England rum was drunk in 
 the State. Be it so. Take any given quantity, be it what it 
 may, it is consumed under a duty of four cents per gallon; for 
 the gallon of molasses yields in distillation rather a larger than 
 a less quantity than gallon for gallon. But we import near 
 one million of gallons of spirits into Pennsylvania, and this is 
 consumed imder a duty of from eight to ten cents per gallon. 
 We imported also five million.gallons of raw sugar ; above one 
 million of coffee, which was said to be half of the coffee used 
 in the United States; besides a full proportion of all other 
 goods. I spoke not at random nor without book. Here was 
 the abstract in the handwriting of Sharp Delany, the collector. 
 "Were we, then, the people for imposing unequal burdens? 
 
June 5] PROTECTION TO THE CHINA TRADE. 67 
 
 No. "We were imposing no burdens of which we were not 
 about to bear a share — a great, perhaps the greatest, share. 
 
 Dalton rose and remarked on the great uncertainty of all 
 calculations. He was, however, modest. A variety of people 
 spoke. Some heat seemed at one time to rise between Lee and 
 Langdon. There was a considerable shifting about the ques- 
 tion. It was at last settled that the question should be to re- 
 duce the duty to three cents, expressly on the condition of 
 taking away the drawback. Mr. Morris and myself voted 
 against it. Izard, Gunn, and some others voted expressly on 
 the condition of the drawback being taken away. The others 
 joined, but with a design of retaining the drawback. So stands 
 this curious affair till to-morrow. Past three, and adjourned. 
 I must not omit that Carrol got up and spoke well on our 
 side. He stated the inequality of duty on molasses and sugar 
 as sweets ; that a gallon of molasses was equal, as a sweet, to 
 seven pounds of good brown sugar. Seven cents on one, four 
 on the other. 
 
 Jwtie 5th, Friday. — Came with my swelled knee. Called 
 this morning on Mr. Fitzsimons, and got from him a Hst of 
 the imports into Pennsylvania and into Yirginia. Went to 
 the Hall, and waited until the meeting of the Senate. "We 
 now fell to the imposts, and proceeded to the article of loaf- 
 sugar ; and here they directly moved a reduction of one cent. 
 Lee and Elsworth spoke against it, as formerly. I rose and 
 repeated the sum of the old arguments. Dr. Johnson, who 
 was with us before, now fell off. Dalton changed. It was 
 reduced to three. "We swam on smoothly to teas, imported 
 from any other country than China. This clause admitted all 
 foreigners to come directly to America from China and India. 
 Dalton moved an amendment that should confine the direct 
 trade from India and China to the United States to our own 
 vessels. Mr. Morris got up and said that although he was in 
 sentiment with the gentleman, yet, as he believed it would not 
 meet the approbation of gentlemen, he would not second the 
 motion, but leave the matter imtil experience would fully show 
 the necessity of it. 
 
 Mr. Carrol got up, said if the matter was right it should 
 be tried now and not wait for experiment, which might be 
 
68 LEE AND ELSWOETH CHANGE FRONTS. [1789 
 
 attended with detriment, and seconded the motion. And now, 
 strange to tell, both Lee and Elsworth rose and supported the 
 motion. I listened with astonishment when I recollected the 
 debaties on this very subject on Monday last. The whole trade 
 to India was then inveighed against, condemned, and almost 
 execrated, and now the very men declared for it and for secur- 
 ing it exclusively to ourselves. This change I can not account 
 for. If there was any preconcerted measure, Mr. Morris cer- 
 tainly knew notliing of it. One inference, however, follows 
 clearly from the conduct of Lee and Elsworth, that they are 
 governed by conveniency or cabal. Had judgment been the 
 rule of their conduct, their behavior on Monday would not 
 have been so inconsistent with that of to-day. I was content 
 with the bill as it stood. The difference of duty and the dis- 
 count of ten per cent in favor of our own vessels I thought 
 pretty well for protecting our trade without absolutely exclud- 
 ing all the world. But I had another reason. I doubt much ' 
 whether the House of Representatives will agree to our amend- 
 ments. Every new one will or may be a source of dissension 
 or delay. I have labored with all the diligence in my power 
 to hasten on the impost, but I am counteracted ; for what can 
 one man do ? It now seems evident that remarkable influence 
 is exerted to delay the impost until they get in all their sum- 
 mer goods. This is detestable ; this is — But I have not a 
 name for it. I wish we were out of this base, bad place. 
 
 Yesterday was the anniversary of his Britannic Majesty's 
 birth. It was a high day, and celebrated with great festivity 
 on that account. The old leaven anti-revolutionism has leav- 
 ened the whole lump, nor can we keep the Congress free from . 
 tiie influence of it. 
 
 People may act as they think proper in their elections, and 
 they will still do so. Lawyers and merchants are generally 
 tlieir choice. But it seems as difficult to restrain a merchant 
 from striking at gain as to prevent the keen spaniel from 
 springing at game that he has been trained to pursue. Habit 
 with them has become a second nature. Indeed, the strongest 
 propensities of nature are often postponed to it. Lawyers 
 have keenness and a fondness for disputation. Wrangling is 
 their business. Biit long practice in supporting any cause that 
 
June 6] LEVEES INTERRUPT BUSINESS. 69 
 
 offers lias obliterated regard to right and wrong. The ques- 
 tion only is, Which is my side ? And this, the slightest cir- 
 cumstance, a word, a hint, a nod, a whim, or silly conceit, 
 often determines with them. Who are above pressing influ- 
 ence, treats, dinners, attentions, etc. ? And whenever the digit 
 is made, whenever the part is chosen, all that follows is a con- 
 test for victory. O candor and integrity ! jewel of the human 
 soul, where are ye to be found? Seldom in professional men; 
 often in the plain and sober countryman ; never, however, in 
 the sordid clown. 
 
 About two o'clock the words " levee" and " adjourn " were 
 repeated from sundry quarters of the House. Adjourn to 
 Monday ? The Vice-President caught hold of the last. " Is 
 it the pleasure of the House that the adjournment be to Mon- 
 day ? " A single " No " would not be heard among the pre- 
 vailing ayes. Here are the most important bills before us, and 
 yet we shall throw all by for empty ceremony, for attending 
 the levee is little more. Nothing is regarded or valued at such 
 meetings but the qualifications that flow from the tailor, bar- 
 ber, or dancing-master. To be clean shaved, shirted, and pow- 
 dered, to make your bows with' grace, and to be master of 
 small chat on the weather, play, or newspaper anecdote of the 
 day, are the highest qualifications necessary. Levees may be 
 extremely useful in old countries where men of great fortune 
 are collected, as it may keep the idle from being much worse 
 employed. But here I think they are hurtful. They interfere 
 with the business of the public, and, instead of employing only 
 the idle, have a tendency to make men idle who should be bet- 
 ter employed. Indeed, from these small beginnings I fear we 
 shall follow on nor cease till we have reached the smnmit of 
 court etiquette, and all the frivolities, fopperies, and expense 
 practiced in European governments. I grieve to think that 
 many individuals among us are aiming at these objects with 
 unceasing diligence. 
 
 Settled with Mi'. Yandalsen, and he owes me lis. 6d. 
 
 June 6th. — It was half -past ten when Mr. Bell called on 
 me. He represented Mrs. Baxter's situation to be so low that 
 I might never see her if I did not do it soon. He seemed so 
 earnest that I should go with him that I agreed to meet him 
 
70 A VISIT TO ELIZABBTHTOWN POINT. [1789 
 
 in half an hour at the ferry-house and accompany him home. 
 The wind was liigh and direct ahead. It was five when we 
 reached Elizabetlitown Point. Here was Governor Livingston 
 and a dmner party. They had eaten their fish, and were saun- 
 tering on the porch. Mr. Bell introduced me to the Governor 
 — a man plain and rather rustic in his dress and appearance. 
 I had often heard of his being a man of imcommon abilities, 
 and was all attention ; but the occasion ofEered nothing but 
 remarks of the convivial kind. But we learned that the old 
 gentleman, in returning late, was overturned in his [sedan] 
 chair and much bruised. 
 
 'Twas near' night when we came to Mr. Bell's. Poor Mrs. 
 Baxter lay a skeleton indeed. I can not say but she may re- 
 cover, but much, indeed, does it seem against her. She, too, 
 was gay, and she yet is young. Useful lesson to the fluttering 
 females of the neighborhood, if lesson were of any service in 
 these giddy times. I soon found I was not the only member 
 of Congress in this quarter. Most of the Kepresentatives from 
 South Carolina were floating in this neighborhood this even- 
 ing and all Sunday. The house was filled with decent visit- 
 ants, mostly, however, females, and charmingly did they chat 
 it. The almost only subject was the measures that were pur- 
 sued to detain Congress in New York. There is in this vicin- 
 ity a Mrs. Eicketts. This lady leads the business in this quar- 
 ter. She enters into it with a spirit that risks reputation and 
 sets censure at defiance ; indeed, the volimies of conversation 
 poured out on this subject might be styled with propriety the 
 " Campaigns of Mrs. Eicketts." But, while she is character- 
 ized as the mere flash of frivolity, her husband is represented 
 as a pattern of industry and economy, and that he indulges his 
 eara sposa in her utmost extravagance, not from a sheepish 
 or sneaking disposition, but from the purest motives of benevo- 
 lence and a sincere desire of making her happy. This character 
 made a deep impression on my milky temper, and I sincerely 
 wished to have seen him somewhere in a field by himself that I 
 might have chatted with and learned something more of him. 
 
 June 8th. — Wrote letters to my family and Mr. Harris. 
 Set off in a frail [sedan] chair for the Point with a lady, but 
 the chair had Uke to have broke down, and I qiiitted it to her. 
 
June 9] PIBECE BUTLER ARRIVES. ijt 
 
 Came to the Point [Elizabethtown Point] a :^ew minutes too 
 late for the first boat ; left it at a quarter after ten in a second 
 boat, but it was half after two before I reached New York, 
 sweated and almost boiled in a burning sun. Upon the whole . 
 the jaunt was a disagreeable one, but it was right to see the 
 poor, languid, perhaps dying Mrs. Baxter. How lately was 
 she as gay as the summer insect, and how soon may any of us 
 be as she is ! 
 
 Heard, on my coming to my lodgings, of the arrival of two 
 Indiamen at Philadelphia, under command of Barry and Trux- 
 ton, who report all the rest to be on their way. And now 
 perhaps we shall get the Impost and Collection bills passed. 
 
 June 9th. — Although I was not present yesterday, never- 
 theless they were busy at the impost. The affair of confining 
 the East India trade to the citizens of America had been nega^ 
 tived, and a committee had been appointed to report on this 
 business. The report came in with very high duties, amount- 
 ing to a prohibition. But a new phenomenon had made its 
 appearance in' the Hoiise since Friday. Pierce Butler, from 
 Carolina, had taken his seat and flamed like a meteor. He 
 arraigned the whole Impost law, and then charged (indirectly) 
 the whole Congress with a design of oppressing South Caro- 
 lina. He cried out for encouraging the Danes and Swedes 
 and foreigners of every kind to come and take away our prod- 
 uce. In fact, he was for a N^avigation act reversed. Els- 
 _worth, Morris, Carrol, Dalton, Langdon, for the report ; Few, 
 Izard, Butler, Lee, against it. And until four o'clock was it 
 battled with less order, less sense, and less decency, too, than 
 any question I have ever yet heard debated in the Senate. , 
 4 I did not like the report well, but concluded to vote for it, 
 all things considered, rather than, by rejecting it, to have all 
 set afloat on that subject again. Butler's party had conducted 
 themselves with so Httle decorum that any effect their argu- 
 ments might have had was lost by their manner ; and nobody 
 rose but themselves. This was really the most misspent day 
 that I remember in Congress. I did not rise once, but often 
 called for the question. To-morrow is assigned for the third 
 reading of the bill, and I hope we will finish it, or at least send 
 it down to the other House. If I had stood in need of any 
 
72 "DEAWBACKS" INVEIGHED AGAINST. [1789 
 
 proof of the instability of Lee's political character, this day 
 gave me a fresh instance of it. Now again he has vilified and 
 traduced the India trade. 
 
 June 10th. — Attended at the Hall at the usual time, and 
 the Impost bill vi^as taken up for a third reading. I Avill not 
 enter into any detail of the speeches and arguments entered 
 into. We once believed that Lee was the worst of men, but I 
 think we have a much worse than he in our lately arrived Mr. 
 Butler. This is the most eccentric of creatures. He moved 
 to strike out the article of indigo. " Carolina was not obliged 
 to U5 for taking notice of her affairs " ; ever and anon crying 
 out against local views and partial proceedings ; and that the 
 most local and partial creature I ever heard open a mouth. 
 All the Impost bill was calculated to ruin South Carolina. He 
 has words at will, but scatters them the most at random of any 
 man I ever heard pretend to speak. He seems to have a par- 
 ticular antipathy to Mr. Morris. Izard has often manifested 
 something of a similar disposition. "We sat until four o'clock, 
 but did not get quite through it. 
 
 ^ June 11th. — Attended the Hall as usual. Mr. Izard and 
 Mr. Butler opposed the whole of the drawbacks in every shape 
 whatever. Mr. Grayson, of Virginia, warm on this subject, 
 said we were not ripe for such a thing. We were a new nation, 
 and had no business for any such regulation — a nation sui 
 generis. Mr. Lee said drawbacks were right, but would be so 
 much abused he could not think of admitting them. Mr. Els- 
 worth said New England rum would be exported instead of 
 "West India to obtain the drawback. 
 
 I thought it best to say a few words in reply to each. "We 
 were a new nation, it was true, but we were not a new people. 
 We were composed of individuals of like manners, habits, and 
 customs -with the European nations. "What, therefore, had 
 been found useful among them came well recommended by 
 experience to us. Drawbacks stood as an example in this 
 point of view to us ; but, if the thing was right in itself, there 
 could be no just argiunent drawn against the use of a thing 
 from the abuse of it. It would be the duty of the Govern- 
 ment to guard against abuses by prudent appointments and 
 watchful attention to officers ; that, as to changing the kind 
 
June 11] DINNER WITH MRS. MORRIS. '^g 
 
 of rum, I thought the Collection bill would provide for this 
 by limiting the exportation to the original casks and packages. 
 I said a good deal more, but really did not feel much inter- 
 ested either way. But the debate was very lengthy. Butler » 
 flamed away, and threatened a dissolution of the Union with 
 regard to his Sta,te,_as_8ure_as (rod 'ina&Jnthe^^rmame^^ 
 scattered his remarks over the whole Impost bill, calling it 
 partial, oppressive, etc., and solely calculated to oppress South 
 Carolina ; and yet ever and anon declaring how clear of local 
 views, how candid and dispassionate he was ! He degenerated 
 into mere declamation. His State would live or die glorious, 
 etc. We, however, got through by three o'clock. 
 
 I will now memorandum one remark. The Senators from 
 Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, and Maryland, in every act, 
 seemed desirous of making the impost productive both as to 
 revenue and effective for the encouragement of manufactures, 
 and seemed to consider the whole of the imposts (salt excepted) 
 much too low. Articles of luxury many of them would have 
 raised one half. But the members, both from the IsTorth, and ' 
 stiU more particularly from the South, were ever in a flame 
 when any articles were brought forward that were in any con- 
 siderable use among them.j 
 
 Dined this day with Mr. Morris. Mr. Fitzsimons and Mr. 
 Clymer, all the company, except Mrs. Morris and three chil- 
 dren. Mrs. Morris talked a great deal after dinner. She did 
 it gracefully enough, this being a gayer place, and she being 
 here considered as at least the second female character at court. 
 As to taste, etiquette, etc., she is certainly first. I thought she 
 discovered a predilection for New York, but perhaps she was 
 only doing it justice, while my extreme aversion, like a jealous 
 sentinel, is for giving no quarter. I, however, happened tQ 
 mention that they were ill supplied with the article of cream. 
 Mrs. Morris had much to say on this subject ; declared they 
 had done all they could, and even sent to the country all about, 
 but that they could not be supplied. She told many anecdotes 
 on this subject ; particularly how two days ago she dined at 
 the President's. A large, fine-looking trifle was brought to 
 table, and appeared exceedingly well indeed. She was helped 
 by the President, but on taking some of it she had to pass her 
 
Y4 WASHINGTON'S POSITION ON SALARIES. [1789 
 
 handkerchief to her mouth and rid herself of the morsel ; on 
 which she whispered the President. The cream of which it is 
 made had been unusually stale and rancid ; on which the Gen- 
 eral changed his plate immediately. " But," she added with a 
 titter, " Mrs. Washington ate a whole heap of it." 
 
 But where in the world has this trifle led me? I have 
 ever been very attentive to discover, if possible, General 
 Washington's private opinions on the pompous part of gov- 
 ernment. His address of " fellow-citizens " to the two Houses 
 of Congress seems quite republican. Mrs. Morris, however, 
 gave us something on this subject. General Washington, on 
 a visit to her, hxid decla/red hvmself in tlie most pointed mcm- 
 nerfor generous salaries ; a/nd added that, without large sala,- 
 ries, proper persons could n&ver he got to fill the offices of gov- 
 ernment with propriety. He might deliver something of this 
 kind with propriety enough without using the word " large." 
 However, if he lives with the pompous people of New York, 
 he must be something more than human if their high-toned 
 manners have not some effect on him. On going first among 
 Indians, I have observed decent white people view them with 
 a kind of disgust ; but, when the Indians were by far the most 
 numerous, the disgust would, by degrees, wear off, indifference 
 follows, and by degrees attachment and even fondness. How 
 much more likely are the arts of attention and obsequiousness 
 to make an imitative impression ! yi 
 
 J^ms 12th. — Attended the Judicial Committee and had the 
 bill read over. It was long and somewhat confused. I was 
 called out ; they, however, reported it soon after the Senate 
 met, and a number of copies were ordered to be struck off. 
 Monday sennight appointed for it. The Indian treaties were 
 now taken up and referred to a committee of three to report, 
 Mr. Butler made a most flaming speech against the Judicial 
 bill. He was called to order from the Chair, and was not a 
 little angry about it. The French Convention was called up 
 and read" respecting the privileges of consuls, vice-consuls, etc., 
 but was postponed. 
 
 We now adjourned, and I went to the levee. I was rather 
 late. Most of the company were coming [away]. I felt easier 
 than I used to do, and I believe I had better attend every day 
 
June 14] DANGER IK THE CONSTITUTION. 75 
 
 until I finish the affair of Davy Harris. I spoke to Colonel 
 Humphreys, and desired to know when I shoiild call on him. 
 He said nine o'clock. I believe I will go at that hour to-mor- 
 row. In the evening, Mr. "White, of Yirginia, caUed on me. 
 We walked after tea ; had much discourse on the subject of 
 removing Congress. I have not been mistaken in my opinion 
 of the Virginians. He declared for staying here, rather than 
 agree to the Falls of the Delaware. As we came home, the 
 Speaker overtook us on horseback. 
 
 Jwne 13th. — ^Being Saturday, and having no party made to 
 go anywhere, went to the House of Eepresentatives to hear 
 the debates. They were on the Collection bill. I stayed two 
 hours. They were in committee, and really made but small 
 progress. There was not one debate worth committing to 
 paper. 
 
 Settled with my landlord. He owes me £1 10s. 'id. 
 
 Jvms IJfih. — ^Wrote this day two sets of letters home — one 
 to Mr. Harris, inclosing one to Mrs. Maclay, to go by a Mrs. 
 Ofsay, of Harrisburg ; the other set to go by the post. Oh, 
 this was a dreary, joyless day ! I think I shall long remember 
 it. I was iU with my sore knee ; went to the bathing-house 
 and bathed ; did not go to any place of- worship ; could not 
 engage myself to reading ; had, indeed, no book of an engaging 
 nature. I will leave a blank here, which I can fiU up at my 
 leisure if I choose. 
 
 My mind revolts, in many instances, against the Constitu- 
 tion of the United States. Indeed, I am afraid it will turn 
 out the vilest ' of all traps that, ever was set to ensnare the 
 freedom of an unsuspecting people. Treaties formed by the 
 Executive of the United States are to be the law of the land. 
 To cloak the Executive with legislative authority is setting 
 aside our modern and much-boasted distribution of power into 
 legislative, judicial, and executive — discoveries unknown to 
 Locke and Montesquieu, and all the ancient writers. It cer- 
 tainly contradicts all the modern theory of government, and in , 
 practice must be tyranny. 
 
 Memorandum : Get, if I can. The Federahst without buy- 
 ing it. It is not worth it. But, being a lost book, Izard^ or 
 some one else, will give it to me. It certainly was instru- 
 
'i'6 CEOMWELL OKIGINATES PROTECTION. [1789 
 
 mental in procuring the adoption of the Constitution. This is 
 merely a point of curiosity and amusement to see how wide 
 of its explanations and conjectures the stream of business has 
 taken its course. 
 
 June 15th, Monday. — Attended at the Hall, and the Ton- 
 nage Act was taken up. "We got about half-way through the 
 first clause of it by four o'clock. A clause stood, " On all 
 ships or vessels within the United States, mid helonging wholly 
 to citizens tJiereof.^^ Izard moved to have the latter part 
 struck out, the effect of which would have been that no dis- 
 crimination would have been made between our own citizens 
 and foreigners. Lee, Butler, Grayson, Izard, and Few argued 
 in the most unceasing manner, and, I thought, most absurdly, 
 on this business. The first time I made a short remark that 
 the foreigner and citizen must both bxiild their ships in Amer- 
 ica, and then evidently, for everything that followed, they 
 stood aUke ; that the superior capital of the foreigners would 
 enable them to build ships lower than us, and would in time 
 give them the whole of our trade ; that the bill bore on the 
 face of it a discrimination in favor of our merchants, but the 
 fact would turn out otherwise, and therefore I was for con- 
 tinuing the clause as it stood. 
 
 A little before the question was put, I rose a second time ; 
 said no former transaction was so likely to throw light on this 
 subject as a short history of the British INavigation Act. 
 Cromwell originated it in a spleen against the Dutch, but the 
 effects were seen before the Kestoratiou [1660], and it was then 
 re-enacted. Great murmurs arose. The Scotch* thought them- 
 selves ruined, and sent their peers up to remonstrate against 
 it. The tonnage of Great Britain then stood 95,266. In fif- 
 teen years it was 190,533 ; in twenty years more it was 273,- 
 693. The present tonnage of Massachusetts alone is now 
 100,000. 
 
 It has been urged that it would be time enough, half a cent- 
 ury hence, to talk of measures for a navy. A single State 
 was in a better condition now, in point of shipping, than the 
 British nations at the Eestoration. Therefore, delay was the 
 worst policy. It was generally allowed that the spirit of the 
 Navigation Act was to give a monopoly of the trade of the 
 
 « 
 
June 16] TWO EXTREMES OF PKOTBOTION. Y7 
 
 British nation to their own shipping and sailors. In a view 
 solely mercantile, this was perhaps wrong, as by these means 
 our foreign articles would be dearer and our home produce 
 cheaper. But the object was a national one. Shipping and 
 sailors were the objects ; and, though the landed part of the 
 community was not perhaps so rich, yet the nation was safe, 
 for national power is of more consequence than individual 
 wealth. The suspension of the Navigation Act, it was be- 
 lieved, would be productive of a great flow of wealth to the 
 British nation, or at least the manufacturing and agricultural 
 parts of it, but the purchase would cost them their shipping 
 and sailors. And, finally, the foreigners would have a mo- 
 nopoly of the whole traffic, one of the worst of evils, provided 
 they conducted their navigation on terms of more economy, as 
 was generally believed of the. Dutch. But what are we doing? 
 Were we passing a Navigation Act ? No. A slight discrimi- 
 nation was aU that was aimed at, and if the motion was 
 adopted the discrimination would operate against us. The 
 question was put and the clause remained. 
 
 Near four o'clock, and adjourned. 
 
 Jv/ne 16th. — This day passed the residue of the Tonnage 
 bill, with much debate. Broke up early, and went to hear the 
 debates in the House of Eepresentatives. After dinner went 
 and walked a considerable time to try to gain strength in my 
 knee. Some observations having called me up this day, I 
 endeavored to comprise all I had to say in as little bounds as 
 possible, by observing that there were two extremes in com- 
 mercial relations equally to be avoided. The principle of the 
 Navigation Act might be carried so far as to exclude all for- 
 eigners from our ports. The consequences would be a monop- 
 oly in favor of the mercantile interest. The other was an 
 nnlimited license in favor of foreigners, the conseqiience of 
 which would be a monopoly in favor of the cheapest carriers, 
 and in time a total dependence on them. Both extremes ought 
 to be avoided, by giving certain indulgences to our own trade 
 and that of our friends, in such degree as will secure them the 
 ascendency, without hazarding the expulsion of foreigners 
 from our ports. 
 
 J%me 17th. — The balloting business prevented my mention- 
 
fl8 THE TONNAGE ACT. [1789 
 
 ing in order the more important debate on the Tonnage Act. 
 *T?he yillainous amendments (for which we may thank the in- 
 fluence of this city) for doing away with the discrimination 
 between foreigners in and out of treaty with us have been 
 carried. It was in vain that I gave them every opposition in 
 my power. I laid down a marked difEerence between impost 
 and tonnage. The former imposition is paid by the consumer 
 of the goods; the latter rests on the owner of the ship, at 
 least in the first instance; that sound policy dictated the 
 principle of encouraging the shipping of our friends; that 
 nations not in treaty would not be considered as the most 
 friendly. I read the fifth article of the commercial treaty 
 with France, and denied that we had power of imposing any 
 tonnage on her shipping, save an equivalent to the one hun- 
 dred sols on coasters. I gave my unequivocal opinion that a 
 want of discrimination in her favor was contrary to the spirit 
 of the treaty, and expressed fears of her resentment. Els- 
 worth answered me, but the most that he said was that our 
 interests called for it, and he pledged himself that we would 
 never hear from France about it. But speaking was in vain. 
 I never saw the Senate more listless nor inattentive, nor more 
 determined. 
 
 Inclosed copies of the Judicial bill to Lewis, Peters, Tench 
 Coxe, and Myers Fisher. Called on Mr. Morris, and signed 
 with him jointly letters to the President and the Chief Justice 
 inclosing copies. From here called on Mr. Scott. Told him 
 of the request of the. arrangement committee. Met and made 
 a short report. The Senate formed, passed the residue of the 
 Impost bill without much debate. 
 
 In now came Mr. Jay to give information respecting Mr. 
 Short, who was nominated to supply the place of Mr. Jefferson 
 at the court of France while Mr. Jefferson returned home. 
 And now the Vice-President rose to give us a discourse on the 
 subject of form ; how we should give our advice and consent. 
 I rose, perhaps more early than might have been wished by 
 some, and stated that this business was in the nature of an elec- 
 tion ; that the spirit of the Constitution was clearly in favor of 
 ballot ; that this mode could be applied without difficulty ; that, 
 when the person was put up in nomination, the favorable tick- 
 
June 17] "VIVA VOCE" OR "BALLOT"? 1Q 
 
 ets should have a yea and the others should be blanks. Few, 
 of Georgia, rose and seconded me. Izard made a long speech 
 against it. Mr. Carrol spoke against it, Mr. Langdon, and 
 Mr. Morris ; biit Lee, Elsworth, and Butler for it. Mr. Mor- 
 ris' speech turned principally on its being below the dignity 
 of the Senate, who should be open, bold, and unawed by any 
 consideration whatever. 
 
 I rose at last and spoke perhaps longer than I had done on 
 any former occasion. It had been considered as unworthy of 
 a Senator to conceal any vote. The good of the pubhc, how- 
 ever, required secrecy in many things, but the ballot did not 
 take away the right of open conduct. On the contrary, it was 
 the duty of every Senator to disclose the defects of any candi- 
 date where they were great or might be attended with danger 
 to the pubhc. But as the nominations came from the Presi- 
 dent, it was not to be expected that characters notoriously 
 flagitious would ever be put in nomination. Every Senator 
 when voting openly would feel inconvenience from two quar- 
 ters, or at least he was subjected to it. I would not say, in 
 European language, that there would be court favor and court 
 resentment, but there would be about the President a kind of 
 sunshine that people in general would be well pleased to enjoy 
 the warmth of. Openly voting against the nominations of the 
 President would be the sure mode of losing this sunshine. 
 This was apphcable to all Senators in all cases. But there was 
 more. A Senator, like another man, would have the interests 
 of his friends to promote. The cause of a son or brother 
 might be lodged in his hands. Will such a one, in such a case, 
 wish openly to oppose the President's judgment ? 
 
 But there are other inconveniences. The disappointed can- 
 didate will retaliate the injury which he feels against the Sena- 
 tor. It may be said the Senator's station wiU protect him. 
 This can only extend to the time of his being in ofSce, and he, 
 too, must return to private life, where, as a private man, he 
 must answer for the offenses given by the Senator. The ballot 
 left the judgment equally free, and none of the above incon- 
 veniences followed. When, then, equal advantages flowed, 
 without any of the disadvantages, the mode least subject to in- 
 convenience was preferable. Many gentlemen had declared 
 
80 "VIVA VOCE" OR "BALLOT"! [1789 
 
 how perfectly indifferent it was to them. I believe the same 
 thing of every Senator in the present House. But was this 
 .always to continue? JSTo. We must expect men of every class 
 and every description within these walls. The present charac- 
 ter of our President was no security that we should always 
 have men equally eminent ; that in those places where elections 
 were conducted viva voce the hopes and fears of electors were 
 so wrought on by the wealthy, powerful, and bold, that few 
 votes were given entirely free from influence, unless it was by 
 the happy few who were independent in spirit as well as in 
 fortune ; that-we need not expect the Senate would always be 
 composed of such desirable characters. It had been clearly 
 stated and admitted that the mode by ballot was equally appli- 
 cable to the present case as that by vwa voce, and, being free 
 from any inconveniences that the other was subject to, ought 
 imdoubtedly to be adopted. 
 
 J%me 18th. — And now the mode of approving or disap- 
 proving of the nomination. I did not minute it yesterday, but 
 our Yice-President rose in the chair and delivered his opinion 
 how the business ought to be done. He read the Constitution, 
 argued, and concluded ; " I would rise in the chair, and put 
 the question individually to the Senators : Do you advise and 
 consent that Mr. Short be appointed ehourge d'affai/res at the 
 court of France ? . Do you and do you ? " Mr. Carrol spoke 
 long for the viva voce mode. He said the ballot was produc- 
 tive of caballing and bargaining for votes. He tlien wandered 
 so wide of the subject as to need no attention. Mr. Elsworth 
 made a most elaborate harangue. A great part of it was, how- 
 ever, about the duty of our Vice-President, and inventing a 
 mode how he also might ballot in the case of a division. He, 
 however, toward the close of it made a strange distinction, 
 that voting by ballot suited bashful men best, but was the 
 worst way for bad and unprincipled men. I wished to repeat 
 nothing of what had been said yesterday, but replied that, so 
 far from balloting being productive of caballing, it was the very 
 bane and antidote against it ; that men made bargains for cer- 
 tainties, but it was in vain to purchase or bargain for a vote by 
 ballot, which there was no certainty of the party ever obtain- 
 ing, as he had no method of securing the performance of a 
 
June 18] "VIVA VOCE" OR "BALLOT"? gj 
 
 promise or of knowing whether he was deceived or not ; that 
 as to the distinction of balloting being the worst way for bad 
 men, I thought differently. The worst of men were known to. 
 respect virtue. The ballot removed all extrinsic force or obli- > 
 gation. It was the only chance of making a bad man act just- 
 ly ; the matter was left to his own conscience ; there were no 
 witnesses. If he did wrong, it was because he loved vice more 
 than virtue, which I believe, even among bad men, was not 
 the fact in one case out of ten. The question was at last taken, 
 and carried by eleven votes, seven against it. Izard was so 
 crooked he voted against us, though he had spoken for us, and 
 quoted Harrington to show his reading. 
 
 The people who lost this question manifested much uneasi- 
 ness, particularly the Vice-President and Langdon. Langdon 
 was even fretful. The "Vice-President threw difficulties in our 
 way. The Senate had decreed their advice and consent by 
 ballot. " Nothing like this in history had ever been heard 
 before. But what rank was Mr. Short to hold in the diplo- 
 matic corps? What kind of commission was he to have? 
 This must be settled by ballot." He [Adams] set us afloat by 
 these kinds of queries, and an hour and a quarter was lost in 
 the most idle discourse imaginable. He seemed willing to en- 
 tangle the Senate, or rather some of them were entangled 
 about the Secretary of the Legation and the change d^affcuires, 
 not knowing the distinction. "We, however, got through it by 
 a resolution declaring our advice and consent in favor of Mr. 
 Short. 
 
 After having again explained the manner of concurring or 
 rejecting a nomination by ballot in a manner so plain as did 
 not admit of contradiction, I replied to the observation thast 
 " no example of anything of the kind could be found in his- 
 tory," that in the old kingdom of Aragon, where, though the 
 executive was monarchical, yet that republican provisions had 
 been attended with unexampled attention. The court ap- 
 pointed by the Justiza gave their sentence by ballot, and [I] 
 oflEered to produce history to the point, but was not contradict- 
 ed. Took up the impost and talked idly to pass the usual 
 time of adjourimtient. An adjournment was called for and 
 took place. 
 6 
 
82 •* DANGEROUS TENDENCY IN GOVERNMENTS. [1789 
 
 I have ever been as attentive as I possibly could be to dis- 
 cover tlie real disposition of President Washington. He has 
 .been very cautions hitherto, or rather inactive, or shall I say 
 like a pupil in the hands of his governor or a child in the arms 
 of Ms nurse ? The message about Mr. Short touches a matter 
 that may be drawn into precedent. It states the desire of Mr. 
 Jefferson to return for some time, and nominates Mr. Short to 
 supply his place during such absence. The leave for return, 
 etc., is not laid before the Senate. Granting this power to be 
 solely with the President, the power of dismissing ambassadors 
 seems to follow, and some of the courtiers in the Senate fairly 
 admit it. I chose to give the matter a different turn, and de- 
 livered my opinion : That our concurring in the appointment 
 of Mr. Short fully implied the consent of the return of Mr. 
 Jefferson ; that if we chose to prevent the return of Mr. Jef- 
 ferson, it was only to negative the nomination of Mr. Short or 
 any other one to fill his place. It is the fault of the best gov- 
 ernors, when they are placed over a people, to endeavor to 
 enlarge their powers by applying to pubKc stations what would 
 be laudable in private hidividuals, a desire of bettering their 
 stations. Thus the farmer acts weU who by industry adds 
 field to field, and so would the governor who would add to the 
 public wealth or happiness ; but adding to the personality, if I 
 may so speak, or to the personal power of the governor, is a 
 faulty industry. A question has been agitated with great 
 ' warmth in the House of Eepresentatives whether the sole pow- 
 er of displacing officers, or, to speak strictly, the Secretary of 
 Foreign Affairs, shall remain with the President. From the 
 small beginning in the case of Mr. Short, it is easy to see what 
 the court opinion will be with respect to this point. Indeed, 
 I entertain no doubt but that many people are aiming with all 
 their force to establish a splendid court with all the pomp of 
 majesty. Alas ! poor Washington, if you are taken in this 
 snare ! How will the gold become dim ! How will the fine 
 gold be changed ! How will your glory fade ! 
 
 JSTeutrality, the point of profit, the grand desideratum of a 
 wise nation, among contending powers. Multiplied engage- 
 ments and contradictory treaties go to prevent this blessing 
 and invite a nation in foreign quarrels. China, geographically 
 
June 19] REPRESENTATIVES REJECT THE IMPOST BILL. ■^S 
 
 speaking, may be called the counterpart to our American 
 world. Oh, that we could make her policy the poHtical model 
 of our conduct with respect to other nations — ready to dispose 
 of her superfluities to all the world ! She stands committed by 
 no engagement to any foreign part of it ; dealing with every 
 comer, she seems to say, " We trade with you and you with us, 
 while common interest sanctifies the connection ; but, that dis- 
 solved, we know no other engagement." 
 
 June 19th, Friday. — ^And now the Impost bill, as sent 
 back from the House of Eepresentatives with an almost total 
 rejection of our amendments, was taken up. There was but 
 little speaking. Mr. Lee made a distinction, in his parha- 
 mentary way, between the word " insist " and " adhere," and it 
 was carried to use the word " insist." After the first two arti- 
 cles were insisted on, Mr. Morris moved that one question 
 should be taken on all the other disagreements. " Saving 
 time" was his object, but we only lost by it. He did not seem 
 to have been well understood. I rose and explained his mo- 
 tion, and to his satisfaction, as he said. The result of the 
 whole was that we insisted on nearly all our amendments, and 
 I suppose they [the Eepresentatives] will adhere to the origi- 
 nal biU. This really seems like playing at cross-purposes or 
 differing for the sake of sport. I voted on the principles of 
 accommodation throughout the whole. Indeed, this was but 
 repeating my former vote. Indeed, there was nothing to dif- 
 fer about ; only opinion founded on conjecture. One imagined 
 a thing was too high ; another thought it too low ; my opinion 
 was they were all too low to raise the money which we want- 
 ed; others wished them low on purpose that the deficiency 
 might be so great that we would be forced into an excise. I 
 abhorred this principle, though my colleague is fond of it. 
 Adjourned over to eleven o'clock on Monday. 
 
 And now I will endeavor to use this interval in riding, to 
 try to drive this vile rheumatism out of my knee. I have 
 never been perfectly recovered of it, and my right knee is stiU 
 much swelled. "Went to hire a horse after dinner. Could not 
 get a very indifferent one with saddle and bridle under two 
 shillings per hour ; thought this extravagant, and would not 
 pay it. Spent [until] night trying to get one. Yandalsen 
 
84 PEOPLE FEAR CONGRESS. [1789 
 
 hired one for me at a dollar per day or half for half a day, 
 Saturday was on horseback at five o'clock and rode to near 
 eight ; came home ; breakfasted ; rested one hour and a half ; 
 rode to twelve ; asked what I had to pay, and was obliged to 
 pay six shillings. The horse would not have sold for more 
 than six or seven pounds. "Was exceedingly fatigued ; bathed ; 
 rested to near four, and joined the Speaker and a party to drink 
 tea at one Lephers, where we were civilly treated. Think my 
 knee is not the worse of the riding. The day excessively hot. 
 
 Jvms 21st. — Eode till eight o'clock ; very warm ; think I 
 never felt the heat more oppressive in my life. Stayed at 
 home and wrote to my family. In the evening Clymer and 
 Fitzsimons passed; walked a short way with them. I gave 
 my opinion in plain language that the confidence of the people 
 was departing from us, owing to our unreasonable delays ; 
 asked them, " Have you received any letters showing signs of 
 such a temper ? " Fitzsimons said no, but the thing told for 
 itself, and could not be otherwise. 
 
 £1 ^8. 2>d. due by my landlord. 
 
J'jnb33] the judiciary BILL. 85 
 
 CHAPTEK III. 
 THE judiciaey bill. 
 
 Jvms '2'2d. — Attended tlie Senate. The bill for settling 
 the new judiciary was taken up. Much discourse about the 
 mode of doing business. We were in committee. The first 
 and second clauses postponed. A question was taken whether 
 there should be district courts. Much wrangling about words. 
 This was carried. But now Mr. Lee brought forward a motion 
 nearly in the words of the Yirginia amendment, viz., " That 
 the jurisdiction of the Federal courts should be confined to 
 cases of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction." Lee and Gray- 
 son supported this position. Elsworth answered them, and 
 the ball was kept up until past three o'clock. The question 
 was going to be put. I rose and begged to make a remark or 
 two. The effect of the motion was to exclude the Federal 
 jurisdiction from each of the States except in admiralty and 
 maritime cases. But the Constitution expressly extended it to 
 all cases, in law and equity, under the Constitution and laws 
 of the United States ; treaties made or to be made, etc. "We 
 already had existing treaties, and were about making many 
 laws. These must be executed by the Federal judiciary. The 
 arguments which had been used would apply well if amend- 
 ments to the Constitution were under consideration, but cer- 
 tainly were inapplicable here. I sat down; some called for 
 the question and some for an adjournment. The adjournment 
 carried. 
 
 Strong this day mentioned in conversation that the Presi- 
 dent would con^tinue no longer m office them [when'] he saw mat- 
 ters favrh/ set going, and then Mr. Adams will begin his reign. 
 This no doubt is a desirable era for the N'ew England men. 
 
gg "WHEir WE PUPPED ADAMS." [1789 
 
 The very principles whicli actuated Dr. Kush and myself when 
 we puffed John Adams in the papers and brought him forward 
 for Vice-President will probably make him President. We 
 knew his vanity, and hoped by laying hold of it to render liim 
 useful among the New England men in our scheme of bring- 
 ing Congress to Pennsylvania. But his pride, obstinacy, and 
 folly 'are equal to his vanity, and, although it is a common ob- 
 servation that fools are the tools of knaves — and I am certain 
 weak men are often brought forward with such views — yet 
 John Adams has served to illustrate two points at least with 
 me, viz., that a fool is the most unmanageable of all brutes, 
 and tl^ flattery is the most irksome of all service. 
 
 June '23d. — Attended at the Hall a little after ten. Came 
 into the Senate chamber. There was nobody here but Mr. 
 Adams. He was in the great chair. "When I came in he left 
 it ; came and sat near me until he read a newspaper ; shifted 
 to the chair next to me ; began a discourse on the subject of 
 Pennsylvania. Said they were " the best republicans in the 
 Union. Their adoption was unequivocal. This could not be 
 said of Boston, IJew^-York, or Virginia." Sv/rely there was a 
 meaning in this. I replied that we had, no doubt, our faults ; 
 but certainly the virtues of plainness, industry, and frugality 
 would be allowed to us in some degree ; that Federalism was 
 general, but there was a general abhorrence of the pomp and 
 splendid expense of government, especially everything which 
 bordered on royalty. Several members came in and joined us. 
 
 Senate formed and the business of yesterday was taken up 
 just where we left it. The discourses of yesterday were all re- 
 peated. Mr. Lee endeavored to give the whole business a new 
 turn, to elude the force of what I had said yesterday. Accord- 
 ing to his explanation on admiralty and maritime jiirisdiction 
 he would have taken in a vast field. I rose and read over from 
 the Constittition a number of the powers of Congress — viz., 
 collecting taxes, duties, imposts, naturalization of foreigners, 
 laws respecting the coinage, punishing the coimterfeiting of 
 the coin, treason against the United States, etc. ; declared that 
 no force of construction could bring these cases within admi- 
 ralty or maritime jurisdiction, and yet all these cases were most 
 expressly the province of the Federal Judiciary. So that the 
 
June 23] THE TWELVE JUDGES OP ENGLAND. ^7 
 
 question expressly turned on this point, " Shall we follow the 
 Constitution or not ? " I said a good deal more, bxit this was 
 the substance. Mr. Lee, after some time, opposed me with a 
 very singular argument. He rose and urged that the State, 
 judges would be all sworn to support the Constitution ; that 
 they must obey their oath and, of course, execute the Federal 
 laws. He varied this idea in sundry shapes. I rose and op- 
 posed to this that the oath taken by the State judges would 
 produce quite a contrary eflEect ; that they would swear to sup- 
 port the Constitution ; that the Constitution placed the judicial 
 power of the Union in one Supreme Court, and such inferior 
 courts as should be appointed ; and, of course, the State judges, 
 in virtue of their oaths, would abstain from every judicial act 
 under the Federal laws, and would refer all such business to 
 the Federal courts ; that if any matter made cognizable in a 
 Federal court should be agitated in a State court, a plea to the 
 jurisdiction would immediately be put in and proceedings 
 would be stayed. 'No reply was made ; the question was soon 
 taken and the motion was rejected. 
 
 The first clause of the bill was now called for. Grayson 
 made a long harangue. I mentioned that I thought this an 
 improper time to decide absolutely on this part of the bill. If 
 the bill stood in its present form and the Circuit Courts were 
 continued, six judges appeared to be too few. If the Circuit 
 Courts were struck out, they were too many ; that it would 
 have pleased me better ; but as we were in committee I would 
 not consider myseK as absolutely bound by anything that hap- 
 pened now, but would reserve myself until the second reading 
 in the Senate. Mr. Elsworth rose and made a most elaborate 
 harangue on the necessity of a munerous bench of judges. He 
 enlarged on the importance of the causes that would come be- 
 . fore them, of the dignity it was necessary to support, and the 
 twelve judges of England in the Exchequer Chamber were 
 held up to view during the whole harangiie, and he seemed to 
 draw conclusions that twelve were few enough. I readily ad- 
 mitted that the information respecting the English courts was 
 fairly stated. But in England the whole mass of htigation in 
 the kingdom came before these judges, the whole suits arising 
 from eight or nine millions of people. Here it was totally 
 
QUAKERS ABUSED. [1789 
 
 different. The mass of causes would remain with the State 
 judges. Those only arising from Federal laws would come 
 before the Federal judges, and these would be comparatively 
 few indeed. When they became numerous it would be time 
 enough to increase the judges. 
 
 Mr. Grayson rose again and repeated his opinion that 
 numbers were necessary to procure respectable decisions. I 
 replied that, in my opinion, the way to secure respectable de- 
 cisions was to choose eminent characters for judges ; that num- 
 bers rather lessened responsibility, and, unless they were all 
 eminent, tended to obscure the decisions. The clause, however, 
 was passed. Adjourned at the usual hour. 
 
 June ^Jfth. — Rode out early this morning, but returned 
 before eight. Attended [Senate] at the nsual time. The biU 
 for the judiciary was taken up. The first debate that arose 
 was whether there should be Circuit Courts or courts of nisi 
 priMS. This distinction was started by Mr. Johnson, from 
 Connecticut. Was adopted, and spoke long to by Mr. Butler. 
 This kept us most of the day. I did not give a vote either 
 way — ^indeed, I do not like the bill. The vote was for district 
 courts. We proceeded to a clause about Quakers taking an 
 affirmation. I moved an amendment that all persons consci- 
 entiously scrupulous of taking an oath should take the affirma- 
 tion. Great opposition to tliis. The Quakers abused by Izard. 
 Mr. Morris and myself defended them. I read the Constitu- 
 tion by which the affirmation is left open to every one, and 
 called tliis whole clause unconstitutional. The President him- 
 self may qualify by affirmation — the Constitution does not nar- 
 row the ground of conscience. I was up and down often in 
 this business ; but the grand procession of the Freemasons 
 came by with much noise of music a little after three, and the 
 House adjourned. 
 
 Had a very long walk this afternoon with Mr. Contee and 
 Mr. Seney, of Maryland. They seem agreeable and accommo- 
 dating men. They were very willing to remove Congress from 
 this place. They named Harrisburg, I believe to try me. I 
 said little in favor of it, but assured them that of two himdred 
 acres which I had adjoining that town they should have one 
 [hundred] if they went there. 
 
Junk 26] MANAGERS OF THE OONPERENCB. 89 
 
 My memory certainly fails me of late, I had this day some 
 conversation of importance with some person which I had de- 
 termined to note down; but it has escaped from my memory, 
 and I can neither recollect person, place, nor subject, only that 
 I had determined to minute it. | 
 
 June 85th. — Mr. Wynkoop came to town last night. I 
 went this morning with him to visit Mr. Partridge and Mr. 
 Sedgwick, who had been polite enough to leave cards at my 
 lodgings. Found their lodging with some difficulty. This 
 business over, attended at the Hall. First business was to take 
 up the Impost biU. Concurred with the Lower House about 
 the style of the enacting clause. But a spirit of great obsti- 
 nacy was manifested with regard to the fourth and fifth clauses. 
 Mr. Morris most pointedly against discrimination, etc., between 
 nations in treaty and others. Lee and Elsworth same. The 
 Tonnage bill was read. The same difference occurred. Man- 
 agers of conference [were] chosen on both bills — Mr. Morris, 
 Mr. Lee, and Mr. Elsworth. Eead the bill for the Department 
 of Foreign AfEairs; Laid on the table. And now took up the 
 judiciary and the affair of the affirmations. Ean Elsworth so 
 hard and the other anti-affirmants on the anti-constitutionalism 
 of the clause that they at last consented to have a question 
 taken whether the clause should not be expunged, and expimged 
 it was. Labored in the judiciary till three, and adjourned. 
 
 J%me B6th. — ^Attended the Hall at the usual time. The 
 managers were met and the conference begun. The Senate 
 formed, but the managers were absent at the conference. 
 Some were for proceeding and others were for waiting. The 
 members . strayed to and from the conference chamber. An 
 adjournment was often spoken of ; at last moved and carried. 
 "Well may it be said that men are but children of a larger 
 growth, for on this question being carried there was the same 
 flutter of joy among the members that I have seen among 
 children in a school on giving leave ; and away all hurried, 
 except a few that remained a little to see if the conference 
 would finish. Among them I was oiie who wished to know 
 the results of the conference. 
 
 Jwne 87th, 8a1/wrda/y. — Went a little before ten to deliver 
 a letter to Mr. Morris in favor of Mr. Harris from a Mr. Eid- 
 
90 "I AM AN ILL COURTIBK." [1789 
 
 ley. Mr. Morris read the letter and only remarked, " Mr. 
 Harris' friends are much in earnest." I mentioned the peti- 
 tion which I held in my hand from Mr. Harris. The point I 
 wished to bring matters to was for him to deliver it in. He 
 was guarded, and threw oi^; such sentiments as showed me he 
 would not move in the matter ; said the petition had best be 
 inclosed in a cover and directed to the President. I held it 
 up ; said it was directed already ; that Mr. Harris wished it 
 might be put into the hands of Colonel Humphreys ; that I 
 thought I had best follow his directions. I went with my 
 lame knees, first to visit Colonel Butler, who had been thrown 
 from a [sedan] chair with Mr. Huger and was hurt. Mr. 
 Morris went with me. He has never asked me to his house 
 save once, and I shall not go much. 
 
 From visiting Mr. Butler I went to the President's. The 
 day was now hot, the walk was long, I was lame, and the 
 streets were ripped up a great part of the way to be paved 
 anew ; all these things made the journey one of consequence. 
 Some years ago ten times as far would have been nothing. I 
 saw Colonel Humphreys ; inquired for the President's health, 
 and delivered Mr. Harris' petition. Humphreys was cold. I 
 can not say what will come of it, but my hopes are not high. 
 I am an ill courtier. The part I have taken in Senate has 
 marked me as no courtier, and I fear will mark poor Davy 
 as a man not to be brought forward. Returned to the Hall 
 very much fatigued. 
 
 The Senate met. The managers of the conference reported 
 an agreement of a number of articles. But the bill was not in 
 the Senate. It seems when the conference was agreed to by 
 the Senate, and notice of such concurrence sent down to the 
 House of Representatives, our wise Secretary sent down the 
 bills along with the commimication. I was for insisting that 
 in parliamentary language the bills were still before the Sen- 
 ate ; they had been there when the conference was appointed ; 
 no vote of the Senate had been passed to send them down ; 
 the conference was appointed only on the disagreement. There 
 was a great deal said, the amount of which resolved itself into 
 this — ^that a mistake had been committed. Mr. Morris said if 
 the bills had been fairly in his possession he would have brought 
 
June 28] JEALOUSY BETWEEN THE TWO HOUSES, 
 
 tliem back to the Senate. He actually went to try to get them 
 from the managers on the part of the House of Eepresenta- 
 tives. 
 
 There seemed to be a jealousy between the two Houses 
 who should act first, as the one which acted last would reject 
 the bill, or at least have the blame of rejection if the bill was 
 lost. Gentlemen could not reconcile themselves to act without 
 the bills, for there were two of them, one on impost and the 
 other the Tonnage Act. Some moved to act on the report of 
 the managers. After, however, much desultory conversation, 
 it was agreed to take up the bill for the judiciary. 
 
 We were proceeding on this when a message was announced. 
 Simdry communications were brought by the Clerk, and the 
 amendments of the Senate were all adopted on the Impost bill 
 save on the articles of porter and coal. Such was the haste of 
 the Vice-President that he put one question on both these arti- 
 cles at once, and both agreed to. But the Tonnage bill was re- 
 tained, and the principle of discrimination between nations in 
 treaty and those not was still adhered to by the House of Eep- 
 resentatives on this bill. Made some further progress in the 
 judiciary, and adjourned about two o'clock. 
 ■V Jv/ne 28th, Strndwif. — Spent this day, except a small ride 
 in the morning, at home, and wrote to my dear family. How 
 can I answer it to myself that I stay so long from them ? How 
 happy will my return make all their little hearts, and yet' I 
 stay here wrangling vile politics in a contentious Senate', where 
 there is no harmony of soul, no wis h to co mmumcate a happy 
 ^eiiiatioh ; Aivfiere ains"^snipsnap and contradiction short ; 
 where it is a source of joy to place the speech of a fellow- 
 Senator in a distorted or ridiculous point of view; where you 
 may search the whole Union and can not say that you can find 
 the man of your heart ! But away with them, and let me think 
 of my dear family. Sent a set of letters by Dr. Euston for 
 my family. 
 
 Jwne 29th, Monday. — Attended at the Hall early. Sent 
 my letters to the post-ofRce ; and now for the judiciary. I 
 made a remark where Elsworth in his diction had varied from 
 the Constitution. This vile bill is a child of his, and he de- 
 fends it with the care of a parent, even with wrath an4 anger. 
 
92 ELSWOETH CITES BLACKSTONB. [1789 
 
 He kindled, as he always does, when it is meddled with. Lee, 
 however, after some time joined me. Although the Vice- 
 President showed himself against us, we carried the amend- 
 ment. 
 
 We got on to the clause where a defendomt was reqmred, 
 on oath, to disclose his or her hnowledge m the cause, etc. I 
 rose and declared that I wished not to take up the time of the 
 committee, as, perhaps, few would tliink with me (this I said 
 in allusion to what had happened in the committee when I 
 had exerted myself in vain against this clause), but that I 
 could not pass in silence a clause which carried such inquisi- 
 torial powers with it, and which was so contrary to the senti- 
 ments of my constituents ; that extorting evidence from any 
 person was a species of torture, and inconsistent with the 
 spirit of freedom. But perhaps I should say something more 
 pointed when the matter came before the House in Senate. 
 (My reason of acting thus was : I had spoken to Mr. Morris 
 and found he would not second me in it, as Myers Fisher had 
 not taken notice of this matter in his letter.) Patterson, how- 
 ever, of the Jerseys, sprang up ; declared he disliked the clause, 
 and having spoken a while moved to strike it out. I then rose 
 and declared, since one man was found in the Senate for strik- 
 ing it out, I would second him. 
 
 Up now rose Elsworth, and in a most elaborate harangue 
 supported the clause ; now in chancery, now in common law, 
 and now common law again, with a chancery side. He brought 
 forward Judge Blackstone, and read much out of him. Patter- 
 son rose in reply, and followed him through these thorny 
 paths, as I thought, with good success. He showed, justly 
 enough, that Blackstone cut both ways, and nothing could be 
 inferred from him but his ridiculing the diversity of practice 
 between chancery practice and that of common law. Elsworth 
 heard him with apparent composure. He rose with an air of 
 triumph on Patterson's sitting down. " Now," said he, " every- 
 thing is said that can possibly be said to support this motion. 
 The very most is made of it that ingenuity can perform " ; and 
 he entered again the thorny thicket of law forms, and seemed 
 to batter down all his antagonist had said by referring all that 
 was advanced to the forms of law, with which everything had 
 
June 30] TYRANNY OVER THE MIND. 93 
 
 been shackled under the British Government. He really dis- 
 played ingenuity in his defense. He made repeated use of the 
 tenn " shackled," and how we were now free, and he hoped 
 we would eontimie so. ^ 
 
 I determined to have a word or two at the subject. Said I 
 was happy to hear that the world was unshackled from the 
 customs of ancient tyranny ; that there was a time when evi- 
 dence in criminal cases was extorted from the carcass of the 
 wretched culprit by torture. Happily we were unshackled 
 from this,, but here was an attempt to exercise a tyranny of 
 the same kind over.the mind. The conscience was to be put 
 on the rack ; that forcing oaths or evidence from men, I con- 
 sidered as equally tyrannical as extorting evidence by torture ; 
 and of consequence had only the difference between excusable 
 lies and willful perjury. I hoped never to see shackles of this 
 kind imposed. Chancery had been quoted ; common law had 
 been quoted as practiced in England, biit neither would apply 
 to the present case. The party was to answer in chancery, but 
 it was to the judge, and his questions were in writing ; but 
 here, by the clause, he must be examined in the open court 
 before the bench and jury and cross-examined and tortured by 
 all the address and malice of the bar. I had further to add 
 that, by the Bill of Eights of the State that I had the honor to 
 represent, no person could he compelled to give evidence against 
 himself ; that I knew this clause would give offense to my 
 constituents. 
 
 Elsworth rose and admitted that three new points had been 
 started. He aimed a reply, but I thought he missed the mark 
 in every one. The rage of speaking now seemed to catch the 
 House. Bassett was up ; Kead and Strong [were] at it. We 
 sat till half after three ; and an adjournment was called before 
 the question was put. Elsworth moved an amendment that 
 the plaintiff, tod, should swear at the request of the defendant, 
 just before the House adjourned. 
 
 Jv/ne 30th. — I am still miserably lame with the rheuma- 
 tism. Attended at the Hall at the usual time. The clause 
 with Elsworth's amendment was taken up. I rose first. Said 
 that, instead of the clause being amended, I thought it much 
 worse ; that it was alleged with justice against the clause, as 
 
94 ANCIENT TRIAL BY BATTLE. [1789 
 
 it stood before, that great opportunities and temptations to 
 perjury were held out, but this was setting the door fairly- 
 open. The contest now would be, who would swear most 
 home to the point. If I was against it before, I was much 
 more so now. Mr. Lee rose, and seemed to mistake the mat- 
 ter. I rose and endeavored to do the business Justice. 
 
 Up rose Elsworth and threw the common law back all the 
 way to the wager of law, which he asserted was still in force. 
 Strong rose and took the other side in a long harangue. He 
 went back to the ancient trial by battle, which, he said, was yet 
 unrepealed, but said repeatedly there was no such ease as the 
 present. Elsworth's temper forsook him. He contradicted 
 Strong with rudeness ; said what the gentleman asserted was 
 not fact ; that defendants were admitted as witnesses ; that 
 all might be witnesses against themselves. Got Blackstone ; 
 but nothing could be inferred from Blackstone but such a 
 thing by consent. Patterson got up, and back he went to the 
 feudal system. He pointedly denied Elsworth's position. Bas- 
 sett rose. Read rose, and we had to listen to them aU. The 
 question was, however, put first on Elsworth's amendment, 
 and was lost ; next on striking out, and it was carried. 
 
 The Tonnage bill was taken up. "We concurred in one 
 clause, but adhered in the next. And now back to the judi- 
 ciary. Mr. Lee moved that the postponed clause about the 
 ambassadors, consuls, etc., should be taken up. It was so. I 
 saw Mr. Adams begin to fidget with a kind of eagerness or 
 restlessness, as if ajiettlejiad been in his breeches. He could 
 not restrain himself long, and up he got to tell us all about 
 ambassadors, other Ministers, and consuls ; and what he did 
 with his Majesty here and his Majesty there ; and how he got 
 an answer in this case, and how he never got an answer in 
 that ; and how' he had, with Mr. Jefferson, appointed Mr. Bar- 
 clay to the Emperor of Morocco ; and how the Parliament of 
 Bordeaux mistook the matter and dismisses Mr. Barclay from 
 an arrest, etc. I could not help admiring the happiness of the 
 man. When he had occasion to refer to something said by 
 Elsworth, he called him "the right honorable gentleman." 
 
 July 1. — Very lame, particularly in my right knee. At- 
 tended at the Hall at the usual time. The clause was taken 
 
JuLYl] ENORMOUS EXPENSE OP ENGLISH JUDICIARY. 95 
 
 up of the Judiciary bill " that suits in equity shall not be sus- / 
 tained in either of the courts of the United States in any case 
 where a remedy may be had at law." Dr. Johnson rose first 
 against the clause. Elsworth answered him, and the follow? 
 ing gentlemen all in turn : Lee, Head, Bassett, Patterson, and 
 Grayson. Strong spoke in favor of the clause. The lawyers 
 were in a rage for speaking. Many things were said in favor 
 of chancery that I knew to be wrong. Never was there a field 
 more beaten, from the first Chancellor down. The lawyers 
 seemed all prepared to show their extensive reading. 
 
 It was near three, and I determined to say something. A 
 case was often put of a man covenanting to convey land and 
 dying before performance ; that there was no relief without 
 chancery. I, however, rose, said much information had been 
 given on this important subject, but I wished for a great deal 
 more. For instance, I desired to know the number of attor- 
 neys and persons employed in the law department in England, 
 and the millions (for it was said to amount to several annually) 
 extorted by the law department from that nation ; particularly 
 whether the sum so extracted did not exceed the aggregate of 
 the sums in dispute before the courts. Whether any nation 
 in the world, besides the English, would pay their taxes and 
 support any such expensive judiciary ; that these points being 
 settled would afford matter of important advice to us, whether 
 it was prudent to imitate the famous English jurisprudence in 
 all its parts ; that the advantages of chancery were to my cer- 
 tain knowledge . overstated ; that the famous case of the bond 
 performance gave little trouble in Pennsylvania ; that the per- 
 son having paid his bond, brought his suit, and the parties gen- 
 erally consented to a judgment and the sale of the lands, and 
 the sheriff made title ; that I thought the clause a good one, 
 and wished it to be more effectual to prevent the flow of causes 
 into that tedious court. 
 
 Up rose George Read in angry mood. Said he had a cause 
 of that kind in Pennsylvania ; that he had consulted the ablest 
 men there and received for answer [that] there was no remedy 
 in Pennsylvania, and asserted that the people of Pennsylvania 
 wished for chancery, and many of them lamented the want 
 of it. 
 
96 BRITISH INPIiUENCB IN CONGRESS. [1789 
 
 I got tip ; declared, as far as I knew the sentiments of the 
 people of Pennsylvania, they disliked a chancery, but that 
 many of them knew not even the name. I never heard any 
 people speak in favor of it, but some gentlemen of the bar, and 
 even among them some doubted whether it would do most 
 harm or good ; that in the general it was considered by those 
 who knew anything of the matter, as the iield where the gen- 
 tlemen of the bar would reap the fullest harvest, and it was 
 considered that they enjoyed a plentiful crop as matters stood 
 now. I stated the affair of the bond over again so plainly that 
 Eead called out, " In case of consent, I grant it." I had only 
 to add, in case they do not consent, twelve honest jurors are 
 good chancellors, if not to give the land, at least to give the 
 value of it. The clause stood on the question. The gentlemen 
 of the bar in the House seem to have made common cause of it, 
 to push the power of chancery as far as possible. Mr. Morris 
 seemed almost disposed to join them. As we rose he said, " If 
 I had spoken, I believe I should have differed with you about 
 chancery." I know not what put it there, but it was in my 
 head in a moment that he has two sons studying for the law. 
 
 This day the discrimination between the ships of nations in 
 treaty and those not, on the Tonnage bill, was rejected in the 
 House of Eepresentatives also, and, of course, the Tonnage biU 
 now passes. When this doctrine was first broached in the 
 House of Representatives, of no discrimination, it was called 
 " Toryism," and there were but eight votes for it on a divis- 
 ion. But mark the influence of the city of New York, or let 
 me call it British influence. To work they set in the Senate, 
 and, before the Impost bill got up, they had secured a majority 
 to reject the discrimination. But some pretext was necessary 
 even in the Senate. The discriminations in the Impost and 
 Tonnage bills were said to be arrant trifles ; no compensation 
 for the injuries our trade received ; that a deeper mode of 
 retaliation should be entered on — such as would effectually 
 cure all disadvantages and carry the remedy to every particular 
 disease and retaliate on every nation, exactly in kind; and 
 where a disadvantage was imposed a corresponding one should 
 be imposed by us, and not chastise all nations out of treaty 
 with the same punishment. As to gratitude or national friend- 
 
July 2] LAWYERS AND THE JUDICIARY. 97 
 
 ship, they were held not to exist, and all that was to be done 
 with nations in treaty was to observe the terms of those trea- 
 ties. A committee, therefore, of Mr. Morris, Mr. Langdon 
 [names left blank], was appointed to examine the state of our 
 commerce, and to bring in a bill for the protection of our 
 commerce. But the discriminations are now struck out. of 
 both bills, and I do not expect to hear anything more about 
 the protecting of our commerce unless it should be taken up in 
 the House of Representatives. 
 
 Madison, too, is charged with having labored [for] the 
 whole business of discrimination in order to pay court to the 
 French nation through Mr. Jefferson, our Minister to Paris. I 
 feel much readier to believe him guilty of another charge — 
 viz., liis urging the doctrine of taking away the right of re- 
 movals of oificers from the Senate in order to pay his court to 
 the President, whom, I am told, he already affects to govern. 
 Time will, however, throw light on both these subjects. Mem,. 
 It has done so in a remarkable manner in one of them. Yide 
 lith February, 1Y91. 
 
 July 2d. — Went this day to the HaU at the usual time. 
 The bin for the judiciary was taken up. I reaUy dislike the 
 whole of this bill, but I endeavored to mend it in several 
 places and make it as perfect as possible, if it is to be the law 
 of the land. But it was fabricated by a knot of lawyers, who 
 joined hue and cry to run down any person who will venture 
 to say one word about it. This I have repeatedly experienced, 
 and when I am certain (for a man may sometimes be certain 
 of being right) of having made obvious and proper amend- 
 ments, I have been pushed at from both *ight and left by 
 them, and not a man to second me. Be it so, however ; this is 
 no reason that I should be silent. I ran Elsworth hard on the 
 uselessness of part of this bill to-day, and thought I had the 
 advantage in some of the answers I gave. But it was of little 
 avail. Grayson, though a lawyer, told me yesterday that it 
 was in vain to attempt anything. The people who were not 
 lawyers, on a supposition that lawyers knew best, would follow 
 the lawyers, and a party were determined to push it. I needed 
 no information from him on this head. 
 
 We, however, came to a clause, the import of which was 
 7 
 
 v/ 
 
98 BONDS, COVENANTS, ETC. [1789 
 
 that on bonds, articles of agreement, covenants, etc., the jnrj 
 should find the breach and the judges assess the damages. I 
 attacked this mixed, half-common law, half-chancery proceed- 
 ing ; accused the bill of inconsistency ; that a clause had aleady 
 been adopted which excluded chancery where common law 
 would afford a remedy. Here we had a jury and common law 
 acting with the cause, and we flew from it to chancery powers. 
 This was inconsistency. The jury were the proper chancellors 
 in such a case to assess the damages ; and I liked them much 
 better than the judges. They were from the vicinity, and best 
 acquainted with the parties and their circumstances. When 
 the judgment was by default or entered up, a jury of inquiry of 
 damages should ascertain the sum. 
 
 Strong made a long speech how this could not be done on 
 the principles of common law- and chancery principles, and 
 seemed wiUing to show his accurate reading on these points, 
 and concluded by saying either he or the gentleman last up 
 did not understand the principles of these courts, for the gen- 
 tleman was for doing what he thought could not be done. I 
 rose quick to reply. Said the clause was before us — ^the clause 
 was in our power — what I wanted done was clearly expressed 
 [in the clause]. I hoped we were not always to be trammeled 
 with the fetters of English jurisprudence ; that we would 
 show [that] we had judgment and would act for ourselves, in- 
 dependent of any forms, and concluded with a question whether 
 we were always to be considered as empty bottles, that could' 
 contain nothing but what was poured into them. Several gen- 
 tlemen now rose and agreed mth me in objecting to the clause. 
 But there seemed some difficulty in amending, and it was post- 
 poned for amendment. 
 
 Juhj 3d. — This [day] was warm ; quite as much so, I 
 thought, as any day I remember in Pennsylvania. Attended 
 at the Hall. Business went on at the usual time. It was the 
 judiciary which we were upon. Light and very trifling de- 
 bates in general. Mr. Read got up and kept " hammering " 
 for a long time (as Mr. Morris termed it), and really it was 
 difficult to say what he would be at. 
 
 I did not embark in any debate until we came to the clause 
 empowering the judges, either on their own knowledge or 
 
Julys] ENGLISH JURISPRUDENCE DEFECTIVE. 99 
 
 complaint of others, to apprehend, bail, commit, etc. I alleged 
 that the judges would be men of like passions and resentments 
 as other men ; that they should not be both witnesses and 
 judges, accusers and all ; that the complaint also should be cKi 
 oath. I moved, therefore, to strike out those words and insert 
 " upon oath or .affirmation made and reduced to writing and 
 signed by the party, stating sufficient reason in law." Lee, of 
 Virginia;, seconded me this time. But, according to custom, I 
 had Elsworth and the gentlemen of the bar up against it. It 
 was insisted that this was agreeable to the laws of England ; 
 that the oath of the judge would bind him to all tliis; that a 
 judge had a right to use his private judgment, just as a jury- 
 man had a right to act on his private knowledge. Elsworth, 
 Strong, Bassett, Grayson, and others, all up, and volumes did 
 they pour out. 
 
 I could not get speaking for a long time. I, however, 
 made a short reply ; said we were now framing the law which 
 would be the rule of conduct for the judges; that practice, 
 such as the gentlemen insisted on, had been used by judges ; 
 and, from experience, we had learned the danger of it. Cases 
 were known where the resentment of a judge was the accusing 
 spirit and prejudice pronounced judgment. Every part of 
 English jurisprudence was not unexceptional, nor would I 
 blindly follow them in everything ; that the case adduced of 
 a juryman using private knowledge would not apply. A jury- 
 man, legally speaking, had no private knowledge, or at least 
 none that he ought to keep private. If he knew anything 
 pertinent to the issue, he ought to disclose it upon oath to his 
 fellows in court ; and this was the law in daily practice iipon 
 it. If a judge happened to be the only person having knowl- 
 edge of the commission of a crime, let him apply to some other 
 justice. This I had known done. The case of a forcible entry 
 did not apply to common practice, and yet in this case the 
 justices would generally bind over witnesses to prosecute. I 
 hinted at some other points of the clause as imperfect, and said 
 much more before I sat down, particularly as to the dangerous 
 ground on which we trod, considering the interference, or the 
 very probable interference, of the Federal and. State Legisla^ 
 tures, and the giving more power over the liberty of the citizen 
 
100 THE GLORIOUS FOURTH. [1789 
 
 to the former than was usually practiced by the ktter would 
 not fail to sow the seeds of dissension. 
 
 I had showed this clause to Mr. Morris before I moved for 
 the alteration. He approved of it, but he went out and stayed 
 away until all was over. He asked when he came in if his 
 presence would have altered the vote. I told him I supposed 
 not ; we had lost it. I know nothing of the reason of his ab- 
 sence. Charity and good humor will say it was accidental 
 He has been — at least I thought so — rather distant with me. 
 He has showed me none of the communications which he has 
 received respecting the judiciary. This has not been my con- 
 duct with regard to him, and I know he has showed our At- 
 torney-Greneral's remarks to Lee, Carrol, and Elsworth. I 
 likewise know he has remarks from Judge Hopkinson. Noth- 
 ing shall be wanting on my part to act in harmony with him. 
 I whispered him at a leisure time, " We should have a meet- 
 ing and compare all the remarks we have received, and make 
 up our minds as to the amendments which we will move." 
 I paused ; he did not reply ; continued : " I am quite disen- 
 gaged ; I will call on you at any time when it is convenient." 
 [He] replied : " It must be here. I have all my papers here." 
 "Agreed, I will meet you at any time." Nothing more [said]. 
 
 Settled with my landlord ; he owes me fifteen shillings and 
 eightpence. Mr. Morris had a set of remarks from Wilson 
 and a set drawn up by Wallace which I never saw^^ 
 
 July Jfth. — This is the anniversary of American Independ- 
 ence. The day was celebrated with much pomp. The Cin- 
 cinnati assembled at Saint Paul's Church, where an oration was 
 pronounced by Colonel Hamilton in honor of General Greene. 
 The church was crowded. The Cincinnati had seats allotted 
 for themselves; wore their eagles at their button-holes, and 
 were preceded by a flag. The oration was well delivered ; the 
 composition appeared good, but I thought he should have given 
 us some account of his virtues as a citizen as well as a warrior, 
 for I supposed he possessed them, and he lived some time after 
 the war, and, I believe, commenced farming. 
 
 Excepting my attendance at Saint Paul's Church, I kept 
 [the] house all day, as I find going out only hurts my knees, 
 both of which are still affected by the rheumatism. 
 
July 7] THIRD READING OF THE JUpiCIARY BILL. 101 
 
 July 5th, 8wnday. — ^Was a rainy day ; stayed at home all 
 day, my thoughts chiefly employed about my family. How 
 much of the sweets of life do I lose in being separated from 
 them ! After, however, having stayed so long, I had better 
 give my attention a week or two longer. "" 
 
 July 6th, MondoAj. — Came early to the Hall in order to 
 send my letters to the post-ofiice. Dr. Johnson and some 
 other members came in ; familiar chat to the time of the meet- 
 ing of the Senate. The judiciary was taken up and the residue 
 of it passed without any interesting debate. Our Yice-Presi- 
 dent called for the sense of the House when it should be read 
 the third time. The members showed plainly that they con- 
 sidered it as not having been touched in Senate on second read- 
 ing ; all that had passed having only been in committee. The 
 Vice-President insisted that the bill had been twice read. So 
 it certainly had, but the second reading was in a committee of 
 the whole Senate. He said former bills had been treated just 
 as he wanted this one treated. We knew, or at least I knew, 
 that this was not the case. He showed a peevish obstinacy, as 
 I thought. He does not like the doctrine of a committee of 
 the Senate ; nor has he ever submitted to it, for he ought to 
 leave the chair. To-morrow, however, was assigned for the 
 third reading, with a kind of saving privilege to make amend- 
 ments. 
 
 Mr. Morris came in a little before we broke up. He put 
 into my hands the letter and remarks of our Chief-Justice on 
 the judiciary, directed to us jointly. But the Attorney-Gen- 
 eral's remarks and Judge Hopkinson's I have not yet had the 
 opportunity of perusing. Thursday [is] assigned for the bill 
 for Foreign Affairs, Friday for the Department of War, and 
 Monday next Jor jheJTreasury Department. 
 
 Juh) 7th. — Attended the Hall at the usual time. The 
 judiciary was taken up for a third reading. I can scarcely ac- 
 count for my disHke for this bill, but I really fear it will be 
 the gunpowder-plot of the Constitution. So confused and so 
 obscure, it vidll not fail to give a general alarm. Elsworth has 
 led in this business, backed with Strong, Patterson, Eead often, 
 Bassett seldom. "We came to the clause which allowed the 
 District Judges to git on the hearing of appeals from them- 
 
102 PENNSYLVANIANS APPROVE OP THE JUDICIARY. [1789 
 
 selves. I did not rise to oppose this. Grayson, however, got 
 hold of it, and hammered hard at it. Bassett rose, and took 
 partly the same side. Now I thought the matter in a hopeful 
 way. Elsworth immediately drew an amendment, as lie said, 
 to cure their objections, though it was nothing like the matter. 
 I drew a clause nearly in these words : " Provided that no 
 District Judge shall sit on the rehearing of any case formerly 
 adjudged by him." We got Elsworth's motion postponed to 
 put a question on it. It was agreed that the sense of the House 
 should be taken on this. We carried it, and I rose and said^ 
 since the sense of the House was declared on this subject, I 
 wished some of the gentlemen of the bar to frame a clause in 
 the spirit of the determination ; that the eifect of the determi- 
 nation would reach further than the present clause, for it would 
 prevent the Circuit Judge from sitting in the Supreme Court 
 on an appeal where he had given original judgment. This was 
 agreed to, so we killed two birds with one stone. The most 
 trifling word-catching employed us till after three o'clock. 
 
 I can not help observing, under this day's head, that Mr. 
 Phils, the late Naval Officer of Philadeljjhia, brought this morn- 
 ing most ample extracts of the trade of that port for the last 
 year. He said there were copies sent him for his own use, but 
 that at an early period he made out a set and delivered them 
 to the President of the State to be forwarded to Congress, and 
 he said they were actually forwarded. I could only say I never 
 saw them, although I used all diligence to possess myself of 
 every paper that could give me the smallest information. 
 
 Received letters this day from Harrisburg, and from Balti- 
 more all well. 
 
 JuT/y 5<A.— Attended the Hall this day as usual. The judi- 
 ciary was taken up. Elsworth by far more accommodating 
 this day than I ever knew him. We sat the usual time, but 
 the debate was very trifling, indeed, and not one worth com- 
 mitting to paper. The Chief-Justice of Pennsylvania, Mr. 
 Wilson, Myers Fisher, the Speaker, Mr. Peters, Tench Coxe, 
 and sundry others have in their letters approved of the general 
 outlines of the bill. Any amendments which they have offered 
 have been of a lesser nature. I own [that] the appropriation 
 of so many men of character for abilities has lessened my dis- 
 
July 9] THE GREAT DEPARTMENTS. 103 
 
 like of it, yet I can not think of the expense attending it, which 
 I no-w consider as useless, without a kind of sickly qualm over- 
 shadowing me. Bradford's and Judge Hopkinson's remarks 
 I have not yet seen, nor need I now care for them, as we will 
 probably finish it to-morrow. Would that I had finished busi- 
 ness so far as to be able to return home to-morrow ! I find, 
 however, I must stay yet a little longer. This is .painful, but, 
 all things considered, I can hot help it. 
 
 Warm plaster for obstinate, fixed rheumatic pains, made by 
 melting over a pan an ounce of gum plaster and two drachms 
 of blistering plaster, spread on soft leather and applied to the 
 part affected ; taken off and wiped once in three or four days, 
 and renewed once a fortnight. 
 
 July 9th. — Still much afflicted with rheumatism. Attended 
 this day the usual time at the Hall. A great part of this day 
 was taken up with light debates, chiefly conducted by the law- 
 yers on both sides, and the object seemed to be the increasing 
 the powers of chancery. Mr. Read, a man of obstructed elo- 
 cutions, was excessively tedious. Elsworth has credit with me. 
 I know not, however, whether it be the effect of judgment, 
 whim, 01 caprice, but he is generally for limiting the chancery 
 powers. Mr. Morris and myself differed in every vote this 
 day. We always have differed on the subject of chancery. 
 
 This day I got copies of the three bills for the great depart- 
 ments. Besides being calculated on a scale of great expense, 
 two grand objections offer themselves on these bills — ^the less- 
 ening of the power of the Senate, taking away from them any 
 vote in the removal of officers, and the power of advising and 
 consenting in one case of the first consequence ; and the other 
 the placing the President above business and beyond the power 
 of responsibiKty, putting into the hands of his officers the 
 duties required of him by the Constitution. Indeed, these ap- 
 pear to me to have been the moving reasons for bringing for- 
 ward the bill at all. Nor do I see the necessity of having 
 made this business a siibject of legislation. The point of view 
 in which it has presented itself to me was that the President 
 should signify to the Senate his desire of appointing a Minister 
 of Foreign Affairs, and nominate the man. And so of the 
 other necessary departments. If the Senate agreed to the ne- . 
 
104 OBJECTION TO THE JUDICIARY SYSTEM. [1789 
 
 cessity of the office and the men, they would concur; if not, 
 they would negative, etc. The House would get the business 
 before them when salaries came to be appointed, and could 
 thus give their opinion by providing for the officers or not. I 
 see this mode might be abused. But for the House of Repre- 
 sentatives, by a side-wind, to exalt the President above the 
 Constitution^ and depress the Senate below it, is — ^but I will 
 leave it without name. They know the veneration entertained 
 for General Washington, and believe the people will be ready 
 to join in the cry against the Senate, in his favor, when they 
 endeavor to make him a party. They think they have fast 
 hold of us, and that we dare not refuse our assent to these bills, 
 and so several of them have not failed to declare. 
 
 JuVy 10, 1789. — This day the lawyers showed plainly the 
 cloven foot of their intentions in the House [Senate]. Read, 
 Bassett, Patterson, Johnson, Grayson, and others, had got a 
 hasty kind of amendment passed late yesterday. The amount 
 of it was that in the Circuit Courts, under the name of equity 
 they should have all the depositions copied and sent up on an 
 appeal to the Supreme Court, as evidence on the rehearing of 
 facts, or words to that import. I had some conversation with 
 Elsworth in the morning about it, and offered to him to move 
 for a reconsideration of the matter. He wished to reserve this 
 business for himself, however. He acccordingly moved the 
 reconsideration in a lengthy speech, and was seconded by 
 Strong. At it now they went, and until after three scarce a 
 word could be got in edgewise, for the lawyers. Butler, 
 though lame, bounced up twice. I wished to speak, but could 
 not get leave. The Vice-President got up in his chair. I rose 
 and told him I wished to say a word or two : 
 
 " Sir, I am no professed admirer of the judicial system be- 
 fore you, but the best part of it is the Circuit Courts. These, 
 sir, the amendment of yesterday will render abortive. The 
 seeds of appeal, and the materials, too, provide for every cause. 
 The system of delay is so firmly established, and the certainty 
 of procrastination such, that justice can never be obtained in it. 
 Let us follow the scheme a moment : The dispositions are 
 taken and carried up six hundred or seven hundred miles to a 
 Federal court. But, by the law, they can not be used, if the 
 
July 13] SIDE-WINDS. 105 
 
 party is able to attend. The witness is subpoenaed, but does 
 not attend. An attachment issues, but the party will kill the 
 messenger, run to the woods, fly to the Indians, rather than 
 attend. "Well, but the court can issue a dedvrmis potesta- 
 teTti, and commissioners may be appointed; and in three or 
 four years the testimony may be collected. Well, and what 
 now ? Is the fact to be tried by chancery powers ? I am bold 
 to say that no issue of fact was ever tried or found, for or 
 against, in chancery. Facts often were carried into chancery, 
 as evidence, but if they were doubted of, issue was joined on 
 them, and directed to be tried by a jury. But now the busi- 
 ness unfolds itseM. N^ow we see what gentlemen would be at. 
 It is to try facts on civil-law principles, without the aid of a 
 jury, and this, I promise you, never will be submitted to." 
 The question was put, and we carried it. But the House 
 seemed rather to break up in a storm. 
 
 [Here a leaf ol the Maclay journal, under the date of Saturday, July 10th, 
 has been destroyed. The next entry is made under date of July 11, 1789, as 
 follows :] 
 
 " Should go to the nearest stack of wheat, rye, hay, straw, 
 or such like material, and draw out two stems, one in the 
 name of each party, and the longest should win the cause." 
 He showed it to me. I gave him a hearty laugh of approba- 
 tion. Not, indeed, that I admired either the wit or novelty of 
 it ; but I considered it as the index of a sure vote. But I was 
 mistaken. He voted against us, and the clause was lost. 
 
 I could see an air of triumph in the visages of gentlemen 
 of the bar, Elsworth excepted, who has really credit with me 
 on the whole of this business. The part he has acted in it I 
 consider as candid (bating his caballing with Johnson), and 
 disinterested. Mr. Lee, of Yirginia, was for the clause, and 
 spoke well. As we came down the stairs. Dr. Johnson was 
 by my side. " Doctor," said I, " I wish you would leave off 
 using these side-winds, and boldly, at once, bring in a clause 
 for deciding all causes on civil-law principles, without the aid 
 of a jury." " No, no," said he, " the civil law is a name I am 
 not very fond of." I replied, " You need not care about the 
 name, since you have got tjie thing." 
 
 July mh, Swnday.—l was ill last night. My swelled 
 
106 ON CHARLES THOMPSON. [1789 
 
 knee gave me great pain, and prevented my rest. Put on 
 flannels, and stayed at home all day. Had no book but 
 Buchan's Family Physician. Eead a good deal in it. "What 
 a lazar-house the world is ! Surely the pleasures of life are 
 as chaff, in the balance against ponderous lead, compared 
 with the ills and dolors of the human race. Infinite "Wisdom 
 surely shows us but a small part of her works. There must be 
 a balance somewhere. Or shall we view it in another light — 
 that the only good we enjoy is the effect of prudence ? Alas ! 
 she does not always command it. It is vain, however, to rend 
 the impenetrable veil that conceals the mysterious ways of 
 Providence. My dear family, I wish I were with you. 
 
 July 13th. — I forgot to minute yesterday that, late in the 
 afternoon, Charles Thompson visited me. We had much chat 
 of the political kind. He showed a great disposition to go into 
 the field of the President's power. He was clearly of opinion 
 that the President ought to remove all officers, etc. Indeed, 
 he said so much on this subject that I had like to have enter- 
 tained a suspicion that he came on purpose to sound, or rather 
 prepare, me on the subject. I agreed to simdry of his obser- 
 vations, at the same time dissented, in plain but not pointed 
 terms, from some other things. Perhaps this is the best way, 
 on the whole, for an independent man to act. Honesty, on 
 the whole, is the best policy. I really feel for Mr. Thompson's 
 situation. A man who has been the graphic faculty of the old 
 Congress, the hand and pen of that body from their first or- 
 ganization, and who — I feel a kind of certainty of the fact — 
 wishes to die in an eminent office, would not suffer his friends 
 to continue him Secretary of the Senate, and his enemies have 
 taken advantage of it and declared him out of oiBce, and mean 
 to keep him so. It was certainly bad policy of him to refuse 
 the offer of his friends. The political door is harder to be 
 opened than any other if once it is thrown in a man's face. 
 
 The Senate met, and Mr. Bassett's motion witli respect to 
 the effect of a writ of error as a supersedeas to an execution 
 was taken up. Mr. Eead spoke long in support of the motion. 
 Mr. Elsworth equally long against it. I rose and made sundry 
 remarks, and the amendment was carried. It was not a mate- 
 rial one in the bill, however. Wliile the minutes were reading, 
 
July 13] ENGLISH JURISPRUDENCE. 107 
 
 I stepped to Elsworth and asked if he woxild not join me in an 
 attempt to regain the clause we had lost on Satm-day. He 
 paused a little and said he would. 
 
 Mr. Elsworth rose and spoke long on the subject of the 
 necessity of a discrimination or some boundary-line between 
 the courts of chancery and common law. He concluded with 
 a motion nearly in the words of the clause we had lost. Mr. 
 Lee and myself both rose to second the motion. Mr. Lee, 
 however, sat down and left me up. I therefore determined to 
 avail myself of my situation and say something. Declared my '•l 
 concurrence of sentiment for limited chancery strictly. As 
 the bill stood, chancery was open to receive everything. In 
 EngMnd, where by the letter of the law no suit could be 
 brought in chancery if the common law afforded a remedy, yet 
 siich was the nature of that court, and so advantageous had it 
 been found to the practitioners, that it had encroached greatly 
 on the common law. Gentlemen would not consider this as an 
 inconvenience. So high were their ideas of English jurispru- 
 dence they said all the world admired it, and every member of 
 this House must admire it. (This was Dr. Johnson's language 
 on Saturday.) I was ready to admire it too, but I would first 
 endeavor to describe it. 
 
 It [Enghsh jurisprudence] consisted of a great number of 
 grades of courts rising in succession over each other. Common 
 Pleas, King's Bench, Exchequer, Chancery, etc., so admirably 
 organized and connected that the one was generally ready to 
 begin where the other ended, and so formed that as long as a 
 client had money he might purchase, delay, or, in other words, 
 get law for it ; that in England at this time it was rather a 
 trial of the depth of purse than right, and, accordingly, noth- 
 ing was more common than for a man who was going to law 
 to calculate and compare his pecuniary resources with his ad- 
 versary's. The cost, however, being fairly counted, and neither 
 party afraid, at it the angry men go. As they are eager, and 
 bleed freely, they mount, perhaps, with tolerable rapidity, until 
 they arrive in the regions of chancery. But here their bills 
 are filed and all their facts collected, and in some haK-dozen 
 years, it may be, a judgment is given. But mark, the first 
 judgment is seldom or never final. Here, then, a number of 
 
108 ENGLISH JURISPRUDENCE EXPENSIVE. [1789 
 
 facts must be adjusted, and some ten or twenty issues in feigned 
 wagers must be tried in the King's Beneh. In some three or 
 four years a new cargo of facts is furnished. The examiner 
 goes to work and spends some two or three years. The Chan- 
 cellor, too, perhaps, must have the opinion of the Judges of 
 the King's Bench. Here is a new trial. Bxxt at last he gives 
 a judgment. But two of the counsel sign a petition for a re- 
 hearing, and the whole business must be gone over again. 
 But is the business done ? No such thing. Another petition 
 comes in for a " review," and the whole business must be gone 
 over a third time. 
 
 Here I was interrupted by the Yice-President, who said 
 there was an instance of a cause being finished by the present 
 Chancellor in his lifetime. I answered quick, One swallow 
 does not make a simimer, Mr. President, and went on. But 
 are they done yet ? No such thing. The House of Lords is 
 before them, and by the time they get out of the far end of it 
 one or both are completely ruined. This is the progress of 
 your wealthy parties, where phun is matched to plum. But 
 what of your unequal matches — ^your poor and rich parties ? 
 Why, sir, if the relative wealth of one is to that of the other 
 as four to one, the poor man will get about one fourth part of 
 the way. If as two to one, half-way ; if as three to four, three 
 fourths of the way before the exhausted party drops off into 
 ruin. (Here, by way of illustration, I repeated the Annesley 
 cause.) For never was so admirable a machine contrived by 
 the art of man to use men's passions for the picking of their 
 pockets and to bring their justice into trade. The present bill 
 before you has been considered as enjoying perfection in pro- 
 portion as it approaches the British system. Sir, I have given 
 you the opinion which I know many sensible Americans enter- 
 tain of the system of English jurisprudence. "With such peo- 
 ple, English features will be no recommendation of the bill. 
 Sir, I can not boast a general knowledge of the sentiments of 
 men in the Union. From what I know of my own State, I 
 am confident a great majority abhor chancery. Those whom I 
 have generally heard advocate the chancery were professional 
 men. I really believe that this was the case generally over the 
 Union. I know many people complained of chancery in the 
 
July 14] " THBBE SHALL BE AN EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT." 109 
 
 Jerseys. One hundred and twenty-six pounds had been paid 
 lately for taking the testimony only in a chancery suit in that 
 State. Suits had been pending thirty years in their chancery, 
 and had cost thousands ; that I was clearly of opinion that 
 everything after the verdict of a jury was a mere trap to catch 
 fees, and might be styled the toils of the law, added to perplex 
 the truth. The bill, however, before you, as it now stands, is 
 not chancery. It is something much worse. The line between 
 chancery and common law is broken down. All actions may 
 now be tried in the Federal courts by the judges without the 
 intervention of a jury. The trial by jury is considered as the 
 birthright of every American. It is a privilpge they are fond 
 of, and, let me add, it is a privilege they will npt part with. 
 
 This day the committee for considering our commercial in- 
 juries reported. I do not like it. The end is answered, per- 
 haps, for which the stir was made, when this committee was 
 appointed, and now the business ends in a bubble. I wiU, 
 however, get a copy of the report before I pronounce on it. 
 
 July IJfth. — The Senate met, and one of the bills for or- 
 ganizing one of the public departments — ^that of Foreign Affairs 
 — was taken up. After being read, I begged leave of the 
 Chair to submit some general observations, which, though ap- 
 parently diffuse, I considered as pertinent to the bill before us, 
 the first clause of which was, " There shaU be an Executive 
 Department," etc. There are a number of such bills, and may 
 be many more, tending to direct the most mimite particle of 
 the President's conduct. If he is to be directed, how he shall 
 do everything, it follows he must do nothing without direc- 
 tion. To what purpose, then, is the executive power lodged 
 vdth the President, if he can do nothing without a law direct- 
 ing the mode, manner, and, of course, the thing to be done ? 
 May not the two Houses of Congress, on this principle, pass 
 a law depriving him of all powers ?. You may say it will not 
 get his approbation. But two thirds of both Houses will 
 make it a law without him, and the Constitution is undone at 
 once. 
 
 Gentlemen may say, How is the Government then to pro- 
 ceed on these points ? The simplest in the world. The Presi- 
 dent communicates to the Senate that he finds such and such 
 
110 REMOVAL PROM OFFICE. [1789 
 
 officers necessary in the execution of the Government, and 
 nominates the man. If the Senate approve, they will concur 
 in the measure ; if not, refuse their consent, etc., when the 
 appointments are made. The President, in like manner, com- 
 municates to the House of Representatives that siich appoint- 
 ments have taken place, and require adequate salaries. Then 
 the House of Representatives might show their concurrence or 
 disapprobation, by providing for the officer or not. I thought 
 it my duty to mention these things, though I had not the 
 vanity to think that I would make any proselytes in this stage 
 of the business ; and, perhaps, the best apology I could make 
 was not to detain them lortg. I likewise said that, if the Sen- 
 ate were generally of my mind, a conference between the 
 Houses should take place. But the sense of the House would 
 appear on taking the question upon the first clause. The first 
 clause was cai-ried. 
 
 Now came the second clause. It was for the appointment of 
 a chief clerk by the Secretary, who, in fact, was to be the prin- 
 cipal, " whenever the said principal officer shall he remmied. 
 from office hy the President of the United States.''^ There was 
 a blank pause at the end of it. I was not in haste, but rose 
 first : Mr. President, whoever attends strictly to the Consti- 
 tution of the United States, will readily observe that the part 
 assigned to the Senate was an important one — ^no less than that 
 of being the great check, the regulator and corrector, or, if I 
 may so speak, the balance of this Government. In their legis- 
 lative capacity they not only have the concoction of all bills, 
 orders, votes, or resolutions, but may originate any of them, 
 save money bills. In the executive branch they have likewise 
 power to check and regulate the proceedings of- the President. 
 Thus treaties, the highest and most important part -of the 
 Executive Department, must have a concurrence of two thirds 
 of them. All appointments under the President and Yice- 
 President, must be by their advice and consent, unless they 
 concur in passing a law divesting themselves of this power. 
 By the checks which are intrusted with them, upon both the 
 Executive and the other branch of the Legislature, the stability 
 of the Government is evidently placed in their hands. 
 
 The approbation of the Senate was certainly meant to 
 
July 14] REMOVAL FROM OFFICE. m 
 
 guard against the mistakes of the President in his appoint- 
 ments to office. I do not admit the doctrine of holding com- 
 missions ' during pleasure ' as constitutional, and shall speak 
 to that point presently. But, supposing for a moment, that to 
 be the case, is not the same guard equally necessary to preyent 
 improper steps in removals as in appointments ? Certainly, 
 common inference or induction can mean nothing short of 
 this. It is a maxim in legislation as well as reason, and applies 
 well in the present case, that it requires the same power to re- 
 peal as to enact. The depriving power shoxdd be the same as 
 the appointing power. 
 
 But was this a point left at large by the Constitution ? Cer- 
 tainly otherwise. Five or six times in our short Constitution 
 is the trial by impeachment mentioned. In one place, the 
 House of Kepresentatives shall have the sole power of im- 
 peachment. In another, the Senate shall have the sole power 
 to try impeachments. In a third, judgment shall not extend 
 further than to. removal from office, and disqualification to 
 hold or enjoy offices, etc. The President shall not pardon in 
 cases of impeachment. The President, Vice-President, and all 
 civil officers of the United States, shall be removed from office 
 on impeachment, etc. No part of the Constitution is so fully 
 guarded as or more clearly expressed than this part of it. And 
 most justly, too, for every good Government guards the repu- 
 tation of her citizens as well as their life and property. Every 
 turning out of office is attended with reproach, and the person 
 so turned out is stigmatized with infamy. By means of im- 
 peachment a fair hearing and trial are secured to the party. 
 Without this, what man of independent spirit would accept of 
 such an office ? Of what service can his abilities be to the 
 community if afraid of the nod or beck of a superior ? He 
 must consult his will in every matter. Abject servility is most 
 apt to mark the line of his conduct, and this on the one hand 
 will not fail to be productive of despotism and tyranny on the 
 other ; for I consider mankind composed nearly of the same 
 materials in America as in Asia, in the United States as in the 
 East Indies. The Constitution certainly never contemplated 
 any other mode of removing from office. The case is not 
 omitted here ; the most ample provision is made. If gentle- 
 
112 THE PRESIDENT'S PERSON SACRED. [1789 
 
 men do not like it, let them obtain an alteration of the Consti- 
 tution ; but this can not be done by law. 
 
 If the virtues of the present Chief Magistrate' are brought 
 forward as a reason for vesting him vnth extraordinary pow- 
 ers, no nation ever trod more dangerous ground. His vir- 
 tues will depart with him, but the powers which you give him 
 will remain, and if not properly guarded vnll be abused by 
 future Presidents if they are men. This, however, is not the 
 whole of the objection I have to the clause. A chief clerk is 
 fco be appointed, and this without any advice or consent of the 
 Senate. This chief clerk, on the removal of the Secretary, 
 will become the principal in the. office, and so may remain 
 during the presidency, for the Senate can not force the Presi- 
 dent into a nomination for a new officer. This is a direct 
 stroke at the power of the Senate. Sir, I consider the clause 
 as exceptional every way, and therefore move you to strike it 
 out. 
 
 Langdon jumped up in haste ; hoped the whole would not 
 be struck out, but moved that the clause only of the Presi- 
 dent's removing should be struck out. Up rose Elsworth, and 
 a most elaborate speech indeed did he make, but it was all 
 drawn from writers on the distribution of government. The 
 President was the executive officer. He was interfered with 
 in the appointment, it is true, but not in the removal. The 
 Constitution had taken one, but not the other, from him. 
 Therefore, removal remained to him entire. He carefully 
 avoided the subject of impeachment. He absolutely used tlie 
 following expressions with regard to the President: "/i! is 
 sacrilege to touch a hair of his head, and we mxiy as well lay 
 the Presidents head on the Mock and strike it off with one 
 hlmJoP The way he came to use these words was after having 
 asserted that removing from office was his (the President's) 
 privilege, we might as well do this as to deprive him of it. 
 He [Elsworth] had sore eyes, and had a green silk over them. 
 On pronouncing the last of the two sentences, he paused, put 
 his handkerchief to his face, and either shed tears or affected 
 to do so. 
 
 When he sat down both Btitler and Izard sprang up. But- 
 ler, however, continued up. He began with a declaration that 
 
July 15] THE COLLECTION BILL. 113 
 
 he came into the House in the most perfect state of indifference, 
 and rather disposed to give the power in question to the Presi- 
 dent. But the arguments of the honorable gentleman from Con- 
 necticut [Elsworth], in endeavoring to support the clause, had 
 convinced him, in the clearest manner, that the clause was highly 
 improper, and he would vote "against it. Izard now got at it, 
 and spoke very long against the clause. Strong got up for the 
 clause, and a most confused speech he made, indeed. I have 
 notes of it, but think it really not worth answering, unless to 
 show the foUy of some things that he said. Dr. Johnson rose 
 and told us twice before he proceeded far that he would not 
 give an opinion on the power of the President. This man's 
 conscience would not let him ; he is a thorough-paced courtier, 
 yet he wishes not to lose his interest with the President. 
 However, his whole argument went against the clause,'and at 
 last he declared he was against the whole of it. Mr. Lee rose. 
 He spoke long and pointedly against the clause. • He repeated 
 many of my arguments, but always was polite enough to ac- 
 Imowledge the mention I had made of them. He spoke from 
 a paper which he held in his hand. He continued until it was 
 past three o'clock, and an adjournment was called for and took 
 place. 
 
 In looking over my notes I find I omitted to set down 
 sundry arguments which I used. But no matter ; I will not 
 do it now. 
 
 Jvly 15th. — Senate met. Mr. Carrol showed impatience 
 to be up first. He got up and spoke a considerable length of 
 time. The burden of his discourse seemed to be the want of 
 power in the President, and a desire of increasing it. Great 
 complaints of what is called the atrocious asav/mption of power 
 in the States. Many allusions to the power of the British 
 kings. The hing can do no wrong. If anything improper is 
 done, it should be the Ministers that should answer. How 
 strangely this man has changed ! 
 
 The Collection bill was called for and read for the first 
 time. Now Elsworth rose with a most lengthy debate. The 
 first words he said were, " In this case the Constitution is our 
 only rule, for we are sworn to support it." But [he] neither 
 quoted it nor ever named it afterward except as follows. He 
 8 
 
114 THE MEMBERS CABALLING. [1789 
 
 said by allusion, " I buy a square acre of land. I buy tlie 
 trees, water, and everything belonging to it. The executive 
 power belongs to the President. The removing of officers is 
 a tree on this acre. The power of removing is, therefore, his. 
 It is in him. It is nowhere else. Thus we are under the 
 necessity of ascertaining by implication where the power is." 
 He called Dr. Johnson Thomas Aquinas by implication, too, 
 and said things rather uncivil to some other of his opponents. 
 Most carefully did he avoid entering on the subject of im- 
 peachment. After some time, however, he got fairly on new 
 ground. Lamented the want of power in the President. 
 Asked, Did we ev&r quomrel with the power of the Crown of 
 Great Britain ? No, we contended with the power of the Par- 
 liament. No one ever thought the power of the Crown too 
 great.' [He] said he was growing infirm, shoiild die, and 
 should not see it, but the Government would fail for want of 
 power in the President. He would have power as far as he 
 would be seen in his coach-and-six. "We must extend the 
 executive arm." (Mr. Lee yesterday had said something aboflt 
 the Dutch.) " If we must have examples," said he, " let us draw 
 them from the people whom we used always to imitate ; from 
 the nation who have made all others bow before them, and not 
 from the Dutch, who are divided and factious." He said a 
 great deal more, but the above is all I minuted down at the 
 time. Mr. Izard rose and answered. Mr. Butler rose and 
 spoke. It was after three. Mr. Lee rose ; said he had much 
 to say, but would now only move an adjoximment. As it was 
 late, the House accordingly adjourned. 
 
 I have seen more caballing and meeting of members in 
 knots this day than I ever observed before. As I came up- 
 stairs, Elsworth, Ames, and Mr. Morris stood in a knot. Soon 
 afterward Elsworth, Carrol, and Strong got together. As 
 soon as the House adjourned, Carrol took Patterson aside,' and 
 there seemed a general hunt and bustle among the members. 
 I see plainly public speaking on this subject is now useless, 
 and we may put the question where we please. It seems as if 
 a court party was forming ; indeed, I believe it was formed 
 long ago. 
 
 Juhj 16ih. — Attended pretty early this morning. Many 
 
July 16] EECANTATION. 115 
 
 were, however, there before me. It was all huddling away in 
 sinaU parties. Our Vice-President was very bnsy indeed ; run- 
 ning to every one. He openly attacked Mr. Lee before me 
 on the subject in debate, and they were very loud on the busi- 
 ness. I began to suspect that the court party had prevailed. 
 Senate, however, met, and at it they went. Mr. Lee began, 
 but I really beheve the altercation, though not a violent one, 
 which he had with the Vice-President had hurt him, for he 
 was languid and much shorter than ever I had heard him on 
 almost any subject. Mr. Patterson got up. For a long time 
 you could not know what he would be at. After, however, 
 he had warmed himself with his own discourse, as the Lidians 
 do with their war-songs, he said he was for the clause continu- 
 ing. He had no sooner said so than he assumed a bolder tone 
 of voice; flew over to England; extolled its Government; 
 wished, in the most unequivocal language, that our President 
 had the same powers ; said, let us take a second view of Eng- 
 land ; repeating nearly the same thing. Let us take a third 
 view of it, said he. And then he abused Parhament for having 
 made themselves first triennial and lastly septennial. Speaking 
 of the Constitution, he said expressly these words, speaking of 
 the removing of officers : " There is not a word of removability 
 in it." His argument was that the Executive held this as a 
 matter of course. 
 
 Mr. Wyngate got up and said something for striking out. 
 Mr. Head rose, and was swinging on his legs for an hour. He 
 had to talk a great deal before he could bring himself to de- 
 clare against the motion. But now a most curious scene opened. 
 Dalton rose and said a number of things in the most hesitating 
 and embarrassed manner. It was his recantation; Pie] had 
 just now altered his mind. From what had been said by the 
 honorable gentleman from Jersey, he was now for the clause. 
 Mr. Izard was so provoked that he jumped up ; declared noth- 
 ing had fallen from that gentleman tliat could possibly con- 
 vince any man ; that men might pretend so, but the thing was 
 impossible. 
 
 Mr. Morris' face had reddened for some time. He rose 
 hastily, threw censure on Mr. Izard ; declared that the canting 
 man behaved like a man of honor ; that Patterson's arguments 
 
116 THE WAR SONG. [1789 
 
 were good and sufficient to convince any man. The truth, 
 however, was that everybody believed that John Adams was 
 the great converter. 
 
 But now recantation was in fashion. Mr. Bassett recanted, 
 too, though he said he had prepared himself on the other side. 
 We now saw how it would go, and I could not help admiring 
 the frugality of the court party in procuring recantations, or 
 votes, wliich you please. After all the arguments were ended 
 and the question taken the Senate was ten to ten, and the Yice- 
 President with joy cried out, " It is not a vote ! " without giv- 
 ing himself time to declare the division of the House and give 
 his vote in order. Every man of our side, in giving his 
 sentiments, spoke with great freedom, and seemed wilhng to 
 avow his opinion in the openest manner. Not a man of the 
 others who had made any speech to the merits of the matter, 
 but went about it and about it. I called this singing the war- 
 song, and I told Mr. Morris I would give him every one whom 
 I heard sing the war-song ; or, in other words, those who could 
 not avow the vote they were fully minded to give untU they 
 had raised spirits enough by their own talk to enable them to 
 do it. Grayson made a speech. It was not long, but he had 
 in it this remarkable sentence : " The matter predicted by Mr. 
 Henry is now coming to pass : consolidation is the object of 
 the new Government, and the first attempt will be to destroy 
 the Senate, as they are the representatives of the State Legis- 
 latures." 
 
 It has long been a maxim with me that no frame of gov- 
 ernment whatever would secure liberty or equal administration 
 of justice to a people unless virtuous citizens were the legis- 
 lators and Governors. I live not a day without finding new 
 reason to subscribe to this doctrine. "What avowed and re- 
 peated attempts have I seen to place the President above the 
 powers stipulated for him by the Constitution ! 
 
 The vote stood ^: For strikii^ out— Butter, Izard, ^ng- 
 don, Johnson, "Wyiigate, Few^G^im, GraJ^son, l)e'e, Maclay— 
 ten. Against striking out : Ifead, Bassett, Elsworth, Strong, 
 Dalton^ Patterson, Elmer, Morris, Hel^y, Carrol — ten; and 
 John Adams. 
 
 I replied to a number of their arguments, and the sub- 
 
 'i i 
 
July 17] THE JUDICIAKT BILL CONTINUES. Hf 
 
 stance of it is on the adjoining loose sheet. Of all the mem- 
 bers of the House, the conduct of Patterson surprised me 
 most. He has been characterized to me as a stanch Revolu- 
 tion man and genuine Whig ; yet he has in every republic^ 
 question deserted and in some instances betrayed us. I know 
 not that there is such a thing as buying members, but, if there 
 is, he is certainly sold. 
 
 I never was treated with less respect than this day. Adams 
 behaved with studied inattention. He was snuffling up his 
 nose, kicking his heels, or talking and sniggering with Otis 
 the whole time I was up. Butler — ^though no man bears a 
 thing of this kind with less temper — engaged Wyngate, Izard, 
 and his end of the table in earnest conversation. Elsworth, 
 Bassett, and Eead formed another knot. Mr. Morris went 
 out. The doorkeeper was kept on a contiiiual trot, calling out 
 Strong, Patterson, Henry, Carrol, etc. I might have said 
 more, biit it was useless. 
 
 Jtih/ 17th. — Attended at the Hall half after nine o'clock. 
 "We read and corrected the long jiidiciary. The Senate met 
 at the usual time. This same judiciary was taken up and 
 went over. And now Mr. Butler rose against it ; Mr. Gray- 
 son spoke against it, and Mr. Lee was more pointed than any 
 of them. Had Mr. Lee joined us in my objections against it 
 at an early period, perhaps we might have now had it in better 
 form. Mr. Butler offered a motion for leave for any member 
 to enter liis dissent on the minutes. This proved a most 
 lengthy debate. It was four o'clock before it was decided. 
 He lost his motion. I thought it right. And now Mr. Lee, 
 Mr. Grayson, Mr. Butler, and Mr. "Wjmgate rose for the yeas 
 and nays on the Judiciary bill. They were given ; I was in 
 the negative. 
 
 I opposed this bill from the beguming. It certainly is a 
 vile law system, calculated for expense and with a design to 
 draw by degrees all law business into the Federal courts. The 
 Constitution is meant to swallow all the State Constitutions by 
 degrees, and thus to swallow, by degrees, all the State judicia- 
 ries. This, at least, is the design some gentlemen seem driving 
 at. O sweet Candor, when wilt thou quit the cottage and the 
 lisping infant's lips and shed thy glory round the statesman's 
 
118 DINNER WITH THE PENNSYLVANIANS. [1789 
 
 head ? Is it inscribed on human fate that man must grow 
 wicked to seem wise ; and must the path of politics be forever 
 encumbered with briers and thorns ? 
 
 I had been much pressed to dine with the Speaker in 
 a company of Pennsylvanians. I went there and sat till six. 
 I am a poor string in a convivial concert. My lame knee 
 will neither let me eat nor drink. I am old, and ought to 
 know it. I became quite tired with the voluble tattle of the 
 table. I never had much, but now much less, taste for 
 convivial joys. Some of the company grew very talkative 
 before I left them, particularly the Governor of the Western 
 Territory. He must soon sink in the public opinion if he 
 conducts himself as he did this evening. He was tediously 
 talkative, and dwelt much on the fooleries of Scottish an- 
 tiquity, and, what was worse, showed ill-nature when he was 
 laughed at. 
 
 JuVy 18th. — ^We had some debate yesterday about the ad- 
 journment. It was agreed to sit this day expressly with a 
 design to take up the Collection bill. As soon as the minutes 
 were read, Mr. Morris called for it and I seconded it. But 
 Elsworth called for the bill on foreign affairs (as he was sick 
 and wanted a few days' absence, and Bassett, who had stayed 
 over the time he expected, was likewise going out of town). 
 "We had now much curious conversation. Mr. Grayson made 
 some remarks on our mode of doing business. Our doors were 
 shut, and a member was debarred the privilege of a protest. 
 "We were shut up in conclave. "We, however, have often had 
 this business before us. The Vice-President, however, took 
 occasion to get up and gave us his history of protests. He said 
 the House of Lords only had that right ; they had it in the 
 feudal right. They were originally an armed militia for tlie 
 defense of the country, and were supposed to be possessed of 
 everything honorable. But, as to the Scotch peers, that was a 
 piece of patchwork. The Senate were an elective body, and 
 their motives would be to preserve their popularity in order to 
 secure their elections, and therefore they ought not to have 
 any power of protesting. 
 
 Elsworth made a second motion that the bill for foreign 
 affairs should be postponed till "Wednesday fortnight. Lang- 
 
July 18] RESPONDEAT SUPERIOR. 119 
 
 don seconded this. Sundry gentlemen,,however, called for the 
 bill. The Vice-President put the question on the bill and it 
 was taken up. The gentlemen against the biU, [were] Mr. 
 Izard, Langdon, and Johnson, declared aU they wished was the 
 yeas and nays in the same form as they had passed yesterday, 
 the Vice-President giving the casting vote. Elsworth pro- 
 posed that Bassett should withdraw, and then there woxdd be a 
 tie. Bassett did not hke it. 
 
 Elsworth proposed to withdraw, and actually did so. All 
 this was occasioned by the absence of Butler. And now the 
 yeas and nays were taken on the words, " by the President." 
 Our Vice-President gave the casting vote. Mr. Lee moved an 
 amendment in the fore part of the bill which did not seem 
 well digested. It was lost, of course. The amount of it was 
 that the officer should be responsible. I arose and said I could 
 not consent to it, for by the third clause of the bill the officer 
 was made such an abject creature, so dependent on the nod of 
 a superior, I thought it cruel to make him in any degree re- 
 sponsible for measures in which he could have no free agency. 
 He had been called servant. He was more — ^he was the creat- 
 ure of the President. The President was the responsible 
 officer by the Constitution. It had been said no use would be 
 made of this. I hoped there never would be any occasion ; 
 but respondeat superior was a maxim in law, and I supposed 
 we would have to trust to it. Mr. Langdon moved to strike 
 out " to be appointed by the said principal officer." I could 
 not see what he aimed at. Dr. Johnson got up and complained 
 of the approbation of the President in the last part of the 
 clause as reilecting on the Senate, to whom the Constitution 
 had given the power of approving. — 
 
 I doubted whether I should rise or no, thinking all oppo- 
 sition vain. I determined, however, to speak : Mr. Presi- 
 dent, this clause calls the chief clerk an inferior officer. I 
 think difEerently of him. This, sir, wiU be the man who will 
 do the business. . In England, sir — ^that country from which 
 we are so fond of taking examples — the chief clerks do the 
 business ; so much so that, on an eminent character being told 
 by a person who seemed in concern on the occasion that the 
 Ministry were changed, asked gravely if the clerks in the office 
 
120 RESPONDEAT SUPERIOR. [1789 
 
 were changed ; being answered no. Give yonrself no further 
 uneasiness, then ; the business will meet with no interruption. 
 So will it be here. The calling him an inferior officer, how- 
 ever, paves the way for his appointment by the head of the 
 department. But what is the use of the clause here ? I think 
 freely and freely will I speak. The Secretary appoints his 
 clerk, of course, and the clerk, of course, will take care of the 
 office records, books, and papers, even if the principal should 
 be removed. They are to be under oath or affirmation faith- 
 fully to execute the trust committed to them. It is not to be 
 presumed that they will abandon the papers to the winds. 
 What, then, is the use of the clause ? Clearly to put it into the 
 power of a President, if so minded, to exercise this office with- 
 out the advice or consent of the Senate as to the affair. The 
 consent of the President at the end of the clause points out 
 this clearly. This is a kind of a consent unwarranted by 
 the Constitution. The President removes the principal — the 
 clerk pleases him well, being a man of his approbation. 
 The Senate can not force him to a nomination, and the bus- 
 iness may proceed during his presidency. The objects osten- 
 sibly held out by the bill are nugatory. The design is but iUy 
 concealed. It was for these reasons I formerly moved to 
 strike out this clause, and I am still averse to the whole 
 of it. . 
 
 Patterson got up, said the latter part of the clause, perhaps, 
 was exceptionable, and he would have no objection to strike it 
 out. Mr. Morris rose and said something to the same import ; 
 but as Dr. Johnson had glanced somewhat at the conduct of 
 the other House, and as what I had said leaned the same way, 
 Mr. Morris said whatever the particular view might be of the 
 member who brought in this clause, he acquitted the House, 
 in general, of any design against the Senate. Mr. Elsworth 
 rose and said miich more on the same subject. I rose and said 
 I thought nothing on tliis subject which I would not avow. 
 The House of Eepresentatives had debated four days on a 
 direct clause for vesting the President with this power ; and, 
 after having carried it witli an open face, they dropped and threw 
 out the clause, and have produced the same thing, cloaked and 
 modified in a different manner by a side-wind. I liked, for 
 
July 20] SENATORS BID WILLIAM MACLAY GOOD-BT. 121 
 
 my part, plain dealing, and there was sometliing that bore a 
 very different aspect in this business. 
 
 Jvhj 19ih, Stmda/y. — Determined to set off home, come 
 ■what would. Went for Mr. Morris' lodgings ; he was out of 
 town. Yisited Mr. Butier, who lives just by him. Yisited 
 Mr. Clymer, who was just returned from Philadelphia. Called 
 on Mr. Izard on my way home. He was most violent on the 
 subject of our late measures. He abhors our Yice-President. 
 Came home. Read mostly in the afternoon. Yisited by the 
 Speaker, General St. Clair, Delany, Macpherson, and sundry 
 other gentlemen. My health requires a journey home. But I 
 this day read the story of Father Nicholas in The Lounger. I 
 am no St. Hubert, no sinner known, no Delasmus or Tum- 
 viUes. But this story had an effect on me. I will go and see 
 my family. 
 
 Juh/ 20th, Monday. — ^Asked leave of absence for three 
 weeks on account of my health. Obtained it without dififtculty. 
 I remained some time in my place after business was over, to give 
 an opportunity to any of the members who chose it to wish me 
 a good journey, or to speak to me on business if they had any. 
 Henry, of Maryland, and a group soon gathered about me. 
 They seemed to think that my going was owing to disaffection 
 to public measures as much as to indisposition. This I would 
 not own but in [a] qualified sense ; that my disappointment 
 with respect to public measures and constant vexation had per- 
 haps aggravated my indisposition. 
 
 Fun now let loose her frolics upon me, and who of all the 
 human race will thank you for that? ifot one in a thousand 
 win believe a word of it, and if any do they will call you a fool 
 for your pains. " Gratitude no governing principle among the 
 htmicrnvmi pecus. Fear only the parent of obedience among 
 the herd of mankind. The hangman in this world and the 
 devil in the next. Republican theories well enough in times 
 of public commotion or at elections ; but all sensible men once 
 in power know that force is the only effectual means to secure 
 obedience. Hence has flowed, and forever will flow, the fail- 
 ui-e of republican govermnent. Oligarchies and aristocracies 
 follow till monarchy tops the system, and will continue till 
 some unskillful driver overloads the ass, and then the restive 
 
122 RETUEN TO NEW TOEK. [1789 
 
 beast throws both itself and the rider in the mire, and the old 
 process begins." " A Senator will be elected in your place be- 
 fore long," said one. " Your patriotism will be of great serv- 
 ice to you then. A single dinner given by a speculator (peo- 
 ple who do not like you) will procure ten votes where your 
 disinterestedness has not procured you one. And you must 
 intrigue and cabal as deep as, and deeper too, than your adver- 
 saries, or we will not see you here again. Is there a single one 
 of the majestic mob who will not belie, defraud, deceive, and 
 cheat you for the smallest interest? Health is too great a sac- 
 rifice for such a herd." 
 
 The whole was delivered with so comic an air that a serious 
 answer seemed improper, and yet I wished to say something, 
 and, for the sake of harmony, if possible iu the same key : 
 Gentlemen, I have at home good neighbors. Good — 
 
 [Here a leaf from the journal has been torn out. The next entry is made 
 on the return of Senator Maclay to New York, August 16th.] 
 
 August 16th, Sunday. — Came to New York at ten o'clock 
 at night, greatly fatigued with my journey. "Went after break- 
 fast to Mr. Morris' lodgings. He was abroad. Called on 
 Mr. Clymer at his lodgings, and left his and Mr. Fitzsimons' 
 letters. Called to see Mr. Scott and EUicott; both abroad. 
 Called on Mr. Izard. He gave me a short history of the court 
 party which (as might be expected) is gaining ground. A 
 conference has been held with the President, ia which Mr. 
 Izard declares that the President owned he had consulted the 
 members of the House of Representatives as to his nomina- 
 tions, but likewise said he had not acted so vdth the Senators, 
 as they could have an opportunity of giving their advice and 
 consent afterward. 
 
 This small anecdote serves to divulge his fWasnington's] 
 conduct, or rather to fix my opinion of his conduct, for some 
 time past, to wit, a courtship of and attention to the House of 
 Representatives, that by their weight he may depress the Senate 
 and exalt [his] prerogatives on the ruins. Mr. Izard was clear- 
 ly of opinion that all the late measures flowed from tlie Presi- 
 dent. Mr. Madison, in his opinion, was deep in this business. 
 The President shewed great want of temper (as Izard said) 
 when one of his nominations was rejected. The President 
 
August 16] THE PENNSYLVANIA TRIANGLE. 123 
 
 may, however, be considered as in a great measure passive in the 
 business. The creatures that surround him would place a crown 
 on his head, that they may have the handling of its jewels. 
 
 Mr. Izard informed me of the attempt of Gorham to get 
 the land commonly called the triangle [now Erie County] from 
 Pennsylvania, or at least to delay the business until he could 
 get a number of New England men to settle on it, ko as to hold 
 it by force and make a second "Wyoming of it. He said Mr. 
 Morris had got the business put off until Wednesday, expecting 
 my coming to town. By his account a strong party is forming 
 by Gorham, and they expect to carry it against Pennsylvania. 
 I inmiediately left him, Sunday as it was, to call on Scott and 
 Ellicott to prepare for this business. Could find none of 
 them. 
 
 My haste and agitation on hearing of Gorham's affair pre- 
 vented my noting all Mr. Izard's communications. He said 
 all your measures are reprobated and will be rejected. Your 
 voting by ballot, in agreeing to nominations, and so on. "We 
 have all been to dine with the great man. It's all disagreeable 
 to him, and will be altered, etc. He gave clear hints of my 
 loss of character at court, and in the direct influence of the 
 President with the members of Congress, etc. For some time 
 past (as the Indian said) I could see how the watches went, but 
 I did not know before the way they were wound up. It was 
 to counteract a growing influence which I observed to gain 
 ground daily that I moved the consent to appointments to be 
 given by ballot. The having carried this matter was passing 
 the Kubicon in transgression, as it went to pluck up patronage 
 by the roots, and to undo this is, it seems, a knot worthy of 
 presidential interference. 
 
 A thought here on the subject of influence. Stripped of 
 its courtly coloring, and it is neither more nor less than cor- 
 ruption. "When "Walpole debauched the British Senate (House 
 of Lords), was it either morally or politically different whether 
 he did it by court favor, loans, jobs, lottery-tickets, contracts, 
 offices, or expectancy of them, or with the clinking guinea ? 
 The motive and effect were certainly the same. But "Walpole 
 was a villain. "What, then, must be the man that follows his 
 footsteps ? 
 
124 THE INDIAN TREATIES. [1789 
 
 Aitgust 17, MondoAj.—r'Wenl out, althoiigh I was not 
 very well. It was near nine o'clock before I could see Mr. 
 Scott, and lie was then in bed. I saw Mr. Morris, who had 
 just received all the papers from Mr. Ellicott about the tri- 
 angle [Erie County, Pennsylvania]. Not one of them had 
 ever thought that Pennsylvania had actually purchased this 
 land from the Indians. I called on General St. Clair, who 
 will set this in a clear point of view, if they will not give us 
 time to send to Philadelphia for the deed, etc. 
 
 Attended the Senate at the usual hour. The business agi- 
 tated this day in the Senate was the biU for regulating the 
 coasting trade. Some progress was made in it, when it was 
 postponed, and the affairs of Georgia, with respect to the In- 
 dians, were taken up. Some warmth on this business. Sat 
 until after four and adjourned. 
 
 August 18th, Tuesday. — Busy preparing for the debate on 
 the triangle, which is to come on to-morrow. Senate met at 
 the usual time. The bill for the Indian treaties was taken up, 
 and considerable debate. I asked for information — for some 
 estimate of the expense, but it seems none had been furnished. 
 A motion was made for reducing the smn appropriated from 
 forty to twenty thousand dollars, but no estimate appeared for 
 either. I lamented my want of information, but declared I 
 hoped the House of Representatives had some just grounds to 
 go on when they voted the forty [thousand dollars] ; that I 
 would for once trust to them, since I must vote in the dark. 
 But the twenty was carried. We then read over the penal law 
 for the second time, and debated on it until the hour of ad- 
 journment. 
 
 August 19th, Wednesday. — Senate met, and went on the 
 appointment of an officer to run the line of the triangle. I 
 will not attempt a detail of the arguments, maps, resolves of 
 Congress, contracts, etc., that were produced by us, which those 
 who voted for us declared carried demonstration with them. 
 We had every man east of the Hudson against us, and most of 
 them speakers. Dr. Johnson, in particular, was very uncandid. 
 Elsworth voted against us, but spoke but little. King and 
 Schuyler managed the debate principally. Langdon was very 
 often up. Every point on the paper annexed was canvassed, 
 
August 19] THE PENNSYLVANIA TfllANGLB. 125 
 
 and a yast many more. I can not pretend to say how often I 
 was up, but my throat was really sore with speaking. So plain 
 a case I never before saw cost so much trouble. Under my 
 present impression I am ready to vote every man void of prin- 
 ciple who voted against this measure. At a quarter past three 
 we got the resolve passed. I can not help writing that sena- 
 torial honor dwells not east of the Hudson. Strong was most 
 uncandid and seMsh, and often up. I wish I may soon have 
 occasion to retract my above opinion ; it is painful to think so 
 badly of one's feUow-members. 
 
 The annexed paper : " An Act of Cession by the State of 
 New York to the United States on the 1st March, 1T81. Ac- 
 cepted by Congress on the 29th October, 1^82." 
 
 Here showed that the cession was made on geographical 
 principles by the map, and explain how the northwest corner 
 of Pennsylvania came to be placed fifty (say fifty-four and 
 a half) miles farther west, and how this company and the 
 State of l^ew York wish to avail themselves of that circum- 
 stance. 
 
 On the 18th of April, 1Y85, a cession of the same territory 
 was accepted by Congress from the State of Massachusetts in 
 the same words, only the Pennsylvania line was not mentioned, 
 on a supposition that there was a vacancy of two minutes of a 
 degree between them. 
 
 A meridian passing through the westerly bend of Lake 
 Erie, or through a point twenty miles west of the most wester- 
 ly bend of the Niagara Kiver, one or the other must be the 
 western hmit of the State of New York, as the boundary is to 
 be a meridian and must pass through one or other of these 
 points. 
 
 On the 6th of June, 1Y88, Congress ordered the geographer 
 of the United States to run the boundary-line, giving notice to 
 the Executives of the States of New York and Massachusetts, 
 and to make an accurate survey of the land lying west of the 
 meridian between Lake Erie and the State of Pennsylvania, 
 that the same might be sold. (Read the resolution.) 
 
 On the 16th of June, 1788, the geographer instructed An- 
 drew EUicott, Esq., to perform this service. 
 
 On the 7th of July, 1788, the State of Pennsylvania offered. 
 
126 THE PENNSYLVANIA TRIANGLE. [1789 
 
 by WilKam Bingham and James Eeed, three fourths of a dollar 
 per acre for this land. (Eead the offer.) 
 
 On the 28th of August, 1782, the Pennsylvania proposals 
 were accepted and the bargain closed by the Board of Treasury. 
 (Read the acceptance.) 
 
 On the 4:th of September, 1788, Congress vested the right 
 of jurisdiction over the said tract in the State of Pennsylvania. 
 (Read the resolution.) 
 
 Pennsylvania, thus vested with the right both to soil and 
 jurisdiction, pursued her usual system with regard to new 
 lands ; and, although it was said that Congress ought to quiet 
 the claims of the Indians with respect to lands sold by them, 
 she chose, in conformity to ancient usage, to purchase of the 
 natives. General Butler and Colonel Gibson were appointed 
 agents at the treaty of Muskingum, and the purchase of these 
 lands was made. We have not the deeds and other documents 
 to produce. If they are required, we will send for them. But 
 General St. Clair, now in town, was present at making the 
 contract, present at obtaining the deed, and present at the pay- 
 ment of the consideration at Fort Pitt. 
 
 The delay of making the survey keeps out of the Treasury 
 of the United States about six hundred and twenty-five thou- 
 sand doUars, the interest of which is about nine thousand dol- 
 lars, specie, per annum ; and the State of Pennsylvania is re- 
 tarded in the settlement of the country. If Mr. Gorham or 
 any individual is injured, a Federal court will soon be opened. 
 But delays are attended with national as well as State disad- 
 vantages, and ought not to be protracted. Mr. Morris wiU 
 vote with and support me. But it is strange that Gorham 
 should be so often calling him out and holding conversations 
 with him. 
 
 August Wih, Thursday. — This was a dull day in the Senate, 
 and might be said to make amends for the bustle of yesterday. 
 The Coasting Trade bill engaged us all day in a round of dull- 
 ness. Not one member seemed to understand the whole of it, 
 so much had it been postponed and amended. It reaUy rather 
 seems a system for tolerating and countenancing smuggling 
 than otherwise. I told them so, though I did not choose to 
 embark much in it. 
 
August 21] VIVA VOCE OR BY BALLOT? 12T 
 
 Mr. Lear lias for two days past been introduced quite up to 
 the Yice-President's table to deliver messages. Mr. Izard rose 
 to know the reason of this. Our "Vice-President said he had 
 directed it to be so, and alleged, in a silly kind of manner, that 
 he understood the House so. There was some talk about it a 
 few days ago ; but I understood the sense of the Senate to be 
 that the " head of a department," if he came to deliver a mes- 
 sage from the President, should be admitted to the table ; but 
 a private secretary received at the bar. It is not one farthing 
 matter ; but the Clerk of the Eepresentatives is received at the 
 bar, and I think him a more respectable character than any 
 domestic of the President. Our Yice-President, however, 
 never seems pleased but when he is concerned in some trifling 
 affair of etiquette or ceremony. Trifles seem his favorite ob- 
 ject, and his whole desire to be totas m iUis. 
 
 August 21st, Friday. — The report of the committee that 
 had conferred with the President was taken up. The most of 
 it was where the President should sit on his being introduced 
 into our chamber, and where our Yice-President should sit, 
 etc. A second resolution was added, declaring that the Senate 
 should give their advice and consent in all cases [to presi- 
 dential nominations] viva voce vote. This being directly con- 
 trary to a former resolution which I had moved for, I rose 
 and remarked that this matter had been solemnly debated for- 
 merly and decided in favor of a ballot when it came to the 
 single point of consenting to a man's nomination ; that I was 
 still of the same opinion, and would vote against the resolu- 
 tion. Izard rose and said it was true that the present resolution 
 would repeal the former one, and it was so intended, as he 
 apprehended there was a change in the sentiments of the Sen- 
 ate on that subject. Mr. Morris rose and said there was a 
 change in the sentiments of the Senate, and he hoped his hon- 
 orable colleague would change his. sentiments for his own sake. 
 
 I rose and said it was a matter in which I was not in any 
 degree personally concerned, and if I even were, nothing would 
 make me for my own sake change my vote while my judg- 
 ment remained unaltered. It could not, so far as I knew, 
 affect me personally, but even if it did it should make no odds. 
 On the question I gave my " No " in a voice sufficiently audi- 
 
128 WASHINGTON IN THE SENATE. [1789 
 
 ble. One other faint " No " only issued from the opposite 
 side of the House. So that now the court party triumphs at 
 large. 
 
 The words for Ms awn sake were not without a meaning. 
 I have never been at the table of the President or the Vice- 
 President, or [been] taken the least notice of, for a considerable 
 time, by the diplomatic corps or the people of ton in the city. 
 But I care not a fig for it. Davy Harris, too, has lost his nomi- 
 nation for an ofiice in Baltimore ; but be it so. I have done 
 what is right ; I followed my judgment, and rejoice in it. 
 
 Notice was given just before we broke up that the Presi- 
 dent would be in the Senate chamber at half after eleven to- 
 morrow to take the advice and consent of the Senate on some 
 matters of consequence ; but nothing communicated. 
 
 August 82d, Satv/rday. — Senate met, and went on the 
 Coasting bill. The doorkeeper soon told us of the arrival of 
 the President. The President was introduced, and took our 
 Vice-President's chair. He rose and told us bluntly that he 
 had called on us for our advice and consent to some proposi- 
 tions respecting the treaty to be held with the Southern In- 
 dians. Said he had brought General Kqox with him, who was 
 well acquainted with the business. He then turned to General 
 Knox, who was seated on the left of the chair. General Knox 
 handed him a paper, which he handed to the President of the 
 Senate, who was seated on a chair on the floor to his right. 
 Our Vice-President hurried over the paper. Carriages were 
 driving past, and such a noise, I could tell it was something 
 about " Indians," but was not master of one sentence of it. 
 Signs were made to the doorkeeper to shut down the sashes. 
 Seven heads, as we have since learned, were stated at the end 
 of the paper which the Senate were to give their advice and 
 consent to. They were so framed that this could not be done 
 by aye or no. 
 
 The President told us that a paper from an agent of the 
 Cherokees was given to him just as he was coming to the 
 Hall. He motioned to General Knox for it, and handed it to 
 the President of the Senate. It was read. It complained 
 hard of the unjust treatment of the people of North Carolina, 
 etc., their violation of treaties, etc. Our Vice-President now 
 
August 23] WILLIAM MACLAY OBJECTS. 129 
 
 read off tlie first article, to which our advice and consent were 
 requested. It referred back principally to some statements in 
 the body of the writing which had been read. 
 
 Mr. Morris rose. Said the noise of carriages had been so 
 great that he really could not say that he had heard the body 
 of the paper which had been read, and prayed that it might be 
 read again. It was so [read]. It was no sooner read than our 
 Vice-President immediately read the first head over again, and 
 put the question : Do you advise and consent, etc. ? There was 
 a dead pause. Mr. Morris whispered me, " ^e will see who 
 will venture to break silence first." Our Yice-President was 
 proceeding, " As many as — " 
 
 I rose reluctantly, indeed, and, from the length of the 
 paTise, the hint given by Mr. Morris, and the proceeding of 
 our Vice-President, it appeared to me that if I did not no 
 other one woidd, and we should have these advices and con- 
 sents ravished, in a degree, from us. 
 
 Mr. President: The paper which you have now read to 
 us appears to have for its basis sundry treaties and public 
 'transactions between the Southern Indians and the United 
 States and the States of Georgia, North Carolina, and South 
 Carolina. The business is new to the Senate. It is of impor- 
 tance. It is our duty to inform ourselves as well as possible 
 on the STibject. I therefore call for the reading of the treaties 
 and other documents alliTded to in the paper before us. 
 
 I cast an eye at the President of the United States. I saw 
 he wore an aspect of stern displeasure. General Knox turned 
 up some of the acts of Congress and the protest of one Blount, 
 agent for North Carolina. Mr. Lee rose and named a particu- 
 lar treaty which he vnshed read. The business labored vdth 
 the Senate. There appeared an evident reluctance to proceed. 
 The first article was about the Cherokees. It was hinted that 
 the person just come from there might have more information. 
 The President of the United States rose ; said he had no ob- 
 jection to that article being postponed, and in the mean time 
 he would see the messenger. 
 
 The seconsJ article, which was about the Chickasaws and 
 Choctaws, was likewise postponed. The third article more 
 immediately concerned Georgia and the Creeks. Mr. Gram, 
 9 
 
130 WILLIAM MACLAY OBJECTS. [WSQ 
 
 from Georgia, moved that this be postponed till Monday. He 
 was seconded by Mr. Few. General Knox was asked when 
 General Lincoln would be here on his way to Georgia. He 
 answered not till Satv/rdwy next. The whole House seemed 
 against Gunn and Few. I rose and said, when I considered 
 the newness and importance of the subject, that one article 
 had already been postponed ; that General Lincoln, the iirst 
 named of the commissioners, would not be here for a week ; 
 the deep interest Georgia had in this affair — I could not think 
 it improper that the Senators from that State should be in- 
 dulged in a postponement until Monday ; and more especially 
 as I had not heard any inconvenience pointed out that could 
 possibly flow from it. 
 
 The question was put and actually carried ; but Elsworth 
 immediately began a long discourse on the merits of the busi- 
 ness. He was answered by Lee, who appealed to the Consti- 
 tution with regard to the power of making war. Butler and 
 Izard answered, and Mr. Morris at last informed the disputants 
 that they were debating on a subject that was actually post- 
 poned. Mr. Adams denied, in the face of the House, that if 
 had been postponed. This very trick has been played by him 
 and his New England men more than once. The question 
 was, however, put a second time and carried. 
 ^ I had at an early stage of the business whispered Mr. Mor- 
 ris that I thought the best way to conduct the business was to 
 have all the papers committed. My reasons were, that I saw 
 no chance of a fair investigation of subjects while the Presi- 
 dent of the United States sat there, with his Secretary of War, 
 to support his opinions and overawe the timid and neutral 
 part of the Senate. Mr. Morris hastily rose and moved that 
 the papers communicated to the Senate by the President of 
 the United States should be referred to a committee of five, to 
 report as soon as might be on them. He was seconded by Mr. 
 Gunn. Several members grumbled some objections. Mr. But- 
 ler rose ; made a lengthy speech against commitment ; said we 
 were acting as a council. No council ever committed any- 
 thing. Committees were an improper mode of doing busi- 
 ness ; it threw business out of the hands of the many into the 
 hands of the few, etc. 
 
August 24] WASHINGTON GETS ANGRY. 13] 
 
 1 
 
 I rose and supported the mode of doing business by com- 
 mittees ; that committees were used in all public deliberative 
 bodies, etc. I thought I did the subject justice, but concluded 
 the commitment can not be attended with any possible incon- 
 venience. Some articles are already postponed mitil Monday. 
 Whoever the committee are, if committed, they must make 
 their report on Monday morning. I spoke through the whole 
 in a low tone of voice. Peevishness itself, I think, could not 
 have taken ofEense at anything I said. 
 
 As I sat down, the President of the United States started 
 up in a violent fret. "TAt's defeats every j^wrpose of my com- 
 ing h&re" were the first words that he said. He then went on 
 that he had brought his Secretary of "War with him to give 
 every necessary information ; that the Secretary knew all 
 about the business, and yet he was delayed and could not go 
 on with the matter. He cooled, however, by degrees. Said 
 he had no objection to putting off this matter until Monday, 
 but declared he did not understand the matter of commitment. 
 He might be delayed ; he could not tell how long. He rose a 
 second time, and said he had no objection to postponement 
 until Monday at ten o'clock. By the looks of the Senate this 
 seemed agreed to. A "pause for some time ensued. We waited 
 for him to withdraw. He did so with a discontented air. Had 
 it been any other man than the man whom I wish to regard as 
 the first character in the world, I would have said, with sullen 
 dignity. 
 
 I can not now be mistaken. The President wishes to tread 
 on the necks of the Senate. Commitment wiU bring the mat- 
 ter to discussion, at least in the committee, where he is not 
 present. He wishes us to see with the eyes and hear with the 
 ears of his Secretary only. The Secretary to advance the 
 premises, the President to draw the conclusions, and to bear 
 down our deliberations with his personal authority and pres- 
 ence. Form only will be left to us. This will not do with 
 Americans. But let the matter work ; it will soon cure itself. 
 
 August 2^.th, Monday. — The Senate met. The President 
 of the United States soon took his seat, and the business began. 
 The President wore a different aspect from what he did Sat. 
 urday. He was placid and serene, and manifested a spirit of 
 
132 INDIAN TREATIES. [1789 
 
 accommodation ; declared liis consent that hie questions should 
 be amended. A tedious debate took place on the third article. 
 I was called on by Mr. Lee, of Virginia, to state something 
 respecting the treaty held by Pennsylvania. This brought me 
 up. I did not speak long, but endeavored to be as pointed as 
 possible. The third, article consisted of two questions. The 
 first I was for. I disliked the second, but both were carried. 
 The fourth article consisted of sundry questions. I moved 
 pointedly for a division. Got it. Voted for the first and op- 
 posed the second part. A long debate ensued, which was 
 likely to end only in words. I moved to have the words " in 
 failure thereof by the United States " struck out, and, although 
 Elsworth, Wyngate, and Dalton had spoken on the same side 
 with me, yet I was not seconded. My colleague had in pri- 
 vate declared himself of my opinion also. It was an engage- 
 ment that the United States would pay the stipulated purchase 
 money for Georgia in case Georgia did not. The arguments I 
 used- on this subject were so plain I need not set them down. 
 Yet a shamefacedness, or I know not what, flowing from the 
 presence of the President, kept everybody silent. 
 
 The next clause was for a free port on the Altamaha or 
 Saint Mary's Eiver. This produced some debate, and the 
 President proposed " secure " port in place of " free " port. 
 Agreed to. Now followed something of giving the Indians 
 commissions on their taking the oaths to Government. It was 
 a silly affair, but it was carried without any debate. Now fol- 
 lowed a clause whether the cession of lands shoujd be made an 
 ultimatum vsdth the Creeks. There was an alternative in case 
 should this be negatived ; but, strange to tell, the Senate nega- 
 tived both, when it was plain one only should have been so. 
 A boundary was named by a following clause which the com- 
 missioners were to adhere to. Money and honorary commis- 
 sions were to be given to the Indians. The old treaties with 
 the Creeks, Choctaws, and Chickasaws were made the basis 
 of future treaty, though none of them were read to us nor 
 a single principle of them explained (but it was late). The 
 twenty thousand dollars applied to this treaty, if necessary. 
 This closed the business. The President of the United States 
 withdrew, and the Senate adjourned. 
 
August 24] INVITATION TO DINNER. 133 
 
 I told Mr. Morris, on Saturday, tliat I would get a copy of 
 the queries or articles to be answered to, and call on him, that 
 we might make up otir minds. He appointed this morning, 
 and I called accordingly. "We talked and talked, but con- 
 cluded nothing. I have several times called on him for similar 
 pui'pose, and thus always the matter has ended. 
 
 Just as tlie Senate had fairly entered on business, I was 
 called out by the doorkeeper to speak to Colonel Humphreys. 
 It was to invite me to dimier with the President, on Thurs- 
 day next, at four o'clock. I really was surprised at the invitar 
 tion. It will be my duty to go ; however, I will make no in- 
 ferences whatever. I am convinced all the dinners he can now 
 give or ever could will make no difference in my conduct. 
 Perhaps he knew not of my being in town ; perhaps he has 
 changed his mind of me. I was long enough in town, how- 
 ever, before my going home. It is a thing of course, and of 
 no consequence ; nor ehaU it have any with me. 
 
134 THE PERMANENT RESIDENCE OF CONaRESS. [1789 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 ON THE PEKMANENT EESIDENCE OF C0NGEE8S, 
 
 August 25th, Tuesday. — Attended at the usual hour. On 
 Saturday I had proposed to Mr. Morris to bring forward all 
 the places wluch had been mentioned for the permanent resi- 
 dence of Congress, at one time. He answered rather roughly : 
 " Let those that a/re fond of them hrvng them forwa/rd ; I will 
 hrmg forward the Falls of the Delama/reP Accordingly, al- 
 though the President was every moment looked for, he pre- 
 sented the draught of the Falls to the Chair. Yesterday I 
 could do nothing, for the attendance of the President. This 
 morning, however, I took the first opportunity, and presented 
 the draught with the description of Lancaster. I nominated 
 Wright's Ferry, Yorktown, Carlisle, Harrisburg, Reading, and 
 Germantown, giving a short description of each. After tliis, 
 the Coasting bill was taken up and read the third time. Then 
 the resolution for adjourning the 22d of September. A debate 
 ensued, but was carried ; after this the amendments to the Con- 
 stitution sent from the House of Representatives. They were 
 treated contemptuously by Izard, Langdon, and Mr. Morris. 
 Izard moved that they should be postponed till next session. 
 Langdon seconded, and Mr. Morris got up and spoke angrily 
 but not well. They, however, lost their motion, and Monday 
 was assigned for taking them up. I could not help observing 
 the six year-class [of Senators] hung together on tliis biisiness, 
 or the most of them. 
 
 Ifow came the Compensation bill. I moved the wages to 
 be five dollars per day. I was seconded by Elmer ; but on the 
 question only he, "Wyngate, and myself rose. Mr. Morris 
 almost raged, and in his reply to me said he cared not for the 
 
August 26] SALABIES OF SENATORS. 135 
 
 arts people used to ingratiate themselves with the public. In ''f^ 
 reply I answered that I had avowed all my motives. I knew 
 the public mind was discontented. I thought it our duty to 
 attend to the voice of the public. I had been informed that 
 the average of the wages of the old members of Congress was 
 a little better than five dollars per diem. I wished to estabHsh 
 this as a principle. I would then have data to fix a price on, 
 as the old wages were never complained of. Morris, Izard, 
 and Butler were in a violent chafE. Mr. Morris moved that 
 the pay of the Senators should be eight dollars per day. 
 
 Up now rose Izard ; said that the members of the Senate 
 went to boarding-houses, lodged in holes and corners, associ- 
 ated with improper company, and conversed improperly, so as 
 to lower their dignity and character ; that the delegates from 
 South Carolina used to have £600 per year, and could live like 
 gentlemen, etc. Butler rose ; said a great deal of stuff of the 
 same kind ; that a member of the Senate should not only have 
 a handsome income, but should spend it all. He was happy 
 enough to look down on these things ; he could despise them, 
 but it was scandalous for a member of Congress to take any of 
 his wages home ; lie should rather give it to the poor, ete. 
 Mr. Morris likewise paid himself some compliments on his 
 manner and conduct in life, his disregard of money, and the 
 little respect he paid to the common opinions of people. Mr. 
 King got up, said the matter seemed of a delicate nature, and 
 moved for a committee to whom the bill might be referred. 
 This obtained, and a committee of five were appointed. By 
 the complexion of the committee it would seem the Senate 
 want their wages enlarged. I answere d Mr. Morris in a way 
 that gave him a bone tochaw, but I believe it isaswell forgot. 
 — Augiist 26ih. — Attended the Senate. The minutes were 
 lengthy, but I was surprised to find no notice taken of my 
 presenting the draft of Lancaster, the letter, and my nomina- 
 tion of the other places in Pennsylvania, although I had put 
 in writing the whole matter and given it to the Secretary. 
 When he had read about half-way of his minutes, I rose and 
 called on him to know why he had not inserted them. He 
 said he was not come to them, but seemed much confused. 
 He, however, got the letter and handed it to the Vice-Presi- 
 
136 OTIS GABBLES THE MINUTES. [1789 
 
 dent, and it was read. After this the nomination was read, 
 and Butler opposed their being put on the minutes ; I, how- 
 ever, had a vote for their going on. Mr. Morris was all this 
 while out. He was of the committee on the Compensation 
 bill. When he came in, Otis, the Secretary, came to him and 
 whispered something to him God forgive me if I heard 
 wrong or apprehended wrong, but I thought he said, " Maelay 
 has got that put on the minutes." Mr. Morris went out and 
 stayed out until Senate adjourned, leaving his hat and stick 
 (perhaps he was. writing letters in the adjoining room). He 
 called in as the Senate rose, and seemed unwilling to leave me 
 in the room with Otis. I went with him to the door, but re- 
 turned and spoke to Otis. All this is, perhaps, the efEect of 
 over-observation ; I, however, care not. 
 
 The penal law was taken up. Elsworth had a string of 
 amendments. For a while he was listened to, but he wrought 
 himself so deep in his niceties and distinctions as to be abso- 
 lutely incomprehensible. He fairly tired the Senate, and was 
 laughed at. I think he may well be styled the " Endless Els- 
 worth." I forgot to minute yesterday that the Treasury bill 
 was taken up. A number of the Senate had recanted again 
 on this bill, and were against the power of the President's re- 
 moving, and had answered accordingly. The House of Rep- 
 resentatives sent us up an adherence, and now Mr. Morris 
 proposed to me to leave the House. , I would neither do this 
 nor change my mind, and he was angry. This was before we 
 had the difference on the Compensation bill. 
 
 Last night there was a meeting of the Pennsylvania dele- 
 gation on the subject of fixing the permanent residence. There 
 was little of consequence said. They mentioned their former 
 agreement to vote for every place that should be nominated in 
 Pennsylvania. Clymer said some things that savored more of 
 independence than any of them. Mr. Scott declared he would 
 put himself entirely in their hands, and move anything that 
 should be agreed upon. Mr. CljTner declared for the Poto- 
 mac rather than stay here. I understood him that he thought 
 this politically right. Fitzsimons and the Speaker seemed to 
 second everything that Mr. Morris said. Hartley was for 
 Susquehanna and Yorktown. But, indeed, I think the whole 
 
August 27] DINNER WITH THE PRESIDENT. 13^ 
 
 measure likely to be abortive. They have brongM the whole 
 matter forward, but have no system. I saw this, but did not 
 hazard a single sentiment on the subject ; indeed, I could not 
 without implying some kind of censure. I called this morning 
 g,nd endeavored to put Mr. Scott on tenable ground on the affair 
 of removal, and left him in a proper way of thinking ; at least, if 
 he should be defeated, to advance nothing but what is defensible. 
 
 August 27th, Thu/rsday. — The business in the Senate was 
 the third reading of the Penal bill. We had but little debate 
 imtil we came to a clause making it liighly criminal to defame 
 a foreign Minister. Here Izard, King, and Johnson made a 
 great noise for the paragraph. Mr. Adams could not sit still 
 in his chair. It was a subject of etiquette and ceremony. Two 
 or three times did his impatience raise him to talk in a most 
 trifling manner. However, it did not avail ; the paragraph 
 was lost. 
 
 Mr- Morris could not sit one moment with us (the subject 
 of the permanent residence was in agitation in the other 
 House). To tell the truth, Mr. Morris' whole attention seems 
 bent to one object, to get the Federal residence to Trenton. 
 Mr. Scott (agreeable to what had been settled this morning) 
 brought in a motion to the following effect : " That a place 
 ought to be fixed for the permanent residence of the General 
 Government as near the center of popxilation, wealth, and ex- 
 tent of territory as is consistent with the convenience of the 
 Atlantic navigation, Kamvng also due rega/rd to the Western 
 Territory " / and concluded that Thursday next be assigned for 
 taking it up. This was carried. 
 
 Senate adjourned early. At a little after four I called on 
 Mr. Bassett, of the Delaware State. "We went to the Presi- 
 dent's to dinner. The .company were : President and Mrs. 
 "Washington, Vice-President and Mrs. Adams, the Governor 
 and his wife, Mr. Jay and wife, Mr. Langdon and wife, Mr. 
 Dalton and a lady (perhaps his wife), and a Mr. Smith, Mr. 
 Bassett, myself, Lear, Lewis, the President's two secretaries. 
 The President and Mrs. Washington sat opposite each other 
 in the middle of the table ; the two secretaries, one at each 
 end. It was a great dinner, and the best of the kind I ever 
 was at. The room, however, was disagreeably warm. 
 
138 DINNER WITH THE PRESIDENT. [1789 
 
 First was the sowp ; fish roasted and boiled ; meats, gam- 
 mon, fowls, etc. This was the dinner. The middle of the 
 table was garnished in the usual tasty way, with small images, 
 flowers (artificial), etc. The dessert was, first apple-pies, pnd^ 
 ding, etc. ; then iced creams, jellies, etc. ; then water-melons, 
 musk-melons, apples, peaches, nuts. 
 
 It was the most solemn dinner ever I sat at. Not a health 
 drank ; scarce a word said until the cloth was taken away. 
 Then the President, filling a glass of wine, with great formal- 
 ity drank to the health of every individual by name round the 
 table. Everybody imitated him, charged glasses, and such a 
 buzz of " health, sir," and " health, madam," and " thank you, 
 sir," and "thank you, madam," never had I. heard before. In- 
 deed, I had Hked to have been thrown out in the hurry ; but 
 I got a little wine in my glass, and passed the ceremony. The 
 ladies sat a good while, and the bottles passed about ; but there 
 was a dead silence almost. Mrs. Washington at last withdrew 
 with the ladies. 
 
 I expected the men would now begin, but the same stiUness 
 remained. The President told of a New England clergyman 
 who had lost a hat and wig in passing a river called the Brunks. 
 He smiled, and everybody else laughed. He now and then 
 said a sentence or two on some common subject, and what he 
 said was not amiss. Mr. Jay tried to make a laugh by men 
 tioning the circumstance of the Duchess of Devonshire leav- 
 ing no stone unturned to carry Fox's election. There was a 
 Mr. Smith, who mentioned how Homer described yEneas leav- 
 ing his wife and carrying his father out of flaming Troy. He 
 had heard somebody (I suppose) witty on the occasion ; but if 
 he liad ever read it he would have said Virgil. The Presi- 
 dent kept a fork in his hand, when the cloth was taken away, 
 I thought for the purpose of picking nuts. He ate no nuts, 
 however, but played with the fork, striking on the edge of tlie 
 table with it. We did not sit long after the ladies retired. 
 The President rose, went up-stairs to drink coffee ; the com- 
 pany followed. I took my hat and came home. 
 Q' Aiogust 28th. — There was a meeting of the Pennsylvania 
 delegation at the lodgings of Mr. Clymer and Mr. Fitzsimons. 
 I did not hear of it until I came to the Hall ; but I hastened 
 
August 28] WORKING FOR THE RESIDENCE. 139 
 
 there. The Chief Justice of Pennsylvania and Mr. Pettitt 
 attended with a memorial from the public creditors. Their 
 business was soon done, as we promised to present it in both 
 Houses. But it seems there was a further design in this meefr- 
 ing. Mr. Morris, attended to deliver proposals from Mr. Ham- 
 ilton on the part of the New England men, etc. Now, after 
 the Eastern members have in the basest manner deserted the 
 Pennsylvanians, they would come forward with proposals 
 through Mr. Hamilton. This same Mr. Morris is as easily 
 duped as another. 
 
 I spoke early, and declared that now the New England men 
 find their deceitf ulness has not availed them, and yet they wish 
 to try their arts a second time ; that their only view was to get 
 a negotiation on foot between them and the Pennsylvanians 
 that they might break the connection that is begun between the 
 Pennsylvanians and the Southern people. I was extremely 
 happy to find this sentiment pervade the Pennsylvanians. Mr. 
 Morris labored in vain, and his chagrin was visible. We came 
 for the Hall. In coming up Broad Street, Mr. Morris declared 
 he would oppose the Susquehanna as the .permanent residence, 
 for it was unfavorable to commerce. He observed me, and 
 added, as far as he could consistent with the engagements he 
 had come under to the delegation. I need no such declaration 
 of his to fix my opinion of his conduct ; he has had no other 
 object in view but the Falls of the Delaware since he has been 
 Senator ; at least, this has been his governing object. 
 
 Attended at the Hall. And now the report of the commit- 
 tee on the Compensation bill was taken up. As I knew there 
 was a dead majority against everything I could propose, I 
 had determined not to say a word ; but fiesh and blood could 
 not bear them. The doctrine seemed to be that all worth was 
 wealth, and all dignity of character consisted in expensive liv- 
 ing. Izard, Butler, King, Morris, led boldly. They were fol- 
 lowed by the bulk of the Senate, .at least in the way of voting. 
 Mr. Carrol, of Maryland, though the richest man in the Union, 
 was not with them. I did not speak long, and, enraged as I 
 was at such doctrines, I am sure I did not speak well. I en- 
 deavored to show what the true dignity of character of indi- 
 viduals consisted in ; as weU as of the assembled Senate. And 
 
140 SALARIES OP SENATORS AND REPRESENTATIVES. [1789 
 
 then, turning, showed that extravagant expense, haughty and 
 distant carriage, with contemptuous behavior to the mass of 
 mankind, had a direct contrary effect ; that, in short, mankind 
 were not esteemed in the ratio of their wealth, and that it was 
 in vain for the Senate to attempt acquiring dignity or conse- 
 quence in that way ; that I was totally against all discrimina- 
 tion ; * that we were all equally servants of the public ; that if 
 there really was any difference in dignity, as some contended, 
 it could not be increased by any act or assumption of ours — ^it 
 must be derived from the Constitution, which afforded, in my 
 opinion, no authority for such distinction. 
 
 Elsworth seemed to aim at a kind of middle course ; said 
 he agreed there was a difference in dignity, etc., but at present 
 was against any difference in pay. Mr. Adams was too impa- 
 tient to keep his seat. Dignities, distinctions, titles, etc., are 
 his hobby-horses, and the creature must ride. Tliree times did 
 he interrupt Elsworth. Asked him if the dignity of the Sen- 
 ate was to be Settled by the people ? If the old Congress had 
 not degenerated for want of sufficient pay ? When Elsworth 
 said the House of Lords in Britain had no pay, he [Adams] 
 hastily rose and said a seat in the House of Lords was worth 
 £60,000 sterling, per anmmi. Elsworth laid a trap for him- 
 self. 
 
 Up rose Izard, Lee, and others, and called for the sense of 
 the House on the principle whether there should be a discrimi- 
 nation or not. It was in vain to urge that this was out of 
 order. Lee said it was a division of the clause. I mentioned 
 that if they must have such a question they should move a 
 postponement. It was in vain, either way they would have 
 this question, which was a leading one. Elsworth and simdry 
 others, who had occasionally hinted something of the superior 
 standing of the Senate, voted with it. The yeas and nays 
 were called. Mr. Elsworth now took the back scent. He had 
 voted for a discrimination, but had repeatedly, in his former 
 arguments, mentioned six dollars as enough for the Senate. 
 To be consistent, he moved the pay of the Representatives 
 should be five dollars, and mentioned my principle of an aver-. 
 
 * Meaning between the Senators and Representatives as to pay. 
 
August 28] WILLIAM MACLAY FOR LOW SALARIES. 141 
 
 age of tlie pay which, he said, appUed well to the Eepresenta- 
 tives. I rose and mentioned that this was the sum I aimed at 
 for both Houses ; but if this was carried and the Senate stood 
 at six [dollars], we who had voted against a discrimination, if 
 there was no division of the House, might stand in an odd 
 light on the minutes. There was really nothing of consequence 
 in the last observation, and it was not very well founded ; but 
 when the question on the five dollars was taken and lost. King 
 and sundry others called for the yeas and nays with an avidity 
 that I had never observed before. I voted against the clause, 
 as I did against every other clause of the bill. 
 
 When the pay of the Senators came forward in the next 
 clause at six dollars, I rose and declared I did not wish to de- 
 tain the Senate, but I had voted against a discrimination when 
 the yeas and nays were taken. I had voted a pay of five dol- 
 lars per day to the Representatives. This, in my opinion, was 
 sufficient pay for the members of either House. The yeas and 
 nays were likewise taken on this- question. I therefore moved 
 that six dollars should be struck out and five inserted, and con- 
 cluded that there would be consistency in my votes. I had 
 voted no discrimination ; I had voted for five dollars to the 
 Eepresentatives ; I now wished to have my vote for five dollars 
 to the Senators on the minutes. 
 
 Such a storm of abuse never, perhaps, fell on any member. 
 " It was nonsense, stupidity." " It was a misfortune to have 
 men void of understanding in the House." Izard, King, and 
 Mr. Morris said every rude thing they could. I did not retort 
 their abuse, but still explained the consistency of my motion. 
 I stood the rage and insult of the bulk of the House^ for what 
 appeared to me an hour and a half, but it was not half so much 
 perhaps. Izard was most vehement that no such motion should 
 be admitted. It was foolish ; it was nonsense ; it was against 
 all rule, etc. And all this, although there never was a fairer 
 or plainer motion before the House. It was in vain that I de- 
 clared I did not begin the business of the yeas and nays. It 
 was in vain that I offered to withdraw the present motion if 
 all the yeas and nays were taken off [the minutes]. Izard 
 moved for the previous question. He was replied to that this 
 would not smother the motion. When abuse and insult would 
 
142 CABALLING FOR THE RESIDENCE. [1789 
 
 not do, then followed entreat}^ We adhered to the motion, 
 .and had the yeas and nays. General Schuyler joined us, so 
 that we had four. Now some other business was done ; it was 
 past four o'clock, and we adjourned. 
 
 It is the agreement of the world that dreams are perfectly 
 idle, but I can not help remembering that all last night I was 
 perplexed in my sleep with angry ideas and fretful omens. 
 Unluckily, these preadmonitions, if they are such, never act as 
 preventives with me. 
 
 August 29, 1789. — The House having adjourned over to 
 Monday, I had nothing to do. I felt myself worse of my com- 
 plaint ; both knees swelled with the rheumatism. I, however^ 
 wished to see the Pennsylvania Kepresentatives, and went to 
 the HaU. I saw Hartley, and exhorted liim against entering 
 into any cabal with regard to the residence ; that the line was 
 now marked out, and the principles laid down for fixing the 
 Federal residence were broad, open,- and honorable, such as 
 any man might avow, and, above all, cautioned him to beware 
 of the arts and devices of the New England men. He took it 
 kindly, but did not seem to stand in need of any such caution. 
 A moment after I met Mr. Smith, of Maryland. He had a 
 terrible story, and fro m the most vmdoubted auth oribU- A 
 contract was enteredL intoby the YiEgJuians and Pennsylvanians 
 to^Sx^e permanent residence on the Potomac, right or wrong, 
 and the temporary residence was to be in Philadelphia ; and 
 Clymer and Fitzsimons were gone to Philadelphia to recon- 
 cile the citizens of that place to it. I answered, I knew noth- 
 ing of all this. I doubted it. I really do not believe it. So 
 far as respects myself, if I am considered as included, I knew 
 it to be false. He adhered to it with a firmness that surprised 
 me. I called on almost all the Pennsylvanians during the day, 
 and informed them of the tale. They all disoAvned every com- 
 munication whatever in the way of a contract with the repre- 
 sentation' of any State. I called on Mr. Smith in the evening ; 
 told him he must be misinformed. He declared he had it 
 through one person only— from one of the Pennsylvanians 
 themselves. He, however, would give no names. I told him, 
 be that as it might, I believed the matter to be groimdless. He 
 seemed afraid that I would suspect Mr. Morris, but did not 
 
August 31] "ROUGH, RUDE MANNERS." I43 
 
 acquit him of it. I left him, having paid more attention to 
 this business than perhaps it merited. 
 
 Had a card to dine with the Vice-President on Friday. 
 Excused myself on accoimt of my health. 
 
 On motion to amend the report as it regards the pay of the 
 Senators by striking out six dollars and inserting five dollars. 
 Passed in the negative. I know what a wretch Otis is. I 
 therefore called on him to see how he had made up the minutes 
 of yesterday on the three sets of yeas and nays. All was right. 
 I thought this necessary. 
 
 I am not well in health, but this is not all. I have a heavy 
 kind of melancholy hang on me, as if I was disgusted with the 
 world. I do not know that ; with the Senate I am certainly 
 disgusted. I came here expecting every man to act the part 
 of a god ; that the most dehcate honor, the most exalted wis- 
 dom, the most refined generosity, was to govern every act and 
 be seen in every deed. Wliat must my feelings be on finding 
 rough and rude manners, glaring folly, and the basest selfish- 
 ness apparent in ahnost every public transaction ! They are 
 not always sticcessful, it is true ; but is it not dreadful to find 
 them in such a place ? 
 
 August 30th. — Being Sunday, found myself really ill and 
 a fever on me. Was ill all last night. I had an invitation to 
 dine with the Speaker, but was obliged to decline it. Stayed 
 at home all day and wrote to my dear family. "Was not able 
 to venture out ; was worse after dinner and had to go to bed. 
 Had a sleep and a gentle sweat, and f o\md myself something 
 better after it. 
 
 August 8 1st. — Fotmd myself very ill this morning ; a most 
 acute pain settled in my left hip. I, however, dressed and 
 went to the Hall. After what had passed with Otis, notwith- 
 standing I Ijcfore knew him to be a villain, I scarce could susr 
 pect him of practicing anything now. When [in reading the 
 minutes] he came to the motion, however, he read it, " That 
 the pay of the Senators should be five dollars and that the pay 
 of the Representatives should be six." I heard him with 
 astonishment, but there was no time to be lost. I moved the 
 necessary alteration and had it inserted. Izard attempted to 
 support the Secretary. I stayed awhile, but found myself too 
 
144 THE FURNITURE OF A COURT. [1789 
 
 sick to attend. I came but of a window and found Otis in the 
 corner room. I called on him to explain this business. He 
 hummed, hawed; said his memory was bad. I put him in 
 mind of my having called on him Saturday, and that it then 
 stood right. I made him, however, copy it on a piece of pa- 
 per. He said it was so in the other book ; went to fetch it, 
 but did not return. 
 
 Sick and came home. 
 
 September 1st. — Exceedingly ill, with a settled and acute 
 pain in my loins, particularly on my left side or hip. Dressed, 
 however, and went to the Hall. The Salary bill was taken up. 
 There seemed a disposition in a number of the Senators to give 
 princely incomes to all the Federal officers. I really was aston- 
 ished. Can it be that they wish to surround the President 
 with a set of lordly and pompous officers, and thus having pro- 
 vided the furniture of a court, nothing but the name of majesty, 
 highness, or some siich title will be wanted to step into all the 
 forms of royalty ? My honorable colleague seemed particu- 
 larly attached to all the officers of the Treasury. He either 
 moved or seconded motions for augmenting the salaries of 
 every one of them. I can not, however, blame him in par- 
 ticular. He was more decent than many of them. The avowed 
 object of these proposed augmentations was to enable the offi- 
 cers to live in style, to keep public tables, etc. 
 
 I was not able to rise against this principle, but Mr. Els- 
 worth and others did the subject justice. I fbund the parties 
 so nearly balanced that my vote generally decided in favor of 
 the lowest sum. This made me sit in extreme pain until we 
 got over the bill. I then withdrew, and it was really with 
 difficulty that I got to my lodging. Almost every motion for 
 increasing the salaries was accompanied with a declaration how 
 vastly the salary was below the dignity of the office, and that 
 they moved such small additions, despairing of obtaining 
 greater from the Hotise. The citizens of New York, where it 
 is expected their salaries will be spent (and, I really believe, 
 the candidates themselves), are busy, and perhaps others too, 
 who expect favors from the officers. 
 
 September 2d. — It is vain ; pain and sickness is my lot. I 
 can not attend the Hall. Mr. Morris called late in tlie evening.. 
 
Sept. 3] SCHISM IN THE PBNNSYLVANIANS. 145 
 
 By him I find advantage was taken of my absence, and a recon- 
 sideration was moved and an addition carried to some of the 
 salaries. Bonny Johney Adams giving the casting vote. The 
 moderate part of the House exclaimed violently against the 
 taking of this advantage of my absence,' and obtained a post- 
 ponement of the bill until to-morrow; bnt, alas, I can not 
 attend if the whole Union were at stake. I lie here fixed with 
 so acTite a pain through my loins that I can not move more 
 than if I were impaled. 
 
 To give me any information on this subject was not, how- 
 ever, Mr. Morris' object. There has been a \iolent schism 
 between him and the Pennsylvania delegation, or at least a 
 part of them. He begged leave to give me the whole detail 
 of it. It was long, containing the first engagements at the 
 City Tavern — ^viz., that whatever place (for residence of Con- 
 gress) in Pennsylvania the New England men should name, 
 the Pennsylvanians should vote for it ; that every place named 
 in Pennsylvania should be voted for by the whole delegation. 
 These things I knew not, they having been transacted wlijle I 
 was absent. But what I well knew was that when Scott's mo- 
 tion came forward the New England men, instead of naming 
 the Falls of the Delaware, as Mr. Morris expected (this being 
 the point to which all Ms negotiations with Jay, Hamilton, 
 etc., tended), they came prepared to expose the Pennsylvanians 
 and ridicule the whole. In this critical moment the Virginians 
 stepped in to the support of Scott's motion, rescued the Penn- 
 sylvanians from ridicule, and gave the whole a serious face. 
 In this state were matters on the 28th ultimo [August, 1789], 
 and I thought then that all negotiation vdth the ISTew Eng- 
 land men was at an end. Indeed, I was not for entering into 
 any private engagements with any of them. My constant lan- 
 guage to the delegation was : " You are on tenable groimd. 
 Now keep yourselves there." Something was, however, said 
 as we parted on the 28th. If the New England men have any- 
 thing to say, it must come from them. Mr. Morris caught at 
 this, and opened a negotiation with them, and carried matters 
 so far that a meeting was appointed by Mr. Morris of the 
 Pennsylvania delegation at Clymer's and Fitzsimons's lodgings 
 at five o'clock yesterday evening. Mr. Morris whispered me in 
 10 
 
146 NEGOTIATIONS AT CLYMER'S LODGINGS. [1789 
 
 the Senate, " The whole biisiness is settled, and you must come 
 to Clymer's and Fitzsimons's lodgings at five o'clock. 
 
 On quitting the Senate chamber I called Mr. Scott out of 
 the Eepresentative chamber to tell him to apologize to the 
 meeting for mj absence, as I found myself scarcely able to 
 move one step. All this was new to him. He said if any 
 agreement was made it must be with the Virginians. I saw a 
 cloud of mystery in the business, wished to attend, and parted 
 with Scott, telling him if I can not attend I will send an apol- 
 ogy by Mr. Wynkoop. I could not attend, but so nobly was 
 the matter managed that, while Mr. Morris was introducing 
 Mr. Goodhue and Mr. King on the part of the Eastern States, 
 Mr. Madison was introduced on the part of the Yirginians, or 
 introduced himself. There, however, he was, and occupied a 
 room down-stairs, while Goodhue and King sat with Mr. Mor- 
 ris up-stairs. Messages were exchanged. The result was, that 
 Messrs. Clymer, Fitzsimons, Heister, Scott, and the Speaker 
 declared totally against any treaty with the New England men. 
 Hartley and "Wynkoop declared themselves disengaged ; and 
 all parties departed. Wlaat Mr. Morris complains Jtnost bitterly 
 of is that Fitzsimons should permit him to bring the New 
 England men to his lodging on the terms of treaty, when he 
 was determined against treating with them, and that there 
 should be any terms of commimicating with Mr. Madison to 
 which he was a stranger. 
 
 Mr. Morris, however, has not quitted the game. He told 
 me that all the New England men and [New] York delegation 
 were now met, and they would, on the terms of the original 
 proposals, name a place in Pennsylvania, for they had actually 
 agreed on one, which he had no doubt was the Falls of [the] 
 Delaware (by the by, I doubt it), and then we would see how 
 the delegation would answer it to their constitaents to negative 
 a place in Pennsylvania. He then said something to me as to 
 our conduct in the Senate. I said I thought we had better 
 come under no engagements to any of them, but regulate our 
 conduct on the principles of the interest of our State, subordi- 
 nate to the great good of the Union. He agreed to tliis, and 
 took his leave. 
 ^^ And now we shall see what a day will bring fortli. The 
 
Sept. 3] MEETING OF THE PBNNSYLVANIANS. 147 
 
 Virginia terms seem to be, " Give lis the permanent residence, 
 and we will give Philadelphia the temporary residence." Mr. 
 Morris declared a vote could not be obtained in the Senate for 
 an adjournment to Philadelphia. 
 
 September 3d. — Mr. Wynkoop went early to a meeting of 
 the Pennsylvania delegation. They were staggered at the 
 thought of voting, in the first instance, for a place out of the 
 State. The business came on in the House of Representatives. 
 Goodhue took the lead. And here I could give an advan- 
 tageous lecture on scheming. The mariner's compass has thirty- 
 two points ; the political one, perhaps, as many hundreds, and 
 the schemers an indefinite number. And yet there is but one 
 of them that will answer. It is true there were not so many 
 points in the present case, but the wind came from an imex- 
 pected quarter. All Mr. Morris' expectations were blasted in 
 a moment, for Goodhiie moved a resolution for the Susque- 
 hanna, as the sense of the Eastern States, exclusive of New 
 York. The debate was long and tedious, and the business of 
 this day ended with carrying Scott's motion. Goodhue's stands , 
 until to-morrow. 
 
 Mr. Elsworth popped in this morning to see if I could not 
 possibly attend on the Salary bill ; but I could not. Mr. El- 
 mer called in the evening. I know not in the Senate a man, 
 if I were to choose a friend, on whom I would cast the eye of 
 confidence as soon as on this little doctor. He does not always 
 vote right, and so I think of every man who differs from me, 
 but I never yet saw him give a vote but I thought I could 
 observe disinterestedness in his countenance. If such a one 
 errs it is the sin of ignorance, and I think Heaven has pardons 
 ready sealed for every one of them. " Behold, O God," can 
 such a one say, " the machine which thou hast given me to 
 work with ; faithfully have I played its powers. If the result 
 has been error, intentional criminality was not with me." 
 
 He was very urgent for my attendance on the Salary bill, 
 but, on seeing the state of my knee, readily admitted there 
 could be no expectation of it. He told me Mr. Morris was 
 exerting Ms utmost address in engaging votes against the Sus- 
 quehanna ; he had influence with the Jersey members. The 
 argument was, that they had been treated with disrespect in 
 
148 MORRIS' SCHEME DEFEATED. [1789 
 
 not having been consulted when the [New] York and Eastern 
 members fixed on the Susqnehanna. If Mr. Morris really ex- 
 pects to obtain a vote for the Delaware, after what has hap- 
 pened, it is a proof how far interest will blind a man. But I 
 do not believe he has any such expectations. His design must 
 be to ruin the Susquehanna scheme, and, in fact, keep Congress 
 in New York. I have heard him declare it ought never to be 
 anywhere biit in Philadelphia or New York. Those places 
 suit his plans of commerce. Nor do I believe he ever will 
 consent to its being anywhere else, imless it be on his own 
 grounds at the Falls of the Delaware. 
 
 September Jfth. — Goodhue's motion was carried. Mr. Mor- 
 ris called in the evening. He sat a long time. I never saw 
 chagrin more visible on the human countenance. ""Well," 
 said he, " I suppose you are gratified." I really was vexed to 
 see him so deeply afEected. I said coolly, I could not be dis- 
 satisfied. He repeatedly declared he would vote for the Sus- 
 quelianna because he had said so, but he would do everything 
 in his power against it. This he called candor, but I think he 
 can not call it consistency. It has long been alleged in this 
 place that Mr. Morris governed the Pennsylvania delegation, 
 and I believe this idea has procured Mr. Morris uncommon 
 attention. This delusion must now vanish. He made a long 
 visit. Mr. Wynkoop and myself said everything in our power 
 to soften him, and we seemed to gain upon him. He men- 
 tioned with apparent regret some rich lands in the Conestoga 
 manor which he had exchanged with John Musser for lands 
 on the Delaware. 
 
 Still confined, and in a miserable way vdth my swelled 
 knee. 
 
 Septeniber 5th. — "Worse. Confined mostly to bed. Yisited 
 by sundry gentlemen. Scott, Heister, Fitzsimons called in the 
 evening. The Susquehanna, Potomac, and Delaware in every 
 mouth. I find Mr. "Wynkoop has revived his hopes of the 
 Delaware. He said, " If we lose the Susquehanna, tlien it will 
 be fixed at the Delaware." I looked hard at him, and asked 
 if he had seen Mr. Morris. He answered " No," hesitatingly. 
 I find by several hints this day that there is some new scheme 
 on foot. 
 
Sept. 6] MORRIS' DEFECTION. 149 
 
 Mr. Wynkoop urged me so incessantly about a doctor that 
 I unfortunately said yes. He asked wlio I knew. I said Dr. 
 Treat. He was gone in a moment, and soon after Treat and 
 Eodgers called, very weU dressed. Tlie sole point I wished 
 them to attend to was my left knee. I could hardly get them 
 to look at it. They said it was immaterial. Aren't you a good 
 hand at taking medicine? No (faintly). You are aU over 
 indisposed ; you must undergo a course of physic ; you must 
 take a course of antimonials to alter your blood. A vomit, 
 said the other, to clean your stomach. I begged leave to ob- 
 serve that I was well circumstanced in my body, both as to 
 urine and blood ; had not a high fever. My knee, gentlemen ; 
 my knee. And I showed it to them, flayed as it was with 
 blistering. Here is my great pain. " Poultice it with Indian 
 mush, and we wiU send you some stuff to put on the poultice ; 
 and the antimonial wine, etc. ; the drops and the laudanum," 
 etc. They seemed to me Kke storekeepers, with their country 
 customers; won't you take this, and this? You must take 
 this, and this, etc. 
 
 September 6th. — Very ill, and close confined. Izard called 
 to see me. The moment I saw him I understood that he came 
 on a scrutinizing errand. I made no mystery of anything I 
 knew ; told him that the certain effect of any new scheme in 
 the Yorkers or New England men would most infallibly place 
 us at the Potomac. He repeatedly mentioned a new scheme 
 being en foot, but I could not learn what it was. Mr. Morris 
 is in close connection with the Yorkers, and communicates 
 everything to them. Mr. Clymer called on me. He spoke 
 liighly in favor of the Susquehanna as being the most favor- 
 able position in the State for the benefit of Pennsylvania; 
 blamed Mr. Morris much ; said he would yet ruin all. In the 
 evening the Speaker called. He speaks more confidently of 
 tlie Susquehanna than any of them. I told him I did not like 
 the adjournment when the question was ready to be put yes- 
 terday. He endeavored to account for this, but I think it 
 bids ill. 
 
 The doctor's stuff on the blister spoiled all. It stopped 
 the discharge, and I was much worse. They called to persuade 
 me to take the antimony, etc. 
 
150 ILLNESS OF WILLIAM MACLAY. [1789 
 
 8&ptemh&r 7th, Monday. — I am still very ill. This day 
 was the trial of shift, evasion, and subterfuge in the House of 
 Eepresentatives ; but the Susquehanna vote was carried by a 
 majority of seven, and Ames, Lawrence, and Clymer appointed 
 a committee to bring in a bill. 
 
 Close confined, and very ill. Unable to get information, 
 or to minute it down if I had it. I am still ill. This day the 
 doctors called and vexed me again. 
 
 \86pt6mher\ Tuesday 8th. — Still close confined, and in very 
 bad health. The Speaker called and gave us an anecdote of 
 Mr. Madison, which seems to discover some traits of the less 
 amiable in his character. "While the salary of the Grovernor 
 of the "Western Territory [General St. Clair] was before the 
 House, in the first stage of the business, Madison had supported 
 it at twenty-five hundred dollars. But during the Susque- 
 hanna debate, Mr. Clymer, seeing Governor St. Clair in the 
 gallery, addressed a note to him for information. The Gov- 
 ernor sent back an answer in writing which contradicted the 
 position of the friends of the Potomac. This day Madison 
 moved a reduction of five hundred dollars from his salary. 
 
 The doctors did not call to-day, and it seems like deKvering 
 me from half of my misery. 
 
 "Wednesday, Thursday, Friday, and Saturday confined, but 
 find myself much better, and now begin to think confidently 
 of seeing my family in health on my part. The relief which 
 I have experienced has been from the apphcation of blisters 
 and cupping. This week has been one of hard jockeying be- 
 tween the Senate and House of Eepresentatives. The Senate 
 insisted, and adhered, too, for a mark of superiority in tlieir 
 pay. It was a trial who should hold out longest. The House 
 of Eepresentatives gave way, more especially after the Sena- 
 tors told them that if you want your pay send us a bill for 
 yourselves and we will pass it. I really wonder, in the temper 
 the House is in, that they had not done it ; but they were 
 aware that the majority of the Senate would fly from this pro- 
 posal, as I believe many of them need money as much as any 
 of the Eepresentatives can do. It was a trial of skill in the 
 way of starvation, and the dignity or precedence, or call it 
 what you will, which could not be gained from the understand- 
 
Sept. 13] MORRIS' PLAN. 151 
 
 ing of the House of Eepresentatives, was extorted from their 
 purses. 
 
 I have been visited this week by all the Peimsylvanians 
 and by Dr. Elmer and Mr. Wyngate of the Senate. I will 
 venture but one remark on the business of the permanent resi- 
 dence. It will, however, be rather a series of remarks. Neither 
 New England men nor Yorkers are sincere about moving from 
 this place, and they firmly believe the whole will end in vapor. 
 Mr. Morris is to destroy the Susquehanna scheme in the Sen- 
 ate, if not sooner, in order to bring forward the Delaware. 
 This he wiU do, with small assistance from the Yorkers, by en- 
 gaging the Senators of Jersey and Delaware ; and, this being 
 done, the Delaware destroys itseK, for the New England men 
 fall to pieces, their engagements having been only for the Sus- 
 quehanna. These arts are likely enough to succeed. 
 
 [S&ptember] ISih, Swndmj. — Wrote my letters for home. 
 Sat up a good deal, and found myself much better. In the 
 evening Mr. Morris, Mr. Clymer, and Mr. Eitzsimons called 
 on me. I thought that the Susquehanna had not got Justice 
 done in the arguments ; spoke long on this subject to possess 
 them of my ideas of it. All the talk and speculation about 
 the Western coimtry is visionary. Nothing will come on to 
 the Atlantic rivers from the Western waters. If it should, the 
 Susquehamia has the advantage in the double connection by 
 Juniata and the West Branch. I was listened to throughout 
 with apathy, however. 
 
 {Sejptemher HtK\, Monday. — About twelve Mr. Clymer 
 called in ; said he had a letter from Heading Howell, with 
 important information. He read a part of it, and desired I 
 would draw up the thoughts I had expressed last night, that a 
 publication might be prepared against the time of taking up 
 the bill. Dr. Johnson and Mr. Carrol, of Carrolton, called 
 while he was in, and interrupted us a little. He stayed a mo- 
 ment after them, and said he would call early to-morrow morn- 
 ing, that we might settle on something for publication. I ex- 
 pressed plainly to him the same thoughts which I minuted on 
 Saturday ; but he said Mr. Morris was now contented. I was 
 so unwell that I had to go to bed ; and here, leaning on my 
 elbow, I arranged something, but was greatly at a loss for 
 
152 CONGRESSMEN CALL ON WILLIAM MACLAY. [1789 
 
 maps and for the distances on the Susquehanna and Potomac, 
 beginning at tide-water, to Fort Pitt. I sent Mr. "Wynkoop to 
 call on Mr. Smith, of Maryland, for them. [He] was abroad. 
 I sent a note to Mr. Smith, begging that he would call on me 
 with them, but he did not ; so that what I composed was with 
 blanks. 
 
 Tuesday, 15th. — Between ten and eleven Mr. Clymer, Mr. 
 Fitzsimons, and Governor St. Clair called. I read what I had 
 prepared, and it seemed to give satisfaction, but I took notes 
 of sundry matters from them to be inserted. The blanks were, 
 however, still open. They promised to furnish these distances 
 from Mr. Ames. This was done after I had finished the com- 
 position, and the putting them in could not be done but clum- 
 sily. I hastened to get over the business, expecting they would 
 call soon, but night came without my hearing from them. I 
 can not go out, and there is a listlessness in all our Pennsyl- 
 vanians on this subject. I can think of many things which I 
 would have done could I go about, which must now remain 
 undone. 
 
 We&nesdo/y, i^^A.— ^To-morrow the bill for the permanent 
 residence is to be taken up, and yet all is quiet on our part. 
 Mr. Wynkoop told me he had walked a long time opposite 
 Trinity Church with Mr. Clymer and Mr. Fitzsimons, and that 
 they had spoken of me, and nothing more. He offered to do 
 anything. I thought of Hartley. He is active, and wiU be in 
 earnest. Mr. Wynkoop went for him. He came, and I put 
 the paper in his hands. Mr. Wynkoop returned before the 
 House met ; told me Child was to print it, and they would 
 send the proof-sheet to me for correction. 
 
 About two o'clock Mr. Morris, Mr. ffing, and Mr. Butler 
 called on me. The talk was only about the judiciary. Mr. 
 Morris said he had followed Elsworth in everything ; if it M^as 
 wrong, he would blame Elsworth. King said he had never 
 had an opportunity of judging of it. I censured it as freely 
 as ever. 
 
 There was a meeting of the Pennsylvania delegation this 
 evening to regulate their conduct respecting the part they 
 would act about the opening of the Susquehanna. They agreed 
 to wait on Smith and Seney in the morning. I had begged Mr. 
 
Sept. 17] THE MARYLAND CONDITION CARRIED. I53 
 
 Wynkoop that they should get the proof-sheet and correct it ; 
 but it is likely they would not send for it. The printer's boy, 
 however, called on me and I corrected it. I can find that 
 Germantown is the place that is to be played against the Sus- 
 quehanna. ■ I had hopes this opposition was dropped. I be- 
 lieve they are not as active as some days ago, but lie by fully 
 bent to take all advantages. We will see what they will do. 
 But I have laid it down as the only sure ground to adhere to 
 the Susquehanna. 
 
 Thursday, 17th. — Some people are so hardy as to deny 
 that the Susquehanna affords any navigation at all. Boudinot 
 is one of them. It really would be of service to him if he 
 could be made to blush. I wrote to Mr. Burrell to furnish an 
 extract of the stores forwarded on the Susquehanna in the 
 year 1TT9, and the usual load of a river boat. Mr. "Wynkoop 
 went to him with the letter. He said he would do what he 
 could, but rather excused himself. I sent some information to 
 Mr. Ames by Mr. Wynkoop, and now we must see what they 
 will do. 
 
 The day is rainy and nobody has called. About dark 
 Parson Lynn came in. Joy was in his countenance. He told 
 me the Maryland condition was carried, and, of course, there 
 would be schism among the Pennsylvanians ; that Mr. Gerry 
 had moved for the Falls of the Delaware instead of the Susque- 
 hanna. The whole of what he said convinced me that I was 
 not in the least mistaken as to the measures they were carrying 
 on. The Pennsylvanians will divide ; the New England men 
 and Yorkers both wUl come off with apparent honor, and Con- 
 gress remain where it is. Late at night in comes Mr. Wyn- 
 koop, in higher spirits than ever I saw him. " It's all over 
 with the Susquehanna. We must vote against it now. I have 
 just come from Clymer and Fitzsimons's lodgings ; they are of 
 the same opinion ; and now for the Falls of the Delaware. The 
 Marylanders have carried a clause that Pennsylvania and 
 Maryland shall consent, to the satisfaction of the resident, that 
 the navigation of the Susquehanna shall be cleared, but not at 
 their expense. We will never consent to lay our State under 
 any restrictions." The only reply I made was : " So, then, 
 rather than consent that the navigation of the Susquehanna 
 
154 "IN HIGH EAGB AT THE PHILADBLPHIANS." [1789 
 
 should be open, jou will drive Congress away from its banks. 
 This is the point of view in which it will be considered, and 
 in which you must expect to answer for it." 
 
 [Septemher] 18th. — I wished to see some of our Pennsyl- 
 vauians. Clymer and Fitzsimons had called a meeting last 
 uight in order to make them change their ground and vote for 
 the Falls of the Delaware. This was the intention of the meet- 
 ing, from what "Wynkoop clearly enough expressed. I wrote 
 a note to Hartley, but he came in just as I was sealing it. He 
 was in a high rage at the Philadelphians, and declared they 
 had been insincere from the beginning. He seemed to want 
 my opinion. I gave it freely ; to adhere firmly to the ground 
 that had been taken, and support the bill at all events. I had 
 written a note to the Speaker but he came in immediately 
 after I had sent it away. He seemed clearly in sentiment 
 with Hartley, and gave substantial reasons for it. He said an 
 absolute agreement had been made between the Pennsylva- 
 niaus on one part, and Smith and Seney, of Maryland, on the 
 other, that the Maryland condition should not be " Pennsyl- 
 vania would throw no impediment in the way of clearing the 
 Susquehanna." This gave entire satisfaction to Smith and 
 Seney ; was to have been brought forward by the friends of 
 the Susquehanna, and Smith and Seney by voting for it would 
 have carried this and rejected the other Maryland condition. 
 
 But Mr. Fitzsimons broke the agreement and flew off 
 yesterday morning. This, of course, fixed Smith and Seney 
 to the exceptionable condition which was carried by means of 
 their votes. So that it seems as if Mr. Fitzsimons wished 
 some vote to be carried that would furnish him and others 
 ■with a pretext for breaking off from the Susquehanna; for 
 they could have prevented this Maryland condition if they had 
 chosen so to do. He further said that liis partner in Phila- 
 delphia mixes with all classes of people; that the common 
 people were well satisfied with Congress being on the Susque- 
 hanna ; but of late he could hear among the leading men about 
 the bank, etc., many opinions and predictions that it never 
 would be on the Susquehanna, etc. I thuik it no unfair con- 
 clusion to say that Philadelphia spite hath done this, although 
 it be the act of but a few individuals in that place. I can now 
 
Sept. 19] " ADAMS, ADAMS I " 15g^ 
 
 clearly account for the listlessness and apathy of some persons 
 respecting the Susquehanna. Indeed, it is questionable whether 
 the late application to me was anything more than a bUnd to 
 cover their intended defection. 
 
 By this and yesterday's papers France seems travailing, in 
 the birth of freedom. Her throes and pangs of labor are vi- ' 
 olent. God give her a happy delivery ! Eoyalty, nobility, and 
 vile pageantry, by which a few of the human race lord it over 
 and tread on the necks of their fellow-mortals, seem Hkely to 
 be demolished with their kindred Bastile, which is said to be 
 laid in ashes. Ye gods, with what indignation do I review 
 the late attempt of some creatures among us to revive the vile 
 machinery ! Adams,,AdajasT-3!gIia t a wret ch arlilmii-L - 
 
 This evening~EEeSpeaker called. He repeated the whole 
 of what he had told me in the morning in the presence of Mr. 
 Wynkoop. Said he did not know what to make of men who 
 agreed to a thing overnight and denied it in the morning. 
 Fitzsimons and Clymer were tired of the Susquehanna, etc. 
 
 Septemher 19th. — This morning Colonel Hartley's son called 
 on me with a note and showed the copy of a letter which the 
 Colonel had written to Clymer and Fitzsimons. He called on 
 them for an adherence to their former tenor of conduct re- 
 specting the Susquehanna, and plainly declared that their de- 
 fection now would be considered as a proof of their insincer- 
 ity from the beginning. I am unwilUng there should be any 
 schism among the Pennsylvania Eepresentatives. Perhaps 
 this letter may lay the foundation of it. Perhaps it may have 
 the contrary effect at the present moment. It is, however, 
 done without the advice of any person, and we are left to at- 
 tend to the event. I have wished much to have seen Clymer 
 and Fitzsimons for some days past. I dropped distant hints of 
 this often to Mr. Wynkoop. This had no effect ; I" could not 
 justify myself in sending for them. However, I know not if 
 I could have any influence with them, and I know that Wyn- 
 koop carries faithfully every word which I say to them. Dr. 
 Franklin says, " The world will do its own business." I must 
 let it do so on this occasion, for my lame knees will not let me 
 help it. Mr. Wynkoop left the House, came home, and went 
 on a party of pleasure. 
 
156 DISCORD AMONa THE PENNSTLVANIANS. [1789 
 
 Had a note from Colonel Hartley. The permanent [resi- 
 dence] business is put off until Wednesday next on account of 
 the indisposition of some of the members. The House, by a 
 joint resolution with the Senate, are to break up on Tuesday. 
 Appointing Wednesday [for the permanent residence busi- 
 ness] seems like the oblivion committee in the British Parlia- 
 ment on the American petitions before the Kevolution. But 
 we will see what will come of it* 
 
 In the evening Mr. Dalton called to see me. Soon after 
 Mr. Morris and Mr. Fitzsimons came in. Soon after Mr. 
 Scott and Parson Lynn. The Parson went away. Mr. Dal- 
 ton went away. Mr. Scott said : " What shall we do with the 
 residence ? I believe we must vote for it." " I don't know," 
 said Fitzsimons, " if the condition had only been thM we should 
 not prevent the clea/ring of the Susquehamna, I should not 
 have cared." Scott said, " In fact, it amounts to no more 
 now." "I don't know," said Fitzsimons. Mr. Morris said 
 abruptly : " The contract is broken ; we were to have this 
 thing free of any condition. I have, however, a letter from 
 Peters on this subject." He got out the letter, but did not 
 read it. Mr. Scott was on his feet and went away. The oth- 
 ers soon followed. 
 
 When Mr. Morris tallied of the contract being broke, I 
 asked : " Have any of the Eastern people given way ? Have 
 any of them voted against the Susquehanna % " Mr. Fitzsimons 
 said none. I can readily guess what Mr. Morris means by 
 saying the contract is broken. Need his vote be expected % 
 
 September 20th. — Being Sunday, I wrote letters to my fam- 
 ily. The day was fine. I got a hackney-coach and rode out 
 about an hour and a half ; felt the worse for it. Perhaps it 
 was only the fatigue. Colonel Hartley called in the morning ; 
 says the business of the permanent residence will come on to- 
 morrow. Mr. Wyngate and General Irwin called to see me. 
 Mr. Wyngate went yesterday evening to Newark ; came home 
 late. He soon asked me, " What news of the Federal resi- 
 dence ? " I had no news on the subject. He talked himself 
 a good deal on the subject. I thought I could clearly gather 
 
 * Hartley was mistaken when he wrote this note. 
 
Sept. 31] THE SALARY OP JUDGES. 15Y 
 
 from what he said that the effort would be to throw off the 
 whole business for this session, for, from what I can learn, 
 they are not able to engage the New England men for the 
 Delaware; therefore, postpone and wait for the chapter pf 
 chances. 
 
 Monday, 31st. — Dressed myself; weak and languid, but 
 went to the Hall. Thought I would not be able to stay long, 
 but when the business began I seemed amused and grew bet- 
 ter. I stayed it out until after three o'clock. The judges' sala- 
 ries were taken up. That of the Chief -Justice had been set- 
 tled before at four thousand dollars; that of the puisne 
 judges was put at three thousand dollars. Mr. Morris moved 
 for five hundred dollars more, seconded by Izard ; a division — 
 nine to nine. 
 
 The Vice-President had to give the casting vote, and had 
 the yeas and nays called on liim. He, however, made a 
 speech : " Somebody had said judges could be had for less. 
 That people must be abandoned and forsaken by God who 
 could speak of buying a judge as you would a horse. Judges 
 should portion their children, bring them up, provide for 
 them, etc. Many families in New England had suffered by 
 the head of it being a judge." Motions were made for in- 
 creasing everything almost. None, however, carried until they 
 came to the Attorney-General. Mr. Morris moved it should be 
 two thousand .dollars. Eang seconded. A division — nine and 
 nine ; and the Vice-President voted for it. Wyngate called 
 for the yeas and nays. Adams looked pitiful ; said he would 
 be made the scapegoat for everything. A member got up to 
 have the yeas and nays retracted. Grayson, who had been 
 ■with us before, spoke against having them now. So they were 
 not called. The House of Representatives threw out this 
 amendment, and it was reduced to fifteen hundred dollars. 
 
 Hartley called me out to tell me that the Susquehanna bill 
 was carried [in the House of Eepresentatives]. Mr. Morris 
 was all day calling out members. Grayson, Gunn, King, 
 Eead, and Butler were some of them that I saw him take 
 aside. The citizens and Wynkoop dared not vote against it. 
 It would have had no effect if they had. Mr. Morris, being a 
 six-years man, considers himself as independent, and he is to 
 
158 FIRST READING OF THE RESIDENCE BILL. [1789 
 
 destroy it in the Senate. The others tliinli to escape censure 
 by this shift. But we know them. When I consider how 
 agreeable it will be to the Eastern members and to the York- 
 ers to destroy all this business, I really fear Mr. Morris. It is 
 so easy persuading men to do what they wish for. "We must, 
 however, wait the event. 
 
 Septemler 22d. — Dressed and went to the Hall. Eesolu- 
 tion came up from the other House rescinding the resolution 
 of adjournment on this day and for adjourning on Saturday. 
 Concurred. Bill for the permanent residence read the first 
 time. Butler moved to postpone tiU next session. Seconded 
 by Grayson. Lee, Butler, and Grayson spent about an hour. 
 They had only Izard and Gunn to join them on this business 
 — five in all. From hence, I think, we may prognosticate 
 that the bill wiU pass in some shape or other. Mr. Morris in 
 the deepest chagrin. Did not speak to me in the morning. 
 Left his usual seat to avoid me. First went and sat beside Mr. 
 Dalton, then rose and took out Mr. Read, came in agaiu and 
 went and took a seat beside Grayson ; Bland called out Gray- 
 son ; Mr. Morris followed ; came in again and went and took 
 a seat beside ,Elsworth. Never spoke until we were coming, 
 out of the Senate chamber. He then asked if I continued to 
 grow better. I answered in the affirmative, but he could not 
 talk to me. 
 
 I met Governor St. Clair at the Hall. If I had no better 
 clew, I could tell how the Philadelphians stood by him. He 
 was all full of doubts ; the bill woiild never do ; the President 
 would never act on it ; the river might not admit of naviga- 
 tion, etc. The bill, however, passed, thirty-one to seventeen, in 
 the House of Kepresentatives. Wynkoop can not sit with me 
 this evening ; he is chatting down-stairs. Mr. Lynn called ; told 
 me the design of the Yirginians and the Carolina gentlemen was 
 to talk away the time, so that we could not get the bill passed. 
 
 September S3d. — ^Went to the Hall early. Mr. Carrol came 
 in ; told me Mr. Morris was against the bill and wanted to 
 bring forward " Gei-mantown " and the " Falls of the Delaware." 
 The Senate met, and every endeavor was made to waste time. 
 Lee, Butler, Grayson, refused to go on with the business, as 
 Gimn was absent. Gunn came, and then they wanted to go 
 
Sept. 33] SPLIT AMONG THE PENNSYLVANIANS. 159 
 
 and see the balloon let off. But at last the bill was read over. 
 I was called out. There was Mr. Morris, Mr. Fitzsimons, and 
 Colonel Hartley. Fitzsimons began telling me what the Penn- 
 sylvanians had agreed to do. First, strike out the proviso 
 clause. If this could be done, then agree to the bill ; but if 
 this could not be done, then abandon the Susquehanna and try 
 for the Falls of the Delaware and Germantown. As he stated 
 it to me, I imderstood that all the Pennsylvanians but myself 
 had agreed to this. I told him it was a late moment to call on 
 me when the bill had actually been read over and the first 
 clause taken up ; that the proviso had nothing so terrible in it 
 as to make me abandon the bill rather than consent to it ; that 
 I saw no safety in anything but adliering to the bill, and if we 
 lost the bill we must go on to the Potomac. 
 
 Mr. Morris raged out something against the proviso, as to 
 the advantage the State would lose by such a proviso being 
 adopted, and concluded with a tremendous oath, " By God, I 
 never will vote for the bill unless the proviso is thrown out ! " 
 I said, slowly, he would act as he pleased. He knows as well 
 as I do that the Senate never will reject the proviso. Fitz- 
 simons and Morris, however, said, "Let us call King out." 
 King came. Fitzsimons said, "The Pennsylvania delegates 
 were against the proviso, and in case the proviso was continued, 
 five were for trying the Falls of the Delaware and Germantown." 
 Colonel Hartley corrected him and told him " only four." As 
 I had nothing to do with their bargain, I turned on my heel 
 and left them. I thought it strange conduct of our delegates, 
 after they had all voted for the bill, to be making such offers. 
 If the proviso is struck out, the two Marylanders will vote 
 against us. If in, Mr. Morris has sworn he will vote against 
 it. I have expected nothing else of him for some time. 
 
 Mr. Morris moved that the first and second clauses should 
 be postponed, so as to come at the proviso. This brought on 
 a lengthy debate. Butler was severe on Mr. Morris. Said his 
 views were totally local. " Let us keep the Federal town on 
 the Susquehanna, and let there be no navigation out of it, and 
 then you must come to Philadelphia. But, rather than have 
 the Susquehanna opened, which will take some of our trade 
 away, we will not let you put the Federal town there." Morris 
 
160 PENNSYLVANIA INVEIGHED AGAINST. [1789 
 
 replied with apparent heat. The other retorted. Grayson and 
 Lee were both up. Izard was up, and long speeches were 
 made. The question was, however, put and carried. And 
 now Mr. Morris moved to strike out the proviso. I forgot 
 who seconded him. The reason he gave was that the State of 
 Pennsylvania had a bargain on hand with Maryland about this 
 matter, and commissioners were appointed to negotiate it. 
 Pennsylvania would suffer the Susquehanna to be opened if 
 Maryland woxild suffer a canal to be dug between the bays of 
 Chesapeake and Delaware ; that he would be betraying the 
 interest of the State in so eminent a degree that he dared not 
 go home to Pennsylvania if such a clause was in the bill. I 
 hinted to Mr. Morris that the last law for clearing the Susque- 
 haima had no condition ; but he answered the Marylanders 
 thought it had. It was now that the most unbounded abuse 
 was thrown on the State of Pennsylvania. Lee, Grayson, 
 Butler, and Izard struggled who should be up to rail at the 
 Government. 
 
 Mr. Carrol got up and answered Mr. Morris mildly. I 
 whipped out and sent for Colonel Hartley, and got from him 
 the late law for clearing the Susquehanna. So great was the 
 rage for speaking that I could scarce get a word said. I en- 
 deavored to be up first on the sitting down of Butler, but Lee 
 was up with me. I begged for indulgence, as I had informa- 
 tion to give which I thought very material. I stated the im- 
 portance of the question, and declared it my duty to give all 
 the information in my power ; that the State of Pennsylvania 
 deserved none of the illiberal abuse that had been bestowed on 
 it ; that no such design as shutting up the Susquehanna could 
 be charged on the Government. I then read several clauses of 
 the act declaring the Susquehanna and its branches highways 
 to the Maryland line. I declared I did not think there was a 
 single Pennsylvanian of character that could be so base as to 
 wish the shutting up the mouth of that river ; that for my 
 part I considered the proviso as harmless, and if it tended to 
 give satisfaction to the public at large or any individuals I had 
 no objection to it ; that I thoiight the business on the part of 
 Pennsylvania done already ; but if ^ny more was wanted, I had 
 no doubt of their doing it. I could for my part apprehend no 
 
Sept. 33] PHILADBLPHIANS AGAINST THE SUSQUEHANNA. 161 
 
 danger from the proviso. Much, it was said, was put by it in 
 the President's power ; but he had liis honor to support. I 
 was convinced he would neither traffic with his own character 
 nor the public expectation; and I was convinced no defect 
 would be experienced on the part of the State of Pennsylvania. 
 
 The rage for speaking did not subside, but it took a differ- 
 ent turn. Mr. Morris said he did not know of that law. The 
 question, however, was put, and five only rose for rejecting 
 the proviso — Morris, King, Schuyler, Johnson, and Dalton. 
 There was now a cry for adjournment to see the balloon, and 
 the Senate rose. 
 
 Mr. Olymer called about eight o'clock. Began to speak 
 against the Susquehanna. Said there was an old interest and 
 a new interest starting up to destroy it in Pennsylvania, by 
 sending the trade into the new interest ; that he would not for 
 a thousand guineas the law would pass ; that the old commer- 
 cial interest had nourished Philadelphia ; it was an ornament 
 to the State. He seemed willing to persuade me that I should 
 vote against the bill. I asked him how he thought it would 
 look for me to vote against it when they had all voted for it 
 on Monday last ? He said he was induced to do so, expecting 
 a change in the Senate ; that he would not for half his estate 
 he had done so ; that he was duped into it. I told him that 
 was not my case, for I had followed my judgment hitherto, 
 and would continue to do so ; that if we changed our ground 
 in the Senate, and could insert any other place than the Sus- 
 quehanna, we lost our hold of the Eastern people, and the 
 whole fell to the ground, agreeable to what I had told him on 
 Monday week, and that at the next session Virginia would 
 come forward with five members from North Carolina, and be 
 joined by two or three from Pennsylvania, and we should in- 
 fallibly go to the Potomac — and, for my part, I would rather 
 stay on the Susquehanna. He declared for his part he would 
 not. 
 
 Mr. Clymer used to extol the advantages of the Susquehan- 
 na, and declared, as he sat at my bedside about a fortnight ago, 
 that no position in Pennsylvania was equal to the Susquehan- 
 na. All this change has taken place since General Irwin came 
 to town and declared there was a contract on foot for clearing 
 11 
 
N 
 \ 
 
 ■^62 DEFECTION OP MK. MORRIS. [1789 
 
 the Conewago Falls for four thousand pounds. Now what 
 am I to think of the citizens of Philadelphia and some others 
 of the Pennsylvania delegation ? Can I help concluding, on 
 the most undeniable data, as well from what I have heard from 
 circumstances and their own declarations, that they ever have 
 been opposed to the Susquehanna, and voted for it purely to 
 save their popularity in the State, and trusted to Morris, who 
 is a six-years man, and who on all occasions despises the voice 
 of the people, to destroy the bill in the Senate ? Have I a 
 name for such conduct ? Thus barefacedly to drive away Con- 
 gress from the State, rather than a few barrels of flour shall 
 pass by the Pliiladelphia market in descending the Susquehan- 
 na, and rather than the inhabitants of this river should enjoy 
 the natural advantages of opening the navigation of it ! I 
 think it probable these arts will prevail. 
 
 September 'Blf.th. — This day marked the perfidy of Mr. 
 Morris in the most glaring colors. Notwithstanding his en- 
 gageaent "entered into at the City Tavern, notwithstanding 
 his promises repeated in many companies afterward, he 
 openly voted against the Susquehanna. King, Schuyler, and 
 all the New England men except Dr. Johnson, voted against 
 it. Mr. Morris' vote alone would have fixed us on the Sus- 
 quehanna forever. The affair has taken the very turn I pre- 
 dicted. Our ruin is plotted, contrived, and carried on in con- 
 junction with the Yorkers. I gave an account of the center 
 of population being in Pennsylvania — the center of wealth and 
 the geographical center. Went at large into all the detail of 
 the Potomac and the Susquehanna. When the »Potomac was 
 voted for, I was long on my legs — or I shall say my knees — 
 and they grew weary. We easily tlirew out the Potomac, but 
 I well knew all this was in vain. 
 
 This whole morning and for half an hour after the Senate 
 met, the York Senators and Representatives were in the com- 
 mittee room, and Mr. Morris running backward and forward, 
 like a boy, taking out one Senator after another to them, and 
 Adams delaying business for them. No business was ever 
 treated with more barefaced partiality. Mr. Morris moved 
 that the words " at some convenient place on the banks of the 
 Susquehanna," etc., should be struck out, and that it might re- 
 
Sept. 24] RECONSIDERATION BY THE MINORITY. 163 
 
 main a blank for any gentleman that pleased to name a place. 
 I objected to tbis as unfair, for by this means the banks of the 
 Susquehanna would be thrown out, when in fact that place 
 might have more friends than any other individual place, for 
 all those who wished a different place would unite on this vote, 
 however different their views might otherwise be ; and thus 
 the place rejected in the first instance would be laid under an 
 unfavorable impression ; that I saw no reason to deviate 
 from the common mode, which had always been to move to 
 strike out certain words in order to insert certain other words, 
 and thus men would plainly see their way clear and the inten- 
 tion of the mover. 
 
 Mr. Adams answered me from the chair — said it was all 
 fair. It was in vain to argue. The question was put, and 
 seven only rose. Up got Mr. Morris ; said the question was 
 not understood, and began his explanations. He said he had 
 often wished to explain himself on the subject of the residence, 
 but was always prevented; that Pennsylvania was averse to 
 the Susquehanna and would give one hundred thousand dollars 
 to place it at Germantown. I rose to the point of order ; de- 
 clared that no motion or application for reconsideration could 
 be received from a member " in the minority." Quoted par- 
 liamentary practice and appealed to the Chair.. Mr. Adams now 
 made one of his speeches. Unfortunately, it seems none of our 
 rules reached the point. New matter had been alleged in 
 argument, etc. It was in vain that I alleged that no business 
 ever could have a decision if minority members were permitted 
 to move reconsiderations under every pretense of new argu- 
 ment. Adams gave it against me. 
 
 Mr. Morris 'now assumed a bolder tone ; flamed away in 
 favor of Germantown ; repeated his offiers in the name of 
 the State, etc. I declared I considered myself to enjoy the 
 confidence of Pennsylvania in as unliniited a manner as my 
 honorable colleague ; that I firmly believed the general sense 
 of the State was more in favor of the Susquehanna than Ger- 
 mantown, and that, if money was to be given, the Susquehanna 
 was most likely to obtain it. I, however, denied that any 
 State money was appropriated to any such purpose, and called 
 on my colleague to produce the authority on which he made 
 
164 MORRIS OFFERS $100,000 FOR CONGRESS. [1789 
 
 the offer. He now came forward, the great man and the mer- 
 chant — pledged himself that, if the State would not, he would 
 find the money. 
 
 A vacant stare, on this, seemed to occupy the faces of the 
 Senate. But the ITew England men helped him out. It was 
 proposed that the validity of the law should depend on the 
 payment of the money, and that a clause for this purpose 
 should now be inserted in the bill. And to work some of 
 them went in fabricating such a clause. Mr. Morris had not 
 yet been regularly seconded ; but I began to see when it was 
 too late that I had committed a mistake in not appealing to 
 the House from the decision of the Chair. 
 
 Bassett got up and recanted ; said he had not understood 
 the question. This is iisual with him. This man has re- 
 peatedly, of his own accord, told me that the Susqiiehanna was 
 the only proper place. It was in vain that we urged that the 
 question was fairly put. A reconsideration was called for. 
 There is really such a thing as worrying weak or indifferent 
 men into a vote. Urging that the matter had not been suffi- 
 ciently explained and understood, how fair and inoffensive the 
 measure, etc. — all these arts were played off with the utmost 
 address on this occasion, and the weight of John Adams suc- 
 ceeded. It was reconsidered, and eleven voted for this " fair 
 and inoffensive " measure. 
 
 In a moment, by way of fixing themselves against the Sus- 
 quehanna, although it was still called, we will take a vote on 
 the Susquehanna. The yeas and nays were called. And now 
 Grayson and Lee moved for the Potomac. They had moved 
 for striking out the word Pennsylvania so as to leave the 
 whole banks of the Susquehanna open, and lost it. Now a most 
 lengthy debate, in wliich I supported the Susquehanna ; but it 
 is too much to insert what I said. The Potomac lost it, and 
 the blank now remained. Mr. Butler now rose and moved to 
 fill the blank with the words " banks of Susquehanna," etc., 
 the same words which had been struck out. I seconded the 
 motion. Up got Mr. Morris and opposed this with warmth. 
 He allowed that there might be a question taken on the Sus- 
 quehanna, but he would have a vote taken on his place first. 
 Butler insisted that, as his motion was fairly before the House 
 
Sept. 25J ADAMS GIVES CONGRESS TO GERMANTOWN. 165 
 
 and seconded, it must be disposed of. Morris replied without 
 any reason on his side, indeed ; but he had no need of reason 
 when he had votes enough at hand. King got up and said he 
 had no objection to a vote being taken on the Susquehann^ 
 but it ought to be the last place. However, for the sake of 
 order, they had to move a postponement of the motion on the 
 Susquehanna. The postponement was carried. 
 
 Mr. Morris then came forward with an amendment for 
 locating, ten miles square, adjoining the city of Philadelphia, 
 in the counties of Philadelphia, Chester, and Bucks, including 
 Germantown, with a proviso that the act should not be in force 
 until one hundred thousand dollars should be secured to the 
 United States by Pennsylvania, etc. I could not abandon the 
 Susquehanna, at any rate in the present stage of the business ; 
 biit for me to enter into a proviso which would operate as an 
 engagement on the State without the least authority for so 
 doing, appeared to me highly improper. I, therefore, under 
 every view of the matter, concluded ia a moment to vote 
 against the motion. 
 
 The Susquehanna bill placed the Federal town in the heart 
 of Pennsylvania, provided for purchasing the land, erecting 
 buildings, etc., without one farthing expense to the State, to 
 say nothing of the most important object of clearing the Sus- 
 quehanna, which would be done by Federal and Maryland 
 money, in case of Congress being placed on its banks. I 
 therefore reserved my vote for the Susquehanna. The House 
 divided on Mr. Morris' motion — ^nine and nine. The Presi- 
 *dent rose to give the casting vote. He spoke weE of the 
 Potomac (to gratify the Virginians), slightly of the Susque- 
 hanna (wliich had but few friends), highly of Philadelphia 
 and New York, in each of which places, he said. Congress 
 ought to stay alternately four years at a time; said if the 
 question were to reject the whole business, he could have no 
 doubt, but, as Pennsylvania had offered the money, he would 
 vote for Germantown. Thus fell our hopes. This unwar- 
 ranted offer of money knocked down the Susquehanna. It 
 was now near four o'clock, and an adjournment was called for 
 and took place. 
 
 September 25th. — A good deal unwell, but attended the 
 
166 FURNISHING THE PRESIDENT'S HOUSE. [1789 
 
 Hall. The Secretary had omitted the first question on the 
 striking out of the Susquehanna and the reconsideration. He, 
 however, corrected it himself afterward, with the leave of the 
 House. The affair of one Brown Glassbrock, took up some 
 time, but was postponed. Carrol now moved to strike out the 
 residence being in New York until the Federal building 
 should be erected. I determined to leave myself free from 
 any obligation to stay in New York, and voted with him, more 
 especially as I was free from all obligation whatever. Mr. 
 Morris now began to dress the bill, but seemed slack about the 
 one hundred thousand dollars. He was called on from the 
 Chair, however, and sundry parts of the House to bring it for- 
 ward. I was very unwell, and left him to dress his own child 
 as he pleased, and came home. 
 
 This evening Mr. Scott called to see me. He said Mr. 
 Morris, Mr. Clymer, and Mr. Fitzsimons assured liim that the 
 Yorkers and the New England men would pass the bill, 
 and that the Pennsylvanians, Mr. Clymer and Mr. Fitzsimons 
 had promised that Congress should stay three years in New 
 York. Mr. Wynkoop then said that they had made such a 
 bargain. I told them that was the first account I had heard of 
 the matter. I expressed my doubts of their sincerity. Wyn- 
 koop was sure of them, and that he could depend on them, etc. 
 
 September 26th. — Very unwell tliis day, but dressed and 
 went to the Hall. Sat some time. The Appropriation bill 
 was taken up. And now Colonel Schuyler brouglit forward 
 an account of eight thousand dollars expended by Mr. Osgood 
 in repairing and furnishing at the house which the President 
 lives in. This was a great surprise to me, for, although a vote 
 had originated in the House of Eepresentatives for furnish- 
 ing the house, yet I considered that allowance for all this had 
 been made in the President's salary. I was, however, taken so 
 imwell that I had to come home. 
 
 When I first went into the Senate chamber this morning, 
 the Vice-President, Elsworth, and Ames stood together, rail- 
 ing against the vote of adlierence hi the House of Representa- 
 tives on throwing out the words " the President " in the begin- 
 ning of the Federal writs. I really thought them wrong, but, 
 as they seemed very opinionated, I did not contradict them. 
 
Sept. 26] IS THE PRESIDENT ABOVE LAW? 167 
 
 This is only a part of their old system of giving the President 
 as far as possible every appendage of royalty. The original 
 reason of the English writs running in the King's name was 
 his being personally in court, and English jurisprudence still 
 supposes him to be so. But with us it seems rather confound- 
 ing the executive and judicial branches. Ames left them, and 
 they seemed rather to advance afterward. Said the President, 
 personally, was not the subject to any process whatever ; could 
 have no action whatever brought against him ; was above the 
 power of all judges, justices, etc. For what, said they, would 
 you put it in the power of a common justice to exercise any 
 authority over him and stop the whole machine of Govern- 
 ment? I said that, although President, he is not above the 
 laws. Both of them declared you could only impeach him, 
 and no other process whatever lay against him. 
 
 I put the case : " Suppose the President committed mur- 
 der in the street. Impeach him ? But you can only remove 
 him from office on impeachment. Why, when he is no longer 
 President you can indict him. But in the mean time he runs 
 away. But I will put up another case. Suppose he continues 
 his murders daily, and neither House is sitting to impeach 
 him. Oh, the people would rise and restrain him. Very 
 well, you will allow the mob to do what legal justice must ab- 
 stain from." Mr. Adams said I was arguing from cases nearly 
 impossible. There had been some hundreds of crowned heads 
 within these two centuries in Europe, and there was no in- 
 stance of any of them having committed murder. Yery true, 
 in the retail way, Charles IX of France excepted. They gen- 
 erally do these tilings on a great scale. I am, however, cer- 
 tainly within the bounds of possibility, though it may be im- 
 probable. General Schuyler joined us. " What think you. 
 General ? " said I, by way of giving the matter a different turn. 
 " I am not a good civiHan, but I think the President a kind of 
 sacred person." Bravo, my '■^ jv/re dvvwio " man ! ]N"ot a 
 word of the above is worth minuting, but it shows clearly how 
 amazingly fond of the old leaven many people are. I needed 
 no index, however, of this kind with respect to John Adams. 
 
 Septemher 27th. — Being Sunday and a very stormy day, I 
 stayed at home all day. Did nothing but. write letters to my 
 
168 "GBRMANTOWN HAS GOT CONGRESS 1" [1789 
 
 family. Exceedingly tired of this place, but the day of my 
 departure draws nigh, and I am much better than I have been, 
 and hope I shall be able to travel well enough. Saw no person 
 whatever save Mr. "Wynkoop, who returned from an excursion 
 he made over the river. 
 
 Septe^nber 28th. — Felt pretty well in the morning. Dressed 
 and went to the Hall ; sat a little while, but had to get up and 
 walk in the machinery-room. Yiewed the pendulum mill — a 
 model of which stands there. It really seems adapted to do 
 business. Returned and sat awhile with the Senate, but retired 
 and came home to my lodgings. Sincerely hope an adjourn- 
 ment win take place to-morrow. The pay list is making out, 
 which seems likely to finish the business. Left the old acts of 
 Congress, in thirteen volumes, with Mr. Yandalsen, and one 
 small writing-desk. 
 
 Mr. Wynkoop came in in the highest joy. All was well. 
 Germantown — ^happy Germantown — ^has got the Congress ! He 
 ravished up his dinner, got his trunk and boots, and away with 
 him to tell the glorious news. I can not help having a despi- 
 cable opinion of this man. It would not be easy to find a more 
 useless member. He never speaks, never acts in Congress, but 
 imphcitly follows the two city members. He does not seem 
 formed to act alone even in the most trifling affair. "Well it is 
 for him that he is not a woman and handsome, or every fellow 
 would debauch him. 
 
 I have just been thinking how impossible it is for the 
 Yorkers to be so blind as to let Congress go away in the man- 
 ner Wynkoop says tliey have done. If the lower House have 
 really passed the bill, the Yorkers have no resource but in the 
 President. I am greatly surprised at this day's work. I have 
 opened the book and taken up my pen to wipe away all the 
 surprise above mentioned. Parson Lynn has just told me that 
 some trifling amendment was tacked to the biU, just sufficient 
 to send it up to the Senate, and the Senate have thrown it out ; 
 and with the consent of the Philadelphians, too, I suppose. 
 
 Just as I was leaving the Hall, Izard took me aside, asked 
 me to stay; said a trifling amendment will be made in the 
 lower House, just enough to bring it up here, and we will 
 throw it out. I told him I wished nothing so much as to see 
 
Sept. 29] OFF FOR HOME. 169 
 
 an end of the business. I was not able to attend, but, if I was, 
 could not be with him on this question. "Well, then you must 
 not tell Morris of this. I was just going away, and said I 
 will not. 
 
 [Septmiber] 29th. — Came to the Hall. Saw Mr. Morris. I 
 did not envy him his feelings. I might be mistaken, but he 
 looked as if he feared me. I determined not to say a word to 
 him save the salutation of good-morning, which passed mu- 
 tually between us. To praise his management was impossible, 
 and I reaUy felt such contempt for his conduct as placed me 
 far above the thoughts of any reproaches. He came to me 
 after some time and desired me to walk into the committee- 
 room. He there told me that Grayson would be absent on 
 account of his health ; that Dr. Johnson had said he would be 
 absent, and now let us play the Yorkers a trick. Let us call 
 a reconsideration, and perhaps we may carry it. I objected to 
 that mode of doing business ; and, besides, counted the votes 
 and showed him that the attempt was vain, even if John Adams 
 was in favor of the bill, which we well knew he was not. In 
 the mean time. White and Dr. Johnson came in. By way of 
 concluding the business of the tete-d-tete, I said there was no 
 better method than leaving the business with a philosophic 
 face. We returned to the Senate, and I have my doubts 
 whether he meant anything more than an essay to talk me into 
 good himior, on a supposition that I was soured at his conduct. 
 
 I could not sit in the Senate ; came out and reclined as well 
 as I could in the little committee-room. Elsworth came out in 
 a little time. I asked him if the business was got through in 
 the Senate. He said yes. I then went to the treasury, drew 
 my pay, discharged my lodgings, took a place in the stage, and 
 set off for Philadelphia. 
 
SECOND SESSION 
 OF THE FIRST CONGRESS. 
 
Jan. 7] OPENING OF THE SECOND SESSION. 1Y3 
 
 V 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 SPECULATION IN CEETIFIOATES. 
 
 Jamua/ry 6ih [1790']. — Arrived at New York late on the 
 5th and went to lodge at the same house with the Speaker 
 of the House of Kepresentatives and Peter Muhlenberg, his 
 brother, at Dr. Kuntz's. 
 
 [Jcmiia/ry'] 6th. — Attended at the Hall, and my presence 
 completed a quorum. A letter from the President of the 
 United States was received, desiring to be informed of the time 
 a quorum would be formed, etc. "Was committed to Izard and 
 Strong. N^othing else of any consequence. Adjourned. 
 
 \J<m/Mi/ry\ 7th. — Attended as usual. When the minutes 
 were read, Mr. King rose and made a motion to amend the 
 journals of yesterday with respect to the President's letter by 
 striking out all that part and inserting a clause which he held 
 in his hand. I saw the thing was preconcerted, and therefore 
 did not choose to waste time. The thing was done, though 
 contrary to all rule. Strong and Dalton moved to have the 
 word " honorable " struck out from before the names of the 
 members. Lost. Motion for leave to protest by Butler not 
 seconded. 
 
 Strong and Izard reported that the President would attend 
 in the Senate chamber at eleven o'clock to-morrow. A resolu- 
 tion of the Kepresentatives for appointing of a chaplain was 
 concurred in, and the Bishop appointed on the part of the 
 Senate. 
 
 This day, at and after dinner, I thought uncommon pains 
 were taken to draw from me some information as to the part I 
 would act respecting the Federal residence. The whole world 
 is a shell, and we tread on hollow ground at every step. I 
 
174 WASHINGTON ADDRESSES CONGRESS. [1790 
 
 repeatedly said, I have marked out no ground for myself. My 
 object shall be the interest of Pennsylvania, subordinate to the 
 good of the Union. Mr. Wynkoop called in the evening. He 
 was directly on the subject of the permanent residence. The 
 Susquehanna must never be thought of. He repeated this 
 sentiment more than once. To have been silent would have 
 implied consent to it. I said, for my part, I should think of 
 the Susquehanna, and I considered Mr. Morris' conduct in 
 destroying the bill for that place as the greatest political mis- 
 fortune that ever befell that State. 
 
 Jcmua/ry 8th. — All this morning notliing but bustle about 
 the Senate chamber in hauling chairs and removing tables. 
 The President was dressed in a second mourning, and read his 
 speech well. The Senate, headed by their Yice-President, 
 were on his right. The House of Pepresentatives, with their 
 Speaker, were on his left. His family with the heads of de- 
 partments attended. The business was soon over and the Sen- 
 ate were left alone. The speech was committed rather too 
 hastily, as Mr. Butler thought, who made some remarks on it, 
 and was called to order by the Chair. He resented the call, 
 and some altercation ensued. Adjourned till Monday. 
 
 Jcmuary 9th. — Spent this forenoon in paying visits, and in 
 the afternoon wrote to my family. 
 
 Jwrvua/ry lOth. — Being Sunday, stayed at home all day, as 
 it was very cold. Pead, etc. The Speaker told me this day 
 what I have been no stranger to for a considerable time past ; 
 that a certain set in Philadelphia were determined to have me 
 out of the Senate ; tliat Armstrong was brought forward for 
 that purpose, etc. A small concern, indeed, and I am happy 
 that it did not hurt me. 
 
 Jcmuary 11th. — The Senate received from General Knox 
 the proceedings of the commissioners on the embassy to the 
 Southern Indians. A considerable part of the day spent in 
 reading them. 'Tis a spoiled piece of business ; and, by way 
 of justification of their conduct in not having made peace, they 
 seem disposed to precipitate the United States into war ; the 
 not uncommon fruits of employing military men. Tliis, how- 
 ever, is but my first idea of the business. "Wish I may have 
 occasion to alter it. Mr. Lear brought in a ratification from 
 
Jan. 12] ANSWER TO WASHINGTON'S ADDRESS. 1Y5 
 
 the State of Nortli Carolina, or rather a copy of it, from the 
 President. 
 
 And now the committee reported an answer to the Presi- 
 dent's speech. The most servile echo I ever heard. There 
 was, however, no mending it. One part of it seemed like 
 pledging the Senate to pay the whole amount of the public 
 debt. This was, however, altered. Many of the clauses were 
 passed, without either aye or no, in silent liisapprobation. I 
 told both Bang and Patterson that I had never heard so good 
 an echo, for it repeated all the words entire. They both de- 
 nied that they had anything to do with it, and said it was 
 Izard's work. 
 
 Jcmuary 12th. — Visited from breakfast-time to eleven with 
 the Speaker and General Muhlenberg. On reading the min- 
 utes it was plain that our Secretary had neither system nor 
 integrity in keeping the journal. It is not, however, worth 
 while to blot paper with his blunders. In now came General 
 Knox with a bundle of communications. I thought the act 
 was a mad one, when a Secretary of War was appointed in 
 time of peace. I can not blame him. The man wants to labor 
 in his vocation. Here is a fine scheme on paper : To raise 
 5,040 ofl&eers, non-commissioned aflScers, and privates, at the 
 charge of $1,152,000 for a year, to go to war with the Creeks 
 because the commissioners, being ignorant of Indian affairs, 
 failed of making a treaty after having spent $15,000 to no 
 manner of purpose. But we wiU see what will become of 
 it. 
 
 I made an unsuccessful motion when it was proposed that 
 the whole Senate should wait on the President with answer to 
 the speech. First I wished for delay, that we might see the 
 conduct adopted by the House of Representatives. I thought 
 it Ukely they would do the business by a committee. In that 
 case I wished to imitate them ; and as a committee with us 
 had done all the business so far, I wished it to continue in their 
 hands, that they might have exclusively aU the honors attend- 
 cmt on tJie performcmoe ; that I, as a republican, was, how- 
 ever, opposed to the whole business of echoing speeches. It 
 was a stale ministerial trick in Britain to get the Houses of 
 Parliament to chime in with the speech, and then consider 
 
1Y6 ANSWER TO WASHINGTON'S APDRESS. [1790 
 
 them as pledged to support any measure whicli could be grafted 
 on the speech. It was the Socratic mode of argument intro- 
 duced into politics to entrap men into measures they were not 
 aware of. I wished to treat the speech in quite a different 
 manner. I would commit it for the purposes of examining 
 whether the subjects recommended in it were proper for the 
 Senate to act upon. If they were found to be so, I would 
 have committees appointed to bring forward the necessary 
 bills. But we seem to neglect the usefxil and content ourselves 
 with compliments only, and dangerous ones, too. But for my 
 part I would not consider myself as committed by anything 
 contained in the answer. 
 
 January 13th. — This was a day of sniall importance in the 
 Senate. Mr. Hawkins, a Senator from North Carolina, took 
 his seat. The silUest kind of application came from our Vice- 
 President that the Senate should direct him to sign some bills 
 for furniture got for Mr. Otis. I opposed it, as I know 
 Otis. There is, in all probability, some roguery in it. It 
 was, however, dropped, and the Senate, after sitting idle for 
 a considerable time, adjourned. 
 
 Jwnuary IJfth. — This was the day devoted to ceremony by 
 both Houses of Congress. At eleven o'clock the Senate at- 
 tended at the President's to deliver their answer. At twelve 
 o'clock the House of Representatives attended. It is not 
 worth while minuting a word about it. We went in coaches. 
 Got our answer, which was short. Eeturned in coaches. 
 Sauntered an hour in the Senate chamber and adjourned. 
 Every error in government will work its own remedy among 
 a free people. I think both Senators and Eepresentatives are 
 tired of making themselves the gazing-stock of the crowd and 
 the siibject of remark by the sycophantic circle that surrotmd 
 the President in stringing to his quarters; and I trust the 
 next session will either do without this business altogether, or 
 do it by a small committee that need not interrupt the busi- 
 ness of either House. I have aimed at this point all along. 
 It is evident from the President's speech that he wishes every- 
 tliing to fall into the British mode of business. " I have di- 
 rected the proper officers to lay before you," etc. Compli- 
 ments for him and business for tliem. He is but a man, but 
 
Jan. 15] DINNER WITH THE PRESIDENT. IfY 
 
 really a good one, and we can have nothing to fear from him, 
 but much from the precedents he may establish. 
 
 Dined this day with the President. It was a great dinner 
 — all in the taste of high life. I considered it as a part of my 
 duty as a Senator to submit to it, and am glad it is over. The 
 President is a cold, formal man ; biit I must declare that he 
 treated me with great attention. I was the first person with 
 whom he drant a glass of wine. I was often spoken to by 
 him. Yet he knows how rigid a republican I am. I can not 
 think that he considers it worth while to soften me. It is 
 not worth his while. I am not an object if he should gain 
 me, and I trust he can not do it by any improper means. 
 
 This day the " budget," as it is called, was opened in the 
 House of Kepresentatives. An extraordinary rise of certifi- 
 cates* has been remarked for some time past. This could 
 not be accounted for, neither in Philadelphia nor elsewhere. 
 But the report from the Treasury explained all. IIfi__|ISeere=— 
 tary JaHa iltonl r c comm e cds indiscriminate fundin a^_and, in the 
 style of a British minister, has sent down his bill. 'Tis said 
 a committee of speculators in certificates could not have formed 
 it more for their advantage. It has occasioned many serious 
 faces. I feel so struck of an heap, I can make no remark on 
 the matter. 
 
 Jcmua/ry 16th. — Attended at the Hall. A committee was 
 appointed to bring in a bill for extending the judiciary of the '^ 
 United States to North Carolina, and the Senate adjourned. 
 The business of yesterday [recommendation for funding cer- 
 tificates of the public debt] will, I think in all probability, 
 damn the character of Hamilton as a minister forever. It ap- 
 pears that a system of speculation for the engrossing certifi- 
 cates' has been carrying on for some time. Whispers of this 
 kind come from every quarter. Dr. Ehner told me that 
 
 * These were certificates of the public debt, which were issued in place 
 of the paper money of the old Congress, and bore interest for their face 
 value. They had depreciated to twenty, fifteen, twelve, and even as low as 
 seven cents on the dollar. It was the plan of speculators to get Congress 
 to redeem these certificates of the public debt at their face value, so for what 
 they bought at seven or fifteen cents on a dollar they would realize a dollar 
 on the dollar. 
 18 
 
CONGEESSMEN SPECULATING. [1790 
 
 Mr. Morris must be deep in it, for his partner, Mr. Con-- 
 stable, of this place, had one contract for forty thousand dol- 
 lars' worth. The Speaker hinted to me that General Heister 
 had brought over a sum of money from Mr. Morris for this 
 business; he said the Boston people were concerned in it. 
 Indeed, there is no room to doubt but a connection is spread 
 over the whole continent on this villainous business. I pray 
 God they may not prosper. 
 
 I walked out this evening. I call not at a single house or 
 go into any company but traces of speculation in certificates 
 appear. Mr. Langdon, the old and intimate friend of Mr. 
 Morris, lodges with Mr. Hazard. Mr. Hazard has followed 
 buying certificates for some time past. He told me he had 
 made a business of it ; it is easy to guess for whom. I told 
 him, " You are, then, among the happy few who have been 
 let into the secret." He seemed abashed, and I checked by 
 my forwardness much more information wliich he seemed dis- 
 posed to give. 
 
 The Speaker gives me this day his opinion that Mr. Fitz- 
 simons was concerned in this business as well as Mr. Morris, 
 and that they stayed away [from Congress] for the double 
 purpose of pursuing their speculation and remaining unsus- 
 pected. I have one criticism with respect to Mr. Fitzsimons. 
 I have heretofore heard him declare hunself in the most \m- 
 equi vocal manner in favor of a discrimination.* Mark the 
 event. 
 
 Janua/ry 16th. — As the Senate stood adjourned over to 
 Monday, I had nothing to do, and stayed at home all day. 
 Wrote letters to my family. The speculations in certificates ^ 
 in the mouth of every one. 
 
 January 17th. — Being Sunday, stayed at home all day. 
 Have a return of the rheumatism; am afraid that the cold 
 bath has hurt me ; believe I had better absta,in from it for a 
 while. I have attended in the minutest manner to the motions 
 of Hamilton and the Yorkers. Sincerity is not with them. 
 They never will consent to part with Congress. Advances 
 to them are vain. One session or two more here will fix us 
 
 * Not to pay the face values of all the certificates, but to grade the pay- 
 ments in proportion to their depreciations. 
 
Jan. 19} BUYING UP CERTIFICATES. 1Y9 
 
 irremovably. "We can move from here only by means of the 
 Virginians. The fact is indubitable. I could write a little 
 volume to illustrate it. Buckley is very intimate with the 
 Speaker on one hand and Madison on the other. I can, 
 through this channel, communicate what I please to Madison ; 
 and I think I know him. But if he is led, it must be without 
 letting him know that he is so ; in other words, he must not 
 see the string. 
 
 Janua/ry 18th. — Attended at the Hall at the usual time. 
 The Senate- met, but there was no business before them, and 
 adjourned. Hawkins, of North CaroKna, said as he came up 
 he passed two expresses with very large sums of money on 
 their way to North Carolina for purposes of speculation in 
 certificates. "Wadsworth has sent off two small vessels for the 
 Southern States, on the errand of buying up certificates. I 
 really fear the members of Congress are deeper in this business 
 than any others. Nobody doubts but all commotion origi- 
 nated from the Treasury ; but the fault is laid on Duer but re- 
 spondent superior. 
 
 January 19, 1790. —Senate met at the usual hour. I had 
 observed Elsworth busy for some time. There had been some 
 intercourse between him and Izard. He rose mth a motion in 
 his hand which he read in his iplace. The amount of it was 
 that a committee should be appointed to bring in a bill defin- 
 ing crimes and punishments under the Federal judiciary. He 
 did not afEect to conceal that a bill of this nature had been left 
 pending before the Eepresentatives at the end of the last ses- 
 sion, but declared he wished to settle an important point in 
 practice : " whether all business should not originate de novo 
 with every session." He then labored long to show that this 
 was a new session, and concluded, as the session was new, 
 everything else should be new. Mr. Izard seconded him in a 
 speech which I thought contained nothing new. 
 
 Bassett got up and declared that he had just taken his seat ; 
 that everything was new to him ; that he could not determine 
 in such haste, and moved a postponement. I rose, seconded 
 Bassett, and gave as additional reasons that the matter had 
 been acknowledged to be of great importance ; that I therefore 
 trusted it would not be gone into with so thin a representation 
 
ISO SHALL BUSINESS BE "DE NOVO." [1790 
 
 of tlie Southern States ; that the most respectable State was 
 not represented at all ; that I thought it improper to attempt 
 deciding on a matter which would go to regulate the future 
 proceedings of Congress in both Houses, as it would be fixing 
 a precedent without some commuuication with the House of 
 Representatives ; that they had appointed a committee to bring 
 forward the unfinished business which had a very different 
 appearance from being de novo. Gentlemen had argued much 
 to show this was a ifew session. But granting this, I could not 
 see that the inference they wished to draw from it would fol- 
 low. They need not fear a deficiency of business. There 
 would be enough to do Mathout rejecting the progress we 
 had made in the former session, etc., for I was up a good 
 while. 
 
 King got up. He labored to support Elsworth, and to 
 show from parliamentary proceedings that new sessions origi, 
 nated new business after every prorogation of. Parliament. 
 He was long. I rose, however, and took him on his own 
 ground with regard to the prorogation of Parliaments ; showed 
 that it Avas a prerogative of the Crown to prorogue the Parha- 
 ment ; that the British Crown generally exercised this power 
 when the Parliament was on what was considered as forbidden 
 ground ; that the Parliaments were forced into this mode of 
 procedure, for when any Parliament had been prorogued for 
 handling disagreeable subjects, to attempt to take them up in 
 the same stage Avould inevitably be followed by the same fate. 
 They were, therefore, obliged to begin de novo, at least with 
 every subject the least disagreeable to the court ; and, indeed, 
 it was the best policy to begin all do ncwo, thus affecting to 
 conceal their knowledge of the offensive subjects. But these , 
 were reasons of conduct which had no existence here. The 
 President had no proroguing power. He could not check our 
 deliberations. I had no objection to adopt rules shuilar to 
 those of the Parliament of Great Britain when they would 
 apply — ^not because they were in use there, but on the prin- 
 ciple of their utility. But when a direct inconvenience at- 
 tended them, as in the present case, where the deliberations of 
 the former session on the subject before us would be lost, they 
 ought to be rejected with scorn. 
 
Jan. 80] OTIS AND THE MINUTES. 181 
 
 Elsworth found it would go against him. He then moved 
 the postponement should be until to-morrow. It was lost. 
 Moved it should be to Monday. It was lost. General 
 postponement took place. Wjngate now rose and made a 
 singular motion. It was that the bills formerly before the 
 Senate for regulating the process in the Federal courts should 
 be taken up. A pause ensued, as this was certainly unfin- 
 ished business of the former session, the bill in question hav- 
 ing been postponed on the bringing forward a temporary 
 law. Langdon said he M^ould have seconded the gentleman, 
 but he considered this bill as involved in the matter which 
 had just been postponed. Elsworth, who sometimes contra- 
 dicts Langdon for the sake of contradiction, said it was not 
 involved in it, and seconded Wyngate for bringing it on, 
 and it was brought. The Secretary served the members of 
 the Senate with copies of it. Wyngate put it into the hands of 
 the Vice-President, and he read it all over, and was returning 
 to the first paragraph, when Elsworth, finding where he was, 
 got up, said his intention was to second the gentleman to have 
 a committee appointed to bring in a bill for regulating pro- 
 cesses, etc. Adams attended to him, and, without any question 
 how to get rid of the bill, Adams put a question for a commit- 
 tee, and a committee was accordingly appointed. And now 
 we will see what a figure Otis will make of the minutes in the 
 morning. I do not want to be captious, but I must not let 
 them draw this into grsaadeiit. 
 
 January 20ih. — I am not disappointed in Otis. Every 
 word respecting the bill was suppressed. In journals read 
 this morning the entry stood, " Ordered that Mr. King, Mr. 
 Strong, etc., be a committee to report a bill to regulate pro- 
 cesses, etc." It would have been considered as manifesting a 
 spirit of contention if I had attacked the minutes, and I let it 
 pass, but if they endeavor to make any use of it I will then 
 be at liberty to act and make the most of circumstances/ I 
 came early to the Senate chamber, but found our Vice-Presi- 
 dent and Elsworth both there before me. I concluded that 
 they had come on the errand of making or correcting the 
 journals,, so as to cover Elsworth's hair-breadth escape of yes- 
 terday. They were in close consultation. I passed them, and 
 
182 BUSINESS "Dm NOVO." [1790 
 
 took no further notice. Izard, FeSr, and Schuyler were all in 
 conference with Elsworth. M 
 
 The minutes were no sooner Biished than Elsworth rose 
 and called for the motion of yesflKday, and made a speech in 
 support of his motion. It couldpiot be said to be Tery long, 
 though he said a great deal. 'Jpo do business," " to prevent 
 idleness," " to satisfy their conjt|b.ents," " to prevent loss of 
 time," etc., were the subjects oflp. 
 
 I began with declaring thw the gentleman's ardor to do 
 business was highly laudablaftut there was such a thing as 
 making more haste than grod speed ; that if economy and to 
 prevent loss of time were his objects, I thought he missed the 
 mark by attempting to take up everything de novo, for thus 
 all the time spent on the unfinished business in the former ses- 
 sion would be lost ; that I thought the present motion scarce 
 in order. It had been moved yesterday that the motion should 
 be taken up this day and negatived. Monday next had also 
 been negatived. But there was a reason of much more con- 
 sequence, which, though it had occurred to me yesterday, I 
 had forborne to mention ; but had since inquired of sundry 
 members of the House of Representatives, and was assured 
 that the very bill in question was reported by the committee 
 for unfinished business, and the report remained on the Speak- 
 er's table unacted fpon ; that for us to decide on a business 
 actually before the Representatives, I considered as highly im- 
 proper, and would not fail of giving offense. 
 
 After I had done speaking I left the Senate chamber, came 
 down-stairs, called on G-eneral Muhlenberg, gave notice by him 
 to the Speaker how much I wanted the report of the commit- 
 tee. Mr. Buckley was good enough to send up by the door- 
 keeper the original report. I got it ; found the bill reported 
 as I had mentioned. Returned and read in my place the part 
 I had alluded to. The affair now took a new turn, and a mo- 
 tion was made to appoint a committee to confer on the subject 
 with a committee of the other House. I rose and enforced 
 this with all the energy I was master of. It was carried, and 
 the committee were Langdon, Henry, and myself.. The York- 
 ers lost countenance when they saw the committee, but now 
 they brought forward a curious motion. It was to take tlie 
 
Jan. 32] MORRIS' "NON-ATTENDANCE." 183.^ 
 
 sense of the Senate, in order that it might stand as a rule of 
 conduct for the committee. 
 
 I rose against this with all my might. I have not time to 
 set down my arguments ; they are ohvious. Several followed 
 me. I had, however, concluded with a motion for postpone- 
 ment, which was seconded. They saw how it would go, and 
 withdrew their motion. I consider Mr. Morris as highly blame- 
 worthy in his non-attendance [at the Senate]. He expects that 
 the bill will be destroyed, and he wishes it may be done in his 
 absence, that the blame may be laid on me by the citizens of 
 Philadelphia. I wish that I could believe him incapable of 
 this kind of conduct. I have, however, kept its head above 
 water so far. 
 
 Jcmuary 21st. — I am disappointed (strange, but can not 
 help it) in the committee. It is Elsworth, myself, and Henry, 
 and Henry has recanted ; told me he would be of the same 
 opinion with Elsworth. Mr. Morris took his seat this day. 
 He took pains, pointedly, to be against me on a motion which 
 [was] offered to the Chair ; that we should take only two of 
 the many [news]pa;pers which are published here. It is in 
 vain. All confidence between him and me is at an end. There, 
 indeed, never was an y between m e and any of the Philadel- 
 phians.* I must io"ok^to myself and'do' my own conscience 
 jusSc^and act independent. The Muhlenbergs are friendly, 
 and they will be my company. The members of the commit- 
 tee on the part of the Kepresentatives are Sherman, Thatcher, 
 Hartley, Jackson, and White, to meet to-morrow at ten o'clock. 
 
 Jamuwy 2M. — I met the committee a few minutes after 
 ten. Elsworth began a long discourse, and concluded for all 
 business which had passed between the Houses to begin de 
 novo. He, Jackson, and White had much parliamentary stuff ; 
 but Hartley had some books, and the precedents were undoubt- 
 edly against them. Elsworth made room for Henry to speak 
 by desiring him, in plain words, to do so, from which it was 
 plain enough that they had communicated. He seemed willing 
 that I should not speak ; I, however, made way for myself, 
 and reprobated every i'dea of precedent drawn from England, 
 
 * William Maclay representing western Pennsylvania. 
 
Ig4 ON POSTPONED BILLS. [1790 
 
 though I declared if notice were to be taken of them I thought 
 they were made for us. I read from the journals the post- 
 ponement of the bill, which I told them plainly had given rise 
 to the present contest. On motion that the further considera- 
 tion of the bill be postponed to the next session of Congress, it 
 passed in the affirmative. 
 
 By the minutes on the journals, the bill must be taken up 
 in the present session. Any proceeding of a contrary nature 
 must depend on an ex post facto principle. "We may enter 
 into rules for the future government of our conduct, but the 
 past is out of our power, constitutionally speaking. The gen- 
 eral practice of all the Legislatures is in favor of taking up 
 the unfinished business in the state it was left. So far is 
 this from being considered as improper, that the Constitutions 
 of some of the States enjoin it as a principle that no bill, un- 
 less in case of necessity, shall be enacted into a law in the same 
 session in which it is originated. It is the conunon practice 
 in all the arrangements of life. It stands highly recommended 
 by economy, which is certainly a republican virtue. I consid- 
 ered it undeniably certain that a particular fact had given rise 
 to this whole business. Here, then, to control a single inci- 
 dent, we are attempting to estabhsh a general rule. Tins is 
 inverting the general order of business with a witness ; and, to 
 get rid of a particular bill, must involve ourselves in perpetual 
 inconvenience. 
 
 Mr. Wliite alleged the opinion was not new. I appealed 
 to the minutes of both Houses where bills had been postponed 
 to this session — ^in the Senate, the bill for the permanent resi- 
 dence ; in the chamber of Eepresentatives, the bills on crimes 
 and pimishments. It was in vain to argue. The vote went 
 against us, and a report agreed to that the bills which had been 
 in passage between the two Houses should be regarded as if 
 nothing had passed in either respecting them, or words to 
 amount to that. After the report was made in the Senate, 
 our Yice-President wanted us to proceed immediately on it. 
 I moved some delay, and it was postponed to Monday. 
 
 January 23d, Saturday. — This a most delightful day. 
 There was no Senate, and as the trifling business of visiting 
 must be got over, I set about it in good earnest. The Speaker, 
 
Jan. 25] A BEAUTIFUL SENTIMENT. 185 
 
 General Muhlenberg, and General Heister were the party with 
 myself. "We run off most of the business, and of course have 
 nearly done with it. There was something happened to me 
 lately which I will not minute, but let it serve as a oaution to 
 me to observe as much as possible independence of character 
 and conduct. This is a vile world when a man must walk 
 among his friends and f eUow-mortals as if they were briers 
 and thorns ; afraid to touch or be touched by them. And yet 
 the older I grow the more I see the necessity of it. 
 
 Janmwry 2Jith, Svmday. — This was a dull day every way. 
 A small snow fell aU day, and melted as it fell on the pave- 
 ment. The ground whitened toward evening. 'Twas such a 
 day as I have seen early in April, when the robins first come, 
 and the southwest winds labor to push back the chilUng air of 
 the northeast. I stayed at home all day and wrote letters to 
 my family. I now proposed the scheme of their writing to 
 me every Sunday, that thus each party might act under the 
 sentiment of reciprocity and enjoy the pleasing sensation that, 
 while they were writing to and thinking of the object of their 
 most tender affection, the beloved object was employed in the 
 same sympathetic correspondence, and that our kindred hearts 
 and affections beat unisons at the same instant, though sepa- 
 rated as far as New York and Harrisburg. 
 
 Jcmuarv 25th. — The Senate met, and the "Vice-President 
 informed the Hofse of the order of the day, to take up the 
 report of the joint committee. I rose and observed that I saw 
 many empty seats ; the Senate was thin. I therefore wished 
 for ia httle delay until the members were collected. After the 
 House filled, the business was entered on. Mr^ Morris showed 
 a disinclination to rise. Mr. Bassett was up, and after he sat 
 down I hinted to Mr. Morris a point that I thoiight might be 
 proper ir4 support of Bassett. I said he had better rise ; if he 
 did not, P would. He said he thought / had better not. I 
 thought his conduct mysterious, though perhaps I was wrong. 
 I rose, however, and one word brought on another. All the 
 arguments of the committee were had over again, much en- 
 larged and amplified. I was four times up in all ; for the last 
 two times I asked leave. I really thougljt I-had the advan- 
 tage over both Elsworth and Henry, but when is it that I do 
 
186 CRIMES AND PUNISHMENTS. [1790 
 
 not think well of my own arguments ? I found that I had 
 made some impression on Izard. He was up, and concluded 
 with saying something that seemed like a wish for further 
 time to deliberate. I rose ; said I considered what the honor- 
 able gentleman had said as amounting to a motion for post- 
 ponement, and I begged leave to second him. He said he 
 wished it postponed. 
 
 But now Patterson rose on our side, but he displeased 
 Izard, and the question on the postponement was put ; but we 
 lost it after I had been twice up. But it was all in vain. 
 Cicero, with all the powers of ApoHo, could not have turned 
 the vote in our favor. I had a small scheme in protracting 
 the time until the other House would break up, that the exam- 
 ple of our House might not add any weight to their scale of 
 [the] deliberation ; and I hoped that in the mean time they 
 might, perhaps, pass on the business. Mr. Morris stuck fast 
 to his seat, nor did he rise or say a word during the whole 
 time. Eight voted for us and ten against us. The yeas and 
 nays were called. The vote was hurried down into the cham- 
 ber of the Kepresentatives, and they adopted it almost without 
 a division. 
 
 JoMuary 26th. — This a most unimportant day in the Sen- 
 ate. A committee was moved for to bring in a bill for the 
 ascertaining crimes and punishments under the Federal Legis- • 
 lature. The committee were appointed, withdrew for a few 
 moments into the Secretary's ofHce, returned vrith the old bill 
 which had been before us last session, and reported it. This 
 was really ridiculous, but the vote of yesterday seemed to call 
 for it. Butler moved that a letter from some foreigner 
 should be sent to the chamber of Representatives. The letter 
 had been read formerly, but in so low a voice that I could not 
 tell a word of it. It was not read now. Mr. Morris left his 
 seat and went and looked at it ; came back and said nothing 
 about it. I was silent on Butler's motion. But when I came 
 home, the Speaker immediately attacked me for the absurdity 
 of our conduct in sending them a letter of much importance, 
 touching proposals of a treaty vdth the republic of G-enoa. I 
 really knew nothing of the letter, but it was my own fatilt ; 
 and it really ought to be a lesson to me and every Senator to 
 
Jan. 37] CRIMES AND PUNISHMENTS. 187 
 
 attend well to wliat is done at oirr Chair. There is really no 
 dependence to be placed neither on our Yice-President nor 
 Secretary. 
 
 Janua/ry ^7th. — The bill of yesterday was read by para- 
 graphs. It was curious to see the whole Senate sitting silent 
 and smiling at each other, and not a word of remark made or 
 making on the bill. Elsworth rose to inform the Senate that 
 it was the bill which had been gone through all the forms in 
 the last session. Strong moved an amendment, however, that 
 the judges should issue the warrants for execution of crimi- 
 nals. I rose and showed from the Constitution that the Presi- 
 dent of the United States had the power of granting pardons 
 in all cases except those of impeachment ; that by the judges 
 taking on them to issue the warrants, the opportunity of his 
 granting pardons was taken away. Elsworth, according to cus- 
 tom, supported 'his bill through thick and thin. There was a 
 great deal said, and I was up three or four times. I moved a 
 postponement of the clause, and it was carried. 
 
 Hawkins, the new member from North Carolina, rose and 
 objected to the clause respecting the benefit of clergy. lie 
 was not very clear. I, however, rose — really from motives of 
 friendship, I will not say compassion, for a stranger. I stated 
 that, as far as I could collect the sentiments of the honorable 
 gentleman, he was opposed to our copying the law language of 
 Great Britain ; that, for my part, I wished to see a code of 
 criminal law for the continent, and I wished to see a tone of 
 originality running through the whole of it. I was tired of 
 the servility of imitating English forms. I could not say 
 whether the bill would be materially injured by leaving out 
 the clause. I wished it should be left out, but I thought at any 
 rate it had better be postponed. It was postponed. 
 
 Keceived sundry letters this day from Philadelphia. I 
 told Mr. Morris that the chancery was rejected.* He said he 
 was sorry for it. I said frankly, " That is not my case." He 
 asked, " Is there anything further ? " I told him a sharp de- 
 bate had taken place whether persons holding Federal appoint- 
 
 * This probably refers to the action in the convention in Pennsylvania 
 for the formation of a new Constitution. 
 
188 ACT OP RHODE ISLAND. fn&O 
 
 ments could act under State commissions which had been 
 determined in the negative. He rephed : " This is leveled at 
 me and Wilson. My friends have named me for Governor 
 and "Wilson for Oliief -Justice ; but I will save them the trouble 
 by declaring oil." 
 
 JcMiua/ry 28th. — Attended at the Senate chamber. The 
 bill for crunes and punishments was taken up. Strong's 
 amendment was rejected, and I offered one which was also 
 rejected, and the bill passed. Bassett moved something hke 
 an amendment. He went to Elsworth, and it, between them, 
 was really altered for the better. The Cai-olina [biU] was 
 now taken up and specially committed to Hawkins, Elsworth, 
 and Butler. Mr. Lear, from the President, communicated the 
 act of Rhode Island appointing a convention. There was a 
 request also from some public characters of the State request- 
 ing a suspension of the effects of the funding law respecting 
 that State. Elsworth moved that the same committee might 
 bring in a clause for the Khode Islanders. I voted against 
 this, and gave as a reason that as it respected the revenue, 
 although not raising it, yet it should be left to the other 
 House. 
 
 If I needed proof of the baseness of Hamilton, I have it in 
 the fullest manner. This day his price was communicated in 
 manuscript as far as Philadelphia. Thomas Willing, in a letter 
 to the Speaker of the Representatives, after passing many eulo- 
 giums on Hamilton's plan, concludes, "For I have seen in 
 manuscript his whole price," and it has been used as the basis 
 of the most abandoned system of speculation ever broached in 
 our country. 
 
 Mr. Morris this day, as he sat beside me in our places in 
 the Senate, whispered to me that he would not be as regular in 
 his attendance as he used to be ; that he was engaged in set- 
 tling his public accounts, which would engage him for a great 
 part of his time. I remarked, "That can not be helped." 
 The business is a necessary one. Indeed, I think it is highly 
 so to him, if he regards his reputation ; and, in my opinion, he 
 has left it too long at stake already. 
 
 Janu<wy 29th, Friday. — Samuel Johnston, one of the Sen- 
 ators from North Carolina, attended, was sworn, and he and 
 
Feb. 1] MORRIS' ACCOUNTS. 189 
 
 Mb colleague were classed!. A letter was received from the 
 Treasurer of tlie United States with his accounts. They were 
 read by the Secretary of the Senate, Otis, and attended to with 
 great listlessness by the Senate. The amount was $350,207.24:, 
 and may, generally speaking, be called civil list disbursements,* 
 and said to be expended in New York. Mr. Morris whispered 
 something about his account, and concluded : "I find him 
 [Hamilton] damned sharp ; he has an eye as keen as a — " and 
 stopped. I thought it very strange that he should speak to 
 me at all in this way. Perhaps it was that he wishes to re- 
 turn to some kind of familiarity with me. But I can not tell 
 what brought a strange flash of suspicion over me. Why 
 should he say anything tending to inspire me with a belief 
 that he had difficulty in settling his accounts? Men do not 
 commonly own things of this kind. 
 
 Jamua/ry 30th, Saimrday. — As my complaints in the rheu- 
 inatic way still continued, I stayed at home all day. "Wrote to 
 Mr. Nicholson and inclosed the budget opened, of which! 
 can remark the fate. Wrote likewise to Dr. Euston ; vide the 
 copies. 
 
 Jam/ua/ry Slst, Sv/nday. — Stayed at home all day. Wrote 
 to my family, according to custom. Amused myself in writing 
 a piece [drama] under the character of an " Old Soldier and 
 Irishman"; this inclosed also some days afterward to Mr. 
 Nicholson. Tried in vain to think of submitting to the inso- 
 lent injustice of the New-Englanders and the Yorkers. But 
 the point now is to run with the Southern men, particu- 
 larly those of Virginia. Madison and Buckley govern them. 
 Madison's mark is the Treasury ; to be our Secretary is Buck- 
 ley's bait. The changes would be great political amendments. 
 
 Februam) 1st. — This was an unimportant day in the Senate. 
 The North Carolina members produced an act of session, 
 which was committed. But Mr. Ellicott sent in for me, and I 
 chatted with him in the committee-room until the Senate was 
 about to adjourn, which was early. Mr. Hamilton is very 
 uneasy, as far as I can learn, about his funding system. He 
 was here early to wait on the Speaker, and I beheve spent 
 most of his time in running from place to place among the 
 members. 
 
190 NIAGARA PALLS. [1790 
 
 Mr. Ellicott's accounts of Niagara Falls are amazing in- 
 deed. I communicated to Mm my scheme of an attempt to 
 account for the age of the world, or at least to fix the period 
 when the water began to cut the ledge of rock over which it 
 falls. The distance from the present pitch to where the falls 
 originally were, is now seven miles. For this space a tremen- 
 doiis channel is cut in a solid limestone rock, in all parts one 
 hundred and fifty feet deep, but near two hundred and fifty 
 at the mouth or part where the attrition began. People who 
 have known the place since Sir William Johnson took pos- 
 session of it, about thirty years ago, give out that there is an 
 attrition of twenty feet in that time. N"ow, if 20 feet = 30 
 years = T miles, or 36,960 feet ; answer, 55,440 years. 
 
 February "2d. — This an unimportant day, and remarkable 
 for not] ling so much as the submission of Mr. A. Brown, of 
 Philadelphia, printer, to the Secretary of the Treasury, who 
 acknowledges the receipt of sundry news against the Secre- 
 tary's report, but conceives the Secretary has refuted every 
 argument, etc., and will publish nothing against him^ Tliis 
 wretch is here looking for an office^ and the public will cer- 
 tainly believe that Hamilton has bought him. These acknowl- 
 edgments appeared in Mr. Lear's paper. Hard to say which 
 is the baser creature, the buyer or seller. I 
 
 February 3d. — This day nothing of importance was trans- | 
 acted in Senate, and the House adjourned early. The Speaker 
 and General Muhlenberg made a point of my going with 
 them to dine with Mr. Fitzsimons and Clymer. I would not 
 go until they declared that they had authority to invite me. I 
 went. The company were Pennsylvanians. No discourse hap- 
 pened until after the bottle had circulated pretty freely. Mr. 
 Scott joined us. He declared it was in vain to think of any 
 place but the Potomac. Mr. "Wynkoop declared the utmost 
 readiness to go to the Potomac. Mr. Fitzsimons seemed to 
 bark in for some time. Clymer declared, over and over, he 
 was ready to go to the Potomac. After some time I spoke 
 most decidedly and plainly. I will not go to the Potomac. If 
 we once vote for the Potomac the die is cast, Pennsylvania 
 has lost it, and we can never, return. I will bear the incon- 
 veniences of New York much longer rather than do it. Fitz- 
 
Feb. 4] "SHALL IT BE SIGNED OR NO?" 191 
 
 simons is an arrant fox ; I could feel him trim around. 
 Upon the whole, I am- quite as well pleased that I went to this 
 dinner ; and yet they liked my company but httle, if I was not 
 much mistaken. At one time, when they were regretting the 
 ioifluence of New York in keeping us here, I said .' " Gentle-' 
 men, we once had it in our power to fix ourselves elsewhere. 
 As the Scotchman said in his prayers, we were left to the 
 freedom of our own will, and a pretty hand we have made of 
 it." ^ 
 
 Februa/ry Jfth. — ^This a .most^MiMlPEant day in the Sen- 
 ate. The bill for extendangJi^^^oOTto North Carolina was 
 brought in to be signed. M^HTice-President got up, and had 
 a good deal to say ; th^H^uestion was put in the House of 
 Representatives, and if ^Hitlemfen wished any other method 
 they should say so. Elsworth was immediately up ; said all 
 was perfectly right. The House had passed the bill ; they had 
 nothing more to do with it. Strong got up ; had some sleeve- 
 less things to say about the practice of ParHament, but con- 
 cluded all was right. I got up and declared, since gentlemen 
 were speaking their minds, I would declare that I thought the 
 business wrong ; that, after both Houses had elaborately ar- 
 gued and passed a bill, it was referred to a committee of one 
 from the Senate and two from the House of Representatives ; 
 that it was then in their power to alter the bill. If they were 
 bad men, there was no check on them. If even a member 
 knew of a bill to be vitiated, he would not correct it. An 
 " if " or an " and " might most materially affect the bill. The 
 changes of the tense of a verb might alter a whole sentence. 
 I was clearly of opinion every bill ought to be compared at 
 the table ; and, as the Yice-President when he signed a bill, 
 did it for and in the name of the Senate, the question should 
 be put, " Shall it be signed or no ? " It was, however, of no 
 avail ; nor, indeed, did I conclude with any motion, but meant 
 my observations to open the way for taking up the business 
 some other time. 
 
 This was a public day with the Speaker. All the company 
 were Pennsylvanians except Judge Livermore. He soon went 
 away. We had a great many clever things from Mr. Morris 
 and Clymer on the good of the State, the clearing the Susque- 
 
192 BARGAINING FOR CONGRESS. [1790 
 
 hanna, the Tiilpachocldng Canal, etc. I will vote for the Sus- 
 quehanna now, says Mr. ICorris. Even Clymer was conde- 
 scending, .but it was like grinning a smile. Hints were thrown 
 out about uniting the delegation, and much could be done by 
 their effort. I wonder if they are silly enough to think that 
 their arts can not be seen through ? The government of Penn- 
 sylvania is the object. The Speaker mentioned Charles Thomp- 
 son as having been spoken of. Clymer said in such a tone of 
 voice as he did not expect me to hear, " He will make a good 
 Senator." I know Clymer well. Perhaps if I were to consult 
 my own feelings and general interest, I would wish Charles 
 Thompson or any other person in my room. 
 
 Mr. Morris threw a paper on the table before the Speaker. 
 The Speaker took it up. Clymer muttered something. Pitz- 
 simons looked confused and went away. I will know what 
 this paper was. Mr. Morris said " I am quite off -with the 
 Yorkers ; I will have nothing more to do with them." I can 
 not penetrate the scheme of the Philadelphia junto as to the 
 person they contemplate for Governor. A man who will be, 
 their tool is the design ; but they have not yet fixed on the 
 particular object. 
 
 Februa/ry 5th. — This morning at breakfast the Speaker told 
 me what the paper was. The Yorkers had stipulated, under 
 their hands, to go to the Susquehanna, and the Pennsylvania 
 delegation, myself excepted (who, by-the-by, was the moving 
 spirit of the business), had agreed, under their hands, to stay 
 two years in New York. This engagement of the Pennsylva^ 
 nians had been in the hands of the Yorkers until now ; that 
 Mr. Morris had possessed himself of it ; had crossed the names, 
 and now showed it at the same time that he made the declara- 
 tion against having anything to do with the Yorkers. "Well 
 might I say, " A pretty hand Ave have made of it ! " 
 
 Attended this day at the Hall. The minutes were read, 
 and just nothing at all more done. 
 
 Februrnnj 6th. — The Senate stood adjourned over to Mon- 
 day. I had a card above a week ago to dine this day witli Mr. 
 Otto, the cha/rgi d'affaires of France. It was very cold, and 
 I sent an excuse, and stayed at home. Amused myself in writ- 
 ing a paper tending to show the use of the State Legislatures, 
 
Feb. 8] MORRIS PETITIONS CONGRESS. 193 
 
 mamtaining their consequence in the arrangement of the em- 
 pire. It was an idle day with me. Head the Eoman Antiqui- 
 ties in an old author. I am really much better of my rheuma- 
 tism since I took to keeping myseK warm. Rest and warmth 
 are, perhaps, the best applications I can make. I have drunk 
 Madeira wines for the past three days in moderate quantities, 
 and really think I feel better for it. 
 
 Febru(vry 7th, Sunday. — Tliis was a cold day, and I stayed 
 at home. My employment — ^the writing of letters to my fam- 
 ily. Mr. Bingham called to see us yesterday. He had much 
 to say of the affairs of Pennsylvania. Upon some person re- 
 marking that the parties of Republican and Constitutionalists 
 would be done away, he said the party would but take a new 
 name ; it would henceforth be the eastern and western interest 
 of the State. I said had Congress been on the Susquehanna, 
 such a party would never have been known. Sent a piece to 
 Mr. Mcholson for publication, with a design to spirit up the 
 State Legislatures to attend to their own importance and in- 
 struct their Senators on all important questions. 
 
 Februa/ry 8th. — ^Attended Senate. The first business that 
 presented itself was a letter from R. Morris to the Yice-Presi- 
 dent, inclosing a long memorial, praying commissioners to be 
 appointed to inquire into his conduct while financier, and men- 
 tioning his unsettled accounts as a partner in the house of 
 Willing & Morris, which were in train of settlement. He re- 
 quested the memorial might stand on our minutes. Some lit- 
 tle objection was made. No particular vote was taken, and it 
 went on, of course. I am really puzzled with this conduct of 
 my honorable colleague. The charges against him are not as, 
 financier, but as chairman of the secret committee of Congress, 
 and for money received as a merchant in the beginning of the 
 business. It seems admitted that he rendered important serv- 
 ice as a financier, and if I can penetrate his design it is to cloak 
 his faults in the secret committee with his meritorious conduct 
 as financier. [I] must mark the end of it. 
 
 This day the report of the Secretary was taken up in the 
 House of Representatives. I have heard Fitzsimons reprobate 
 the funding law of Pennsylvania ; heard him condemn the doc- 
 trine of an indiscriminate funding, etc. Yet this day he laid 
 13 
 
194 HAMILTON'S "MACHINES." [1790 
 
 on the Speaker's table a string of resolutions merely echoed 
 from the Secretary's report. 
 
 FeJ)rua/ry 9th. — ^Mr. Morris' memorial was committed this 
 day to Izard, Henry, and Elsworth. I am still more and more 
 at a loss [to know] what he would be at. It seems as if he 
 wanted to make a noise, to get commissioners appointed on 
 that part of his conduct which he can defend, and thus mislead 
 the public. I find the old resolve of Congress, the 20th June, 
 1Y85, was brought in by a committee appointed on a letter of 
 his own. He represented this resolve of Congress to have 
 been the act of his malevolent enemies and persecutors. 
 
 We had a message from the House of Representatives by 
 Buckley with the Enumeration [census] bill. A message also 
 from the President of the United States on the difference of 
 limits between the United States and Nova Scotia, with a num- 
 ber of nominations. 
 
 Hamilton, Hterally speaking, is moving heaven and earth 
 in favor of his [funding] system. The Rev. Dr. Eodgers 
 called on me and General Muhlenberg this evening. He owed 
 no visit, for that he had paid a day or two ago. Directly he 
 began to extol Hamilton's systemi, and argued Avith it as if he 
 had been in the pulpit. I checked him; he made his visit 
 short. The Cincinnati is another of liis [Hamilton's] machines 
 and the whole city of New York. He is attacked, however, 
 in this day's paper pretty smartly by Governor Clarton, as I 
 take it, for the writer seems to aim personally at him. 
 
 February 10th. — Attended the Hall, but soon left the Sen- 
 ate to attend the debate in the Representatives' chamber. 
 Stayed with them until near three o'clock, but the debates were 
 not entertaining. It all turned on an amendment offered by 
 Mr. Scott, the amount of which was that debts should be ascer- 
 tained before provision was made for them. The conunittee 
 rose without any division. 
 
 February 11th. — Attended the Senate. The committee 
 reported yesterday, while I was out, on Mr. Morris' memorial, 
 that the prayer of it should be granted. There was no order 
 of the day. I wished to hear the debates of the House of 
 Representatives and went down and found Madison up. He 
 had got through the introductory part of his speech, which 
 
Feb. 12] THE ENUMERATION BILL. I95 
 
 was said to be elegant. The ground I found him on was the 
 equity power of the Government in regulating of property, 
 which he admitted in the fullest ■ manner, with this exception, 
 when the State was no party. The United States owe justly 
 and fairly the whole amount of the Federal debt. The ques- 
 tion then is, to whom do they owe it? In this question they 
 are not interested, as the amount is the same, let who will re- 
 ceive it. The case of original holder [of certificates] admits 
 of no doubt. But what of the speculator who paid only a 
 trifle for the evidences of the debt ? The end, however, of his 
 speech produced a revolution to the following effect : That 
 the whole should be funded, but that in the hands of speculators 
 at the highest market price only ; and the surplus to the original 
 holder, who performed the service. The debate lasted to the 
 hour of adjournment, and they rose without deciding. 
 
 Dined this day with General Knox. The company large 
 and splendid, consisting of the diplomatic corps, members of 
 Congress, etc. 
 
 Februa/ry Mth. — Attended at the Hall. The order of the\ 
 day was to take up the Enmneration bill. I objected to the 
 whole of a lengthy schedule, and moved a commitment. I 
 was seconded, but some gentlemen wishing to proceed on the 
 biU tiU they came to the clause, I withdrew my motion. 
 Elsworth came forward with a motion to strike out the clause 
 about the marshal, and insert one to do it by a commissioner. 
 I opposed him ; was joined by Patterson. The debate was^^-- 
 scarce worth mentioning, but it let me into the character of 
 Governor Johnston. He had said something for the biU as it 
 stood, but when Elsworth made his motion, he got up to tell 
 how convincing the gentleman's arguments were and that they 
 had fully convinced him. This I considered as something in 
 the taste of esprit de corps, for he is a lawyer. But both he 
 and his colleague looked foolish when they took it. 
 
 I got a hard hit at Elsworth. He felt it and did not reply. 
 The bill was immediately afterward committed and the Senate 
 adjourned. Elsworth came laughing to me ; said he could 
 have distinguished with respect to the point I brought for- 
 ward. I said: "Elsworth, the man must knit his net close 
 that can catch you ; but you trip sometimes." So we had a 
 
196 THE ABOLITION SOCIETY. [1790 
 
 laugh and parted. Went immediately into the Eepresentative 
 chamber, but the whole day was spent on the Quaker memo- 
 rial for the abolition of slavery. 
 
 February 13th. — This a vacant day. I went to the Hall to 
 meet with Mr. E. Harris ; he did not meet. We went to seek 
 for him at Dr. McKnight's. Could not find him. Called Mr. 
 Scott and endeavored to give him every argument in my 
 power against Hamilton's repoi't. I shall not minute them 
 here. I wish, however, to arm him and every friend to dis- 
 crimination with every possible argument, as I fear, if the 
 business is lost with them, there will be small chance with us. 
 
 Dined this day in an agreeable way with Dr. Johnson, the 
 principal of the college. The company was not large. There 
 were three Senators, the Speaker of the House of Kepresenta- 
 tives, General Muhlenberg, and some strangers. 
 
 February Hth. — Being Simday, wrote home to my family, 
 to my brother, and to Mr. Nicholson, inclosing him strictures 
 
 on the conduct of the secretary and respecting the eleven 
 
 thousand dollairs paid for furniture under the resolve of April 
 15th last, in the character of a distressed woman complaining 
 of her servants. 
 
 Februa/ry 15th. — Attended in Senate. Our Yice-President 
 produced the petitions and memorials of the Abohtion Society. 
 He did it rather with a sneer, saying he had been honored 
 with a visit from a society, a self -constituted one, he supposed. 
 He proceeded to read the petitions and memorials. Izard 
 and Butler had prepared themselves with long speeches on the 
 occasion. Izard, in particular, railed at the society; called 
 tliem fanatics, etc. Butler made a personal attack on Dr. 
 Franklin, and charged the whole proceeding to anti-Federal 
 motives : that the Doctor, when member of convention, had 
 consented to the Federal compact. Here he was acting in di- 
 rect violation of it. The whole business was designed to over- 
 turn the Constitution. I was twice up. The first time I 
 spoke generally as to the benevolent intentions of the society, 
 etc. Upon Butler's attack I requested Mr. Morris to rise 
 and defend him [Dr. Franklin]. King was up, speaking in 
 favor of the Carolina gentleman. I remarked, " King is court- 
 ing them." " Yes," said he [Morris], " and I will be silent 
 
Feb. 16] VlSlT TO THE REPRESENTATIVES. 197 
 
 from tlie same motive that makes him speak." He then bade 
 me rise. I did so. Showed that the Doctor was at the head 
 of the society, which was not of yesterday ; that he could not 
 strictly have the acts of the society charged to his personal ac- 
 count ; that the society had persevered in the same line of con- 
 duct long before the Constitution was formed ; that there was 
 nothing strictly novel in their conduct, etc. Nothing was 
 done or moved to be done, as the matter is in commitment 
 with the Kepresentatives, where the measure has many friends. 
 
 Adjourned, and went to hear the debates in the lower 
 House. Sedgwick, Lawrence, Smith, and Ames took the 
 whole day. They seemed to aim all at one point, to make 
 Madison ridicnlous. Ames delivered a long string of studied 
 sentences, but he did not use a single argument that seemed 
 to leave an impression. He had "public faith," "public 
 credit," " honor, and above all justice," as often over as an 
 Indian would the " Great Spirit," and, if possible, with less 
 meaning and to as little purpose. Hamilton, at the head of 
 the speculators, with all the courtiers, are on one side. These 
 I call the party who are actuated by interest. The opposition 
 are governed by principle, but I fear in this case interest will 
 outweigh principle. I drank this day at dinner two glasses of 
 wine with the Speaker. I will continue this practice for a 
 week and observe the eilect. 
 
 Februa/ry 16th. — This day not remarkable much either 
 way in the Senate, except that Mr. Morris gave the clearest 
 proof of a disposition always to abandon me on every motion 
 which I make. The Enumeration [census] bill was before us. 
 The point at which I aimed was to begin the enumeration in 
 April, so that the census might be taken before our election, 
 and the universal belief is that Pennsylvania would be a 
 gainer. Butler moved to have the time extended one year 
 from the first of August next. Here I threw in the most 
 pointed opposition, and laid down the principles of the amend- 
 ment which I proposed. Elsworth said he would be for ex- 
 tending the time to nine months, and Mr. Morris, to my 
 astonishment, rose and supported Elsworth for the nine 
 months. ' So Butler's motion was carried. The arguments I 
 used were that every measure tending to give the people con- 
 
198 MADISON'S SPEECH IN THE HOUSE. [1790 
 
 fidence in our Government should be adopted without delay. 
 The present representation was on a supposititious enumera- 
 tion and was believed to be erroneous. A second election, there- 
 \fore, ought not to proceed on such uncertain ground, etc. 
 
 February 17th. — The business done this morning was re- 
 ceiving the report of the committee to whom was committed 
 the sixth clause of the Enumeration [census] bill. It had been 
 recommitted at the instant at urgent motion of Mr. Butler, 
 and the committee, as if to insult him, reported the clause 
 without alteration. The bill was passed, and ordered for the 
 third reading to-morrow. Adjourned and went to hear the 
 debates in the chamber of Representatives. 
 
 The paper containing the publication called The Budget 
 Opened, was given by General Heister to Wynkoop, and 
 never more heard of. I asked him for it this day, but he 
 denied his knowing anything about it. Boudinot took up the 
 whole time of the committee till the hour of adjournment. It 
 was all dead loss, for nobody minded him. "Wrote this even- 
 ing to my brother. Paid this day one half Joe * for board- 
 ing ; half for the week past and half of it in advance for next 
 week. 
 
 February 18th. — We had a message this day from the 
 President of the United States respecting the boundary be- 
 tween Nova Scotia and the State of Massachusetts. A com- 
 mittee was appointed some time ago to whom the business was 
 referred. The report of the committee on the cession from 
 North Carolina was called up. Some time was spent on it 
 and it was postponed to Monday next. The Senate now ad- 
 journed, and we went into the lower House to hear the debates 
 on Mr. Madison's motion. Madison had been up most of the 
 morning and was said to have spoken most ably indeed. He 
 seemed rather jaded when I came in. He had, early in this 
 business, been called on to show a single instance Avhere any- 
 thing like the present had been done. He produced an act of 
 Parliament in point in the reign of Queen Anne. But now 
 the gentleman quitted this ground and cried out for rigid 
 
 * Contraction for Johannes, a Portuguese gold coin equal to about eight 
 dollars. 
 
Feb. 19] ON MADISON. 199 
 
 right on law principles. Madison modestly put them in mind 
 that they had challenged him on this groimd, and he had met 
 them agreeably to their wishes. Adjourned without question. 
 
 Fehrua/ry 19th. — Attended at the Senate chamber. Here 
 I f oimd a packet from Mr. Nicholson. It contained two sets ' 
 of his letters to me cut out of the newspapers. He apologizes 
 for the delay of the prices I sent him for pubKcation by the 
 prior engagement of the press, meaning, as I take it, his letters 
 to me. I believe I ought not to blame him ; the priest will 
 christen his own child first. They are all to appear on Satur- 
 day, as he expects. 
 
 This day we did nothing in the Senate but read the min- 
 utes, and adjourned over to Monday. "Went to hear the de- 
 bates in the House of Representatives, but they were dull and 
 uninteresting, and yet the question was not put. All parties 
 seemed tired, yet unwilling to give out. I am vexed with 
 them. The real good and care of the country seem not to 
 enter into all their thoughts. The very system of the Secre- 
 tary's report seems to be to lay as much on the people as they 
 can bear. Madison's [system] yields no relief as to the burden, 
 but affords some alleviation as to the design the tax will be laid 
 for ; and is, perhaps,' on that account more dangerous, as it 
 will be readier submitted to. 
 
 There is an obstinacy, a perverse peevishness, a selfishness 
 which shuts him up from all free communication. He will 
 see Congress in no other light than as one party. He seems 
 to prescribe to them to follow laws already made, as if they 
 were an executive body ; whereas the fact is, that the major- 
 ity of the people, say three millions (the tax-payers), and the 
 holders of certificates, a few thousand (the receivers), are the 
 parties, and the business of Congress is to legislate on the prin- 
 ciples of justice between them. A funding system will be the 
 consequence — that political gout of eyery government which 
 has adopted it. With all our "Western lands for sale and pur- 
 chasers every day attending at the Hall begging for contracts ! 
 What villainy to cast the debt on posterity ! But pay the debt, 
 or even put it in train of payment, and you no longer fiimish 
 food for speculation. The great object is, by funding and so 
 forth, to raise the certificates to par ; thus the speculators, who 
 
200 RESOLVES OF THE PUBLIC DEBT. [1790 
 
 now have them nearly all engrossed, will clear above three 
 hundred per cent. 
 
 February 20th, Saturday. — Stayed at home all day, save 
 the time I went to Bobby Harris. I do not like the way I 
 saw him in. It was near one o'clock, and he lay stupefied with 
 laudanum. I have not been without some apprehension ever 
 since this operation was performed on him. Much, indeed, 
 was it against my will ; but, die or live, the business is done. 
 Mr. Fitzsimons, it is like, called here this day. I was not called 
 down. The speaker mentioned at dinner how accommodating 
 Fitzsimons had been ; that he had declared Mifflin must not be 
 Governor ; if he was, they would be worce off than if no new 
 Constitution had been made. They then naturally agreed that 
 Mr. Morris' memorial should be pushed in Congress as the 
 grand preparatory for his appointment to the Government. 
 
 February 21st, Sunday. — Having dispatched the duties of 
 the day — that is, having written to my dear family — politics, 
 the business of the week, obtrude themselves on me. I have 
 observed a kind of spirit of uncertainty hover over the repre- 
 sentative body ; a want of confidence either in the Secretary's 
 scheme or in Madison's proposal. Like a flight of land-fowl 
 at sea, they seem bewildered and wish for a resting-place, but 
 distrust every object that offers. I think now would be the 
 time to fix them on some moderate measure. I drew the fol- 
 lowing resolutions : 
 
 Resolved, That funds be immediately provided sufficient 
 to pay three per cent on the domestic debt of the United 
 States, which has been liquidated before the 4th of March last, 
 and that the same be paid annually to the persons holding the 
 evidences of such debts upon their application for the same. 
 
 Hesol/ved, That a land-office be opened for the sale of the 
 "Western territory, in which certificates of the domestic debt 
 only shall be receivable, to operate as a sinking-fund for the 
 extinguishment of the said debt, and the arrears of interest due 
 on the same. 
 
 I went with these resolutions to Mr. Scott's lodgings. But 
 — shame to tell it — ^he, a man in years and burdened with com- 
 plaints and infirmities, had lodged out and was not come home 
 yet. The manner in which my inquiries for him were an- 
 
 j^~-^ 
 
Feb. 33] ON MADISON. 203 
 
 swered siiJBBciently explained the objects of his absence. Such 
 occultations are common with him. Pity that a good head 
 shotdd be led astray by the inordinate lust of its concomitant 
 members. Went and called at the city tavern ; had the good 
 fortune to find Mr. Sterret. Chatted a long time with him," 
 and went to see Bobby Harris. In the way I passed by Mr. 
 Scott's lodgings. I asked a servant who stood in the door if 
 Mr. Scott was within. He was just gone up to his room. I 
 gave him my sentiments on the trim of liis House [Represent- 
 atives], and read the resolutions, explaining, as a kind of in- 
 terim or passo tempo, on something that would perhaps take, 
 as nothing was committed or decided finally on. The child, 
 however, was not his own ; but he declared that, if Madison 
 would join, they could be carried. I wished liim to communi- 
 cate with Madison. He was afraid of Madison's pride. He 
 requested me to do it. After some time I agreed to do it, and 
 to communicate the result to him. Called, but Madison was 
 out. Inclosed the resolutions this evening to Mr. Scott, and 
 promised to call in the morning on Madison. 
 
 Februwry 22d, Monday. — Called on Madison. He made 
 me wait long. He came down-stairs and returned with me to 
 his room. I enlarged on the business before the House as 
 much as I thought my time would aUow. Told him plainly 
 there was no chance of his succeeding. It hurt his lAttleness. 
 I do not think he believed me. I read the resolutions. I do 
 not think he attended to one word of them, so much did he 
 seem absorbed in his own ideas. . I put them into his hand. 
 He offered them back without reading them. I did not readily 
 hold out my hand to take them. He tendered them a second 
 time. I took them, and then, by degrees, wound up my dis- 
 course so as to draw to the point of wishing him a good-morn- 
 ing. His pride seems of that kind wliich repels all communi- 
 cation. He appears as if he could not bear the condescension 
 of it. 
 
 Went to the Senate. A motion was made to adjourn. 
 Izard objected; expected some resolutions would be sent in 
 from the House of Representatives, to wait on the President, 
 with compliments on his birthday, etc. I took my hat and 
 came down-stairs. Those who stayed were disappointed. 
 
203 PENNSYLVANIANS DIVIDED. [1790 
 
 Madison's matter was over before I came down, and a poor 
 show his party made. The obstinacy of this man has mined 
 the opposition. The Secretary's report will now pass through, 
 perhaps unaltered. I could not help observing that now both 
 Fitzsimons and Clymer spoke, and they were [the] Secretary 
 all over. Fitzsimons gave me notice of a meeting of the 
 Pennsylvania delegation at his lodgings at six o'clock. I went. 
 The ostensible reason was to consult on the adoption of the 
 State debts, but the fact to tell us that they were predetermined 
 to do it. Morris swore " By G — it must be done ! " and Clymer, 
 strange to tell, expatiated on the growing grandeur of Penn- 
 sylvania if it was done. Our roads would all be made and our 
 communications all opened by land and water, etc. These ap- 
 peared strange words to me coming from that quarter. 
 
 Fitzsimons was much more argimientative, but they were 
 all predetermined, and only called on our complaisance to 
 assent to their better jiidgment. I chose to mention publicly 
 that I thought we scarce did justice to the State we represented 
 that we did not meet of tener and consult on her interest. This 
 met with an echo of applause. Fitzsimons proposed his lodg- 
 ings as a rendezvous weekly. Mr. Morris directly spoke of 
 wine and oysters, and it was agreed to meet every Monday 
 evening at Simons'. I took, however, care to bear my une- 
 quivocal testimony against the adoption now proposed, and, in 
 fact, made the above proposition to obviate any suspicion of 
 obstinacy or unsociability. 
 
 February ^3d. — The Senate sat more than an hour doing 
 nothing at all but looking at each other. Elsworth and Strong 
 got together at a time when we had all got in chatting parties 
 about the fires and stoves. "We were suddenly called to order, 
 and Elsworth was up. It was a most formal motion, indeed, 
 which he made, and then read a resolution, stating that a mis- 
 take had been made yesterday in a communication wliich had 
 been sent to the House of Eepresentatives, and desiring them 
 to return the paper. It was about the North Carolina session, 
 and I suspected all was not very right ; but, indeed, as much 
 through pastime as otherwise, I opposed him. He grew 
 serious and solemn and I grew rather sportive, but with a grave 
 face on, and we made a noble debate of it. It would be idle 
 
Feb. 25] ME. MORRIS' ACCOUNTS. 203 
 
 to blot an inch of paper with it. The question was at lengtli 
 put, and Elsworth lost it. Greatly was he mortified indeed, 
 and sat down in a visible chagrin. 
 
 Dr. Johnson, who had not spoken before,.now got up and 
 said angry things. He did not move absolutely for a recon-' 
 sideration, but Elsworth followed him and urged a reconsid- 
 eration. It was seconded by Strong. I got up and opposed 
 the reconsideration as out of order, and another most impor- 
 tant debate ensued. The Chair was called on, and he declared 
 the question out of order. Mirdbile diotm, ! I turned to Mr. 
 Morris. Had he decided so in the case of the Susquehanna 
 bill, said I, we should have had Congress on the banks of tliat 
 river. Mr. Morris said yes.* 
 
 Mr. Morris got on the subject of the difficulties he labored 
 under in the settlement of his accoimt. Told me that he had 
 to send again to Philadelphia for a receipt-book in which were 
 some trifling aecoimts for money paid to tlie extent of forty 
 [shillings] and such small sums; but concluded I will have 
 everything settled and the most ample receipt and certificate 
 of the account being closed. 
 
 February ^Jfth. — Attended this day in Senate. No busi- 
 ness of any consequence done. "Was much afilicted with a 
 violent headache; came home and bathed my feet; but my 
 head was so bad I had to lie down. This was a day of com- 
 pany at our house. Madison was in the in\dtation, and came 
 early and asked for me, but I could not come down-stairs. I 
 was sorry for this, but, as the saying is, " There is no help for 
 sickness." Drank tea and felt better after it, but kept my bed. 
 Fekniary %5ih. — Feel almost well of my headache, but I 
 thought best to stay at home, more especially as I expected 
 nothing of consequence to be done at the Senate. Was agree- 
 ably surprised with the arrival of Mr. Eichardson, who brought 
 letters to me from my family ; received also letters from Phila- 
 delphia containing some newspapers, in one of which were two 
 pieces which I forwarded some time ago for publication. 
 Those from my family were, however, to me the most agree- 
 
 * Mr. Adams had decided that a motion to reconsider, made by one of 
 the minority, was in order. In the last session a motion was reconsidered, 
 and the Susquehanna bill lost. 
 
204 PETER PINDAR ON ROYALTY. [1790 
 
 able. Wrote back letters by Mr. Kichardson, who goes to- 
 morrow. 
 
 February 26th. — Attended at tlie Hall; showed it [the 
 Hall] to Mr. Eichardson ; thou went to the bank with him to 
 get some money clianged. Took leave of him. Yisited Bobby 
 Harris. Attended at the Plall, where no business was done. 
 Received an agreeable letter from Dr. Logan. Went in the 
 evening and drank tea with Mr. Wynkoop, who has got his 
 wife with him. Finished the evening in reading. 
 
 February 27th. — No Senate this day. Went with the 
 Speaker to buy books. I boiight Peter Pindar, whose sar- 
 castic and satirical vein will write monarchy into disrepute in 
 Britain. His shafts are aimed personally at his present Maj- 
 esty, but many of them hit the throne, and will contribute to 
 demolish the absurdity of royal government. Thus, even 
 Peter, who I guess to be a servile creature pajang court to the 
 heir-apparent and the rising royal family, may be a useful in- 
 strument in opening the eyes of mankind to the absurdity of 
 human worship and the adulation, nay, almost adoration, paid 
 to work of their own hands. Kings and governors originally 
 were meant for the use and advantage of the governed, but 
 the folly of men has pufEed them out of their places and made 
 them not only useless but burdensome. 
 
 General Heister called this evening. The Pennsylvania 
 newspapers spoke, particularly Oswald's, of the 20th. It 
 [the paper] had been in the Hoiise of Representatives, but 
 the Speaker said Fitzsimons got his hands on it, and he saw 
 no more of it. I reminded him that I had left one of those 
 papers in his and the General's room, and that also was mis- 
 laid. I, however, got one of them for Heister, as two were 
 inclosed to me. Wrote this day to George Logan, vide letter- 
 book. Paid for the Speaker at the book-store £2 Os. Od. 
 Paid. 
 
 Februa/ry 28th. — Being Sunday, stayed at home all day. 
 Read and wrote letters to my family. Lent General Muhlen- 
 berg two half Johannes. Paid. 
 
 March 1st. — Visited Mr. Harris, whom I find mending fast. 
 Returned to the Hall ; sat for some time ; nothing done. Re- 
 ceived a note to dine with the President of the United States. 
 
MaechS] "LAMPOONING" JOHN ADAMS. 205- 
 
 Went into tlie Chamber of Kepresentatives and heard the de-f 
 bates till three o'clock, which I thought iinimportaTit. Ames, 
 however, read in his place a string of resolutions touching the 
 manner in which the States were to bring forward their claims, 
 which I thought alarming. 
 
 March 2d. — Just nothing done this day in Senate save re- 
 ceiving Bailey's bill for certain inventions from the Repre- ' 
 sentatives. Some spiteful remarks made on it. To-morrow 
 assigned for a second reading. Visited Mr. Harris, whom I 
 find recovering fast. Did not attend in the House of Repre- 
 sentatives. Our Vice-President goes every day, and the mem- 
 bers spend their time in lampooning him before his face and 
 in communicating the abortions of their Muses, and embryo 
 wittings resound the room. Perliaps they may have got and 
 dressed the buntings of their brains at their lodgings in order 
 to pop them on the company to the greater advantage. A 
 resolve passed the Representatives this day that seems to show 
 that they begin to think. It is a call on the Secretary to 
 ascertain the resources, that they may be applied to the pay- 
 ment of the State debts if they should be adopted. The 
 Speaker was at the levee to-day. Wlien he came home, he 
 said the State debts Trmst le adopted. This, I suppose, is the 
 language of the court. 
 
 Ma/rch 3d. — This day Bailey's bill taken up for the second 
 reading. Five members rose to oppose it. I was up three 
 times, and I am convinced we should have carried it. Mr. 
 Morris rose, however, and proposed that it should be com- 
 mitted to the very men. who opposed it. Langdon made a 
 formal motion to this purpose, and was seconded by Bassett. 
 Such a committee was accordingly appointed. It is a new 
 way, to commit a bill to its enemies. We will see what will 
 come of it. 
 
 
 
 .^ 
 
206 DINNER WITH WASHINGTON. [1790 
 
 CHAPTEE VI. 
 
 THE ASSUMPTION AND NATURALIZATION BILLS. 
 
 March Jfth. — Visited Mr. Harris this morning. Found 
 him recovering fast. I have an interest in everything that 
 happened to him, of which he is little aware ; indeed, nobody 
 knows ray feelings on this subject but myself. lie will, I 
 trust, be well in a few days, and if his complaint should be 
 completely removed it may tempt me to advise a person, in 
 whose welfare I feel myself deeply interested, to submit to the 
 same operation. But of this hereafter. 
 
 My bodings of yesterday were not ill founded with respect 
 to Bailey's bill. A man ought not to put his hand in a dog's 
 mouth, and trust to his generosity not to bite it ; commit the bill 
 to its declared enemies, and trust to their generosity to report 
 in favor of it ! My conjectures were right, and they have re- 
 ported dead against it. 
 
 Dined with the President of the United States. It was a 
 dinner of dignity. All the Senators were present, and the 
 Vice-President. I looked often around the company to find 
 the happiest faces. "Wisdom, forgive me if I wrong thee, but 
 I thought folly and happiness most nearly allied. The Presi- 
 dent seemed to bear in his countenance a settled aspect of 
 melancholy. No cheering ray of convivial sunshine broke 
 through the cloudy gloom of settled seriousness. At every 
 interval of eating or drinking he played on the table with a 
 fork or knife, like a drumstick. Next to him, on his right, 
 sat Bonny Johnny Adams, ever and anon mantling liis visage 
 mth the most unmeaning simper that ever dimpled the face 
 of folly. Goddess of Nature, forgive me if I censure thee for 
 that thou madest him not a tailor, so full of small attentions is 
 
March 7] DINNER WITH WASHINGTON. 207 
 
 he, and so well qualified does lie seem to adjust the etiquette of 
 loops and buttons. But stay, perhaps I wrong thee. So miser- 
 ably doth he measure politics, and so unmercifully and unskill- 
 fully would he play the shears of government in cutting out 
 royal robes and habiliments, that it may justly be doubted 
 whether the measure of his imderstanding be adequate to the 
 adjusting the proportions of the back, belly, and breeches of 
 the human form agreeably to the rules of an experienced habit- 
 maker. Thus, goddess, among the savage tribes of the lazy, 
 lying, lumpish Indian, who can neither hunt, fish, nor hoe corn, 
 makest thou the dreaming, smoking, pretended prophet, priest, 
 and poHtician. Goddess, we acknowledge thy power and sub- 
 mit to thy sway, but hiunbly pray we may never have another 
 similar example of it. 
 
 Ma/rch 5th. — Just after I entered the Senate chamber, I 
 received from my brother a letter, which made me consider- 
 ably uneasy, about some rascally carryings on at the Penn- 
 sylvania Land-Office. It has occasioned me to write sundry 
 letters, and really has fretted me a good deal. But away with 
 it ! This day gave a fresh instance of the rascality of Otis. 
 The committee on Bailey's bill reported yesterday, and said 
 not one word more, nor was another word said in the Senate, 
 but Otis had on the minutes ordered that the report be ac- 
 cepted. I did not immediately observe it, but I called on 
 him about it. His excuse was Mr. Adams had ordered him 
 to do so. Visited Mr. Harris ; found him getting much 
 better. 
 
 Ma/rch 6th. — Stayed at home. In the evening visited Mr. 
 Harris, whom I found recovering. I wrote this day to the 
 Secretary and Keceivihg-General of the Land-Office respect- 
 ing the affair of which my brother wrote to me. Head the 
 account of the Pelew Islands by Keale, a catchpenny thing, 
 perhaps true enotigh, but stretched and swelled as if it had 
 been puffed by Hawksworth. Paid my barber for two months, 
 and Is. fid. for a ribbon. 
 
 M/J/rch 7th. — Devoted this day to writing to my family. 
 Wrote to every one, even little Billy. I, however, cr6wded 
 the girls into one letter. This is hardly fair, but I must be 
 more liberal to them next time. Called to see Mr. Harris, 
 
208 NATURALIZATION BILL TAKEN UP. [1790 
 
 and foTind him quite cheerful. He will be about in a few 
 days, if nothing happens amiss to him. 
 
 March 8th. — This is the important week, and perhaps the 
 important day, when the question will be put on the assump- 
 tion of the State debts. I suspect this from the rendezvousing 
 of the crew of the Hamilton galley. It seems all hands are 
 piped to quarters. 
 
 Four dolock. — I was rather deceived, as the adoption party 
 do not yet consider themselves strong enough to risk the 
 putting of the question, for it seems the day has passed and 
 nothing is done. The ISTataralization bill was taken up. The 
 debates were exceedingly lengthy and a great number of amend- 
 ments moved. Mr. Morris stood by me in one, that was to 
 enable aliens to hold lands in the United States. 'Tis said 
 he has an agent in Europe now selling lands. I am wrong to 
 minute this circumstance. He is, however, very seldom with 
 me. I know not how it came, but I was engaged, on one side 
 or the other, warmly on every question. The truth of the 
 matter is, it is a vile bill, illiberal and void of philanthropy, 
 and needed mending much. We complained [to the Repre- 
 sentatives from Pennsylvania] that such an imgenerous bill 
 should be sent to us — at least I did. They answered, " You 
 have little to do," and they sent us employment. 
 
 This night the Pennsylvanians supped together at Sim- 
 mons'. 'Twas freely talked of that the question was to have 
 been taken this day on the assumption of the State debts, but 
 Yining, from the Delaware State, is come in, and it was put 
 off until he would be prepared by the Secretary [Hamilton], 
 I suppose, so that my morning creed was a well-founded be- 
 lief. The language of the Philadelphia gentlemen is still for 
 adoption. The great reason formerly urged for it was that 
 Pennsylvania would draw a great revenue from the Union. I 
 brought forward the case of Amsterdam, to which the United 
 Provinces owed great balances, which were not paid a century 
 after the Revolution. Mr. Fitzsimons said tliey were not 
 paid yet nor never would be^; but then, with one voice, all the 
 three ' citizens [Morris, Fitzsimons, and Scott] said little, if 
 anything, would be due to Pennsylvania, and declared that 
 settling old accounts was misspent tune. Burn all old ac- 
 
March 9] "BURN ALL OLD ACCOUNTS." 209 
 
 counts, said Mr. Morris, and pay only tlie people who now hold 
 certiiicates. I wished for harmony and declined argument, 
 but said the citizens of Philadelphia would not abandon the 
 State securities. This was admitted, but Mr. Morris said that 
 the State might subscribe for the amount of them. This would 
 be sinking two per cent to the State, as they would subscribe 
 ■ in at four per cent, and pay six to their own citizens. But 
 I forbore entering into argument. Colonel Hartley kept 
 shuffling about, still repeating all depends on the adoption of 
 the State debts. " If this is not done, New England and Caro- 
 lina will fly off, and the Secretary's scheme is ruined. "We 
 must, we must adopt it." Hartley is lucky, but this, in fact, is 
 the court lesson. 
 
 Ma/rch 9th. — In the Senate chamber this morning Butler 
 said he heard a man say he would give Vining one thousand 
 guineas for his vote, but added, "I question whether he would /->^ 
 do so in fact." So do I, too, for he might get it for a tenth 
 part of the sum. I do not know that pecuniary influence has 
 actually been used, but I am certain that every other kind of 
 management has been practiced and every tool at work that/ 
 could be thought of. Officers of Government, clergy, citizens, 
 [Order of] Cincinnati, and every person under the influence 
 of the Treasury; Bland and Huger carried to the chamber 
 of Representatives — the one lame, the other sick. Clymer 
 stopped from going away, though he had leave, and at length 
 they risked the question and carried it, thirty-one votes to 
 twenty-six. And all this after having tampered with the 
 members since the 22d of last month [February], and this only 
 in committee, with many doubts that some will fly off and 
 great fears that the North Carolina members will be in before 
 a bill can be matured or a report gone through. Mr. Morris 
 received a note signed J. C, communicating the news. He 
 only said, " I am sorry it is by so small a majority." General 
 Muhlenberg and Heister, of the Pennsylvania delegation, only, 
 were in the negative. 
 
 I had to wrangle with the New England men alone on the 
 
 Naturalization bill till near one o'clock. Johnston, of North 
 
 Carolina, took in some degree a part with me. I held my 
 
 own, or at least I thought so, with tolerable success, but such 
 
 14 
 
210 PENNSYLVANIANS FAVOR IMMIGRATION. [1790 
 
 shuffling and want of candor I really scarce ever before was 
 witness to. I certainly, however, gained greatly. Twice yes- 
 terday did we attempt, without success, to throw out the two 
 years' residence. The amendments which I offered went to 
 cure this defect with respect to the power of holding lands. 
 Numbers of gentlemen now declared their dislike of the two 
 years, and wished the bill committed for the purpose of having- 
 this part rejected. I agreed, but we were very unlucky in 
 our committee. We Pennsylvanians act as if we believed that 
 God made of one blood all famiUes of the earth ; but the East- 
 ern people seem to think that he made none but New Eng- 
 land folks. It is strange that men born and educated under 
 republican forms of government should be so contracted on 
 the subject of general philanthropy. In Pennsylvania, used 
 as we are to the reception and adoption of strangers, we re- 
 ceive no class of men with such diffidence as the Eastern peo- 
 ple. They really have the worst characters of any people who 
 offer themselves for citizens. Yet these are tlie men who 
 afEect the greatest fear of being contaminated with foreign 
 manners, customs, or vices. Perhaps it is with justice that 
 they fear an adoption of any of the latter, for they surely have 
 enoiigh already. 
 
 March 10th. — Was the first at the Hall this morning. 
 However, it was not long before some of the Secretary's 
 [Hamilton] gladiators came in. What an abject thing a man 
 becomes when he makes himself a tool to any one ! I ventured 
 to predict to one of them that the Secretary's system would 
 fail. " Why, but the assumption of the State debts is carried 
 already." I ventured to tell how. From me, distant as the 
 room would let him, did he fly off. Bassett has tliis day de- 
 clared in the most unequivocal manner against the adoption of 
 the State debts ; says if they are adopted he will move for two 
 per cent. I asked him how Mr. Eead would be on this ques- 
 tion. He said against assumption. But both of them acted a 
 weak part in the affair of the residence. The business of this 
 day does not merit a minute. The Senate adjourned early and 
 I came home, as I did not feel very well. 
 
 We had company this day. The greater part were New 
 England men, who soon went away. Burke and Tucker both 
 
March 12] INCREASED SALARIES. 211 
 
 voted for the assumption of the State debts. Tucker declared 
 his views in the most unequivocal manner; after the State 
 [debts] were discharged by the Federal assumption, to sponge 
 the whole. Burke reprobated the whole of the Secretary's re- 
 port and declared it would blow xip. He was not so explicit, 
 but seemed in unison with Tucker. "What must come of the 
 report if these men are sincere ? They have been among the 
 supporters of it ; but, alas ! what poor, supple things men are, 
 bending down before every dinner and floated away with every 
 flask of liquor ! Paid my boarding off this day. 
 
 Ma/rch 11th. — Snowed all last night and a snowy morning. 
 Attended at the Hall. Two bills came up from the Repre- 
 sentatives — the bill for inventions and one to give additional 
 salaries to clerks. Head for the first time. A bill for the miti- 
 gation of fines and forfeitures was taken up for a second read- 
 ing. Opposed by Bassett and Few. A commitment was early 
 moved and seemed generally agreed to, but the members 
 popped up and down talking about it and about it for above 
 an hour. Something occurred to me which none of them 
 touched ; but I thought it useless to rise ; besides, I had been 
 almost constantly on my legs on the 8th and 9th, and a man, 
 even a good speaker, loses all weight if he makes himself 
 troublesome. Patterson, I find, belongs to the gladiatorial 
 band. I ever thought since I knew him that he was a loaf- 
 and-fish man. He talks of resigning, and I suppose we will 
 hear of his being a judge or something better than a Senator. 
 
 Ma/rch 12th. — Attended this day at the Hall. No business 
 of consequence done. The committee on the Ifaturalization 
 bill reported, but far short of the points which I wished estab- 
 lished in it. There really seems a spirit of malevolence against 
 Pemisylvania in this business. We have been very liberal on 
 the subject of admitting strangers to citizenship. We have 
 benefited by it and still do benefit. Some characters seem dis- 
 posed to deprive us of it. I moved a postponement of a day, 
 that we might consider of this amendment. It was easily car- 
 ried ; but Izard snapped, ill-natured as a cur, and said " No " 
 alone. Mr. Morris turned toward me this day and seemed to 
 invite a tete-d-tete. He said Mr. Wilson is coming over. I 
 asked if on any court business. He did not know ; believed 
 
212 A CALL ON MR. SCOTT, [1790 
 
 ]iot. We spoke of who would be Governor [of Pennsylvania]. 
 He declared in favor of St. Clair ; spoke against Mifflin and 
 Bingham. I said I had heard Miles spoken of. He objected 
 to Miles as wanting knowledge. I never made mention of any 
 of the Muhlenbergs. He objected to Mifflin ; said, " See what 
 sort of people he has j)ut in office." The S. G. was mentioned. 
 He said, "You should have had that office." I went, into 
 some details of the duties of that office, showed it was one in 
 which a drone might slumber, but if filled well was a most 
 laborious office, and pointed out how. 
 
 Ma/roh 13th. — Being Saturday, the Senate did not meet. 
 Stayed at home all day ; read and looked over the journals of 
 Congress. A day perfectly unimportant. The streets were 
 very sloppy with the melting of the snow. 
 
 March nth. — There was a considerable fire in the neigh- 
 borhood last night ; it, of course, raised me by daylight. After 
 breakfast the day seemed so delightfid I could not help walk- 
 ing. I went to Mr. Scott's lodgings. I got at him on the sub- 
 ject of the Secretary's report. He declared to me that he was 
 altogether against it. I asked him if he had any correspond- 
 ence with Pennsylvania. He declared no. I piit Nicholson's 
 piece into his hand ; I put Mr. Findley's letter into his hand. I 
 told him there were some people discontented in Pennsylvania. 
 I read Dr. Logan's letter to him as a proof of it. He called it 
 anti-Federalism. I took out Dr. Rush's — call him anti-Federal 
 if you will. It was woi-se. He went into the allegations 
 against Mcholson with regard to the State accounts. To say 
 all of him [Scott] in one word, he has thrown himself into 
 Fitzsimons' wake more from the principles of indolence than 
 anything else. He will not give himself the trouble of acting 
 independently. I foimd a woman in the room with him with 
 a young child in. her arms. He appeared to be fondling on 
 the child. 
 
 I called in the afternoon on a Mr. Ryerson, a member of 
 the Assembly from Pennsylvania, at the City Tavern. I ex- 
 pected he had letters from my brother ; but he had none, nor 
 did my brother * know of his coming. I asked him what was 
 
 * Samuel Maclay, afterward United States Senator, 1803-1809. 
 
March 16] DEBATE ON NATURALIZATION. 213 
 
 doing in the Pennsylvania Assembly. He said not much. He 
 had dined out with Mr. Morris. I spoke to him of the adop- 
 tion of the State debts. Oh, yes, he believed people were gen- 
 erally for it. On speaking a little further, I found him abso- 
 lutely ignorant of every ray of information about them. He* 
 owned it after some time, and desired me to put some state of 
 the matter on paper, and that he would pay particular atten- 
 tion to it when he returned. 
 
 March 15th. — I complied with Mr. Ryerson's request, and 
 furnished him with an abstract of the State debt of Pennsyl- 
 vania, and a number of remarks on it. I read it very deliber- 
 ately to him, and he seemed to understand it. 
 
 The only debate of any consequence this day in the Senate 
 was on the Naturalization bill. The same illiberality as was 
 apparent on other occasions possessed the New England men. 
 Immigration is a source of population to us, and they wish to 
 deprive us of it. I was up several times, but always endeav- 
 ored to be concise and to the point as much as I possibly could. 
 Mr. Morris was up once. I thought he lost himself, and, by 
 way of getting out, said he was of the same opinion as the 
 member from New York (Mr. King). Mr. King is as much 
 against us as any of them, but he does it in an indirect man- 
 ner. We spent to three o'clock on it. 
 
 I dined this day at Elsworth's by invitation from General 
 Heister. Madison, Bishop Prevost, and a considerable num- 
 ber at dinner, the Speaker and General Mulilenberg. Nothing ' 
 remarkable. 
 
 I called on Eyerson and put into his hands a number of 
 remarks pointedly against the Assumption bill, etc. He talked 
 of great intimacy with my brother. My brother had men- 
 tioned him to me in terms of respect in some of his letters. I 
 therefore treated him with unbounded confidence. This -was, 
 imprudent and I ought not to have done it, nor would I had 
 it not been for some of my brother's letters, in which he men- 
 tions Eyerson as connected with him in some political points. 
 
 Ma/rch 16th. — Mr. Morris looked with a strange degree of 
 shyness at me for some time after we met in the Hall. I had 
 heard that Eyerson came from Philadelphia to do business 
 with Mr. Morris. It occurred in a moment to me that he had 
 
214 THE RYERSON EPISODE. [1790 
 
 betrayed to Mr. Morris all that had passed between him and 
 me, and likewise my remarks in manuscript on the assumption 
 of the State debt. In this moment mens consoia recti was a 
 treasure to me. I had told Eyerson that there were no hopes 
 of Mr. Morris being with me on this question, but that I had 
 passed no censure on him for it. I determined to avow all I 
 had done, as I did nothing with any view of concealment. I 
 had hinted to Ryerson that I rather wished than otherwise 
 that the General Assembly [of Pennsylvania] should declare 
 their sense on this question of assumption, and the more so as 
 Carolina had instructed her members for it. 
 ^. Mr. Morris, after sitting serious a good while, turned to 
 me and began a familiar chat. At last he asked me to walk 
 on one side from our seats, and asked me if back lands could 
 still be taken up. I told him yes. He immediately proposed 
 to me to join him in a speculation in lands which he said he 
 thought that he, from his connections in Europe, coidd sell at a 
 dollar an acre. I paused a moment ; said, as our waste lands 
 were totally unproductive, such a thing might be beneficial to 
 the public as well as ourselves ; that in these points of view I saw 
 no objection. I stated some affairs of our Land-Office briefly, 
 and he concluded we would make up our estimates at the first 
 leisure moment. If he is in earnest in this matter, he will be 
 favorable to the lowering of the terms of the Land-Office. I 
 have, however, the most unequivocal proofs of the baseness of 
 ' Eyerson, who, notwithstanding his promises, has communi- 
 cated everything to Mr. Morris. The principal debates this 
 day were on the Naturalization bill, and were characterized 
 with the same illiberality as those before mentioned. 
 
 "We had company this day, mostly Virginians. Colonel 
 Bland was of the immber. He is an assnmer on the subject 
 of the State debts. He avowed his design to be a demonstra- 
 tion to the world that our present Constitution aimed directly 
 at consolidation, and the sooner everybody knew it the better ; 
 so that, in fact, he supported the Secretary on anti-Federal 
 principles. This, I believe, is the design of Gerry and many 
 more. The New England men, however, want to get their 
 debts shook off before they declare themselves completely. In 
 their former attempts to sink tliem they raised Shays' insurreo- 
 
Mabchit] the naturalization bill debated. 215 
 
 tion. After dark I received a letter from my brother, calling 
 Ryerson a scoundrel in direct terms. He is a mere tool to 
 the Philadelphians, and has deceived my brother. 
 
 March 17th. — The Appropriation bill was just read, and 
 the President passed to and took up the Mitigation bill [of 
 fines, forfeitures]. It was on the third reading, and Elsworth 
 offered an amendment and the bill was committed. 
 
 Now the Naturalization bill was taken up, and all owe old 
 arguments went over and over again. The fact is, the adop- 
 tion of strangers has set Pennsylvania far ahead of her sister 
 States. They are spiteful and envious, and wish to deprive 
 her of this source of population ; but it will scarcely do to 
 avow openly such ungenerous conduct. It therefore must be 
 done under various pretenses and legal distinctions. Two 
 years' residence was insisted on in the bill. We cared not for 
 this, but let the stranger hold land the moment he comes, etc., 
 etc. Two law opinions were supported in the debates of the 
 day : one, that of the power of holding lands was a feature of 
 naturalization ; that lands, etc., could not be held without it. 
 This doctrine was pushed so far by Elsworth as to declare that 
 the rights of electors, being elected, etc., should attend and be 
 described in the act of naturalization. All that could be said 
 would not support this doctrine. Elsworth was even so ab- 
 surd as to suppose, if a man acquired the right of suffrage in 
 one .State, he had it in all, etc. This doctrine it was seen 
 would not carry, and now one more conformable to the com- 
 mon law was set up. 
 
 It was alleged that the disability of an alien to hold lands 
 arose from the common law, and was separable from the 
 rights of naturalization, as in the case of denization in England, 
 where the Crown could confer the right of giving, receiving, 
 and holding real property. When an alien, therefore, was 
 enabled to hold real estate, it was in reality by repealing part 
 of the common law with respect to him ; not by giving a 
 power, but taking away a disability. It, thferefore, strictly 
 speaking, rested with the respective States whether they 
 would repeal/ .he common law with respect to aliens touching 
 the point of holding property, and, being a pure State concern, 
 had no occasion to be made any mention of in the Naturaliza- 
 
216 MK. ADAMS USES IMPERIAL LANGUAGE. [1790 
 
 tion act, but must remain to be settled by the different States 
 by law, as well as the rights of elections, etc. We of Pennsyl- 
 vania contended hard to have a clause for empowering aliens 
 to hold, etc., but the above reasoning prevailed, and we lost it. 
 
 Before the Senate was formed this morning, Mr. Carrol, of 
 Carrolton, happened to be sitting next to me. "We were chat- 
 ting on some common subject. The Vice-President was in 
 the chair, which he had taken on the performance of prayer. 
 He hastily descended, and came and took the chair next to 
 Mr. Carrol's. He began abruptly : " How have you arranged 
 your empire on your departure ? Your revenues must suffer 
 in your absence. What kind of administration have you es- 
 tablished for the regulation of your finances ? Is your gov- 
 ernment intrusted to a viceroy, nuncio, legate, plenipotenti- 
 ary, or charge d'' affaires % " etc., etc. Carrol endeavored to 
 get him down from his imperial language by telling him he 
 had a son-in-law who paid attention to Ids affairgj-e^.' 'TwaJ^ 
 in vain. Adams would not dismount his hobby. At it agaott^^ 
 nor was there an officer, in the household, civil, or military 
 departments of royal or imperial government that he had not 
 an allusion to. I pared my nails and thought he would^ soon 
 have done, but it is no such easy thing to go through the^ 
 detail of an empire. Guardian goddess of America, , canst 
 thou not order it so, that when thy sons cross the Atlantic 
 they may return with something else besides European forms 
 and follies ? But I found this prayer ruffled me a little, so I 
 left them before Adams had half settled the empire. 
 
 Mr. Morris had some further chat on the proposal of yes- 
 terday. I told him that, if I thought it possible that disadvan- 
 tage could How either to the public or individuals, I never 
 would hear of it. He said advantage would probably flow to 
 the public from it. It would be the means of bringing us 
 both money an4 people. I now touched him on the subject 
 of lowering back lands of Pennsylvania. It was a cold scent. 
 I find he is for what the speculators call dodging : selling the 
 land in Europe before he buys it here. He repeated that a 
 dollar an acre could be got for it. 
 
 March 18th. — The burden of this day's de'i^ate was the 
 Naturalization bill- over again. From the most a(^curate obser- 
 
March 19] THE NATURALIZATION BILL. 217 
 
 vation I have been able to make, the conduct of the members 
 has been influenced by the following motives : As Pennsyl- 
 vania is supposed likely to derive most benefit by migrations, 
 the Eastern members are disposed to check it as much as they 
 can. Jersey nearly indifferent ; Delaware absolutely so ; 
 Maryland as Jersey ; Virginia unrepresented ; North CaroUna 
 favorable ; South Carolina and Georgia want people much, but 
 they fear the migrations, and will check them rather than run 
 the chance of importing people who may be averse to slavery. 
 Hence the bill passed the House [Senate] nearly as it came up 
 from the Representatives. 
 
 The governing ideas, however, seem to be the following : 
 That the holding property was separable from and not abso- 
 lutely connected with naturalization ; that laws and regula- 
 tions relating to property, not being among the powers 
 granted to Congress, remained with the different States. 
 Therefore, Congress would be guilty of an assumption of 
 power if they touched it ; that the holding of property was a 
 common law right, and the disability of aliens to hold prop- 
 erty from that quarter. King, Patterson, Bassett, Read, 
 Henry, and Johnson, all finally settled in this way. Elsworth 
 dead against this ; the holding property (real) a feature insep- 
 arable from naturalization, etc. Strong rather incKned to 
 Elsworth. Dr. Johnson said about as much on one side as 
 the other. Few, too, is said to be a lawyer ; but, though he 
 spoke a great deal, he did not seem to enter into the distinc- 
 tions. For our parts we wished the Naturalization bill to be 
 in exact conformity as possible to the existing laws relating to 
 aliens in Pennsylvania ; and this, I am convinced, would have 
 been the case had it not been for that low spirit which con- 
 taminates public characters as well as private life. 
 
 March 19th. — The Naturalization bill again taken iip. 
 Now Butler, too proud to have lent his aid to any motion that 
 was not his own, came forward with two motions. They 
 were, in fact, nearly the same which had been negatived three 
 or four times before. It was alleged they were out of order ; 
 biit he was indulged, and lost them both. Now Few must be 
 a great man, and he must bring forward his motion, too. It 
 was equally out of order ; but he was indulged in the loss of 
 
218 WESTERN LANDS. [1790 
 
 it. It appears that all over Europe, where the civil law pre- 
 vails, aliens hold property. It is the common law of England 
 that deprives them of holding real estate. The common law 
 has been received by us, and with it this consequence. How- 
 ever, since we can not get the rights of property fuHy ac- 
 knowledged, it is best that the Naturalization bill say nothing 
 about it. 
 
 Mr. Morris got warmly at me this day about the ,afEair. of 
 land. Repeated he thought even more than a doUar per acre 
 could be got, and requested me to write him an account of the 
 kind of land, distance to market, etc. I wrote him as follows : 
 
 New York, March W, 1790. 
 Sir : The lands concerning which you have made inquiry 
 are situated in the county of Northumberland, on the head of 
 the Lycoming, Pine Creek, and Tioga branches of the river 
 Susquehanna. Their distance from Philadelphia, as the roads 
 now go, is from one hundred and eighty to two hundred miles, 
 but it may be shortened by opening a more direct communica- 
 tion. The county of Northumberland, in which the first set- 
 tlements were made about the year lYTO, was totally desolated 
 by the incursions of the Indians during the Revolution, a mis- 
 fortune it can never experience a second time, as the late set^ 
 tlements of the State of New York [being extended north of 
 it] and Luzerne County form a complete barrier, and the say- 
 ages have greatly diminished — must soon be totally excluded 
 by the increasing settlements from the Atlantic side of the 
 great lakes Ontario and Erie. Northumberland County now 
 contains between two and three thousand families. Provisions 
 of all kinds can be had in abundance. The average price of 
 wheat, rye, Indian corn, barley, buckwheat, and speltz, when 
 compounded, has seldom been equaled, to a half a Spanish 
 dollar per bushel. The present year it is higher, not owing to 
 any failure of crops, but the uncommon demand for exporta- 
 tion. The country in which these lands are situated "is moimt- 
 ainous, but the high ridges are never included in the surveys. 
 It is covered with an immense forest of timber — ^maple-siigar 
 tree, birch, beech, oak of all kinds, pine, mostly of the white 
 and spruce kinds, white walnxit, wild cherrj^, hickory, ash, etc. 
 
March 19] WESTERN LANDS. 219 
 
 These forests, some time ago, seemed to set husbandry at de- 
 fiance ; bnt we now know that, independent of the acJvantages 
 of clearing the groimd, they can be converted to iisef ul pur- 
 poses in the manufacture of potash. The different streams of 
 the Susquehanna offer the means of conveying any produce 
 whatever to market. This coimtry has been observed to be 
 particularly favorable to grass, and perhaps the raising of cat- 
 tle may be the most profitable object of husbandry, as stock 
 carries itself to market. These parts enjoy in an eminent de- 
 gree the advantage and security of doiible crops. 
 
 The snows, which fall regularly at their proper season in 
 winter, insiire a plentiful harvest of the fall grain, wheat and 
 rye, with tolerable husbandry seldom yielding less than twenty 
 bushels per acre. The length of the summer is well adapted 
 to Indian corn, flax, oats, spring barlej^, smnmer wheat, tobac- 
 co, and vegetables of all kinds. Buckwheat is often sowed 
 with success in the same summer on the ground from whence 
 wheat, rye, or winter barley had been reaped. Perhaps, so far 
 as respects seasons, the interests of Imsbandry are nowhere bet- 
 ter secured than in Pennsylvania. The abundant exports of 
 flour, grain, etc., from the port of Philadelphia afford full 
 proof of this. It is certain that as jon advance southward and 
 diminish the rigors of winter, yoii lessen the certainty of the 
 winter crop ; while ascending to the north, the contracted and 
 chilly season seldom brings to maturity the summer produce, 
 which is often blasted or perished by early frosts. 
 
 Yet such is the rage of migrations that lands with all the 
 advantages of soil and climate in the bosom of society are neg- 
 lected for fancied elysiums in Yazoo or Kentucky. I can not 
 state with precision the quantity of these lands, having no act- 
 ual surveys before me, but I know that they are no less than 
 fifty thousand acres. If I can render you any further infor- 
 mation, I shall be happy in doing so. 
 
 I am, sir, your most, etc., "W. M. 
 
 Honorable R. Moebis, Esq. 
 
 "Writing the foregoing letter was all I did this forenoon. 
 The Speaker took me in his carriage and we rode in the after- 
 noon. 
 
220 THE DOCTRINE OF INSTRUCTIONS. [1790 
 
 March ^Ist, Sunday. — Wrote letters to my family this 
 forenoon-. Dated a piece of intelligence from Hamiltonople, 
 etc. After dinner walked alone, up and down, back and for- 
 ward on the island. The Speaker told me the report was not 
 to be taken np until Fitzsimons came back, which was to be on 
 Thursday. He knows all the motions of the janizaries and 
 gladiators. 
 
 March ^M. — Visited Mr. Wilson's lodgings with the 
 Speaker. I then went with Mr. Wynkoop to visit Mr. Carrol, 
 of Carrolton. We got on the subject of the State of Carolina 
 having instructed their representation. Could any hints have 
 gone from here, said he, to set them on this measure ? He is 
 a Roman Catholic, and the intimate friend of Mr. Fitzsimons. 
 
 This question raised the following train of ideas in my 
 mind : Fitzsimons is gone to prevent a similar measure in 
 Pennsylvania, and I am suspected of having given hints to set 
 such a measxire going. Perhaps something of this kind may 
 be alleged against me with justice. The doctrine of instruc- 
 tion may certainly be carried so far as to be in effect the tribu- 
 nitial veto of the Pomans, and reduce us to the state of a 
 Polish Diet. But it is introduced. Perhaps the best way is 
 for all the States to use it, and the general evil, if it really 
 should be one, will call for a remedy. But here is a subject 
 worthy of inquiry : Is it to be expected that a Federal law 
 passed directly against the sense of a whole State will ever be 
 executed in that State ? If the answer is in the negative, it is 
 clearly better to give the State an early legislative negative 
 than finally let her use a practical one which would go to the 
 dissolution of the Union. 
 
 A memorial of one Tracy was read, praying a bankrupt 
 law to be passed under the authority of the United States. A 
 motion for the appointment of a committee to bring in a bill 
 for such a purpose. There was a great deal of speaking on 
 this subject, and, really, I thought the subject had not justice 
 done to it. I got up and was listened to with attention while 
 I explained the difference between the common law for the 
 discharge of insolvent debtors and the laws respecting com- 
 mission of bankruptcy, and coniined the latter to its proper 
 field, the trading part of the community ; and this part only 
 
March 22] THE APPROPRIATION BILL. 221 
 
 belonged to Congress to take up, and I doubted wbether they 
 had done most harm or good, etc. I was led into a detail of 
 the laws of England on this head. Much was said on all 
 hands, but we negatived the motion. 
 
 The appropriation bill was now reported, with a very tri- 
 fling amendment indeed ; to divide a sum of about a hundred 
 and ninety dollars between our doorkeeper and the doorkeeper 
 of the Representatives. The momentum of a spittle would have 
 been as effectual to stop the flowing of the sea as any efliort to 
 check this bill. The appropriations were all in gross, and to 
 the amount of upward of half a million. I could not get a 
 copy of it. I vdshed to have seen the particulars specified, 
 but such a hurry I never saw before. I did not see the bill in 
 the hands of any of the members, but they might have had it 
 for aught I know. I really fear the committee gave them- 
 selves little trouble about it. The moment it was through, 
 General Schuyler and Mr. Morris called for it on the third 
 and last reading, for they said the Secretary wanted to make 
 remittances to Europe. They got what they wanted, and thus 
 we had done with it. 
 
 This mode of doing business can not last long. All evils, 
 it is said, cure themselves. Here is a general appropriation of 
 above half a million dollars — the particulars not mentioned — 
 the estimate on which it is founded may be mislaid or changed ; 
 in fact, it is giving the Secretary the money for him to ac- 
 count for as he pleases. This certainly is all wrong. The 
 estimate should have formed part of the bill, or should have 
 been recited in it. 
 
 Am I too sharp-sighted, or have I observed some shyness 
 in some people ? I believe it is the former. Mr. Morris this 
 day asked if I had prepared anything on the subject we had 
 been conversing about [buying lands]. I put the letter into 
 his hands. He read it with apparent satisfaction ; put it into 
 his pocket. He asked me if some kind of houses could net be 
 raised and covered with bark at a small expense on these lands. 
 I told him they might, if honest men were employed who 
 would not make a job of it. 
 
 The Senate adjourned about two o'clock. I was told there 
 was warmth in the House of Representatives on the Quaker 
 
222 P-A^Y TO THE DOORKEEPERS. [1790 
 
 memorial, and went in. The House have certainly greatly 
 debased their dignity, using base, invective, indecorous lan- 
 guage ; three or four up at a time, manifesting signs of pas- 
 sion, the most disorderly wanderings in their speeches, telling 
 stories, private anecdotes, etc. I know not what may come of 
 it, but there seems to be a general discontent among the mem- 
 bers, and many of them do not hesitate to declare that the 
 Union must fall to pieces at the rate we go on. Indeed, many 
 seem to wish it. 
 
 Mwroh 'BSd. — Went with a party to wait on Mr. Jefferson. 
 He was out. "We left our names. Sat a long time in the 
 Senate chamber without doing anything whatever. At last up 
 came the appropriation bill. The original bill gave Gifford 
 Dally, the doorkeeper of the Representatives, one himdred 
 and ninety-two dollars for services during the vacancy. We 
 divided the sum, and gave ninety-six dollars to Dally and 
 ninety-six dollars to Mathers, our doorkeeper. This they [the 
 Representatives] would not agree to ; continued the one hun- 
 dred and ninety-two dollars to Dally, and put in ninety-six 
 dollars for Mathers. Pretty amusement for the governors of 
 a great empire to play at cross-purposes ! King, Elsworth, 
 and Morris were all up, and " Adhere ! " " Adhere ! " was 
 heard from every quarter of the House. Our Vice-President 
 put some questions, but whether it was for " non-concur- 
 rence," " insisting," or " adhering," I do not remember. It 
 was, however, carried ; no one flunking it worth while to 
 say no. 
 
 Mr. Morris chatted with great freedom with me to-day on 
 his private affairs. Explained some of the difficulties he had 
 met with in the settlement of his accounts.* Says the balance 
 will be in his favor. Declares he will soon have done and put 
 to silence his adversaries. Justice says plainly this ought to 
 be the case, if he has been injured. He is very full of the 
 affair between him and me. His countenance speaks the 
 appearance of sincerity and candor. Interest, however, the 
 grand anchor to secure any man, lies at the bottom. 
 
 March 21ith. — This day little of consequence done in the 
 Senate. The appropriation bill was sent up. The Repre- 
 sentatives withdrew their amendments, after having showed a 
 
March 25] AT CLYMBR'S LODGINGS. 223 
 
 spirit of petulance to no purpose. I was called out of the 
 Senate. Wlxen I came in, the report of the committee on the 
 difference of boundary between the United States and Nova 
 Scotia was under consideration. I said a few words, which 
 appeared to be well received, on the subject. Izard and Eutler 
 both manifested a most insulting spirit this day, when there 
 was not the least occasion for it nor the smallest affront 
 offered. These men have a most settled antipathy to Penn- 
 sylvania, owing to the doctrines patronized in that State on the 
 subject of slavery. Pride makes fools of them, or rather com- 
 pletes what Nature began. 
 
 This day the Speaker entertained. The company was not 
 numerous ; the discourse not entertaining, or at least nothing 
 remarkable. 
 
 March 25th. — The Speaker told me last night that Mr. 
 Clymer wished to see us this morning at his lodgings. As I 
 alM^ays embrace the smallest hint to meet the delegation, I was 
 early ready, but the " Friends," who had been in town on 
 the aboKtion business, called in two parties to take leave of us. 
 I, however, hastened to Mr. Clymer's lodgings. Found Scott, 
 Heister, and Wynkoop at the door. I asked what had hap- 
 pened. Scott, with a great laugh, said Clymer had read them 
 a letter to the Speaker, and was dreadfully afraid all the people 
 would fly to the Western world. I replied, " Scott, I told you 
 some time ago that all this would happen if you taxed the 
 Atlantic States too high, and you gave me a great Mononga- 
 hela laugh in answer." " Aye," says he, " and I will give you 
 many more." I went up-stairs, and had a letter of Clymer's 
 composing put into my hands ; the amount of it was that 
 every man was worth two hundred pounds sterling ; that every 
 man that went to the Western country was lost to the United 
 States, and therefore every tract of land we sold to a settler 
 would be attended with the loss of a man or his equivalent, 
 two hundred pounds sterling, deducting the trifle the United 
 States would get for the land. 
 
 All this fine reason falls dead to the ground should it 
 appear that the man is not lost to the United States. It is, 
 however, a fact that by an impolitic oppression of taxes we 
 may detach the whole country from lis and connect them with 
 
224 TO DETACH THE WESTERN COUNTRY. [1790 
 
 New Orleans ; and in that case we will get nothing for the 
 lands. Clymer came in, and said on the principle of that 
 letter he would vote against paying any of the public debt 
 • with back lands. What a deal of pains he has been at to fish 
 up some kind of reason to accommodate his vote to the wish 
 of the public creditors, alias speculators ! They are a powerful 
 body in Philadelphia, and therefore are not to be neglected. 
 I asked what our friends in Philadelphia thought, particularly 
 on the assumption of the State debt. He said they were 
 divided, but there were more against it ih&nfor it. He now 
 said some fine things on the improvement of the State, etc. I 
 walked with him and Colonel Hartley. All the way to the 
 Hall did his tongue run on the subject of going to the Poto- 
 mac. I bore my testimony in the plainest language against all 
 this ; regretted our not having tried an adjournment to Phila- 
 delphia a year ago ; said, if we would go to Philadelphia with 
 the promise of the permanent residence on the Potomac, we 
 could without it. He was peevish and fretful. 
 
 No business of consequence done in the Senate. Two bills 
 came up to be signed. Our "Vice-President used these words 
 from the chair before he signed them : " Is there any objec- 
 tion, gentlemen, to the signing of these bills ? " He seems a 
 tone lower than he used to be. The amendment on the miti- 
 gation bill was non-concurred in, and managers for a confer- 
 ence appointed. 
 
 March 26th. — The bill for augmenting the military to six- 
 teen hundred men came up. Bead, and Monday appointed 
 for a second reading. A petition read from Captain Barry 
 and others for communication. Nothing else done in the 
 Senate. Spent some time on the bill for the encouragement 
 of inventions, etc. The Speaker had company this day — all 
 Pennsylvanians. Mr. Morris took pains to make himself 
 agreeable. The Speaker told him they had determined to risk 
 the revenue business, as they now found Williamson and Ashe 
 would be for the assumption, as they had changed their minds. 
 How true is the observation made by Henry, of Maryland : 
 "All great governments resolve themselves into cabals"! 
 Ours is a mere system of jockeying opinions. Vote this way 
 for me, and I will vote that way for you. 
 
March 29] COLDNESS OF THE PHILADELPHIANS. 225 
 
 March 27th. — Being Saturday, read in my room. After 
 dinner walked and caught cold. In the evening received a few 
 lines from Dr. Eush, in which he tells me I am complained of 
 for my correspondence with the Comptroller-General. This, 
 I well know, comes from Fitzsimons. He would wish that no 
 man but himself should know anything of the finances of 
 Pennsylvania. I have made advances to the Philadelphians 
 repeatedly, but they shake us off, and, when meetings had been 
 settled for the communication of knowledge, they have broken 
 them up. But I am found to possess knowledge of the finances 
 of Pennsylvania. The presumption is that I correspond with 
 ISTicholson. [I] am become independent of them, and there- 
 fore criminal. I had written to the Doctor, but inclosed a note 
 to him on this subject, for which see my letter-book. 
 
 Mr. Morris has niade no agreement with me about lands. 
 He said he would draw up something on this subject in writ- 
 ing. I^othing of this has happened, and perhaps never will. 
 I thought such a thing might happen, and was careful in my 
 letter. But I will make no rash conclusions. Time will settle 
 all matters, and we, with all our little bristlings, will soon be 
 as quiet as the trodden sod. 
 
 J^wrch 28th. — Being Sunday, was a day devoted to the 
 thoughts of my family. Wrote letters, as usual. I have been 
 upward of three months from them. This is really disagree- 
 able. The time may come when I would give anything in my 
 power to be one day with them, and now I am absent with my 
 own consent. I wish I was honorably ofE with this same busi- 
 ness of the Senate. If Congress continues to sit in E^ew York, 
 I can not pretend to continue a member of it. Circumstances 
 may direct me to what is best. God has, however, given to 
 every man his talent for the express purpose of making use of 
 it ; or, in other words, that he may conduct himself on the 
 principles of right reason. May he enable me to keep my 
 lamp trimmed always ! Stayed at home all day. 
 
 Ma/rch 29th. — Committee on the bill for the progress of 
 writs, etc., reported. Three other bills came up to us : one 
 for treaty with Indians ; for extending the effect of the State 
 inspection laws; and the North Carolina session. The last 
 amended by striking out the word " Honorable " from before 
 15 
 
226 THE ASSUMPTION BILL IN THE HOUSE. [1790 
 
 the names of the Senators. Butler bonnced, and Izard made 
 frightful faces at it. They were opposed by King, Elsworth, 
 and Patterson. I was pleased to see the Yorkers and the 
 Southern people at it. The business was got rid of by a new 
 clause altogether in the beginning of the bill, from which a 
 clear inference in practice follows, viz. : That the whole of a , 
 bill is in the pow6r of the Senate, notwithstanding their for- ■ 
 mer agreement, and the concurrence of the other House to any 
 part or parts of it ; and their deliberations are not confined to 
 the parts only respecting which the disagreement subsists. I 
 have spoken to Otis to copy all the papers that I may plead 
 this precedent, if necessary ; for this doctrine was pointedly 
 denied in the disputes respecting the permanent bill, viz., my 
 papers for the copies made out by Otis. 
 
 This day the House of Representatives took up the report 
 of the Committee of the Whole House on the Secretary's re- 
 port ; and, after adopting the first three clauses, recommitted 
 the one on the assumption of the State debts — twenty-nine to 
 twenty-seven ; so that I hope this will be rejected at last. The 
 Speaker has declared that* he vrill vote against it if there 
 should be a tie in the House. This was my opinion, which he 
 early adopted and which he has so often subscribed to, that it 
 will be impossible for liim to recede from it upon this prin- 
 ciple — ^that a matter of moment, not absolutely necessary, had 
 better be omitted than carried by so small a majority vote as 
 one vote. This opinion has met with much approbation from 
 many members of the Senate, and I have taken care to let the 
 Speaker know it. 
 
 Ma/rch 30th. — The bill for additional pay to the clerks of 
 the accounts between the United States and individual States 
 was called up and lost. Third reading of the bill for the 
 progress of useful arts produced a debate by the New England 
 members in favor of a man from their country, but by being 
 joined by the Southern men we defeated them. Read the law 
 for giving effect to the inspection laws of the States. Mes- 
 sage from the Representatives with Cession bill agreed to. 
 Message from the President with nominations to vacant offices. 
 The bill for the military establishment took up the rest of the 
 day in desultory debate, and was finally committed to seven 
 
March 31] A STANDING ARMY. 22Y 
 
 members. This bill seems laying the foundation of a standing 
 army. The justifiable reasons for using force seem to be the 
 enforcing of laws, quelling insurrections, and repelling inva- 
 sions. The Constitution directs all these to be done by mihtia. 
 Should the United States, unfortunately, be involved in war, an 
 army for the annoyance of an enemy in their own country (as 
 the most effective mode of keeping the calamity at a distance 
 and enforcing an adversary to terms) wiU be necessary. This 
 seems the meaning of the Constitution, and that no troops 
 should be kept up in peace. This bill certainly aims at differ- 
 ent objects. The first error seems to have been the appointing 
 of a Secretary of "War when we were at peace, and now we 
 must find troops lest his office should run out of employment. 
 
 Dressed and attended the levee. I generally used to leave 
 this part of duty to Mr. Morris ; but now he is gone, and, lest 
 there should be any complaints, I will discharge this piece of 
 etiquette. The day was fine and the levee large. 
 
 Mwrch 31st. — A call of the gladiators this morning. There- 
 fore expect it will be a day of some importance in the House 
 of Representatives. In the Senate the bill for enforcing the 
 inspection law of the State had a third reading. The appoint- 
 ment of Euf us Putnam, a Judge of the "Western Territory ; 
 James Brown, Attorney for Kentucky ; and Henry Bogart, 
 Surveyor for Albany, were consented to. Senate adjourned. 
 
 "Went early to hear the event of this day's debates in the 
 House of Eepresentatives. Ifothing remarkable, save a vio- 
 lent personal attack on Hamilton by Judge Burke, of South 
 Carolina, which the men of the blade say must produce a duel. 
 The question was not taken, on the assumption. Mr. "Wyn- 
 koop spoke to me in the chamber of Representatives, to have 
 a meeting of the delegation. I supported this idea, and we 
 agreed to meet at the Speaker's. But I first vt-ent and drank 
 tea with Mr. "Wynkoop and Mrs. "Wynkoop. There was a 
 great deal of desultory discourse at the meeting. Mr. Clymer 
 took on him to assert that the State of Pennsylvania was in 
 debt to the Union, and disbelieved all Mr. Nicholson's state- 
 ments, and declared unequivocally for burning all old accounts. 
 I mentioned Nicholson's statements as being made from au- 
 thority, and that they neither ought nor could be invalidated 
 
228 THE OLD ACCOUNTS. [1790 
 
 on supposition ; that the old Confederation had proceeded 
 every step on the grounds of a final settlement ; that to anni- 
 hilate the old accounts was contrary to the new Constitution, 
 which had sanctified every act of the old Congress ; nor could 
 I see how any State could call on the Union to assume any 
 debt of theirs until she showed by a settlement that she had ex- 
 ceeded her requisitions. Both Clymer and Wynkoop are seek- 
 ing for some plausible excuse to change their ground. I have 
 endeavored to humor them, but their pride and obstinacy are 
 hard to subdue. 
 
 April 1st. — This day in Senate two bills were signed, the 
 Carolina Cession act and the bill for giving effect to the State 
 inspection laws. A committee was also appointed to settle the 
 pay of the Senators up to this time. 
 
 The Senate adjourned, and I went into the chamber of 
 Eepresentatives to hear the debates. It was a dull scene. 
 Gerry took up the time of the committee to the hour of ad- 
 journment. He is a tedious and most disagreeable speaker. 
 The committee rose and no question was taken. Soon after I 
 came in I took an opportunity of speaking to Mr. Wynkoop. 
 I was pointing out some inconveniences of the assumption. I 
 found he seemed much embarrassed. Iiawrence and Benson 
 had got him away from his usual seat to near where they com- 
 monly sat. He paused a little ; got up rather hastily ; said, 
 " God bless you ! " went out of the chamber, and actually took 
 his wife and proceeded home to Pennsylvania. The way in 
 which this good man can best serve his country is in superin- 
 tending his farm. Perhaps there is no method more accep1> 
 able to Nature ; he certainly is wanting in political fortitude. 
 Benson, Lawrence, the Secretary, and others have paid atten- 
 tion to him, and he has not firmness of mind to refuse them 
 his vote. But he has done what equally offends them and 
 subjects himself to ridicule : he has abandoned the whole 
 business and deserted the cause of his country at a time when 
 an honest vote is inestimable. To-morrow being Good Friday, 
 we adjourned over to Saturday. 
 
 April 'Bd. — The House of Eepresentatives met, but ad- 
 journed on account of the holiday. I conversed this day at 
 the Hall with George Gray. He declares the people of Penn- 
 
Aprils] PENNSYLVANIA OPPOSED TO ASSUMPTION. 229 
 
 sylvania are tmiversally opposed to assumption, now the mat- 
 ter is understood. This is the effect of the publications which 
 I have labored hard indeed to get into the prints. The Speaker 
 is now firm against the assumption, and so is Scott. Cljmer 
 is so, too, I believe, but I am not quite certain whether his 
 wish of popularity has as yet been able to subdue his pride 
 and obstinacy. Hartley is too giddy and unsettled for any one 
 to determine how he will vote, and, as his judgment has no ■ 
 share in it, the presumption is that he will vote with Smith, of 
 Carolina, and those whose company he always keeps. Ijiave 
 put my political life_in_my„haad-in starting this o pposition in 
 the teeth^crf th^Philade^thians^ If I fail, my seat in Congress 
 and disgrace in the public eye will follow. But I am con- 
 scious of rectitude of intention, and hie murus aheneus esto, 
 nil consoire siii. nulla pallesoere culpa." 
 
 I was this day to have dined with the Secretary [Hamil- 
 ton], but a violent storm of wind and rain came on, and I could 
 not get a hackney. The Speaker offered me his carriage, but 
 then his servants were all gone to church. 
 
 April 3d. — Called in the morning at Mr. Hamilton's oifice 
 to make an apology for not dining with him. Coiild not see 
 him. He was closeted with the Secretary of War. Was de- ' 
 sired to stay until he was disengaged. The importance of my 
 business would not justify this. Gave my name and compli- 
 ments to Colonel Hamilton, and information that the badness 
 of the weather prevented my dining with him yesterday, as I 
 happened to be so unfortunate as not to be able to procure a 
 carriage ; and now, this momentous affair being settled, went to 
 the Hall. The minutes were read. A message was received 
 from the President of the United States. A report was handed 
 to the Chair. We looked and laughed at each other for half 
 an hour, and adjourned. The report was the pay due to each 
 member. Dr. Elmer and Mr. Bassett whispered me, after the 
 report was handed in, that King and Schuyler were allowed 
 full pay, notwithstanding they had not been much with us, and 
 that Dr. Johnson was allowed full pay and mileage to Con- 
 necticut, though he lives here, while the time Dr. Elmer was 
 absent was deducted. Honesty thrives but badly east of the 
 Hudson. 
 
230 ASSUMPTION BEFORE THE EEPRESENTATIVBS. [1790 
 
 I went into the Eepresentative chamber, expecting the as- 
 sumption would be taken up. A listless apathy seemed to per- 
 vade the whole. Two motions were negatived touching some 
 appointment of a foreign nature that did not seem to have 
 been well digested. Somebody said adjourn, and they ad- 
 journed accordingly. This really seems like the mockery of 
 business. The New England men despair of being able to 
 ■ saddle us with their debts, and now they care not whether they 
 do any business or not. Mr. George Gray, of the Lower 
 Ferry, Mr. Luper, his son-in-law, Colonel Oswald, and another 
 gentleman, dined with us. We had much free conversation 
 after dinner. Mr. Luper had waited on Mr. Fitzsimons before , 
 he came away. Fitzsimons advised him not to come, and told 
 him a year hence would be time enough ; that nothing would 
 he done in the business until he returned to New YorTc. They 
 sat till late. I was happy to have a company of Pennsylva- 
 nians. 
 
 April Jfth. — I wrote my letters early. The day was invit- 
 ing and I could not avoid the temptation of walking out. I 
 went to Scott's lodgings and he walked with me. The town 
 is much agitated about a duel between Biirke and Hamilton. 
 So many people concerned in the business may really make 
 the fools fight. 
 
 When I was called down to dinner, the Speaker and Gen- 
 eral Miihlenberg were closeted with Clymer and Jackson. All 
 was profound mystery. We had half finished our dinner be- 
 fore they joined us. I saw they were filled with tlioughts of 
 importance, but I scorned to be inquisitive. I retired to my 
 chamber. The Speaker soon came to me and unfolded the 
 mystery. Clymer had a proposal to barter away the Pennsyl- 
 vania votes for an assumption for the Carolina and Massachu- 
 setts votes for an adjournment to Philadelphia. He and Fitz- 
 simons are now squirming like eels in a basket to regain the 
 popularity which thej' have or are likely to lose on this busi- 
 ness by bringing f oiVard a plausible pretext to justify their 
 late vote. The Speaker, however, openly avowed to me the 
 reason of the vote for assimiption, viz., consolidation and unit- 
 ing in one Government. I told him plainly Hamilton had no 
 ability for siich work, and the thing would miscarry in his or 
 
Apeil4] the PBNNSYLVANJANS ON ASSUMPTION. 231 
 
 any other hands. I determined to go and call on Clymer 
 about this business. I did so, but he had Jackson (of the 
 President's family) with him.* 
 
 I sat till I was tired and rose with the first of the company 
 to come away. Clymer asked me to walk on the Battery, and 
 we roamed almost the whole length of the town, up the East 
 River and back again, without his giving me an opportunity 
 of speaking to him. I felt hurt at his distant treatment. I 
 went with him home. He called Jackson in. Jackson made 
 a florid harangue on the golden opportunity of bartering the 
 votes of Pennsylvania with South Carolina and Massachusetts 
 to give the assumption, and get the residence of Congress. 
 Whatever I might have done in other company, I would not 
 commit myself to Jackson. I spoke my sentiments sincerely 
 on the villainy of bartering votes ; ■ declared my opinion that 
 Pennsylvania need make no sacrifice to obtain Congress ; that 
 matters were working as favorably as could be wished ; that I 
 entertained no doubt of adjourning to Philadelphia ; that as- 
 suming the State debts in the proposed manner was so radi- 
 cally wrong that nothing could justify the act, and that the 
 postponement of it ought to take place at any rate. 
 
 Clymer said it would not be postponed ; it would be car- 
 ried. I said the Pennsylvanians might see each other before 
 that time. He said they could not. I told him if the Penn- 
 sylvanians were able to postpone it after a contract was made 
 they were able to do it without any contract ; and if they really 
 meant to sell their votes, it was idle to talk of giving them 
 without and before a contract was made. Make a present of 
 a thing, and you need not demand the price afterward. I con- 
 cluded mth saying I would have time enough to make up my 
 mind before the business appeared before the Senate, but had 
 no objection to deliver my sentiments at any time, and had 
 given them now with freedom. The cold, distant, stiff, and, 
 let me add, stinking manner of this man is really painful to be 
 submitted to. I never will go into any company with design 
 to give offense, but I really think out of respect to myself I 
 ought to avoid his company ; at least I need not go into it 
 
 * Meaning a voter for Hamilton. 
 
232 THE ASSUMPTION OF STATE DEBTS.. [1790 
 
 witliout necessity. Jackson's interfering in this business -is 
 far from proper. 
 
 Hence appears plainly how much the assumption of the 
 State debts was made a point of by the conrt party. In fact, 
 the reduction of the State governments was the object in 
 theory in framing both the Constitution and Judiciary and in 
 as many laws of the United States as were capable of taking a 
 tincture of that kind. But it won't do. 
 
 April 5th, Monday.— Tl\ie bill for the progress of the use- 
 ful arts was concurred with after considerable debate. The 
 report of the Senators from the joint committee on the Miti- 
 gation bill was that the disagreement continued. A communi- 
 cation was received from the President of the United States of 
 three acts of the Legislature of New York. The whole paper 
 was read. The act of transmission from the government of 
 New York was pomposity itself. They, however, often reit- 
 erated the words " free and independent," which I thought 
 done designedly. I had some discourse with Colonel Hartley, 
 and he has promised to withhold his vote for the assumption 
 for some time at least. 
 
 I went this afternoon to hear a negro preach. I can only 
 say it would be in favor of religion in general if preachers mani- 
 fested the same fervor and sincerity that were apparent in his 
 manner. He declared himself untutored, but he seemed to have 
 the Bible by heart. Tempora muta/ntur et nos muta/mv/r m illis. 
 
 April 6th. — The Senate seemed likely to have no business 
 before them this day ; but all at once up rose Few, and offered 
 a report of the bill for the military establishment. Some tri- 
 fling- amendments were made in the compensation to the ofii- 
 cers, but the bill was materially the same. It was agreed to, 
 as the sense of the Senate, that no report should be offered 
 until the bill for regulating the intercourse with the Indians 
 and the treaty bill should be put . into the hands of the same 
 committee ; but whatever is, is best. It is out of the hands of 
 the committee and postponed. I spoke against the whole biU 
 as an egg from which a standing army would be hatched, as it 
 is a standing army in fact, for the smallness of the number 
 does not diminish the principle. But I foresee I will have 
 much to say under this head at a future day. 
 
ApkilT] FEAiTCE ABOLISHES TITLES. 23; 
 
 • Carrol, of Carrolton, edged near me in the Senate chambej 
 and asked me if I had seen the King of France's speech anc 
 the acts of the " Tiers Etats," by which the distinctions of th( 
 nobility were broken down. I told him I had, and I consid 
 ered it by no means dishonorable to us that our efforts againsi 
 titles and distinctions were now seconded by the representative 
 voice of twenty-four millions. A flash of joy lightened fronc 
 his countenance. How fatal to our fame as lovers of hbertj 
 would it have been had we adopted the shackles of servility 
 which enlightened nations are now rejecting with detesta 
 tion ! 
 
 A/pril 7th. — A committee was appointed in the Senate tc 
 bring in a bill for the territory of the United States south oi 
 the Ohio. I did not oppose the appointment of a committee, 
 but told some of them that they must make it stand alone, as ] 
 wished to avoid all expense. I had no notion of salaries to the 
 Governor, judges, etc. I considered the motion brought for- 
 ward by way of making some entry on the journals as much 
 as anything else. A short bill, however, came up and had a 
 first reading. 
 
 The Speaker had company this day. I was wanting in 
 spirits, and did not seem to enjoy it. The table was, however, 
 fiUed well, and there was a good flow of conviviality. After 
 dinner the Speaker told me that Fitzsimons and Clymer 
 wanted to see the delegation at their quarters. I was not well. 
 It was late, and a tempest of wind and cold. But I went. 
 Fitzsimons [spoke as if he] had been hired to extol the politi- 
 cal merit of Massachusetts and South Carolina and deprecate 
 that of Pennsylvania. It was in vain that I told him every- 
 thing in a pecuniary point of view must remain in doubt until 
 the accounts were settled ; that the only man who had it in 
 liis power to give an opinion on the subject (the Comptroller- 
 General) had taught us to think differently. I said that the 
 State, Navy, and defense of tlie river Delaware had cost vast 
 sums. I could not see that the defense of the Delaware, etc., 
 was any more charged against Pennsylvania than the expense 
 of the American arms before Boston was a demand against 
 Massachusetts, or the charges at Yorktown against Virginia. 
 If Pennsylvania advanced the money, it was in the general 
 
234 THE PORT OP YEOMUS, VIRGINIA. [1790 
 
 defense, as well as lier own, and the charge lay well against 
 the Union. 
 
 The business of the meeting was to consult about an ad- 
 journment to Philadelphia, and, as the votes of Pennsylvania 
 would determine for or against assumption, whether they could 
 not be so managed as to affect that measure. I will only set 
 down what I said on the matter as opinion, that to barter votes 
 was unjustifiable ; that the risk of losing votes was as great as 
 the chance of gaining by making a bargain with the other side, 
 for Philadelphia had friends on both sides ; that the best mode 
 was to postpone the assiraiption and push the adjournment to 
 Philadelphia while both parties feared and both courted the 
 Pennsylvania vote. 
 
 April 8th. — A bill which came up yesterday for suspending 
 part of the revenue law with respect to the port of Yeomus in 
 Virginia was read a second time. 'Eow Elsworth moved some 
 alteration of the law with regard to some ports in Connecticut. 
 Langdon wanted an alteration in New Hampshire, and Dalton 
 one for Massachusetts. It was committed to these three mem- 
 bers. God forgive me if I wrong them, but I fear they want 
 to make loopholes in the impost law to suit their private pur- 
 poses, or rather the purposes of State smuggling. 
 
 I never observed so drooping an aspect, so turbid and for- 
 lorn an appearance as overspread the partisans of the Secretary 
 [Hamilton] in our House this forenoon. If I had chosen to 
 use the language of political scandal, I would call them " Sena- 
 torial Gladiators." Elsworth and Izard in particular walked 
 almost all the morning back and forward. Strong and Patter- 
 son seemed moved, biit not so much agitated. King looked 
 like a boy that had been whipped, and General Schuyler's hair 
 stood on end as if the Indians had fired at him. I accounted 
 for the appearance of King and Schiiyler from the publica- 
 tions that have appeared against them in the papers for two 
 days past. 
 
 Just before dinner Andrew Brown, the printer, called. It 
 seems there had been a meeting of the citizens of Philadelpliia 
 on Saturday last to consider on the subject of General Knox's 
 report, and a committee is appointed to draw up something. 
 Brown has refused to print for them, and has flown off to this 
 
April 9] ANDREW BROWN, PRINTER. 235 
 
 place for tlie purpose of giving notice of tlie event and claim- 
 ing his reward ; and perhaps a third motive has had weight 
 with him, for I really never saw any man have more the ap- 
 pearance of fright upon him. I know him to have been a spy 
 and tool for Hamilton for some time past. He told lis of some 
 man having offered some violent pieces to him for publication, 
 which he said were written well ; but he refused to print them, 
 and the author took them away. He said they were addressed 
 to the yeomanry of Pennsylvania. I suspect this may be my 
 friend George Logan. He ought to beware of A. Brown ; lie 
 does not know him. Brown owned to us that Hamilton had 
 written to Jefferson in his favor after publishing his recanta- 
 tion, and refused to print anything against the Secretary's 
 report. 
 
 April 9th. — The committee of yesterday reported the bill 
 with Elsworth's amendment only. Said Mr. Hamilton was of 
 opinion, when the new impost law was enacted, the other 
 amendments could be introduced. This is art in him to make 
 friends to his new bill, and shows that he is either still confi- 
 dent of success or affects it. There was no objection and the 
 bill had all its readings. 
 
 Elsworth reported a bill for the government south of the 
 Ohio. It was to be the same as the government of the "West- 
 ern Territory, mutatis mutandis. I had some previous dis- 
 course witli Elsworth on this subject. I can with truth pro- 
 nounce him the most uncandid man I ever knew possessing 
 such abilities. I am often led to doubt whether he has a par- 
 ticle of integrity; perhaps such a qimlity is useless in Con- 
 necticut. 
 
 In Senate this day the gladiators seemed more than com- 
 monly busy. As I came out from the Hall, all the President's 
 family were there — Humphreys, Jackson, Nelson, etc. They 
 had Vining with them, and, as I took it, were a standing com- 
 mittee to catch the members as they went in or came out. The 
 crisis is at hand. At dinner the Speaker told me there had 
 been a call of the Secretary's party last night. Fitzsimons, he 
 said, had been sent for, and they had determined to risk an 
 action to-morrow. 
 
 April 10th. — Busy to near eleven writing letters to my 
 
236 THE NORTH CAROLINA CESSION. [1790 
 
 family. Dressed and attended to see the event of the day, 
 but it was put off by consent. The Treasurer told me the rea- 
 son of it afterward. Sherman, who is against the assumption, 
 is expected to go away, and thus the other party will be less 
 strong, or at least more so, by one vote.. The Secretary's peo- 
 ple scarce disguise their design, which is to create a mass of 
 debts which will justify them in seizing all the sources of Gov- 
 ernment, thus annihilating the State Legislatures and creating 
 an empire on the basis of consolidation. 
 
 April 11th, Sunday. — Stayed at my lodgings almost aU 
 day, a few minutes excepted, when I went to the lodgings of 
 General Irwin, who is this day to set off on his journey to 
 Carhsle. Wrote sundry letters, read, etc. I charged Gen- 
 eral Irwin mth letters for Harrisburg and Sunbury. Wrote a 
 few lines to Eleazer Oswald, editor of the Independent Gazet- 
 teer, to inclose his paper and forward it to my son Johnny, 
 to be left at Adam Zantzinger's in Market Street, Philadel- 
 phia. 
 
 April I'Bih, Monday. — The business done in the Senate 
 was trifling. A bill for establishing the government of the 
 North Carolina cession was taken up. I had occasion to 
 speak to it, and moved a postponement until the bill be 
 printed and put into the members' hands. It was carried. 
 Elsworth was fretted, and I cared not. Two amended bills 
 came up from the other House and were postponed. We ad- 
 journed between twelve and one o'clock. 
 
 I went into the House of Representatives to hear the ques- 
 tion of assumption taken up. Clymer got up ; said the as- 
 sumption was two and a quarter millions against his State ; 
 more than she ought to pay ; but, for confirming the Govern- 
 ment and for national purposes, he would vote for it. I 
 could not hear all he said, but the above was the amount 
 of it. 
 
 Fitzsimons hoped to have a great many conditions ob- 
 tained, such as that the interest of the State debt should be paid 
 in the respective States ; that no improper charges should be 
 brought forward. But he would vote for it now in expecta- 
 tion that these conditions would be obtained afterward. Cer- 
 tainly this could not be called the conduct of a wise man ; he 
 
April 13] ASSUMPTION DEFEATED IN SENATE. 237 
 
 voted as well as Clymer for it formerly and took all the Penn- 
 sylvania delegation with him except Heister and General 
 Muhlenberg without any condition whatever, unless it might 
 be private ones known only to himself and the Treasury. The 
 question was, however, taken and lost : thirty-one against it and 
 twenty-nine for it.* Fitzsimons, Clymer, and Hartley voted 
 for it. 
 
 Sedgwick, from Boston, pronounced a funeral oration 
 over it. He was called to order ; some confusion ensued ; he 
 took his hat and went out. When he returned, his visage, to 
 me, bore the visible marks of weeping. Fitzsimons reddened 
 like scarlet; his eyes were brimful. Clymer's color, always 
 pale, now verged to a deadly white ; his lips quivered, and his 
 nether jaw shook with convulsive motions; his head, neck, 
 and breast contracted with gesticulations resembling those 
 of a turkey or goose nearly strangled in the act of degluti- 
 tion. Benson bungled like a shoemaker who had lost his 
 end. Ames's aspect was truly hippocratie — a total change of 
 face and features ; he sat torpid, as if his faculties had been 
 benumbed. Gerry exliibited the advantages of a cadaverous 
 appearance, at all times placid and far from pleasing ; lie ran 
 no risk of deterioration. Through an interruption of hectic 
 lines and consumptive coughs he delivered himself of a decla- 
 ration that the delegates of Massachusetts would proceed no 
 further, but send to their State for instructions. 
 
 Happy impudence sat enthroned on Lawrence's brow. He 
 rose in puffing pump and moved that the committee should 
 rise, and assigned the agitation of the House as a reason. 
 Wadsworth hid his grief under the rim of a round hat. Bou- 
 dinot's wrinkles rose in ridges and the angles of his mouth 
 were depressed and assumed a curve resembling a horse's shoe. 
 Fitzsimons first recovered recollection, and endeavored to 
 rally the discomfited and disheartened heroes. He hoped the 
 good sense of the House would still predominate and lead 
 them to reconsider the vote which had been now taken ; and 
 he doubted not but what it would yet be adopted imder proper 
 modifications. The Secretary's group pricked up their ears, 
 
 * This, of course, greatly reduced the value of certificates. 
 
238 DINNER WITH IZARD. [1790 
 
 and Speciilation wiped the tear from either eye. Goddess of 
 description, paint the gallery; here's the paper, find fancy 
 quills or crayons yourself. 
 
 April 13th, T\i6sda/y. — Nothing of moment done this day 
 in the Senate. The bill for the Territory south of the Ohio" 
 passed a second reading. Some trifling debate on the amend- 
 ments of the biU defining crimes and punishments. The day 
 was clear, though somewhat cold, but I felt a desire of being 
 abroad, and walked out almost all day with Mr. E. Harris, who 
 is now abroad again. 
 
 April llfth, Wednesday. — There was nothing of impor- 
 tance transacted this day in the Senate, no debate w^rth minut- 
 ing. The Senate adjourned, and we, or at least I, went into 
 the House of Representatives. But even there everything 
 seemed equally unimportant. The House adjourned, and as I 
 was to dine this day with Mr. Izard, the Speaker, and General 
 [Muhlenberg] being likewise engaged at the same place, we 
 had an hour on hand to saunter away before dinner. It began 
 to rain as we got to Izard's. There was of the company Count 
 von Berkel, the Speaker of the New York House of Eepre- 
 sentatives, members of Congress, etc. Among our wine I men- 
 tioned the expected death of Dr. Franklin. Izard knew him 
 as well as any man in the world. Dr. Johnson would yield to 
 no man on intimate acquaintance with his [Franklin's] charac- 
 ter, and at him they both went. I really never was much of 
 an admirer of the Doctor, but I could hardly find it in my 
 heart to paint the devil so bad. He had every fault of vanity, 
 ambition, want of sincerity, etc. Lee's rascally virtue of pru- 
 dence was all they would leave him. 
 
 I must note it down that Clymer called me out of the Sen- 
 ate chamber this day. It was on no business of any conse- 
 quence. He talked with me a considerable time. After I 
 came into the Eepresentative chamber he came and took a 
 chair beside me. I must declare that, be his motives what 
 they may, I never saw him so condescending. I will not 
 balk him in his advances to me ; my heart tells me that peace 
 with all the world is the most acceptable and desirable object 
 to be pursued. I will not shun her, but place myself in her 
 paths. What is it that whispers in my ear that, if any dirty 
 
April 15] THE MILITARY BILL. 239 
 
 trick is played me that lias its date about this time, I need not 
 be at a loss to guess the author ? No, no. I will give it no 
 such meaning. I wiU not suppose him to have worn a cloak, 
 but that he came clothed in candor. 
 
 April 15th, Thursday. — The bill for regulating the mili- 
 tary establishment was called up. The friends of this bill 
 seem to be chieily Butler, King, and Schuyler. I have op- 
 posed this bill hitherto as often as it has been before the House 
 as the foundation, the corner-stone of a standing army. The 
 troops are augmented one half. The reasons hitherto given 
 have been the distressed state of Georgia. Butler has blazed 
 away on this subject at a great rate ; declared over and over 
 that Georgia would seek protection elsewhere if troops were 
 not sent to support her, etc., etc., and said fifty Indians had 
 penetrated into that State, of which he had authentic infor- 
 mation, etc. Carrol joined him. King, Schuyler, Elsworth, 
 and Lee opposed them. Lee made a set speech against stand- 
 ing armies. He really spoke well. King at last got up and 
 rather upbraided the Georgia members for their silence on 
 diis question. This brought up Colonel Gunn. He declared 
 he knew nothing of fifty Indians making any inroads into 
 Georgia. He was just from there, and had the latest accounts. 
 Georgia was in peace, and never had a better prospect of con- 
 tinuing so. There existed no cause in Georgia for augment- 
 ing the troops ; and since that was the reason assigned for it, 
 he should vote against it. 
 
 Infatuated people that we are ! The first thing done under 
 our new Government was the creation of a vast number of 
 offices and officers. A treasury delated into as many branches 
 as interest could frame. A Secretary of War with a host of 
 clerks ; and above all a Secretary of State, and all these men 
 labor in their several vocations. Hence we must have a mass 
 of national debt to employ the Treasury, an army for fear the 
 Department of War should lack employment. Foreign en- 
 gagements, too, must be attended to to keep up the conse- 
 quences of that Secretary. The next cry will be for an Ad- 
 miralty. Give Knox his army, and he will soon have a war 
 on hand ; indeed, I am clearly of opinion that he is aiming at 
 this even now, and that, few as the troops are that he now has 
 
240 THE MILITARY BILL. [1790 
 
 under his direction, lie will have a war in less than six months 
 with the Southern Indians. 
 
 Lent the Speaker fifty dollars. 
 
 April 16th. — And now again for the augmentation of the 
 troops. I took a minute view of all the papers forwarded by 
 General Knox. They were copies of letters which he had re- 
 ceived from different places and carried, evidently, manage- 
 ment on the face of them. Thus, for instance. General Knox 
 writes to General Wayne in Georgia to inform him whether 
 the Spaniards had not lately supplied the Indians with arms 
 and ammunition. General Wayne answers that his inquiries 
 on this head resolved themselves into the affirmative, and adds 
 his opinion that it is highly probable hostile uses may be made 
 of those supplies by the savages. In this manner leading let- 
 ters procure favorable answers from men who expect to be 
 employed in case troops are raised. Before Colonel Gunu 
 came, the dangers and distress of Georgia were magnified as 
 far as fancy could from frightful pictures. Colonel Gunn 
 contradicts all this. 
 
 New phantoms for the day must be created. Now a dan- 
 gerous and dreadful conspiracy is discovered to be carrying 
 on between the people of Kentucky and the Spaniards. King 
 unfolded this mysterious business, adding that he conceived 
 his fears were well founded. He firmly believed there was a 
 conspiracy ; that it was dangerous to put arms into the hands 
 of the frontier people for their defense, lest they should use 
 them against the United States. 
 
 I really could scarce keep my seat and hear such base sub- 
 terfuges made use of one after another. I rose, demanded 
 what right gentlemen had to monopohze information. If they 
 had it, let them come forward with it and give other people 
 an opportunity of judging of the authenticity of the informa- 
 tion, as well as the persons in possession of it ; declared that 
 I could not tamely sit and hear the characters of the people on 
 the Western waters traduced by the lump. This day was the 
 first ever I heard of the word " conspiracy " being applied to 
 the inhabitants of the Western waters. I had a right to doubt 
 it until authentic proof was brought forward of the fact. I 
 felt myself disposed to wipe King hard, and certainly did so. 
 
April 17] INVENTED NEWS. 241 
 
 It was moved and seconded very fairly to reduce the number 
 to one thousand, and carried, eleven to nine. Elsworth, though 
 he spoke for the reduction, voted against us. Mr. Morris 
 desired to be excused from voting, as he had come but lately. 
 Elsworth said he voted against one thousand because he wanted 
 twelve hundred ; and,, though it was certainly out of all order, 
 got a question put on this number and carried it by one vote. 
 No man ever had a more complete knack of putting his foot 
 in a business than this same Elsworth. At one thousand we 
 should have had but one regiment. Now the committee to 
 whom it is recommitted will try to continue them in two. 
 And yet economy is all his cry. 
 
 I gave notice that, when the title of the bill came to be 
 considered, I would move to strike out " for regulating the 
 military establishment of the United States," and mentioned 
 particularly what I took the intention of the troops to be agree- 
 ably to the old acts of Congress, -viz., protection of the front- 
 iers of the United States / facilitating the surveying and 
 selling the jmblic lam,ds and preventing unwa/rra/ntahle en- 
 croachments on the same. The man must be blind who does 
 not see a most unwarrantable management respecting our mili- 
 tary affairs. The Constitution certainly never contemplated a 
 standing army in time of peace. A well-regulated militia to 
 execute the laws of the Union, quell insurrections, and repel 
 invasions, is the very language of the Constitution. General 
 Knox offers a most exceptional bill for a general militia law 
 which excites (as it is most probably he expected) a general 
 opposition. Thus the business of the militia stands still, and 
 the Military Establishment bill, which increases the standing 
 troops one half, is pushed with all the art and address of min- 
 isterial management. 
 
 April 17th. — Being Saturday, a party was formed to go to 
 Haerlem. Long cooped up in the city, I joyfully joined them, 
 but the wind soon blew cold and raw from the east, and we 
 could not stay out of doors. Like most other human expecta- 
 tions, our hopes vanished in disappointment. I got some cold, 
 and felt slight complaints of the rheumatic kind. The ramble 
 has, however, had its uses, and may cure me on the subject of 
 excursions in the future. 
 16 
 
242' THE MILITARY BILL. [ITOO 
 
 April 18th, Sunday. — This is the most tempestuous day 
 which I remember. Snow, torrents of rain, high winds. Kept 
 the house all day ; read and wrote to my family. The Speaker 
 received letters by which it appears the Philadelphians, or at 
 least the aristocrats, will support Mifflin rather than him 
 [Muhlenberg] for Governor. He recapitulated the return they 
 had always made to him for his engaging the Germans to sup- 
 port their measures. He had a share of the profits of the 
 vendue office from Paton, but it amounted to little. They 
 deserted him on the appointment of vendue-master. For the 
 ISTorthern Liberties lie got the office in Montgomery by a con- 
 stitutional vote, and it never paid him for the paper he spent 
 for the Eepublican party. 
 
 April 19th, Monday. — The journals of the Senate can 
 scarce designate a day of less importance than the present. 
 The yeas and nays had been fairly taken on reducing the 
 troop from sixteen hundred to one thousand, but the way the 
 minutes read the question was for the striking out of every 
 man, viz., the whole sixteen hundred. Elsworth moved to 
 strike out the whole of the yeas and nays, etc. This certainly 
 was against all rule : the reading of the minutes is for correc- 
 tion, not altering them. Wyngate and Langdon spoke a good 
 deal, but it was in vain. They carried it. 
 
 I bought two little pocket-books for Betsey and l^elly, to 
 be sent home by Bobby Harris. On the vellum in one of 
 them I wrote : 
 
 A daddy to a daughter dear 
 This little present sends : 
 May she to him, far off or near, 
 By duty make amends ! 
 
 In the other one I wrote the following : 
 
 A father to a favorite child 
 
 Presents this little toy : 
 May she through life a sunshine mild 
 
 And happiness enjoy 1 > 
 
 Wretched man that I am, who do not break loose from this 
 disagreeable place and stay, live and die with my family ! 
 
 April 20th, Tuesday. — Dressed this day to go with Bobby 
 Harris to the levee, but the President was gone to Long 
 
April 20] THE MILITARY BILL. 243 
 
 Island. "We sat a long time in the Senate, withont doing any- 
 thing. At last the committee on the military bill reported. 
 The report was a mere matter of detail, only the clause lim- 
 iting the bill to two years was struck out. I had given notice 
 that I would move to alter the title of the bill so as to express 
 the use and intention of raising the troops, but our Yice- 
 President, in order to jockey me, was for putting the question 
 on the bill without saying anything about the title at all. 
 Elsworth, who can not bear that anybody should move any- 
 thing but himself, and to whom I showed the title I had pro- 
 posed to offer, pushed liimself before me with a title different 
 and much shorter. He was not seconded. I offered mine, and 
 was seconded by Lee. A long debate ensued. Elsworth now 
 gave all the opposition in his power. It was really painful to 
 hear the servile sentiments that were advanced. The spirit 
 of the whole was, that we had nothing to do with the troops ; 
 had no right to know what the President did with them or 
 applied them to ; it was interfering with his command, etc. I 
 thought they were well answered. But what of that ? We lost 
 it. Elsworth now showed plainly that he cared httle about 
 his motion, and that he had only started his to draw off the 
 Senate from mine. Butler had declared he would second him 
 during the debate on mine. I, therefore, called for it. He 
 now moved it differently, viz., " An act to raise troops for the 
 service of the United States." His first motion was " for the 
 defense of the frontiers and for other purposes." All we 
 could do was to get a question on it, such as it was. The 
 Senate divided, ten to ten. The Vice-President made a re- 
 markable speech. He said to raise troops for the service of 
 the United States was as much a standing army as a military 
 establishment, and voted for the old title. I thought I con- 
 firmed every argument I advanced, either from the old or new 
 Constitution of Pennsylvania, or from the Constitution of the 
 United States. But a sentence from the Secretary [Knox] is 
 of- more avail than all the Constitutions in the United States 
 with many people. 
 
 The limiting clause at the end of the bill confining it to 
 two years being lost, I moved that three years in the first 
 clause should be struck out and two inserted. I brought for- 
 
244 THE MILITABY BILL. [1790 
 
 ward the " appropriation " clause in the Constitution to sup- 
 port me in this motion, but, as it was known where the majority 
 was, I could not obtain a second. 
 
 We had a meeting last night of our delegation on the sub- 
 ject of removing Congress. The avowed language of the 
 Philadelphians [was] to make a Potomac contract. I insisted 
 we should lose as much on one hand as we could gain on the 
 other, and infamy was certain ; that the business could be 
 better done without it, etc. 
 
 April '21st. — The bill for regulating the military establish- 
 ment was taken up for a third reading. Being in the Senate, 
 and of course in order, I moved to restore the seventeenth sec- 
 tion, which had been struck out yesterday, in the following 
 words : " And be it further enacted that this act shall continue 
 and be in force imtil the 26th day of March, 1792." I went 
 over the Constitutions of Pennsylvania, old and new; that 
 they were abhorrent of a standing army in time of peace in- 
 ferred, as I thought, clearly the same doctrine from the Con- 
 stitution of the United States. I then showed that this bill 
 established a standing army. It was for regulating the mili- 
 tary establishments of the United States. It carried a perma- 
 .nent establishment on the face of it, as it was unlimited in 
 point of time. It clearly carried with it a permanent standing 
 army. I compared it to the Mutiny bill of Great Britain. All 
 the world knew that Great Britain had a standing army, and 
 her soldiers were enlisted generally for life ; and yet the jeal- 
 ousy of the nation was such that the boldest minister dared not 
 propose the extending of the Mutiny bill to more than one 
 year. In the legislative theory, the English had no standing 
 army. It was but an annual one. But if the bill passed in its 
 present form we should not have even a theory to oppose to a 
 standing army, etc. 
 
 Elsworth got up and said the reason the clause was struck 
 out was that it contradicted the terms of enlistment, and he 
 made a distinction between enlisting men for three years and 
 appropriating pay for them for three years. We could do the 
 one. We could not do the other without breaking the Con- 
 stitution. He wished they were enlisted for seven or ten years, 
 etc. I answered that it seemed as if men strained their Inge- 
 
April 22] THE MILITARY BILL. 245 
 
 nuity to try how near they could approach an infraction of 
 the Constitution without breaking it. There could be no 
 doubt but what the clause limiting the appropriation to two 
 years was meant as a bar against a standing army, and yet gen- 
 tlemen seemed to strain their faculties to accomplish the very 
 end prohibited, without being chargeable with a direct breach 
 of commandments, etc. 
 
 Elsworth declared, both yesterday and this day, that mili- 
 tary establishment meant and could mean nothing short of a 
 standing army. Carrol used the same language, and expressly 
 said that, though the Constitution of Pennsylvania might for- 
 bid it, we were not to be governed by any State Constitution. 
 But of all the ilamers, none blazed hke Izard. He wished for 
 a standing army of ten thousand men. He feared nothing 
 from them. Ko nation ever lost its liberty by a standing 
 army, etc. The Romans lost their liberty, but it was not by 
 the army under Julius Caesar. He was well answered by Lee, 
 but it was in vain. A standing army was the avowed doctrine, 
 and on the question Lee, Wyngate, and myself rose. I openly 
 declared my regret that there M'ere not enough of us to call 
 the yeas and nays. Mr. Morris was not in at the taking of 
 the question. 
 
 I iind in some conversation which I have had with the 
 Speaker that Hartley is very dependent in his circiunstances. 
 A mere borrower and discounter of notes at the Philadelphia 
 bank. It is much against him in point of prudence that he 
 should be the most extravagant member of the Pennsylvania 
 delegation. 
 
 April 2^d. — The morning looked so tempting I could not 
 resist the impulse I felt for walking out. The Speaker joined 
 me at the door. "We called on Mr. Wynkoop, who is con- 
 fined Avith his sore leg. We got on the assmnption of State 
 debts. I find the Speaker rather wavers of late. "Wynkoop 
 seemed all Secretary [Hamilton]. I embarked, as I generally 
 do, and I endeavored to speak so plain that I scarce think it 
 possible I could be misunderstood ; and I could not help think- 
 ing that to understand and obtain consent were inseparable. 
 He waved what I said as if he would push all by in the lump. 
 But if I had talked to a mute camel, or addressed myself to 
 
246 THE DEATH OF DR. FRANKLIN. [1790 
 
 a dead horse, my speech would have had the same effect ; and 
 yet he seemed to have neither opinion nor system of his own. 
 
 Attended at the Hall. A bill was committed, a message 
 was received, and the Senate adjourned. Wrote a short piece 
 against the assumption of State debts ; sent a copy to Bailey 
 for pubUcation. This day there were accounts published of 
 the death of Dr. Franklin, and the House of Representatives 
 voted to drape their arms for a month. When I consider how 
 much the Doctor has been celebrated, and when I compare his 
 public fame with his private character, I am tempted to doubt 
 whether any man was as perfect. Yet it is, perhaps, for the 
 good of society that patterns of perfection should be held up 
 for men to copy after. I will, therefore, give him my vote 
 of praise, and, if any Senator moves crape for his memory, I 
 shall have no objection to it ; yet we suffered Grayson to die 
 without any attention to his memory, though he belonged to 
 our body, and perhaps had some claim to a mark of sorrow. 
 
 April 23(1. — Felt rheumatic pains over a considerable part 
 of me, and really have some fear that I shall have a fit of it. 
 A bill had been committed yesterday " for the relief of a cer- 
 tain description of officers." I believe it came from the Sec- 
 retary of War. It was absolutely unintelligible, and it really 
 struck me it was meant as the stock to ingraft some mischief 
 on with respect to the conmmtation pensions and half-pay of 
 the old array, everything relating to wMch we had generally 
 considered as settled. I spoke freely of it yesterday and this 
 day, though I was not of the committee. The committee, 
 however, reported against the whole of it, and it was rejected. 
 
 It really seems as if a listlessness or spirit of laziness per- 
 vaded the House of Representatives. Anything which comes 
 from a Secretary is adopted almost without any examina- 
 tion. The military establishment bill came up — concurred in. 
 Strange that not a Pennsylvanian should object to this bill. 
 As it now stands, it flatly contradicts the Constitution of Penn- 
 sylvania, both old and new. 
 
 Carrol rose and made a motion that the Senate should wear 
 crape for a month for the loss of Dr. Franklin. Before he 
 was seconded, Elsworth got up and opposed it ; said, as it would 
 not be carried in the Senate ; he trusted it would not be sec- 
 
April 25J ■ THE KILLING OF OXEN. 247 
 
 onded. I rose and seconded Carrol. Izard and Eutler hated 
 Dr. Franklin, and I well knew that this opposition of Els- 
 worth aimed at their gratiiication. Perhaps my supporting 
 Carrol had something of a tincture of the same kind. King 
 and Dr. Johnson joined Elsworth. Elsworth addressed Carrol 
 and told him (through the Chair) that he might as well with- 
 draw his motion, as it would be lost. This was really insult- 
 ing. But as the matter, strictly speaking, was not senatorial 
 or such as belonged to lis in oiir capacity as a public body, and 
 as it was opposed, Carrol looked at me and I nodded assent, 
 and it was withdrawn. 
 
 April ^^.th. — A party was formed by General Muhlenberg 
 to go to Long Island, but, recollecting the disappointment of 
 last Saturday, I declined going with them. Stayed at home 
 and spent the day rather in a lounging manner. Wrote some 
 letters. The Speaker proposed a ride in his carriage. I Avas 
 all passive. He took a lady who was indisposed. I went in 
 the evening and sat awhile with Mr. "Wynkoop. In the after- 
 noon Henry Stone and some other members of Congress 
 called on me to go and see some cattle of enormous size. I 
 went. Two bullocks of great bulk indeed were shown to us. 
 I was sorry for my walk. They were in the yard of the ^ 
 slaughter-house. I now learned some secrets of the btttcher 
 business which I never knew before. The ox is emptied by 
 repeated bleedings of almost all his veins before he is killed. 
 A place is fitted up to which their heads are drawti up by a 
 rope, and the jugular veins are opened. The blood falls down 
 on the boards, inclined so that it runs into a trough fixed in 
 the ground ; and hogs are kept to feed on it. All this prepa- 
 ration is made to make the beef white. Then the great, harm- 
 less creatures had undergone several of their bleedings, and 
 were mo^ang about faint and languid, ^vith looks of dumb de- 
 spair. man, what a monster art thou ! I can not get rid 
 of the impression this sight has left me. . 
 
 April 25th, Sunday. — I wrote letters as usual to my family 
 this morning. At ten o'clock went to Mr. Wynkoop's lodg- 
 ings, in order to go to the meeting. It blew up cold and be- 
 gan to rain. The clergyman we intended to hear (Dr. Lynn) 
 was sick, so we did not go out, but I sat with him a consider- 
 
248 WYNKOOP FOR ASSUMPTION. [1790 
 
 able time. Our chat was on various and trifling subjects : 
 weather, home, farming, and what not. After a pause he 
 broke out with a laugh, saying how fine and. quietly we got 
 over the military establishment; all smooth — not a word of 
 opposition. He expressed great satisfaction, and seemed to 
 manifest that kind of triumph which would follow the per- 
 formance of an arduous task with unexpected facility. Surely 
 the ministerial gentry must have looked for opposition and 
 prepared themselves accordingly ; and my worthy friend must 
 have been of their council, which seems a hard thought, but 
 what am I to believe ? I, however, soon undeceived him with 
 regard to the part I had acted in the Senate, and he looked 
 like a man who unexpectedly finds himself in strange company. 
 
 April ^6th, Monday. — Attended at the Hall. Mr. "Walker, 
 from Virginia, the gentleman elected in the room of Mr. 
 Grayson, took his seat. The Progress bill, which in fact con- 
 sisted only of one clause continuing the old one to another 
 session, had a second reading. "We did not continue in our 
 seats for more than three quarters of an hour, till King moved 
 an adjournment. Modesty by degrees begins to leave. "We 
 used to stay in the Senate chamber till about two o'clock ,wheth- 
 er we did anything or not, by way of keeping up the appear- 
 ance &i business. But even this we seem to be got over. 
 
 Dr. Elmer asked me to walk with him. I saw cards 
 handed about the Senate, but this happens so often that I took 
 no notice of it. "When we were in the street the doctor asked 
 me if I had not a card to dine with the President. I told 
 him, with all the indifference I could put on, no, and imme- 
 diately took up some other subject, which I entered upon with 
 eagerness, as if I had hardly noticed his question. This is the 
 second time the Doctor has asked me the same question, so 
 that the President's neglect of me can be no secret. How un- 
 worthy of a great character is such littleness ! He ["Washing- 
 ton] is not aware, however, that he is paying me a compliment 
 that none of his guests can claim. He places me above the 
 influence of a dinner, eren in his own opinion. Perhaps he 
 means it as a punishment for my opposition to court measures. 
 Either way, I care not a fig for it. I certainly feel a pride 
 arising from a consciousness that the greatest man in the world 
 
Apeil27] the public CREDITORS OP PHILADELPHIA. 249 
 
 has not credit enough with me to influence my conduct in the 
 least. This pride, however, or pei'haps I should call it self- 
 approbation, is the result of my conduct and by no means the 
 motive of it. This I am clear in. 
 
 I am so very intent on getting Congress away from this < 
 place that I went to see the Philadelphians and concert what 
 was further to be done. I wished to communicate to them 
 the result of my inquiries, and receive their stock of informa- 
 tion on the subject of removal. I had some time ago deter- 
 mined never to call on them any more, but my anxiety on this 
 point made me break through this rule. But the result has 
 made me re-enact my former resolution. I think it best to 
 respect myself. Let this resolution be as a ring on my finger 
 or the shirt on my back ; let>me never be without it. 
 
 This morning we had snow near two inches deep. It 
 melted as it fell during the fore part of the day, and turned at 
 last to rain. 
 
 This day Mr. Clymer made his famous speech for throwing 
 away the Western world. A noble sacrifice, truly, to gratify 
 the public creditors of Philadelphia ! Keject territory of an 
 extent of an empire so that it may be out of the power of 
 Congress to oblige the public creditors to take any part of it. 
 This, added to the confiscation of the seventeen shillings six- 
 pence in every pound of alieniated certificates, which virtually 
 belonged to the person who performed the original service 
 and bestowing on it a base speculation, completes the counter- 
 part of villainy to the meritorious soldier on the one hand, 
 and defrauded and betrayed country on the other, whose re- 
 sources are rejected that the debt may become irredeemable 
 and permanent. 
 
 Ajpril %7ih. — This is a day of no business in the Senate. 
 Before the House formed, Mr. Adams, our Vice-President, 
 came to where I was sitting and told how many late pamphlets 
 he had received from England ; how the subject of the French 
 Kevolution agitated the English polities ; that for his part he 
 despised them all but the production of Mr. Burke, and this 
 same Mr. Burke despised the French Revolution. Bravo, Mr. 
 Adams ! I did not need this trait of your character to know 
 you. 
 
250 PIECES IN THE NEWSPAPERS. [1790 
 
 In the evening I called at the post-office on a business of 
 Mr. Zantzingers. Langdon, who lodges nearly opposite, called 
 to me from a window. I went over and had a long discourse 
 with him on the subject of removing Congress. He wants to 
 make the assumption of State debts the condition of it. I was 
 guarded as to any concessions on this subject. He avowed in 
 the most unequivocal manner that consolidation of the dif- 
 ferent governments was his object in the matter ; that per- 
 haps it was against the interests of his State in particular, etc. 
 
 This morning was snowy and remarkably cold. I have 
 used the cold bath for two mornings past, and, I think, with 
 good effect. I certainly am in better health, and feel a very 
 great improvement of appetite. Perhaps I must be guarded 
 as to this point. The flesh-brush I never omit. The party 
 who went on Long Island Saturday week have most of them 
 repented of it. 
 
 April ^8th. — This was really a snowy day. The distant 
 hills in the evening were still Mdiite. Even in the town the 
 houses were white till in the afternoon. Three successive 
 snowy days at this time of the year appears extraordinary, 
 indeed. 
 
 Childs this day published a piece which I contrived to get 
 into his hands. Neither he nor any of the printers here know 
 me to be a writer ; nor will they know it unless the Speaker 
 or General Mulilenberg should blow me ; but even then they 
 do not know me to be the author of more than two or three 
 pieces. 
 
 As we had nothing to do in the Senate, Carrol moved for 
 a committee to consider what was to be done about Rhode 
 Island, etc. One was accordingly appointed. The Senate 
 adjourned early, on pretense of doing business in committees. 
 I went for a while into the House of Representatives, but, find- 
 ing the debates unimportant, I went to settle some private 
 business, and soon came home, where I remained the rest of 
 the day. In the evening had the satisfaction to receive letters 
 from home up to the 15th instant. All well. 
 
 April 29th. — Called to see Colonel Gunn. He was mlling 
 to talk, and I had no mind to interrupt him. He spoke freely 
 relating to the barefaced conduct of King and Elsworth in 
 
MayI] "TOOLISM." 251 
 
 supporting any measure proposed by the Secretaries. Indeed, 
 tlieir toolism is sufficiently evident to everybody. He says the 
 agitating the affair of Ehode Island is only to furnish a pre- 
 text to raise more troops. Be this as it may, that Carrol was 
 only a tool in bringing it forward yesterday was sufficiently 
 evident. Gunn is going to Philadelphia, and I have arranged 
 matters so tliat he will be taken notice of there. 
 
 No business was done in the Senate but consenting to some 
 nominations sent down yesterday, and the Senators from Vir- 
 ginia laid a resolution on the table for opening the doors of 
 the Senate on the discussion of legislative subjects. 
 
 April 30th. — A flood of business came up from the Repre- 
 sentatives, but none of it was acted on save the first reading of 
 bills and appointing a committee to confer with them on some 
 point of order or etiqxiette. Mr. Morris spoke to me as to re- 
 pealing the law or that part of the judiciary about holding a 
 District and Circuit Court at Yorktown. I gave as my opinion 
 that it was best to let the other House do it, as they liad in- 
 troduced Yorktown ; and I find Boudinot has this day carried 
 in a bill for this purpose. I hate the whole of the judiciary, n^ 
 and, indeed, made no place at first but Philadelphia for hold- 
 ing the courts. I shall not therefore give them my opposition. 
 If a place is hereafter appointed for holding any Circuit Court, 
 it, perhaps, should be Harrisburg. 
 
 Senate adjourned over to Monday. 
 
 May 1st, Sattirday. — This is a day of general moving in 
 New York, being the day on which tlieir leases chiefly expire. 
 It was a finer day than yesterday. I could not forbear the 
 impulse of walking out. I went for Mr. Scott, but he had 
 changed his lodgings and was not to be f oimd. Fell in with 
 "Walker and Parker, of Virginia. They were coming to visit 
 our house. They pressed us so hard for dinner that we con- 
 sented. I had not, however, walked far enough, and went to 
 see Mr. Wynkoop. We got again on the subject of State 
 debt. I never saw a man take so nnich pains not to see a 
 subject. It is, however, now disposed of, at least for this 
 session. 
 
 I have a letter from Dr. Push. He praises the piece I 
 sent him. Calls it sensible ; owns himself convinced. His 
 
252 HAMILTON'S REPOET IN SENATE. [1790 
 
 words [were], " I have erred through ignorance on this sub- 
 ject " [State debts]. 
 
 With less prudence than integrity I attacked the Secre- 
 tary's [Hamilton's] report the moment it appeared. When the 
 leading feature in it, the assumption of State debts, was car- 
 ried by a majority of five in the committee of the whole Rep- 
 resentatives, I redoubled my efforts against it ; and I really 
 believe that by my endeavors it was finally rejected. I am 
 fully sensible that I staked every particle of credit [popularity] 
 I had in the world on this business, and have been successful. 
 But let me lay my account, never to be thought of for it. Be 
 it so. I have made enemies of all the Secretaries, and all 
 their tools, perhaps of the President of the United States, 
 and Bonny Johnny Adams for the many pieces I have written. 
 With all the pains I have taken to conceal myself [the pieces] 
 must have betrayed me in one shape or other. But I have no 
 enemy in my own bosom. 
 
 Williamson's coming in, and one of his colleagues, had a 
 considerable effect. Wlien the whole of the North Carolina 
 delegation appeared, it settled the business. The assumjjtion 
 would have completed the pretext for seizing every resource 
 of government and subject of taxation in the Union, so that 
 even the civil list of the respective governments would have 
 to depend on the Federal Treasury. This was the common 
 talk of the Secretary's tools. 
 
 We could not resist the pressing invitation of Parker and 
 some Virginians to dine with them on turtle. All this is not 
 worth a note, but on the next page are some anecdotes of 
 General Washington. 
 
 No Virginian can talk on any subject, but the perfection 
 of General Washington interweaves itself into every conversa- 
 tion. Walker had called at his farm [Washington's] as he 
 came through Virginia. It consists of three divisions. The 
 whole contains some ten or fifteen thousand acres. It is under 
 different overseers, who may be styled generals, under whom 
 are grades of subordinate appointments descending down 
 through whites, mulattoes, negroes, horses, cows, sheep, hogs, 
 etc. ; it was hinted all were named. The crops to be put into 
 the different fields, etc., and the hands, horned-cattle, etc., to 
 
May 3] WASHINGTON'S FAEM. 253 
 
 be used in tillage, pasturing, etc., are arranged in a roster cal- 
 culated for ten years. Tlie Friday of every week is appointed 
 for the overseers, or we will say the brigadier-generals, to 
 make up their returns. Not a day's work but is noted ; what, 
 by whom, and where done ; not a cow calves or a ewe drops* 
 a lamb but it is registered ; deaths, etc., whether accidental or 
 by the hands of the butcher, all minuted. Thus the etiqiiette 
 and arrangement of an army are preserved on his farm. This 
 may truly be called sham-care ; but is it not nature ? "When 
 once the human mind is penetrated by any system, no matter 
 what, it can never disengage itself. Query : Did not the 
 Homan poet understand nature to perfection who makes his 
 heroes marshal their armies of ghosts in the Elysian fields ; and 
 spirits imitate in shadows the copies of their former occupa- 
 tion ? 
 
 May 2d, Sunday. — The fore part of this day was very 
 pleasant. An east wind blew up and deformed the afternoon. 
 I, however, walked a good deal. I have drunk wine with the 
 Speaker at the rate of about three glasses a day, and I really 
 consider myself worse for it. May be I am mistaken. I will 
 observe for a day or two longer. I bore this day with more 
 impatience and have thought more about my family than any 
 other day since I have been in New York. I wrote as usual 
 to them and sundry other acquaintances. 
 
254 SALAKIBS TO MlNISTKltS. [1790 
 
 CHAPTER Yir. 
 
 SALAKIES AND PENSIONS. 
 
 May 3d, Monday. — There really was a eoiisiderable deal 
 of business done in the Senate this day, and would have been 
 much more had it not been for an appeal that was made to 
 the Chair for information respecting the salary necessary for 
 au ambassador. Full one half of our time was takeu up in 
 two speeches on the subject of etiquette and expense attending 
 and necessary to constitute the ^'ery essence of an ambassador. 
 The lowest farthing should be three thousand poimds sterling, 
 besides a year's salary at setting out. Much of what he 
 [Adams] said bore the air of the traveler ; in fact, I did not be- 
 lieve him, and, of course, voted iu the face of all his iiifonna- 
 tion. A commitment of the bill was called for, and I was, 
 contrary to my expectations, put on it. Another short bill 
 was conniiitted, which I really suspect is a base job, calculated 
 to make a nest for an individual. The spirit of the last session 
 really was to make offices for men, to provide for indi^•iduals 
 Avithout regarding the public or sparing ex])ense. I fear this 
 spirit is not yet laid. 
 
 For some time past the Philadelphians had been proposing 
 a weekly dinner. Our former meetings sank into disuse, but 
 they are ]iow very urgent, and this day we began the biisiness. 
 Judge Wilson, being a Pennsylvanian, was, of course, invited. 
 We soon relaxed into conviviality, and,- indeed, something 
 more. We expected something political would be proposed 
 by Fitzsimons, and out it came : " Gentlemen, it is expected 
 of us that we should fix the Governor of Pennsylvania." I 
 introduced some trivial remarks of the weather, etc., a,iid the 
 thing Aras checked for a time. Scott, General Heister, and 
 
May 4] PENNSYLVANIAN POLITICS. 255 
 
 General Muhlenberg M-ent away. It was now broached seri- 
 ously by Fitzsimons. Morris made a public declaration that 
 he was fully sensible of the honor done him in the present ap- 
 pointment, but if the chair of the Governor fell to liim he 
 would discharge it with impartiality, etc. ; that he considered ' 
 the present Governor as a very improper man, and hoped they 
 would create opposition to him. The Speaker declared him- 
 self in terms of a similar nature. The result -was this, that 
 their friends should determine and that their utmost should be 
 united to keep out Mifflin. Mr. Morris, by way of finishing 
 the business, addressed himself to the Speaker. " May you or 
 I be Governor." There is a prospect of Tench Coxe succeed- 
 ing Duer in the assistaney of the Treasury. His character was 
 spoken of with great asperity by Fitzsimons, Morris, and Wil- 
 son. Clynier rather supported him. 
 
 We got on the subject of the finances of Pennsylvania. 
 Fitzsimons asserted that our State had drawn between two and 
 three millions of dollars from the Continental Treasury, and 
 that we had not more than four millions substantiated against 
 the Union. I hinted to him that from anything I had seen 
 'we had not drawn raore than about a million from the Conti- 
 nental Treasury, that Mcholson had rendered accounts to the 
 amount of ten millions, and had stated an unliquidated charge 
 of five millions ; but, I added, let the accoxmt be fairly settled, 
 and if we are really in debt let us pay it. "We sat too long 
 and drauk too much ; but we seemed happy, and parted in 
 good humor. 
 
 May Jfth, Tuesday. — I felt in some degree the effects of the 
 bad wine I had drunk, for I had a headache. Dressed, hoM'- 
 ever, for the levee. I liad a card yesterday to dine with tlie 
 President of the United States on Thursday. The pet, if he 
 had any on him, has gone off.* 
 
 A great deal of business was done this day in the Senate 
 in the way of passing and reading bills, but no debate of any 
 consequence. Elsworth manifested some strong traits of ob- 
 stinacy. 
 
 * Referring to his [Maclay's] not receiving a similar invitation a month 
 before when the President gave a dinner, to which many Senators were 
 invited. 
 
256 COL. ELY'S PENSION. [1790 
 
 Went to the levee, made my bows, walked about, turned 
 about, and came out. 
 
 May Bill, Wednesday. — A great deal of business was done 
 in the Senate, but no debate was entered on. The Ehode 
 Island committee reported. The amount of it was to put that 
 State in a kind of commercial Coventry, to prevent all inter- 
 course with them by the way of trade. I- think the whole 
 business premature. We adjourned early. 
 
 I went to call on E. H. Lee and Mr. Langdon, both of 
 whom are sick. Mr. Hazard, whom I met in the street, told 
 me Mr. Langdon could not be seen. I called on Lee. Found 
 him better. I now addressed myself to suit the mei-its of a 
 bill, referred to myself and others, for the allowance of forty- 
 iive dollars per month to a Colonel Ely, which, by attending to 
 his accounts in the ofKce of the commissioner for army ac- 
 counts, I find to be a most groundless and unjust charge. A 
 petition of his was referred to the Secretary of War, and the 
 Secretary of War reported in his favor — ^the great Pin on 
 which so much hung. 
 
 The assumption of the State debts having failed, every 
 other thing that can be thought of Avill be brought forward to 
 increase the volume of the national debt. We already re- 
 jected in the Senate a bill which appeared to me of mischiev- 
 ous conseqiiences touching the communication and half pay and 
 pensions of officers. It is renewed and sent up to us. Baron 
 Steuben is supported in a demand of near six hundred guineas 
 a year. In fact, to overwhelm us with debt is the endeavor of 
 every creat^ire in office, for fear, as there is likely to be no 
 war, that if there shoiild be no debt to be provided for there 
 would be no business for the general government with all their 
 train of ofiicers. Henry, of Maryland, expressed himseK in 
 words full up to the foregoing ideas to me a few days ago, biit I 
 spoiled his communications by expressing a wish of the sooner 
 the hetter. It is remarkable to me at least that he has since 
 that time left his usual seat, Avliich used to be near, and com- 
 monly rambles from one empty seat to another on the opposite 
 side of the House. The Secretaries have had a clear majority 
 in the House of Representatives on every question save the 
 adoption of State debts. They carried this at first, but some 
 
May 7] DINNER "WITH "WASHINGTON. ■ 25T 
 
 publications reminded the gentlemen that there was an election 
 approaching. 
 
 May 6th. — Little was done in the Senate this day. Two 
 bills came up from the House of Hepresentatives. Agreed to. 
 The E.hode Island committee requested that they might have 
 back their report to amend it. This was complied with. Their 
 amendment amounted to an adjournment, and I joined the 
 committee on the bill for the salaries of ministers plenipoten- 
 tiary, charge d''affaires, etc. I bore my most pointed testi- 
 mony against all this kind of gentry; declared I wished no 
 political connection whatever with any other country what- 
 ever. Our commercial intercourse could be well regulated 
 by consuls, who would cost ixs nothing. All my discourse 
 availed nothing. The whole committee agreed with me that 
 they were unnecessary. Why, then, appoint any or make pro- 
 vision for the appointment of any, for so sure as we make a 
 nest for one the President will be plagued tiU he fills it ? We 
 agreed to the bill as .it stood, but I proposed twice to strike 
 out all about ministers plenipotentiary. 
 
 Went to dine with the President agreeably to invitation. 
 He seemed in more good humor than I ever saw him, though 
 he was so deaf that I believe he heard little of the conversa- 
 tion. We had ladies, Mrs. Smith, Mrs. Page, and Mrs. White. 
 Their husbands all with them. 
 
 May 7th, Fridanf. — The ailment called the influenza rages 
 to a great degree all over the city. I feel a dryness and sour- 
 ness of my throat, and a pain and heaviness in my head and 
 flying pains all over my body, so that I had better be as atten- 
 tive as possible to my health. 
 
 No business of consequence done in the Senate. The 
 members began to straggle about after the minutes were read. 
 I called on the committee who had Ely's bill. We sent for 
 Ely, and heard a peck of stuff from him, too flimsy to impose 
 even on children. He may have rendered service to the sick 
 on Long Island, but it appears that his own emolmixent was 
 his object, and he has had this pretty completely answered 
 already by a generous settlement with tlie State of Connecti- 
 cut. 
 
 On my return into the Senate chamber one member of it 
 17 
 
268 THE INCONVENIENCY OF FASHION. [1790 
 
 only remained, sitting in a state of ennui. I have remarked 
 liim for some weeks past, and he really affords a striking proof 
 of the inconveniency of being fashionable. Pie set up in a 
 coach abont a month ago, and of conrse must have it come for 
 him to the Hall. But behold how he gets hobbled : the stated 
 hour for the Senate to break up is three, but it often happens 
 that the Senate adjourns a little after twelve, and here a 
 healthy man must sit two or three hours for his coach to take ' 
 him three or four hundred yards. This is highly embarrass- 
 ing, and some excuse must be found for his staying for the car- 
 riage, and he is now lame and stays alone till the carriage 
 comes for him. Thus Folly often fixes her friends. 
 
 Tench Coxe came this day to town in order (as he said) to 
 enter on the assistancy of the Treasury. He was deeply affect- 
 ed with the literary itch, the cacoethes scribendi. He has 
 persevering industry in an eminent degree. These are the 
 qualities that have recommended him to this appointment. 
 Hamilton sees that the campaign will open against him in the 
 field of publication, and he is providing himself with gladiators 
 of the quill, not only for defense but attack. 
 
 May 8th. — I felt myself rather indisposed, and stayed at 
 home all this day. Drew a report on the affair of Colonel 
 Ely. Kead and lounged away the day. 
 
 May 9th, Sunday. — This day I employed, as usual, in 
 writing to my family. I spend my time but miserably in ab- 
 sence from them. I will, however, endeavor to make out of 
 this lesson. Colonel Hartley returned to town this day. "What 
 a strange piece of pomposity this thing is grown ! He is, if 
 possible, more affected and disgusting than ever. He called 
 to see us, but took the Speaker twice out and kept him out 
 with him almost the whole of the time he was on his visit. 
 The State [Pennsylvania] has really a poor bargain of him, 
 and if she can dispose of him at the October sales [elections] 
 she need not care at how low a rate. 
 
 May 10th, Monday. — Attended the Hall at ten o' clock to 
 hear Colonel Ely's witnesses. He failed in proving the points 
 he had alleged in his favor. "We spent some time while tlie 
 Senate was engaged in business. "When we came in we found 
 them on the Khode Island resolves. The committee had been 
 
May 12] COL. ELY'S PENSION. 269 
 
 called on to give reasons on which they founded their resoln- 
 tions. Elsworth spoke with great deliberation, often and long, 
 and yet I was not convinced by him. 1 saw I must, if I fol- 
 lowed my judgment, vote against both resolutions. It was, 
 therefore, incumbent on me to give some reasons for my vote. ' 
 I observed that the business was under deliberation in Rhode 
 Island ; that the resolves carried on the face of them a punish- 
 ment for rejection, on the supposition that they would ruin our 
 revenue. Let us first establish the fact against them that an 
 intercourse with them had injured our revenue before we pun- 
 ish them with a prohibition of all intercourse. This resolution 
 I considered premature. 
 
 The other, for the demand of twenty-seven thousand dol- 
 lars, I considered as equally so. Let the accounts be settled, 
 and Rhode Island has a right to be charged with and has a 
 right to pay her proportion of the price of independence. By 
 the present resolutions the attack comes visibly from us. She 
 is furnished with an apology, and will stand justified to all the 
 world if we should enter into any foreign engagements. 
 
 This was a day of company at our mess. The strangers 
 were Captain Barry, Colonel Moylan, and Mr. Tench Coxe, 
 now succeeded to the assistancy of the Treasury. I could not 
 help thinking of last Monday, as he sat in one of the seats, 
 whence censure had been thrown on him a week ago. I was 
 too sick to enjoy the company. I could eat but little and 
 drink nothing. 
 
 Mwy 11th. — The morning, or part of it, spent on the troub- 
 lesome affair of Colonel Ely. The Rhode Island resolutions 
 were taken up. I was twice up against these resolutions. 
 They admitted on all hands that Rhode Island was independ- 
 ent, and did not deny that the measures now taken were meant 
 to force her into an adoption of the Constitution of the United 
 States ; and founded their arguments in our strength and her 
 weakness. I could not help telKng them plainly that this was 
 playing the tyrant to all intents and purposes. I was twice 
 up ; said a good deal, but it answered no purpose whatever. 
 
 May 12th. — This day, as chairman of the committee on 
 Colonel Ely's bill, I handed in a report which was dead against 
 Colonel Ely. The report stated that Colonel Ely had sub- 
 
260 PARADE OF ST. TAMMANY. [1790 
 
 mitted his case to the Legislature in Connecticut ; that they 
 had riiade him what they considered as ample allowance. We 
 had the whole fire of New England on us for this step, but 
 we supported the attack, and finally carried the business hol- 
 low. I would now remark, if I had not done it before, that 
 there is very little candor in New England men. Mr. Morris 
 was in most of the time, and showed a disposition to make 
 away from my side of the question. Surely, I had better keep 
 myself to myself with regard to him. Wingate, though of 
 the committee, behaved dirty on one point ; at least I thought 
 so at the time. It is vain to be wasting paper with tliis sub- 
 ject. Dr. Johnson certainly gave a most improper certificate 
 on this subject, and one part of it was not true, viz., that the 
 reason Colonel Ely had not an allowance in the old Congress 
 was this, not having nine States when there were eleven at the 
 time alluded to. I can not keep some other strange opinions 
 out of my head about him and the report, which can not be 
 found now by Alden, his son-in-law. The money saved by 
 rejecting this bill [is] $2,025, or thereabout. 
 
 This day exhibited a grotesque scene in the streets of New 
 York. Being the old 1st of May, the Sons of St. Tammany 
 had a grand parade through the town in Indian dresses. De- 
 livered a talk at one of their meeting-houses, and went away 
 to dinner. There seems to be some kind of scheme laid of 
 erecting some kind of order or society under tliis denomina- 
 tion, but it does not seem well digested as yet. The expense 
 of the dresses must have been considerable, and the money iSijd 
 out on clotliing might have dressed a number of their ragged 
 beggars. But the weather is now warm. 
 
 Joseph Thomas is the name of the man who has the 
 tistics at large — an unsalable book. It is found we may occai^ 
 sionally want such a one. It is tme that heretofore we used 
 to be supplied with this book when we wanted it from Jay's 
 or some other library, biit it was soon found to be convenient^ 
 (for the "Yorkers) that we should take everything off their 
 hands, that they can not otherwise dispose of, even to their 
 insolvent debts. 
 
 May 13th. — This day was remarkably busy with me, and 
 some singular occui'rences happened. As chairman of the 
 
Mat 13] AN EPISODE WITH HAMILTON. 261 
 
 committee on the Baron Steuben's bill, I had called on the 
 Commissioner of Army Accomits. He had furnished me with 
 all [the information] in his power. Finding that a resolve 
 had passed the old Congress on the 27tli of September, 1785, 
 giving him [Baron Steuben] seven thousand dollars in full, I , 
 called on Mr. Nousee, the register, for the receipts given by 
 the baron for this sum, which were indorsed on the warrants 
 or warrant given for it. I had first transacted some business 
 of my own. Mr. Nousee was extremely polite and attentive ; 
 took the note or memorandum which I gave him, assured me 
 my request should be complied with, asked when I would have 
 the papers ; followed me to the head of the stairs. As I came 
 down-stairs I told him I wished for them tliis day. He said I 
 should have them. 
 
 This was ten o'clock. I received between eleven and 
 twelve, at the Hall, a few lines from Mr. Nousee, stating the 
 resolves of Congress : that three warrants had passed for the 
 payments — one four thousand, the other for two, and the last 
 for one thousand dollars ; that the warrants themselves were 
 deposited at the bank for the Secretary among the papers of 
 the late Treasurer until a settlement could take place. I 
 thought there was evasion on the face of this business, but I 
 concluded that, if Mr. Hillegas had lodged his papers at the 
 bank, the key and the care of them must be with some person ; 
 and ofE I went to the bank. I received for answer that some 
 books, papers, or property of that kind, were lodged at the 
 bank by J^r. Hamilton, who had the keys and the care of 
 them. 
 
 I should have minuted that, as I left the Hall in Wall 
 Street, I passed the Baron ; he on one side and I on the other. 
 I wished to make him a bow, as usual, but such an aspect he 
 wore ! nay, if he had brought all the gloom of the Black For- 
 est from Germany he could not have carried a more somber 
 coimtenance. Just as I came out of the bank-door I met 
 Hamilton, and told him what I wanted. He refused me in 
 pretty stifE terms ; he could 7iot answer for it, to open any 
 gentlemen's papers. I told him I would take unexceptional 
 characters with me— the Speaker of the Eepresentatives. The 
 papers I wanted belonged to the piiblic and to no private gen- 
 
-262 AN EPISODE WITH HAMILTON. [1790 
 
 tleman whatever, nor woxild it do for him to refuse informa- 
 tion to a committee of Congress. He then said if there was a 
 vote of a committee for it he would get the papers. I told 
 him any member of Congress had a right to any papers in any 
 office whatever; that as chairman of the committee I had 
 promised to procure what papers were necessary. I deemed 
 this necessary, and of eoxirse called for it. He begged for half 
 an hour to consider of it, and he would write me a note on the 
 subject.' 
 
 I parted with him, telling him I should expect to hear from 
 him in half an hour. He said I should. This was before 
 twelve ; the Senate adjourned at one. I sat half an hour longer 
 waiting for my note, but it came not. I went directly to the 
 Treasury. The warrant to draw my indents was delivered to 
 me with all the pomp of official ceremony. I told young Kuhn 
 that I had further business with the Secretary [Hamilton] ; 
 that he had promised me a note, which was not come to my 
 hands. He returned to me, and desired me to walk into the 
 inner room, or rather to enter the entry into a. room in the 
 other end of the house. I did so, and after being admitted 
 into the sanctum sanotorum I told his Holiness [Hamilton] 
 that he had been good enough to promise me a note winch was 
 not come to my hands. He got up, went out, and left me 
 alone for a considerable time. Came in with yoimg K\ihn 
 with him. 
 
 But now a new scene opened. Before he went oiit he 
 said the papers I wanted were here. I said, " What, here in 
 the office ? " He said yes. He now asked Kuhn, before me, 
 " Do you know of any box, desk, or any place where Mr. Hil- 
 ligas kept the warrants ?" The young man said yes, the desk 
 in the other room had them, in it ; he added, " If I had them, 
 there was no receipt on them, only ' received the contents.' " 
 Hamilton said the desk was locked and bound around with 
 tape, and Mr. Hilligas had the key in Philadelphia. I ex- 
 pressed great surprise that Mr. Hilligas should lock public 
 papers belonging to the Treasury in his private desk. Hamil- 
 ton affected to believe I must [have] some censure on his con- 
 duct. I repeated what I said, and declared I thought it very 
 strange of Mr. Hilligas to do so, and conchided, " I suppose, then, 
 
Mat 14] THE RHODE ISLAND BILL. 263 
 
 I must write to Mr. Hilligas for to send over the key before 
 I could see tlie papers." He said I could not get them other- 
 wise ; and by way, I believe, of getting me out of the room, 
 told me to come and see the desk. I walked into the room of 
 the Assistant Secretary, and he there showed me the desk as he 
 said contained the warrants. 
 
 I need make no comment on all this. I think I have his 
 history complete. A schoolboy should be whipped for such 
 pitiful evasions. 
 
 I went to see Mr. Meredith, but he was out. Fell in with 
 Mr. Fitzsimons. He talked familiarly with me. I am tired 
 of minuting any more for this day, but I must note part of 
 Mr. Fitzsimons' discourse. These Southern people have a 
 matter much at heart, and it is in my power to oblige them. 
 They fear settlement ; they can not bear it ; they have been 
 negligent of their accounts, and the Eastern people have kept 
 exact accounts of everything (perhaps, and more than every- 
 thing added.) This moment Hartley, fine as a lord, met us and 
 broke off our discourse. Some trifling chat engaged us for a 
 few moments, and Hartley parted from us. I waited for him 
 [Fitzsimons] to take up the discourse again, but he did not. 
 
 We were approaching tlie Hall, wliere I knew we would 
 part. I began : " They will want you to support them on the 
 discrimination of tonnage, too, against the New England men ; 
 but as they are the people who keep us here, by joining the 
 New England and York votes, I have no objection to see them 
 wliipped with their own rod." He seemed to enjoy this 
 thought and laughed heartily, but the Hall was at hand and the 
 old subject lost. 
 
 Ma/y llfih. — The business of most importance agitated this 
 day was the Ehode Island bill, which must have had a first 
 reading yesterday when I was out. I contented myself with 
 giving my negative to every particle of it. I knew I could 
 gain no proselytes, and that, as the bill could not be justified 
 on the principles of freedom, law, the Constitution, or any 
 other mode whatever, argument could only end in anger. Mr. 
 Morris was one of the warmest men for it, although he knows 
 well that the only views of the Yorkers are to get two Sena- 
 tors more into the House on whose votes they can reckon on 
 
264 PENNSYLVANIA'S ACCOUNT. [1790 
 
 the question of residence. But he miist think the getting [of] 
 Rhode Island is superior to all other considerations. The yeas 
 and nays were called, and now, after the qtiestion was taken, 
 there seemed to be a disposition for argument, and some very 
 remarkable expressions were used. Izard said, ''^ If gentlemen 
 will show us Juno we can acconvpUsh our end iy amy means 
 less arbitrary and tyrannical, I will agree with them." 
 
 When we came to the clause for demanding twenty-five 
 thousand dollars, Mr. Morris said, " This is the most arbitrary 
 of the whole of it." The nays were Butler, Elmer, Gunn, 
 Henry, Maclay, "Walker, Wyngate-^seven. Yeas: Bassett, 
 Carrol, Dalton, Elsworth, Johnson, Izard, King, Langdon, 
 Morris, Strong, Schuyler, Eead — twelve. 
 
 This day, to my great joy, a statement of the Pennsylvania 
 accounts came forward — $10,642,4:()3.4:3 specie and $47,010,138 
 Continental money, liquidated and charged against the United 
 States by our State, and delivered to Mr. "White, the general 
 agent, and receipt taken for it in due time, besides an unhqui- 
 dated claim of five millions specie. I understood this to be 
 the state of our accounts at the beginning of the session ; and 
 so it seems to be considered by all of us ; for Mr. Morris, Mr. 
 Clymer, and Fitzsimons used to harangue on this subject, and 
 cry up that so large an annual interest would be due to Penn- 
 sylvania that she would draw money from the continent to pay 
 her whole civil list, make her roads, build her bridges, and 
 open her canal. I knew that Hamilton Avas fool enough, at 
 one time, to think that he could make the State governments 
 dependent on the General Government for every shilling. I 
 used to oppose all this dream of folly, but all at once the State 
 debts must be assumed. It was demonstrable that this measure 
 would defeat all settlement. 
 
 Now the very gentlemen who had promised us such reve- 
 nues from the Union cried out : " Burn the books " ; " No set- 
 tlement " ; " Pennsylvania is in debt ; she had drawn from the 
 continent between two and three millions of good dollars and 
 had not substantiated but between four and five millions 
 against the Union." A mutilated account of but about this 
 sum was actually exhibited and handed about by Clymer and 
 Fitzsimons, and an attack begun on the Comptroller about the 
 
May 17] BARON STEUBEN'S PENSION. 265 
 
 same time, as if to annihilate his repntation, and tnrn him oiit 
 of all employment ; as if it had been foreseen that he was the 
 only one who could detect this management or. obtain justice 
 for the State. 
 
 15ih May, Saturday. — Devoted this day, although I was- 
 sick, to the matter of removing to Philadelphia. Mr. Morris 
 entertained me with a long detail of the difficulties he met 
 with in the settlement of his accounts. I believe the clamors 
 against him make the officers inspect everything with a jeal- 
 ous eye. 
 
 I really acted rather improperly in ranging aboiit so much 
 this day in my bad state of health. Should the effects of my 
 influenza increase, and I fall a victim to my zeal for serving 
 the city of Philadelphia, my character would only suffer ridi- 
 cule, and my dear family the loss of their head. I will, how- 
 ever, do what I think my duty. 
 
 Called to see the President. Every eye full of tears. His 
 life despaired of. Dr. MacKnight told me he would trifle 
 neither with his own character nor the public expectation ; his 
 danger was imminent, and every reason to expect that the event 
 of his disorder would be unfortunate. 
 
 May 16th, Simday. — I called on Mr. Morris to advise with 
 him in some points the little scheme we laid. Did not succeed 
 in bringing in Lee, of Virginia, to make our motion. Mr. 
 Morris proposed to me to call on him and walk out of town 
 and catch a dinner. AVe did so, and the day was lost. I had 
 written to my family in the forenoon. I considered the day 
 as lost. !Not a sentiment nor an expression that touched the 
 heart or warmed the bosom with philanthropic feelings or 
 vibrated on the strings of domestic joy. "We dined at one 
 Brannon's, where there were a greenhouse and some elegant 
 improvements, but all was a mere flutter. 
 
 MoAf 17th, Monda/y. — I was engaged this morning getting 
 docimients and papers respecting the bill for the granting the 
 Baron Steuben seven thousand dollars and an annuity of two 
 thousand dollars. I really never saw so villainous an attempt 
 to rob the public as the system which has been brought for- 
 ward by the Secretary of the Treasury. The baron's whole 
 accounts have been settled on a liberal scale indeed. An office 
 
266 THE RHODE ISLAND BILL. [1790 
 
 was created, in addition to Ms rank as a major-general, for 
 wMch he had additional pay and emoluments. Seven thousand 
 dollars over and above were granted to him. All these pay- 
 ments he has received. A mountain has been tortured to put 
 money into his hands. The Secretary [Hamilton] has, how- 
 ever, framed a system which has as the basis of it the allowing 
 him of five hundred and eighty guineas a year* over and above 
 all his emoluments, both as a major-general and inspector- 
 general of the army, and interest calculated up to a compound 
 ratio on all the balances. And, after all, he is not able to raise 
 a balance of more than about seven thousand for the baron. 
 But all this without the shadow of proof of the baron ever 
 having had any such office or salaries. However, if he had 
 ever been possessed of them, he could not have held them and 
 served us at the same time, and, since he chose our service and 
 our pay, we are obliged to him, but we have no right to pay 
 him for what he did not hold. 
 
 The baron's papers kept us of the committee until after 
 three o'clock, and, this being club day,f I went to dine with the 
 Pennsylvania mess. We sat down to dinner half after three. 
 Eating stopped our mouths until about four, and from that to 
 near nine I never heard such a scene of bestial badney:]: kept 
 up in my life. Mr. Morris is certainly the greatest blackguard 
 in that way I ever heard open a mouth. But let me shut out 
 the remembrance of it forever. 
 
 May 18th. — No debate of any consequence arose this day 
 until the Rhode Island bill, which had been reconunitted, 
 was reported. »Mr. Lee opposed it in a long and sensible 
 speech. Butler blustered away, but in a loose and desultory 
 manner. King, Elsworth, Strong, and Izard spouted out for 
 it. It was long before there was a slack. As this was to be 
 the last reading, and as the yeas and nays woiild, in my opin- 
 ion, be called, I took what I thought was new ground. The 
 bill had been assigned to various motives, self-defense, self- 
 
 * Allowing twenty-one English shillings to a guinea, this would be 
 $3,045. 
 
 f Meaning the day when the Pennsylvania delegation had agreed to dine 
 at one house once every week. 
 
 X A word, no doubt, in common use at that time. 
 
Mat 19] "WORKING FOR THE RESIDENCE. 267 
 
 preservation, self-interest, etc. I began with observing that 
 the Convention of Khode Island met in a week ; that the de- 
 sign of this bill was evidently to impress the people of Rhode 
 Island with terror. It was an application to their fears, hop- 
 ing to obtain from them an adoption of the Constitution, a 
 thing despaired of from their own free-will or their judgment. 
 It was meant to be used in the same way that a robber does a 
 dagger or a highwayman a pistol, and to obtain the end desired 
 by putting the party in fear; that where independence was 
 the property of both sides, no end whatever could justify the 
 use of such means in the aggressors. I therefore was against 
 the bill in every point of view, etc. The debate was long. I 
 was up a second time, but to no avail. The question was put 
 at about three o'clock and carried. The yeas and nays were 
 called and stood nearly as before, with the addition of Mr. Lee 
 in the negative. 
 
 I labored hard to arrange our affairs for bringing on our 
 question of removing to Philadelphia, and can not help re- 
 marking that the Philadelphians seemed the slackest of any 
 people concerned in the business. I appointed, warned, or I 
 know not what well to call it, a meeting of the delegation at 
 Clymer and Fitzsimons' lodgings. Mr. Morris and the Speaker 
 were all that met. The PhiladelpMans really threw cold wa- 
 ter on the business. Mr. Morris twice proposed that it should 
 be the new Congress that was to meet in March next that 
 should assemble in Philadelphia. Once he got on the subject 
 of Trenton. Here he and I rather clipped. I proposed that 
 we should all be busy in the morning among the members. I 
 engaged to call on Gunn, Langdon, and Bassett, and set them 
 to work on others. The form of the resolution was agreed to, 
 but it all seemed up-hill or like a cold drag with the Phila- 
 delphians. I hope one day to be independent of them, but this 
 is a matter I must consult them in now. 
 
 May 19th. — I ran this morning like a foot-boy from post to 
 pillar — now to Gunn, then to Langdon, Bassett, etc. Lang- 
 don refused to bring forward our motion, and I then called on 
 Bassett. He excused himself. With much ado I got them to 
 keep the motion, which I put into their hands. Neither of 
 them would make the motion. Mr. Morris did not come near 
 
268 WORKING FOR THE RESIDENCE. [1790" 
 
 the Senate chamber until after twelve o'clock. I called him out. 
 He said it must be omitted this day. I found I need not op- 
 pose him, and we came into the Senate chamber. Langdon 
 soon after came and told us that Dalton objected to going to 
 Philadelphia until March next, and that we must alter the 
 resolution. Mr. Morris and Dalton went together, and Mr. 
 Morris returned and told me he had agreed with Dalton that 
 it should be the first of March next. Thus it is that all our 
 measures are broken in upon, and, after all the pains I have 
 taken, this business will end in smoke. 
 
 The most villainous and abandoned speculation took place 
 last winter from the Treasury. Some resolutions have passed 
 the House of Representatives, and are come up to us. King 
 and Dr. Johnson and Strong, with many others, opposed these 
 resolutions. In an abandoned and shameless manner this en- 
 gaged the House [Senate] to three o'clock. They were com- 
 mitted, and the House adjourned. 
 
 General Heister and Mr. Buckley called on us this evening. 
 "We talked over the affair of the day. Mr. Wynkoop came in, 
 and a kind of an agreement was made that the Pennsylvanians 
 should meet to-morrow at Clymer's. 
 
 May 20th. — I could not attend at Clymer's this morn- 
 ing. I, however, saw the Speaker at the Hall. Some strange 
 manoeuvres have taken place. Jackson, of the President's 
 family,* has been with both Morris and Langdon. Morris is 
 set right, and Dalton will agree with us, but new mischief 
 has happened. Dr. Elmer has crossed to the Jerseys ; Patter- 
 son is not yet come ; Few a;nd Gunn are both absent, so that 
 two States are this day unrepresented. I offered to make 
 the motion. Mr. Morris, however, now makes a point of 
 doing it ; but the thinness of the Senate seems a good reason 
 for putting it off for this day. I can not account for Jackson 
 having meddled in this business, or his knowing anything of 
 it by any other means than through Buckley. However, we 
 have got the errors of yesterday corrected. Mr. Morris was 
 called out, and came in with a most joyous countenance. " I 
 was called out by Boudinot," said he, " to make proposals to 
 
 * Meaning one of the avowed supporters of the Administration measures. 
 
May 21] ON THE PAY OF SOLDIERS. 269 
 
 me from tlie New England men in favor of Trenton." I im- 
 mediately told liim [Morris] ; " You can not possibly make any 
 bargain by which you will not lose as much as you can gain. 
 A bargain with the Eastern people is to lose Maryland, Vir- 
 ginia, and all southward. A Southern bargain will, on the 
 contrary, lose all the Eastern interest. "We must be able to 
 declare upon honor that we have no bargain. 
 
 He was a little hurt and said, " Leave that all to me." " No, 
 sir, I will make no bargain ! If it is but suspected that we 
 have a bargain, we are ruined." I was called out and took the 
 opportunity of calling out Mr. Fitzsimons, and told him of 
 Boudinot's being in treaty with Mr. Morris, and begged him 
 to counteract everything of this kind. He promised that he 
 would. 
 
 The Senate got into a long debate on the resolves relating 
 to arrears due to the Yirginia and North CaroHna lines of the 
 army in 1782-'83, which have been made the subject of an 
 abandoned speculation. The report had an addition of Els- 
 worth's, calculated as nmch as possible to favor the speculation. 
 It was debated to three o'clock, and adjourned. 
 
 Elsworth is really a man of ability, and it is truly surpris- 
 ing to me the pains that he will display to varnish over villainy 
 and to give roguery effect without avowed license. I can see 
 him warping over in the case of the baron [Steuben's extra 
 pension case] to get a sum of money on his account, or 
 rather only in his name, which would sink immediately into 
 the jaws of Hamilton and his crew. 
 
 May 21st. — And now again Elmer iS absent, and Patterson 
 is not returned ; and Mr. Morris thinks the motion had not best 
 be made until they return, so one day more is lost. 
 
 I spent a good deal of time on the affair of the Baron 
 Steuben, got the report agreed to, and now the debate of the day 
 came on respecting the resolutions,* or rather the amendment 
 offered to the last one. , The amendment was supported by King, 
 Elsworth, Dr. Johnson, Izard, and others. Lee answered them. 
 Toward the end of all the debate I rose and explained the 
 
 * Relative to the troops of Virginia, North and South Carolina, who were 
 entitled to arrears of pay. 
 
270 ON THE PAY OF SOLDIERS. [1790 
 
 reason of the resolves, that they regarded the sums due, the 
 places in which the payments were to be made, and what kind 
 of transfers were to be considered as valid. All. this was di- 
 rectory to our own officer, and had nothing to do with the pro- 
 ceedings of courts. Soldiers had entered into contracts, the 
 resolves before the Chair defaced writings or tore the seals 
 from obligations, and the law was open. The directions were, 
 moreover, in conformity with the laws of North Carolina, one 
 of the States whose citizens were concerned ; that the present 
 amendment was a modification of the resolution to protect the 
 interest of the late speculation. The reason offered for it was 
 that probably some innocent person might suffer. I did not 
 believe this was possible. I would cheerfully agree that it 
 was better ten guilty should escape than one innocent suffer, 
 but no innocent man was privy to this business. The soldiers 
 knew nothing of the matter. The speculators know, and they 
 only know, in whose hands the lists were lodged, for the 
 soldiers, having received their final settlements since the service 
 was performed, concluded that nothing more could remain due, 
 etc. The question was put and the amendment lost — ^ten for, 
 twelve against. The question was now put on the third reso- 
 lution and carried — thirteen and nine. King, however, and a 
 number of gentlemen called for the yeas and nays. Teas: 
 Eassett, Butler, Carrol, Few, Gunn, Hawkins, Johnson, Henry, 
 Lee, Maclay, Eead, "Walker, Wyngate. Nays : Dalton, Elsworth, 
 Johnston, Izard, King, Langdon, Morris, Strong, Schuyler. 
 
 Now a new whim came into their heads, and they would 
 have the yeas and nays on the former question. They were 
 told that it was out of order. However, they had them, and 
 now Mr. Butler voted for the amendment, lest he should lose 
 his interest at the Treasury, and of course we were tied, eleven 
 and eleven. But for once, in my opinion, our Yice-President 
 voted right, and gave it against the amendment. 
 
 May ^^c?.— Being Saturday, and no Congress, I got a horse 
 and rode out. Came home about noon, prodigiously tired, in- 
 deed. The little exercise I have taken for the last three or 
 four months makes me almost sink under it. I went to bed 
 and slept about an hour, and rose much refreshed. 
 
 In the evening a large number of gentlemen called at our 
 
May 24] THE PHILOSOPHY OP DRESS. 271 
 
 house. My barber had disappointed me in the morning. I 
 was rather in deshabille, but came down-stairs. Although I am 
 not in the least given to dress, yet I found that I was on this 
 occasion below par ; and to know that any point about one is 
 deranged or improperly adjusted, imparts an awkward air to 
 one. It is on this account, more than any other, that a pro- 
 priety of dress should be attended to. To suspect that your 
 company believes anything wrong about you distresses a 
 modest man. Of the company was Mr. Fitzsimons. He took 
 me by the hand and said : 
 
 " To-morrow, at nine o'clock, I wish to meet you and the 
 Speaker." 
 
 May 33d. — It was near ten when I was called down on 
 the coming of Fitzsimons. He had been some time with the 
 Speaker. We had considerable loose talk on the subject of the 
 removal of Congress. But Fitzsimons, after some time, de- 
 clared that was not the business on which he came. It was to 
 settle something as to the government of Pennsylvania. Who 
 should be rim for the Chair of it at the next election ? He 
 spoke of the dignity of the Speaker's present place, and the 
 certainty of his continuance in it. It was evident that he 
 wished the^ Speaker to decline.* The Speaker said, " Very 
 well, I will give you an answer to-morrow morning." 
 
 Nothing remarkable happened this day. I wrote to my 
 dear family, as usual. 
 
 May 2Ji,th. — I dressed and went early to work. Called on 
 E. H. Lee, of Virginia, on "Walker, and Dr. Ehner. After 
 Senate met I reported the amendment on the Baron Steuben 
 bill. It was the opinion of the committee that he should have 
 an annuity of one thousand dollars. There never was so vile 
 and barefaced a business as this. It is well known that all he 
 would get would immediately sink into the hands of Hamilton. 
 It lay, however, over for to-morrow. Some business came up 
 from the Eepresentatives. 
 
 And now Mr. Morris rose and made the long-expected mo- 
 tion in the following words : " Besohed, That Congress shall 
 meet and hold their next session in the city of Philadelphia." 
 
 * The nomination for Governor of Pennsylvania. 
 
272 DEBATE ON THE KESIDBNCE. [1790 
 
 Langdon seconded tlie motion. A dead pause ensued. Our 
 Vice-President asked if we were ready for the question. Gen- 
 eral Scliuyler got up and hoped not, as it was a matter of great 
 importance to move the seat of government. He moved a 
 postponement. Mr. Morris said, " If the gentleman will name 
 to-morrow, he had no objection," and to-morrow was accord- 
 ingly named for it. The Senate soon after adjourned, and now 
 Izard, Butler, Dr. Johnson, Schuyler, and King flew about. 
 The people they mostly attacked were Governor Johnston, 
 Hawkins, and Gunn. I soon left them and came home. 
 
 But this was mess-day, and I went at haK-past three and 
 found the company already seated and the dinner almost eaten 
 up. I could not stay long, as we had an appointment with 
 Jefferson, the Secretary of State, at six o'clock. When I came 
 to the Hall, Jefferson and the rest of the committee were 
 there. Jefferson is a slender man ; has rather the air of stiff- 
 ness in his manner ; his clothes seem too small for liim ; he sits 
 in a lounging manner, on one hip commonly, and with one of 
 his shoulders elevated much above the other ; his face has a 
 sunny aspect ; his whole figure has a loose, shackling air. He 
 had a rambling, vacant look, and nothing of that firm, collected 
 deportment which I expected would dignify the presence of 
 a secretary or minister. I looked for gravity, but a laxity of 
 manner seemed shed about him. He spoke almost without 
 ceasing. But even his discourse partook of his personal de- 
 meanor. It was loose and rambling, and yet he scattered 
 information wherever he went, and some even brilliant senti- 
 ments sparkled from him. The information which he gave us 
 respecting foreign ministers, etc., was all high-spiced. He 
 had been long enough abroad to catch the tone of Euro^n 
 folly. , He gave us a sentiment which seemed rather to savor 
 of quaintness : " It is better to take the highest of the lowest 
 than the lowest of the highest." Translation : " It is better to 
 appoint a charge with a handsome salary than a minister 
 plenipotentiary with a small one." He took his leave, and 
 the committee agreed to strike out the specific sum to be 
 given to any foreign appointment, leaving it to the President 
 to account, and appropriated thirty thousand dollars generally 
 for that purpose. 
 
Mat 36] BARON STEUBEN'S PENSION. 273 
 
 May 25th. — This day again I was engaged in the main 
 business. Called on sundry of the members. The Yorkers 
 are now busy in the scheme of bargaining with the "Virginians, 
 offering the permanent seat on the Potomac for the temporary 
 one in New York. Butler is their chief agent in this busi- 
 ness. "Walker, a weak man, ^eems taken off by it. Patterson, 
 however, is not yet come. 
 
 Baron' Steuben's business was taken up. The committee 
 were called on to give the reasons of their report. As I was 
 chairman, I had to take the lead. I knew there was blame 
 ready to fall on lis. I, however, did not decline the business, 
 but laid down the outlines in as strong colors as I thought 
 consistent with truth : that those who came after me might not 
 be bashful, and thus taking scope enough for them to act in. 
 I thought I took many of the Senate with me ; some I knew 
 it was impossible. In fine, I thought demonstration was on 
 our side ; that the baron could demand nothing. Izard is cer- 
 tainly a bad man in grain. He drew conclusions that were 
 obviously wrong, indeed, to his own party. Even Butler dis- 
 owned his reasons ; but he was for doing the same thing with- 
 out a reason. Elsworth got up and spoke exceedingly well for 
 more than an hour. He was severe in some of his strictures, 
 but I was pleased to hear him. The debate lasted until past 
 three o'clock, and an adjournment took place without any 
 question. One object of the delay was to put off our question 
 on the residence. 
 
 May 26th, Wednesday. — This day may be considered by 
 me as an unlucky one. Last night I rested but poorly, owing, 
 I believe, to a rheumatic fever. My short sliunbers were much 
 interrupted by fanciful appearances of warriors passing by in 
 flights or gliding along. I really have no faith in dreams, but, 
 ever since I was plagued with this kind of fabhng during my 
 distress on board the sloop Swallow, I can not help considering 
 such illusions as unfortmiate. 
 
 The baron's [Steuben] bill, as it was called, was taken up. 
 Perversion of reason, perversion of principle. The world 
 turned upside down only could justify the determinations. 
 But the cabals of the Secretary [Hamilton] were successful, 
 and the baron's bill was triumphant. I put a question to 
 18 
 
274 ON THE PERMANENT EESIDBNCE. ( [1790 
 
 myself whether there was on the face of the earth a dehbera- 
 tive body that could possibly depart further from the princi- 
 ples of justice and a regard to the public welfare. None, 
 none, answered every faculty about me. But the fact is, that 
 every officer of the Treasury has embarked in this business 
 with the warmth of solicitors. John Adams gave twice the 
 casting vote in this business. I really felt a disposition to 
 take a lamentation over human frailties. 
 
 But after this was done, Mr. Morris called for his motion. 
 If he really intended to lose it, he could not possibly have 
 taken a more certain method. He rose, laughing heartUy 
 every time he got up. King laughed at him, and he laughed 
 back at King, and a number more joined in the laugh. This 
 was truly ridiculous. Few, Butler, and King rose, and the 
 amount of all they said was that a removal was inconvenient ; 
 that Philadelphia was not central ; if we once got into it we 
 would be accommodated in such a manner that we would 
 never leave it, etc. 
 
 I replied that a removal was not called for immediately by 
 the resolution ; that the next session of Congress was to meet 
 in Philadelphia ; that, although it was not central, it was more 
 so than the place where we were now. The universal .consent 
 of the provinces, before we were States, and of the States 
 since, was in favor of Philadelphia. This was verified by 
 every public assembly which had been called, from the meet- 
 ing of the first Congress down to the late meeting of the Cin- 
 cinnati ; that the argmnents drawn from the conveniences of 
 Philadelphia, and the insinuations that if we were once there 
 nobody would ever think of going away from it, I thought 
 were reasons which should induce us to embrace this place, 
 which would come so completely Tip to our wishes. I begged 
 gentlemen, however, to be easy on that subject. Philadel- 
 phia was a place they never could get as a permanent 
 residence. The government [of Pennsylvania] neither would 
 nor could part with it. It was nearly equal to one third 
 of tlie State in wealth and population. It was the only 
 port belonging to the State. It was excepted by the Govern- 
 ment in her offers to the Congress ; that in such a place 
 the deliberations of Congress on the subject of tlie perma- 
 
May 37] ON THE PERMANENT RESIDENCE. 275-" 
 
 nent residence could be carried on to tlie greatest advantage, 
 etc., etc. 
 
 I was up a second time, but to no purpose. A postpone- 
 ment was moved by Butler and seconded by Gunn. For the 
 question of postponement : Strong, Dalton, Johnson, Elsworth^ 
 King, Schuyler, Patterson, Hawkins, Johnston, Butler, Izard, 
 Few, Gimn — ^thirteen. Our side : Langdon, Wyngate, Elmer, 
 Morris, Maclay, Bead, Bassett, Carrol, Henry, Lee, Walker — 
 eleven. 
 
 May 27th. — Mr. Morris went o£E yesterday in company 
 with King, and I really thought there was too much levity in 
 his conduct all through. I really siispected that he did not 
 treat' the matter with sufficient seriousness. This day he 
 showed a violent disposition of anger, cursed and swore that 
 he would go anywhere, but insisted on withdrawing the mo- 
 tion. I could not readily agree with him as to the propriety 
 of withdrawing the motion, but he swore he would. Butler 
 rose and said he gave notice that he would bring in a bill on 
 Monday next to establish the permanent residence. Mr. Mor- 
 ris jumped up in haste and moved for leave to withdraw his 
 motion. Langdon agreed. There was some demur, but the 
 question was carried. 
 
 Now the baron's [Steuben's] bill, as we have called it, was 
 taken up. If the fate of the Union had depended on it, it 
 could not have been more pertinaciously adhered to. Elsworth 
 persevered and cut King in argument more severely than ever 
 I heard any member of the Senate heretofore. King felt it, 
 and I confess I enjoyed it. Butler, by one of those eccentric 
 motions for which he is remarkable, flew his party and voted 
 on our side. Good God, what a consternation ! I observed 
 him rising, and said aloud, " It is carried." 
 
 The whole day was spent in a contest between the Secre- 
 tary^s^Hajmlton] took_and-th64Hdependent part of the House. 
 As the argumentswere nearly the same on every question, it 
 is in vain to repeat them. Bonny Johnny Adams took un- 
 common pains to bias us, without effect. I voted uniformly 
 against allowing him [Baron Steuben] one farthing, as I was 
 convinced nothing was due him. I can not help noting John 
 Adams' foolish speech. In extolling the baron he told us 
 
276 BARON STEUBEN'S SERVICES. [1790 
 
 that he (the baron) had imparted to us the arts and principles 
 of war, learned by him in the' only school in the world where 
 they were taught, by the great King of Prussia, who had copied 
 them from the ancient Greek and Roman lessons ; and that, 
 in iine, to these arts and principles we owed our independence. 
 Childish man to tell us this, when many of our sharpest con- 
 flicts and most bloody engagements had terminated fortunate- 
 ly before ever we heard of the baron. 
 
Mat 30] THE PERMANENT RESIDENCE. 2YV 
 
 CHAPTEE VIII. 
 
 THE PERMANENT EESIDENCE. 
 
 May 28th. — This day we had expectations that the House 
 of Eepresentatives would have brought on the vote for ad- 
 journment to Philadelphia, but the day passed without any- 
 thing being done. No debate of any consequence in the Sen- 
 ate. I felt exceedingly indisposed in the fore part of the day, 
 and dreaded going into company. The Speaker entertained. 
 I, however, joined them and drank a few glasses, and felt 
 much better ; but I must note how my feelings will be to- 
 morrow. 
 
 May 29th, Bai/wrda/y.—Qwa. not complain of my health. 
 I stayed in all day. It was raw and inclining to rain ; almost 
 too cold to be vdthout fire. I was dull a,nd heavy. In the 
 evening received a note to dine with Colonel Gunn to-morrow. 
 
 May 30th, Simday.^-\ rested but badly last night ; had 
 ugly dreams. Am to dine out this day. I had best be careful 
 and attentive. How idle this idea ! Dreams are but fallacious 
 things. I have dined out and have met with no disaster. I 
 had one strange dream of seeing a man fall from a place like 
 a saw-mill. I thought the mill was mine, yet it differed from 
 my mill at Sunbury. What a heap of idleness ! My head 
 ached, hence I suppose my dreams. The man was not killed. 
 A dead child plagued me at another time. I have really little 
 to do, or I would not note all this down. 
 
 Last night Fitzsimons and Clymer called on us. They 
 agreed to call on Goodhue, Gilman, Huntingdon, and some 
 other of the IN'ew England men, and tell them calmly that the 
 Pennsylvanians would not stay in New York ; that if they of 
 New England woidd persist, in voting for New York, the 
 
^78 ELSWORTH CONTRADICTS JOHK ADAMS. [1790 
 
 Pennsylvanians would agree to any other place whatever ; and 
 from here they would go. Fitzsimons and Clymer were ap- 
 pointed for this service. . I readily agreed to join Mr. Morris 
 in a similar service with respect to the Senate. 
 
 May 31st, Monday. — "Went early out to call on sundry 
 members, and try to prepare them for the grand question. 
 Came to the Hall at the usual time. The bill for intercourse 
 with foreign nations came up from the Representatives with 
 • an insistence. Both Houses having insisted, it remained for 
 us to recede or call for a conference. It ended in a con- 
 ference. A considerable debate, however, or rather dehv- 
 ery of sentiments, took place. Elsworth, in a slow, languid 
 manner, said it was easy to see that the Eepresentatives 
 had in view some old regulations by their insisting on the 
 nine thousand dollars ; that formerly the business had been 
 done by some gentlemen for about six thousand dollars per 
 annum. 
 
 Mr. Adams jumped up ; said that could not be ; that he 
 had kept the accounts with his own hand at Paris, and they 
 amounted to about three thousand guineas yearly. He had 
 now a vast deal to say. When he had done, Elsworth took a 
 small paper out of his pocket ; said he was very willing to 
 show the document from which he had spoken. Here was an 
 abstract of the accounts of the honorable Yice-President while 
 he was in Paris, and all the particulars for twenty months, 
 amounting to ninety -eight hundred dollars, which was not 
 more than at the rate of six thousand dollars per annum. 
 Adams appeared cut. Tlie fact was, that he was found lying, 
 as they all have been on that subject. 
 
 Now Butler rose and had a good deal to say on the merits 
 of the permanent residence, and concluded with asking leave 
 to bring in a bill for a permanent and temporary residence. 
 Lee made a long speech. I felt so much interested that I 
 could not Jielp rising. I observed tliat fixing the permanent 
 residence to a future period would work no relief of present 
 inconveniences ; that the complaints were felt and well founded 
 as to the place in which we now were ; that the gentleman 
 had. given notice some days ago that he would offer a bill for 
 the permanent residence. He now added the temporary resi- 
 
JuNEl] THE TEMPORARY RESIDENCE. 27/ 
 
 dence, etc. The end of the matter was, that he delivered us 
 his bill. I could almost curse Mr. Morris for having left me 
 at such a time. 
 
 JuTie 1st. — I called early this morning on Fitzsimons and 
 Clymer. I told them that, all things considered, I thought it 
 best in me to endeavor to postpone Butler's bill. They botK 
 approved of it. 
 
 I went to the Hall to observe the members as they came 
 in. Langdon was there. He certainly manifested something 
 which I thought singular in liis manner. If I had not had 
 such strong proofs of him heretofore, I would have suspected 
 him. He desired me to assure the two members of Massachu- 
 setts that there was no bargain with the Virginians. I told 
 him I would do anything he requested, and I did so. 
 
 The. Senate met. I cons idered myself a s among— wal-ves. 
 wi^_only_neutral cliai;actei:s_to_su^)port_ine^ The Yice-Presi- 
 Sent was hasty enough to take up Butler's bill. Butler abso- 
 lutely spoke against taking it up at all, as he said he was 
 afraid of a difference arising between the two Houses The 
 word " agreed ! " " agreed ! " was heard from different parts 
 of the House. I really felt happy. 
 
 A message was received from the President, and some 
 other trifling business done. There was some small talk and 
 communications which I did not mind. But all at once the 
 Vice-President began to read the bill [as to the temporary and 
 permanent residence of Congress]. I wished much for some- 
 body else to begin an opposition, and was determined to 
 throw myself along with them, let them mold their attack as 
 they would. Mr. Eead spoke against proceeding on the bill, 
 but made no motion. Butler got up and moved that the 
 bill should be committed. Giinn seconded. Mr. Carrol said 
 there could be no use in committing it. I said that the hon- 
 orable gentleman had set out with declaring that he wished to 
 avoid any differences with the other House. None of us 
 could affect ignorance of what had passed in the House of 
 Pepresentatives yesterday. A vote had passed for the meet- 
 ing of the next session at Philadelphia ; that we might every 
 moment expect our door to be opened for the receipt of such 
 a communication. For us, tlierefpre, to adopt a different 
 
280 THE PENNSYLVANIANS PREPARE TO VOTE. [1790 
 
 mode of treating the same subject would have the appearance 
 of courting a difference, etc. 
 
 Butler got up in reply and said every insulting thing in his 
 power. I had concluded that I thought it best that the bill 
 should lie on the table until the resolution came up [i. e., from 
 the House of Representatives], and that they should be con- 
 sidered at the same time. This took place, after a good deal 
 of talk. It was remarkable that the resolution came up just 
 as Butler began to rail at me. The Senate adjourned early, 
 and soon after in came Mr. Morris, covered with sweat 
 and dust. 
 
 Jvme 2d. — I went early this morning to meet our delega- 
 tion and to inculcate this doctrine on our Representatives : 
 that in all cases we should be prepared for the worst, and that 
 we should now think of the next step to be taken in case of 
 the worst happening in our House [Senate] ; that a conduct 
 of this kind would keep the matter alive ; keep the party in 
 spirits and collected. They admitted the principle, but seemed 
 at loss for the means. I hinted the propriety of bringing for- 
 ward a resolution naming the day of adjournment and the 
 time of meeting. Fitzsimmons and Morris (all that were pres- 
 ent) seemed to carp at it. However, I told them, " I only 
 urge you to think of and provide your next step." In the 
 course of this short chat with them I had room to remark that 
 I can not be on terms of confidence with these people. A 
 hint was dropped that I had better be at the Hall. I readily 
 agreed, and went there. I could see, as the members came in, 
 that we had nothing to expect from North Carolina, South 
 Carolina, Georgia, nor Massachusetts. 
 
 The Senate met, and waited and waited for Mr. Morris. I 
 never wished for him more in my life. I saw now that 
 Butler's bill would be committed, and I wished to arrange 
 something of a ticket for the committee. Several of the Sen- 
 ate asked why I did not send for him [Morris]. I went out 
 and desired the doorkeeper to go for him. Mather [the door- 
 keeper] answered, " I have sent for him long ago." It was 
 past twelve before he came, and we now went at the business. 
 (I can not help asking myself in this parenthesis what Mr. 
 Morris could possibly mean by this conduct. Indeed, I ask 
 
June 3] THE DIVISION OP STATES. 281 
 
 how he can account for his going away last week, or many 
 other parts of his conduct. It is most certainly his interest to 
 take Congress to Philadelphia. Is it possible that Hamilton 
 can have any influence with him on this subject ? ) 
 
 I could remark something of a partiality in Adams at the 
 setting out — the first question for commitment of Mr. But- 
 ler's bill. It was moved to postpone this, and take up the 
 resolution for holding the next session in Philadelphia. Sen- 
 ate divided, twelve and twelve. J. Adams gave it [the casting 
 vote] against postponement. !Now on the commitment twelve 
 and twelve. J. Adams gave it for it. This division was by 
 States, on both these questions, or at least they divided so. We 
 had New Hampshire, Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Mary- 
 land, Virginia. The others against us. Now it was that I 
 regretted Mr. Morris' absence. Had he been there in time, 
 I could have settled with him who should have been the com- 
 mittee. Now we could communicate only with our friends 
 on one side of the House. The committee rather unfavorable 
 — Butler, Dalton, Lee, Johnston, and Henry. 
 
 Now it was moved to refer the resolution [from the 
 House] to the same committee. The Senate divided equally, 
 but Dalton was against it and Patterson for it. As they sat 
 next each other, I believe this was settled between them, 
 and shows that Patterson is not to be depended upon, and, 
 indeed, I have long considered hun as a most despicable 
 character. 
 
 June 3d. — Attended the Hall at the usual time. I deter- 
 mined to behave in personal deportment as nearly as I p4»ssibly 
 could to my former habits, and I believe I effected it. Of 
 this, however, I could not judge as well as, perhaps, others. 
 Mr. Morris came the last of any of the members this day, but 
 nothing remarkably so ; much earlier than yesterday. I got 
 into chat with him, and after some time remarked how unfor- 
 tunate we had been yesterday in not prearranging a ticket for 
 the committee. I said his absence had been unlucky, but 
 could not now be helped. He said hisaccownU had engaged 
 him, so closely Tie could not come. I thought this stranger than 
 ever, that he should stay away on no other excuse than his 
 daily business. Wyngate, Elmer, almost the whole Senate, 
 
282 THE "GRECIAN BEND" IN 1790. [1790 
 
 liave taken notice off.it. How can I avoid observing it, for I 
 have smarted under it ? 
 
 "No business of consequence took place this day. The 
 nominations for the officers of the army had come in yester- 
 day and were taken np this day. I had made some objections 
 a few days ago to giving my advice and consent to the ap- 
 pointment of men of whom I knew nothing. Izard got on to 
 the same subject and boimced a good deal. However, the 
 thing was got over by the members rising and giving an ac- 
 count of the officers appointed from the different States, and 
 all were agreed to. 
 
 The Funding bill, which has engaged the Representatives 
 almost the whole session, came up yesterday ; was taken up 
 this day and Monday assigned for it. 
 
 June 4-th. — This is a day of small consequence in the Sen- 
 ate. I had busied myself nrach last night and this morning in 
 arranging and disposing of matters, but simdry pages would 
 not contain the whole of it, so I will minute only what hap- 
 pened in the Senate. 
 
 AVe called on the committee to report. Butler e'xcused him- 
 self, and the burden of the excuse was that Governor John- 
 ston, one of the committee, had fallen sick. Mr. Morris moved, 
 and was seconded by Lee, to add another member in his room. 
 This occasioned considerable debate. Head, however, declared 
 against us, and we lost the question. Izard manifested the 
 most illiberal spirit ; asserted in opposition to Lee things that 
 even his own party were ashamed of. I left the Senate cham- 
 ber this day completely sickened at the uncandid and ungentle- 
 manly conduct of the South Carolina men. Few, of Georgia, 
 said some improper things, but I this day was almost alto- 
 gether a hearer. There really was no serious debate. It was 
 nothing but snip-snap and contradiction. 
 
 Jime 5th. — This was a slack day. I had promised Mrs. 
 Eell to go with her to the Hall [Senate], and I called about 
 ten for that purpose. Mrs. Bell, however, could not go this 
 day, and I found her as finicking and fickle as the finest lady 
 among them, with a bunch of bosom and bulk of cotton that 
 never was warranted by any feminine appearance in nature. 
 She had learned the Ncav York walk to a tittle ; bent forward 
 
June 6] ADVANTAGES OF CONGRESS IN PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 at tlie middle, she walked, as they all do, jnst as if some disa- 
 greeable disorder prevented them from standing erect. Is it 
 ill nature or what that inclines me to assign tliis fashion to a 
 cause of this kind'? 
 
 I went from her, called on simdry people ; went and sat a 
 long time witli Mr. Morris, and repeated to him all the argu- 
 ments I had made use of on Monday and Tuesday last, when 
 he was absent. One in particiilar he seemed pleased with, 
 drawn from the difference of mileage which would arise to 
 the Treasury of about eleven hundred dollars in favor of a 
 residence in Philadelphia. I desired him to get from the 
 Treasury an account of the expense of removing Congress 
 from Princeton to 'New York. He said he would do it. There 
 seemed really to be more of cordiality in this tete-d-tete which 
 I had with him than any ever I had. I then called on Mr. 
 "Wynkoop. I chatted a good while with him, and had again 
 occasion to observe the blind obedience which he pays to the 
 opinions of his Philadelphia colleagues. 
 
 Came home, read, and lounged away the day. 
 
 June 6lh, Simday. — Five months have I been in town this 
 day. Devoted my time to thinking of my family. Wrote 
 letters, read, etc., but did not stir out all day. Remarked 
 something this day : General Muhlenberg talks of visiting Sun- 
 bury, etc. ' I received a letter yesterday from George Logan. 
 He is greatly displeased about the grant to Baron Steuben. 
 This is really a worthy man. I think he holds the first place 
 in point of integrity. He has invited me strongly to caU and 
 see him. I believe I must do so. 
 
 This old man, the baron, it seems, talks in the most insult- 
 ing manner of the grant which has been made to him, and tells 
 that he must and will have more when a new Coiigress meets, 
 etc. Being at the head of the Cincinnati makes him assume 
 those arrogant airs. 'Tis probable the whole body of them 
 will soon be demanding pensions to support their titles and 
 dignity. 
 
 The Funding bill, the basis on which speculation has built 
 all her castles, is now to come before us ; and woe to him who 
 says a word in favor of the country. Load the ass ; make the 
 beast of burden bear to the utmost of his abilities. I am really 
 
284 PENNSYLVANIA MESS-DAY. [1790 
 
 convinced that many a man has gone into the martial field and 
 acqnitted himseK with gallantry and honor, with less courage 
 and firmness than is necessary to attack this disposition in our 
 Senate. 
 
 Jvms 7th, Monday. — The Funding law underwent some 
 debate this day. We adopted, by a kind of common consent, 
 a mode somewhat different from former practice respecting 
 it. Supposing ourselves in Committee of the Whole, a parar 
 graph is read, "and the members generally express their senti- 
 ments on it. After every one has given h^s sentiments, it is 
 passed by postponement, with a design to commit it to a special 
 committee. We proceeded about half-way with the bill in this 
 way. 
 
 The committee on the bill for the permanent residence and 
 the resolution sent up from the Representatives were called 
 on to report, and Butler, their chairman, did so. He read the 
 report, which was a sleeveless thing for the Potomac to be the 
 jDermanent residence, but alleged that the ground was too nar- 
 row to fix the temporary residence. Many desultory things 
 were said, and all went off until to-morrow. 
 
 This was Pennsylvania mess-day. I was so unwell that I 
 first told Mr. Morris that I could not attend, but I afterward 
 went. We here agreed to send for all the Senators who were 
 friends of moving to Philadelphia. Eleven attended — Vir- 
 ginia, Maryland, Delaware, Pennsylvania, Dr. Elmer, from 
 New Jersey, and New Hampshire. Much desultory discourse 
 was held. Yirginia and Maryland manifested a predilection 
 for the Potomac ; but the final resolutions, in which Yirginia 
 led the way, were as follows : " That as the business of a per- 
 manent residence was brought forward by our enemies evi- 
 dently with a design of dividing us, we would uniformly vote 
 against every plan named for the permanent residence." The 
 Yirginians and Marylanders declared they would vote against 
 the Potomac. Mr. Morris declared he would vote against 
 Germantown and the Falls of the Delaware. The Susquehanna 
 was not publicly named, but of course implied, for Mr. Morris, 
 in enumerating the places to be voted against, named the Poto- 
 mac, Germantown, and the Falls of Trenton. The line of pro- 
 ceeding for to-morrow was agreed to : Mr. Lee to move and 
 
Junes] SICK MEMBER CARRIED IN TO VOTE. 285 
 
 Langdon to second the postponement of the permanent seat 
 in order to take up the resolution for the next session being 
 held in Philadelphia. If all was lost, let it go down to the 
 House of Eepresentatives for them to originate new measures 
 on it. 
 
 June 8th, Tuesday. — How shall I describe this day of con- 
 fusion in the Senate ? Mr. Lee laid on the table a report of 
 some additional rules relative to the intercourse between the 
 two Houses. After this he moved that the biU for the per- 
 manent residence of Congress shall be postponed to take up 
 the resolution of the Eepresentatives for adjourning to Phila- 
 delphia. 
 
 Now it was that Izard flamed and Butler bounced, and 
 both seemed to rage with madness. Mr. Lee's motion was in 
 writing, and they moved a postponement of it. The division 
 was eleven, and the Yice-President gave it against the post- 
 ponement. Now all was hurry and confusion. Izard and 
 'Butler actually went and brought Governor Johnston with his 
 night-cap on, out of bed, and a bed with him. The bed was 
 deposited in the committee-room. Johnson was brought in a 
 sedan [chair]. Few was weU enough to come without being 
 carried, and we waited half an hour. The vote was taken. 
 We had our eleven and they had thirteen against the resolu- 
 tion. I tliought all was over now ; but no such thing. They 
 must carry their conquest further. 
 
 In the mean time a mob and noise was about the Hall 
 [Senate] as if it had been a fish-market. The postponed bill 
 and the report of the committee on it were called for. The 
 report was read. The first clause of the report was a resolu- 
 tion that the permanent residence should be now fixed. The 
 question was taken on it and it was negatived. This threw 
 them all in the dumps. The report was, however, lost. But 
 now they would have the bill. They accordingly had it, for 
 they had the most votes, and, although the Senate had decided 
 by a most unequivocal vote that the permanent residence should 
 not be taken into consideration, yet they moved to fill the blank 
 with the Potomac. This was lost — fifteen and nine. 
 
 Much desultory discourse was now engaged in, and many 
 motions were made of postponement of the bill. Some of 
 
286 PHILADELPHIA PREFERABLE TO NEW YORK. [1790 
 
 them were actually carried, and yet tliey still made new mo- 
 tions for the blank to be filled. Baltimore was named. This 
 was lost — seventeen to seven. Wilmington was named. It 
 had only three or four. A motion was made to adjourn. 
 The first was lost. A motion was even made to pass the first 
 clause of the bill with a blank, notwithstanding the absurdity 
 of it, even in the face of a vote that this was an improper time 
 to fix the permanent residence. All, in fact, was confusion 
 and irregularity. A second vote of adjournment was called 
 for and carried. So ended the uproar of the day. 
 
 John Adams has neither judgment, firmness of mind, nor 
 respectability of deportment to fill the chair of such an assem- 
 bly. Gunn had scolded out a good deal of stuff ; " were we 
 forever to be plagued with a removal, etc. ? " This, I thought, 
 deserved some answer. I went over all the disadvantages of 
 New York, contrasted it with- Philadelphia, and concluded 
 that such inconveniences would always produce such com- 
 plaints and uneasiness, and could not be removed but by taking 
 away the cause. I was listened to, but made no converts. I 
 was up a good while, as I went largely into the business, but I 
 took the same ground which I had before traveled over, the 
 notes of which I sent to Dr. Eush. 
 
 Just before I rose, I asked Mr. Morris for an estimate of 
 removing Congress from Trenton, which, he had promised to 
 procure. He had nothing of it. I really communicated this 
 matter to him to enable him to make some figure in the de- 
 bate, and if possible to bind him to me by this kind of confi- 
 dential communication. But I have another proof that all ad- 
 vances on my part are in vain. I walked this evening with 
 Mr. Wynkoop. Fell in company with several of the Repre- 
 sentatives, exhorted them all, as much as I possibly could, to 
 unanimity and firmness, and did not fail to recommend to 
 steady perseverance imder the assurance that we would be suc- 
 cessful. 
 
 Jv/ne 9th. — Attended the Hall at the usual time. The 
 Ehode Island bill had a tliird reading. And now the Fund- 
 ing bill was taken up. "We had passed the clause funding 
 the old Continental money, and left a blank on Monday. I 
 then called it the resurrection of a dead demand against the 
 
June 10] EFFECTS OF THE FUNDING BILL. 287 
 
 public. Mr. Morris seemed in sentiment witli me. King 
 spoke against the clause altogether. But now the Secretary's 
 report was the text-book, and it must be funded at forty for 
 one. I called the attention of the Senate to the characters 
 who now had this money. Many meritorious persons received 
 it as gold and silver, and still kept it as the monuments of 
 the sacrifices which they made in the cause of America. 
 "Would seventy-five for one, forty for one, or one hundred for 
 one, indemnify such characters ? Would it not be a mockery 
 of their demands ? A time might come, a manner might be 
 thought of for their relief, but this was not, perhaps, the time, 
 nor was it the manner. The other class of individuals who 
 were possessed of it had collected it from the holes and corners 
 after it had ceased to be an object of speculation when it was 
 really worth nothing, and who neither gave value for it nor had 
 any merit in the act of collection. For these humble specula- 
 tors infinitely too much was done. They had no claims in jus- 
 tice. The whole of the Continental money was sunk by de- 
 preciation, a most unequal mode of taxation truly, but an effect- 
 ual one. He that touched it was taxed by it. This was creat- 
 ing a claim. A defunct demand was conjured up against the 
 Union, as if they feared the mass of debt would be too small, 
 though I fear they would find it much larger than we could 
 discharge, etc. • The clause was passed, and we went to the 
 fourth. 
 
 Mr. Morris moved, in a moment, to strike out the first two 
 alternatives, and blazed away for six per cent on the nominal 
 amount of all public securities. Elsworth answered, want of 
 ability. Mr. Morris made nothing of the whole of it. The 
 broadside of America was able enough for it all. We had 
 property enough, and he was for a land-tax, and if a land- 
 tax were laid there would be money enough. He said many 
 weak things, and was handled closely for them by Elsworth. 
 The debate, loose indeed, and desultory continued until three 
 o'clock. Adjourned. 
 
 Jwne 10th. — Attended at nine o'clock at the Hall on the bill 
 for making compensation to one John McCord. It was a 
 painful business. His claims do not seem over well founded 
 in point of law or any act of Congress. He is seventy-nine 
 
288 ON STATE DEBTS. [1790 
 
 years old, and appears to have suffered deeply in the American 
 cause. "We spent a considerable time on his business. 
 
 When we came into the House of Representatives, the 
 Funding bill was under consideration. It was passed over 
 without much debate in our cursory way. But now rose Els- 
 worth, and in a long, elaborate discourse recommended the 
 assumption of the State debts. He concluded that he would 
 read his motion, which he said had the approbation of the 
 Secretary of the Treasury. It was verbatim one of Gerry's 
 papers, which had been moved and laid on the Speaker's table 
 in the House of Representatives about a week ago. "We had 
 speakers enough how. Dr. Johnson was somewhat singular 
 in his assertions. He denied there was any such thing as a 
 State debt; they were aU equally the debts of the United 
 States. 
 
 The day was mostly spent in this business. I rose and 
 took the field which I had several times labored in with my 
 pen. The old acts of Congress settle and assume the balances, 
 etc. A short publication which I wrote, and which by one 
 means or other got into almost all the newspapers, was the 
 basis of it. The Boston men and King talked much of their 
 fears of the consequences, etc. I objected Hancock's speech 
 to one and the divided votes of their Representatives to the 
 other. One of the Massachusetts men now produced instruc- 
 tions from their government authorizing their voting for the 
 measure. I alleged that, if one State instructed, all should in- 
 struct, and perhaps this should be considered as a good reason 
 of postponement until all instructed on the subject, etc. The 
 consideration was postponed until to-morrow. 
 
 June 11th. — Attended at the Hall on Mx. McCord's biU 
 early. Mr. Morris joined us. "Went in and attended the 
 Funding bill ; the clause for the assumption of the State debts. 
 Mr. Gerry's amendment was negatived. Nine only rose for 
 it. The bill was now committed. The only debate of any 
 consequence was between Elsworth and myself. He set forth 
 in a curious argument that the debts contracted near the seat 
 of Congress were made Federal ; that those at a distance were 
 made State debts, supposing that the authority of Congress 
 was less eificacions. 
 
JotbII] on state debts. 289 
 
 There really was not a shadow of truth in this. He only 
 adapted his argument to an accidental fact, South Carolina 
 and Massachusetts having the largest State debts. I rose and 
 showed that there really was nothing at all in this matter ; 
 that the origin of some State debts was their adopting the 
 debts due to individuals, which they did by way of paying 
 their requisitions, and got credit for them accordingly. This 
 was the origin of the large State debt of one of them at least. 
 King was obliging enough to get up and tell the House I 
 meant South Carolina, etc. This brought up Butler and Izard, 
 with some degree of warmth. 
 
 It was a good while before I could, say anything. I, how- 
 ever, avowed and supported all I had said ; that the fact was 
 indubitably so ; that no cejisure was implied in anything I had 
 said ; that South CaroUna had assumed debts due to her citi- 
 zens to the amount of $186,799, and had credit in full of her 
 quota of the requisitions of the 10th of September, 1782. On 
 that account Pennsylvania had paid at the same time $346,632, 
 and Massachusetts a large sum of the said requisition ; that 
 Pennsylvania might have brought forward her State debt and 
 had credit for it in the reqiiisition, but she did not do so, but 
 remained burdened with both her State debt and requisitions, 
 and had done much toward paying both, while South Carolina 
 had paid nothing to either. The committee were : Mr. Lee, 
 Elsworth, Maclay, King, and Patterson. Some little council 
 business was done, and we adjourned. Just as we had ad- 
 journed, Butler wished Carrol joy of a vote being carried in 
 the Repi-esentative chamber for the temporary residence to be 
 in Baltimore. 
 
 There was some kind of entertainment to which I heard 
 Fitzsimons a few days ago inviting the Speaker. I thought 
 he took him to the door to do it. The Speaker asked me to 
 go with him. I declined it, as well I might. After the 
 Speaker came home I asked him what he had heard Mr. Mor- 
 ris say of the Baltimore vote. He had not made up his mind. 
 I can find he is now scheming and will not vote for Baltimore. 
 I have had a spell of fishing, of which I was the subject; to 
 know whether I would not oppose the Baltimore vote. I saw 
 clearly the person who was set on to do it, and will report to 
 19 
 
290 PICTUBES OF FIVE SENATORS. [1790 
 
 his employerB. I, in all probability, am come to the point that 
 will be seized to tm-n the whole city of Philadelphia against 
 me, but I trust no taint of dishonor will ever stain my conduct. 
 As to consequences, I care not. 
 
 Jvm^ 12th. — A day of storm and rain. I attended at the 
 Hall at eleven on the Funding bill. The alternatives, as they 
 were called, were the cliief subjects of discussion "lintil near 
 three o'clock. Candor, sit by me while I describe the com- 
 mittee : 
 
 E. H. Lee, the man who gave independence (in one sense) 
 to America. A man of a clear head and great experience in 
 public business ; certainly ambitious and vainglorious, but his 
 passions seek gratification in serving the public. 
 
 Elsworth, a man of great faculties and eloquent in debate, 
 but he has taken too much on himself ; he wishes to reconcile 
 the Secretary's [Hamilton's] system to the public opinion and 
 weKare ; but it is too much ; he can not retain the confidence 
 of the people and remain in the good graces of the Secretary. 
 He may lose both. 
 
 King, plausible and florid. 
 
 Patterson, more taciturn and lurking in his manner, and 
 yet when he speaks commits himself hastily, A swmmwm jus 
 man. Both lawyers and both equally retained by the Secre- 
 tary [Hamilton]. 
 
 And now, Billy, what say you of yourself ? lS.o\, overbur- 
 dened either with knowledge or experience, but disposed to 
 make the best of your tools. 
 
 I objected in general to the bill, disliking funding at all ; 
 was willing to pay as an interim three per cent, and place it 
 on the footing of disability to do more. I objected to fund- 
 ing the interest ; proposed to establish a land-office to sink the 
 ruterest now due, and that indents should be given to all per- 
 sons entitled to them, receivable in that office ; declared that 
 even prodigals abhorred compound interest; that the bill 
 went on this principle, though not in an annual ratio. It 
 was, however, in vain, although I could perceive that I made 
 an impression. 
 
 There were three alternatives in the Secretary's report. 
 The last was by much the most favorable to the public. Tliis, 
 
June 14] CONGRESS "TO GO TO BALTIMORE." 291 
 
 liowever, really meant only to try tlie disposition of Congress, 
 and Fitzsimons, wlien he took in his resolutions, contrived 
 to have this rejected and one substituted vastly more fa- 
 vorable to the subscribers. A good ijian could not have 
 done this. 
 
 I found I could not effect anything on my own plan. I 
 therefore watched and promoted every favorable sentence that 
 fen from Lee and Elsworth. The result of all was, that we 
 struck out all the alternatives and voted a general fund of four 
 per cent. 
 
 In the evening came Mr. "Wynkoop heyday all wrong ; to 
 go to Baltimore, etc., full 'charged with the permanent seat, 
 etc. I know he had not this of himself. I, however, deliv- 
 ered myself with firmness on the subject, recapitulated the 
 conduct of the Yorkers, etc., showed him (as I thought) that 
 to concur with Baltimore vote was politically right. He 
 found he could make no impression. It was nearly dark when 
 he went away. I followed to the door. He took the way of 
 Queen Street, and the Speaker, who was with me, said he was 
 going to Fitzsimons'. 
 
 This day changed my last bank bill of fifty dollars. 
 
 June 13th, Swnday. — This day was very wet. I stayed at 
 home all day in my usual occupation of writing to my dear 
 family, reading, etc. 
 
 J^me IJfth, Monday. — I left home early and called on the 
 Assistant of the Treasury on McCord's affair. He would not 
 let me tell my business, so keen was he on the subject of pro- 
 posing a bargain to me. Pennsylvania to have the permanent 
 residence on the Susqiieha/wna, and her delegation to vote for 
 the assimiption [of ,State debts]. I constrained my indigna- 
 tion at this proposal with much difficulty within the bounds 
 of decency, and the more so as I knew that, however it might 
 be with him, Hamilton, the principal in this business, was 
 not sincere. I gave him such looks and answers as put an 
 end to this business. I then got my errand settled. Went to 
 Mr. Jefferson's office on Mr. Bailey's affair. Arranged this 
 affair and went down Broad Street. Here I met Mr. Lee. 
 Spoke a few words with him, and passed on to the lodgings of 
 Mr. Carrol. My only business with him was to forewarn him 
 
■^92 SCEEMING IN THE TREASURY. [1790 
 
 that an objection would be made to Baltimore that there were 
 no pubHc buildings, and that he should be prepared on this 
 subject. 
 
 From here I went to Mr. Morris' lodgings. I found him 
 somewhat engaged, but the moment he disposed of a small 
 matter of business he dismissed his clerk ; told me he was just 
 going to look for me, and was fortunate in my coming in. 
 Said he had much to say, but some part of it must be on the 
 most entire confidence ; that on Friday Jackson, of the Presi- 
 dent's family,* in whom he said he could not have some con- 
 fidence, had been at Clymer's and Fitzsimons' lodgings ; that 
 [Tench] Coxe, of the Treasury, had been there ; that their 
 business was to negotiate a bargain : the permanent residence 
 in Pennsylvania for her votes for the assumption, or at least 
 as many votes as would be needful. The burden of their 
 business seemed to be to open the conference with Mr. Hamil- 
 ton on this subject. Mr. Morris continued : " I did not choose 
 to trust them, but wrote a note to Colonel Hamilton that I 
 wrrnlfl he walking; ea rly in' the morning on the Battery, and if 
 Colonel Hamilton had anything to propose to Mm [Moriis] 
 he might meet him there, as if by accident. I went in the 
 morning there, and found him on the sod hefore me." Mr. 
 Hamilton said he wanted one vote in the Senate and five in 
 the House of Representatives ; that he was wilKng and would 
 agree to place the permanent residence of Congress at Ger- 
 mantown or Falls of the Delaware, if he would procure him 
 these votes. 
 
 Mr. Morris owned that he complied on his part so far as 
 that he agreed to consult some of the Pennsylvania delegation 
 (I abruptly said, " You need not consult me "), but proposed that 
 the temporary residence of Congress in Philadelphia should 
 be the price. They parted on tliis, but were to communicate 
 on the subject again. 
 
 Mr. Morris and Mr, Fitzsimons made a party oxtt of town 
 and took Mr. Eead with them, yesterday, as the man whose 
 vote they would engage. (Let me here recollect the applica- 
 tion made to me on Saturday night by Mr. Wynkoop. I now 
 
 * Meaning a supporter of the measures adopted by the Administration. 
 
June 14] "SECRET UNDERSTANDING, BAKaAINlNG, ETC." 293 
 
 know that he was trying me on that subject, and the Speaker 
 was not much out when he said Wynkoop was gone to Fitz- 
 simons. He should have added, " and Morris.") 
 
 Mr. Read's answer was what Mr. Morris called poHte : 
 " Gentlemen, I am disposed to facihtate your wishes." But 
 now, this morning, says Mr. Morris, I have received a note' from 
 Colonel Hamilton that he can not think about negotiating 
 about the temporary residence ; that his friends will not hear 
 of it. Mr. Morris added : " I know he has been able to man- 
 age the destruction of the Baltimore vote without me, but I 
 can not yet tell how. I sent for Mr. Bead. He says they 
 have accounts that the Senators from Rhode Island are ap- 
 pointed and expected every moment." But Mr. Morris add- 
 ed, " I think he has some other assurances." I now parted 
 with Mr. Morris and joined the Committee on the Funding 
 bill. 
 
 The Senate were formed some time before we joined them, 
 and after some of the routine business of the day was done, 
 and the Baltimore resolution handed in, it was called for. 
 Schuyler moved it should be postponed a fortnight. Gov- 
 ernor Johnston, of North Carolina, seconded him. Elsworth 
 got lip ; said this matter mixed itself with all our affairs. 
 There was a secret understanding, a bargaining, that run 
 through all our proceedings, and therefore it ought to be 
 postponed. 
 
 I retorted his secret understanding, bargaining, etc., on 
 himself. As he knew there were such things, he knew where 
 they arose, and, if they " mixed " with and polluted our pro- 
 ceedings, it was time to put an end to them, which could only 
 be done by deciding the matter, etc. The question was put, 
 and it was the old eleven and thirteen. 
 
 This was mess-day. I did not join the company until about 
 five o'clock, and stayed until after eight. But, oh, such noise 
 and nonsense! Fitzsimons railed out at one time against 
 Pennsylvania interferences about the assumption of the State 
 debts. Had it not been for these, the funding system would 
 have been completed months ago. He had received letters 
 that stones would be thrown at him in the streets of Philadel- 
 phia if he were there, etc. 
 
 ^ 
 
294 HAMILTON'S PROPOSITION. [1790 
 
 Jwne 15th. — "We finished our observations on the Fund- 
 ing bill, and reported. The whole day was spent in debate 
 on it. I had so often expressed my sentiments respecting the 
 subject of this bill, that I need not set any of them down here. 
 I was not often up. I took at one time some pains to explain 
 the nature of facilities and indents, but no question was taken 
 on any point. All was postponed. 
 
 Dr. Elmer told me as I left the Hall that he had something 
 to impart to me. Mr. Morris, however, called me aside and 
 told me that he had a communication from Mr. Jefferson of a 
 disposition of having the temporary residence fifteen years in 
 Philadelphia and the permanent residence at Georgetown on 
 the Potomac, and that he (Mr. Morris) had called a meeting of 
 the delegation at six o'clock this evening at our lodging on the 
 business. I was really unwell, and had to lie down the most of 
 the afternoon. The delegation met at six. I was called out. 
 However, when I came in, what passed was repeated to me. 
 Hamilton proposed to give the permanent residence to Penn- 
 sylvania at Grermantown or the Falls of the Delaware, on con- 
 dition of their voting for the assumption. In fact, it was the 
 confidential story of yesterday all over again. Mr. Morris also 
 repeated Mr. Jefferson's story, but I certainly had misunder- 
 stood Mr. Morris at the Hall, for Jefferson vouched for 
 nothing. 
 
 I have seen no prospect of fixing the permanent residence 
 of Congress at the present session, and whenever it is gone into 
 win be involved in much difficulty. I have, therefore, declared 
 against everything of the kind ; but to continue the temporary 
 residence here, under the promise of the permanent residence 
 being in any part of Pennsylvania, I consider as madness. It 
 was giving them time to fortify and intrench themselves with 
 such systemetic arrangements that we never should get away 
 while the law acted as a tie on us and bound us hand and foot, 
 but gave them all the power and all the opportunity of fixing 
 us permanently in this place. I would rather be under no ob- 
 ligation and keep up an unremitted effort to get away, which 
 I had no doubt would be crowned with success. 
 
 I know not whether what I said was the reason of it, but 
 these sentiments seemed to be adopted. As to the bargain 
 
June 15] HAMILTON'S PROPOSITION. 295 
 
 proposed by Hamilton, I spoke of it witli detestation. Mr. 
 Morris now proposed that a paper should be drawn up, with 
 reasons for our conduct, that they might not be able to brand 
 US with any neglect of the interests of Pennsylvania ; and a 
 committee for this purpose was appointed — Mr. Morris, Mr. 
 Fitzsimons, and Mr. Hartley. 
 
296 THE FUNDING BILL. [1790 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 THE FUKDING BILL. 
 
 Jwne 16th. — I early called this morning at Colonel Hart- 
 ley's lodgings in order to give him a sketch of what I thought 
 might be well enough for us to sign. He was gone, but I fell 
 in with him at the Hall and delivered it to him. 
 
 I sauntered about till Congress formed, and now we got at 
 the Funding bill. Here we had all the stufE over again of pub- 
 lie credit, etc. The great question was whether the report of 
 the committee for four per cent should be adopted. I soon 
 committed myself in such sort that I must expect all the pub- 
 lic creditors to be my enemies. The great ground that I took 
 was, that I did not beheve we could impose any direct taxes 
 on our constituents for a purpose which they knew as well as 
 I did ; that the holders of certificates in Pennsylvania had 
 them funded when they were but 2s. &d. on the pound ; that 
 £100 purchased £800 ; that they had drawn interest on the 
 nominal amount for four years, equal to £192. Justice and 
 law allowed them but £124 ; hence they had £68 clear already, 
 and the certificates into the bargain, etc. 
 
 I was up a long time. Mr. Morris rose against the report. 
 His collar fairly choked him. He apologized to the House 
 that his agitation had deprived him of his recollection on the 
 subject, and he sat down. He rose again some little time be- 
 fore the Senate adjourned, mentioned his late confusion, but 
 declared it did not arise from the personal interest he had in 
 public securities ; that, although he was possessed of some, he 
 was no speculator, etc. I wish he had not made this last 
 apology, for I fear it fixed the matter deeper on him. 
 
 We spent until past three o'clock, but took no question ; 
 
June 17] CONSULS AND VICE-CONSULS. 29 Y 
 
 and, indeed, it seemed almost agreed that we would not pro- 
 ceed without the other bUl. 
 
 June 17th. — Spent this morning, before the meeting of the 
 Senate, in calling on Mr. Coxe for the papers in the case of 
 McCord, and at the office of the Secretary of State on Mr. 
 Bailey's affair. 
 
 The Senate met, and until near two o'clock we were engaged 
 on the subject of consuls and vice-consuls. The grand question 
 was, whether foreigners were eligible to those offices. It was 
 admitted that they were, and a number accordingly appointed. 
 When I came home to dinner, the Speaker told me that a bill 
 was proposed in the House of Kepresentatives for giving them 
 salaries. Thus it is that we are led on, little by Httle, to in- 
 crease the civil list ; to increase the mass of public debt, and, 
 of course, the taxes of the public. This, however, is all of a 
 piece with former management from the offices. 
 
 The Funding hill was now called for. Butler repeated the 
 same things he had said yesterday. But now up rose Patter- 
 son with a load of notes before him. To follow liim would be 
 to write a pamphlet, for he was up near an hour. Near the 
 beginning he put a question : " What principle shall we adopt 
 to settle this busiuess ? If we follow Justice, sAe says three 
 per cent or eoen two is as much as the holders of certificates 
 can demand. But what says law ? — six per cent," and he was 
 a summumjus man to the end of the chapter. It was near 
 three when he had done. 
 
 I felt an impatience to attack him, and up I got. At. first 
 exploded a doctrine which he had stated of Congress being a 
 party and the claimants another. I stated the people at large 
 as being the debtors and the holders the creditors, and Con- 
 gress the umpire — the Legislature between them. I then stated 
 his two principles of justice and law ; declared myself an ad- 
 herent of the former. Law was the rule for courts and mag- 
 istrates in the execution of their offices, but justice was our 
 guide, and had been the guide of all just legislation from the 
 Jewish jubilee to the present day ; that even in law it was a 
 maxim that rigid law was rigid injustice. Hence the necessity 
 of courts of chancery expressly for mitigating the severity of 
 unjust contracts. I repeated his own words of "three per 
 
298 THE CASE OF ONE McCORD. [1790 
 
 cent — ^perhaps two per cent " being tte voice of Justice. If, 
 then, the point of justice stands at three per cent, or if at two 
 per cent, all beyond that point is injustice to whom ? To the 
 very people whose interests it is our bounden duty to support 
 and protect. I reprobated his position even with acrimony as 
 the Shylock doctrine of " my bond, my bond." 
 
 June 18th. — "We went early to the Hall, as I was on two 
 committees this morning — the one the case of one Twining, 
 the other McCord's. We spent a considerable space of time 
 on Twining's affair, which to me did not seem a just subject of 
 legislation. I then joined the committee on McCord's case. 
 
 This was truly one in which Compassion mingled herself 
 with Justice. The generals, Thomson, Irvine, and others, had 
 received effects from him in Canada in the year 1Y76. They 
 gave him a bill which was never paid. The Auditor and 
 Comptroller settled the sum due on this bill, $809. Yl. He 
 had suffered greatly in Canada : had his house burned ; took 
 our Continental money to a considerable amount as specie, 
 which he produced to us- to the amount of $1,200 or $1,300 ; 
 advanced money and goods to many people who now refuse 
 to pay him, and many of them he can not find. All these 
 things are indubitable. I had no difliculty in allowing hiTn 
 the $809. Yl in ready money, in lieu of a certificate, but any- 
 thing more I seemed to feela difficulty in. Lands had been 
 set apart by the old Congress to make compensation for Cana- 
 dian sufferers. "We reported the $809.71, and left a blank for 
 the -value of his lands. The Senate filled the blank with 
 $500. My heart would not let me rise against the motion. 
 Though it is a trifle to his sufferings, yet how many himdreds 
 of our own people suffer equal distress ! 
 
 Up now came the Funding bill. Butler railed at Els- 
 worth. Elsworth talked back. There really was no enter- 
 tainment. No man ever rambled or talked more at random 
 than Butler. He is ever quoting authors on trade, finance, 
 etc., ever repeating what he has seen in Europe. Tliis day he 
 asserted that the circulating coin of Great Britain was three 
 hundred millions. Authors (if I remember right) place it at 
 about sixteen. There really was nothing new. Some were 
 pressing for the qiiestion, but it was postponed generally. 
 
June 20] BARGAINING FOR CONGRESS. 299 
 
 I received a letter from Dr. 'Rash and a newspaper con- 
 taining a mutilated publication of the piece which I had sent 
 to him on the subject of Federal residence. He has left out 
 many of what I consider as the best arguments, and very im- 
 properly reduced the arguments drawn from the mileage one 
 half by liis miscalculations. But I really never was served 
 otherwise. 
 
 This evening Mr. Morris and Mr. Fitzsimons called on us. 
 Hamilton had been with them again. Never had a man a 
 greater propensity for bargaining than Mr. Morris. Hamilton 
 knows this, and is laboring to make a tool of him. He affects 
 to tell Mr. Morris that the ISTew England men will bargain to 
 fix the permanent seat at the Potomac or at Baltimore. Mr. 
 Fitzsimons counted all the members who it was likely would 
 vote for such a measure, and the conclusion was that no such 
 measure could be carried by them. 
 
 June 19th. — ^Attended at ten o'clock at the Hall on Mr. 
 Twining' s bill. The committee heard aU the witnesses pro- 
 duced. 
 
 "We then walked to view the demoHtions of Fort George ; 
 the leaden coffins and remains of Lady and Lord BeDamont, 
 now exposed to the sun after an interment of about ninety 
 years. They and many more had been deposited in vaults in 
 a chapel which once stood in the fort. The chapel was burned 
 down about fifty years ago and never rebuilt. The leveling 
 of the fort and digging away the foundations have uncovered 
 the vaults. 
 
 The talk of the day is the death of one Tilfair, from 
 Georgia, who this morning cut his throat with a razor. A 
 negro boy who waited on him has manifested marks of aston- 
 ishing attachment. 'Tis said he was separated from the dead 
 body by force, and restrained with difficulty from committing 
 violence on himself. 
 
 June Wth, Sumday. — I spent the most of ,this day at home, 
 finishing some letters; read occasionally. In the evening I 
 went to see Mrs. Bell. She proposed to walk, and offered to 
 come and see Mrs. Muhlenberg. I set out with her, but she 
 knew almost everybody we met. A Mrs. Somebody joined 
 us and made us gad over almost the whole town to visit some- 
 
300 PENALTIES OP ONE TWINING. [1790 
 
 body else. We, however, parted with our adventitious com- 
 rade and performed our first tour. This does not deserve 
 notice only for what Mrs. Bell mentioned, as the subject of 
 the removal of Congress from this place was her constant 
 theme. She took occasion to tell me that Mr. Morris was not 
 sincerely attached to the Pennsylvania interest on that subject ; 
 that his commercial arrangements were calculated for this 
 place [New York] ; that the Torkers depended on him, but 
 were lately staggered by an oath which it was said he had 
 sworn that he would have Congress away. I endeavored to 
 persuade myself that Mr. Morris was now in earnest, and the 
 Yorkers would find him so, etc. Yet I had my own thoughts 
 on the subject. Mrs. Eell replied that he may have good 
 reasons now to wish for popularity in Pennsylvania. 
 
 Jtme ^Ist. — Attended at the Hall early on the bill for re- 
 mitting certain penalties to one N. Twining. The Senate met. 
 I observed a strangeness of disposition in the House the mo- 
 ment, or rather a few moments, after the minutes were read. 
 Patterson moved to adjourn. Schuyler seconded. This was 
 lost. It was now moved to take up the vote of the House of 
 Eepresentatives for fixing the time of adjournment. This 
 was agreed to, and King, Bassett, and "Walker appointed on 
 our part to confer. Izard now rose ; said there was something 
 to put on the minutes, and renewed the motion for adjourn- 
 ment. Seconded by Patterson. This was lost. 
 
 And now the Funding bill was taken up. We had a 
 great deal of the old ground gone over again. King received 
 a note; rose and moved that the Funding bill should be 
 postponed, as the House of Representatives had negatived the 
 bill for the ways and means. He was seconded by Schuyler. 
 "We had now a long, desultory kind of debate whether the biU 
 should be postponed. It was not postponed. Now the de- 
 bates on the merits of the bill. The question was whether aU 
 the alternatives should be struck out and a fund of four per 
 cent adopted. Adopted ; thirteen for, ten against. Now the 
 question on the striking out of the indents. Elsworth and the 
 New England men knew that Pennsylvania has a number of 
 indents, and the invention of all of them is at work to turn it to 
 her disadvantage. The vote was, however, carried to keep the 
 
June 22] PENNSYLVANIA MESS-DAT. 301 
 
 indents, since the other 'back interest was to be funded. I 
 bore my testimony in the strongest terms against funding any 
 interest, and proposed to open a land-office as a sinking fund 
 for the whole of the back interest, including the indents, but I 
 found no second. The iuterest of the whole was placed on one 
 footing, almost without a division. Now a long debate ensued 
 about the Jersey payments and a proviso which had been in- 
 serted to favor them. No other question was, however, taken, 
 and the House adjourned a quarter after three. 
 
 This was mess or club day.* I went and stayed till the 
 fumigation began, alias smoking of cigars, a thing I never 
 could bear. Elsworth made a long, speech, amounting to this : 
 that since a general system of funding could not be obtained, 
 gentlemen would be against all funding whatever. I placed 
 his speech in as strong colors as I could ; that since a party 
 in Congress could not build as they pleased, they would turn 
 and pull all down. There was a majority against the assump- 
 . tion of the State debts and the minority, indignant at being 
 controlled, since they could not rule, would join the discon- 
 tented part of Congress and stop all business. 
 
 . Adams affects to treat me with all the neglect he can whUe 
 I am speaking, by turning his head a different way, looking 
 sidewise, etc. But I care not. I will endeavor to bear it. 
 
 June 22d. — I called this morning on General Irwin, who 
 is one of the commissioners for settling accounts between the 
 United States and the individual States, for the amount of the 
 Jersey claims for interest paid by that State on the Continental 
 certificates. Found it to be about half a million. Now attended 
 the committee on Twining's case. Mr. Morris called me aside. 
 (I had yesterday expressed my indignation of the New Eng- 
 land attempt upon Pennsylvania, in excluding, or trying to ex- 
 clude, those indents, which would pass into her hands in con- 
 . sequence of the late funding law, from being funded ; had en- 
 deavored to possess him of the facts to obtain his assistance, 
 and indeed expressed unguarded solicitude on that subject.) 
 
 He told me this is an important affair respecting the in- 
 
 * Meaning the day set aside by the Pennsylvania delegation for dining 
 together. 
 
302 THE ASSUMPTION POLITICALLY WRONG. [1790 
 
 dents to Pennsylvania. " I would have you think well of it. 
 The New England men are determined to carry it against us. 
 The assumption is the only way we can rid ourselves of this 
 thing. I would have you think of it — think of it." 
 
 I had to say I will think of it. I felt a little disturbed : 
 not if I knew my own mind with regard to the part I should 
 act, but to think that everything should be set to sale, and 
 that even just measures could not be pursued but by contract, 
 and that men should be hunted into measures. I have often 
 thought myself deficient in readiness of judgment or quickness 
 of determination. Perhaps any man can think more and bet- 
 ter too at twice than at once. I, however, in a few minutes 
 took my seat beside Mr. Morris ; told him that I considered 
 the assumption so politically wrong and productive of so much 
 injustice, that no offer could be made which would induce me 
 to change my mind. I had, however, means of another nature. 
 I could depend nothing on the promises of the !N^ew England 
 men ; but, further, had calculated that the State of New York . 
 was circumstanced nearly in the same way as Pennsylvania 
 with respect to the indents ; and I consider this as the sure 
 pledge that we should not be pushed to extremities on that 
 ground. The result showed that I was right ; for, after a great 
 deal of debate in the House, affairs settled as I would have 
 them. 
 
 There is a lesson in the matter, and I miist be on my guard 
 with respect to my colleague. Hamilton unhappily has liim 
 in his power with respect to these old accounts, which are 
 still before the Treasury. The bill for establishing the post- 
 office was read the first time. We adjourned early. 
 
 Mr. Fitzsimons called this afternoon. We had much loose, 
 conversation on the, subject of adjournment. I expressed a 
 wish, the. sooner the better. Fitzsimons said it never would 
 do to go away without funding the debt. Pennsylvania was 
 too deeply interested. She would draw three millions of dol- 
 lars annually from the fimds. I stared, as well I might, for 
 at four per cent she must possess more than the Avhole of the 
 Continental debt to do it, viz., seventy-five millions. He cor- 
 rected himself, and said above fifteen millions woiild belong to 
 her and her citizens. I said this might be. He now got on 
 
June 23] PENNSYLVANIA'S ACCOUNTS. 303 
 
 the subject of Pennsylvania paying her civil list, etc., with 
 Continental revenue. In fact, this man has no rule of conduct 
 but convenience, and he shifts opinions and sentiments to an- 
 swer occasions. 
 
 The Speaker walked away with Mr. Fitzsimons. When 
 he returned, I asked him to repeat what Mr. Fitzsimons had 
 said. He [the Speaker] said Mr. Fitzsimons had explained 
 himself in their walk, that the State of Pennsylvania pos- 
 sessed three millions on which she would draw interest, and 
 that the citizens of the State possessed fifteen millions on 
 which they would draw interest. There are more turners 
 than dish-makers ; but in fact none of these things deserve not- 
 ing down. 
 
304 SALABIES FOR AMBASSADORS. [1790 
 
 CHAPTEE X. 
 
 ON THE BESIDENCE OF CONGEESS. 
 
 June '23d, Wednesday. — This day could not be considered 
 as very important in the Senate. The Funding bUl was called 
 for and postponed. 
 
 The Intercourse bill, or that for appointing ambassadors, 
 had been referred to a committee of conference so long ago 
 that I had forgotten it, but the thing was neither dead nor 
 sleeping. It was only dressing and friends-making. The re- 
 port increased the salaries and added ten thousand dollars to 
 the appropriations. I concluded they had secured friends 
 enough to support it before they committed it to the House. 
 This turned out to be the case. The whole appropriation was 
 forty thousand dollars, and they were voted with an air of 
 perfect indifference by the affirmants, although I consider the 
 money as worse than thrown away, for I know not a single 
 thing that we have for a minister to do at a single court in 
 Europe. Indeed, the less we have to do Avith them the better. 
 Our business is to pay them what we owe, and the less political 
 connection the better with any European power. It was weU 
 spoken against. I voted against every part of it. 
 
 We received also a bill for the East Indian trade. Head for 
 the first time. Mr. Morris was often called out. He at last 
 came in and whispered me : " The business is settled at last. 
 Hamilton gives up the temporary residence." I wrote on a 
 slip of paper (as we could not converse freely), "Tj^ Hainilton 
 has his hand m the residence now, he will home his foot in it 
 before the end of the session." I afterward told Mr. Morris 
 that this seeming willingness of Hamilton proceeded from his 
 knowledge that the North Carolina Senators and Colonel Gunn 
 
June 34] "JOCKEYING" FOR CONGRESS. 305 
 
 could not be restrained from voting for Baltimore, and that 
 the present proposal and bill (for a bill was shown to me by 
 Mr. Morris) were meant to divert the Southern members from 
 Baltimore, and they would finally destroy the bill. 
 
 I got Henry, of Maryland, into the audience-room and 
 gave him a detail of what was going on, and made the same 
 reflections on it to him. I saw he believed the North Caro- 
 lina men would vote for Baltimore. I find there is a ferment 
 among them, and good may come of it. 
 
 Paid my lodgings. 
 
 There are jockeying and bargaining going on respecting 
 which I am not consulted and wljich I hear of only by-the-by : 
 the temporary residence in Philadelphia for fifteen years and the 
 permanent residence on the Potomac. A solemn engagement 
 has been entered into by eleven Senators to push the temporary 
 residence only. On this ground we of Pennsylvania are per- 
 fectly safe, and our interest is to keep this contract alive. If 
 we go from this the temporary residence may remain in New 
 York and the permanent residence to the Potomac. It is a 
 species of robbery to deprive Pennsylvania of the residence. 
 How can a delegate reconcile himself to such a vote unless he 
 confide in future contingency to repair his errors, which is 
 neither safe nor honorable ? 
 
 June 2^th. — This was a day of small business in the Senate. 
 The report on a bill for remitting fines to one Twining was 
 rejected and the bill confirmed ; contrary, in my opinion, to 
 every idea of justice, for this man had got already from the 
 public upward of two thousand dollars without consideration. 
 
 Though little business was done in the Senate, yet I ought 
 never to forget this day. In the Senate chamber, Mr. Walker 
 told me that the Pennsylvania delegation had, in a general 
 meeting, agreed to place the permanent residence on the Poto- 
 mac and the temporary residence to remain ten years in Phila- 
 delphia. I answered, I know nothing of any such agreement. 
 No truth was ever better founded. He said Scott had come 
 from the meeting to him. He seemed willing I should take a 
 lead in the business. I heard nothing further on the business. 
 Dr. Elmer and I called on Mr. Morris, and here for the first 
 time I heard him declare he was satisfied with ten years. He 
 20 
 
306 DISCORD AMONG THE PENNSYLVANIANS. [1790 
 
 did not say much to me, but the moment I came home the 
 Speaker attacked me : " Here you have been doing fine things; 
 you have broken the bargain," etc. 
 
 I denied that I had broken any bargain ; that I never knew 
 of any bargain for ten years being made. Did not General 
 Muhlenberg speak to you^ Tes, on Monday last he bid me 
 teU Mr., Morris that he thought Matthews could not make 
 them agree to more than ten years. I forgot to mention it to 
 him then, but mentioned it to him afterward. He said if we 
 agreed to ten they would propose seven, etc., and declared 
 himseK against listening to any such proposals, "We, how- 
 ever, met in the evening. Bassett and Head, of the Delaware 
 State, came in with Mr. Morris. Dr. Elmer came some time 
 after. I now did the most foolish thing I ever did in my 
 life. I declared that I considered the permanent residence 
 as a matter that ought to belong to Pennsylvania, in what- 
 ever point of view it was considered, geographically or politi- 
 cally ; that to deprive her of it was, in my opinion, a species of 
 robbery; hut, since we came there to consult thepvMie good, 
 I was willing to he governed hy repuhlican ideas, and would 
 stand hy the vote of the inajority, as a house divided agavnst 
 itself could not stand. 
 
 Mr. Morris now said my arguments were too late. I 
 should have made these objections when the contract was 
 made for fifteen years' residence at Philadelphia. I very 
 freely declared I never entered into any such contract. Mor- ■ 
 ris, Fitzsimons, and the Speaker declared. that I did, and the 
 Speaker reminded me that a committee was appointed. I 
 agreed that a committee was appointed, but it was to draw up 
 our reasons for rejecting Hamilton's proposals ; and that I 
 understood them so would be evident from my sentiments, 
 which I had committed to paper at the time, and which were 
 now in the hands of Colonel Hartley. They all three per. 
 sisted in the charge. Hartley, however, had spirit enough to 
 say there was no such contract. This seemed to cool them a 
 little. But after some time Scott came in. The matter was 
 repeated to him. He declared there was no number of years 
 mentioned at all as any bargain, and, of course, no contract. 
 This made them look a little blue. 
 
June 35] THE PURCHASE OF WEST POINT. J 307 
 
 I must note that I read tlie sketch which I gave to Hartley 
 to the Speaker, and he approved of it ; and I expressly men- 
 tioned both to him and Colonel Hartley that all that we did 
 respected only what was past. But now the Speaker put the 
 question, " Shall we vote for a bill giving the temporary resi-» 
 dence, ten years, to Philadelphia and the permanent residence 
 to the Potomac ? " They all said yes but myself. I said no, 
 but, imluckily, am bound by my foolish declaration. Good 
 God, deliver me tliis once ! Fate, familiar as her garter, ended 
 the difficulty. But the tale is long, and I had better begin the 
 business of the day on the next page. 
 
 June ^5th, Friday. — A day of excessive rain. I went to 
 the Hall in the Speaker's carriage at an early hour to attend 
 the committee on the post-office business. I found Mr. Car- 
 rol there. "We had much loose talk. He told me his plan, 
 which was to take Butler's bill, amended so that the residence 
 should be ten years in Philadelphia, at the end of which the 
 permanent residence should be on the Potomac. 
 
 The first biisiness was the report on what was called Ste- 
 phen Moore's bill. This man is the owner of the land on 
 which the old fort of West Point stands. He is got in debt 
 in town to the amoimt of two thousand or some such sum. 
 He has nothing but the rocks of West Point. The Secretaries 
 of War and Treasury and other influential characters have 
 interested themselves in getting this bill passed to buy the 
 ' land from liim, to pay his debts, under the notion that the 
 ground is necessary for a fortress. Barefaced as this business 
 is, it was carried in the Senate by a great majority. Am I 
 mistaken, or is it the spirit of prodigality broke loose since 
 Ehode Island came in ? Yesterday Twining's base business ; 
 this day Moore's case, and a bill for a claim for one Gould 
 came up. The yeas and nays are on the journals, and, strange 
 to tell, Mr. Morris for once was with me. 
 
 Mr. Carrol now rose and was seconded by Lee. Izard, 
 Few, ICng, on one side, Carrol and Lee on the other. Butler 
 bounced between both, but declared for the bill and he would 
 be for it. The motion was made to take up the bill. The 
 Vice-President said : " There has been a motion for post- 
 ponement. I do not know whether it has been seconded." 
 
308 THE RHODE ISLAND MEMBERS "INSTRUCTED." [1790 
 
 ]^o such thing had happened, but the hint was soon after 
 taken. 
 
 And now all was consternation and commotion. Out ran 
 King, Schuyler, Izard, and sundry of the Eastern gentry, and 
 in were ushered the Senators from Rhode Island. And now 
 the hinted-for postponement was called for of the bill, which, 
 in fact, had not been taken up. But the new members, just 
 sworn and seated, did not get up. Signs and motions were 
 ineffectual ; they kept their seats, and the bill, of course, was 
 taken up, or, in parliamentary style, not postponed. 
 
 Izard begged leave to explain, or, in other words, to tell 
 the new-come gentlemen, that they ought to have voted for 
 the postponement. Mr. Adams without any ceremony put the 
 same question over again. King got on one side and Els- 
 worth on the other of the new members and got up with them. 
 Butler, too, after all his declarations, voted for the postpone- 
 ment. It was thirteen and thirteen, and Bonny Johnny voted 
 for the postponement ; and thus the business of the day was 
 got over without much difficulty so far, or at least the knotty 
 parts of it, and thus my neck got out of the noose. 
 
 Adjourned until Monday. 
 
 I must note here that a number of our own people were 
 duped in pushing the Ehode Island bill. They are now paid 
 for it. I told them at the time what was intended. They 
 must take what follows. 
 
 June 26th, Satv/rday. — Attended tliis day on the Commit- 
 tee on the Post-Office bill. The bill came up from the Eepre- 
 sentatives with every post-road described, both main and cross 
 roads. Carrol and Strong were for blotting out every word 
 of description, and leaving all to the Postmaster-General and 
 the President of the United States. I proposed a different 
 plan: that one great post-road should be described by law 
 from Portland, in New Hampshire, to Augusta, in Georgia, 
 passing through the seats of the different governments, and 
 that two cross-roads only should be described from New York 
 to Canada, and from Philadelphia or some other proper place 
 to Fort Pitt, for the accommodation of the "Western country. 
 The other or block system prevailed, but we are to meet again 
 on Monday, at ten o'clock. 
 
June 38] BALTIMORE "WANTS CONGRESS. 309 
 
 Jxme 27ih, Sunday. — Called on Scott this morning. "Went 
 to walk, but tlie heat was insupportable. Eeturned to my 
 lodgings. Spent the residue of the day in writing letters, 
 reading, etc. 
 
 June 28th, Monday. — Met at ten on the Post-Ofiice Oom^ 
 mittee, but such running and caballing of the Senators nothing 
 could be done. Stephen Moore's bill the first business. 
 Izard made a long speech, telling how injurious it would he 
 for this mam, if the hill did not pass, etc., and would now let 
 the question be put until the Senate was full. It was carried. 
 
 Now the Baltimore vote was read. Carrol and Lee moved 
 to postpone it. It was postponed. Carrol now moved to 
 read some representations from Baltimore and Georgetown. 
 This was complied with. Carrol surprised me by taking me 
 out and requesting me to move the insertion of Baltimore for 
 the perinanent residence. Said he wished it to be put and 
 negatived. This had a crooked aspect. I declined it. Izard, 
 however, moved this very thing, and "Walker told me it was 
 expected that he would do it. I called for the amendment 
 proposed on Friday, but Carrol got up and wished the vote 
 on Baltimore. It was negatived. 
 
 Carrol now got up with the amendments. He surprised 
 lis with his slowness. We wrangled on till nearly three 
 o'clock, calling yeas and nays on almost every question — ^but 
 for these vide the minutes. When we came to the blank for 
 the place of temporary residence — and by the by there was no 
 blank in the amendment which Carrol read on Friday, but he 
 was now suffered by Adams to proceed on the original bill. 
 He evidently waited and paused until Izard moved to fill the 
 blank with New Tork. ISTow we had the warmest debates of 
 the day. Mr. Morris took no part whatever. Langdon and 
 myself were the warmest. The question was put at three 
 o'clock and carried for New York — thirteen to twelve. Colo- 
 nel Gunn has been absent all day^designedly, it is supposed. 
 
 This day the [Pennsylvania] delegation had invited the Yice- 
 President and the other oflBcers of the General Government to 
 dinner. The Chief-Justice and the Vice-President did not 
 attend. The three Secretaries were with us. The discourse 
 before dinner turned on the manner of doing business in the 
 
310 THE THREE SECRETARIES. [1790 
 
 Senate. It was remarked that, as every question of moment 
 was carried only by one majority, or for the most part by the 
 casting vote of the Yice-President, it might be as well to vest 
 the whole senatorial power in the President of the Senate. 
 The fact really is as it was stated. But they did not mention 
 the fact that Hamilton and his New York junto do business 
 on the principles of economy, and do not put themselves to the 
 expense of hiring more than just the number necessary to 
 carry their point. This' is a deplorable truth with respect to 
 our Senate, and certainly is a foul evil at the root of oiu- legis- 
 lation. 
 
 I could not help making some remarks on our three Sec- 
 retaries. Hamilton has a very boyish, giddy manner, and 
 Scotch-Irish people could well call him a " skite." Jefferson 
 transgresses on the extreme of stiff gentility or lofty gravity. 
 Knox is the easiest man, and has the most dignity of presence. 
 They retired at a decent time, one after another. Knox 
 stayed the longest, as indeed suited his aspect best, being more 
 of a Bacchanalian figure. 
 
 June 29th. — The Tonnage bill was taken up and committed. 
 This bill uses the same rates of tonnage as the old bill, and 
 why it was brought forward is more than I can say, unless it 
 was solely to employ time. A bill to make compensation to 
 one Gould was also committed. 
 
 And now the Eesidence bill was taken up. The joy of the 
 Yorkers made them cry out for an adjournment when they 
 had filled one of the blanks. Ifow the other was to be filled 
 with the time of the temporary residence. It was carried for 
 ten years, and Carrol voted for it : thirteen to twelve. But 
 now the question was taken on the clause, and the whole was 
 rejected : sixteen to nine. Now Izard and the adherents of 
 New York showed visible perturbation and bounced at a 
 strange rate. I looked at Carrol, and got him to rise with his 
 clause, ten years for Philadelphia. Why he kept it back so 
 long explains itself. 
 
 Schuyler and King offered to amend it by dividing the 
 time, five years to each place. Long debates here. The ques- 
 tion was lost : thirteen to thirceen, the Yice-President against. 
 They now moved Baltimore. Lost it : ten to sixteen. Butler 
 
June 30] "CONVULSE THE UNION." 311 
 
 now moved to stay two years in !N"ew York : thirteen to thir- 
 teen, the Vice-President against. The question was put on 
 the clause : thirteen to thirteen, Vice-President against. So 
 the clause was lost. The question was now put, " Shall the bill 
 pass to a third reading ? " The noes certainly had it, but the 
 House did not divide, and an adjournment obtained before 
 anything more was finished. 
 
 In the course of King's speech, I noted down the follow- 
 ing words, "convulse the Union," etc. This, as he stated 
 it, would be the effect of removing from New York. In my 
 reply I mentioned the words. He denied that he had used such 
 words. Mr. Morris was the first to cry out that he did not use 
 any such words. From the drift of chaff and feathers it is 
 seen how the wind blows. Mr. Morris did not. rise this day 
 nor yesterday; I might speak or let it alone — ^he has never 
 said one word except giving me the above contradiction. Mr. 
 "Wyngate and sundry other members declared he [King] did 
 use them, but, as he chose to retract, I passed it by as words 
 that had never been spoken. 
 
 Jwne 30th. — I called early at the Hall. Langdon only 
 there. "Went and paid off my bill for Monday, twenty-eight 
 shillings, the price of a two days' headache. When I came to 
 the Hall, Dr. Elmer told me that Carrol & Co. were using 
 every endeavor to pass the bill to a third reading without any. 
 thing of the temporary residence. Here we certainly had 
 every right to leave them, yet Walker said they would drop 
 Philadelphia if we would not go with them. I am fully satis- 
 fied that they have had an under plot on hand all this time 
 with the Yorkers. Carrol, finding the bill could not be carried 
 to a third reading, moved a reconsideration of the Philadel- 
 phia clause. But he was out of order, not having been of the 
 majority. I passed the word to get Butler to move, as he had 
 been of that side. He did so, after talking almost half an 
 hour. It was reconsidered and adopted, fourteen to twelve, 
 Butler changing his ground. Before we could get a question 
 on the paragraph, they moved the question of five years in 
 New York and five in Philadelphia. Lost : twelve to four- 
 teen. Then to stay two years in New York. This Butler 
 joined them in, and the House stood thirteen and thirteen. 
 
312 ADAMS VOTES FOB PHILADELPHIA. [1790 
 
 The Yice-President gave us a long speech on the orderly con- 
 duct, decent behavior of the citizens of New York, especially 
 in the gallery of the other House ; said no people in the world 
 could behave better. I really thought he meant this lavish 
 praise as an indirect censure on the city of Philadelphia, for 
 the papers have teemed with censorious charges of their rude- 
 ness to the members of public bodies. Be that, however, as 
 it may, he declared he would go to Philadelphia without stay- 
 ing a single hour, and gave us his vote. I think it was well 
 he did not know all, for, had he given this vote the other way, 
 the whole would have been lost. The question on the passage 
 to the third reading was carried : fourteen to twelve. 
 
 Mr. Langdon now moved a reconsideration to strike oiit 
 the loan of the one hundred thousand dollars. A long debate 
 ensued. It was evident his vote would turn it. This I men- 
 tioned to "Walker. We told them, however, that we were with 
 them. But they did what good policy directed. They gave 
 the matter up, and the appropriation was struck out. The 
 question on the bill passing to a third reading was now taken. 
 Carried : fourteen to twelve. 
 
 I am fully convinced Pennsylvania could do no better. 
 The matter could not be longer delayed. It is, in fact, the 
 interest of the President of the United States that pushes the 
 Potomac. He [Washington], by means of JefEerson, Madison, 
 Carrol, and others, urged the business, and, if we had not closed 
 with these terms, a bargain would have been made for the 
 temporary residence in New York. They have offered to 
 support the Potomac for three years' temporary residence (in 
 New York, I presume), and I am very apprehensive they 
 would have succeeded if it had not been for the Pennsylvania 
 threats that were thrown out of stopping all business if an 
 attempt was made to rob them of both temporary and perma- 
 nent residence. 
 
 July 1st. — Knowing nothing of immediate consequence, I 
 attended the Hall early. Took a seat in the committee-room. 
 Began an examination of the journals of the old Congress 
 touching some matters before us in committee. Had thus an 
 opportunity at the members as they came in, but such rushing 
 and caballing of the New England men and Yorkers ! 
 
JuLTl] KIKG'S LAMENTATIONS. 313 
 
 When the minutes were read, King observed that the yeas 
 and nays were not inserted on the motion for staying two 
 years in New York. The Yiee-President and Secretary of the 
 Senate both denied that they were taken^ but I beheved they 
 erred. This, however, I did not consider as much for them. 
 We read the Ehode Island Enumeration [Census] bill. Com- 
 mitted the Settlement bill and one for the regulation of 
 seamen. 
 
 And now came the residence. Elsworth moved that the 
 extent of the Potomac should be thirty miles above and thirty 
 below Hancocktown. Lost. Second motion, " To insert the 
 lirst Monday in May, instead of first Monday in December, 
 for removal." The yeas and nays equal. And now John 
 Adams gave us one of his pretty speeches. He mentioned 
 many of the argunients for removal, and concluded that jus- 
 tice, poHcy, and even necessity, called for it. 
 
 Now King took up his lamentations. He sobbed, wiped 
 his eyes, and scolded and railed and accused, first everybody 
 and then nobody, of bargaining, contracting arrangements and 
 engagements that would dissolve the Union. He was called 
 on sharply. He begged pardon, and, blackguard-like, railed 
 again. Butler replied in a 'long, immeaning talk ; repeated 
 that he was sure the honorable gentleman did not mean him ; 
 and yet, if there really was any person to whom King's mys- 
 terious hints would apply, Butler's strange conduct marked 
 him as the most proper object for them. Talk followed talk. 
 It was evident they meant to spend the day. Dr. Johnson 
 cried, " Adjourn ! " " Question ! question ! " re-echoed from 
 different quarters of the House. Few begged leave to move 
 an amendment. It was to restore the appropriation clause. 
 It was lost, and at last we got the question on transmitting the 
 biU to the Eepresentatives — yeas, fourteen ; nays, twelve. 
 
 As I came from the chamber [Senate], King gave me a 
 look. I replied, " King's Lamentations." " That won't do," 
 said he. When we were down-stairs he turned on me, and 
 said, " Let us now go and receive the congratulations of the 
 city for what we have done." I had heard so much and so 
 many allusions to the hospitality, etc., I thought it no bad 
 time to give both him and them a wipe. " King, for a ses- 
 
314 NEW YORKER'S INHOSPITABLE. [1790 
 
 sion of near six months I have passed the threshold of no citi- 
 zen of New York ; I have no wish to commence acquaintance 
 now." He muttered some ejaculation and went o£E. In truth, 
 I never was in so inhospitable a place. The above declaration 
 I thought it not amiss to make, that they may know that I am 
 not insensible of their rudeness ; and, further, that I am quite 
 clear of any obligations to them. 
 
 Jvly 2d. — Attended the committee on the affair of Gould's 
 bill. There did not appear much animation in the House. 
 That keenness of look and eagerness which marked all our 
 former looks had depa,rted with the residence. Elsworth 
 moved a commitment of the resolution with regard to the 
 State debts. I saw we were taken unawares on this subject. 
 They carried the commitment and the committee both against 
 us. Carrol joined them. 
 
 We got now at the Indian bill. It was committed, and 
 now we have joined the Post-Office bill and debated on it to 
 the adjournment. 
 
 "Wyngate told me this day of a violent breach having hap- 
 pened between King and the Massachusetts men. They w»uld 
 not vote for the Potomac, as King wished them to do. Had 
 they joined the Connecticut and York votes, we would have 
 obtained the temporary residence on much worse terms. This 
 is still further proof of what I knew before — ^that there was 
 an under-plot and a negotiation still open between the Poto- 
 mac and- New York. The Speaker told me this day that the 
 assumption [of State debts] would pass. I heard him with 
 grief, and trust I may yet disbelieve him. He dined with the 
 President yesterday. 
 
 July 3d. — General Irwin called early on me tliis morning. 
 It was to tell me that King and Lawrence had been asserting 
 with great confidence that we had bargained to give the as- 
 sumption of State debts for the residence, etc. ; that I was to 
 go away, and Carrol to vote direct for it, etc. ; that a very great 
 hubbub was raised among the Southern gentlemen, etc. I could 
 only tell him that it was false, and much, indeed, as I wished to 
 see my family, that now home I would not go ; that I would 
 stay, and he was at liberty to say so. I called on Wilhamson 
 as I went to the Hall, and on Hawkins, and told them so. 
 
July 5] NEW YORK CHARACTER. 315 
 
 These Yorkers are the yilest of people. Their vices have 
 not the palliation of being manly. They resemble bad school- 
 boys v?ho are unfortunate at play : they revenge themselves 
 by telling notorious thumpers. Even the New England men 
 say that King's character is detestable — a perfect canvas for 
 the devil to paint on ; a groundwork void of every virtue. 
 
 Senate sat until three on the Post-Office bill, but the debates 
 were unimportant. 
 
 When I came in, the Speaker told me that the York malevo- 
 lence was showing itself in curious caricatures, in ridicule of 
 the Pennsylvanians, etc. 
 
 July Ifth. — Being Sunday^ was celebrated only by the firing 
 of cannon about noon. I walked to Scott's lodgings. He 
 came home with me. He showed a disposition to go all over 
 the arguments which I had used in the Senate on that subject. 
 I did so with much cheerfulness. Spent the rest of the day 
 in writing letters to my family and others. I called this 
 morning on Mr. Lee, and showed him plainly, as I thought, 
 how we could, by a side-wind in the bill for the settlement of 
 accoimts, give the assumption a decided stroke. I promised I 
 would see him to-morrow. 
 
 Jukf 5th. — I was detained long before I could get to see 
 Mr. Lee. He had consulted Madison, as he said, and had 
 altered the amendment in point of form. But it certainly 
 was much more obscure. Said he would second the motion if 
 I made it. 
 
 The Post-Office bill was taken up, and a long debate [fol- 
 lowed] whether the Postmaster should appoint the post-roads 
 or the Congress declare them so by law. It was carried in 
 favor of the Postmaster doing it. 
 
 A motion was made that Congress should adjourn to wait 
 on the President, with the compliments of the day. Nega- 
 tived. 
 
 A second motion to adjourn one hour, for the above pur- 
 pose, lost. Some business was done, and a second motion for 
 adjournment was called. All the town was in arms ; grena- 
 diers, light infantry, and artillery passed the Hall, and the 
 firing of cannon and small-arms, with beating of drums, kept 
 all in uproar. This motion was carried, and now all of us 
 
316 WASHINGTON AT CHURCH, [1790 
 
 repaired to the President's. "We got some wine, punch, and 
 cakes. From hence we went to St. Patd's, and heard the anni- 
 versary of independence pronounced by a Mr. B. Livingston. 
 The church was crowded. I could not hear him well. Some 
 said it was iine. I could not contradict them. I was in the 
 pew next to General Washington. Part of his family and 
 Senators filled the seats with us. "Was warm, and sweated a 
 good deal. 
 
 Some say that the Yorkers will make a desperate resistance 
 to-morrow. Others say they will die soft. Jackson gave me 
 this day the President's compliments and an invitation to din- 
 ner on Thursday. 
 
July 6] THE SETTLEMENT BILL. 31Y 
 
 CHAPTEE XI. 
 
 THE SETTLEMENT AND ASSUMPTION BILLS. 
 
 July 6th. — ^Was called on early tliis moming by Mr. Hanna, 
 of Harrisburg. A letter from Mr. Harris says my family are 
 well. Attended at the Hall after having paid some visits. 
 The Post-Office bill was passed after some debate. Gould's 
 bill was rejected. I had occasion to be up on both these bills. 
 N"ow came the Settlement bill. Mr. Lee had spoiled my 
 amendment, or at least had greatly obsciired it; but, if I 
 stirred at all, I must use his motion, and, great man as he is, 
 there really was misspelling in it. The ground I -took was 
 that the fifth section of the bill laid down a ratio in conse- 
 quence of which there must, in the nature of things, be credit- 
 or and debtor States. The sixth section told us how the 
 creditor States were to be paid, but not one word was said as 
 to the debtor States. Paying one was as necessary as the 
 other. Justice demanded it. Yide my amendment: "And 
 those States against whom balances shall be found shall have a 
 portion of their State debt, which shall have accrued as afore- 
 said, left charged upon them equal to such deficient balance ; 
 and if it should so happen that the whole State debt of any 
 particular State shall fall short of such balance, such deficiency 
 shall remain charged against such State on the books of the 
 Treasury." 
 
 I attacked the Secretary's [Hamilton's] system of supposi- 
 titious balances as not only unjust, and a total departure from 
 acts and requisitions of Congress, but as going to lay great 
 taxes and increase the volume of our debt. 
 
 Elsworth and Strong answered. King admitted every 
 principle which I had laid down, but wavered. Lee seconded, 
 
318 ANXIETY IN THE SENATE, [1790 
 
 and forsook me. The child was none of his. I really thought 
 I had the best of the arguments, which grew bulky and by 
 degrees spread over all our fields of finance ; but on the ques- 
 tion I had a small division in favor of the motion. 
 
 The true history of the bill is that it has been fabricated 
 by the Secretary's people, particularly Fitzsimons, and is meant 
 as a mere delusion or to amuse the public, for they seriously 
 never wish the accoimts to be settled. But a show must be 
 *kept up of giving satisfaction on this point. As to myself, I 
 may draw a lesson from Lee's conduct, to bring forward my 
 own motions only. I spoiled the amendment to obtain his 
 support, and he saw it perish with the indifference of a 
 stranger. 
 
 July 7th. — Attended at the Hall. Every face bore the 
 marks of anxious expectation. Schuyler came to me and 
 owned the bill for the settlements of accounts was to the full 
 as I had stated it yesterday, and showed me a long amend- 
 ment ; said the bill should.be committed. Wished me to 
 second him. I readily agreed to it, and now we went on the 
 subject of debate. I was not alone, as yesterday. I supported 
 my old system of ascertaining the expenses of the war ; agree- 
 ing to the ratios and fixing the quotas ; giving certificates to 
 the creditor States and leaving the State debts on the debtors, 
 respectively, so far as to equalize the accounts. Elsworth 
 certainly confused himself. He wished to equalize the ac- 
 counts by credits only, taking the lowest exertion as the basis 
 and setting off to each State in proportion to it and funding 
 all over it, as the exertions of some of the States stood nearly 
 at 0. This, in fact, would be funding n,early the whole ex- 
 penses of the war. 
 
 Butler had a third system, viz., take no notice of anything 
 bygone, but divide the existing debt among the States. I 
 thought it strange to hear my colleague declare for the last 
 opinion. After some very long debate, the bill was com- 
 mitted. 
 
 The Secretary's [Hamilton's] people got the advantage of 
 us again. A bill which had disappeared a long while, of the- 
 most futile nature, with regard to relieving certain officers 
 from what they considered as a grievance, was reported on 
 
JulySJ the settlement bill in the senate. 319 
 
 favorably, but rejected. This same bill, or at least one ver- 
 batim the same, had been rejected by us formerly. Some 
 other triiiing business was done, and we adjourned. 
 
 Sundry questions were taken in the House of Eepresenta- 
 tives on the Kesidence bill. The decisions hitherto have 
 been favorable, but the question on the bill has not yet been 
 taken. 
 
 July 8th. — This day was slack in the Senate until the re- 
 port came in on the bill for the settlement of the accounts. 
 As might be expected, their amendments followed the Secre- 
 tary's report, or nearly so. It amounted to this: That the 
 net advances of the States should be made an aggregate, and 
 this aggregate divided by the ratio of population which would 
 fix the quotas. Then the quotas, compared with their respect- 
 ive advances, would determine the balances or credit, or turn 
 out just equal. And here it was agreed to leave the matter 
 for the present, as the bill respected the ascertaining the bal- 
 ances only, and left the payment to the creditor States and the 
 payment from the debtor States to the future operation of the 
 Legislature. All this was far short of what I wanted, and 
 indeed the bill will turn out, as I fear, a mere delusion. But 
 under its present form the State debts must be embraced in 
 the accounts, if the commissioners do their duty ; and if so, 
 this will operate as a reason why they should not be assumed. 
 
 I was called out by Mr. Hanna, who was just setting off 
 home. I wrote a hasty line by him to Charles Biddle that 
 the votes stood this day twenty-eight to thirty-three on the 
 residence. 
 
 Stayed at the Hall until four o'clock, and went to dine 
 with the President. It was a great dinner, in the usual style, 
 without any remarkable occurrences. Mrs. Washington was 
 the only woman present. 
 
 I walked from the President's with Mr. Fitzsimons part of 
 the way to his lodgingss He really seemed good-humored and 
 as if he wished to be on good terms with me. Clymer called 
 at our lodgings in the evening, and seemed condescending and 
 good-humored in a remarkable degree, but all in the dumps 
 again about the residence; only thirty real friends to the bill 
 in the House of Eepresentatives, etc. 
 
320 INDIANS NORTHWEST OF THE OHIO. [1790 
 
 It is time, indeed, that this business should be settled, for 
 all our affairs are poisoned by it. 
 
 l^othing can be plainer than the simple mode of debtor 
 and creditor for the settlement of the public accounts of the 
 Union. But the State of South Carolina is most miserably in 
 arrears, and wishes to avoid all settlement, or to have such a 
 partial one as will screen her defects. She has been devoted 
 to N'ew York on the subject of the residence. Therefore 
 New York (or I should rather write, Hamilton) labors inces- 
 santly to confuse, embarrass, and confound all settlement. 
 The thing can not be openly denied, but they wiU involve it 
 in so many difficulties as will either prevent it altogether, or 
 render it useless if it should take place. 
 
 July 9th. — Attended at the Hall at the usual time. There 
 was much whispering of the members — Elsworth, Strong, and 
 Izard. We had a bill for regiilating the intercourse with the 
 Indians, which has passed — a vile thing which may be made 
 the basis of much expense. Superintendents are to be ap- 
 pointed, although the superintendence of the Indians in the 
 government northwest of the Ohio is already vested in the 
 Governor, and so south of the Ohio. By and by we shall 
 have a call for their salaries. It really seems as if we were to 
 go on making offices until all the Cincinnati are provided for. 
 
 The Settlement bill engaged us warmly for the most of the 
 day. The object was to find the balances due to the creditor 
 States and how. Ingenuity itself is tortured to find ways and 
 means of increasing the public demands and passing by and 
 rendering the State goverimients insignificant. I declared 
 what I thought plainly on the subject — ^that the biU was one 
 for the settlement hwt not the payment of the respective bal- 
 ances; that the old Confederation clearly contemplated the 
 payment of the balances from the delinquent States to the 
 creditor States ; that every act of the old Government carried 
 this on the face of it ; that, although we could not lay unequal 
 taxes, yet the adoption of the new Constitution did not go to 
 the discharge of just debts due from the States which might 
 be hereafter found debtors, and that Congress certainly had 
 the power of liquidating the balances and making the demands 
 from the debtor States. 
 
July 11] SPECULATORS AGAINST WILLIAM MACLAY. 321- 
 
 Tlie bill, after a long debate, passed on the principle of a 
 Settlement bill only. 
 
 I find, by letters which I have received, that the public 
 creditors are to be the body who are to rise in judgment 
 against me and try to expel me from the Senate. This is. 
 only what I expected. Nor are they the only ones. The 
 adoption of the new Constitution raised a singular ferment in 
 the minds of men. Every one iU at ease in his finances ; 
 every one out at elbows in his circumstances ; every ambitious 
 man, every one desirous of a short cut to wealth and honors, 
 cast their eyes on the new Constitution as the machine which 
 could be wrought to their purposes, either in the funds of 
 speculation it would afford, the ofiices it would create, or the 
 jobs to be obtained under it. Not one of these has found a 
 patron in me. In fact, I have generally set my face against 
 such pretensions. As such men are generally wanting in vir- 
 tue, their displeasure — nay, their resentment— may be expected. 
 " Wky, you wa/nt nothmg neither for yourself nor friends ! " 
 said a Senator one day to me in some surprise. It was some- 
 what selfish, but I could not help uttering a wish that he could 
 say so with t/ruth of every one. 
 
 July 10th. — Being Saturday, the Senate did not meet, but 
 I went to the Hall by a kind of instinct created by custom, 
 somewhat like a stage-coach which always performs its tour 
 whether fuU or empty. 
 
 I met King and Langdon here. "We spent an hour or two 
 in very familiar chat. Nothing worth noting unless it was 
 the declaration of King that a bargain was certainly made on 
 the subject of the residence to obtain at least one vote in the 
 room of his [King's], as it was most likely he would vote 
 against the assumption if the residence went to Philadelphia. 
 I was astonished at King's owning this, which, in fact, 
 amounted to this : that he had engaged his vote for the as- 
 sumption if the residence stayed in New York. 
 
 July 11th, Sunday. — This was with me a very dull day. I 
 read at home ; wrote the usual letters to my family and other 
 correspondents. After dinner, walked alone out on the commons 
 beyond the Bowery wherever I could find any green grass or 
 get out of the dustj which was very troublesome on the roads. 
 21 
 
 / 
 
322 HAMILTON GETS HIS MAJORITY. [1790 
 
 July ISth, Monday. — Attended at the Hall at the usual 
 time. We received two messages from the Representatives, 
 one of them containing the Residence bill. We had consid- 
 erable debate on the Post-Office bill. Insisted on our amend- 
 ments and appointed a committee to confer. Insisted on our 
 amendment to the Indian Intercourse bill, and passed the ton- 
 nage. This bill deserves a remark. 
 
 This bill is in every respect the same as the old one, bating 
 the remission of some unintentional severities which had fallen 
 on some fishermen and coasters, which were remitted. The 
 taking all the time and passing all the forms of a new bill, 
 would perhaps bear an interpretation as if we feared running 
 out of work. 
 
 A motion was made for taking up the Funding bill, but 
 withdrawn. No other serious business was gone on. The 
 House adjourned. 
 
 A number of us gathered in a knot and got on the subject 
 of the assumption, the report of which had just been handed 
 in by Mr. Carrol. It was in favor of it. And now from 
 every appearance Hamilton has got his number made up. He 
 wanted but one vote long ago. The flexible Read was bent 
 for this purpose some time ago, and Carrol having joined to 
 make up the defection of King. The mine is ready to be 
 sprung. Since I am obliged to give up Carrol's political char- 
 acter, I am ready to say, " Who is the just man that doeth 
 right and sinneth not ? " 
 
 The sum they have reported to be assumed is twenty-one 
 million dollars. This is most indubitably to cover the specular 
 tions that have been made in the State debts. The assumption 
 will immediately raise the value of State securities and enable 
 those people who have plunged themselves over head and ears 
 in those speculations to emerge from impending ruin and se- 
 cure them the wages of speculation. The report is ordered to 
 be printed. After dismissing this subject, we got on the pros- 
 pect of an approaching war between Spain and England. 
 Here was a large field for conjecture, and we indulged our 
 fancies on the subject until near three o'clock. 
 
 Here I will note down an observation which I wonder 
 never made an impression on the Pennsylvanians. Every 
 
July 13] THE ASSUMPTION OF TWENTY-ONE MILLIONS. 323 
 
 State is charged with having local views, designs, etc. Could 
 any motive of this kind be justly chargeable on our State in 
 adopting the Constitution ? By our imposts we laid many of 
 the neighboring States under contribution — ^part of Jersey, 
 Delaware, part of Virginia, and almost the whole of the West- 
 ern country. It appears one fourth of the whole impost is 
 received at Philadelphia. This was a great sacrifice. Query : 
 Did our politicians ever think of this advantage ? 
 
 July 13th, — I attended this day at the Hall at the usual 
 time, or rather sooner. General Schuyler only was before 
 me. Our Yice-President came next. They sat opposite me, 
 and had a long chat on various subjects, but nothing very in- 
 teresting. Mr. Morris came at last. 
 
 ThaJ"esolution for the assumption of twentyi:one_milliojj.s_ 
 of the State._-debt was taken up. This was perhaps the most 
 disorderly day we ever had in the Senate. Butler was irregu- 
 lar beyond all bearing. Mr. Morris said openly before the 
 Senate was formed, "I am for a six-per-cent fund on the 
 whole, and, if gentlemen will not vote for that, I will vote 
 against the assumption." I thought him only in 'sport. But 
 he three times in Senate openly avowed the same thing, de- 
 claring he was in judgment for the assumption, but, if gentle- 
 men would not vote for six per cent, he would vote against the 
 assumption and the whole Funding bill. His adding the Fund- 
 ing bill along with it in the last instance operated as some 
 kind of palliation. But I really was struck with astonishment 
 to hear him ofEer his vote for sale in so unreserved a manner. 
 Izard got up and attacked him with asperity. Mr. Morris rose 
 in opposition. Then Izard declared he did not mean Mr. Mor- 
 ris, so much did he fear the loss of his vote. But his invective 
 was inapplicable to anybody else. I was twice up and bore 
 my most pointed testimony against the assumption. It was 
 insuring a certain debt on uncertain principles. The certain 
 effect was the incurring and increasing our debt by twenty-one 
 millions by mere conjecture. 
 
 This debt was already funded by the States, and was in 
 train of payment. Why not settle and let us see how the ac- 
 count stands before the States are discharged of their State 
 debts ? I alleged the funds on which these debts were charged 
 
324 THE ASSUMPTION OP TWENTY-ONE MILLIONS. [1790 
 
 by the States were tliose which, these States could pay with 
 the greatest facility, as every State had facilities of this kind. 
 The transferring the debt to any general fund would lose these 
 local advantages. It was dealing in the dark ; we had no au- 
 thentic evidence of these debts. If it was meant as an experi- 
 ment how far people would bear taxation, it was a dangerous 
 one. I had no notion of drilling the people to a service of 
 this kind, etc. But I can not pretend to write all I said. 
 
 Mr. Morris has twice this day told me what great disturb- 
 ances there would be in Pennsylvania if six per cent was not 
 carried. I considered these things as threats thrown out 
 against my reappointment [to the Senate]. But, be it so ; so 
 help me God, I mean not to alter one tittle ! I am firmly 
 determined to act without any regard to consequences of this 
 kind. Every legislator ought to regard himself as immortal. 
 
 July Ufth. — This day the resolutions on the assumption 
 were taken up. I am so sick and so vexed with this angry 
 subject that I hate to commit anything to writing respecting 
 it. I will, however, seal one of the copies of it in this book 
 as a monument of political absurdity.* 
 
 f [The Assumption Bill — Copy.] 
 Congress of the United States — in Senate, July the ISth, 1790. 
 
 The committee appointed July the 2d, 1790, reported as follows : 
 
 Whereas, A provision for the debt of the respective States by the United 
 States would be greatly conducive to an orderly, economical, and efieetual 
 arrangement of the public finances ; would tend to an equal distribution of 
 burthens among the citizens of the several States ; would promote more 
 general justice to the different classes of public creditors, and would serve 
 to give stability to public credit ; and 
 
 Whereas, The said debts having been effectually contracted in the prose- 
 cution of the late war, it is just that such provision should be made : 
 
 Resolved, That a loan be proposed to the amount of twenty-one millions 
 of dollars, and that the subscriptions to the said loan be received at' the 
 same time and places, by the same persons, and upon the same terms as in 
 respect to the loans which may be possessed concerning the domestic debt 
 of the United States, subject to the exceptions and qualifications hereafter 
 mentioned. And the sums which shall be subscribed to the said loan shall 
 be payable in the principal and interest of the certificates or notes which, 
 prior to the first day of January last, were issued by the respective States as 
 acknowledgments or evidences of debts by them respectively owing," and 
 which shall appear by oath or affirmation (as the case may be) to have been 
 the property of an individual or individuals or body politic, other than a 
 
July 14] THE ASSUMPTION BILL. 325 
 
 It has friends enough — fourteen to twelve — so far, but I 
 am not without hopes of destroying it to-morrow. I am now 
 convinced that there must have been something in the way of 
 the bargain, as King alleged on Saturday. It must have been 
 managed with Butler. Elsworth at one time this day used the 
 following words : " No man contemplated a final liquidation 
 of the accounts between the United States and the individual 
 States as practicable or probable." I took them down and 
 showed them to Mr. Morris and Mr. "Walker. He observed 
 me, and after some time got up and, in the course of speaking, 
 said, " A settlement was practicable, and we must have it." 
 
 State, on the said first day of January last. Provided, that no greater sum 
 shall be received in the certificates of any State than as follows. That is 
 to say : 
 
 In those of New Hampshire $300,000 
 
 In those of Massachusetts 4,000,000 
 
 In those of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations. . . 300,000 
 
 In those of Connecticut 1,600,000 
 
 In those of New York 1,200,000 
 
 In those of New Jersey. 800,000 
 
 In those of Pennsylvania 2,200,000 
 
 In those of Delaware 200,000 
 
 In those of Maryland 800,000 
 
 In those of Virginia 3,200,000 
 
 In those of North Carolina 2,300,000 
 
 In those of South Carolina 4,000,000 
 
 In those of Georgia 300,000 
 
 $21,000,000 
 
 And provided that no such certificate shall be received which, from the 
 tenor thereof or from any public record, act, or document, shall appear or 
 can be ascertained to have been issued for any purpose other than compensa- 
 tions and expenditures for service or supplies toward the prosecution of the 
 late war, and the defense of the United States or some part thereof during 
 the same. 
 
 Reaolved, That the interest upon the certificates which shall be received 
 in payment of the sums subscribed toward the said loans shall be computed 
 to the last day of the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety-one in- 
 clusively, and the interest upon the stock, which shall be created by virtue 
 of the said loan, shall commence or begin to accrue on the first day of the 
 year one thousand seven hundred and ninety-two, and shall be payable 
 quarter-yearly, at the same time and in like manner as the interest on the 
 stock to be created by virtue of the loan that they may possess in the do- 
 mestic debt of the United States. 
 
 Resolved, That if the whole sum allowed to be subscribed in the debt or 
 certificates of any State as aforesaid shall not be subscribed within the time 
 for that purpose limited, such State shall be entitled to receive, and shall 
 
326 THE ASSUMPTION BILL. [1790 
 
 He will absolutely say anything, nor can I believe tbat he has 
 a particle of principle in his composition. 
 
 Mr. Morris, Langdon, and others, moved to strike out the 
 third section. "We of the opposition joined Elsworth and kept 
 it in. The State of Pennsylvania has not but about one mill- 
 ion of existing State debt. This clause, if the vile bill must 
 pass, may be considered as in her favor, more especially if 
 they prevail and prevent a settlement of the accounts. 
 
 I saw Mr. Pettit yesterday at the levee, and, as I was ad- 
 A'ised by letter that he was appointed agent for the settlement 
 of the Pennsylvania accounts with the Union, I waited on him 
 with great joy, hoping for much information on the subject. 
 But what disappointment !. He could tell me nothing about 
 them, but came here to gain information and return back 
 again ; seemed to speak rather unfriendly of the Comptroller 
 as to what he had done about the accounts. This surprised 
 me. He quitted the subject with impatience, and attacked me 
 rather with rudeness on the subject of the pubhc debts. I 
 have heard him spoken of as smooth, artful, and insinuating. 
 
 receive from the United States, at the rate of four per cent per annum upon 
 so much of the said sum as shall not have been subscribed, in trust for the 
 non-subscribing creditors of such State, to be paid in like manner as the in- 
 terest on the Stock which may be created by virtue of the said loan, and to 
 continue until there shall be a settlement of accounts between the United 
 States and the individual States, and in case a balance shall then appear in 
 favor of such State, until provision shall be made for the said balance. 
 
 But as certain States have respectively issued their own certificates, in 
 exchange for those of the United States, whereby it might happen that in- 
 terest might be twice payable on the same suma< 
 
 Resolved, That the payment of interest, whether to States or to indi- 
 viduals, in respect to the debt of any State, by which such exchange shall 
 have been made, shall be suspended until it shall appear to the satisfaction 
 of the Secretary of the Treasury that certificates issued for that purpose, by 
 such State, have been re-exchanged or redeemed, or until those which shall 
 not have been exchanged or redeemed shall be surrendered to the United 
 States. And it is further 
 
 Resolved, That the faith of the United States be, and the same is hereby 
 pledged to make like provision for the payment of interest on the account 
 of the stock arising from subscriptions to the said loan, with the provision 
 which shall be made touching the loan that may be proposed in the domestic 
 debt of the United States ; and so much of the debt of each State as shall 
 be subscribed to the said fund shall be charged against such State, in account 
 with the United States. 
 
July 15] "EIGHTY POUNDS FOR THREE POUNDS." 32T 
 
 He certainly displayed none of these qualities, and, as to the 
 public accounts, he seems rather as an agent for the public 
 creditors, and talked of the settlement as a very distant object. 
 He teased me to tell him who were the principal holders of 
 certificates in Boston, Ifewport, New York, etc., declaring that 
 he wished to correspond with them, and unite with them in 
 the common cause. I can not help regarding him as the curse 
 of Pennsylvania. 
 
 For some time after the war certificates were sold as low as 
 ninepence on the pound. John Eay, my old servant, told 
 me that he sold one of eighty pounds for three pounds, and 
 could get no more. But it appears, by a remonstrance of the 
 Executive Council of the Legislature of Pennsylvania, entered 
 on their minutes, that the market price was two shillings 
 sixpence on the pound at the time of passing the funding 
 law. Yet, by the instrumentality of this man on a weak (and 
 in some cases interested) Legislature, six per cent was given 
 on the certificates, or forty-eight per cent on the real specie 
 value. This Pennsylvania paid for four years. As the certifi- 
 cates were generally below two shillings sixpence, it is no ex- 
 aggeration to say every speculator doubled his money in four 
 years, and still has the certificates on which he expects forty- 
 eight per cent with respect to the original cost. Thus one 
 hundred pounds specie bought eight hundred pounds in certifi- 
 cates (perhaps much more). These certificates brought forty- 
 eight pounds per annum for four years, equaling one hundred 
 and ninety-two pounds, and the holders of certificates remain 
 as clamorous as ever. 
 
 July 15th. — The business of the Senate was soon done this 
 day. The Vice-President took up the Funding bill without 
 any call for it. Mr. Morris appeared in high good humor ; 
 asked me if anybody had taken me aside to communicate any- 
 thing to me. I told him no. But it was easy to observe that 
 something was going on. He said there was, but did not tell 
 me what it was, nor did he affect to know. I saw Carrol 
 writing a ticket with a number of names on it, sand,* and put 
 it by. In the mean time up rose Elsworth and moved that 
 
 * They used sand in those days instead of blotting-paper. 
 
328 DEBATE ON THE ASSUMPTION. [1790 
 
 both the Funding bill and the resolutions for the assumption 
 should be referred to a committee. He was seconded soon. 
 Lee rose ; said we knew no good could come from a commit- 
 ment. Mr. Morris rose ; said he was for the commitment ; 
 that they might be made in one law, and the rate of interest 
 lixed at six per cent. I rose ; said I knew of but two ends 
 generally proposed by commitment — the one was to gain in- 
 formation, the other to arrange principles agreed on. The 
 first was out of the question ; the second only could be the 
 object ; but what was the material to be arranged ? A bill 
 originated in the other House, and resolves on the assumption 
 which had originated in this. I knew the opinion of many of 
 the Representatives was opposed to our power of originating 
 anything relating to the subject of the public debts. Taking 
 two so dissimilar objects together, more especially if our pow- 
 ers were called in question, was the way to lose both. Gentle- 
 men hoped much good from this measure. I wish they might 
 not be disappointed ; but I was not certain of anything but 
 delay, which, in our present circumstances, I considered as an 
 evil, etc. 
 
 The Vice-President, who was to appearance in the secret, 
 seemed impatient until I had done, and putting the question 
 
 it was carried. The E were all the six-per-cent men and 
 
 all the assumption men. They carried the committee, all of 
 their own ntimber. This done, the Senate adjourned. 
 
 Henry came and sat beside me a good while. He told me 
 that Carrol wrote his ticket with the seven names (that being 
 the number of the committee) before any business whatever 
 was done. This I had observed in part myself. We did not 
 need this demonstration to prove that the whole business was 
 prearranged, nor can any person be now at a loss to discover 
 that all three subjects — residence, assumption, and the funds 
 equivalent to six per cent — were all bargained and contracted 
 for on the principle of mutual accommodation for private in- 
 terest. 
 
 The President of the United States has (in my opinion) 
 had a great influence in this business. The game was played 
 by him and his adherents of Virginia and Maryland, between 
 New York and Philadelphia, to give one of those places the 
 
July 16] APPROPRIATION FOR INDIAN TREATIES. 329 
 
 temporary residence, but the permanent residence on the Po- 
 tomac. I found a demonstration that this was the case, and 
 that [New] York would have accepted of the temporary resi- 
 dence if we did not. But I did not then see so clearly that 
 the abominations of the funding system and the assumption 
 were so intimately connected with it. Alas, that the affection 
 — ^nay, almost adoration — of the people should meet so un- 
 worthy a return ! Here are their best interests sacrificed to 
 the vain whim of fixing Congress and a great commercial town 
 (so opposite to the genius of the Southern planter) on the Po- 
 tomac, and the President has become, in the hands of Hamil- 
 ton, the dishclout of every dirty speculation, as his name goes 
 to wipe away blame and silence all murmuring. 
 
 July 16th. — Senate had not been formed but a few min- 
 utes when a message from the President of the United States 
 was announced. It was Lear, and the signature of the Presi- 
 dent to the Residence bill was the communication. 
 
 The Pension bill came up from the House of Eepresenta- 
 tives. The committee on the Indian bill reported that twenty 
 thousand dollars, in addition to seven thousand in the hands of 
 the Secretary of War and six thousand in Georgia, in goods, 
 should be granted for the holding treaties with the Indians ; 
 and all this when there does not appear a shadow of reason for 
 holding a treaty at all with any Indians whatever. Opposition 
 was in vain. It was carried. 
 
 Now Mr. Morris came, raging angry ; said and swore he 
 would vote against everything. The committee had agreed to 
 the Secretary's third alternative for the principal and three 
 per cent on the interest due, and he had left them. The re- 
 port came in after some time and it was proceeded on. I 
 whispered to Mr. Morris, now he had got the residence, it was 
 our province to guard the Union and promote the strength of 
 the Union by every means in our power, otherwise our prize 
 would be a blank. I told him I would move a postponement 
 of the business and I would wish a meeting of the delegation 
 this evening. He assented. 
 
 A vast deal was said on the subject of the contract and 
 breach of obligation. Then I rose and stated that I had no 
 difficulty on that head ; that we stood here as legislators. 
 
330 SPECULATORS VERSUS ORIGINAL HOLDERS. [1790 
 
 Judges and executive officers were bound to observe laws and 
 contracts ; but justice was the great rule which we should gov- 
 ern our conduct by. The holder of the certificate called, " Do 
 me justice." But the original performer of the service, who 
 sold it for one eighth part of the nominal value, and on whom 
 the tax to make it good is about to fall, cries, " Do me justice 
 also." 
 
 Both sides of this picture ought to be viewed and their 
 relative numbers to each other. No guess can be made in this 
 matter, but by comparing the number of speculators with the 
 number of those who had sold, and perhaps the ratio would 
 not be one to one himdred. It was also true there was a 
 class of men, the original holders, who were not embraced in 
 the above description ; but if we cast our eye over the calami- 
 ties of the late war they would appear to be the fortunate char- 
 acters. All the others who touched Continental money were 
 taxed by it, and it finally sunk in their hands. The original 
 holders have, if not the whole value, at least something to 
 show, etc. I hoped for the progress of the public business, 
 and that a short postponement would perhaps bring us nearer 
 together and moved for to-morrow ; but it was not carried. 
 
 The report was pushed with violence and all carried, twenty 
 members rising for it, four only sat, two going out. The Vice- 
 President said twenty for, four against. When they came to 
 the part for ingrafting the assumption resolves on the bill, 
 Mr. Lee, with what assistance I gave him, retarded the biisi- 
 ness a little. When I spoke I endeavored to narrow the 
 ground a little, and spoke solely to the question of combining 
 the assumption with the Funding bill. The Funding bill was 
 to provide for the domestic debt which floated at large, and 
 was at this time in no train of payment. 
 
 The propriety of paying the foreign and domestic debt 
 was admitted by every person. It was really the business 
 which brought us together. But here we must not pass it, 
 unless we tack it to another, which we considered as a politi- 
 cal absurdity. This was contradicting the spirit of free legis- 
 lation. Every subject ought to hang on its own merits. It 
 was offering violence to our understandings. I said a good 
 deal on the subject, and could not restrain myself from going 
 
July 17] A CALL ON DR. WILLIAMSON. 331 
 
 into the merits of the assumption. But I might as well have 
 poured out speech on senseless stocks or stones. It was carried 
 against us, fifteen to eleven. A committee was immediately 
 appointed to make the arrangements. We adjourned. 
 
 I came down-stairs, and all the speculators, both of the 
 Representatives and city, were about the iron rails. Ames 
 and Sedgwick were conspicuous among them. The Secretary 
 [Hamilton] and his group of speculators are at last, in a de- 
 gree, trimnphant. His gladiators, with the influence that has 
 arisen from six dollars per day,* have wasted us months in 
 this place. But I can not see that I can do any further good 
 here, and I think I had better go home. Everything, even 
 to the naming of a committee, is prearranged by Hamilton 
 and his group of speculators. I can not even find a single 
 member to condole in sincerity with me over the political 
 calamities of my country. Let me deliver myself from the 
 society of such men, for I verily believe the sun never shone 
 on a more abandoned composition of political characters. 
 
 July 17th. — Having some leisure this morning, I called on 
 Dr. Williamson and told him my intention of going home. 
 He got into a long tale of his settling his children in Phila- 
 delphia and taking a more Northern position for his family 
 than North Carolina, etc. By the way, I would only remaj-k 
 he has one child only born, but he has begotten another, as he 
 says. But no gray-headed man ever was fuller of future ar- 
 rangements for a numerous progeny. 
 
 He went into the Hall and everybody soon had it that I was 
 going home, etc. I went from here and called on Fitzsimons 
 and Clymer ; told them I wished to go home, but had no ob- 
 jection to take the sense of the delegation on the measure. 
 Fitzsimons said nothing, but looked Oo to the devil, as I thought. 
 Clymer spoke most pointedly against my going ; said we 
 would lose nine votes south of Yirginia on a postponement 
 bill which was going to be brought forward. By the by, we 
 never had but seven from that quarter. I told him the dele- 
 gation were to dine together to-morrow; if it was their opinion 
 that I should stay, I would do so. 
 
 * The pay of Congressmen and Senators. 
 
332 SPECUIjATION in congress. [1790 
 
 Attended at the Hall. Little was done, and we sat waiting 
 an hour for the committee to report the bill with amendments. 
 It was done. An attempt was made to pass it immediately by 
 a third reading down to the House of Eepresentatives. It 
 was moved that it should be printed. This was opposed. The 
 Vice-President gave the history of both the bill and the resolu- 
 tions. "With respect to order, he made this out to be the third 
 reading ; and of course the question would be, the sending of 
 it to the Kepresentatives. 
 
 It was now proposed, as an expedient, that the Secretary 
 [of the Senate] should read the bill from the desk for infor- 
 mation of the members. This obtaiaed, and now behold, to a 
 great many innovations and amendments a whole new clause 
 was added ! There was something of unfairness in this. It 
 was, however, ordered to be printed for Monday. 
 
 When I came down-stairs, Mr. Clymer came to where I 
 stood with General Irwin. "We talked over the general belief 
 that the assumption was forced on us to favor the views of specu- 
 lation. Mr. Clymer mentioned one contract on which about 
 eight shillings in the pound had been cleared on eighty thou- 
 sand pounds. General Irwin seemed to scruple eight shilHngs 
 in the pound ! Mr. Clymer said he was not so sure of the 
 rate cleared, but the sum speculated on was eighty thousand 
 pounds. Much of this business was done in the 'Change alley- 
 way. Constable, however, is knowa in the beginning of the 
 session to have cleared thirty-five thousand dollars on a con- 
 tract for seventy thousand dollars. The whole town almost 
 has been busy at it ; and, of course, all engaged in influencing 
 the measures of Congress. Nor have the members [of Con- 
 gress] themselves kept their hands clean from this dirty work ; 
 from Wadsworth, with his boat-load of money, down to the 
 daily six dollars, have they generally been at it. The unex- 
 ampled success has obliterated every mark of reproach, and 
 from henceforth we may consider speculation as a congres- 
 sional employment. Nay, all the abominations of the Soutli 
 Sea bubble are outdone in this vile business. In wrath, I wish 
 the same fate may attend the projectors of both ! 
 
 July 18th, Sunday. — This day the [Pennsylvanian] dele- 
 gation dined at Brandon's. Mr. Morris stated to the Eepre- 
 
July 19] CENTRALIZATION OF POWER. 333 
 
 sentatives the train of business was in the Senate. Mentioned 
 the importance of completing the Funding law, particularly 
 to us who now had the residence of Congress before us ; that 
 the rising of Congress without funding might go to shake and 
 injure the Government itself, etc. AVe had much talk, but 
 nothing was concluded or any agreement entered into. Mr. 
 Fitzsimons averred, in the most unequivocal manner, the grand 
 object of the assumption to be the colleGtvng all the resources 
 of the United States into one treasury. Speaking of the State 
 of Pennsylvania, he avowed she would be a debtor State to a 
 large amoimt on the settlement of the accounts, and the next 
 moment said she would draw interest on three million dollars 
 annually. It is not easy to reconcile his assertions on this 
 subject. A great deal of loose talk passed among us. As I 
 had the delegation together, I mentioned my iutention of 
 going home, and desired to know if any of them had any ob- 
 jection. The discourse soon took a ludicrous turn ; but no 
 objection was made, and I believe I will set off to-morrow 
 afternoon. 
 
 July 19th. — Have made up my mind on the subject of 
 going home. I can not serve my country anything by my 
 staying here longer. I will certainly feel ashamed to meet the 
 face of any Pennsylvanian who shall put to me the question, 
 " "What have you done for the pubhc good ? " I can answer 
 with truth, " I have tried the best in my power." 
 
 Settled with the Speaker. He would have me pay nothing 
 for any liquors, but said his boy had cost him fifty dollars, 
 which he desired me to pay one half of. I agreed. He had 
 about forty dollars of my money in his hands. I owe him 
 four sliilhngs and sixpence, Pennsylvania. I well recollect 
 the service of the boy was mentioned, or at least all the services 
 which I wanted in that way when I settled for my boarding 
 at four dollars per week. I have drunk, occasionally, some of 
 his wine — ^he said, not amounting to more than a bottle or two. 
 I am convinced it would not amount to gallons. But I most 
 cheerfully agreed to pay what he proposed. 
 
 I attended the Hall at the usual time. And now the ma- 
 terial business of the day, the Consolidated Funding bill and 
 assumption, were taken up. Mr. Morris showed a vindictive 
 
334 'CHANGE ALLEY DOCTRINE. [1790 
 
 and ireful disposition from tlie very start, and declared he 
 would have the yeas and nays on every question. This, in 
 fact, is declaring war against me only, as it is me only whom 
 they can effect in Pennsylvania. I know they mean to slay 
 me with the sword of the public creditors. He was as good 
 as his word, and moved every point to increase the demand 
 against the pubhc, and uniformly called the yeas and nays. 
 All the motions were made for augmentations by him, Schuy- 
 ler, and King, vide the minutes for the yeas and nays. 
 
 When he moved that six per cent should be paid on the 
 back interest, as there were but four of them for it, and enough 
 did not rise for the yeas and nays, I told him I was sorry to 
 see him in distress, and jumped up. If I can turn these yeas 
 and nays against him, the act will be a righteous one. 
 
 In the language and calculations of the Treasury, the third 
 alternative is actually six per cent, without taking in the ad- 
 vantage of the quarterly over annual payments, grounded on 
 the irredeemable quality of the debt. But I really question 
 if we shall ever see that 'Change- Alley doctrine estabhshed 
 here, which makes debt valuable in proportion to that qualifi- 
 cation. It never can happen without a gradiial fall of interest, 
 which, in this country, may be rather considered as improb- 
 able. 
 
 Before Congress met I walked awhile across the [Senate] 
 chamber with Mr. Lee. He lamented equally with me the 
 baneful effects of the funding disease. No nation ever has 
 adopted it without having either actually suffered shipwreck 
 or being on a voyage that must inevitably end in it. The sepa- 
 ration from Great Britain seemed to assign us to a long run of 
 political existence ; but the management of the Secretary 
 [Hamilton] will soon overwhelm us with political rule. Schuy- 
 ler assigned a new kind of reason this day for taxation. Three 
 millions and a half of dollars annually would be only one dollar 
 per head on the average. It was nothing, etc. It is true it is 
 not a heavy tax, but it ought not to be imposed without neces- 
 sity. 
 
 This wretch is emaciated in person, slovenly in dress, and 
 rather awkward in address. No Jew ever had a more cent- 
 per-cent aspect. He seems the prototype of covetousness. 
 
Jult20]' letters TO THE MAYOR AND COUNCIL. 335 
 
 Nor is it possible to assign to his appearance any passion, 
 property, or affection but the love of money and the concomi- 
 tant character of a miser. 
 
 I can not help noting something which may be Toid of de- 
 sign. Yesterday two letters were shown at dinner : one by 
 Mr. Morris to the Governor and Council [of Pennsylvania], 
 another by Clymer to the mayor and corporation [of Philadel- 
 phia]. It was agreed that the Senators should sign the one to 
 the Governor and Council, and the Speaker, in behalf of the 
 delegation, should sign the one to the corporation. I was 
 much pleased with this arrangement, for there was a clause in 
 Clymer's letter of advice to erect a new building for Congress, 
 for the giving the State-House to Congress would furnish a 
 reason for removing the seat of Government elsewhere. This 
 day in Senate, Mr. Morris produced this last letter to me, de- 
 siring me to sign it. I declined it, telling him the Speaker 
 was to sign that letter. I could not help concluding there was 
 design in this business. 
 
 There was a dinner this day which I had no notice of, and 
 never thought of such a thing. In the evening Mr. Eees, 
 clerk to Mr. Morris, called on me with the letter to the Gov- 
 ernment. This I readily signed ; but here comes the Speaker 
 with the other letter for me to sign. All this does not look 
 like candor. I told the Speaker my objections. There is a 
 subject in that letter which I never have touched. I will not 
 touch it now. I have already written fully to the mayor on 
 the subject. 
 
 July Wih. — "We went this day at the funding system and 
 pm-sued it with nearly the same temper that we did yesterday. 
 Mr. Morris had often declared himself that he would be for 
 an assumption equal to the representation, and had calculated 
 a schedule for the purpose ; but, all I could say to him-, he 
 would not gratify me in moving it. I knew there was no 
 chance of carrying '\i. But he leveled his whole force against 
 the nineteenth section, which, in fact, is the only favorable 
 one to our State, for our existing State debt can not be much 
 more than one million. I will refer to the minutes for the 
 proceedings of the day. Mr. Morris having often- threatened 
 that he would vote against the bill, at last made this remark- 
 
336 SPECULATOB'S PROFITS. [1790 
 
 able speech : " Half a loaf is better than no bread. I will con- 
 sent to the bill on behalf of the public creditors, for whom I 
 am interested " (I looked up at him, and he added), " as well 
 as for the rest of the Union." This last shed some palliation 
 over his expressions. 
 
 I contended that the speculators generally had dealt on the 
 face of the certificates ; or, if they had dealt on the amount, 
 it was always at an abated rate — clear proof they never 
 expected the back interest to be funded. By the bill, every 
 hundred of principal draws four annually, and as the back 
 interest is about on the average equal to half the princi- 
 pal (at least it is so by the Secretary's [Hamilton's] report), 
 this, at three per cent, adds one and a half more — equal to five 
 and one half per cent per annum for ten years ; and then the 
 other third (or what is equal to it in 'Change- Alley calcula- 
 tion) comes at six per cent, which, added, gives about seven 
 and a half per cent on the face of the original certificate. 
 
 I have turned the leaf to note that I may consider myself 
 as now having passed the Eubicon with the Philadelphians. 
 I saw Clymer through the window of the Senate chamber. 
 Morris was sent for and went oiit. He came in with the same 
 letter which I had refused to sign yesterday, and asked me to 
 sign it. I refused, and told him plainly it touched a subject 
 which I never had touched, nor would now. He said no 
 more. 
 
 Mr. Morris told me this day I must allow myself to get 
 the lands of which he had spoken to me. I told him all on 
 my part was ready ; only put the warrants into my hands. I, 
 however, added, we have ruined our land-oflice by the assump- 
 tion. The State certificates were the materials to buy the 
 lands with. The ofiices will now be shut, for neither State 
 money nor specie can be got or spared for it. He was silent, 
 and I really thought he looked as if he feared that his con- 
 duct would be turned against him in the public eye. 
 
 After dinner this day I read a letter to the Speaker from 
 John Montgomery, of Carlisle, not much in favor of Mr. 
 Morris. He then gave me the following intelligence : That 
 Fitzsimons and Mr. Morris' adherents, fearful that he could 
 not be carried by a popular election, were determined to 
 
July 31] WILLIAM MACLAY ON FUNDING. 
 
 change the mode to electors. But all the difficulty was {o 
 know how Wilson could save his credit in convention and 
 carry his party over with him after what had already hap- 
 pened, this being one of the pillars on which his late popu- 
 larity was supported. It is easy to see the reason of all this.. 
 The mode of electors admits, of more cabal, intrigue, etc. 
 
 July ^Ist. — King's motion of yesterday for postponement 
 and sundry other matters which I had observed made me fear- 
 ful that some storm was gathering. I called on Mr. Morris 
 and expressed my apprehension and proposed to him that if 
 any unexpected manoeuvre should display itself we should, 
 vnth the utmost coolness, call for a concurrence of the resolu- 
 tion for the adjournment on the 27th. 
 
 Attended at the Hall on the affair of Donald Campbell ; 
 the most impudent and ill-founded set of claims ever I was 
 witness to. The first business in the Senate was the new bill 
 of ways and means. Committed. 
 
 A message, with a bill, respecting consuls and vice-consuls. 
 
 The bill for the military grants of lands to the Yirginia 
 officers. Committed. 
 
 The Senate was now full, and the P\mding bill was taken 
 up for the last time. I made a despairing effort. Having 
 almost uniformly opposed the measures of Congress during 
 the present session, some general declaration of my principles 
 or motives may be necessary to prevent any suspicion of a dis- 
 position inimical to the Government itself. 
 
 First, then, I am totally opposed to the practice of fimding, 
 u pon republican as well as economic al priru-iples I deny the 
 power as well as the justice of the present generation charging 
 debts, more especially irredeemable ones, upon posterity ; and 
 I am convinced that they will one day negative the legacy. I 
 will suppose (suppositions are common in this House) that not 
 one member of Congress has been influenced by any personal 
 motive whatever in arranging the American funding system, 
 which now spins on the doubtful point of pass or not pass ; 
 and, as it falls, may turn up happiness or misery for centuries 
 to come. ISTo ; I will take gentlemen at their word, and be- 
 lieve that it is the glare of British grandeur, supposed to fol- 
 low from her funds, that has influenced their conduct, and 
 22 
 
338 WILLIAM MACLAY ON FUNDING. [1790 
 
 that their intentions are pure, wishing to render America 
 great and happy by a similar system. This will lead to an 
 inqiiiry into the actual state of Britain ; and here, I trust, we 
 shall find all is not gold that glitters. 
 
 It is, if I mistake not, about a century since the commence- 
 ment of the English funds, or, in other words, since that nation 
 began to mortgage the industry of posterity to gratify the 
 ambition and avarice of the then Government. Since that 
 period wars have been almost continual. The pretexts have 
 been ridiculous — balances of power, balance of trade, honor of 
 the flag, sovereignty at sea, etc., but the real object was to fill 
 the Treasury, to furnish opportunity for royal peculation, jobs 
 and contracts for needy courtiers, to increase the power of 
 the crown by the multiplication of revenue and military ap- 
 pointments and the servility of the funds, for every stock- 
 holder is, of course, a courtier. The effect of these wars has 
 been the commotion of almost the whole world ; the loss of 
 millions of lives ; and the English nation stands at this day 
 charged with a debt of about two hundred and fifty millions 
 sterling, the annual interest of which and charges of collecting 
 in that country is above eleven millions annually, and would 
 be above fifteen in this. 
 
 It has been said that this is nothing in a national point of 
 view, as the nation owes it to individuals among themselves. 
 This is true only in part, as foreigners draw great sums. Yet 
 it is believed that near half a million of the inhabitants of 
 Great Britain, including army, navy, revenue, and stock- 
 holders, are supported from the Treasury. The whole of 
 them, be the number what it may, must be considered as un- 
 productive drones, who are ever ready to support the adminis- 
 tration, be it ever so oppressive to their fellow-citizens. 
 
 There is another calculation said to be more exact, viz., 
 that near a million of paupers, reduced by exorbitant taxes 
 below the power of housekeeping, are dependent on national 
 charity and poor-rates. Great cry has been made about Mr. 
 Pitt as the political savior of his country — that he has paid 
 part, and will finally discharge the whole, of the national debt. 
 This is a vile deception. By some management between him 
 and the stock-jobbers, as he buys they raise the price of the 
 
July 21] "WILLIAM MACLAY ON FUNDING. 339 
 
 remaining stock, the aggregate value of which is now greater, 
 at the market price, than when he began to purchase, so that 
 the nation, instead of gaining, is a loser to the amount of the 
 new duties. It is not likely that the trading of Government 
 in stock or certificates ever will have a different effect. 
 
 There is another part of his conduct for which I am ready 
 to give him proper credit. He seems by his sham armaments, 
 to have hit on an expedient to plunder the nation without 
 bloodshed. Let him enjoy this praise in common with other 
 English robbers, who, imlike those of other nations, seldom 
 accompany their depredations with murder. It is in vain to 
 expect the payment of the British debt in any other way than 
 by a national bankruptcy and revolution. Is this the precipice 
 to which we would reduce the rising nation of North Amer- 
 ica? It may be said^none of us will live to see it. Let us at 
 least guard our memories from the approach of such mis- 
 conduct, f 
 
 It may be here asked, What, then, is to be' done? Just 
 what the public expectation called for. The Western lands 
 have been considered from the beginning of the late contest 
 as the fund for discharging the expenses of the war. The old 
 Congress made laudable advances in this way. The present 
 session has not passed without applications on that subject as 
 well from companies among ourselves as persons from Eu- 
 rope. We have now a revenue far exceeding the limit, five 
 per cent, which the desideratum of the old Congress and the 
 want of which occasioned the formation of our present Con- 
 stitution, and fully suflJcient to discharge a reasonable interest, 
 proportionate price of the public debt until the whole is ex- 
 tinguished by the Western sales. Thus no one will sustain 
 loss. Substantial justice will be done, and the public expecta- 
 tion will be fully satisfied. But to bind down the public by an 
 irredeemable debt with such sources of payment in our power, 
 is equally absurd as shackling the hands and feet with fetters 
 rather than walking at liberty. 
 
 The friends of the bill paid no attention whatever to me, 
 and were but too successful in engaging the attention of others 
 by nods, whispers, engaging in conversation, etc. Morris, 
 Daltpn, and some others went out and stayed for an hour. 
 
"^4:0 FAREWELL TO NEW YORK. [1790 
 
 They carried the bill against us — fourteen to twelve. It is 
 in vain to dissemble the chagrin which I have felt on this 
 occasion. 
 
 We had a resolution relating to Howell's committee. I 
 am of the committee. Keport of joint committee on Settle- 
 ment bill read for information, but could not be acted on, as 
 the bill is in the power of the Lower House. I find I need be 
 under no uneasiness about the Residence bill. 
 
 JuVy 2^d. — Attended at the Hall this day, as much to 
 take the wrinkles out of my face, which my yesterday's disap- 
 pointment had placed on it, as for anything else. It is in 
 vain to think of changing a vote anyway ; a majority are sold, 
 H.nd TTa.milton has bought them. I can be of no further use, 
 and will absolutely leave them. It is certainly a defect in my 
 political character that I can not help embarking my passions 
 and considering the interest of the public as my own. It was 
 so while I was at the bar, in respect of my clients, when I 
 thought their cause just. Well, be it so. It has its inconven- 
 ience, and hurts my health, but I declare I never will en- 
 deavor to amend it. 
 
 Attended all the committees on which I was, and gave my 
 opinion as to the reports, etc. In Senate the Collection bill 
 was reported. Almost an entire new system, or the old one 
 80 renovated as to make a volume of new work for Congress. 
 I listened an hour to the reading of it. Rose, bade a silent 
 and lasting farewell to the Hall, and went to my lodgings for 
 the purpose of packing. 
 
 And now, at last, we have taken leave of New York. It 
 is natural to look at the prospect before me. The citizens of 
 Philadelphia (such is the strange infatuation of self-love) be- 
 lieve that ten years is eternity to them with respect to the resi- 
 dence, and that Congress will in that time be so enariiored of 
 them as never to leave them ; and all this with the recent ex- 
 ample of New York before their eyes, whose allurements are 
 more than ten to two compared with Philadelphia. To tell 
 the truth, I know no such unsocial city as Philadelphia. The 
 gloomy severity of the Quakers has proscribed all fashionable 
 dress and amusement. Denying themselves these enjoyments, 
 they, as much as in them lies, endeavor so deprive others of 
 
Jult23] PHILADELPHIA AND CONGRESS. 341 
 
 them also ; while at the same time there are not in the world 
 more scornful or insolent characters than the wealthy among 
 them. Witness the Wartons, Pembertons, etc. No, these 
 feeble expectations will fail. Go they [Congress] must. 
 
 Nay, taking another point of view. Political necessity 
 urges them and a disruption of the Union would be the conse- 
 quence of a refusal.] There is, however, a further and more 
 latent danger which attends their going. Fixed, as Congress 
 will be, among men of other minds on the Potomac, a new 
 influence will, in all probability, take place, and the men of 
 New, England, who have hitherto been held in check by the 
 patronage and loaves and fishes of the President, combined 
 with a firm expectation that his resignation (which is expected) -^ 
 will throw all the power into their hands, may become refrac- 
 tory and endeavor to unhinge the Government. For my 
 knowledge of the Eastern character warrants me in drawing 
 this conclusion, that they will cabal against and endeavor to 
 subvert any government which they have not the manage- 
 ment of. 
 
 The effect must be sensibly felt in Philadelphia, should a 
 great commercial town arise on the Potomac. She now sup- 
 plies all the over-hill country, and even the frontiers of Vir- 
 ginia and other Southern States with importations. This must 
 cease ; nor need she expect a single article of country produce 
 in return from the west side of Susquehanna. 
 
 It is true that the genius of Yirginia and Maryland is rather 
 averse to exclusive commerce. The Southern planter is situ- 
 ated on his extensive domain, surrounded with his slaves and 
 dependents, feels diminution and loses his consequence by being 
 jumbled among brokers and factors. And yet we have seen 
 what Baltimore has become in a few years from the small be- 
 ginnings of a few Pennsylvanians at first, and afterward by the 
 accession of other strangers, for wherever the carcass of com- 
 merce is thither will the eagles of trafiic be gathered. For my 
 own part, I would rather wish that the residence of Congress 
 should not be subject to commercial influence. 
 
 Too much has that influence, conducted by the interest of 
 New England, whose naval connections throw them into that 
 scale, governed — nay, tyrannized — in the councils of the Union, 
 
342 END OF SECOND SESSION. [1790 
 
 My consolation for going to the Potomac is, that it may give 
 a preponderance to the agricultural interest. Dire, indeed, will 
 be the contest, but I hope it will prevail. I can not, however, 
 help concluding that all these things would have been better 
 on the Susquehanna. But, query, is not this selfish, too ? Ay, 
 but it may, nevertheless, be just. 
 
THIRD SESSION ^ 
 
 OF THE FIRST CONGRESS. 
 
Dec. 3] CONGRESS AT PHILADELPHIA. 345 
 
 CHAPTEE XII. 
 
 AS TO BE-ELECTION. 
 
 Philadelphia, Deoemher 1, 1790.—LeAB in the afternoon I 
 arrived in Philadelphia in order to attend Congress, which is 
 to meet on Monday next. Saw nobody this afternoon nor 
 evening. 
 
 December %d. — ^Dressed and called first on General Mifiiin. 
 He was abroad. Then on Mr. Morris, who received me with 
 frankness. Called on the President, Clymer, and at Fitz- 
 sunons'. The day soon became rainy. Came home. Heard 
 from my brother in the evening that some attempt was mak- 
 ing on the Sunbury lands by one Sewell and Hurst. This has 
 cut out work for me in the morning. 
 
 Deoernber 3d. — Dressed and went early to the Governor's. 
 He was at breakfast, and had four school-boys about him mak- 
 ing them show him their Latin exercises, repeat their lessons, 
 tell what books they were reading, etc. So much does he love 
 to be the cock of the school that he seems actually to court the 
 company of children, where he is sure he will meet with no 
 contradiction. His tongue ran Hke a whirligig. There was 
 no getting a word in among the children. I had, however, 
 considerable attention paid to me by two dogs, who pawed me 
 over. I learned that no decision had been given by the Board 
 of Property in the case of the Sunbury lands. Took the first 
 opportunity I possibly could of withdrawing. No public 
 character ever appeared to me more disgusting. 
 
 Called on David Kenedy, of the Land-Office, and mp,de 
 what we thought the best arrangement respecting the affair of 
 Sunbury. 
 
 Met Avith Mr. Langdon and went a-visiting, in which we 
 
346 VISITING. [1790 
 
 spent the forenoon. Galled in the evening at Mr. McCon- 
 nell's, the broker. He told me the public creditors were very 
 busy under their chairman, Petitt, preparing petitions, me- 
 morials, etc., for Congress. I made some remarks tending to 
 show that they were well enough for the purpose intended. 
 He readily joined me ; said it was carried on to answer elec- 
 tioneering purposes ; that Petitt wanted to be in Congress, 
 etc. Petitt is my old enemy, and will supplant me if he can. 
 Agreed. 
 
 Deoeniber ^th, Satwrday. — I have deliberated much on the 
 subject whether I will call to see Bingham, Powell, and others. 
 I have called on Morris, Clymer, and Fitzsimons. Why not 
 on them ? By the rules of etiquette, perhaps, they should call 
 on me. I have resolved all over in my nlind. Jacta est 
 alea, and I will go. But as I went I fell in with Mr. Clymer, 
 and away we went a-visiting. Clymer ,certainly means to be 
 on good terms with me. We had two long visits. I called at 
 Bingham's. Found him at home and had a long chat. Took 
 leave and left a card at Mr. Powell's. Called at Mr. Chew's, 
 who urged me to stay for dinner. I accepted his invitation 
 for two o'clock, and the rest of the day was accordingly dis- 
 posed of, for it was past three before we sat down. 
 
 I called twice this day at Dr. Push's, but saw him not. 
 Saw the Speaker. The Speaker said, on the authority of Dr. 
 Push, that we would all be re-elected. Believe it not. 
 
 Decenibe'r 5th, Swnday. — Was sent for early by Mr. Morris 
 on the subject of taking up the frontier lands. I agreed to 
 procure him a draft of such parts of the State as had vacant 
 lands in them. No contract with him. I mean to have such 
 a draft made for the use of the members of the Assembly, or 
 at least for their information. Pressed me to dine with him. 
 Did so. 
 
 Mr. Powell returned my visit. Visited Langdon in the 
 evening. 
 
 Decernber 6th, Monday. — My brother informed me this 
 morning that Charles Thompson had applied to one Collins, a 
 member from Berks County, for his interest to obtain my 
 place as Senator. It comes very direct, and was talked over 
 yesterday at Blair McClenachan's, where Matthew Irwin dined, 
 
Dec. 7] A QUORUM FORMED. 347 
 
 from whom my brother [Samuel Maclay] had it. Out some 
 of the citizens would have me, if they should put the devil in 
 my place. This is what I must expect of them. 
 
 Attended at the Hall at eleven. Senate was formed, but 
 no business done save the sending a message by our Secretary, 
 to the Representatives that the Senate was ready to proceed 
 to business. 
 
 Spent the rest of the day in visits, etc. 
 
 December 7th. — Went early this morning to see if Mr. 
 Montgomery, of our county, or Mr. White were come in. 
 Found none of them. Called at Mr. Findley's lodgings on 
 my way home. He said he would call on me in the evening. 
 Colonel Curtis spent some time this forenoon with me. 
 
 Attended at eleven at the Hall. A House was formed by 
 the Eepresentatives. On the 7th of January last King had 
 introduced a new record altogether on the minutes, the inten- 
 tion of which was to secure the delivery of the President's 
 speech in the Senate chamber. A resolution verbatim, with 
 the entry of last January, was moved, carried, and sent down 
 for concurrence. While this was done with us, a resolution 
 passed to the Representatives for a joint committee waiting 
 on the President with information that quorums were formed 
 in both Houses. Our Secretary and the Clerk of the Repre- 
 sentatives passed each other on the stairs with their respective 
 resolutions. Each House appointed committees under their 
 own resolutions, and the committees met. The Representatives 
 urged that it was^ idle to name any place to do business in 
 until it was known whether any business would be done. The 
 President was in our favor. 
 
 This silly thing kept us talking an hour and a half. The 
 Clerk of the Representatives announced the non-concurrence 
 of our resolution. This had like to have raised a flame, but a 
 motion was at length made and carried for the concurrence of 
 the resolution which came up. The joint committee now 
 waited on the President, who charged them with information 
 that he would to-morrow at twelve o'clock deliver his speech 
 to both Houses in the Senate Chamber, and so ended this ardu- 
 ous affair. The Senate adjourned. 
 
 The first levee was held this day, at which I attended. 
 
348 WASHINGTON ADDKBSSBS CONGRESS. [1790 
 
 At about seven o'clock Mr. Findley called on me. "We had 
 a long conversation, or at least a busy one, for about an hour. 
 I must be blind, indeed, if I did not see that he is doing every 
 thing in his power to supplant me by way of preparing me for 
 the part which he was about to act. He first told me that 
 Gurney and he had some conversation, which would seem to 
 impart that John Montgomery, of Carlisle, was the man to sup- 
 plant me. I mentioned it as a matter that would savor too 
 strongly of cabal to take one of the electing members. This 
 threw him off his guard, and he spoke rather tartly of my re- 
 mark, and alleged there could be nothing in it ; said " if I crni 
 elected I will serve, but I will take no part in the matter, and 
 I will give you leave to blame me if I do." This sentiment he 
 reiterated more than once. He kept looking at his watch in- 
 cessantly and was in evident perturbation from the time I 
 hinted the impropriety of one of the electing members being 
 chosen. When I hinted that some complaints had been raised 
 against my brother, he alleged it was so ; that I likewise had 
 made proposals to Colonel Smith, which he insinuated had not 
 been adhered to. I told him what I recollected of the dis- 
 course between Colonel Smith and myself, and said I had en- 
 tered into no engagements with him or any other one on the 
 occasion. 
 
 Decerriber 8th. — This was the day assigned for the Presi- 
 dent to deliver his speech, and was attended with all the bustle 
 and hurry usual on such occasions. The President was dressed 
 in black, and read his speech well enough, or at least tolerably. 
 After he was gone, and the Senate only remained, our Yice- 
 President seemed to take great pains to read it [the speech] 
 better. If he had such a view, he succeeded ; but the difference 
 between them amounted to this : one might be considered as 
 at home and the other in a strange company. The speech was 
 committed. 
 
 I could not help taking some pains to counteract Mr. Find- 
 ley. But my situation is a critical one. I must stand with 
 open breast to receive the wound inflicted by my adversaries, 
 while the smallest endeavors on my part, either to obtain 
 favor or to remove misrepresentation, is called begging of 
 votes by pretended though false friends. I will, however, do 
 
Dec. 10] JOHN ADAMS DISCUSSES NOBILITY. 349 
 
 what I think proper, for to attempt pleasing every one would 
 be to carry the ass, indeed. 
 
 Findley drew away my mind for a moment. Let me re- 
 turn to the President. Does he really look like a man who 
 enters into the spirit of his appointment ? Does he show that, 
 he receives it in trust for the happiness of the people, and not 
 as a fee simple for his own emolument ? Time and practice 
 will, perhaps, best elucidate this point. 
 
 December 9th. — This day the Senate afforded neither mo- 
 tion nor debate. The communications hinted at in the Presi- 
 ■ dent's speech were delivered to us, and continued to be read 
 till past two o'clock, when the Senate adjourned. A war has 
 actually been undertaken against the Wabash Indians without 
 any authority of Congress, and, what is worse, so far as intelli- 
 gence has come to hand, we have reason to believe it is unsuc- 
 cessful. Mind what comes of it. 
 
 The Yice-President, Mr. "Wyngate, and some more of us, 
 stood by the fire. When the affairs of France were talked, I 
 said the National Assembly had attacked royalty, nobility, hie- 
 rarchy, and the Bastile altogether, and seemed likely to demol- 
 ish the whole. The Vice-President said it was impossible to 
 destroy nobility ; it was founded in nature. Wyngate engaged. 
 The Vice-President's arguments were drawn from the respect 
 shown to the sons of eminent men, although vicious and un- 
 deserving. When the parties had nearly exhausted themselves, 
 I asked whether our Indians might not be considered as hav- 
 ing devised an excellent method of getting rid of this preju- 
 dice by ranking all the children after the mother. This sent , 
 off the whole matter in a smile ; Adams, however, never was 
 cured, or is relapsed into his nobilimania. After we were 
 seated and a slack moment happened, Mr. Morris drew his 
 chair near mine and hinted to me that Bingham's unanimous 
 vote for the Speaker's chair was the price of his influence in 
 favor of Findley. I said I thought likely. But Bingham had 
 obtained his end, and might now be on the other tack. 
 
 December 10th. — This day was unimportant in the Senate. 
 The committee reported an answer to the President's speech. 
 The echo was a good one, and was adopted without material 
 amendment. 
 
350 FRANCE HONORS DR. FRANKLIN. [1790 
 
 A packet had arrived a few days ago from France, directed 
 to the President and members of Congress. The President, 
 from motives of delicacy, would not open it. It came to the 
 Senate, and was sent back to the President, and now returned 
 opened. It contained a number of copies of the eulogiums 
 delivered on Dr. Franklin by order of the National Assembly. 
 Our Yice-President looked over the letter some time and then 
 began reading the additions that followed the President's 
 name. He was Doctor of the Sorbonne, etc., to the number 
 of fifteen (as our Vice-President said). These appellations of 
 oiRce he chose to call " titles," and then said some sarcastic 
 things against the National Assembly for abolishing titles. I 
 could not help remarking that this whole matter was received 
 and transacted with a coldness and apathy that astonished me ; 
 and the letter and all the pamphlets were sent down to the 
 Representatives as if unworthy the attention of our body. I 
 deliberated with myself whether I should not rise and claim 
 one of the copies in right of my being a member. I would, 
 however, only have got into a wrangle by so doing vdthout 
 working any change on my fellow-members. There might be 
 others who indulged the same sentiments, but 'twas silence all. 
 
 Decertiber 13th. — The Senate having adjourned over from 
 Friday to this day [Monday], nothing of public nature has 
 taken place. I was engaged Saturday and this morning in 
 negotiating the sale of some certificates, which I completed, 
 and placed the money in the bank. 
 
 The minutes were read about half after eleven, and the 
 committee on the business reported that the President had ap- 
 pointed twelve to receive our address. Twelve soon came, and 
 we went on this formality, which finished the senatorial busi- 
 ness of the day. • 
 
 This day completed the sale of Mr. Harris's certificates at 
 the most either Bobby or myself could make of them. Got a 
 check on the bank and put the whole in part notes. 
 
 December llith. — Attended the Senate, but no business of 
 moment was transacted. Official information was communi- 
 cated to the Senate of General Harmer's expedition. The ill- 
 fortune of the affair breaks through all the coloring that was 
 given to it. 'Tis said one hundred Indians have been killed. 
 
Dec. 17] LEVEES AND KOYALTY. 361 ■ 
 
 But two hundred of our own people have certainly perished in 
 the expedition. 
 
 This was levee day, and I accordingly dressed and did the 
 needful. It is an idle thing, but what is the life of men but 
 folly ? — and this is perhaps as innocent as any of them, so f a^ 
 as respects the persons acting. The practice, however, consid- 
 ered as a feature of royalty, is certainly anti-republican. This 
 certainly escapes nobody. The royalists glory in it as a point 
 gained. Kepublicans are borne down by fashion and a fear of 
 being charged with a want of respect to General Washington. 
 If there is treason in the wish I retract it, but would to God 
 this same General Washington were in heaven ! We would 
 not then have him brought forward as the constant cover to 
 every unconstitutional and irrepublican act. 
 
 December 15th. — This day was really a blank in the Senafe. 
 Two petitions were presented which, being only coimterparts 
 of what were expected to be acted upon in the Lower House, 
 were laid on our table. Mr. Morris was called often out by 
 our own citizens. The doorkeeper named the people who sent 
 in for him. Peter Muhlenberg was one, Colonel Hartley was 
 another. This day certificates raised fourpence in the pound. 
 
 December 16th. — I, this day, attended the Board of Prop- 
 erty. There never was a more groundless persecution than 
 has been set on foot against me, and is now supported by one 
 Eowls, the same Avith whom my brother quartered last winter. 
 He seems determined to injure my reputation if possible. I 
 had to oppose him, and there certainly never was a clearer 
 case. It was, however, agreed that my brother's deposition 
 should be taken, and the Board to meet to-morrow. I was 
 taken away the whole day by this vile business. 
 
 December 17th. — Got my brother's deposirton and attended 
 at the Board, having first heard prayers and sat a half hour at 
 the Hall. Bowls was at the Board, and displayed every petti- 
 fogging shift and evasion. He is really a rascal, -and all this 
 matter is pushed by him to injure me at my ensuing election. 
 I have letters from my dear child Johnny, telling me that he 
 had information of this kind. 
 
 I spent the residue of the day in varioijs other pieces of 
 business. 
 
352 MEMOEIAL OP THE PUBLIC CREDITORS. [1790 
 
 December 18th. — ^ Being Saturday and excessively cold, 
 stayed at home all day. Was visited by Madison, Bishop, and 
 "White, and many other respectable characters. ^ 
 
 Settled with Mr. Ogden. His bill in full for the coupe 
 carriage, horse, and lodging for two weeks, ending the 15th at 
 night, and all the washing heretofore done, £4 Is. 7d. Paid 
 off, and he has ten dollars in his hands to stand opposite fire- 
 wood. The rate of boarding, three dollars per week, exclusive 
 of firewood, at least it is so by this bill. 
 
 This night it is reported that the six-per-cents were at par. 
 
 December 19th, Sunday. — The cold continued. Dined out 
 with Mr. Powel. Spent the most of the day in writing letters 
 to home. 
 
 December Wth, Monday. — Paid some visits. Attended 
 at the Hall. Congress were engaged until almost three with 
 the reading of a long and most impudent memorial from the 
 public creditors. Paid visits, etc. The weather abated, and 
 prospect of a thaw. 
 
 December 21st, Tuesday. — The memorial and remonstrance 
 of the public creditors engaged us some time. I saw, or at 
 least I thought I saw, a storm gathering in the countenances 
 of the Senators yesterday, and moved an adjournment. I told 
 Mr. Morris of it, and he agreed it was so, and for fear of this 
 same storm he moved an adjournment this day. But Schuyler 
 had a long motion. It concluded with the " danger " and " in- 
 expediency " of any innovation in the funding. A variety of 
 opinions were now offered as to the time of proceeding to- 
 morrow. Monday, Friday, and Thursday were aU spoken of, 
 and Thursday agreed to take it up. 
 
 This day the Governor of our State was proclaimed. Mr. 
 Morris spoke eafly to me. His words were, " I expect every 
 moment to hear from the delegation who are now meeting to 
 fix a time to wait on the Governor, and I will let you know of 
 it." I waited, but heard nothing from him. 
 
 December '22d. — I called this morning on the Comptroller, 
 and he was obliging enough to send for Mr. Smilie, and did 
 my character justice in respect to sundry aspersions east on it 
 by Mr. Findley and SmiUe. 
 
 I came home ; was dressed and went out to visit about ten. 
 
Dec. 23] CALUMNY AGAINST OFFICIALS. 353 
 
 Came to the Hall about eleven. Here Mr. Langdon. told me 
 that Mr. Morris and the delegation were just gone to wait on 
 the Governor. I posted after and thought to overtake them. 
 Called on the Governor ; was sure I would find them there. 
 It was not so. "Was sure they would come in every moment. 
 They did not come in. I returned to the Hall ; found Mr. 
 Morris there. He apologized: said he got the notification 
 yesterday in company ; the time was half after ten. He had 
 sent his servant up with the note to me. I asked at my lodg- 
 ings. No note was there, nor had anybody seen the servant. 
 From the drift of dust and feathers you see how the wind 
 blows. 
 
 Paid my boarding up to last night ; three dollars. 
 
 I can not help wishing myself honorably quit of the envi- 
 able station. What a host of enemies has it not raised about 
 me, with calumny and detraction in every corner ! Fate but 
 grant me this, that their dissensions and cabals may protect 
 the election until my period be expired, and if you find me in 
 this city twenty-four hours longer, inflict what insult you 
 please on me. Placed on an eminence, slander and defama- 
 tion are the hooks applied to pull me down. It is natural to 
 make some efforts to disengage one's self from such grap- 
 plings, yet even the slightest endeavor of this kind is repro- 
 bated as an attempt to procure votes. What a set of vipers ! 
 
 December 23d. — Yisited this morning to near eleven. At- 
 tended at the Hall. Mr. Morris was late in coming. And 
 now the resolution respecting the public creditors, or rather 
 in answer to their memorial, was taken up. Every mode was 
 tried to let them down easy, as the phrase is. Great accom- 
 modation was tried to get Mr. Morris to come into the meas- 
 ure, and it really seemed that more than ondfe he was satisfied 
 with Elsworth's modification of the resolution. King ofiEered a 
 second one, or, perhaps, I might say, a fourth one, which was 
 adopted. Mr. M. told me he would agree to it. But a num- 
 ber rose for the yeas and nays. Mr. Monroe, of Virginia, 
 desired to be excused, and was so. Mr. Morris was the only 
 nay. I was in good humor myself, although I considered the 
 vote of this day as waging a war with the public creditors, in 
 which I will most probably lose my re-election, and was sorry 
 23 
 
354 WILLIAM MACLAT ON FUNDING. [1790 
 
 to see my colleague manifest such a degree of obstinacy and 
 peevishness. He left the Senate chamber immediately after 
 the vote. 
 
 A vote for the inexpediency of altering the funding sys- 
 tem at this time, from a person who uniformly opposed the 
 system in its passage into a law, may seem to require some 
 apology. My vote proceeds not from an approbation of the 
 funding system, but from a total disapprobation of the memo- 
 rial now before us. Upon republican principles, I hold the 
 voice of the majority to be sacred. That the funding law 
 has obtained that majority is undeniable, and acquiescence is 
 our duty ; but I never will subscribe to a blind and unalter- 
 able one. The making debts irredeemable and perpetual is a 
 power that I am convinced posterity will spurn at. The West- 
 ern lands are the natural fund for the redemption of our 
 national debt It is now unproductive. Perhaps the fault is 
 ours that it is so. As soon as it is otherwise, I would be happy 
 to see all stock made strictly personal, unalienable, and inca- 
 pable of descent or any negotiation, save commutation in 
 lands ; and let it die with the obstinate speculator who refuses 
 such commutation. The stockholder, to any amount, is an 
 unproductive character — worse, he is the tool of a bad admin- 
 istration. A good one needs none. It is enough that we have 
 seen one generation of them. Let us not perpetuate the breed ; 
 their children, cut off from such expectations, will be restored 
 to industry. 
 
 It is a fact that the six-per-cents are now nearly at par, or 
 at least this appearance is kept up among the speculators. An 
 act passed hastily just at the close of the last session directed 
 the borrowing two millions of dollars with design of bujang 
 in the public debt and lessening it. The real object was the 
 increasing it by raising the value. Three milKons of florins 
 have been borrowed in pursuance of this law. The Board of 
 Purchase named in the law completed their purchase of No- 
 vember at about 12s. A^d. on the face and Ys. 2>d. arrears. It 
 was natural to expect this would be about the standing value, 
 but, by one effort of impudence, par was demanded in three 
 days on the appearance of the Treasurer's advertisements. 
 
 Becemher 2Ji.th. — The papers full of the advertisements 
 
Dec. 25] PBOFITS TO SPECULATORS. 355 
 
 this day of stock of every kind for sale, and there is no doubt 
 but the show of sales nearly at par will be kept up in order to 
 save appearances and cover the advance prices which are daily 
 given by the Board of Purchase through the medium of the 
 Treasury. This whole matter of purchasing in stock to sink 
 the debt, ostensibly, has really no other object but to raise the 
 value of it, and so to make immense fortunes to the specula- 
 tors who have amassed vast quantities of certificates for little 
 or nothing. I did not think it possible that mankind could 
 be so easily duped, and yet there never was a vainer task than 
 to attempt to undeceive them. 
 
 Yery little was done in the Senate to-day. Sundry com- 
 munications were made from the Eepresentatives relating to 
 the settlement on Port St. Vincennes, on the "Wabash. Which 
 was laid on our table. 
 
 Yesterday the Secretary's [Hamilton's] report on the sub- 
 ject of a national bank was handed to us, and I can readily find 
 that a bank will be the consequence. Considered as an aristo- 
 cratic engine, I have no great predilection for banks. They 
 may be considered, in some measure, as operating like a tax in 
 favor of the rich, against the poor, tending to the accumula- 
 ting in a few hands ; and under this view may be regarded as 
 opposed to republicanism. And yet stock, wealth, money, or 
 property of any kind whatever accumulated, has a similar 
 effect. The power of incorporating may be inquired into. 
 But the old Congress enjoyed it. Bank bills are promissory 
 notes, and, of course, not money. I see no objection in this 
 quarter. The great point is, if possible, to prevent the making 
 of it a machine for the mischievous purposes of bad minis- 
 ters ; and this must depend more on the vigilance of future 
 legislators than on either the virtue or foresight of the present 
 ones. 
 
 Decemher 85th. — This, being Christmas-day, dined with 
 Parson Ewing, and had the task of hearing him rail almost all 
 the time I was with him against Congress. He talked of 
 demonstration and mathematical proof of the impositions 
 which he had sustained. But he really did not understand the 
 laws. I waived all altercation with him as much as I could. 
 He had the terms rogue and cheat very familiarly at his 
 
356 NOMIKAL REDUCTION OP THE DEBT. [1790 
 
 fingers' ends, or, I should rather say, at his tongue's end. He, 
 however, talked of selling out. 
 
 I was this day assured that the six-per-cents were above 
 par. The law for purchases allows the overplus money in the 
 Treasury, after satisfying the appropriations, to be laid out in 
 the purchase of certificates as well as the two million dollars to 
 be borrowed abroad. It was originated and passed after I left 
 'New York, and is certainly the most impudent transaction 
 that I ever knew in the political world. I regret my being 
 absent when it passed, although my presence could have had 
 no effect whatever on the progress of it further than I would 
 have borne my testimony against it. This nominal reduction 
 is a virtual raising of the whole value of the debt. Something 
 of this kind, I have heard, is common in England. When 
 governments attempt a purchase of any kind' of stock, the 
 holders of that kind of stock never fail to raise the residue. 
 Hamilton must have known this well. Our speculators knew 
 all this. They have a general communication with each other. 
 They are actuated by one spirit, or, I should rather say, by 
 Hamilton. Npbody, generally speaking, but them buy. It is 
 easy for them, by preconcert, to settle what proposals they will 
 give in ; and, these being filled, the commissioners are justified 
 in taking the lowest. I can not, however, help predicting that 
 when the florins are out there will be a crash and the stocks 
 will fall. 
 
 Decemier S6th. — Being Sunday, my brother agreed with 
 me that we would visit Dr. Logan. This man has every testi- 
 mony, both of practice and profession, in favor of his repub- 
 licanism. He has been in the Assembly of Pennsylvania, and 
 there had it in his power to have formed a coalition with the 
 city interest. He has, however, continued finnly attached to 
 the rural plans and arrangements of life and the democratic 
 system of government. His motto is, " VoxpqpuU vox Dei." 
 But mottoes and professions nowadays are as the idle wind 
 which no one ought to regard unless supported by practice ; 
 and scarce can you depend on practice unless you see it em- 
 bracing interest. This has been in some degree his case. We 
 had been but a little while with him when we were joined by 
 Judge Burke, of South Carolina. This was the very man who. 
 
Deo. 28] ACCIDENT TO CONGRESSMAN HARTLEY, S61 
 
 while in New York, railed so tremendously against the 
 Quakers, and against Pennsylvania for having Quakers. Be- 
 hold a wonder ! Now he rails against slavery, extols Quakers, 
 and blazes against the attentions showed to General Washing- 
 ton, which he calls idolatry ; and that a party wish as mu^ 
 to make him a king as ever the flatterers of Cromwell wished 
 to raise him to that dignity. 
 
 Dr. Logan has Oswald's [news] paper at his devotion, and 
 I can see that Burke will discharge many of his sentiments 
 through this channel. Burke said many just things, but he is 
 too new a convert to merit confidence. I find, however, on 
 examination, that this is the same man who wrote against the 
 Cincinnati, 
 
 December 27th, Monday. — I received just after breakfast a 
 letter from Mr. Harris, and spent the day mostly in buying 
 things which were to go by the man who brought the letter, 
 he being a wagoner. Just as I came out of the door of the 
 Hall, Hartley had fallen and broke his arm. I was among the 
 fir§t to show him every attention that his situation required, 
 and the more especially as I have reason to consider him as 
 inimical to my reappointment to the Senate of the United 
 States. This day produced nothing of importance in the 
 Senate. My attention to Hartley prevented my returning into 
 the Senate chamber. 
 
 December 28th, Tuesday. — Attended the Senate as usual. 
 A slight debate took place respecting a law for continuing per- 
 mission to the States of Ehode Island, Maryland, and Georgia 
 the power to levy certain duties of tonnage for the purposes of 
 repairs on their respective ports. The bill was recommitted, 
 with two additional members added to the committee. 
 
 This being levee day, I attended in a new suit. This piece 
 of duty I have not omitted since I came to town, and if there 
 is little harm in it there can not be much good. Jackson 
 looked shyly at me this day. I observed his eye upon me, and 
 it had, in my opinion, something of the malignant in it. But 
 I never cared less for court favor. I really feel a thirst to re- 
 turn to my family, and, although I will feel the pang which 
 the insult of being rejected will inflict, yet, perhaps, a re-elec- 
 tion might be among my misfortunes. 
 
358 ON RE-ELECTION. [1790 
 
 December 29th. — This day a blank in the Senate with re- 
 spect to any business of importance. Mr. Morris told me I 
 was blamed for not going among the members and speaking to 
 them, etc. What a set of vipers I have to deal with ! ■ One 
 party watches and ridicules me if I am seen speaking a word 
 to a member. In order to avoid the censure of them I have 
 rather secreted myself from the members, and the fault is fixed 
 on it. 
 
 "William Montgomery called this evening to tell me that he 
 must go home on account of the indisposition of his wife. 
 This is, perhaps, a vote out of pocket, but can not be helped. 
 
 I called this evening at the lodgings of some of the members 
 who. were out. Fitzsimons had often said he was at home in 
 the evening, and desired me to call. I drank tea with him and 
 the family. Sat a good while. The chat was various. He 
 did not touch the subject of my re-election. He did not come 
 with me to the door when I took my leave — as much as to say, 
 I want no private communication. Be it so. If I want help, 
 I need not look to him for it. Whatever is, is best, and I have 
 little doubt that my rejection, if it takes place, will be best. 
 
 The character of Brackenridge was introduced. Fitzsimons 
 said he came down in the State Legislature once. We took 
 notice of him, and he embarked for us like a barrister through 
 thick and thin. But he sold himself by it, lost his popularity, 
 and we have never seen him since. He accompanied this with 
 a loud laugh, which is uncommon with him, as his risibility 
 seldom exceeds a dry smile or a sarcastic grin. Mrs. Fitz- 
 simons cried out : " How insufferably cruel is that, my dear ! 
 You first mislead the man, and now ridicule him for the con- 
 sequences of his mistakes." She did not just say the devil does 
 so, but something not unlike it. It gave my friend Thomas 
 Fitzsimons the flats, for he hardly said a word afterward. 
 
 December SOth. — I called this day on simdry members of 
 the Assembly. As I came home I called at Boyd's, the place 
 where all the plots are laid against me. Findley talked con- 
 fidently. Smiley and Boyd rather seemed to oppose him. 
 But I have a right to consider myself as among a den of 
 thieves. I need never cross this threshold again. Advances 
 to them are idle. 
 
Dec. 31] CAPTIVES AT ALGIERS. 359 
 
 Attended the Hall at the iisual time. A communication 
 from the President respecting the prisoners at Algiers, f oiir- 
 teen of whom only are alive, was delivered to the Senate. 
 Eead and committed to the Committee on the Mediterranean 
 Navigation. Did some business about the offices. Called and 
 sat a good part of the evening with White, who had two of 
 the Lancaster members with him — Carpenter and Brickbell. 
 I need say nothing more to them. They now know me. From 
 White I had nmch information of the malignant whispers, 
 innuendoes, and malevolent remarks made respecting me. It 
 was painful, and I could not refrain demanding of him what 
 or whether any charge was made against me. No, no ; noth- 
 ing in particular, but everybody says : " The people don't like 
 you ; the people won't hear of your re-election." Who are 
 they that say so ? " The leading members of the Assembly, 
 officers of the Land-Office, citizens of Philadelphia, and others." 
 Query : Is not the same spirit that dictated the ostracism at 
 Athens, the petalism at Syracuse, and similar measures in other 
 places, still prevalent in the human mind and character ? The 
 true cause of these banishments, whether by the oyster-shell or 
 the olive-leaf, was really to remove a blameless rival out of the 
 way of less deserving competitors for office by the name and 
 clamor of the people when no other cause could be alleged 
 against him'. In this way is there not in every free country, 
 where the competition for office is laid open, a constant ostra- 
 cism at work on the character of every man eminent for worth 
 or talents ? These arts will, no doubt, prevail on many occa- 
 sions, but they will now be universally successful. When they 
 do, we mxist submit to them as in some measure inseparable 
 from republicanism. 
 
 December 31st. — Attended at the Senate this day, where 
 nothing was done of any consequence. Sundry papers relating 
 to the inhabitants of Port Vincennes, or Vincent, on the Wa- 
 bash, were committed. I was one of the committee. 
 
 I went a-visiting vsdth Mr. Langdon. Dined this day with 
 Mr. Morris. I can observe in general rather a coolness of the 
 citizens toward me. Be it so. I will endeavor not to vex 
 myself much with them. 
 
 This is the last day of the year, and I have faithfully noted 
 
y 
 
 360 SCRAMBLE FOR OFFICE, [1790 
 
 every political transaction that has happened to me in it. And 
 of -what avail had it been ? I thought it possible that I would 
 be called on with respect to the part I had acted in the Senate 
 by the Legislature of Pennsylvania, or at least by some of 
 them ; but is there a man of them who has thought it worth 
 while to ask a single question ? No. Are they not, every 
 man of them, straining after offices, posts, and preferments ? 
 At least, every one of them who has the smallest chance of 
 success ? Yes, verily. Nor is there a man who seems to care 
 a farthing how I acted, but wished me out, to make a vacancy. 
 Eeward from men it is in vain to look for. It is, however, of 
 some conseqiience to me that I have nothing to charge myself 
 with. 
 
 Having some leisure on hand, I have looked over my min- 
 utes for the last month. It is with shame and contrition that 
 I find the subject of my re-election has engaged so much or 
 any of my thoughts. Blessed with affluence, domestic in my 
 habits and manners, rather rigid and uncomplying in my tem- 
 per, generally opposed in sentiments to the prevailing pohtics 
 of the times ; no placeman, .speculator, pensioner, or courtier 
 — ^it is equally absurd for me to wish a continuance in Con- 
 gress as to desire to walk among briers and thorns rather than 
 on the beaten road. It may be said a love for the good of my 
 country should influence my wishes. Let those care to whom 
 the trust is committed ; but never beg for that trust when, in 
 my own opinion, I have been of so little service, and have sacri- 
 ficed both health and domestic happiness at the shrine of my 
 country. Nothing that I coidd do, either by conversation or 
 writing, has been wanting to let men see the danger which is 
 before them. But seeing is not the sense that will give them the 
 alarm ; feeling only will have this effect, and it is hard to say 
 how callous even this may be. Yet when the seeds of the 
 funding system ripen into taxation of every kind and upon 
 every article ; when the general judiciary, like an enforcing 
 machine, follows them up, seizing and carrying men from one 
 corner of a State to another, and perhaps, in time, through 
 different States, I should not be at all disappointed if a com- 
 motion, like a popular fever, should be excited, and, at least, 
 attempt to throw off these political disorders. HI, however. 
 
Dec. 31] NEW YEAR RESOLVES. 361 
 
 will tlie Government be, under which an old man can not eke 
 out ten or a dozen years of an unimportant life in quiet ; and 
 may God grant peace in my day ! 
 
 But as to the point in hand, let me now mark down some 
 rules for my future conduct. 
 
 First, then, let me avoid anything that rriay seem to savor 
 of singularity or innovation ; call and speak to my acquaint- 
 ances as formerly, but avoid with the utmost care the subject 
 of senatorial election and everything connected with it. If 
 any other person introduces it, he must either be a real or a 
 pretended friend. Hear him, therefore, with complacence, and 
 even with a thankful air ; avoid every wish or opinion of my 
 own, especially of the negative kind, for everything of the sort 
 will hazard my sincerity. 
 
 Should an election comei on while I am in town, stay in my 
 place during the time of it ; and if it should be adverse, a thing 
 I can scarce doubt of, immediately send in my resignation, as 
 the appointment of another person must be considered as equiv- 
 ocal proof of my having lost the confidence of the State. For 
 this purpose let my letter of resignation be ready, all to filling 
 the date ; and revise it while I am cool, for it is not unlikely 
 that with so many eyes upon me I may undergo some perturba- 
 tion at the time. 
 
 Lastly, have my mare in readiness, and let the first day of 
 my Hberty be employed in my journey homeward. A deter- 
 mination of this kind is certainly right, for I have tried and 
 feel my own insignificance and total inability to give the 
 smallest check to the torrent which is pouring down on us. A 
 system is daily developing itself which must gradually under- 
 mine and finally destroy our so much boasted equality, liberty, 
 and republicanism — ^high wages, ample compensations, great 
 salaries to every person connected with the Government of the 
 United States. The desired effect is already . produced ; the 
 frugal and parsimonious appointments of the individual States 
 are held in contempt. Men of pride, ambition, talents, all 
 press forward to exhibit their abilities on the theatre of the 
 General Government. This, I think, may be termed grade 
 first ; and to a miracle it has succeeded. 
 
 The second grade or stage is to create and multiply oflScers 
 
362 THE PRESIDENT'S PATRONAGE. [1790 
 
 and appointments nnder the General Government by every 
 possible means in the diplomacy, judiciary, and military. This 
 is called giving the President a respectable patronage — ^a term, 
 I confess, new to me in the present sense of it, which I take to 
 mean neither more nor less than that the President should 
 always have a number of lucrative places in his gift to reward 
 those members of Congress who may promote his views or 
 support his measures ; more especially if by such conduct they 
 should forfeit the esteem of their constituents. "We talk of 
 corruption in Great Britain. I pray we may not have occasion 
 for complaints of a similar nature here. Respice jmem as to 
 the third. 
 
Jan. 2] NEW TEAR'S CALLS. 363 
 
 CHAPTEE XIII. 
 
 CENTEALIZATION OF POWEE. 
 
 Ja/nuwry 1, 1791. — Neither Congress nor the Legislature 
 of the State met this day. I went to settle some business with 
 the Comptroller of the State, but he was equally complaisant 
 to the day as the Government. I determined to do something 
 since I was out, and called on my tailor, who took the amount 
 of his bill. I then visited Hartley, who lies iU with his 
 broken arm. Just as I passed the President's house, GriflBn 
 called to me and asked whether I would not pay my respects 
 to the President. I was in boots and had on my worst clothes. 
 I could not prevail on myself to go with him. I had, however, 
 passed him but a little way when Osgood, Postmaster-General, 
 attacked me warmly to go with him. I was pushed forward 
 by him ; bolted into the presence ; made the President the 
 compliments of the season ; had a hearty shake by the hand. I 
 was asked to partake of the punch and cakes, but declined. I 
 sat down, and we had some chat. But the diplomatic gentry 
 and foreigners coming in, I embraced the first vacancy to make 
 my bow and wish him a good-morning. 
 
 I called next on the Governor of the State and paid my 
 compliments, and so came home to my dinner ; and thus have 
 I commenced the year 1791. 
 
 Jcmuwry %d. — Being Sunday, I stayed at home in the fore- 
 noon and attended at meeting in the afternoon. To worship 
 once on the day devoted to the Deity is as small a compliment 
 as decency can pay to the religion of any country, and a regard 
 to health will prefer the after to the forenoon service at this 
 season of the year, as the fire in the stoves has had then time 
 to produce a greater effect in warming the house. I saw no- 
 
364: THE TROUBLE WITH ALGIERS. [1791 
 
 body this day, but received a letter from home by Colonel 
 Cook. 
 
 JwnvMry 3d. — Being Monday, I attended at the Hall early 
 on a committee respecting the settlers on the "Wabash and Mis- 
 sissippi. The business being tedious, the committee agreed to 
 meet to-morrow morning at ten o'clock. We had a commnnicar 
 tion from the President with some nominations, and one from 
 the Representatives respecting the Algerines. It was from 
 Jefferson. It held out that we must either go to war with 
 these piratical states, compound and pay them an annual sti- 
 pend, and ransom our captives, or give up trade. The report 
 seemed to breathe resentment, and abounded with martial esti- 
 mates in a naval way. We have now fourteen unhappy men 
 in captivity at Algiers. I wish we had them relieved, and the 
 trade to the Mediterranean abandoned. There can be no 
 chance of our wanting a market for our produce. At least, 
 nothing of the kind has yet happened. 
 
 This day the Bank bill reported. It is totally in vain to 
 oppose this bill. The only useful part I can act is to try to 
 make it of some benefit to the public, which reaps none from 
 the existing banks. 
 
 January Jfth, Tuesday. — Attended early on the committee 
 on the Wabash bxisiness. I could not help remarking the 
 amazing predilection of the New England people for each 
 other. There was no room for debate, but good sense and 
 even Demonstration herself, if personified, would be disregarded 
 by the wise men of the East if she did not come from a New 
 England man. 
 
 The several bills were read this day, and business proceeded 
 in the usual routine without any debate of consequence. 
 
 It was levee day. I dressed and did the duty of it. Handed 
 a petition of Mr. Adlum's to Major Jackson. Nothing else 
 of consequence happened. This petition business carried me 
 there, and now I think, unless I am somehow called on, I will 
 never see them more. 
 
 January 5th, Wednesday. — Attended early at the Hall to 
 meet the committee, but they let me sit an hour without at- 
 tending me. Strong had not made his draft of a report and 
 was busy at it in the Secretary's office, and Elsworth would do 
 
Jan. 5] AVARICE AND AMBITION IN POLITICS. 365 
 
 nothing without him. But at last both drafts, Strong's and 
 mine, were produced. I was ready to condemn my own when 
 there was a shadow of objection, but even this conduct would 
 not excite a particle of candor. I, however, cared but little, 
 and was so well guarded that the smallest semblance of discon- 
 tent did not escape me. General Dickenson came in. He 
 took me to one side. " You have," said he, " enemies in this 
 place. I dined yesterday with the Governor. He is your 
 enemy. He said you will be hard run, and mentioned Smilie 
 as being your competitor." I thanked him for the communi- 
 cation, nor could I do less, however indifferent I might be as 
 to the event. 
 
 And now it is evident what plan has been chalked out at 
 Boyd's. My brother overheard Matthew Irwin tell Findley 
 that he (Findley) could command anything in the power of the 
 people ; that another man, whom my brother believed to be 
 Smilie, could not do it so certainly ; therefore, that Findley 
 must depend on the people and the other one on the Legisla- 
 ture. Mr. Kenedy told my brother that Maclure wanted much 
 to be in the Bepresehtatives, and the arrangement of districts 
 •which Findley read over at our lodgings plainly pointed out a 
 nest for Mr. Lane — Franklin, Bedford, Mifflin, Huntington, 
 and Northumberland Counties. Maclure is all-powerful in 
 Franklin and Bedford, and has a son living and a considerable 
 party attached to him in Huntington, so that the patriotism of 
 all these three champions for hberty resolves itself into pro- 
 viding places for their accommodation. 
 
 I could add more names, evidently abstracted by the same 
 principles, but the shortest way of completing the category is 
 by determining the rule general, for I candidly confess I know 
 not an exception among the present political figments of Penn- 
 sylvania. Avarice and ambition are the motives, while the cry 
 of patriotism and the interest of the people are used as the 
 ways and means of advancing their private ends. This pe- 
 culiar malady is not peculiar to Pennsylvania. It is the disease 
 of all popular governments. Nor does the fault seem to be in 
 Nature. She certainly at all times produces stores of candid 
 and ingenious characters ; but these, generally modest And un- 
 assuming, are passed by in the ferment of popular elections, 
 
 ^' 
 
366 DINNER WITH MR. BINGHAM. [1791 
 
 while the fiery and forward declaim on general grievances and 
 pour forth their promises of redress. It is thiTS that ambitions 
 men obtain the management of republics, and to this cause is, 
 perhaps, owing their fall and declension throughout the world, 
 for no selfish, ambitious man ever was a patriot. 
 
 January 6th, Thursday. — Nothing of consequence to the 
 continent was transacted to-day, unless it was the report of the 
 committee on the Algerine affair. The amount of it was : 
 
 First. The trade of the American States in the Mediter- 
 ranean can not be supported without an armed force and going 
 to war with them. 
 
 Secondly. This ought to be done as soon as the Treasury 
 of the United States will admit of it. It is evident tliat war 
 has been engaged in with the Indians on the frontiers in rather 
 an unadvised manner, and it is also evident that there is a wish 
 to engage us in this distant war with these pirates. AU this 
 goes to increase our burdens and taxes, and these in a debate 
 of this day were called the only bonds of our Union. I will 
 certainly oppose all this. 
 
 Dined this day with Mr. Bingham. I can not say that he 
 affects to entertain in a style beyond everything in this place, 
 or perhaps in America. He really does so. There is a pro- 
 priety, a neatness, a cleanliness that adds to the splendor of his 
 costly furniture and elegant apartments. I am told he is my 
 enemy. I believe it. But let not malice harbor with me. It 
 is not as "William Maclay that he opposes me, but as the object 
 that stands in the way of his wishes and the dictates of his 
 ambitions, and on this principle he would oppose perfection 
 itself. 
 
 January 7th. — Attended at the Senate as usual. "We re- 
 ported a bill for the Wabash and Illinois donation. Sundry 
 other things were done in the usual routine of business. The 
 Kentucky bill was taken up. I considered it so imperfectly 
 dra-wTi with respect to what were to be the boundaries of the 
 new State that I opposed it, and there was much altercation on 
 the subject, but entirely in the gentlemanly way. It ended in 
 a postponement, with the consent of the Virginia member, Mr. 
 Monroe. 
 
 Mr. Morris stayed out all the time of the debate. "When 
 
Jan. 8] LETTER TO JOHN HARRIS. 367 
 
 the Senate adjourned he asked me to go and eat "pepper-pot" 
 with him. I agreed, and accordingly dined with him en 
 fomhille. I can not believe that he is my enemy with respect 
 to my re-election ; the thing is impossible. I chatted with the 
 family till nearly dark, and came home, as I had an opportu- 
 nity, with Mr. Hanna. 
 
 The human heart really is a strange machine. I certainly 
 have severely felt the inconvenience of being from home these 
 two years past, and my judgment plainly tells me that I am 
 wrong in having submitted to it. Further, I can not help 
 knowing that my re-election, with no friends and many ene- 
 mies, is impossible ; and yet, under all these circumstances, the 
 man who expresses favorable wishes is by far the most accept- 
 able to me. But upon the whole this is right. Good ought 
 to beget gratitude ; but oh, what a recollection is it that imder 
 such circumstances I am independent, or, in other words, that 
 my manner of living has always been within my means ! 
 
 A letter to Mr. Harris [the founder of Harrisburg, Penn- 
 sylvania] : 
 
 Philadelphia, Jcmua/ry 8, 1791. 
 
 Deak Sie : Agreeably to your request I send you by Mr. 
 Hanna £61 : 14 : 6 in State money of 1Y86, and 3,200 dollars 
 in post notes of 100 dollars each, being 1,200 pounds; the 
 whole amount which I received for your certificates was 1,2*75 : 
 13 : 5. The present remittance leaves a balance of £Y5 : 13 : 5 
 in my hands, from which deduct £9 : 15 : paid for carpet, and 
 £10 : 15 : 11 paid for groceries : 
 
 iE75:13: 5 
 
 £55: 3: 6 
 
 This leaves a balance of £55 : 2 : 6 of your money in my 
 hands, agreeably to an account current which I inclose. This 
 balance I will pay you at any time. 
 
 As for newspapers and other occurrences I refer you to 
 Mr. Hanna for them. The bills are all inclosed to you, and 
 one which I paid to Edward Brooks, not put into my account, 
 as you gave me four dollars for this purpose. 
 
 I am sir, vrith much regard, your most obedient servant, 
 
 W. M. 
 
368 THE BANK BILL TAKEN UP. [1791 
 
 I added a considerable deal more to my letter, and sent the 
 $3,200 and the State money, £61 : 14 : 6, along with Mr. 
 Hanna, who set off on Sunday morning. I find that Mr. 
 Ilanna or I made a mistake, and he has a note of $1.T0 in- 
 stead of $100. I have sent the note of $100 by Bobby Harris. 
 This only lessens the balance I owe Mr. Harris to the value of 
 
 the small note 13s. 6d. 
 
 £55: 2:6 
 Less, 13:6 
 
 Balance, £54: 9:0 
 
 January 9th, Swndwy. — The most disagreeable of any day. 
 this year. I, however, went to meeting, and the consequence 
 was a cold. Wrote letters to my family, and spent the after 
 part of the day at home. 
 
 January 10th, Moncia/y. — Attended at the HaU as usual. 
 The Bank bill was the order of the day. I did not embark 
 deeply, but was up two or three times. The debates were 
 conducted in rather desultory manner. The objectors were 
 Izard, Butler, and Monroe. A postponement took place. 
 
 January 11th, Tuesday.— The Bank bill taken up, and the 
 debates became rather more close and interesting. I was up 
 several times, but the debates were rather on collateral points 
 than on the substance of the bill. The ostensible object held 
 out by Butler and Izard were that the public should have all 
 the advantages of the bank ; but showed no foundation for 
 this, no system, no plan or calculation. They were called on 
 to show any, and were promised support if they could show 
 any practicability in their system. Till after three o'clock 
 was the matter agitated, and a postponement broke up the 
 business of the day. 
 
 January 12th, Wednesday. — The Bank bill was the busi- 
 ness of this day, but Monroe called for a postponement of the 
 subject, and succeeded. A bill was now called up respecting 
 consuls and vice-consuls. This bill was drawn and brought in 
 by Elsworth, and, of course, he hung like a bat to every par- 
 ticle of it. The first clause was a mere chaos — style, pream- 
 ble, and enacting clause all jumbled together. It was really 
 unamendable ; at least, the shortest way to amend it was to 
 bring in a new one. 
 
Jan. 13] DINNER WITH GOVBRNOE NICHOLSON. 369 
 
 This same Elswortli is a striking, instance how powerful a 
 man may be in some departments of the mind and defective in 
 others. All-powerful and eloquent in debate, he is, notwith- 
 standing, a miserable draftsman. The habits of the bar and 
 the lists of litigation have formed him to the former ; the lat- 
 ter is in a degree the gift of Nature. 
 
 I dined this day with Mr. I^icholson. The company : Mr. 
 Montgomery, Smilie,. B. McClenachan, T. Smith, Kittera, 
 Hamilton, and others. Desultory conversation on a variety of 
 subjects. I left them, for, from some hints, it seemed as if 
 they meant to discourse of the appointment of a Senator, etc. 
 A thought passed my mind that Mcholson, who has often ex- 
 pressed approbation of my conduct, had some hand in it. But 
 I will not disgrace myself in this business. Circumstanced as 
 I am, all the caballing and intrigue I could exercise would not 
 be effectual. And suppose me successful, what am I to gain ? 
 Pain, remorse, vexation, and loss of health ; for I verily be- 
 lieve that my political wrangles have affected my corporeal 
 feelings so as to bring on, in a degree, my rheumatic indispo- 
 sition. It is a melancholy truth, but I see plainly that even 
 the best men will not emerge to office in republics without 
 submitting, either directly or indirectly, to a degree of in- 
 trigue. It is not, perhaps, so much the case in monarchies, 
 for even tyrants wish to be served with fidelity. Sed ubipJ/u- 
 rima notent non ego paucis offendar macuUs. 
 
 January 13th, Thursday. — This day the Bank bill was de- 
 bated, but in so desultory a manner as not to merit the com- 
 mitment of anything to paper. 
 
 This day I dined with General Dickenson, As I went 
 there I fell in with Mr. Morris. He told me that Bingham 
 had informed him great discontents prevailed in the General 
 Assembly, and that they were about to instruct their Senators. 
 He added that he was sure that Bingham had a hand in it. 
 
 The dinner was a great one, and the ladies, only three of 
 whom attended, were richly or at least fashionably dressed. 
 Nothing remarkable. I sat between two merchants of con- 
 siderable note. I broached the subject of the bank, and found 
 them magnetically drawn to the contemplation of the moneyed 
 interest. 
 
 34 
 
370 CONFUSION IN THE SENATE. [1791 
 
 January ^th, Friday. — This day the bank engaged us to 
 the hour of adjournment. It was limited to twenty years. Mr. 
 Morris had yesterday declared that the public ought to sub- 
 scribe on the same terms as other individuals. It was not so 
 in the bill. I showed him an amendment to this purpose, and 
 asked him to support me in it. He said Schuyler had told 
 him that Hamilton said it must not be altered, but concluded. 
 I will speak to Hamilton. Adjourned over till Monday. 
 
 JoMuary 15th, Saturday. — This was a very disagreeable 
 day. I stayed at home and read Price on Annuities. I find 
 he establishes an opinion which I had long entertained that 
 women are longer-lived than men. This I used to charge to 
 accidents and intemperance. But he goes further, and seems 
 to place it in nature, as more males than females die in infancy. 
 
 January 16th, Sunday.- — Went to meeting and caught some 
 cold, as usual. Spent the residue of the day in reading. 
 
 Janua/ry 17th, Monday. — This day Mr. Morris stayed very 
 late. Langdon came and complained of him. " This is always 
 his way. He never will come when there is any debate." He, 
 however, came. I asked him whether he had called on Hamil- 
 ton. !No. I said I had a mind to move a recommitment, that 
 the Secretary of the Treasury might be consulted and furnish 
 the committee with calculations on this subject, as I had no 
 doubt but he had such. He said he would move such a thing, 
 but did not. The question was put on the clause. Several said 
 ay. I got up ; spoke longer than I intended ; and made such 
 a motion, but my colleague did not second me. I was seconded 
 by Butler. 
 
 And now such a scene of confused speeches followed as I 
 have seldom heard before. Every one affected to understand 
 the subject, and undervalue the capacities of those who dif- 
 fered from himself. If my mental faculties and organs of 
 hearing do not both deceiA^e me, I really never heard such 
 conclusions attempted to be drawn. I wanted some advantage 
 to the United States. They were to subscribe two millions 
 specie. Elsworth repeatedly said they were to do this only as 
 a deposit, and I am convinced he wanted to deprive the pub- 
 lic of all advantage save that of safe keeping and convenience 
 in collecting which they could derive from the banks in ex- 
 
Jan. 18] DEBATE ON THE BANK BILL, Sll 
 
 istence as well as from any new one. All other persons had 
 the power of subscribing three fourths in public securities. 
 It was contended that this was nothing against the public, 
 although it was admitted on all hands that six-per-cents were 
 now at sixteen shillings in the pound. King, Elsworth, and 
 Strong all harped on this string with the most barefaced ab- 
 surdity that I ever was witness to in my life. 
 
 "I am now more fully convinced tlian ever before of the 
 propriety of opening our doors. I am confident some gentle- 
 men would have been ashamed to have seen their speeches of 
 this day reflected in the newspapers of to-morrow. . "We sat 
 till a quarter after three, and adjourned without any question 
 being put. 
 
 I know not whether this fear of taking the question did 
 not arise from some pointed expressions which fell from me. 
 I told them plainly that I was no advocate of the banking sys- 
 tems ; that I considered them as machines for promoting the 
 profits of unproductive men ; that the business of the United 
 States, so far as respected deposits, could be done in the pres- 
 ent banks ; that the whole profit of the bank ought to belong 
 to the public, provided it was possible to advance the whole 
 stock on her account. I was sorry that this at present was not 
 possible. I would, however, take half, or I should rather, in 
 the present case, say one fifth of the loaf rather than no bread. 
 But I must remark that the public was grossly imposed upon 
 in the present instance. "Wliile she advanced all specie, indi- 
 viduals advanced three fourths in certificates, which were of 
 no more value in the support of the bank than so much stub- 
 ble. To make this plain : Suppose the vaults empty, and a 
 note presented for payment : would the bearer take certificates 
 as specie ? No, verily. Besides, the certificates were all under 
 interest already, and it was highly unjust that other paper 
 should be issued on their credit which bore a premium and 
 operated as a further tax on the country. 
 
 January 18th, Tuesda/y. — This day the Bank bill was 
 taken up again. I feel much reluctance to raimite anything 
 on this subject. I never saw the spirit of speculation display 
 itself in stronger colors. Indeed, the guise of regard for the 
 interest of the public was not preserved. Two millions of 
 
372 MR. MORRIS CONTRADICTS. [1791 
 
 specie is to be subscribed in by the public. This is to be the 
 basis of the bank ; and the other subscribers, who are to draw 
 dividends according to their subscriptions, are to pay three 
 fourths in certificates. King evidently wanted, by a side-wind, 
 to exclude the public from any dividend, under an idea which 
 strangely inculcated that the subscription of the public was to 
 be over and above the capital — ten millions — of the bank, and 
 was to be considered as a deposit. A position which resolved 
 itself into this : that the public should find the specie to sup- 
 port the bank while the speculators, who subscribe ahnost 
 wholly in certificates, receive the profits of the -dividends. 
 
 Morris gave me some marks of his malevolence. "While I 
 was up and speaking and saw well what I said, he said, loud 
 enough to be heard over half the Chamber, "that I was mis- 
 taken." I varied the arguments a little ; took new ground, 
 and after placing them in what I thought an incontrovertible 
 light, I concluded, " Here I am not mistaken." The point on 
 wliich my mistake was charged was my alleging that the Bank 
 of North America wrought but seven hundred and fifty thou- 
 sand dollars. General Dickenson sat by me and was willing 
 to be called on that they wrought but seven hundred and forty 
 thousand dollars — ten thousand dollars less than I had men- 
 tioned. He is, however, a very good-natured man, and I would 
 not call on him. He [General Dickenson] whispered to me : 
 " This day the Treastiry will make another purchase, for Ham- 
 ilton has drawn fifteen thousand dollars from the bank in order 
 to buy, as I suppose." What a damnable villain ! 
 
 Jcmuary 19th. — My brother went with me last night to 
 the lodgings of Mrs. Bell and communicated to her the news 
 of the death of her father. She manifested the most un- 
 bovinded grief, so as to give distress "to the bystanders. Death, 
 Death, thoii art a solemn messenger, and will take us all in ro- 
 tation ! But let me pause. Wliat art thou ? I have been so 
 ill that I would have swallowed thee in an anodyne. Yes, 
 when our joys leave us, when pain possesses all our feelings, 
 thou art the grand composer of all our miseries, the last potion 
 in the cup of life ; and surely it need not be called a bitter 
 one, for none ever complained after swallowing the draught. 
 How little of the sweet and how deeply dashed with gall is 
 
Jan. 20J DANGER IN THE BANK BILL. ^13 
 
 the diet of life ! Passes there a day in which we taste not 
 of it? 
 
 This day the Bank bill passed all through. The last clause 
 was caviled at. Tt supported it on the principle that any law 
 containing a grant of any kind should be irrepealable. Laws 
 touching the regulation of morals, manners, or property, are 
 all made on the principle of experiment and accommodation 
 to time and place ; but when legislators make grants the deed 
 should remain inviolate. Three opinions prevailed in the Sen- 
 ate respecting this bill ; or rather, I should say, three motives 
 of action. The most prevalent seemed to be to accommodate 
 it to the views of the stockholders who may subscribe. The 
 Potomac interest seem to regard it as a machine which, in the 
 hands of the PhUadelphians, might retard the removal of Con- 
 gress. The destruction of it, of course, was their object. I 
 really wished to make it as subservient to the public as possi- 
 ble. Though all professed this, yet I thought few gave them- 
 selves any trouble to promote it. I can not help adding a 
 sincere wish that the integrity of the directors may make 
 amends for the want of it in many of the legislators who 
 enacted it. For, in the hands of bad men, it may be made a 
 most mischievous engine ; but, indeed, so may even the best 
 of human institutions. 
 
 Jamua/ry 20th. — The business of this day was the third 
 reading of the Bank bill. The same questions were agitated 
 over again, but without heat. It was moved to reduce the 
 limitation to ten years. I at one time thought this long enough, 
 but I conversed on the subject ■with every moneyed man I 
 could find, and they uniformly declared that they would not 
 subscribe on so short a period, and the consequence would be 
 that they would all join in supporting the old banks and bear- 
 ing down the national one. I sincerely Avish to derive a bene- 
 fit to the public from the bank ; and considering that the pub- 
 lic are, in this respect, in the hands of the moneyed interest, I 
 thought it best to agree to such a bargain as we could make, 
 and accordingly voted against this motion.* Accident threw 
 me in the comjjany with these men, but I abhor their design 
 
 * The motion to limit the term of the bank to the year 1801 instead of 
 1811. 
 
374 DINNER WITH WASHINGTON. [1791 
 
 of destroying tlie bank altogether. Mr. Morris came very late 
 this day — indeed, not until all the business was over — but he 
 desired leave to have his vote inserted on the minutes, which 
 was granted. 
 
 Dined with the President this day. Sundry gentlemen 
 m.et me at the door, and, though I rather declined, they pushed 
 me forward. After I had made my bows and was incHning 
 toward a vacant seat, the President, who rose to receive me, 
 edged about on the sofa as he sat down, and said, "Here is 
 room." But I had put myself in motion for another vacant 
 seat. A true courtier would have changed, but I am not one, 
 and sat on the opposite settee or sofa mth some New England 
 men. At dinner, after my second plate had been taken away, 
 the President offered to help me to part of a dish which stood 
 before him. Was ever anything so unlucky ? I had just be- 
 fore declined being helped to anything more, with some ex- 
 pression that denoted my having made up my dinner. Had, 
 of course, for the sake of consistency, to thank him negatively, 
 but when the dessert came, and he was distributing a pudding, 
 he gave me a look of interrogation, and I returned the thanks 
 positive. He soon after asked me to drink a glass of wine 
 with him. This was readily accorded to, and, what was re- 
 markable, I did not observe him drink with any other person 
 during dinner ; but I think this must have been owing to my 
 inattention. 
 
 Giles, the new member from Virginia, sat next to me but 
 one. I saw a speech of his in the papers, which read very 
 well, and they say he delivers himself handsomely. I was, 
 therefore, very attentive to him. But the frothy manners of 
 Virginia were ever uppermost. Canvas-back ducks, ham and 
 chickens, old Madeira, the glories of the Ancient Dominion, 
 all fine, were his constant themes. Boasted of personal prow- 
 ess ; more mcmual exercise than any tnam, in New Englarid ; 
 fast but fine living in his country, wine or cherry bounce 
 from twelve o'clock to night every day. He seemed to prac- 
 tice on this principle, too, as often as the bottle passed him. 
 Declared for the assumption and excise, etc. He is but a 
 young man, and seems as if he always would be so. 
 
 But after this digression let me turn to the unexpected in- 
 
Jan. 21] THE PRESIDENT REVIEWED. 375 
 
 cident of dining with the Pi-esident and his marked attention 
 to me. He knows the weight of political odiiun nnder which 
 I labor. He knows that my imif orm opposition to funding sys- 
 tems (at least to onrs), assumptions, high compensation, and ex- 
 pensive arrangements have drawn on me the resentment of all 
 speculators, public creditors, expectants of office, and courtiers 
 in the State. There is another point which, I presume, he 
 does not know, viz., that I will receive no support from the 
 JRepubli(Jan or opposition party, for there is not a man of them 
 who is not aiming at a six-dollar * prize, and my place is the 
 best chance in the wheel. But he knows enough to satisfy 
 him that I will be no Senator after the 3d of March, and to 
 the score of his good nature must I place these attentions. Be 
 it so. It is, at least, one amiable trait in his character. 
 
 I have now, however, seen him for the last time, perhaps. 
 Let me take a review of him as he really is. In stature about 
 six feet, Avith an unexceptionable make, but lax appearance. 
 His frame would seem to want filling up. His motions rather 
 slow than lively, though he showed no signs of having suffered 
 by gout or rheumatism. His complexion pale, nay, almost 
 cadaverous. His voice hollow and indistinct, owing, as I be- 
 lieve, to artificial teeth before his upper jaw, which occasioned 
 a flatness of — 
 
 [The following leaf, on which the rest of this description was written 
 has been torn out and is lost.] 
 
 January Slst, Friday. — This was a day of no great busi- 
 ness in the Senate. Colonel Gunn, of Georgia, wanted copies 
 of the secret journal. Much talk passed about his application. 
 He was, however, gratified. In fact, we have never kept our 
 journal agreeable to the Constitution. All the executive part 
 has been kept secret without any vote for it. A committee is, 
 however, appointed, and the matter will hereafter be under 
 regulation. 
 
 We received some lengthy communications from Captain 
 O'Brien and the prisoners at Algiers. A committee of the 
 Senate sOme time ago recommended a war with them. War 
 is often entered into to answer domestic, not foreign purjDOses. 
 
 * The Senator's pay being six dollars per day. 
 
376 THE INDEPENDENT YEOMANRY. [1791 
 
 I fear snch was the design of the present report. It was even 
 talked how many ships should be fitted out and of what force. 
 But O'Brien seems to show plainly that a peace may be ob- 
 tained on easy terms by furnishing them naval stores. "We 
 have it plainly also from his letters that the French, Danes, 
 and, above all, the British, have done us all the injxiry in their 
 power with the Algerines. In fact, all who are at peace with 
 them are decidedly against ns, and have done us all the dis- 
 service they could. The former report was committed and 
 these referred to them. 
 
 Mr. Morris came late and left us soon. "We adjourned at 
 aboiit half after two o'clock. George Eemsen, one of the 
 clerks of the Treasury, returned from New York, where he 
 had been sent by the Secretary [Hamilton]. Among his let- 
 ters he pointed to a packet and said it contained ninety thou- 
 sand dollars. How can I help believing that speculation was 
 the object of his journey ? 
 
 January 22d, Saturday. — The Speaker of the House of 
 Eepresentatives called on me yesterday ; asked me to go and 
 visit with him this day. I agreed, and called at his house 
 about ten. He was, however, gone. His House sat this day, 
 and this will be his excuse. I went to the Chamber of the 
 State Eepresentatives. The resolutions against the excise were 
 the order of the ■ day, and were passed by a great majority. 
 The arguments were not important nor striking. Some ill- 
 nature was expressed by Mr. Findley against a Mr. Evans. 
 
 I feel a sincere pleasure that so much independence has 
 been manifested by the yeomanry of Pennsylvania. Indeed, 
 I am fully satisiied that, if a spirit of this kind was not mani- 
 fested from some quarter or another, our liberties would soon 
 be swallowed up. 
 
 I trifled away the rest of the day. Much as was said in 
 the Chamber of Representatives, they seemed totally ignorant 
 of the principle that seems to actuate the adherents of Ham- 
 ilton. Taxes originally flowed from necessity. "Ways and 
 means follow contracted or unavoidable expense. Here the 
 system seems reversed. The ways and means are obvious to 
 every reader of a registry of European taxes. "We have heads, 
 we have slaves and cattle, and every article of European or 
 
Jan. 33] DINNER WITH ROBERT MORRIS. Z11 
 
 Asiatic convenience or luxury is used among us. The diffi- 
 culty is to iind plausible pretext for extending the arm of 
 taxation and ways and means to consume the collected treas- 
 ures, and the reigning party seem to consider themselves as 
 wanting in duty if the fiscal rent-roll should fall short of the 
 royal revenues of England. 
 
 January 23d, Sunday. — I had fairly devoted this day to my 
 family in the way of writing letters, but, just as I had adopted 
 the resolution, a message was brought me from Governor 
 Langdon to go with him to meeting. Tliis I could not refuse. 
 Before I was half dressed I received a polite note from Mr. 
 Morris to be one of his friends at a family dinner, and this I 
 could not refuse ; and, before I had quite dressed, Langdon 
 called on me. We attended at Arch Street meeting. 
 
 Dined with Mr. Morris. The company: Judge Wilson, 
 Governor St. Clair, General Butler. General Irwin was ex- 
 pected, but did not come. We were sociable, and I sat later 
 than I usually do. 
 
 Mr. Wallis came into town this evening, but brought no 
 letters, and now I hear that Charles Smith set off this day for 
 Sunbury without giving me an opportunity of writing, or at 
 least without my knowing of his departure. It is not hand- 
 somely done of either of them. But somebody else will do 
 them a dirty trick ; God forbid it should be my luck to do it ! 
 
 I had told the Treasurer [Hamilton] some time ago that I 
 wanted to sell him some stock. When I came home from 
 meeting I found a note from him importing that he would buy 
 to-morrow. This, in a great measure, confirms my former 
 suspicions with respect to the Treasury. 
 
378 THE TEN MILES SQUARE. [1791 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 EELATIONS WITH FEANCE AND THE EXCISE. 
 
 January 2Jf.th, Monday. — This day voliuninous commu- 
 uications were introduced by Secretary Lear. A volume of a 
 letter from a Dr. O'Fallou to tlie President, avowing tlie rais- 
 ing of a vast body of men in the Kentucky comitry to force a 
 settlement with the Yazoo country ; the state of Indian affairs 
 both in the soiithern and government northwest of the Ohio ; 
 the translation of all which was a want of more troops. 
 
 But the most singular of all was a proclamation for run- 
 ning lines of experhnent for the ten-mile square. The message 
 accompanying the proclamation calls for an amendatory law, 
 permitting the President to locate lower down and to lay half 
 of the square in Yirginia. This seems like unsettling the 
 whole affair. I really am surprised at the conduct of the 
 President. To bring it back at any rate before Congress is 
 certainly the most impnident of all acts. To take on him to 
 fix the spot by his own authority, when he might have placed 
 the three commissioners in the post of responsibility, was a 
 thoughtless act. I really think it not improbable that Oppo- 
 sition may find a nest to lay her eggs in from the unexpected 
 manner of treating this subject. The general sense of Con- 
 gress certainly was that the commissioners should fix on the 
 spot, and it may be a query whether the words of the law will 
 warrant a different construction. The commissioners are now 
 only agents of demarkation, mere surveyors to run four lines 
 of fixed courses and distances. 
 
 Sold my stock, six-per-cents at seventeen shillings four- 
 pence, deferred, and three-per-cents at nine. 
 
 January ^5th, Tuesday. — Had this day another hearing 
 
Jan. 26] POLITICS AND OYSTER SUPPERS. 379 
 
 at the Board of Property. I really have suffered persecution 
 on this affair. Eowle, my adversary, did not appear, and 
 Daniel Eees called about dinner-time to tell me that Eobert 
 Vaux Coots had been told of my cheating a man out of a tract 
 of land after it had been surveyed to him. I really have had < 
 my share of trouble with this business of Senator, and it would 
 be well for me if I were fairly and honorably out of it. 
 
 Mr. Brown, of Northampton, called on me and told me 
 that Muhlenberg was very busy in giving oyster-suppers, etc., 
 and seemed to think that I should go more among the mem- 
 bers, etc. I find I will offend him and some others if I do 
 not. But it is a vile commerce, and I detest this l?east-wor- 
 shiping. How melancholy a thing it is that the liberties of 
 men should be in the hands of such creatures ! I can not call 
 them men. But Brown seemed to think that Muhlenberg had 
 made an impression on the Governor, or some of them. Be it 
 so. Such arts have prevailed and will prevail, but the day of 
 my deliverance draweth nigh. The 4th of March is not dis- 
 tant from the different schemes and parties that are formed 
 and the want of any fixed form or mode of election. I can 
 not think the choice will be made before that time ; and let 
 them affront me if they find me here afterward. 
 
 January ^6th, Wednesday. — I never in my life had more 
 distressing dreams than last night. But I received imaginary 
 relief from my visionary perplexities, and the emotion was so 
 great as to awaken me. The agitation I underwent was so ex- 
 treme that my head ached for some time after I awoke. This 
 I may charge to the vexation of yesterday. 
 
 I went and called on a number of the members of the As- 
 sembly and [State] Senators. All seemed fair and smooth. 
 Some of them, indeed, expressly said that they would support 
 me at the coming election, believing that to be the object of 
 my visit, as in some measure it was. Sed nulla fides fronti 
 may be applied to many of them. 
 
 The bill for regulating consuls and vice-consuls had the 
 second reading this day. A letter from the National Assem- 
 bly of France, on the death of Dr. Franklin, was commu- 
 nicated from them and received with coldness that was truly 
 amazing. I can not help painting to myself the disappoint- 
 
380 PLEAS FOR A STANDING ARMY. [1791 
 
 ment that awaits the French patriots, while their warm fancies 
 are figuring the raptures that we will be thrown into on the 
 receipt of their letter, and the information of the honors 
 which they have bestowed on our countrymen, and anticipat- 
 ing the complimentary echoes of our answers, when we, cold 
 as clay, care not a fig for them, Franklin, or freedom. Well 
 we deserve — what do we deserve ? To be d d ! 
 
 CUKES FOE EHEUMATISM. 
 
 1. A teaspoonful of the fl.our of brimstone taken every 
 morning before breakfast. General St. Clair and Mr. Milli- 
 gan both relieved by it. Note. — They are both Scotchmen. 
 
 2. AsafcEtida laid on burning coals and held to the nose. 
 Mr. Todd greatly relieved by this. 
 
 3. Cider in which a hot iron has been quenched. This has 
 relieved many, though cider is to many people very hurtful in 
 that disorder. 
 
 Jcmuary 27th. — This day communications were received 
 from the President of the United States relating to the Indian 
 depredations. A post on the Muskingum cut off. The wishes 
 of many people are gratified to involve us in war. To involve 
 us in expense, at any rate, seems to be the great object of their 
 design. It, perhaps, would be unjust — perhaps cruel, too — ^to 
 suppose it. But had a system been needed to involve us in 
 the depth of difficulty -wdth the Indians, none better could 
 have been devised. 
 
 Last year, at New York, much altercation happened, 
 whether a discrimination in the duties of tonnage should not 
 be made in favor of foreign nations in treaty with us. This 
 measure was lost, although, in my opinion, a just one. The 
 court of France remonstrates against the duties, expecting 
 favors as a nation in treaty. Some gentlemen, on receiving 
 the communications, affected recantation pubhcly, and by 
 these very means obtained themselves to be put on the com- 
 mittee. This day they reported against the claims of France. 
 
 I have hitherto attended only to the part acted by some 
 persons whose conduct, from appearance, is not very consist- 
 ent. I called on Otis for the papers. He said Butler got 
 them and had given them to one of the Representatives. A 
 
Jan. 29] THE EXCISE BILL. 381 
 
 minute after I saw them in the hands of Mr. Dalton. But 
 Otis is really so stupid that I know not whether he lied or 
 blundered. 
 
 "When the matter of no discrimination was carried in Con- 
 gress, in our first session, I could hardly suppress a thought, ^ 
 which I felt ready to spring up in my mind, that some person 
 wished to destroy the confidence between us arid France, and 
 bring us back to the fish-pots of British dependence. This I 
 charge to the influence of the city of New York, but Phila- 
 delphia has not altered the tenor of their political conduct. 
 
 Elsworth could not rest a moment all this day. He was 
 out and in, in and out, all on the fidgets. Twice or thrice was 
 an adjournment hinted at, and as often did he request that it 
 might be withdrawn, expecting the Excise bill to be taken out. 
 But he had to bear his impatience. Three o'clock came before 
 the bill. I can see that he will stand foremost in the gladia- 
 torial list. 
 
 Jmvua/ry 28th, Friday. — ^Much crowded this morning with 
 people with whom I had not much to do. Had to call at the 
 Board of Property. 'Twas the usual time before I went to 
 the Hall. The Excise bill came up ; but oh, what a mistake ! 
 It is only a bill for discontinuing certain duties and laying 
 others in their stead. The odious name is omitted, but the 
 thing is the same. It was read and ordered to the press. 
 
 I went to the Senate of -the State to hear the debates on 
 the resolutions. But they were postponed. Beturhed to our 
 Chamber, and the report of the committee on the difference 
 Avith the court of France was taken up. Almost everybody 
 gave it against the French demands. I differed from them on 
 some points, but, as I could not obtain a sight of the papers, I 
 joined in the motion for a postponement, which was carried. 
 
 JomvMry 29th, Saturday. — Called twice this day at the 
 office of our Secretary to get the French papers. Otis says 
 Carrol took them away, but there is no believing a word he 
 says. Went to hear the debates in the State Senate. The 
 resolutions for instructing the Senators had been postponed 
 yesterday expressly for the purpose of obtaining a sight of the 
 bill, which is in its passage through Congress. But the same 
 men pushed for a decision this day. The State has now an 
 
382 FUNERAL OF JUDGE BRYAN. [1791 
 
 opportunity of seeing the benefit of two Houses. The divis- 
 ion was nine to eight. The yeas and nays were called. Graff, 
 of Lancaster, was going home. This was the reason for push- 
 ing the vote this day. Assemblymen and Senators may be 
 equally considered as representatives of the people. From the 
 division of the two Houses the voice of the people appears to 
 be unequivocally against an excise. 
 
 January 30th, 8vm,day. — Not very well this day, and 
 stayed at home most of the day. "Went in the evening to the 
 funeral of Judge Bryan. This man rests from his labors, but 
 the tongue of malevolence resteth not, so inhumane are many 
 of the citizens of this place as to speak of his decease with joy. 
 Biit the anodyne of death hath spread her mantle over him. 
 He was said to be spiteftil and revengeful ; his enemies were 
 not less so, and he had the qualities of industry and love of 
 freedom. He was the father of the Abolition. laws. 
 
 Jcmuary 31st, Monday. — The Excise bill read a second 
 time ; but, the bill not being in our hands, it was made the order 
 of the day for "Wednesday. 
 
 The affair of the French discontents taken up. God for- 
 give me if I wrong some people, but there certainly have been 
 more censorious conclusions than to charge some people vsdth 
 a design of breaking our connection with France ! 
 
 I called on Friday ; I called twice on Saturday. Otis hed 
 basely about the papers, and I have never got my eyes on 
 them. 
 
 When or how will all these mad measures lead us ? "We 
 have it ever in our ears that the present General Government 
 (with respect to the persons who compose it) contains the col- 
 lected wisdom and learning of the United States. It must be 
 admitted that they have generally been selected on account of 
 their reputation for knowledge, either legal, political, mercan- 
 tile, historical, etc. IS'ewspapers are printed in every corner. 
 In every corner ambitious men abound, for ignorance or want 
 of qualifications is no bar to this view. Thus, then, the Tylers 
 and Jackstraws may come in play, and talents, experience, 
 and learning be considered as disqualifications for office ; and 
 thus the Government be bandied about from one set of pro- 
 jectors to another, till some one man more artful than the rest, 
 
Feb. 3] FOR AN ARMY AND NAVY. 383 
 
 to perpetuate their power, slip the noose of despotism about 
 our necks. 'Tis easy to say this never can happen among a 
 virtuous people ; ay, but we are not more virtuous than the 
 nations tliat have gone before us. 
 
 February 1st, Tuesday. — This day I had much to saj? 
 against the report of a committee which went to declare war 
 against the Algerines. It is not suspicion that the designs of 
 the court are to have a fleet and army. The Indian war is 
 forced forward to justify our having a standing army, and 
 eleven unfortunate men, now in slavery in Algiers, is the pre- 
 text for fitting out a fleet to go to war with them. While 
 fourteen of these captives were alive, the barbarians asked 
 about thirty-five thousand dollars for them ; but it is urged 
 that we should expend half a million dollars rather than redeem 
 these unhappy men. I vociferated against the measure, and, I 
 suppose, offended my colleague. This thing of a fleet has been 
 working among our members all the session. I have heard it 
 break out often. 
 
 February 2d, Wednesday. — The Excise bill read over and 
 remarked on and committed to five members. I gave notice 
 that I would endeavor to show that a much lower duty would 
 answer the demand of the Secretary. I spoke to sundry of the 
 members to second a general postponement for the session, but 
 not a man approved of any such thing. 
 
 Dined this day with Mr. Burd. Lewis was there ; Eowle 
 was there ; old Shippen was there. I endeavored to be easy, 
 but coiild not be sprightly. From the circle of the universe 
 could not be collected a group who have manifested equal 
 malignity to me personally as I have received from the above 
 characters. May they never have it in. their power to do unto 
 others as they have done unto me ! 
 
 Februa/ry 3d, Thursday. — This was an imimportant day 
 in the Senate ; no debate of consequence took place. I was 
 called off the street to dine with a Quaker at about two o'clock. 
 As he seemed very friendly, I went and ate heartily of a good 
 dinner, and was perfectly easy ; much more than I could say 
 of the great dinners where the candles are ready to be brought 
 in with the going out of the last dishes. This high life is really 
 very distant from nature. All is artificial. 
 
384 THE NEW ENGLAND FISHERIES. [1791 
 
 I neglected sundry small matters and went in the evening 
 to the meeting of a society formed lately for promoting the 
 improvement of roads and inland communications. Dr. Smith 
 is at the bottom of this business. His object is to consolidate 
 the report of the commissioners who have lately reviewed the 
 communications on the Susquehanna, Juniata, etc., at least so 
 far as to bring forward the Juniata only. In this business 
 Findley is joined with him, and a dirty pair they are. I at- 
 tacked the proceedings of the committee who drew up the 
 memorial with perhaps more eagerness than prudence. I had, 
 however, some success. My old friend showed some malig- 
 nity. From the drift of chaff and feathers you know how the 
 ■winds blow, says the proverb ; much more so if you see ships 
 sail or trees come down with the blast. Yesterday Ryerson, 
 the devoted creature of Mr. Morris, put up a nomination of 
 William Findley for Senator in my room. They will be easy 
 when they get my place, and I trust I will be easier without it 
 than with it. 
 
 What is the reason that I do not hear a single word from 
 Harrisburg, not a word from Davy, not a word from Bob, not 
 a word from the old man ? I will give myself no trouble about 
 them, or as little as I can help. 
 
 February J^th, Friday. — This day we had a large report 
 from the Secretary of State transmitted to us from the House 
 of Representatives respecting the fisheries of New England. 
 The great object seems to be the making them a nursery for 
 seamen, that we, like all the nations of the earth, may have a 
 navy. We hear every day distant hints of such things as 
 these ; in fact, it seems we must soon forego our republican 
 innocence, and, like all other nations, set apart a portion of 
 our citizens for the purpose of inflicting misery on our fellow- 
 mortals. This practice is felony to posterity. The men so 
 devoted are not only cut off, but a proportionate share of 
 women remain unmatched. Had the sums expended in war 
 been laid out in meliorating the kingdom of England, or any 
 other modern Government, Avhat delightful abodes might they 
 have been made ; whereas war only leaves traces of desolation ! 
 
 Dined this day with Charles Biddle. He has some point 
 to carry with the State government, as I believe, and the din- 
 
Feb. 6] WORK ON THE EXCISE BILL. 385 
 
 ner may be on account of my brother. The company were 
 mostly members of the Legislature. 
 
 I must here note of our Vice-President that he this day 
 hurried the adjournment for to-morrow at eleven o'clock. All 
 this is plain. He is deep in the cabals of the Secretary [Ham^- 
 ilton]. The Secretary sat close with the committee on the 
 Excise bill. Every moment it was expected they would re- 
 port, but so anxious are the Secretary's party to have it passed 
 that even John Adams, who used to show as much joy on an 
 adjournment from Friday to Monday as ever a school-boy did 
 at the sweet sound of play-time, fixed the House to meet to- 
 morrow. 
 
 February 5th, Saturday. — The Senate met. I found Ham- 
 ilton with the committee who had the Excise bill in their hands. 
 We sat and sat and sat, but no report. I had busied myself 
 in getting a return of the number of stills from the different 
 members of the Assembly. I went to the door of the com- 
 mittee-room to use it in argument with them, but, finding 
 Hamilton still with them, I returned. Mr. Morris took the 
 paper and went in, and I suppose no further use was made of 
 it. He, however, restored it again. The report on the fish- 
 eries by Jefferson was directed to be printed. 
 
 No report from the committee. It was agreed to, that 
 powers of the inspectors should extend only to the importa- 
 tions and distillations, but I find Hamilton will have even to 
 modify this to his mind. Nothing is done without him. I 
 have been troublesome in my speeches against the excise. 
 Upon general principles it is equally exceptionable as a poll-tax. 
 Wealth is not its Only object. The mouth of one individual 
 may be supposed to consume as much liquor as another ; any 
 difference is rather in favor of the most costly, imported 
 liquors. It is a tax oral, and has only this advantage over the 
 poll-tax, that you may refrain from using yonr mouth in dr ink- 
 ing liqi]|or. With some people this is as impossible as to do 
 without jjjsad.... ™'~~~™"~~^-"-'=^-^^^^^^^^.:;i^^ 
 
 ""V^rua/ry 6th, Sunday. — Attended meeting and wrote let- 
 ters to Harrisburg and home to my family. On the 3d of 
 March Congress will rise. I have written for my mare to be 
 here against that day, and from ^deceit, dissimulation, and am- 
 25 
 
386 QUARRELING WITH PRANCE. [1791 
 
 bition ; from mere artificial life, whence both truth and sin- 
 cerity are banished, I will go and meet nature, love, affection, 
 and sincerity, in the embraces of my wife and dear children. 
 
 February 7th. — Attended at the Hall. Mr. King made 
 one of his curious stretches. He said the minutes were wrong 
 and he wished to correct them. The report, which was or- 
 dered to be printed on Saturday, he wished to be postponed 
 to the 28th of December next, and corrected the minutes 
 of Saturday to read so. This same Eang is a singular man. 
 Under the idea of correcting the minutes he introduces mat- 
 ter totally new. It is not correcting matter of form, but 
 total alteration and adjection of new matter. I opposed him, 
 and certainly he ought to be ashamed of the measure ; and 
 yet it was carried, but amended afterward and placed nearer 
 the truth. 
 
 There certainly is a design of quarreling with France, and 
 that Jefferson should seem to countenance this ! What can 
 this mean ? I am really astonished at all this. I think I must 
 be mistaken, and yet to think so is to disbelieve my senses. 
 And what can I do ? I have attempted everything and effect- 
 ed nothing, unless it be to render myself an object of aversion. 
 For well indeed speaks the poet : 
 
 Tniths would you teach, or save a sinking land, 
 All fear, none aid you, and few understand. 
 
 Februcm/ 8th, Tuesday. — The Senate met. The Appro- 
 priation bill had the last reading. There was a pause about 
 taking up the Excise bill, like people pausing on the brink of a 
 precipice, afraid to take the dangerous leap. However, it was 
 at length attempted, and we blundered to the fourth section. 
 Objections had been made to this section, and it was expected 
 the committee would alter it. They have done so with a ven- 
 geance. It now runs that there shall be an inspector-general 
 over a district, the district to be divided into surveys, and an 
 inspector to be set over each survey, who shall appoint people 
 under him to do the business ; as many of them to be ap- 
 pointed as the President shall think proper, and he shall pay 
 them, too. It is the most execrable system that ever was 
 framed against the liberty ^of a people. This abominable 
 
Feb. 9] IMITATING THE EUROPEAN EXCISE. 387 
 
 clause was postponed. The members by degrees stole away. 
 The men who did it showed their disapprobation of it in their 
 looks. It is in vain. Our Government can not stand. All 
 my opposition has been considered as vain babbling. But to 
 get quit of it in some degree this business of commitment haS 
 taken place, and how the majority have a kind of scapegoat 
 in the committee, and a pretext for following them and disre- 
 garding opposition under the idle idea of their knowing best, 
 having consulted Hamilton, etc., etc. 
 
 How abandoned is the conduct of these men ! Abuse, rail 
 at, oilify, and traduce the European systems of excise as much 
 as you will ; demonstrate their absurdity, villainy, and deplor- 
 able efEect on society as much as you please. 'Tis all right. 
 They echo every sentence. " Ours " is no such thing in their 
 language ; quite innocent and harmless. Yet such is the indo- 
 lence of Hamilton and his adherents that they will not even 
 use the guise of different terms or words to conduct the copy. 
 Nor will they stop till, perhaps, as in Britain, ten men may be 
 employed to guard one distillery. 
 
 February 9th, Wednesday. — Attended at the Hall this day, 
 and was, perhaps, never more vexed. Were Eloquence per- 
 sonified and reason flowed from her tongue, her talents would 
 be in vain in our Assembly ; or, in other words, when all the 
 business is done in dark cabals, on the principle of interested 
 management. The Excise bill is passed, and a pretty business 
 it is. The ministry foresee opposition, and are preparing to 
 resist it by a band, nay, a host of revenue officers. It is put 
 into the power of the President to make as many districts, 
 appoint as many general surveyors and as many inspectors of 
 surveys as he pleases, and thus multiply force to bear down 
 all before him. War and bloodshed are the most likely conse- 
 quence of all this. Congress may go home. Mr. Hamilton is 
 all-powerful, and fails in nothing he attempts. Little avail as 
 I was sxire it would be of, I nevertheless endeavored not to be 
 wanting in my duty, and told them plainly of the precipice 
 which I considered them as having approached ; that the 
 Legislature of Pennsylvania had been obliged to wink at the 
 violation of her excise laws in the western parts of the State 
 ever since the Eevolution ; that, in my opinion, it could not 
 
388 DEBATE ON THE EXCISE. [1791 
 
 be enforced by collectors or civil officers of any kind, be they 
 ever so numerous; and that nothing short of a permanent 
 military force could effect it ; that this, for aught I knew, 
 might be acceptable to some characters. I could only answer 
 for myself that I did not wish it, and would avoid every 
 measure that tended to make it necessary. 
 
 February 10th, Thursday. — I returned home this day 
 from the Senate chamber more fretted and really more off the 
 center of good humor than ever I did in my life. I really was 
 ready to pray, " Lord, deliver us from rascals ! " I can not 
 have charity enough to believe that the prevailing party in 
 our Senate are honest men. Some letters, however, have come 
 in since yesterday from New England, and Strong was wilHng 
 to move the reductions which we wanted. After the bill was 
 read over and ready for the question, Foster, from Rhode 
 Island, moved a reduction of three cents on the distillations 
 from molasses, etc. I rose and seconded him, on condition of 
 his extending the motion through all the distillations in the 
 United States and a reduction to forty cents on the contents 
 of stills. 
 
 King objected to the lessening of the ratio, as productive 
 of deficiencies in the revenue demanded. I showed, in an- 
 swer, that the importation into the port of Philadelphia, and 
 the smns expected from the stills in this State, would go in a 
 great way toward raising one half of the eight himdred and 
 twenty-six thousand dollars demanded by the Secretary. 
 
 Elsworth answered, with rudeness, that I was mistaken ; 
 that the Secretary demanded a million and a half. I replied 
 by reading part of the Secretary's report, which confirmed the 
 position I had made, and repeated my other arguments. He 
 did not reply. This man has abilities, but abilities without 
 candor and integrity are characteristics of the devil. 
 
 At half after three the question was ready to be put. 
 Henry, of Maryland, told me he had a bet depending with 
 Butler on the division of the House, and desired the yeas and 
 nays. I needed not this excuse, and called sharply for the 
 yeas and nays. With all their strength, they were startled; 
 and up got King, and round and round and about and about ; 
 one while commit ; then recommit ; then postpone. Els- 
 
Feb. 11] TO BREAK UP STATE BOUNDARIES. 389 
 
 worth, too, had the world and all to say ; and now, in fact, 
 they are afraid of the figure they have raised ; and the fourth 
 section was recommitted. This Whole day Mr. Morris was 
 dead against me in the voting way ; sat quite away back from 
 me, but spoke none, either way. 
 
 Fehruwry 11th. — I find this day that the reason for recom- 
 mitting the Excise bill yesterday was to enable Hamilton to 
 come forward with some new schemes. Three new clauses 
 were brought forward, and all froni the Treasury. The ob- 
 noxious one (to me at least) was the putting it in the power of 
 the President to form districts by cutting up the States so as 
 to pay no respect to their boundaries. This was curiously 
 worded. For fear of the little States taking any alarm, it 
 stood by adding " from the great to the lesser States." This 
 they got adopted. And having been successful so far. King 
 got up and talked about it and about it. He wanted the 
 United States divided into a number of districts, independent 
 of any of the State boundaries. Like an Indian at the war- 
 post, he wrought himself into a passion ; declared that we 
 " had no right to pa/y any more attention to the State iound- 
 aries than to the houndaries of the Cham of Tartam/P 
 
 "Wlien he had spent his froth on this subject, up got Els- 
 worth and echoed most of what he said, but said he wished 
 only three great districts, alid the President might subdivide 
 each into six. Wlien he had done, up got Mr. Morris and de- 
 clared himself in sentiment with King, and spoke against the 
 conveniency of the State boundaries. 
 
 Kiiig arose again, repeated his old arguments, and wished 
 for an opportunity for taking a question on the principle of 
 dividing the United States without any regard to their bound- 
 aries. At length, pop out of his pocket comes a resolution. 
 It imported that the United States should be divided into 
 six districts : two east of the Hudson, two from that to the 
 Potomac, and two from that southward, or words to that im- 
 port ; and that the President should subdivide these into sur- 
 veys, etc. This pretty system was, after all, negatived. 
 
 Annihilation of State government is undoubtedly the ob- 
 ject of these people. The late conduct of our State Legisla- 
 ture has provoked them beyond all bounds. They have ere- 
 
390 ANNIHILATION OF STATE GOVERNMENTS. [1791 
 
 ated an Indian war, that an army may spring ont of it ; and the 
 trifling affair of our liaving eleven captives at Algiers (wlio 
 ought long ago to have been ransomed) is made the pretext 
 for going to war with them, and fitting out a fleet. With 
 these two engines, and the collateral aid derived from a host 
 of revenue oflicers, farewell freedom in America. Gently, 
 indeed, did I touch it in argument ; but is not a motion for 
 the destruction of the individuality of the States, treason 
 against the duty of a Senator, who, from the nature of his 
 appointment, ought to be guardian of the State right? The 
 little I said, however, I believe raised a goblin that frightened 
 them from the project, at least for this time. 
 
 February IMh. — This day we passed the excise law ; a 
 pretty piece of business it is. I found there was an unwilling- 
 ness in many of the members to have the yeas and nays. I, 
 however, called them sharply, and enough rose, and I had the 
 pleasure of giving my decided negative against what I consid- 
 ered the box of Pandora with regard to the happiness of 
 America. 
 
 The communications came in this morning respecting the 
 Indian affairs, and the bill as ordered to be printed. As we 
 came down-stairs. Dr. Johnson spoke Avith great joy. " No," 
 said he, " all is over, and the business is complete. We have a 
 revenue that will support the Government and every necessary 
 measure of Government We have now the necessary support 
 for national measures," etc. I told him we might perhaps 
 undo all ; that the high demands we had made would raise op- 
 position, and that opposition might endanger the Government. 
 He seemed a little struck. I repeated that the Government 
 might, and perhaps would, fall by her overexertion to obtain 
 support. 
 
 I called this evening at Boyd's. I found Gallatin and 
 Beard and James Finley. I told them I wished to hear them 
 speak freely on the defense of the frontiers. Some desultory 
 discourse passed. I sat awhile, and Dr. Hutchinson came in, 
 greasy as a skin of oil and puffing like a porpoise. This must 
 certainly be a dirty fellow if external appearances do not much 
 belie mental management and internal intention. Fame fixes 
 them on the same footing, and I fancy for once she has not 
 
Feb. 13] A DOCTOR'S DISCOURSE. 391 
 
 sounded a false alarm. He had a pretty tale to tattle over, 
 quite new, quite d la Doctor, quite medical. Is the town 
 sickly, Doctor ? No, no ; yes, yes, for the season. Accident, 
 accident ; half a family struck down yesterday. They had fed 
 on pheasant. All who had eaten affected ; all the doctors' 
 called ; discharged the offensive food ; recovered : the craws 
 of the pheasants examined ; laurel-leaves found in them. The 
 death of Judge Bryan explained ; he and his wife ate pheas- 
 ant ; both felt torpid ; she evacuated, he died. And thus we 
 were entertained with the belchings of this bag of blubber for 
 half an hour. I took my hat and left them. 
 
 I had come but a few steps when I met Mr. "W. Finley ; 
 told him I had called to talk on the subject of the "Western 
 war with the Indians ; that, although the management would 
 be in different hands, yet, as the means must be furnished by 
 us, it was in some measure necessary to contemplate the mode. 
 He immediately quit the subject and got at the excise. It 
 must be submitted to ; great credit due to the General Govern- 
 ment ; very honorable management to raise the debts to their 
 full value, etc. In short, I believe he forgot himself' or the 
 company he was in. I begged pardon for stopping him in the 
 street and left him. He chose to let me know of his commu- 
 nications with General Knox and other great men, etc. 
 
 Februa/ry 13th, Sundcuy. — I went to a meeting at Market 
 Street. Came home. The day rather disagreeable in the 
 afternoon, and I stayed at home the residue of the day. I had 
 made a remark here which I think it best to erase. Spent the 
 day mostly in reading. Went, however, down-stairs; found 
 a large company ; the subject was religion, and most unmer- 
 cifully was it handled. The point which was attempted to be 
 established was that the whole was craft and imposition ; that 
 all our objects were before us — ^believe what you see ; observe 
 the fraud and endless mischief s of ecclesiastics in every age, 
 etc. Few of the historic facts which they adduced could be 
 refuted, but by way of opposition Luther's Keformation 
 was mentioned. It was easily answered that, had there been 
 no abuse, they needed no reformation. But a further remark 
 was suggested — ^that Luther was a mere political machine in 
 the hands of those German princes who could no longer bear 
 
393 ON LUTHER'S REFORMATION. [1791 
 
 to see their subjects pillaged by Roman rapacity. The doc- 
 trine was, pay for indulgences and purchase salvation with 
 good works, alias money. The new doctrine was, faith is 
 better than cash ; only believe, aiid save your money. It need 
 not be doubted but the new doctrine was on this account more 
 acceptable to both prince and people. Luther, however, had 
 the Scripture with him. 
 
 Another position I thought still less tenable ; that man 
 was but the first animal in nature, that he became so by the 
 feelings, of his fingers and hence all his faculties. Give, said 
 they, only a hand to a horse, he would rival all the human 
 powers. This I know to be groundless. The 'possum, from 
 its feeble, harmless, and helpless faculties, is almost extinct 
 in Pennsylvania, and yet one that I killed on the island at 
 Juniata had as complete a hand, vdth four fingers and a 
 thumb, as one of the human species. 
 
 February lliih. — 'Tis done. I doubt no longer. This day 
 came in a bulky communication from the President. The 
 amount was the result of a negotiation carried on by his or- 
 der with the court of Great Britain through the agency of 
 Gouverneur Morris. From the letters from the President 
 it appears that the vote against discrimination which had in- 
 volved us in difficulties with France was the work of the 
 President, avowedly procured by his influence ; and that he 
 did it to facilitate a connection with Great Britain, thus offer- 
 ing direct offense to France and incurring the contempt of 
 Britain, for she has spurned every overture made to her. And 
 now the result is, I suppose, a war with Great Britain; at 
 least these troops are, as I suppose, meant to wrest the posts 
 from her. She will resist. Reprisals at sea will take place, 
 and all the calamities of war ensue. 
 
 It is with difficulty that I refrain from giving the most 
 severe language to some of our Senators. King vapored this 
 day at a most unaccountable rate. The opponents to the Con- 
 stitution, said he, were blind ; they did not see the ground to 
 attack it on. I could have shown them how to defend it. 
 The most popular ground against it never was touched. The 
 business was now complete. We need not care for opposition. 
 Henry, of Maryland, joined with him ; said the Constitution 
 
Feb. 14] ON STATE SOVEREIGNTY. 393 
 
 of the United States implied everything; it was a most ad- 
 mirable system. Thus did these heroes vapor and boast of 
 their address in having cheated the people and establishing a 
 form of government over them which none of them expected. 
 
 I will here leave a blank to copy General Washington's 
 letters in. Perhaps this is wrong, for I never can contemplate 
 the insult offered to France, to procn/re more agreeable a/r- 
 ra/agements, without feeling resentment. 
 
 The system laid down by these gentlemen was avowedly as 
 follows, or, rather, the development of the designs of a certain 
 party: 
 
 The general power to carry the Constitution into effect by 
 a constructive interpretation would extend to every case that 
 Congress may deem necessary or expedient. Should the very 
 worst thing supposable happen, viz., the claim of any of the 
 States to any of the powers exercised by the General Govern- 
 ment, such claim will be treated with contempt. The laws of 
 the United States will be held paramount to all their laws, 
 claims, and even Constitutions. The supreme power is with 
 the General Government to decide in this, as in everything 
 else, for the States have neglected to secure any umpire or 
 mode of decision in case of the differences between them. Nor 
 is there any point in the Constitution for them to rally under. 
 They may give an opinion, but the opinion of the General 
 Government must prevail, etc. This open point, this un- 
 guarded pass, has rendered the General Government com- 
 pletely uncontrollable. With a ileet and army, which the first 
 war must give us, all the future will be chimerical. 
 
 I ventured to dissent from these poHtical heroes by declar- 
 ing that the people themselves would guard this pass ; that the 
 right of judging with respect to encroachments still remained 
 with the people ; it was originally with them, and they never 
 had divested themselves of it. 
 
 With all their art, however, since they now confess their 
 views, I think they have made but a bungling hand of it. The 
 old Congress had no power over individuals, and, of course, no 
 system of consolidation could take place. Their legislative 
 or recommendatory powers were over States only. The new 
 Constitution, by the instrumentality of the judiciary, etc., aims 
 
394 THE COMPLICATIONS WITH FRANCE. [1791 
 
 at the government of individuals, and the States, unless as to 
 the conceded points, and with regard to their individual sover- 
 eignty and independence, are left upon stronger ground than 
 formerly, and it can only be by implication or inference that 
 the General Government can exercise control over them as 
 States. Any direct and open attack would be termed usurpa- 
 tion. But whether the gradual influence and encroachments 
 of the General Government may not gradually swallow up the 
 State governments is another matter. 
 
 February 15th. — This day was rather unimportant in the 
 Senate. General Dickenson and I had a long discourse in 
 the committee-room. The subject was the speculation of the 
 Treasury, or, I should rather say, of Hamilton. Nobody can 
 prove these things, but everybody knows "them. Mr. Morris 
 labored, in private, with me this day to get me to join in pos1> 
 poning the complaints of the French court. The President, 
 although it is undeniable that it was through his instrumentahty 
 that the offense was given to France, yet now wishes all this 
 done away ; the breach made up with France", and the resent- 
 ment shown to England. The measure is right, but his mo- 
 tives wrong. Never should the paths of rectitude be forsaken. 
 Had the President left Congress to themselves the discrimina- 
 tion would have obtained, and as the discrimination had here- 
 tofore obtained by the State laws, England would have taken 
 no umbrage, and we should have experienced no interruption 
 of harmony with France. The crooked policy of the President 
 has involved us in difficulty. Unless we repeal the law, we 
 lose forever the friendship of France. And even after repeal- 
 ing it the confidence of France in us will be impaired, as she 
 may attribute our first motives to ingratitude and our last to 
 fear. Continuing the law wiU have no effect on Britain, as 
 she has already treated General Washington's application with 
 contempt, but a repeal of it will be followed with a burst of 
 resentment. This we will have to submit to and ought not to 
 regard. 
 
 King delivered an opinion that Executive papers should 
 be delivered to the President's private secretary. It was evi- 
 dent he alluded to the communications of yesterday and to the 
 strictures passed on them. No vote was taken on the subject, 
 
Feb. 16] ON THE PERMANENT RESIDENCE. 395 
 
 but I have hitherto been unsuccessful in endeavoring to lay 
 my hands on them. 
 
 February 16th. — Engaged this morning in unimportant 
 matters about the land-office and other places. 
 
 After the Senate met, Mr. Carrol moved for leave to bring' 
 in a bill supplementary to the Kesidence bill. The matter, I 
 believe, stands thus, in fact : Yirginia is not fully satisfied with- 
 out having half of the ten miles square. She gives the one 
 hundred and twenty thousand dollars, perhaps, on this very 
 principle of having Alexandria included. This can not be 
 done without the siipplementary law, which is now applied, 
 for. I spoke to Mr. Morris and gave him my thoughts on the 
 matter. He made a just observation : " There will be people 
 enough to manage this affair without our taking a part in it." 
 The rule demands one day's notice to be given for bringing in 
 a bill. Carrol withdrew his motion on being told of this, but 
 afterward hoped that the Senate would indulge him hj com- 
 mon consent. Elsworth, however, said it had better lie over 
 one day. 
 
 My friend, on the subject of resolution, told me that he 
 had some conversation on that subject with the Speaker of the 
 State Senate. The result was, that they would soon elect a 
 new Senator ; said he found him wavering, but on the whole 
 considered him as friendly. I had business out, and called on 
 Mr. Montgomery ; told him that the agricultural interest of 
 Pennsylvania ought to unite ; that it was the policy of the city 
 to disunite Fin^ley and myself and run in Bingham ; at least, 
 this was the game he was playing. He agreed with me. Mr. 
 Smilie soon after called on me, He spoke more harshly of 
 Finley, particularly of his insufferable vanity, than ever I 
 heard any one do before. He promised he would call on me. 
 
 I returned to the Senate. Found the drafts of General 
 Harmer's expedition before the committee. They look finely 
 on paper, but, were we to view the green bones and scattered 
 fragments of our defeat on the actual field, it would leave very 
 different ideas on our minds. This is a vile business, and must 
 be much viler. I believe I ought not to vote for any of the 
 new bill. 
 
 February 17th. — This day Mr. Carrol's motion for the 
 
396 THE MILITARY BILL. [1791 
 
 amendatory act respecting the Potomac was to be taken up. 
 Mr. Morris was very late in coming. It is remarkably singu- 
 lar that I never knew him otherwise when a debate was ex 
 pected. I, however, wish he had stayed away, for he voted 
 for leave to bring in the bill. I confess, to my astonishment, 
 I saw hun considerably embarrassed. How noble it is to be 
 independent ! 
 
 Leave was obtained, and the bill read. The Military bill 
 was reported, with amendments much longer than itself. They 
 were ordered to be printed. I shall most undoubtedly vote 
 against the augmentation of the troops. The war is under- 
 taken without the shadow of authority from Congress, and 
 this war is the pretext for raising an army meant to aM'e our 
 citizens into submission. Fitzsimons has been heard declaring 
 that one thousand men would avenge the insults offered to 
 Congress. Where are thes'e things to end ? By the " insult 
 offered to Congress " is meant the State deliberations, etc., re- 
 specting the excise. But I can already plainly see that all this 
 matter will vanish in air. Finley, Gallatin, Smilie, Montgom- 
 ery, in fact all the conductors of the business, having nothing 
 further in view than the securing themselves niches in the six- 
 dollar temple of Congress,* and then popular measures are 
 only meant as the step-ladder to facilitate their ascent. I con- 
 fess 1 have more than once been taken in witli the sunshine of 
 some of their speeches in my favor, but actions are louder than 
 words. I have differed beyond the power of reconciliation 
 with the citizens and high-flying Federalists, and genuine re- 
 publicanism has been my motive. If the old constitutional 
 party were really patriots, they would glory in taking me up. 
 This, however, is not the case ; and I am greatly mistaken if 
 they do not lord it with as high a hand over the people, should 
 they get into Congress, as the present majority, and perhaps 
 even there we may not hear a word against the excise. 
 
 February 18th. — A number of communications were handed 
 in respecting the appointment of David Humphreys, resident 
 at the court of Portugal. The President sends first, and asks 
 our advice and consent afterward. 
 
 * The pay of Senators and Representatives being six dollars per day. 
 
Feb. 33] THE PEOPLE DISAPPOINTED. 397 
 
 Now Carrol's amendatory bill was called up. It was de- 
 bated with temper, but a good deal of triiling discourse was 
 Lad upon it. I had determined to say nothing upon the sub- 
 ject. I, however, changed my mind, and made the following 
 remarks : 
 
 So far as I had an opportunity of knowing the public 
 mind, the expectations of the people had been disappointed. 
 A belief had obtained that the President would appoint three 
 commissioners, who tinder his direction would lay out the ten 
 miles square. I did not arraign his authority, and did not 
 call it in question, but he had done himself what should have 
 been done by others imder his direction. I would neither 
 pull down nor build up. Let the measure rest on the law. 
 If all was right, it would support itself ; if wrong, our mend- 
 ing it was. improper, etc. 
 
 Mr. Morris followed me. I tjould not well collect his 
 drift ; but he said, with pretty strong emphasis, that if any 
 one woidd move a postponement, he would be for it. This 
 hint was laid hold on by Langdon and Schuyler, and a post- 
 ponement moved, which was carried. Mr. Morris sustained a 
 small attack from Gunn for this as an indirect way of getting 
 rid of the measure. Twice, however, did Mr. Morris declare 
 he would vote for the bill if the question was taken on it. I 
 think this kind of conduct ill judged, for the court will think 
 as ill of him as they do of me, who voted dead against the 
 measure from the beginning. 
 
 Oh, I should note that Mr. Jefferson with more than 
 
 Parisian politeness, waited on me at my chamber this morn- 
 
 . ing. He talked politics, mostly the French diiference and the 
 
 whale-fishery ; but he touched the Potomac, too, as much as 
 
 to say, " There, oh, there." 
 
 Wednesday, 23d. — I have in general been so closely en- 
 gaged that I have not had time to minute the daily transac- 
 tions, and, indeed, unless I wish gratification to myself, there 
 is no use in it, for no man has called on me for any informa- 
 tion. On Friday the amendatory act was taken up and read, 
 and postponed for a week. Mr. Morris, Langdon, and Schuyler 
 voted for the postponement. They might as well have voted 
 against the bill, for the postponement is equally ungrateful at 
 
398 SPECULATION IN PUBLIC CERTIFICATES. [1791 
 
 court. Saturday we had communications from the Presi- 
 dent, etc. 
 
 A most villainous bill (in my opinion) was committed to 
 General Dickenson, Wingate, and myself. It was for paying 
 off at par one hundred and eighty-six thousand dollars due to 
 foreign oflficers. This was a domestic debt beyond a doubt. 
 The bill went to pay it out of the funds appropriated to foreign 
 debt. Strip it, however, of all coloring, it is to sanctify the 
 most abandoned speculation. Some say the whole of it has 
 already been bought up. I set myself to defeat it, and happily 
 succeeded. The consequence is, that I have all the Secretary's 
 [Hamilton's] gladiators upon me. I have already offended 
 Knox and all his military arrangements; I have drowned 
 Jefferson's regards in the Potomac. Hamilton with his 
 host of speculators is upon me, and they are not idle ; the 
 city hates me, and I have offended Morris, and my place 
 must go. My peace of mind, however, shall not go, and like 
 a dying man I will endeavor that my last moments be well 
 spent. 
 
 Tuesday my report was read, and "Wednesday it was agreed 
 to, or at least the resolution subjoined was adopted, that the 
 bill should not pass to a third reading. Business crowded 
 much, and I have almost determined to pass all. The differ- 
 ence, however, on the new impost law between the two Houses 
 explains so fully the trim of the Senate that I must have a 
 word or two on the subject. 
 
 The bill commonly called the excise law, though the term 
 is carefully avoided in the law, puts it in the power of the 
 President to appoint as many inspectors as he chooses, and to 
 pay them what he pleases, so that he does not exceed five per 
 cent on the whole sum collected. This check is mere nullity, 
 and depends on a point arising posterior to the appointments. 
 The reason given for vesting the power in the President is 
 the want of knowledge of the subject ; how many, what duties, 
 etc., they will have to discharge. The House of Eepresenta- 
 tives seem to say that experience will dispel this ignorance in 
 two years, and therefore they amend, limiting this power of 
 paying, etc., to two years. No, say our Senate, we will not 
 trust the new Congress, etc. In fact, the object is to throw 
 
Feb. 24] THE PRESIDENT AS A SCAPEGOAT, 399 
 
 all possible power into the hands of the President, even to the 
 stripping of the Senate. A conference appointed. 
 
 It is believed that any measure that can be fairly fixed on 
 the President will be submitted to by the people, thus making 
 him the scapegoat of unconstitutional measures and leading 
 them, by their affection to him, into an acquiescence in these 
 measures that flow from him. To break down the boundaries 
 of the States has been a desideratum. This was attempted at 
 the time of the impost. The geographical situation of Mary- 
 land, with respect to Chesapeake Bay, afforded a pretext to do 
 something of this kind under plea of convenience, by adding 
 the Eastern Shore to the State of Delaware and indemnifying 
 Maryland out of Virginia. Clouds of letters reprobated the 
 measure. It would not do. The President is now put upon 
 something of this kind — to alter the lines of the States, by 
 taking from the larger and adding" to the smaller — in his ar- 
 rangement for collecting the excise. Will he really become 
 the tool of his own Administration ? 
 
 F^ruary ^J^th, Thursday. — This day nothing of moment 
 engaged the Senate in the way of debate until the Virginia 
 Senators moved a resolution that the doors of the Senate 
 chamber should be opened on the first day of the next session, 
 etc. They mentioned their instructions. This brought the 
 subject of instructions from the different Legislatures into 
 view. 
 
 Elsworth said they amounted to no more than a wish, and 
 ought to be no further regarded. Izard said no Legislature 
 had any right to instruct at all, any more than the electors had 
 a right to instruct the President of the United States. Mr. 
 Morris followed; said Senators owed their existence to the 
 Constitution ; the Legislatures were only the machines to 
 choose them ; and was more violently opposed to instruction 
 than any of them. We were Senators of the United States, 
 and had nothing to do with one State more than another. Mr. 
 Morris spoke with more violence than usual. 
 
 Perhaps I may be considered as imprudent, but I thought 
 I would be wanting in the duty I owed the public if I sat 
 silent and heard such doctrines without bearing my testimony 
 against them. I declared I knew but two lines of conduct for 
 
400 SHALL SENATORS REGARD INSTRUCTIONS? [1791 
 
 legislators to iriove in — the one absolute volition, the other 
 responsibility. The first was tyranny, the other inseparable 
 from the idea of representation. "Were we chosen with dicta- 
 torial powers, or were we sent forward as servants of the pub- 
 lic, to do their business ? The latter, clearly, in my opinion. 
 The first question, then, which presented itself was, were my 
 constituents here, what would they do ? The answer, if known, - 
 was the rule of the Representative. Our governments wore 
 avowedly republican. The question now before us had no 
 respect to what was the best kind of government ; but this I 
 considered as genuine republicanism. As to the late conduct 
 of the Legislature of Pennsylvania, I spoke with but few of 
 them. I had no instruction from them, and, all things consid- 
 ered, I was happy that I had given my voice on a former occa- 
 sion for it. The reasons which I gave then operated still, in 
 full force on my mind. 
 
 The first was, that I knew of no reason for keeping the 
 door of any legislative assembly open that did not apply with 
 equal force to us. The second was, that I thought it a compli- 
 ment due to the smallest State in the Union to indulge them 
 in such request. 
 
 The objections against it, viz., that the members would 
 make speeches for the gallery and for the public papers, would 
 be the fault of the members. If they waged war in words and 
 oral combats ; if they pitted themselves like cocks, or played 
 the gladiator, for the amusement of the idle and curious, the 
 fault was theirs ; that, let who would fill the chairs of the 
 Senate, I hoped discretion would mark their deportment ; that 
 they would rise to impart knowledge, and listen to obtain in- 
 formation ; that, while this line of conduct marked their de- 
 bates, it was totally immaterial whether thousands attended, or 
 there was not a single spectator. 
 
 This day Butler handed forward a resolution for augment- 
 ing the salaries of all Federal officers of the different depart- 
 ments one fourth. It is a great object to increase the Federal 
 offices and salaries as much as possible, to make them marks 
 for the ambitious to aim at. This single stratagem has carried 
 the new Government on so far with increased rapidity. 
 
 Februcm) 25th, Friday. — This was a busy day in the Sen- 
 
Feb. 26] BUYING UP THE SENATE. 401 
 
 ate. "We had a long communication from tlie President re- 
 specting the loan of three million florins, which, it seems, came 
 at five and a fourth per cent, the expenses of the negotiation 
 being between four and five per cent up. Now was taken a 
 bill for altering the time of the meeting of Congress. The 
 title was the same with that of a bill rejected the other day. 
 But the former had the first Monday in November ; this had 
 the fourth Monday in October. The President declared that, 
 as the day was different, the bill was a different bill. There 
 might be as many different bills as days in the year. It passed, 
 but I confess I thought him wrong. Mr. Morris' vote carried 
 the bill. I spoke against it, but without effect. 
 
 Now we had the resolution for opening the doors. Nine 
 votes were given for it, and it was lost. 
 
 And now came the Potomac amendatory act. A postpone- 
 ment was moved, but Langdon, Schuyler, Elmer, Morris, and 
 Read voted against the postponement and finally for the bill. 
 This is astonishing, indeed. It is plain the President has taught 
 them. I know not their price, but that is immaterial. I had 
 a good opinion of Elmer once ; it is with pain I retract it. I 
 think the city [Philadelphia] must see Morris in a new point of 
 view. "Were I to give such a vote, I certainly dared not walk 
 the streets. Mr. Morris wishes his namesake, Gouverneur (now 
 in Europe selling lands for him) placed in some conspicuous 
 station abroad. He has acted in a strange kind of capacity, 
 half pimp, half envoy, or perhaps more properly a kind of 
 political eavesdropper about the British court, for some time 
 past. Mark the end of it. As to Langdon I am at no loss ; 
 the appointment of his brother "Woodbury is sufficient expla- 
 nation. Schuyler is the supple-jack of his son-in-law Hamil- 
 ton. Of Elmer I know not what to say. I once thought him 
 honest. As to Read I have heretofore known him to have 
 been shaken by something else besides' the vrind. 
 
 Fehniwry 26th, Saturday. — The third reading was given 
 this day to the detestable bill of yesterday, and the last hand 
 was put to the more detested excise law. All of these, how- 
 ever, were condemned as trifles in political iniquity. 
 
 For weeks has the report of the committee on the French 
 complaints lain dormant. Shame! I believe some hand is 
 36 
 
402 JEFFERSON'S ALTERNATIVES. [1791 
 
 keeping tliem back. But now a steady phalanx appeared to 
 support the report. I opposed it what I could, and contended 
 against the alternatives in the report of the Secretary of State 
 as exceptional, and opposed the whole. But all in vain. The 
 report, with some variation, was adopted. I was the only one 
 who voted boldly and decidedly against it. I have annexed 
 the alternatives proposed by Jefferson and the resolutions of 
 the committee, and some of my observations in opposition to 
 Elsworth. They may afford me some amusement at a future 
 day. I will, however, call on Otis for a certificate of my hav- 
 ing voted against the resolutions. 
 
 Resolved, as the opinion of the Senate, that the eighth, article of the treaty 
 of amity and commeroe between the United States a-nd Ms Most Christian 
 Majesty is merely an illustration of the third and fourth articles of the same 
 treaty by an application of the principles comprised in the last-mentioned 
 articles to the case stated in the former. 
 
 Resolved, That the Senate do advise an answer to be given to the court 
 of France defending this construction in opposition to that urged by the 
 said court, and at the same time explaining in the most friendly terms the 
 difBculties opposed to the exemptions they claim. 
 
 Second. If it be the opinion that it is advantageous for us to close with 
 France in her interpretation of a reciprocal and perpetual exemption from 
 tonnage, a repeal of so much of the tonnage law will be the answer. 
 
 That there has been a design to sacrifice French interest 
 as a peace-offering to the British court I can not doubt ; but 
 that this should be persisted in after the disappointment at- 
 tending Gouverneur Morris' management is strange indeed. 
 They, however, hope, or affect to hope, to carry their point. 
 Mr. Morris, a few days ago, asserted that we would, early this 
 spring, have a minister from Great Britain, and the papers 
 have many lying accounts to the same purpose. 
 
 There is a system pursuing, the depths of which I can not 
 well fathom, but I clearly see that the poor goddess of liberty 
 is likely to be hunted out of this quarter as well as the other 
 quarters of the globe. 
 
 I deliberated nrach whether I should minute in any degree 
 of accuracy the proceedings of this day. Hitherto delicacy 
 has prevented me from keeping any memoranda of the execu- 
 tive or secret journal, but if I am ever to give any account of 
 my conduct to the State government, there is perhaps no part 
 
Feb. 36] DEBATE ON JEFFERSON'S ALTERNATIVES. 403 
 
 to whicli they will turn their eyes with more attention. I have 
 another reason for secrecy on this subject, for I certainly 
 never behaved so badly in my life. 
 
 Elsworth opened : hoped this business would meet no fur? 
 ther delay, as it had been long on the table, and hoped that 
 the resolution would be adopted ; that the members had full 
 time to make up their minds, etc. I declared that opportu- 
 nity as well as time was lacking, although the time had been 
 long ; some members had not had the opportunity ; that I had 
 called often for a sight of the papers, but always experienced 
 disappointment ; that I had indeed seen the alternatives offered 
 by the Secretary of State, and no more ; that eminent as the 
 Secretary was for abihties, I could not truly approve of any of 
 
 his alternatives (here I received a loud ), and, of course, 
 
 must be opposed to the resolution which was ingrafted on the 
 first. To suppose that, after having passed the third and fourth 
 articles, they were so obscure as to require a fifth by way of 
 illustration, is an absurdity that can not obtain behef . The 
 framers must have had a separate object in view consistent 
 with their reputation as men of understanding, and so it clearly 
 appeared to me. 
 
 To justify the construction I will read the articles ; here I 
 read them the third : " Grants certain rights, etc.," in trade, 
 etc., to the subjects of the Christian king in the American 
 ports with respect to duties and imposts. The fourth recipro- 
 cated these rights, etc., to the people of the United States in 
 the French ports. Here I took the words " duties " and " im- 
 posts " in the strict and limited sense as applying to the im- 
 positions charged on the cargo, and to no other. The fifth 
 article has an imposition of another kind for its object, which 
 evidently was not considered as falling within the province of 
 the third or fourth article, viz., tonnage, a port charge which 
 is laid on in proportion to her burden, independent of cargo, 
 and is charged whether she comes loaded or in ballast. 
 
 It is, in fact, the machine by which commercial nations 
 encourage or discourage the shipping of their neighbors. I 
 am ready to admit that the poverty or rather the want of pre- 
 ciseness in commercial terms often confuses and confounds 
 them together, but with these ideas and with this view of the 
 
404 DEBATE ON JEFFERSON'S ALTERNATIVES. [1791 
 
 subject, wliicli I am satisfied are correct, let us examine the 
 fifth article. And the first feature that presents itself is a re- 
 ciprocal design of augmenting and favoring the shipping of 
 the contracting parties. Duties and imposts laid upon goods 
 are taxes paid by the consumers. Tonnage is a tax on the 
 ship. To lessen the tax on the shipping, or rather to do it 
 away altogether, is in favor of naval property, and in this 
 spirit ran the stipulation of the fifth article. 
 
 But if gentlemen will. view them conjointly, what will be 
 the effect ? Exemptions are generally stipulated between the 
 contracting parties in the third and fourth articles. What 
 says the fifth ? In the above exemption is particularly com- 
 prised the imposition of one hundred sols per ton, etc., with 
 the exception of the coasting trade to French vessels between 
 their own ports, which the Americans are allowed to balance 
 with a similar tonnage on French vessels coasting in the 
 American ports. And even this coasting-trade tonnage is not 
 to continue longer than the most favored nations pay it. Will 
 any man undertake to say, on seeing this article, that the 
 French can legally charge the tonnage of one hundred sols or 
 any greater or less tonnage on American vessels in their ports 
 (unless they become coasters) consistent with treaty ? I think 
 not. If the French, then, can not on the principles of reci- 
 procity, we can not. 
 
 What, then, is to be done ? Eepeal the law, but upon a 
 different principle from that held out by the Secretary either 
 in his second or third alternative. The second is sordid, as 
 having advantage for its basis; the third carries something 
 like an airy insult, as much as to say : We are right, you are 
 wrong, but take it ; our good nature shall yield to your pee- 
 vishness. Second idea of compensation for favors is worse 
 infinitely. This is a subject on which the American nation 
 is and will be bankrupt, to compensate the political salvation 
 of America. France ought to be placed in the deplorable po- 
 sition which afflicted America [was in] when rescued by her 
 helping hand, and ought to be returned in turn. Statements 
 that seem beyond human events. Where would have been 
 our Washington and patriots of every grade had it not been 
 for French interference? When the meekest and most gentle- 
 
Feb. 36] ■ THE FRENCH ABUSED. 405 
 
 manly of all the British commanders would not associate them 
 with any other idea than that of a lord. Not the virtues of a 
 Padilla would have saved one of them. No, let us do homage 
 to the spirit and letter of [the] treaty, own our mistake, and 
 repeal the law. I have ever thought that a liberal and manly 
 policy, more conformable to the genius of the people, was the 
 surest method of engaging and preserving the esteem of that 
 magnanimous nation. And the alternative might be war and 
 confusion. 
 
 A burst of abuse now flowed forth against the French by 
 Elsworth in the most vituperative language that fancy could 
 invent. Selfishness, interested views, their motive. To dis- 
 member the English empire ; " Dwide et iinperia " their motto. 
 Nay, slay the British subjects with the sword of their fellows. 
 No gratitude in nations, no honor in politics. None but a fool 
 would expect it. Serve yourself the first article is the creed 
 of politics. No return due to them. Ridicule, not thanks, 
 would attend acknowledgments. He [Elsworth] seemed to 
 have mistaken the genius of the people, and said some sarcastic 
 things about America which I could not very well compre- 
 hend. The term monkey was used ; it was meant in ridicule 
 of what I said. He fell on me with the most sarcastic se- 
 verity. No confusion anywhere but in the speaker's head. 
 Alas ! how shall I write it ? I almost lost my temper, and, 
 finding no protection from the Chair, left the room. 
 
 A moment's refiection restored me. I recollected that I 
 had the volume of Congress of 1Y83, which I had looked up 
 for this occasion, before my seat, where the greatest encomi- 
 ums were bestowed on the French. I returned. King was 
 lip, and, although he was in the same sentiment as Elsworth, 
 he said Mr. Jay had given a similar construction with me, or at 
 least I so understood him. I did not hear one of the state- 
 ments which I made answered or attempted to be answered. 
 I 'happened to turn round and the full-length portrait of the 
 King and Queen of France caught my eye. I really seemed 
 to think they would upbraid me if I was silent. I knew the 
 disadvantage I labored under, but I got up. 
 
 Nations being composed of individuals, the virtue, char- 
 acter, and reputation of the nation must depend on the morals 
 
406 THE FRENCH ABUSED. [1791 
 
 of the individual, and could have no other basis. Gratitude, 
 generosity, sensibility of favors, benignityj and beneficence 
 had not abandoned the human breast ; in fact, these weve the 
 conditions on which the human race existed ; that these pas- 
 sions, so far as they respected the French nation, were deeply 
 engraved on the bosom of every American Kevolutionist. I 
 knew there were characters of a different kind in America ; 
 but for them we cared not ; that I was convinced the sense 
 of America had been fairly expressed by Congress on the 
 resignation of General Washington, when the epithet of 
 " magnanimous nation " was applied to them. 
 
 What were the expressions of Congress as reported by a 
 committee, some of whom are now within my hearing, in the 
 year 1783, vdth respect to that now vilified nation? "Exer- 
 tions of arms," " succors of their treasury," " important loans," 
 " hberal donations," " magnanimity," etc. Yes, all this and 
 more, for I have the book before me. In fact, language la- 
 bored and seemed to fail in expressions of gratitude to our 
 ally. But here is a reverse indeed. If right then, we must 
 be wrong now ; and my heart tells me it is so. Vituperation 
 and abuse, more especially in the national way, are of the re- 
 flective kind, and attach disgrace rather to the assailants than 
 to the assailed. Who ever believed that the grins or dirty 
 tricks of the baboon or monkey in the African or American 
 wilds disgraced the traveler that walked below, although they 
 attached contempt to the filthy animal above ? 
 
 Elsworth took a great deal of snuff about this time. He 
 mimiped, and seemed to chew the cud of vexation. But he 
 affected not to hear me, and, indeed, they were all in knots, 
 talking and whispering. Mr. Adams talked with Otis, accord- 
 ing to custom. The committee alluded to were : Madison, 
 Elsworth, and Hamilton. I am too sparing ; I should have 
 read thafpart of the report with their names. 
 
 I can not help a remark or two. A war in some shape or 
 other seems to have been the great object with Hamilton's 
 people. At first they would have war with the Northern In- 
 dians. That failed. They have succeeded in involving us 
 with the Northwestern Indians. Britain at one time seemed 
 their object. Great efforts were made to get a war with Al- 
 
Feb. 38] COUNTBEFEIT CERTIFICATES. 40Y 
 
 giers. That failed. Now it seems to be made a point to differ 
 with the French. That Uvely nation do not seem to have 
 been aware that ours was a civil war with Britain, and that 
 the similarity of language, manners, and customs will, in all 
 probability, restore our old habits and intercourse, and thai 
 this intercourse will revive — ^indeed, I fear it has already re- 
 vived—our ancient prejudices against France. Should we dif- 
 fer with France, we are thrown inevitably into the hands of 
 Britain ; and, should France give any occasion, we have thoii- 
 sands and tens of thousands of anti-Eevolutionists ready to 
 blow the coals of contention. 
 
 February ^7th, Sv/nday. — This day made inquiries of 
 George Eemsen, one of the clerks of Hamilton's office, re- 
 specting a story which is circulating with respect to Bingham 
 having got thirty-six thousand dollars of counterfeit certifi- 
 cates registered and a new Certificate for them. He declares 
 the fact is so. These certificates have been copied from genu- 
 ine certificates, the counterfeits handed to the Auditor (Milli 
 gan), passed by him to the Kegister (Nourse), and a new cer- 
 tificate given for the amount. Thus the counterfeits being 
 disposed of, there could be no danger of detection, as the 
 genuine and counterfeit ones could never meet. Now, the 
 genuine ones coming forward to be loaned, the fraud is found 
 out. 
 
 I dined this day with Dr. Eushton. I mentioned this cir- 
 cumstance. A gentleman of the name of Curry came in while 
 I talked of it. "Without mentioning names, he said this must 
 be Mr. Swanwick. He was asked how large a certificate 
 Swanwick had founded in this way ; he said only twenty thou- 
 sand dollars. Hell surely must have emptied her rascals upon 
 us, or we never could have been served thus ! Eemsen has 
 promised to give me more information on this subject. 
 
 February S8th, Monday. — This day I fell in- discourse 
 with Mr. Morris, and mentioned the thirty-six thousand dol- 
 lars in possession of Bingham. It seems it is the same which 
 Swanwick had. A Charles Young owed Swanwick, and was 
 arrested in New York for the debt on his return from Boston ; 
 paid these certificates to Swanwick; was discharged; they 
 were registered. Swanwick sold to Bingham for twelve hun- 
 
408 COUNTERFEIT CERTIFICATES. [1791 
 
 dred pounds, knowing tlie state of the registered certificates. 
 This cast an air of innocence over the transaction. Perhaps 
 we shall hear more of it. 
 
 Schuyler's hill, which went to naake debts due to the 
 United States payable in certificates, etc., the object of which 
 could not be observed, and which truly might be called a snake 
 in the grass, was laid over to the next session. 
 
 I could not ascertain the point in the above conversation 
 who obtained the registry of the above certificates, and there- 
 fore have endeavored to find from Mr. Morris who discovered 
 the cheat ; at what time with respect to the registry, viz., 
 whether before or after. But. he was guarded, and either 
 knew not or would not tell ; but he admitted that they were 
 known to be counterfeits at the time of the sale. This, in my 
 opinion, involves both in criminality. deluded public, 
 little do you know of what stuff the Federal debt is composed 
 which you are daily discharging with sorrow ! 
 
 Ma/rch 1st. — Attended this morning the eulogiuna in honor 
 of Dr. Franklin, pronounced by Dr. Smith. People say much 
 of it ; I thought little of it. It was trite and trifling. Per- 
 haps I am censorious. I despise Smith. He certainly is a vile 
 character. 
 
 Much business was hurried through the Senate this day. 
 Now is the time for dark, designing men to carry in and hurry 
 through, under some spurious pretense, the deep-laid plots of 
 speculation. The immature resolve and ill-digested law often 
 escape examination while nothing but home occupies the 
 minds of the departing members. 
 
 Few days happen in which I do not meet with something 
 to fret my political temper, but this day I met with something 
 that really roused every feeling of humanity about me. The 
 President was directed some time ago to take measures to ran- 
 som eleven Americans who are slaves at Algiers. Money was 
 appropriated for this purpose out of the Dutch loan in 1788. 
 The President, however, sent us back a message to appropriate 
 the money for the purpose ; and now a committee, who had 
 the African business committed to them, reported twenty 
 thousand dollars to treat with the Emperor of Morocco, but 
 not a cent for the poor slaves. Hard was the heart that could 
 
March 2] RUSHING BILLS THKOUGH THE SENATE. 409 
 
 do it, and clay-cold was the conduct of the President even in 
 the business. I said and did what I could, but all in vain ; 
 and we will not only confine to slavery, but murder with the 
 plagues of that deleterious climate, these unhappy men. 
 
 Izard came over, and made a long complaint against Hamil- 
 ton. Here, said he, have we been waiting, nobody knows how 
 long, and Hamilton has promised to send us a bill for the Mint. 
 And now at last he sends us a resolution to employ workmen. 
 Two things are clear from this : that Hamilton prepares all 
 matters for his tools (this I knew long ago) ; the other is that 
 he has kept back this exceptionable business till there would 
 be no time to investigate it. 
 
 Bassett this day laid on the table a resolution for a com- 
 mittee of both Houses to wait on the President to request 
 him to take measures with the Indians, etc. A pretty pass of 
 society we have already arrived at ! It would be much more 
 consonant to the dignity of Congress to establish a spirited 
 inquiry how we came to be involved in a war without the au- 
 thority of Congress, than to be begging our own servants to 
 spare the effusion of human blood. Every account of this 
 kind seems to be received with an air of satisfaction by the 
 adherents of the Administration, as if our military defects 
 were political virtues. 
 
 Mwrch 2d. — Oh, 'twas joyful news when I came home and 
 found my man sent by Bob Murdock, and had the pleasure to 
 hear of the welfare of my family. More business has been 
 hurried through the Senate this day than has been done in a 
 month of our former sessions at other periods. The Secretary 
 [Hamilton] has bought the present House, and he wishes to 
 have his money's worth out of them. The resolution of the 
 Mint was foully smuggled through. I hope somebody will take 
 notice of it in the other House. It is evident what a system 
 has been adopted by the Secretary [Hamilton]. We used to 
 canvass every subject and dispute every inch of his systems, 
 and this sometimes detached some of his party from him and 
 defeated him. To prevent this, all has been put off until this 
 late moment, and now not a word will be heard. The plea of 
 want of time prevails, and every one that attempts to speak is 
 silenced with the cry of question and a mere insurrection of 
 
410 THE HOLLAND LOAN. [1791 
 
 the members in support of the demand. I am at no loss now 
 to ascertain the reason why the Mint business has been delayed 
 and finally came forward under the form of a resolution rather 
 than a bill. Bills can not be read out of order biit by unani- 
 mous consent. 
 
 It was known that I had controverted sundry positions 
 laid down by Hamilton in his report, and had prepared myself 
 on the subject. It was easy to call the question and silence 
 debate, but now the time was short and I still had a vote. By 
 refusing consent to an irregular reading of a bill, this rule did 
 not extend to a common resolution. King made a motion by 
 a side-wind to bring in the principal of the bill for paying off 
 the foreign officers, but being smoked he sneaked off. This 
 great man is miserably deficient in candor. He is an active 
 member of the smuggling committee. It was to a bill for the 
 protection of the Treasury that he wished to detach his moved 
 amendment. This bill seemed in a j^eculiar manner committed 
 to his care. Two laws empowered [the] Government to borrow 
 of Holland : one was to pay the interest on the foreign debt ; 
 the other was to reduce the domestic debt by buying in while 
 it was under par (this the ostensible reason, but the real one 
 was to make a machine of this money for raising the stocks). 
 The first was a matter of necessity, as the interest fell due. 
 The second loan was expressly confined to be done at an in- 
 terest of five per cent ; but it has been done at a charge of 
 four and one half per cent ; or, in other words, ninety-five and 
 a half only is received, on which five is paid annually as in- 
 terest. Now, a bill is silently passed along in the mass of 
 business to sanctify this willful deviation. The thing is done, 
 the money received, brought over, and in part, at least, ex- 
 pended. There was nobody to hear speeches or attend argu- 
 ment. I could not, however, help condemning the measure. 
 The duty of the Government was to borrow at five per cent 
 or let it alone ; but if the Treasury could once establish the 
 practice of acting without or contrary to law, the whole free- 
 dom of the Government might be sapped by fiscal arrange- 
 ment, and the Congress of the United States might in time 
 become, as in Great Britain, the mere tool of ministerial im- 
 positon and taxation. 
 
March 3] BUSHING BILLS THBOUGH THE SENATE, 411 
 
 It has been usual with declamatory gentlemen, in their 
 praises of the present Government, by way of contrast, to paint 
 the state of the country under the old Congress as if neither 
 wood grew nor water ran in America before the happy adoption 
 of the new Constitution. It would be well for the future, in 
 such comparisons, to say nothing of national credit (which, by ' 
 the by, I never considered as dependent on the prices cur- 
 rent of certificates in the hands of speculators), for the loan of 
 1788 was done in Holland at five per cent, only postponed. 
 
 March 3d. — As well might I write the rambles of Harle- 
 quin Hanger or the vagaries of a pantomime as to attempt to 
 minute the business of this morning. What with the exits and 
 the entrances of our Otis, the announcings, the advancings, 
 speechings, drawings, and withdrawings of Buckley and Lear, 
 and the comings and goings of our committee of enrollment, 
 etc., and the consequent running of doorkeepers, opening and 
 slamming of doors, the House seemed in a continual hurricane. 
 Speaking would have been idle, for nobody would or could 
 hear. Had all the business been previously digested, matter or 
 form would have been of Uttle consequence. This, however, 
 was not the case. It was patching, piecing, altering, and 
 amending, and even originating new business. It was, how- 
 ever, only for Elsworth, King, or some of Hamilton's people 
 to rise, and the thing was generally done. But they had over- 
 shot themselves ; for, owing to httle unforeseen impediments, 
 there was no possibility of working all through, and there was 
 to be a great dinner which must absolutely be attended to. 
 Terrible, indeed, but no alternative — ^the House must meet at 
 six o'clock. 
 
 In the evening by candle-light. "When I saw the merry 
 mood in wliich the Senate assembled, I was ready to laugh. 
 When I considered the occasion, I was almost disposed to 
 give way to a very different emotion. I did, however, neither 
 the one nor the other ; and, feeling myself of as little impor- 
 tance as I had ever done in my life, I took pen and paper and 
 determined, if possible, to keep pace with the hurry of business 
 as it passed, which I expected would now be very rapid, as I 
 had no doubt that Hamilton's clerks had put the last hand to 
 everything : 
 
413 HUSHING BILLS THROUGH THE SENATE. [1791 
 
 1. Mr. Buckley announced that he brought a new resolve 
 for the safe-keeping of prisoners, etc. 
 
 2. A bill for compensation to commissioners of loans for 
 extra expenses. 
 
 3. A salary bill for the executive officers, their clerks, and 
 assistants. 
 
 4. Eesolve for the President to lay before Congress an 
 estimate of lands not claimed by Indians. 
 
 5. The Mint resolve. 
 
 These obtained the signature of the President of the Senate 
 and were sent off for the deliberation and approbation of the 
 President. The prisoner resolve was agreed to and sent back 
 to the Representatives by Otis. 
 
 6. Mr. Buckley : second message. 
 
 A new bill to carry into effect the convention with the 
 French, etc. This business has been most shamefully neglect- 
 ed. I had often spoken on the subject, but my influence was 
 gone. I had, however, spoken lately to sundry members of 
 the House of Kepresentatives, and even at this late hour was 
 happy to see the bill. To speak in the present uproar of busi- 
 ness was like letting off a pop-gun in a thunder-storm. But 
 this was the merest matter of form possible. It was only giv- 
 ing the authority of law to a convention solemnly entered into 
 with the French. My colleague cried " No ! " on the second 
 reading. I called for the yeas and nays, and not out of resent- 
 ment, but merely with an exculpatory view, if this conduct 
 should draw on us the resentment of France, for I consider it 
 disrespectful (to say no worse) toward her and dishonorable 
 in us. 
 
 Y. Mr. Buckley : third message with the Pension, Invalid, 
 and Lighthouse bills. 
 
 The committee reported the enrollment of the following 
 acts : 
 
 8. For the continuance of the post-office. 
 
 9. For granting lands to the settlers at Yincennes, IlHnois. 
 
 10. Supplementary act for the reduction of the public 
 debt. 
 
 11. For granting compensation to judicial officers, wit- 
 nesses, and jurymen. 
 
March 3j CLOSE OP THE SESSION. 413 
 
 These bills received the signature of the President of the 
 Senate after being brought up by Mr. Buckley in his fourth 
 message. 
 
 12. Who brought at the same time a new bill for the relipf 
 of David Cook ? Twice heretofore has there been an attempt 
 to smuggle this bill through in the crowd. It happened, 
 however, to be smoked and rejected. 
 
 13. Mr. Buckley's fifth message brought a bill for making 
 further provision for collection of duties on teas, etc., which 
 received the signature, etc. 
 
 14. An enrolled resolve, which also received the signature, 
 etc. 
 
 There now was such confusion with Otis, Buckley, Lear, 
 our eonunittee of enrollment, etc., that I confess I lost their 
 arrangement. Indeed, I am apt to beUeve if they had any 
 they lost it themselves. They all agreed at last that the busi- 
 ness was done. The President left the chair, and the members 
 scampered down-stairs. I stayed a moment to pack up my 
 papers. Dalton alone came to me, and said he supposed we 
 two would not see each other soon. "We exchanged wishes for 
 mutual welfare. As I left the Hall, I gave it a look with that 
 kind of satisfaction which a man feels on leaving a place where 
 he has been ill at ease, being fully satisfied that many, a culprit 
 has served two years at the wheelbarrow without feehng half 
 the pain and mortification that I experienced in my honorable 
 station. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 NoTB.— As the diary of William Maclay covers a space of only two years, the public 
 aflfairs of that period are treated very fully, and in detail. This threw peculiar difS- 
 culties in the way of the indexer. If the exceedingly numerous and oft-repeated ref- 
 erences to the position of prominent individuals in various questions of public interest 
 had all been separately indexed, the list would have been extended to too great a length 
 for practical purposes. All such references have, therefore, been grouped together 
 under appropriate titles in the hst of references following each name, as : Izasd, on the 
 impost, — on the tonnage act, etc. In this way nothing remains un-indexed, while the 
 inconvenience of an endlessly minute system of reference is avoided. 
 
 Abolition laws, 382. 
 
 Abolition Society, petitions and memori- 
 als of, 196. See also Slavery. 
 
 Acts. For various acts referred to in the 
 Diary, see under Carolina, Debt (Pub- 
 lic), Judicial, North Carolina Cession, 
 Officers, Salaries, Settlers, Tonnage. 
 
 Adams, Mrs., 137. 
 
 Adams, John ; Ms predilection for 
 titles, 1-3, 13, 14, 23-27, 30, 33, 
 37, 38, 45, 50, 64, 65, 140, 155, 349, 
 350 ; his delight in ceremony and 
 etiquette, 4, 7, 8, 21, 22, 31, 39, 49, 
 127, 137, 140 ; monarchical principles, 
 10-12, 166, 167, 216, 249 ; his char- 
 acter, 14, 20, 54, 206, 207 ; on presi- 
 dential powers, 17 ; nicknamed " Ro- 
 tundity " by Izard, 30 ; reads the an- 
 swer to Washington's address (1789), 
 41,— (1790) 348 ; how shall bills be 
 signed in the Senate ? 39, 45, 49, 191, 
 224 ; his unpunctuality, 44 ; on the im- 
 post, 53, 65-58 ; on balloting on nomi- 
 nations in the Senate, 78, 80, 81; presi- 
 dential prospects, 86, 86 ; on the Ju- 
 diciary bill, 92, 94, 101, 104, 108 ; on 
 the removing power of the President, 
 115, 116; slights Maclay, 117, 301, 
 406; on protests, 118; on the For- 
 eign Affairs bill, 119 ; on the treaty 
 
 with the Southern Indians, 128-130 ; 
 dines with Washington, 137 ; on the 
 Salary bill, 145 ; judges' salaries, 
 157 ; on the residence question, 162- 
 165, 169, 279-281, 285, 307-313, 
 328; on "unfinished business," 181, 
 184, 185 ; on the Abolition Society, 
 196 ; the North Carolina Cession, 203 ; 
 " lampooned " by the members, 205 ; 
 on the Appropriation bill, 222 ; on 
 the Military Establishment bill, 243 ; 
 nicknamed " Bonny Johnny " by Mac- 
 lay, 252, 308; on salaries of ambas- 
 sadors, 254, 278 ; arrears due to Vir- 
 ginia and North Carolina soldiers, 
 270; Steuben's bill, 274-276; unfit- 
 ness for his position, 286 ; on the 
 Funding bill, 327; on assumption, 
 330, 332 ; on the Excise bill, 385, 386. 
 
 Adams, Samuel, 6. 
 
 Adlum's petition, 364. 
 
 Affirmation in courts, 88, 89. See also 
 under Oaths. 
 
 Alden, 260. 
 
 Alexandria, Va., 395. 
 
 Algiers, troubles with, 869, 364, 366, 
 375, 376, 383, 390, 406-408. 
 
 Aliens, as landholders, 208, 215-218. 
 See also Consuls and Naturalization 
 bill 
 
416 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Altamaha Eiver, 132. 
 
 Ambassadors, 94 ; the President's power 
 of dismissing, 82 ; salaries of, 254, 
 304 ; bill for appointing (Intercourse 
 bill), 21S, 304. See also Consuls and 
 Ministers. 
 
 Ames, Fisher, one of the " court party," 
 114, 197; in the residence question, 
 160, 152, 1 53 ; monarchical tendencies, 
 166, 167; resolutions on the claims 
 of the States, 205 ; on the assump- 
 tion, 23'7, 381. 
 
 Amsterdam, 208. 
 
 Appointments. See Nominations. 
 
 Appropriation bill, 166, 215, 221, 222, 
 386. 
 
 Approving power given to the Senate 
 by the Constitution, 119. 
 
 Aragon, 81. 
 
 Armstrong, 174. 
 
 Army, standing, likely to be produced 
 by the Military Establishment bill, 
 227, 232, 243-245 ; the Constitution 
 opposed to it, 241 ; in Great Britain 
 (the Mutiny bill)j 244; attempts to 
 establish one in the United States, 
 880, 383, 390, 396. 
 
 Arrangement Committee, 41, 42, 46. 
 
 Ashe, John B., favors assumption, 224. 
 
 Assumption bill, 213, 324-326; con- 
 solidated with the Funding bill, 333 ; 
 assumption of State debts. See un- 
 der State debts. 
 
 Augusta, Ga., 308. 
 
 Bailey's bill "for certain inventions," 
 205-207, 291, 297. 
 
 Ballot, debate on its use in the Senate, 
 instead of the viva voce method, in 
 voting upon nominations sent in, 78- 
 82, 103, 104, 110, 111, 123. 
 
 Baltimore, in the residence question, 
 286, 289, 291-293, 299, 304, 305, 
 809, 810, 341. 
 
 Bank bill, 364, 368-873. 
 
 Bank, national, 866. 
 
 Bank of North America, 372. 
 
 Bankrupt law, Tracy's memorial for a, 
 
 Barclay, 94. 
 
 Bargaining in Congress. See "Deals." 
 
 Barry, Captain, 71, 259 ; petition from 
 Barry and others, 224. 
 
 Bassett, [Richard], of Delaware, 800; 
 on the Judiciary bill, 93-96, 99, 101, 
 104, 106 ; on the removing power, 
 116; the Foreign Affairs bill, 117- 
 119; dines with the President, 137; 
 on the residence, 164, 267, 275, 306 ; 
 on "unfinished business," 179, 185; on 
 the bill on crimes and punishments, 
 188; on Bailey's bill, 205; on as- 
 sumption of State debts, 210 ; on the 
 Mitigation bill, 211 ; on the Naturali- 
 zation bill, 217; on the Rhode Island 
 biU, 264; arrears due to soldiers, 
 270 ; his resolution on Indian affairs, 
 409. 
 
 Battery, the, (New York city), 231, 292. 
 
 Baxter, Mrs., 69-71. 
 
 Beard, 390. 
 
 Bell, 69, 70. 
 
 Bell, Mrs., 299, 372. 
 
 Bellamont, Lord and Lady, 299. 
 
 Benson, on assumption, 228, 237. 
 
 Berkel, Count Van, (Dutch minister), 
 42, 288. 
 
 Biddle, Charles, 319, 384. 
 
 BUls, if postponed, to be treated as new 
 business, 179, 180, 182-184; how to 
 be signed by the Vice-President, 39, 
 40, 45, 49, 191, 224; bills rushed 
 through the Senate at the close of 
 the session, 409-412. 
 
 Bills. For various bills brought before 
 Congress, see under Ambassadors, Ap- 
 propriation, Assumption, Bailey,Bank, 
 Carolina, Cession, Coasting-trade, Col- 
 lection, Commerce, Commissioners 
 of Loans, Company, Compensation, 
 Congress, Consuls, Cook (D.), Courts 
 (Federal), Crimes, East Indian Trade, 
 Ely (Colonel), Enumeration, Excise, 
 Fines, Foreign Affairs, Foreign Na- 
 tions, Foreign Officers, Funding, 
 Gould, Impost (2), Indians (2), In- 
 spection Laws, Intercourse, Invalid, 
 Inventions, Judiciary, Kentucky, 
 
INDEX. 
 
 417 
 
 lands, Lighthouse, McCord (J.), 
 Military, Militia Law, Ministers, 
 Mint, Mitigation, Moore (S.), Mutiny, 
 North Carolina, North Carolina Ces- 
 sion, Oath, Officers (3), Ohio River, 
 Penal, Pensions, Post-Offloe, Progress, 
 Eesidence, Revenue, Rhode Island, 
 Rhode Island Enumeration, Salaries 
 (4), Salary, Seamen, Settlement, State 
 Debts, Steuben, Susquehanna, Tea, 
 Tonnage, Treasury, Treaty, Twining 
 (N.), Useful Arts, War Department, 
 Ways and Means, Writs. 
 
 Bingham, William, 126; in Pennsyl- 
 vania politics, 193, 212, 349, 366, 
 369, 396 ; has counterfeit certificate 
 registered, 407. 
 
 Bishop, 362. 
 
 Blackstone, 92, 94. 
 
 Bland, Theodore, on assumption, 209, 
 214. 
 
 Blount, 129. 
 
 Board of Property, 345, 351, 8'79, 381. 
 
 Board of Purchase, 354, 356. 
 
 Bogart, Henry, 227. 
 
 Bonny Johnny, Bonny Johnny Adams. 
 See Adams, John. 
 
 Boudinot, [Blias], 198; on the residence, 
 163, 268, 269; on the assumption, 
 237 ; on the Judiciary bill, 251. 
 
 Bowery, The (New York city), 43, 321. 
 
 Boyd, 358, 366, 390. 
 
 Brackenridge, [Hugh Henry], 358 
 
 Bradford, 103. 
 
 Brannon's (eating-house), 48, 265, 332. 
 
 Bribery in the Senate, 117, 209, 310. 
 
 Brickbell, 359. 
 
 Bronx River, 138. 
 
 Brooks, Edward, 367. 
 
 Brown (of Northampton), 379. 
 
 Brown, Andrew (printer), 190, 234, 
 235. 
 
 Brown, James, 227. 
 
 Brunks (Bronx) River, 138. 
 
 Bryan, Judge, death of, 382, 391. 
 
 Buchan's " Family Physician," 106. 
 
 Buckley, 179, 182, 189; his political 
 aspirations, 189 ; on the residence, 
 268. 
 
 37 
 
 Burd, 383. 
 
 Burke, Judge [Edanus], on assumption' 
 of State debts, 210, 211 ; attacks 
 Hamilton, 227, 230; his inconsist- 
 ency, 366, 367. 
 
 Burke, Edmund, 249. 
 
 Burrell, 153. 
 
 Butler, Colonel, 90. 
 
 Butler, General, at the treaty of Mus- 
 kingum, 126. 
 
 Butler, [Pieice], 173, 186, 226; on the 
 Impost bill, 71, 72 ; on the Judiciary 
 bill, 74, 88, 104, 117, 162; on the 
 Tonnage act, 76 ; shall nominations 
 he voted upon by ballot or viva voce ? 
 79 ; on the removing power, 112-114, 
 116; the treaty with the Southern 
 Indians, 130 ; on the Compensation 
 bill, 135, 139 ; on the residence, 157- 
 160, 164, 272-275, 278-281, 284, 285, 
 289, 307, 308, 310, 311, 313 ; criti- 
 cises the President's speaking, 174; 
 on the Carolina bill, 188; the A.boli- 
 tion Society, 196 ; attacks Dr. Frank- 
 lin, 196, 247 ; on the Enumeration 
 bill, 197, 198 ; on assumption of 
 State debts, 209, 289, 323, 325 ; on 
 the Naturalization bill, 217 ; favors 
 slavery, 223 ; on the Military Estab- 
 lishment bill, 239, 243; the Rhode 
 Island bill, 264, 266 ; arrears due to 
 soldiers, 270; Steuben's bill, 273, 
 276 ; on the Funding bill, 297, 298 ; 
 on the Settlement bill, 318; on the 
 Bank bill, 368, 370; on the Excise 
 bill, 388; his resolution for augment- 
 ing the salaries of Federal officers, 
 400. 
 
 Cables, duty on, 53-56. 
 
 Campbell, Donald, claims of, 337. 
 
 Campbell, Duncan, his petition, 39. 
 
 Canada, 308; lands for. Canadian suf- 
 ferers, 298. 
 
 Carlisle, in the residence question, 134. 
 
 Carolina bill. See North Carolina. 
 
 Carolina Cession att, 228. See also under 
 North Carolina and South Carolina. 
 
 Carpenter, 369. 
 
418 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Carroll, [Charles] (of Carrollton), 114, 
 216, 220 ; on titles, 2, 24, 35, 36, 38, 
 65, 233 ; on questions of ceremony, 
 4, 8, 10, 19, 22 ; on the signing of 
 bills by the Vice-President, 39, 40; 
 on the Impost bill, 48, 51-54, 57, 58, 
 67, 71 ; shall nominations be decided 
 upon by ballot or viva voce ? 79, 80 ; 
 on the removing power of the Presi- 
 dent, 113, 116; on the Compensation 
 bill, 139 ; in the residence question, 
 168, 160, 166, 276, 279, 289, 291, 
 292, 307-312, 314, 395-397; on the 
 Military Establishment bill, 239, 245 ; 
 moves that crape be worn for the 
 death of Franklin, 246, 247 ; on the 
 Rhode Island bill, 250, 251, 264; ar- 
 rears due to soldiers, 270 ; on the 
 Post-Office bill, 308 ; on the Assump- 
 tion and Funding bills, 314, 322, 327, 
 328. 
 
 Census. See Enumeration. 
 
 Centralization of power, 116, 117, 230, 
 232, 236, 250, 264, 333, 393, 394. 
 See aho under State rights. 
 
 Ceremonies, joint committee of, 4. 
 
 Ceremony and etiquette, an undue 
 amount of, in Congress, 2, 4, 7, 8, 21, 
 127, 251. See also under Adams, J., 
 Monarchical, and Titles. 
 
 Certificates, Continental, speculation in, 
 177-179, 199, 200, 301, 330-332, 336 ; 
 funding of, 177, 195, 296, 297 ; de- 
 preciation of, 327 ; counterfeit, 407, 
 408. See aho State debts, assump- 
 tion of. 
 
 Cession bill. See North Carolina. 
 
 Chancery, debate on, 95, 96. 
 
 Cherokees, 128, 129. 
 
 Chew, [Benjamin], 346. 
 
 Chiokasaws, 129; treaties with, 132. 
 
 Childs (printer), 152, 250. 
 
 China, trade with, 60 ; her neutral policy 
 desirable for the United States, 82, 
 83. 
 
 Choctaws, 129; treaties with, 132. 
 
 Cigar-smoking in 1790, 301. 
 
 Cincinnati, the Order of the, 274 ; cele- 
 brate the 4th of July, 100 ; " one of 
 
 Hamilton's machines," 194, 209; in 
 politics, 283, 320 ; attacked by Judge 
 Burke, 357. 
 
 Circuit Courts, debate on, 87, 88, 104, 
 251. 
 
 Civil list, increase of the, 297. See also 
 Offices. 
 
 Clarton, Governor, attacks Hamilton, 
 194. 
 
 Clymer, [George], 3, 238, 331 ; in corre- 
 spondence Vfith Pennsylvanians on 
 the impost question, 63, 54, 59, 60 ; 
 on the residence question, 136, 138, 
 142, 146, 149-156, 161, 166, 190-192, 
 224, 233, 267, 277-279, 292, 319, 335, 
 336; on the assumption, 202, 209, 
 223, 224, 227-231, 236, 237, 327, 332 ; 
 opposed to paying debts with Western 
 land, 249 ; supports Tench Coxe, 255 ; 
 on the Pennsylvania accounts, 264. 
 
 Coal, duty on, 91. 
 
 Coasting-trade bill, 124, 126, 128, 134. 
 
 Coinage, laws respecting, 86; counter, 
 feit, 86. 
 
 Collection bill, 63, 59, 71, 73, 75, 113, 
 118, 340. 
 
 Collms, 346. 
 
 Commissioners of Loans, bill for com- 
 pensation to, 412. 
 
 Commerce, bill for the protection of, 97. 
 
 Committees in Congress, advantage of, 
 130. 
 
 Committees. For various congressional 
 committees, see Arrangement, Cere- 
 monies, Congress, Howell's, Judiciary, 
 Mediterranean navigation, Newspa- 
 pers, Penal Federal laws, Ehode Isl- 
 and, Senators. 
 
 Company bill, 29. 
 
 Compensation bill, 134-186, 139-141. 
 
 Conewago Falls, 162. 
 
 Congress, the residence question (de- 
 bates on the removal of Congress 
 from New York, and its future resi- 
 dence), 3, 4, 14, IR, 37, 38, 41, 43, 70, 
 75, 86, 88, 134, 136, 137, 139, 142, 
 145-166, 168, 173, 178, 190-193, 224, 
 226, 231, 244, 249-261, 266, 267-269, 
 271-275, 277-286, 289, 291-295, 299, 
 
INDEX. 
 
 419 
 
 300, 304-814, 819-322, 828, 329, 333, 
 835, 340-342 ; the District of Colum- 
 bia decided upon, 378, 395, 397 ;— 
 
 (the minutes of the debates on the 
 residence extend practically through 
 the whole book. The above are the 
 pages on which reference is specially 
 made to the question. For the opin- 
 ions and expressions of various indi- 
 viduals on this matter, the reader is 
 referred to the names of such indi- 
 viduals. Similarly, all places men- 
 tioned in connection with the resi- 
 dence question have been entered in 
 the index) ; — 
 
 powers of, 6, 16, 17, 86, 217 ; undue 
 observance of ceremony in, 2, 4, 7, 8, 
 21, 127, 251 {see also under Adams, J., 
 and Titles) ; jealousy between the two 
 Houses, 16, 18, 33, 86, 38, 91, 150; 
 communication between the Houses, 
 18, ] 9 ; committee on old congressional 
 papers, 30; the journals to be pub- 
 lished monthly, 42; bribery of the 
 members, 117, 209, 310 ; advantage of 
 committees, 1 80 ; salaries of members, 
 135, 140 (see also Compensation bill) ; 
 a chaplain appointed in the House, 
 173 ; Congressmen speculating in cer- 
 tificates, 178, 179, 331, 332; "should 
 all business originate de novo with 
 every session?" 178, 180, 182-184; 
 "deals," bargaining, and barter in 
 votes (notably in the Assumption and 
 Eesidence matters), 280, 231, 234, 
 269, 278, 291-295, 299, 304-306, 314, 
 321, 325, 328; a new building pro- 
 posed for it, 836 ; meets in Philadel- 
 phia (1790), 345 ; bill for altering its 
 time of meeting, 401. 
 
 For a list of the various bills 
 brought forward in Congress, see 
 Bills. 
 
 See also Senate. 
 Connecticut, 17 ; law regarding some of 
 
 its ports, 234. 
 Constable, 178, 883. 
 Constitution of the United States,^-on 
 the Vice-President's position in the 
 
 Senate, 2, 3 ; on the powers of Con- 
 gress, 6, 16, 17, 86 ; against the grant- 
 ing of titles, 28 ; its adoption, 75, 76, 
 259, 267, 321, 411 ; provides for bal- 
 loting on nominations in the Senate, 
 78, 80 ; on Federal jurisdiction, 85 ; 
 on the judiciary, 87 ; on afiBrmation 
 in courts, 88 ; on powers of the Sen- 
 ate, 110, — (approving power) 119 ; on 
 impeachment. 111 ; to absorb the 
 State constitutions, 117; on powers 
 of the President, 116, 120, — (appoint- 
 ing and removing) 111, 118-115 ; war 
 powers, 130 ; amendments before 
 Congress, 134 ; on the standing army, 
 227, 241, 244, 245 ; on State rights, 
 893, 394. 
 
 Constitutionalists, the (political party), 
 193. 
 
 Consuls and vice-consuls, 94, 257 ; privi- 
 leges of, 74 ; bills respecting, 337, 
 868, 879; salaries of, 297; eligibil- 
 ity of foreigners, 297. See also Am- 
 bassadors and Ministers. 
 
 Contee, 88. 
 
 Continental certificates. See Certifi- 
 cates. 
 
 Continental money, funding of, 286; 
 depreciation of, 287, 298, 880. See 
 also Certificates. 
 
 Cook, Colonel, 864. 
 
 Cook, David, bill for relief of, 418. 
 
 Coots, Robert Vaux, 879. 
 
 Cordage, duty on, 63-55. 
 
 Cotton, duty on, 68. 
 
 Counterfeit certificates, 407, 408. 
 
 Counterfeiting coin, punishment of, 86. 
 
 Courts, District and Circuit, debate on, 
 87, 88, 104, 251. 
 
 Courts, Federal, jurisdiction of, 86-88 ; 
 to absorb all the law business, 117; 
 bills for regulating the process in, 
 181. See also Judiciary bill. 
 
 Courts of nisi priViS, 88. 
 
 Coxe, Tench, becomes Assistant Treas- 
 urer of the United States, 265, 268, 
 259 ; on the Judiciary bill, 102 ; on 
 the residence, 292. 
 
 Cream, want of, in New York, 78. 
 
420 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Creditors, public, memorial from, 139, 
 
 346, 352 ; answer to the same, 353. 
 Creeks, treaties with the, 132 ; war 
 
 with the, 115. 
 Crimes and punishments, bill on, 179, 
 
 188, 238. 
 Cromwell originates the Navigation 
 
 Act, 16. 
 Curry, 407. 
 Curtis, Colonel, 347. 
 Cuyler's Hook, 40. 
 
 Dally, GifEord, 222. 
 
 Dalton, Mrs., 69. 
 
 Dalton, [Tristram], on titles, 26 ; on the 
 impost, 51, 53, 67, 65, 67, 71, 234; 
 on the removing power, 115, 116; 
 treaty with the Southern Indians, 
 132; dines with Washington, 137; 
 on the residence question, 166, 158, 
 161, 268, 270, 275, 281 ; the Rhode 
 Island bill, 264; the Funding bill, 
 . 339 ; bids Maclay good-by, 413. 
 
 "Deals " and bargaining in the Congress, 
 230, 231, 234, 269, 273, 291-295, 
 299, 304-306, 314, 321, 325, 328. 
 
 Debt, public, Maclay'a resolutions on, 
 200 ; to be paid with back lands, 224, 
 249; increase of the national debt, 
 256, 297 ; nominal reduction of, 356 ; 
 bill to make debts due to the United 
 States payable in certificates, 408 ; 
 supplementary Act for the reduction 
 of, 412. See also State debts and 
 Settlement bill. 
 
 Delany, Sharp, his estimate of the im- 
 post for Pennsylvania, 46, 47; fur- 
 nishes members with information on 
 the revenue of Pennsylvania, 69, 66. 
 
 Delaware, Falls of the, in the residence 
 question, 75, 134, 139, 146, 146, 148, 
 161, 153, 154, 157-159, 284, 292, 
 294 ; defense of the Delaware River, 
 233. 
 
 Dennis, 46. 
 
 Departments, establishment of, 42 ; 
 Foreign Affairs, 89, 101, 103, 109- 
 116, 118-120; Treasuiy, 101, 103, 
 136 ; War, 101, 103. 
 
 Dickenson, General, 398 ; warns Maclay 
 against his enemies, 365 ; on the 
 Bank bill, 372 ; on Hamilton's specu- 
 lations, 372, 394. 
 
 District courts, debate on, 88, 251. 
 
 District of Columbia (the "ten -mile 
 square ") decided upon for the resi- 
 dence of Congress, 378, 395, 397. 
 See also 'under Congress. 
 
 Doctors, compared to store-keepers, 149, 
 150. 
 
 " Drawbacks." See wnder Impost bill. 
 
 Dreams, Maclay on, 277. 
 
 Dress. Propriety in dress commenda- 
 ble, 271. 
 
 Duer, 179, 255. 
 
 Dutch, the, "divided and factious," 
 114. 
 
 Dutch loan. See Holland. 
 
 Duties, 86. See also Collection bill. 
 Impost bill. Tonnage act. 
 
 East Indian trade, denounced in the de- 
 bate on the impost, 60, 61, 68, 71, 
 72 ; bill for, 304. 
 
 Eastern States and people. See under 
 New England. 
 
 Elizabethtown Point, 70, 71. 
 
 Ellioott, Andrew, 32; surveyor of the 
 "triangle," (Erie County), Pa., 123- 
 126; his account of the Niagara 
 Falls, 190. 
 
 Elmer, [Jonathan], 38 ; on the removing 
 power, 116; on the Compensation 
 bill, 134; his character, 147, 401; 
 visits Maclay, 147, 151 ; on specula- 
 tion in Congress, 177 ; part of his 
 pay deducted for non-attendance, 229 ; 
 on the Rhode Island bill, 264 ; on the 
 residence question, 268, 269, 276, 
 284, 806, 306, 311, 401. 
 
 Elsworth, 26, 166, 320 ; on the position 
 of the Vice-President in the Senate, 
 3 ; on the relations between the two 
 Houses of Congress, 8, 16; on the 
 bill respecting the oath for the sup- 
 port of the Constitution, 16-20; on 
 titles, 22-24, 29, 33, 35, 87-39 ; on 
 the signing of bills in the Senate, 40, 
 
INDEX. 
 
 421 
 
 46, 191 ; on the impost, 44, 49, 62, 
 61, 60, 61, 66-68, 71, 72, 89; shall 
 nominations be decided upon in the 
 Senate by ballot or viva voce? 79, 
 80 ; on the Judiciary bill, 86, 87, 89, 
 91-95, 97, 99, 101-107, 162; on the 
 remoTing power, 112-114, 116; the 
 Bill for foreign affairs, 118-120; in 
 the " Triangle " (Erie County) affair, 
 120 ; on the treaty with the Southern 
 Indians, 130, 132; on the penal law, 
 136 ; on the Compensation bill, 140 ; 
 on the Salary bill, 144, 147 ; on the 
 residence, 168, 275, 293, 308, 313, 
 395; on "unfinished business," 179, 
 181-183, 185 ; the bill on crimes and 
 punishments, 179, 187, 188; on the 
 Carolina bill, 188 ; Morris's memorial, 
 194; on the Enumeration bill, 195, 
 197; on the Naturalization bill, 215, 
 217 ; on the Appropriation bill, 222 ; 
 on the North Carolina cession, 202, 
 203, 226, 236 ; a partisan of Hamil- 
 ton, 234, 290 ; on the Military Estab- 
 lishment bill, 239, 241-245, 250 ; at- 
 tacks Franklin, 246, 247; his obsti- 
 nacy, 256 ; on the Rhode Island bill, 
 259, 264, 266 ; pay due to Southern 
 soldiers, 269, 270 ; on Steuben's bill, 
 273, 276 ; contradicts Adams, 278 ; 
 on the Funding bill, 287, 290, 291, 
 298, 300, 301 ; on assumption, 288, 
 289, 325-328 ; on State debts, 314 ; 
 on the Settlement bill, 317, 318 ; his 
 resolution respecting the public cred- 
 itors, 353 ; draws up a bill respecting 
 consuls, 368 ; his character, 369 ; on 
 the Bank bill, 370, 371 ; on the Ex- 
 cise bill, 381, 388 ; adTocates the 
 breaking up of State boundaries, 389 ; 
 on tonnage duties, 402, 403, 406, 406 ; 
 on the " instruction " of Senators, 
 899. 
 
 Ely, Colonel, bill for pension to, 266- 
 260. 
 
 England. See Great Britain. 
 
 English jurisprudence, 98, 99, 107, 108 ; 
 English forms imitated in America, 
 187. 
 
 Enumeration (Census) bill, 194, 196, 
 197, 198. 
 
 Brie County (the " Triangle "), 123-126 ; 
 purchased from the Indians by Fenn- 
 sylvania, 124, 126. , 
 
 Evans, 376. 
 
 Evidence, compulsory, in court, 92, 93. 
 
 Ewing, Parson, 355, 356. 
 
 Excise, resolutions against, 376 ; State 
 deliberations respecting, 896 ; in Eu- 
 rope, 387 ; violation of, in Pennsyl- 
 vania, 387. 
 
 Excise bill, 381-383, 386-391, 398, 399, 
 401. 
 
 Federal courts. See under Courts. 
 
 Federal debt. See Debt, public. 
 
 Federal judiciary, province of the, 86. 
 
 Federal offices and salaries increased, 
 400. See also Offices. 
 
 Federal residence. See under Congress. 
 
 " Federalist," The, instrumental in pro- 
 curing the adoption of the Constitu- 
 tion, 76. 
 
 Federalists, The, 86, 396. 
 
 Fenno, printer, 39. 
 
 Few, [William], 182 ; on titles, 26, 36, 
 37 ; on the residence, 43, 268, 274, 
 275, 282, 286, 307; on the impost, 
 55, 57, 61, 62, 71 ; on the Tonnage 
 act, 79 ; on balloting in the Senate, 
 79 ; on the removing power, 116 ; In- 
 dian treaties, 130; the bill on fines, 
 211 ; on the Naturalization bill, 217; 
 on the Military Establishment bill, 
 232 ; on pay due to Soiithern soldiers, 
 270. 
 
 Findley, James, 890. 
 
 Findley, William, in Pennsylvania poli- 
 tics, 212, 376 ; his endeavors to sup- 
 plant Maclay, 348, 352, 358, 365, 395, 
 396. 
 
 Fines and forfeitures, bill for the miti- 
 gation of, 211, 215, 224, 232. 
 
 Fisher, Meyers, on the Judiciary bill, 
 78, 92, 102. 
 
 Fisheries of New England, Jefferson's 
 report on, 384, 386. 
 
 Fitzsimons, Mrs., 368. 
 
422 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Fitzsimons, Thomas, 84, 358; on the 
 impost, 29, 32, 47, 48, BO, 63, 84, 
 68-60, 67, IS, 84; the Company 
 bill, 29 ; on the residence, 136, 142, 
 146, 148, 161-156, 159, 166, 190, 
 267, 269, 277-280, 289, 295, 299, 
 306 ; speculates in certificates, 178 ; 
 opposes funding, 193 ; on the Penn- 
 sylTania governorship, 200, 254, 265, 
 271, 336; on assumption, 202, 208, 
 230, 233, 235-237, 293, 333 ; on "in- 
 struction " of Senators, 220 ; his bear- 
 ing toward Maclay, 225, 319, 331 ; on 
 the Settlement bill, 263, 318 ; the 
 Ehode Island bill, 264 ; on the Fund- 
 ing bill, 291-293, 302, 303; on the 
 Military Establishment bill, 396. 
 
 Fleet. See Navy. 
 
 Foreign Affairs, bill for organizing the 
 department of, 89, 101, 103, 109-116, 
 118-120. 
 
 Foreign nations, bill for intercourse 
 with, 278, 304. 
 
 Foreign officers, bill for paying dues to, 
 398, 410. 
 
 Foreigners. See Aliens, Consuls, and 
 Naturalization bill. 
 
 Fort George, demolition of, 299. 
 
 Fort Pitt, 152, 308. 
 
 Foster, [Theodore], 388. 
 
 France, abolishes titles, 12, 13, 233, 
 349, 350 ; convention with the United 
 States, 74, 412 ; remonstrance against 
 American tonnage duties and result- 
 ing complications, 78, 380-394, 397, 
 401-405, 407 ; the French Revolution, 
 155, 249; National Assembly, 349, 
 379, — (eulogiums on Franklin) 350. 
 
 Franklin, [Benjamin], 166 ; attacked in 
 the Senate in regard to his connection 
 with the Abolition Society, 196,' 197 ; 
 his character assailed by Izard and 
 Johnson, 238 ; proceedings of Con- 
 gress on his death, 246, 247 ; eulogi- 
 ums and letter from the National As- 
 sembly of France, 360, 379, 380; 
 eulogium by Dr. Smith, 408. 
 
 Freemasons parading in New York, 88. 
 
 French Revolution, the, 165, 249. 
 
 Friends. See Quakers. 
 
 Funding, advocated by Elsworth, 318; 
 recommended by Hamilton, 177, 193, 
 194, 199; in Great Britain, 337- 
 839. 
 
 Funding bill, 282-284, 286-294, 296- 
 298, 300, 301, 304, 321, 323, 327- 
 330, 333-335, 337-339, 362, 354, 
 360; consolidated with the Assump- 
 tion bill, 330, 333. See also wider 
 Debt, public. 
 
 Gallatin, [Albert], 390, 396. 
 
 Genesee, the, in the residence question, 
 15. 
 
 Genoa, proposals of a treaty with, 186. 
 
 George, Fort. See vmder Fort. 
 
 Georgetown (on the Potomac), in the 
 residence question, 294, 309. 
 
 Georgia, Indian affairs in, 124, 129, 130, 
 132, 239, 240 ; power to levy tonnage 
 duties, 367. 
 
 Germantown, in the residence ques- 
 tion, 134, 153, 158, 159, 163, 165, 
 168, 284, 292, 294. 
 
 Gerry, [Elbridge], as a speaker, 228; 
 on the Company bill, 229 ; on the im- 
 post, 47; on the residence, 153; on 
 the Assumption bill, 214, 237, 288. 
 
 Gibson, Colonel, 126. 
 
 Giles, [William Branch], 374. 
 
 Gilman, [Nicholas], 277. 
 
 "Gladiators," Senatorial (followers of 
 Hamilton), 210, 211, 220, 227, 234, 
 235, 258, 331, 381, 398. 
 
 Glassbrook, Brown, 166. 
 
 Goodhue, [Benjamin], on the residence 
 question, 14, 146-148, 277. 
 
 Gorham, 123, 126. 
 
 Gould's bill of claims, 307, 310, 314, 
 317. 
 
 Graff, 382. 
 
 Gray, George, 228, 230. 
 
 Grayson, [William], 38 ; on the impost, 
 66, 72 ; on titles, 66 ; on the Tonnage 
 act, 76 ; on the Judiciary bill, 85, 87, 
 88, 95, 97, 99, 104, 117; on the For- 
 eign Affairs bill, 116, 118 ; on the 
 residence, 157, 158, 160, 164; his 
 
INDEX 
 
 423 
 
 ill-health, 169; his death, 246; his 
 successor, 248. 
 
 Great Britain, its Parliament, 1, 8, 33, 
 180 ; trade with the United States, 60 ; 
 with the East Indies, 61 ; Navigation 
 act, 76, 77 ; Exchequer Chamber, 87 ; 
 expense of the English judiciary, 95 ; 
 English jurisprudence, 98, 99, 107, 
 108, 187; power of the crown, 114, 
 115; the House of Lords, 116, 118, 
 123, 140; importance of the chief 
 clerks, 119, 120; law concerning 
 land-holders, 215 ; the Mutiny bill 
 (standing army), 244; its finances, (cir- 
 culating coin) 298, (funding system) 
 337-339, (debt) 356 ; war with Spain, 
 322 ; corruption in, 362, 410 ; the ex- 
 cise in, 387 ; negotiations with the 
 United States, 392, 394, 402-407. 
 
 " Grecian bend," the, in 1790, 282, 283. 
 
 Greene, General, Hamilton's oration on, 
 100. 
 
 Griffin, 363. 
 
 Grout, 15. 
 
 Gunn, [James], on the impost, 67 ; on 
 the removing power, 116; on the 
 treaty with the Southern Indians, 129, 
 130 ; on the residence, 157, 158, 267, 
 268, 272, 276, 279, 286, 304, 309, 
 397 ; on the Military Establishment 
 bill, 239, 240, 250, 251 ; on the Rhode 
 Island bill, 264 ; pay due to Southern 
 soldiers, 270 ; asks for copies of the 
 secret journal, 375. 
 
 Gumey, 348. 
 
 Haerlem, 241. 
 
 Hamilton, [Alexander], his "Federalist" 
 instrumental in procuring the adop- 
 tion of the Constitution, 75 ; pro- 
 nounces an oration on General Greene, 
 100; his position on the residence 
 question, 145, 178, 281, 291-295, 299, 
 304-306, 329; advocates funding, 
 177, 188, 189, 194, 200, 290, 329, 
 331 ; his measures benefit the specu- 
 lators in certificates, 188, 197, 331, 
 398 ; his report, 190, 199, 336,— (the 
 clause on assumption) 202, 226, 252 ; 
 
 attacked by Governor Clarton, 194 ; 
 on assumption, 202, 208, 210, 211, 
 226, 237, 245, 252, 264, 291-293, 
 322, 331, 334, 340, 356 ; his tools and 
 followers in Congress (called " Sena- 
 torial gladiators" by Maclay), 139, 
 197, 210, 211, 220, 227, 234, 235, 
 258, 275, 281, 299, 302, 331, 401, 
 411; the ''Cincinnati," ''one of his 
 machines," 194, 209 ; his hired par- 
 tisans, 290, 310, 409; attacked by 
 Judge Burke, 227 ; expected duel 
 with Burke, 230 ; on the impost, 
 235 ; refuses to deliver up pub- 
 lic papers, 261-263 ; his efforts in 
 behalf of Steuben's bill, 266, 267, 
 271, 273, 275 ; bargains and negotia- 
 tions : the residence for the assump- 
 tion, 291-295, 299 ; his manner, 310 ; 
 on the Settlement bill, 317, 320; 
 makes a scapegoat of Washington, 
 329, 361, 399 ; unnecessary increase 
 in taxes under his management, 334, 
 876, 377 ; report on a national bank, 
 355; the Bank bill, 370, 372; the 
 Excise bill, 385, 387-389 ; his people 
 desire a war, 406 ; the Mint bill, 409, 
 410. 
 
 Hancock, 288. 
 
 Hancocktown, in the residence ques- 
 tion, 313. 
 
 Harmar, General [Josiah], his expedi- 
 tioD against the Indians, 350, 395. 
 
 Harrington, 81. 
 
 Harris, Davy, 75, 89, 90, 128, 384. 
 
 Harris, John (founder of Harrisburg, 
 Pa.), 350, 367, 368, 384. 
 
 Harris, R. (Bobby), 350, 384; illness 
 of, 200, 204-207, 238. 
 
 Harrisburg, 236 ; in the residence ques- 
 tion, 88, 134 ; Circuit Court at, 251 ; 
 founded by John Harris, 367. 
 
 Hartley, [Thomas], 263 ; ^on the resi- 
 dence, 136, 142, 146, 162, 154-166, 
 159, 224 ; on " unfinished business," 
 183 ; on the Assumption bill, 209, 
 229, 232, 237, 295, 306, 307 ; his ex- 
 travagance, 246 ; his pomposity, 258 ; 
 breaks his arm, 367, 363. 
 
424 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Hawkins, [Benjamin] (Senator from 
 North Carolina), 314; takes his seat 
 in the Senate, 1Y6 ; on speculation in 
 certificates, 179 ; on the bill respect- 
 ing crimes and punishments, 187 ; on 
 the Carolina bill, 188 j pay due to 
 Southern soldiers, 270; on the resi- 
 dence, 272, 275. 
 
 Hazard, [Jonathan J.], 266 ; speculates 
 in certificates, 178. 
 
 Heister, General [Daniel], 223 ; on the 
 residence question, 146 ; on the As- 
 sumption bill, 209, 237. 
 
 Hemp, duty on, 55. 
 
 Henry, [John] (of Maryland), on titles, 
 36; on the remOTing power, 116 ; on 
 "unfinished business," 182, 183, 186 ; 
 Mr. Morris' memorial, 194; on the 
 Naturalization bill, 217 ; on cabals in 
 governments, 224 ; on the increase of 
 the public debt, 256 ; on the Rhode 
 Island bill, 264 ; pay due to Southern 
 soldiers, 270; on the residence, 275, 
 281, 305; on the Funding bill, 328; 
 on the Excise bill, 388 ; on the Con- 
 stitution, 392, 393. 
 
 HUlegas, [Michael], 261-263. 
 
 Holland loan, 408, 410, 411. 
 
 Hopkinson, Judge [Francis], on the Ju- 
 diciary bill, 100, 101, 103. 
 
 Horses, price of hire of, 83, 84. 
 
 House of Lords, 123. 
 
 House of Eepresentatiyes, a chaplain 
 appointed in, 173; pay of the mem- 
 bers; see Compensation bill. 
 See also v/nder Congress. 
 
 Howell, Beading, 151. 
 
 Howell's committee, 340. 
 
 Huger, 90, 209. 
 
 Humphreys, Colonel David, at the Presi- 
 dent's house, 41, 42, 75, 90 ; a fol- 
 lower of Hamilton, 235 ; appointed 
 to the court of Portugal, 396. 
 
 Huntington, [Benjamin], 277. 
 
 Hutchinson, Dr., 390, 391. 
 
 Immigration, 213, 217; to the West, 
 219 ; to Kentucky and Yazoo, 219. 
 See also under Naturalization bill. 
 
 Impeachment, trial by. 111, 112, 114, 
 182. 
 
 Impost, 86, 404 ; bill for extending the 
 impost to North Carolina, 191. 
 
 Impost bill, 29, 44-68, 71-73, 78, 81,- 
 83, 89, 91, 234, 235, 398 ; discrimina- 
 tion in favor of nations in treaty, 47, 
 51, 78, 89, 96, 97, — ^in favor of Ameri- 
 cans, 60, 76, 77 ; drawbacks or dis- 
 counts, 63, 66, 67, 72. See also Ton- 
 nage act. 
 
 Independence Day in New York, 100, 
 315, 316. 
 
 "Independent Gazetteer," the, 236. 
 
 Indians, 378 ; treaties with, 74, 175, 329, 
 — treaties with Southern Indians,128, 
 129, 132, — bill for Indian treaties, 124, 
 225 ; in Georgia, 124, 239, 240 ; sell 
 the " Triangle " (Erie County) to Penn- 
 sylvania, 124, 126 ; embassy to South- 
 ern Indians, 174 ; bill for regulating 
 the intercourse with, 232, 314, 320, 
 322, 329; armed by the Spaniards, 
 240; wars with, 366, 383,390,409; 
 with the Creeks, 175 ; with the South- 
 ern Indians, 240 ; with the Wabash 
 Indians, 349 ; Harmar's expedition, 
 850, 895 ; Western war, 391 ; war 
 with Northern and Northwestern In- 
 dians, 406 ; Indian depredations, 880 ; 
 estimate of lands not claimed by, 
 412. 
 
 Influenza in New York city in 1790, 
 257, 265. 
 
 Inspection laws of the States, bill for 
 enforcing, 226-228. 
 
 Intercourse bill (for appointing ambas- 
 sadors), 278, 304. 
 
 Invalid biU, 412. 
 
 Inventions, bill for encouragement of, 
 21, 224. See also Bailey. . 
 
 Irvine, General, 298. 
 
 Irwin, General, arrives in New York, 
 161 ; leaves for Carlisle, 236 ; a com- 
 missioner for the settlement of ac- 
 counts, 301 ; on the residence, 314 ; 
 on assumption, 382. 
 
 Irwin, Matthew, 346, 865. 
 
 Izard, [Ealph], 201, 300, 820 ; on com- 
 
INDEX. 
 
 425 
 
 munication between the Houses, 1; 
 on ceremony, 4, 7, 8 ; on the bill pre- 
 scribing the oath, etc., 16, 11, 19 ; his 
 antipathy to Pennsylvania on account 
 of its position in the slavery question, 
 20, 223; on titles, 23, 27, 37; nick- 
 names Adams " Rotundity," 30, 65 ; 
 dislikes Adams, 30, IZl ; on the im- 
 post, 51,57,67, 71, 72; on the Tonnage 
 act, 76 ; shall nominations be decided 
 upon by ballot or viva voce? 79, 81, 
 127 ; abuses the Quakers, 88 ; on the 
 removing power, 112-116; on the 
 Foreign Affairs bill, J19 ; in the " Tri- 
 angle" (Erie County) affair, 123; on 
 constitutional amendments, 134; on 
 the Compensation bill, 135, 139, 140, 
 141, 143 ; on the salary of judges, 
 167; on the residence question, 149, 
 158, 160, 168, 272, 276, 282, 285, 
 307-310 ; the answer to Washington's 
 address (1790), his work, 175; on 
 "unfinished business," 179, 182, 186; 
 Mr. Morris' memorial, 194 ; attacks 
 the Abolition Society, 196 ; on the 
 Naturalization bill, 211 ; the North 
 Carolina Cession bill, 226 ; a partisan 
 of Hamilton, 234 ; attacks Franklin, 
 238, 247 ; favors a standing army, 
 245 ; on the Rhode Island bill, 264, 
 266 ; on pay due to Southern soldiers, 
 269, 270; on Steuben's bill, 273; 
 favors assumption, 289, 323 ; on 
 Moore's bill, 309 ; on the Bank biU, 
 868 ; on " instructing " Senators, 399 ; 
 complains of Hamilton, 409. 
 
 Jackson, [James], on " unfinished busi- 
 ness," 188; on the residence, 268, 
 292. 
 
 Jackson, Major [William], 235, 357. 
 
 Jamaica rum, duty on, 49, 51. 
 
 Jay, Mrs., 137. 
 
 Jay, [John], gives information respect- 
 ing Short, 78; dines with Washing- 
 ton, 137, 138; on the residence, 145 ; 
 on assumption, 230-232 ; his library, 
 260; France and the Tonnage act, 
 
 *408. 
 
 Jefferson, [Thomas], his place at the 
 court of France filled by Short, 78, 82 ; 
 his appearance described, 272, 310; 
 on the residence, 294, 312 ; on the 
 Algerian troubles, 364 ; report on the 
 New England fisheries, 384, 385 ; in 
 the complications with France, 386, 
 397, 398, 402, 403. 
 
 Jersey. See New Jersey. 
 
 Johannes, a Portuguese coin, 3, 19, 198, 
 204. 
 
 Johnson, Dr., president of the college 
 (New York), 20, 196. 
 
 Johnson, Sir William, 190. 
 
 Johnson, Dr. [William S.], 268 ; on the 
 answer to the President's speech 
 (1789), 10, 22 ; on titles, 35, 38 ; on 
 the impost, 66, 67 ; on the Judiciary 
 bill, 88, 95, 104, 105, 107; on the 
 removing power, 113, 116 ; in the 
 " Triangle " (Erie County) affair, 124 ; 
 on the Foreign Affairs bill, 119, 120; 
 on the Penal bill, 137 ; on the resi- 
 dence question, 161, 162, 169, 238, 
 247, 260, 269, 270, 272, 275, 281, 
 285, 313 ; on the North Carolina ses- 
 sion, 203 ; on the Naturalization bill, 
 217; pay allowed bim, 229; on the 
 Rhode Island bill, 264; on pay due 
 to Southern soldiers, 269, 270; on 
 assumption, 288 ; on the Excise bill, 
 390. 
 
 Johnston, Governor [Samuel] (Senator 
 from North Carolina), arrives in the 
 Senate, 188 ; on the Enumeration 
 bill, 195 ; on the Naturalization bill, 
 209 ; on pay due to Southern soldiers, 
 270; on the residence, 275, 281, 282, 
 285, 293. 
 
 Juniata, the, 384. 
 
 Judges, increase of, 87, 88 ; powers of, 
 98, 99; district judges, 101, 102; 
 salaries of, 167. 
 
 Judicial committee, 26, 30, 74. 
 
 Judicial oflScera, witnesses and jurymen. 
 Act for compensating, 412. 
 
 Judiciary, bill for extending the judici- 
 ary of the United States to North 
 Carolina, 177. 
 
426 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Judiciary bill, 30, 1i, 78, 85-89, 91-110, 
 
 111, 152, 251, 360. 
 Judiciary, English, expense of tlie, 95. 
 Judiciary, Federal, province of the, 86. 
 July 4th. See Independence Day. 
 Jurisprudence, English, 98, 99, 107, 108, 
 
 187. 
 Jury, advantage of the, 96, 98 ; duties 
 
 of jurors, 99 ; trial by, 109. 
 
 Keale's account of the Pelew Islands, 
 207. 
 
 Kenedy, 365. 
 
 Kenedy, David, 345. 
 
 Kentucky, 378 ; immigration to, 219 ; 
 in conspiracy with the Spaniards, 240. 
 
 Kentucky bill, the, 366. 
 
 King, [Kufus] (Senator from Massachu- 
 setts),248, 268, 394 ; on the "Triangle" 
 (Erie County) 124 ; on the Compensa- 
 tion bill, 135, 139, 141 ; the Penal 
 bill, 137; on the residence question, 
 146, 157, 159, 161, 162, 165, 274, 
 275, 307, 308, 310, 311, 313, 314, 
 321 ; on the Judiciary bill, 152 ; his 
 resolution to secure the delivery of 
 the President's speech in the Senate, 
 173, 347 ; the answer to Washington's 
 address (1790), 175 ; on unfinished 
 business, 180; attacks Franklin, 196, 
 247 ; on the Naturalization bill, 213, 
 217; on the Appropriation bill, 222 ; 
 pay allowed him, 229 ; attacked by 
 the papers, 234 ; a partisan of Hamil- 
 ton, 234, 290, 411 ; on the Military 
 Establishment bill, 239, 240, 250, 
 261 ; the Rhode Island bill, 264, 266 ; 
 on pay due to Southern soldiers, 269, 
 270; Steuben's bill, 275 ; on the as- 
 sumption, 288, 289, 321, 322, 325, 
 334 ; the Funding bill, 290 ; on ad- 
 journment, 300; his character, 315, 
 410 ; on the Settlement bill, 317; his 
 resolution respecting the public cred- 
 itors, 353 ; on the Bank bill, 371, 372 ; 
 his peculiar methods in the Senate, 
 386 ; on the Excise bill, 388, 389 ; on 
 the troubles with Great Britain and 
 France, 392, 408. 
 
 Kittera, [John W.], 369. 
 
 Knox, General [Henry], on the treaty 
 with the Southern Indians, 128-130; 
 aiming at an Indian war, 175, 234, 
 239, 240 ; offers a bill for a militia 
 law, 241 ; on the Military Establish- 
 ment bill, 243 ; his appearance, 310. 
 
 Kuhn, 262. 
 
 Land-office, 214, 395 ; to be opened for 
 the sale of Western territory, 200 ; 
 proposed as a sinking-fund, 200, 290, 
 301 ; ruined by the assumption, 336. 
 
 Land-tax favored by E. Morris, 287. 
 
 Lands, held by aliens, 208, 215-218; 
 speculation in, 214 ; Western lands, 
 218, 219, 339, 354; lands for the 
 Canadian sufferers, 298 ; bill for 
 grants of lands to Yirginia officers, 
 337; estimate of lands not claimed 
 by Indians, 412 ; lands granted to 
 settlers at Vincennes, 111., 412. 
 
 Lancaster and the residence question, 
 134, 136. 
 
 Lane, 365. 
 
 Langdon, Mrs., 59, 137. 
 
 Langdon, [John] (Senator from New 
 Hampshire), ill, 5, 256 ; on the bill 
 prescribing the oath, etc., 14, 17, 19 
 on ceremony, 21 ; on titles, 24, 64 
 on the impost, 52-54, 67, 71, 234 
 shall nominations be voted upon by 
 ballot or viva voce .* 79, 81 ; on the 
 Tonnage act, 97; on the Foreign 
 Affairs bill, 112, 119; on the remov- 
 ing power, 116; in the "Triangle'' 
 affair, 124 ; on constitutional amend- 
 ments, 134 ; dines with Washington, 
 137; the friend of Morris, 178; on 
 "unfinished business," 181, 182; 
 Bailey's bill, 205; on the Military 
 Establishment bill, 242 ; on the resi- 
 dence, 260, 267, 268, 270, 272, 275, 
 279, 285, 809, 312, 345, 346, 397, 
 401 ; on the Rhode Island bill, 264 ; 
 on pay due to Southern soldiers, 270 ; 
 on assumption, 326 ; complains of 
 Morris' non-attendance, 370. 
 
 Langdon, Woodbury, 401. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 42T 
 
 Lawrence, [John], 19*7, 228 ; on the im- 
 post, il ; on the residence, 150, 314; 
 on assumption, 287. 
 
 Laws, power of making them lies with 
 Congress, 16. 
 
 Laws. For various laws, see wider 
 Abolition, Bankrupt, Coinage, Con- 
 necticut, Inspection, Militia, Penal (2), 
 Revenue. See also Acts. 
 
 Lear (Washington's secretary), 41 ; de- 
 livers messages, etc., from the Presi- 
 dent to the Senate, 127, 137, 174, 
 188, 190, 329, 378, 411, 413. 
 
 Lee, [Richard Henry] (Senator from 
 Virginia), on titles, 1, 2, 22, 23-26, 
 30, 32, 33, 35, 37, 38, 65 ; on cere- 
 mony, 4, 7, 8, 21 ; on royal forms, 11 ; 
 on the bill prescribing the oath, etc., 
 18, 20 ; on the signing of bills in the 
 Senate, 39, 45; on the impost, 61, 
 55-87, 60, 61, 63, 67, 68, 71, 72, 83, 
 89 ; the " Ishmael of the House," 
 59 ; on the Tonnage act, 76 ; shall 
 nominations be decided upon in the 
 Senate by ballot or viva voce ? 19; on 
 the Judiciary bill, 85-87, 92, 94, 95, 
 99, 105, 107, 117; on the Foreign 
 Affairs bill, 113-116, 119; on the 
 treaty with the Southern Indians, 
 129, 130, 132; on the Compensation 
 bill, 140 ; on the Residence, 158, 160, 
 164, 275, 278, 281, 282, 284, 285, 
 307-309 ; on the Military Establish- 
 ment bill, 239, 243, 245; on the 
 Rhode Island bill, 266, 267 ; on pay 
 due to Southern soldiers, 269, 270 ; 
 on assumption, 289, 315-318, 328; 
 his character, 290 ; on the Funding 
 bill, 290, 291, 330 ; on the Settlement 
 bill, 317, 318. 
 
 Legislatures to instruct Senators, 192, 
 220, 399, 400. See also State rights. 
 
 L'Enfant, [Peter Charles], 32. 
 
 Lephers, 84. 
 
 Levees, introduced by Washington, 15, 
 16; held by the President, 31. 42, 67, 
 74, 205, 227, 242, 255, 256, 347, 361, 
 
 , 357, 364 ; interrupt congressional 
 business, 69. 
 
 Lewis, 78, 137, 383. 
 
 Lighthouse bill, 412.'" 
 
 Lincoln, General [Benjamin], 130. 
 
 Linn, [William] (chaplain), 50 ; on the 
 residence, 133, 158, 168; ill, 1|6 ; 
 visits Maclay, 247. 
 
 Livermore, Judge [Samuel], 191. 
 
 Livingston, B., 316. 
 
 Livingston, William (Governor of New 
 York), 70. 
 
 Loans, 401; Holland loan, 408, 410, 
 411. 
 
 Loans, Commissioners of, bill for com- 
 pensation to, 412. 
 
 Logan, Dr. George, his letters and pub- 
 lications on Pennsylvania affairs, 204, 
 212, 235, 357; a man of integi'ity, 
 283, 356. 
 
 Long Island, visited by Washington, 
 242 ; by Congressmen, 247, 250. 
 
 Loudon, printer, 38. 
 
 Luper, 230. 
 
 Luther's Reformation, 391, 392. 
 
 Lynn. See Linn. 
 
 McClenaohan, Blair, 346, 369. 
 
 MoConnell, broker, 346. 
 
 McOord, John, bill for making com- 
 pensation to, 287, 288, 291, 297, 
 298. 
 
 McKnight, Dr., 196, 265. 
 
 Maclay, Samuel, 212, 213 ; informs his 
 brother William of efforts made to 
 supplant him, 346, 347, 365. 
 
 Maclay, William, visits Washington, 1, 
 90, 363, — (on levee days), 31, 42, 74, 
 75, 227, 256, 347 ; on titles, 2, 18, 
 23, 24, 35, 36 ;' objects to royal forms, 
 10, 11 ; on the bill respecting the 
 oath for the support of the Constitu- 
 tion, 16-19 ; " dining out,"— (with the 
 French minister, 18, — Speaker Muh- 
 lenberg, 31, 118, 191, 192, 233, 277,— 
 R. Morris, 73, 359, 367, 377,— Wash- 
 ington, 137, 138, 177, 206, 257, 319, 
 363, 373, 374,— Otto, 192,— General 
 Knox, 195, — Dr. Johnson, 196,— Ela- 
 worth, 213, — Izard, 238,— Parker, 
 252,— Chew, 346,— Powel, 352,— Par- 
 
428 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 son Ewing, 355, — Bingham, 366, — 
 Nicholson, 369,— Burd, 383,— C. Bid- 
 die, 384, — Dr. Eushton, 407,-011 
 "club" or "mess" days, with the 
 Pennsylvania delegation, 202, 208, 
 264, 259, 266, 272, 284, 293, 301, 
 309, 332) J at the theatre, 30, 31 ; on 
 the impost, 46, 51, 52, 54, 55, 51, 58, 
 60-63, 65, 67, 78, 81, 83 ; on dangers 
 in the Constitution, 75 ; on the Ton- 
 nage act, 76-78, 403-405 ; favors the 
 use of the ballot in voting upon nomi- 
 nations sent to the Senate, 78-81, 
 127 ; on the Judiciary bill, 85-87, 
 93, 94, 97-99, 102-110, 117, 162; 
 defends the Quakers, 88 ; on the re- 
 moving power, 110-113, 116 ; on the 
 Collection bill, 118 ; on the Foreign 
 Affairs bill, 119, 120; gets leave of 
 absence, 121 ; returns to New York, 
 122; on the Erie County affair, 126 ; 
 incurs Washington's displeasure, 128, 
 129, 248, 249 ; on the treaty with the 
 Southern Indians, 128, 129; shows 
 the advantage of committees, 131 ; 
 on the Compensation bill, 134, 136, 
 139, 141 ; favors low salaries for 
 Congressmen, 141 ; his part in the 
 residence question and in the ensuing 
 debates, 146, 153, 160, 162-164, 190, 
 
 191, 224, 249, 250, 267-269, 274, 
 275, 278-281, 286, 294, 296, 306, 
 309, 314, 341, 342, 395, 397 ; is the 
 
 ■ President above the law ? 167 ; leaves 
 for Philadelphia, 169 ; arrives in 
 New York, 173 ; his political ene- 
 mies and their cabals, 174, 262, 321, 
 848, 349, 351, 353, 358, 359-361, 
 365-367, 375, 379, 383, 398; on 
 "unfinished business," 179, 180, 182- 
 186; on the bill on crimes and pun- 
 ishments, 187, 188; writes a drama, 
 189; on the signing of bills in the 
 Senate, 119 ; on State legislatures, 
 
 192, 193 ; on the Enumeration bill, 
 195, 197; on the Abolition Society, 
 196; his resolutions on the public 
 debt, 200; the North Carolina ces- 
 sion, 202, 203, 236 ; on the Naturali- 
 
 zation bill, 213; on the bankrupt 
 law, 220; on assumption, 228, 231, 
 232, 252, 288, 289, 302, 315, 323, 
 324, 328-330, 331; opposed to the 
 Military Establisliment bill, 232, 239- 
 241, 243, 244; on consuls, 267; 
 hears a negro preacher, 232 ; on the 
 Rhode Island bill, 259, 264, 267 ; op- 
 poses Steuben's bill, 269, 273; on 
 dreams, 277 ; opposes the Funding 
 bill, 287, 288, 290, 293, 294, 297, 
 298, 337-339, 354; the Intercourse 
 bill, 304 ; on pay due to Southern 
 soldiers, 269, 270 ; on the Settlement 
 bill, 317, 318, 320; on banks, 355; 
 opposed to the Bank bill, 364, 368, 
 370, 371; on taxes, 376, 377; the 
 Excise bill, 385, 387, 388; on the 
 " instruction " of Senators, 399, 400. 
 
 Maclure, 366. 
 
 Macpherson, 3, 121. 
 
 Madeira wine, duty on, 53. 
 
 Madison, [James], 122; labors for dis- 
 crimination in the Tonnage act, 97; 
 on the residence question, 146, 312 ; 
 his character, 160, 179; his political 
 aspirations, 189 ; on the Federal debt, 
 194, 197-202; on assumption, 315; 
 in the complications with France, 
 406. 
 
 Maryland, in the residence question, 4, 
 153, 154, 159, 160, 284, 341; its 
 commerce, 341 ; power to levy tonnage 
 duties, 357. 
 
 Massachusetts, privileges of its Legis- 
 lature, 5, 6 ; considers the power of 
 making a law to be with Congress, 
 17 ; boundary between Nova Scotia 
 and Massachusetts, 198 ; its debt, 
 289. 
 
 Mathers, doorkeeper of the Senate, 222, 
 280. 
 
 Matthews, 306. 
 
 May 1st (moving-day) in New York, 261. 
 
 Mediterranean navigation, committee on, 
 369. 
 
 Mediterranean trade, 364, 366. 
 
 Memorials. For various memorials and 
 petitions, see Abolition Society, Ad- 
 
INDEX. 
 
 429 
 
 lum, Barry, Campbell, D., Creditors, 
 Morris, E., Printers, Quakers. 
 
 Meredith, Samuel, 263. 
 
 Mifflin, [Thomas], in the contest for the 
 governorship of PennsylTania, 200, 
 212, 242. 
 
 Miles, [Samuel], 212. 
 
 Military Establishment bill, 224, 226, 
 227, 232, 239-246, 248, 396. 
 
 Militia, called for by the Constitution, 
 227, 241. 
 
 Militia law, bill for a, 241. 
 
 Milligan, (auditor), 380, 407. 
 
 Ministers plenipotentiary, 137 ; bill for 
 the salaries of, 257. See also Am- 
 bassadors and Consuls. 
 
 Mint, Resolution of the, 409, 410, 412. 
 
 Mississippi, settlers on the, 364. 
 
 Mitigation [of fines]. Bill [for], 211, 
 216, 224, 232. 
 
 Molasses, duty on, 4, 32, 50, 52-65, 
 65-67. 
 
 MoUineaux, Sir Prancis, 32. 
 
 Monarchical tendencies, in the TTnited 
 States, 10-14, 21-25, 68, 113, 121, 
 122, 131, 144, 165, 166, 167, 175, 
 176, 861, 367; ridiculed by Peter 
 Pindar, 204. See also Adams, J., 
 Ceremony, and Titles. 
 
 Money, continental, (see Continental) ; 
 counterfeit, 86. 
 
 Monroe, [James], on the resolutions 
 respecting the public creditors, 363 ; 
 on the Kentucky bill, 366 ; on the 
 Bank bill, 368. 
 
 Montgomery, 347. 
 
 Montgomery, John (of Carlisle), in Penn- 
 sylvania politics, 336, 369, 395; to 
 supplant Maclay, 348 ; desires to en- 
 ter Congress, 396. 
 
 Montgomery, William, 358. 
 
 Moore, Stephen, his bill (for the sale of 
 West Point), 307, 309. 
 
 Morocco, 408. 
 
 Morris, Mrs., 69, 73, 74. 
 
 Morris, Gouverneur, manages the nego- 
 tiations with Great Britain, 392, 402 ; 
 sells lands in Europe for B. Morris, 
 401. 
 
 Morris, [Robert], 224, 358 ; attends 
 levees, 31 ; Maolay's confidence in 
 him, 32, — comes to an end, 183 ; on 
 titles, 36, 36, 38, 39 ; on the impo.st, 
 46^8, 51, 53, 54, 56, 57, 59, 61-«8, 
 71, 72, 83, 89 ; shall nominations be 
 voted upon by ballot or viva voce? 
 78, 79, 127; defends Quakers, 88; 
 on the Judiciary bill, 92, 96, 98, 100, 
 101, 103, 117, 251 ; on the Tonnage 
 act, 97 ; on the Foreign Affairs bill, 
 114-116, 120; on the Collection bill, 
 1 18 ; on the " Triangle " (Erie County) 
 affair, 1 23, 1 24, 1 26 ; on the treaty with 
 the Southern Indiana, 129, 130, 133; 
 his position in the residence question, 
 134, 186, 137, 139, 142, 144-149, 
 151, 152, 166-166, 169, 174, 192, 
 267-269, 271, 272, 274, 275, 278-284, 
 
 286, 289, 292-295, 299, 300, 304-306, 
 309, 311, 395-397, 401 ; on the Com- 
 pensation bill, 134-136, 139, 141 ; on 
 constitutional amendments, 134; on 
 judges' salaries, 157; speculates in 
 certificates, 178, 408 ; his non-attend- 
 ance in the Senate, 183, 188, 245, 366, 
 370, 374, 376 ; on " unfinished busi- 
 ness," 185-187 ; his accounts (charges 
 against him, and memorial to Con- 
 gress), 188, 189, 193, 194, 200, 203, 
 222, 265 ; in the contest for the gov- 
 ernorship of Pennsylvania, 188, 211, 
 255; on the Abolition Society, 196, 
 197; on the Enumeration bill, 197; 
 on the assumption, 202, 208, 209, 
 213, 302, 323, 326-329, 333-336; 
 Bailey's bill, 206 ; on the Naturaliza- 
 tion bill, 208, 213 ; speculates in 
 lands, 208, 214, 216, 218, 221, 225, 
 401; in Pennsylvania politics, 211, 
 255 ; on the Appropriation bill, 221, 
 222 ; on the Military Establishment 
 bill, 241, 246 ; on Colonel Ely's bill, 
 260 ; on the Rhode Island bill, 263, 
 264 ; his character, 266 ; favors a 
 land-tax, 287; on the Funding bill, 
 
 287, 296, 301, 324, 332, 333, 339; 
 the "tool" of Hamilton, 299; on S. 
 Moore's bill, 307 ; gives Maclay infer- 
 
430 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 mation on Pennsylvania politics, 349, 
 369 ; memorial of the public creditors, 
 352, 353 ; on the Bank bill, 370, 312- 
 374; on the Excise bill, 384, 386, 
 389 ; in the complications with Prance 
 and Great Britain, 394, 402; shall 
 Senators be instructed ? 399. 
 
 Moylan, Colonel, 259. 
 
 Muhlenberg, Mrs., 299, 300. 
 
 Muhlenberg, [Frederick Augustus Con- 
 rad] (Speaker of the House), 183, 
 186, 333, 379 ; on titles, 13 ; on the 
 impost, 46, 47, 54 ; on the Judiciary 
 bill, 102; on the residence question, 
 136, 146, 149, 154"; 155, 192, 233, 
 235, 267, 268, 289, 306, 307 ; gives 
 Maclay information as to political 
 cabals in Pennsylvania and New York, 
 
 174, 220, 346 ; on speculation in Con- 
 gress, 178 ; on the assumption, 205, 
 224, 226, 229, 230, 246, 303, 314; 
 proposed for the governorship of 
 Pennsylvania, 212, 242, 255, 271. 
 
 Muhlenberg, General [John Peter Ga- 
 briel], 183, 283; pays visits, 30, 42, 
 
 175, 185, 230; on the impost, 46, 47; 
 on the assumption, 209, 230, 237; 
 proposed for the governorship of 
 Pennsylvania, 212 ; on the residence 
 question, 306. 
 
 Murdock, Bob, 409. 
 
 Muskingum, treaty of, 126 ; Indian 
 
 depredations on the, 126. 
 Mutiny bill of Great Britain, 244. 
 
 Nails and spikes, duty on, 67. 
 National bank. See Bank. 
 Naturalization, 86. 
 
 Naturalization bill, 208-211, 213-218. 
 Navigation. See Mediterranean, Navy, 
 
 and Ships. 
 Navigation act, originated by Cromwell, 
 
 76. 
 Navy, proposed formation of a, 76, 233, 
 
 383. 
 Nelson, 235. 
 Neutrality among nations a desideratum, 
 
 82. 
 New England, character of its people, 
 
 6, 20, 210, 341, — (their want of can- 
 dor) 260; its debts, 230 ; its fisheries, 
 384, 385. 
 
 Eastern members of Congress, 14 ; 
 on the duty on molasses, 4, 32, 50, 
 62, 53, 66 ; on titles, 25, 37 ; on the 
 residence, 139, 142, 145-149, 151- 
 163, 157, 158, 162, 164, 166, 269; 
 on the Naturalization bill, 213 ; on 
 assumption, 214. 
 
 New England rum, debate on, 66, 72. 
 
 New Hampshire, 234. 
 
 New Jersey, its Senators on the impost, 
 73 ; its claims, 301. 
 
 New- Year's calls in 1791, 363. 
 
 New York City, 308; Saint Paul's 
 Church in, 4, 9, 100, 200; its varia- 
 ble climate, 40; the Bowery, 43, 
 321 ; celebration of his Britannic 
 Majesty's birthday, 68 ; scarcity of 
 cream in, 73 ; parade of Free- 
 masons, 88 ; street-paving in 1789, 
 90 ; Independence-day celebrations, 
 100, 315, 316 ; in the residence ques- 
 tion, 146, 148, 149, 151, 153, 158, 
 162, 165, 166, 168, 178, 192, 273, 
 277, 286, 305, 309-312, 814, 316, 
 320, 321, 328, 329, 340 ; the Battery, 
 231, 292 ; moving-day (May 1st), 
 261 ; influenza in, (1790), 267, 266 ; 
 parade of the Sons of Tammany, 260; 
 character of its people, 315, — ^their 
 inhospitality, 313, 314. 
 
 New York State, its finances, 302. 
 
 Newspapers, Committee on, 32, 39 ; de- 
 bate on, 64, 183; increase of, 382; 
 their " lying accounts," 402. 
 
 Niagara Palls, 190. 
 
 Nicholson, 369 ; on State accounts, 199, 
 212, 227, 255. 
 
 Nominations, shall they be voted upon 
 in the Senate by ballot or viva voce ? 
 78-82, 103, 104, 110, 111 ; approving 
 power given to the Senate by the 
 Constitutidh, 119. 
 
 North Carolina, 174, 175 ; bill for ex- 
 tending the judiciary of the United 
 States to, 177 ; bill for extending the 
 impost to, 191. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 431 
 
 North Carolina Cession, bill for gov- 
 ernment of, 188, 189, 198, 202, 
 203, 225, 226, 236. See also Caro- 
 lina. 
 
 North Carolina members of Congress 
 on the residence question, 161, 804; 
 produce an act of cession, 189. 
 
 Northumberland County, 218. * 
 
 Nourse, [Joseph] (register), 261, 40V. 
 
 Nova Scotia, boundary between Nova 
 Scotia and the United States, 194, 
 198, 223. 
 
 Oath, bill respecting the oath for the 
 support of the Constitution, 6, 16-20 ; 
 law respecting oaths, 63 ; adminis- 
 tered in the Senate, 64 ; affirmation 
 substituted in courts, 88, 89. 
 
 O'Brien, Captain, 4, 375, 376. 
 
 O'Fallon, Dr., 378. 
 
 Officers, bill for the relief of a certain 
 description of, 246, 318, 319 ; bill 
 concerning half -pay and pensions, 
 256 ; bill for grants of land to Vir- 
 ginia officers, 337; bill for paying 
 dues to foreign officers, 398, 410. 
 
 Offices, power of removal from, 82, 97, 
 103, 106, 110-112, 114; creation of, 
 239; increase of, 297, 320, 400; 
 presidential patronage, 341, 362 ; 
 office-seekers, 360. See also Nomi- 
 nations and Salaries. 
 
 Ogden, 352. 
 
 Ohio River, bill for territory south of, 
 233, 235, 238. 
 
 Opossum, the, 392. 
 
 Original casks and packages, exporta- 
 tion of rum limited to, 73. 
 
 Osgood, [Samuel] (Postmaster-General), 
 363. 
 
 Oswald, Eleazer, 204, 230, 236, 357. 
 
 Otis, [Samuel Alteyne] (Secretary of the 
 United States Senate), inaccuracy in 
 his minutes, 2, 22, 25, 136, 136, 143, 
 144, 17S ; the creature of Adams, 64, 
 181, 207 ; his roguery and want of 
 integrity, 135, 136, 143, 144, 176, 
 196 ; not reliable, 187 ; his untruth- 
 fulness, 380-382. 
 
 Otto, ehargi ^affaires of France, 192. 
 Oxen, mode of killing, 247. 
 
 Page, Mrs., 257. 
 
 Paper manufacture in Pennsylvania, 62. 
 
 Pardons, President's power of granting, 
 
 187. 
 Parker, of Virginia, 251, 252. 
 Parliament, ceremonies in, 7, 8 ; pro- 
 rogation of, 180. 
 Paton, 242. 
 
 Paterson, [William], of New Jersey, 
 300 ; on the answer to the President's 
 address (1789), 10, 14, 20, 22, 45,— 
 (1790) 175; on titles, 24, 35, 226; 
 on the Judiciary bill, 92, 94, 95, 101, 
 104; on the removing power, 115, 
 116 ; on the Foreign Affairs bill, 116- 
 117, 120; on "unfinished business," 
 186; on the Enumeration bill, 196; 
 a partisan of Hamilton, 211, 234, 
 290 ; on the Naturalization bill, 217 ; 
 on the residence, 268, 269, 273, 276, 
 281 ; on assumption, 289 ; on the 
 Funding bill, 290, 297. 
 Patronage, presidential, 341, 362. See 
 
 aho Offices. 
 Patterson. See Paterson. 
 Pelew Islands, Keale's account of, 207. 
 Pembertons, the, 341. 
 Penal Federal laws, committee on, 32. 
 Pgnal law [bill], 136, 137. See also 
 
 Crimes. 
 Pennsylvania, in the residence question, 
 15, 86, 135, 136, 145, 146, 163, 224, 
 231, 291, 294, 295, 305, 306, 312; its 
 government, 49 ; its manufactures, 
 importations, etc. (debate on the im- 
 post), 54-66, 61, 62, 66 ; character of 
 its people, 86 ; in favor of a chan- 
 cery? 95, 96; the "Triangle" (Erie 
 County), 123-125, — purchased from 
 the Indians, 124, 126 ; treaty with the 
 Indians, 132 ; its funding law, 193 ; 
 the land-office, 207 ; in the assump- 
 tion question, 208, 228, 229, 234 ; 
 encourages immigration, 210, 211, 
 215-219 ; proposals for the govern- 
 orship, 192, 212, 242, 254, 265, 271, 
 
432 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 352; its debts, 213, 22Y, 255, 289, 
 326, 333, 336 ; its finances, 225, 255, 
 264, 300-303; its Constitution op- 
 posed to a standing army, 244-246 ; 
 funding of certificates in, 296 ; inde- 
 pendent spirit of its yeomanry, 376 ; 
 violation of the excise law in, 387. 
 
 Pennsylvania members of Congress 
 visit Washington, 4, 42 ; on the resi- 
 dence question, 4, 136, 139, 142, 145- 
 147, 152-155, 159, 160-162, 166; on 
 the impost, 65, 66, 73 ; their weeldy 
 dinners (mess or club days), 202, 208, 
 254, 259, 266, 272, 284, 293, 301, 309, 
 332; caricatured, 315. 
 
 Pensions, bills for, 256, 329, 412. See 
 also Ely, OfScers. 
 
 Peters, on the Judiciary bill, 102. 
 
 Petitions. For various memorials and 
 petitions, see Abolition Society, Ad- 
 lum, Barry, Campbell, D., Creditors, 
 Morris, R., Quakers. 
 
 Pettit, [Charles], presents a memorial 
 from the public creditors, 139 ; on 
 the public debt, 326, 327; his desire 
 to supplant Maclay, 346. 
 
 Philadelphia, 308; its trade, 47, 66, 
 102, 341 ; in the residence question, 
 142, 147, 148, 154, 159, 161, 162, 
 165, 168, 224, 230, 231, 234, 265, 
 267, 270-272, 274, 277-279, 281, 283, 
 285, 286, 292, 294, 305-307, 310-312, 
 321, 328, 340, 341, 373; its public 
 creditors, 249 ; the Circuit Court in, 
 251; an unsociable city, 340; Con- 
 gress meets there (1790), 345 ; New- 
 Year's calls in 1791, 363. 
 
 Phils, 102. 
 
 Pindar, Peter, pseudonym of Wolcott, 
 John. 
 
 Pitt, 338. 
 
 Pitt, Fort. See wider- Fort. 
 
 Planters, Southern, 341. 
 
 Politics, avarice and ambition in, a fault 
 in all popular governments, 365. 
 
 Polnitz, Baron, 48, 49. 
 
 Port St. Vincennes, or Vincent (on the 
 Wabash), 355, 359. 
 
 Porter, duty on, 91. 
 
 Portland, N. H., 808. 
 
 Post-Oifice bill (bill for the establishment 
 of the post-office), 302, 307-309, 314, 
 315, 317, 322, 412. 
 
 Potomac, the, in the residence question, 
 15, 136, 142, 148-150, 159, 161, 162, 
 164, 165, 190, 224, 244, 273, 284, 
 28b, 294, 299, 305, 307, 312-314, 
 373, 396, 401. 
 
 Powel, 346, 352. 
 
 Power, centralization of, 116, 230, 250, 
 264, 333, 893, 394. See also State 
 rights. 
 
 President of the United States, the 
 question of a title for, 18, 24-29, 31- 
 38 ; his importance, 17, 19 ; his salary, 
 48 ; his powers under the Constitu- 
 tion, 82, 103, 106, 109-116, 120; his 
 removing power, 82, 113, 116; at- 
 tempts to exalt his position, 104, 112, 
 113 ; invested with royal rights, 167; 
 is he subject to law? 167; has no 
 proroguing power, 180 ; his power of 
 granting pardons, 187. See also 
 Vice-President, and Washington, G. 
 
 Prevost, Bishop, 218. 
 
 Price on Annuities, 870. 
 
 Prinoeten, 288. 
 
 Printers, petitions from, 39. 
 
 Prisoners, resolve for the safe-keeping 
 of, 412. 
 
 Progress bill, 248. 
 
 Property-holding. See Lands. 
 
 Protective duties, 54-58, 60-62, 67, 68, 
 71, 73, 76, 77, 97. See also Impost, 
 Navigation act. Tonnage Act. 
 
 Provost, Dr., 4. 
 
 Public creditors. See Creditors. 
 
 Public debt. See Debt. 
 
 Putnam, Eufus, 227. 
 
 Quakers, substitute affirmation for the 
 oath in court, 88 ; present a memo- 
 rial for the abolition of slavery, 196, 
 221-223; their unsociability, 340, 341; 
 Judge Burke rails against them, 357. 
 
 Read, [George], of Delaware, 8 ; on 
 titles, 11, 26, 89 ; on the Judiciary 
 
INDEX. 
 
 433 
 
 bill, 93-96, 98, 101, 103, 104, 106, 
 111; on powers of the President, 
 116, 116; on the residence, 151, 158, 
 275, 279, 282, 292, 293, 306, 401 ; 
 on assumption, 210, 292, 293, 322 ; 
 on the Naturalization bill, 217 ; on 
 the Rhode Island bill, 264; on pay 
 due to Southern soldiers, 270. 
 
 Reading in the residence question, 134. 
 
 Reed, James, 126. 
 
 Rees, Daniel, 335, 379. 
 
 Removing power of the President, 82, 
 
 ii:113, 116. 
 
 Remsen, George, 376, 407. 
 
 Representatives, pay of. See Compensa- 
 tion bill. 
 
 Representatives, House of. See House. 
 
 Republicans, 193. 
 
 Residence bill, the, 152, 279, 310-319, 
 322, 329, 333, 340, 395. See also 
 under Congress. 
 
 Resolutions. For various resolutions 
 passed by or offered to Congress, see 
 Butler, Mint, Prisoners, Soldiers. 
 
 Revenue law, bill for suspending part 
 of, 234. 
 
 Revolution, The, mixed motives of the 
 principal actors in, 10, 12. 
 
 Rheumatism, cures for, 103, 380. 
 
 Rhode Island, act appointing a conven- 
 tion, 188 ; Senate committee on, 250, 
 251, 256, 257,— (its resolutions) 258, 
 269; Rhode Island resolves, 258, 
 259 ; the Rhode Island bill, 263, 264, 
 266, 267, 286, 808, 357 ; its Senators 
 in the residence question, 308 ; Rhode 
 Island Enumeration (Census) bill, 313 ; 
 its power to levy tonnage duties, 357. 
 
 Richardson, 203, 204. 
 
 Ricketts, Mrs., in the residence business, 
 70. 
 
 Ridley, 89, 90. 
 
 Rienzi, his fall referred to by Maclay in 
 the debate on titles, 34, 37. 
 
 Roads and inland communications. So- 
 ciety for promoting the improvement 
 of, 384. 
 
 Rodgers, Dr., 149. 
 
 Eodgers, Rev. Dr., 194. 
 38 
 
 Rowle, 351, 379, 383. 
 
 Royalty ridiculed by Peter Pindar, 204. 
 See also Monarchical tendencies. 
 
 Rum, duty on, 49, 51, 63, 66, 72; its 
 exportation limited to original casks 
 and packages, 73. 
 
 Rush, Dr. [Benjamin], 346 ; supports 
 John Adams, 86 ; letters to Maclay on 
 political subjects, 212, 225, — (State 
 debts), 251,— (the residence) 286, 299. 
 
 Rushton, Dr., 189, 191, 407. 
 
 Ryerson, 212-215, 384. 
 
 St. Clair, Gen. [Arthur], collects ex- 
 pressions of opinion on the Presi- 
 dent's course in instituting levee 
 days, 15, 16 ; visits Maclay, 59, 121 ; 
 his talkativeness, 118; "dining out," 
 118, 377 ; in the " Triangle " question, 
 124; his salary as Governor of the 
 Western Territory, 150; in the resi- 
 dence question, 150, 152, 158 ; pro- 
 posed for the governorship of Penn- 
 sylvania, 212 ; troubled with rheuma- 
 tism, 380. 
 
 Saint Mary's River, 132. 
 
 Saint Paul's Church (New York city), 
 the President and Congress at, 4, 9 ; 
 a college commencement in, 20; In- 
 dependence-day celebrations in, 100, 
 316. 
 
 Salaries, of the President and Vice- 
 President, 48 ; Washington favors 
 large salaries, 74; of Senators and 
 Representatives (Compensation bill), 
 134-136, 139-141, 331 ; of Treasury 
 officers, augmented, 144 ; of the Gov- 
 ernor of the Western Territory, 150; 
 of judges, 157 ; bill to give additional 
 salaries to clerks, 211, 226; of am- 
 bassadors, increased, 254, 304 ; of 
 ministers plenipotentiary, charges 
 d'affaires, etc., 257 ; bill for giving 
 salaries to consuls, 297 ; bill for aug- 
 menting salaries of Federal officers, 
 400 ; bill for compensation to com- 
 missioners of loans, 412; act for 
 granting compensation to judicial 
 officers, 412. 
 
434 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Salary bill, 144, 145, 14^; for execu- 
 tire officers, 412. See also Salaries, 
 above. 
 
 Salt, duty on, 57, 59, 73. 
 
 Sand used Instead of blotting-paper, 
 327. 
 
 " School for Scandal " an " indecent 
 representation," 31. 
 
 Schuyler, [Philip John], 166; on the 
 Foreign Affairs bill, 116 ; in the " Tri- 
 angle " (Erie County) matter, 124 ; 
 on the Compensation bill, 142; on 
 the residence, 161, 162, 272, 275, 
 293, 308, 310, 397, 401 ; monarchical 
 tendencies, 167 ; on " unfinished busi- 
 ness," 182; on the Appropriation 
 bill, 221 ; his pay, 229 ; a partisan 
 of Hamilton, 234 ; on the Military 
 Establishment bill, 239 ; on the 
 Rhode Island bill, 264 ; on pay due to 
 Southern soldiers, 270 ; on the Fund- 
 ing bill, 300, 352 ; on the Settlement 
 bill, 318; on assumption, 334; on 
 the Bank bill, 370 ; his bill making 
 debts due to the United States pay- 
 able in certificates, etc., 408. 
 
 Scott, 37, 40, 230 ; on the impost, 47 ; 
 on the residence, 41, 136, 137, 145- 
 148, 156, 166, 190, 306, 315; his 
 private character, 200, 201 ; on as- 
 sumption, 208, 229 ; on the public 
 debt, 194, 196, 212, 223. 
 
 Seamen, bill for the regulation of, 313. 
 
 Secretary of War, the appointment of, 
 an error, 227, 239. 
 
 Sedgwick, [Theodore], influenced by 
 Hamilton, 197, 331 ; on the assump- 
 tion, 237. 
 
 Senate, United States, the Vice-Presi- 
 dent as President of the Senate, 3, 
 64 ; its " dignity and pre-eminence," 
 16 ; the question of appointing a 
 Sergeant-at-Arms, 30-32 ; classing the 
 Senators into three divisions, each 
 serving two years, 32, 33, 38, 189; 
 shall nomination|''be voted upon by 
 ballot or viifa ioce? 78-81, 123, 127 ; 
 "vile politics" in, 91 ; its power 
 lessened, 103 ; its powers, 110-112, 
 
 118-120, — (approving power) 119, 
 120, 399, 400; cabals and intrigues 
 among the members, 114, 224, 309, 
 312,337,341,387; attempts to destroy 
 it, 116 ; bribery of the members, 
 117, 209, 310; Washington attempts 
 to subjugate it, 122, 130; "deals" 
 and bargaining in the Senate (notably 
 in the assumption and residence mat- 
 ters), 230, 231, 269, 273, 291-295, 
 299, 304-306, 314, 321, 325, 328 ; its 
 doors to be opened, 251, 371, 399- 
 401 ; bills rushed through at the 
 close of the session, 409, 412. See 
 aho Congress and Senators. 
 
 " Senatorial gladiators " (partisans of 
 Hamilton), 210, 211, 220, 227, 234, 
 235, 258, 331, 381, 398. 
 
 Senators, shall they be styled " honor- 
 able"? 64, 66, 225, 226; salaries of, 
 143, 331 (see also Compensation bill) ; 
 committee appointed to settle their 
 pay, 228 ; pay and mileage of, 229 ; 
 " instruction " of, by State Legisla- 
 tures, 192, 193, 220, 399, 400. See 
 aho under Senate. 
 
 Seney, [Joshua] (of Maryland), on the 
 residence, 88, 152, 154. 
 
 Settlement bill [bill for the settlement 
 of accounts], 313, 315, 317-321, 340. 
 See also State debts. 
 
 Settlers, on the Wabash and the Missis- 
 sippi, 364 ; at Vincennes, 111., act for 
 granting lands to, 412. See also Im- 
 migration. 
 
 Shays' insurrection, 214, 215. 
 
 Sherman, [Roger], on " unfinished busi- 
 ness," 183; on assumption, 236. 
 
 Shippen, 383. 
 
 Ships and shipping, 76-78 ; tonni^e du- 
 ties, 78, 403, 404. See also Navy, 
 and Tonnage Act. 
 
 Short, [William], succeeds Jefferson at 
 the court of France, 78, 80-82. 
 
 Simons, 202, 208. 
 
 Slavery, Abolition Society's petitions 
 and memorials, 196; Quaker memo- 
 rial for the abolition of, 221-223; 
 abolition laws, 382. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 435 
 
 Smilie, [John], his opposition to Maelay, 
 352, 358, 865, 369; political aspira- 
 tions, 394, 396. 
 
 Smith, dines with Washington, 137, 138. 
 
 Smith, Colonel, 848. 
 
 Smith, Dr., 384 ; his eulogium on Frank- 
 Un, 408. ^ 
 
 Smith, Mrs., 267. 
 
 Smith, Charles, 377. 
 
 Smith, T., 369. 
 
 Smith, [William] (of Maryland), 197 ; 
 on the residence, 142, 152, 154. 
 
 Smith, [William Loughton] (of South 
 Carolina), on the assumption, 229. 
 
 Society for promoting the iraproyement 
 of roads and inland communications, 
 384. 
 
 Soldiers, pay of. Resolutions relatiTe to 
 arrears due the Virginia, North Caro- 
 lina, and South Carolina troops, 269, 
 270. See also Pensions and Steuben. 
 
 Sons of St. Tammany parading, 260. 
 
 South Carolina, and the impost, 71-73 ; 
 salary of its Senators, 135 ; its debts, 
 289, 320. 
 
 Southern planters, 341. 
 
 Spain, Kentucky in conspiracy with, 
 240 ; arms the Indians, 240 ; war with 
 England, 322. 
 
 Speaker of the House of Representa- 
 tives, shall he be styled "honor- 
 able " ? 2. 
 
 Standing army. See Army. 
 
 State courts, 87, 88. See cdso Courts. 
 
 State debts, bill for the assumption of, 
 and debates on the same, 202, 205, 
 208-211, 213, 214, 224, 226-232, 
 234, 236, 287, 246, 246, 250-252, 
 256, 264, 288, 289, 291-294, 301, 302, 
 314-819, 321-336. Bee also Debt, 
 public, and Settlement bill. 
 
 State inspection laws, bill for extending 
 effect of, 226-227 ; signed, 228. 
 
 State Legislatures to instruct Senators, 
 192, 193, 399, 400. 
 
 State rights, 220, 890, 393, 394 ; anni- 
 hilation of State governments and 
 Legislatures, 117, 232, 286, 320, 389, 
 390, 394 ; obliteration of State bound- 
 
 aries, 389, 399. See also Centraliza- 
 tion of power. 
 
 Steel, duty on, 57. 
 
 Sterret, 201. 
 
 Steuben, Baron, his bill, 256, 261, 266, 
 266, 269, 271-276, 283. 
 
 Stone, Henry, 247. 
 
 Strong, [Caleb], of Massachusetts, 181, 
 268, 364, 365 ; on New England char- 
 acter, 6 ; on titles, 26, 46, 173 ; on 
 the impost, 61, 52, 66; on Washing- 
 ton's expected resignation, 86 ; on 
 the Judiciary bill, 93-96, 98, 99, 101, 
 104 ; on the powers of the President, 
 113, 114, 116 ; the bill on crimes and 
 punishments, 187, 188 ; on the sign- 
 ing of bills in the Senate, 191; on 
 the North Carolina Session act, 202, 
 203 ; on the Naturalization bill, 217 ; 
 a partisan of Hamilton, 234 ; on the 
 Rhode Island bill, 264, 266 ; on the 
 pay of soldiers, 270 ; on the residence, 
 276 ; on the Post-Office bill, 808 ; on 
 the Settlement bill, 317 ; on the Bank 
 bill, 371 ; on the Excise bill, 388. 
 
 Sturges, [Jonathan], on the residence 
 question, 14, 41. 
 
 Sugar, duty on, 68, 66, 67, 67. 
 
 Suits in equity, 96. Bee Judiciary bill. 
 
 Sunbury, 346. 
 
 Supreme Court, its power under the 
 Constitution, 87. Bee also Courts. 
 
 Susquehanna, the, 384 ; in the residence 
 question, 16, 136, 139, 147-149, 152- 
 
 166, 174, 192, 193, 208, 284, 291, 
 292, 341, 342; the -Susquehanna bill, 
 
 167, 158, 166. 
 Swanwick, 407. 
 
 Tammany. See Sons. 
 
 Tariff. Bee Impost bill. Protective 
 duties, and Tonnage Act. 
 
 Taxes, collection of, 86; land-tax fa- 
 vored by Morris, 287; the right of 
 imposing them, 296, 820 ; increase of, 
 
 ^ 297, 334, 366, 876, 377; tonnage a 
 tax, 404. Bee also Excise bill. 
 
 Tea, duty on, 46, 60, 61, 67; bill for 
 collecting the duty, 413. 
 
436 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 " Ten-mile square," for the residence, 
 397 ; to be laid near Philadelphia, 
 1 65 ; half of it to be in Virginia, 
 378, 395. See also imder Congress. 
 
 Thatcher, on the residence, 15 ; on " un- 
 finished business," 183. 
 
 Thomas, Joseph, 260. 
 
 Thomson, General, 298. 
 
 Thomson, Charles, 25 ; treated with 
 neglect, 7, 8 ; on the power of the 
 President, 106 ; in Pennsylyania poli- 
 tics, 192, 346. 
 
 Tilfair (of Georgia), suicide of, 299. 
 
 Titles, the question of, debated in the 
 Senate, 1, 2, 13, 14, 22-29, 31-38, 
 50, 51,— (the Title Committee, 1, 22- 
 24, 33,— title of the Speaker, 2,— of 
 the President, 18, 24-29, 31-38,— -of 
 the Vice-President, 38, 64, — of the 
 Senators, 64, 66, 225, 226) ; abolished 
 in France, 12, 13, 233, 350. See also 
 Monarchical tendencies. 
 
 Todd, 380. 
 
 Tonnage act (Tonnage bill), 76-78, 89, 
 91, 94, 310, 321, 357 ; discrimination 
 in favor of nations in treaty, 78, 91, 
 96, 97, 263, 380, 381, 392, 394, 403, 
 404. See also Impost bill. 
 
 Tracy, his memorial praying for a bank- 
 rupt law, 220. 
 
 Trade. See Coasting, East Indian, Und 
 Mediterranean. 
 
 Treasury Department, bill for a, 101, 
 103, 136. 
 
 Treat, Dr., 149. 
 
 Treaties of the United States, the Con- 
 stitution on, 75, 86 ; with the Indians, 
 74 ; bill for Indian treaties, 124 ; 
 with Southern Indians, 128-132, 174, 
 175; the French Convention, 74, 
 412; commercial treaty with France, 
 78; with Genoa, proposal of, 186; 
 with Great Britain, Jefferson's reso- 
 lutions on, 402-404. 
 
 Trenton in the residence question, 137; 
 267, 269, 284, 286. 
 
 Trial by battle, ancient, 94. 
 
 Trial by impeachment, 111, 112, 114, 
 187. 
 
 "Triangle," the, (Erie County, Pa.), 
 
 123-126. 
 Truxton, 71. 
 
 Tucker, on assumption, 210, 211. 
 Tulpachocking Canal, 192. 
 Twine, duty on, 56. 
 Twining, N., bill for remitting fines to, 
 
 298-301, 305, 307. 
 
 Union, the, in danger, 220, 222, 313, 
 329. 
 
 United States, trade with Great Britain, 
 60 ; treaties with the Indians, 74, 
 124, 128-132, 174, 175 ; treaties with 
 France, 74, 78, 412 ; remonstrance of 
 France against American tonnage 
 duties, and resulting complications, 
 78, 380-394, 397, 401-405, 407; 
 proposed treaty with Genoa, 186 ; 
 boundary between the United States 
 and Nova Scotia, 194, l'98, 223; 
 troubles with Algiers, 859, 364, 366, 
 376, 376, 383, 390, 406-408 ; negotia- 
 tions with Great Britain, 392, 394, 
 402-407. 
 
 See also, espedalli/, Acts, Bills, Cen- 
 tralization, Certificates, Congress, 
 Constitution, Continental money. 
 Courts, Debt, Departments, Indians, 
 Lauds, Laws, Loans, Monarchical 
 tendencies. Navy, President, Resolu- 
 tions, Salaries, Senate, Settlers, Ships, 
 Slavery, State rights. Trade, Vice- 
 President. 
 
 Useful arts, bill for the progress of, 
 226, 232. 
 
 Van Berkel. See Berkel. 
 
 Vice-President of the United States, his 
 title, 38, 64 ; as President of the Sen- " 
 ate, 2, 3, 40, 45, 64; how shall he 
 sign bills? 39, 40, 45, 49, 191, 224 ; 
 his salary, 48. See aho Adams, J., 
 and President. 
 
 Vincennes, 111., act for granting lands 
 to settlers at, 412. 
 
 Vining (of Delaware), the tool of Ham- 
 ilton, in the assumption question, 208, 
 209, 235. 
 
INDEX, 
 
 437 
 
 Virginia, 341 ; Virginia members of 
 Congress on the residence question, 
 15, 142, 145, 147, 158, 161, 179, 
 284; to have half of the "ten-mile, 
 square," 378, 395 ; its debts, 2147~^ 
 
 Viva Voce voting in the Senate. See 
 Ballot. 
 
 Votes bought in Congress, 231. See 
 also Bribery and " Deals." 
 
 Wabash, settlers on the, 364. 
 
 Wabash and Illinois donation, 366. 
 
 Wabash Indians, war with, 349. 
 
 Wadsworth, [Jeremiah], speculates in 
 certificates, 179, 332 ; on assumption, 
 237. 
 
 Walker, [John] (of Virginia), 300; elect- 
 ed in place of Grayson, 248 ; describes 
 Washington's farm, 252 ; on the resi- 
 dence question, 273, 276, 306, 309, 
 311, 312; on the Rhode Island bill, 
 264 ; on pay due to Southern soldiers, 
 270 ; on assumption, 326. 
 
 Wallace, 100. 
 
 Wallis, 377. 
 
 Walpole, 123. 
 
 War Department, bill for the establish- 
 ment of, 101, 103 ; the appointment 
 of the Secretary of War an error, 
 175, 227, 239. 
 
 Wars, between Spain and England, 322 ; 
 with the Indians, 349, 350, 366, 383, 
 391, 395 ; war an object with Hamil- 
 ton's people, 406, 407. 
 
 Wartons, the, 841. 
 
 Washington, George, takes the oath of 
 office, 2-4, 8, 9 ; visits members of 
 Congress, 4, 6 ; his " amiable deport- 
 ment," 7 ; addresses Congress (1789), 
 9, IS, 14,— (1790), 174, 348 ; his man- 
 ner of reading, 9; the style of his 
 address, 10, 11 ; the answer of Con- 
 gress to his address (1789), 13, 20- 
 22, 39, 41, 42,— (1790), 175, 176, 349, 
 350; institutes levee days, 16; holds 
 levees, 31, 42, 67, 69, 74, 206, 227, 
 242, 265, 2^ 347, 351,'357r864 ; at 
 the theatre, 30; gives dinners, 59, 
 187, 138, 177, 206, 257, 319, 374; 
 
 favors large salaries, 74; mcmarohi- 
 oal tendencies of his followers,, 82^^. 
 
 ■ v'^lgS , 361, 367 ; his espected resigna^ 
 tion, 85, 341 ; popular veneration of 
 - him taken advantage of, to increase 
 his power, 104, 112 {see also vmder 
 President) ; courts the House of Rep- 
 resentatives in order to exalt his pre- 
 rogatives, 122 ; attempts to subjugate 
 the Senate, 122, 131 ; visits the Sen- 
 ate with propositions respecting In- 
 dian treaties, 128-132 ; his habits, 
 138 ; his house repaired at public ex- 
 pense, 166 ; slights Maclay, 248, 249. 
 255; his farm, 252^^ 253; his life 
 despaired of, 265 ^in the residence 
 question, 312, 328, 329, 378, 397, 401 ; 
 at St. Paul's, 316 ; as a scapegoat for 
 Hamilton, etc., 329, 351, 399; his 
 character, 349 ; excessive adulation of, 
 357; his personal appearance, 376; 
 proclamation and message on the 
 " ten-mile square," 378 ; his " crook- 
 ed policy" in the negotiation with 
 Great Britain and France, 392-394; 
 aided by French interference in the 
 Revolution, 404. 
 
 Washuagton, Mrs., 69, 74, 137, 138, 
 319. 
 
 Wayne, Gen. Anthony, 240. 
 
 Ways and Means, Maclay on, 876, 377 ; 
 bill for, 800, 337. 
 
 West Point, purchase of, 307, 309. 
 
 Western people charged with conspiracy, 
 240. 
 
 Western lands, for sale, 199, 200 ; debts 
 to be paid with, 249 ; as a sinking- 
 fund, 339, 864. 
 
 Western settlers, 219, 223. 
 
 Western territory, rejection of, 249. 
 
 White, [Alexander] (of Virginia), 37 ; 
 on the residence, 76 ; on '' unfinished 
 business," 183, 184. 
 
 White, Mrs., 257. 
 
 Williams (of Baltimore) prepares a 
 doUection bill, 44, 45, 47. 
 
 Willianrton, Dr. [Hugh] (of North 
 Carolina), 331 ; on assumption, 224, 
 252. 
 
438 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Willing and Morrig, unsettled accounts 
 of, 193. 
 
 Willing, Thomas, eulogizes Hamilton, 
 188. 
 
 Wilmington in the residence question, 
 286. 
 
 Wilson, Judge (of Pennsylvania), 100, 
 211 ; on the Judiciary bill, 102 ; 
 nominated for Chief-Justice, 188 ; 
 dines with the Pennsylyanians, 254, 
 377; in Pennsylvania politics, 265, 
 337. 
 
 Wine (Madeira), duty on, 53. 
 
 Wingate, [Paine] (of New Hampshire), 
 398 ; on the residence, 14, 156, 
 157, 275, 311, 314; on the biU pre- 
 scribing the oath, etc., 21 ; on the 
 impost, 61 ; on the powers of the 
 President, 116, 116 ; on the Judiciary 
 bill, 117; on the treaty with the 
 Southern Indians, 132; on the Com- 
 pensation bill, 134; on "unfinished 
 business," 181 ; on the Military Es- 
 tablishment bill, 242, 246 ; on Ely's 
 bill, 260 ; on the Khode Island bill, 
 
 264 ; on pay due to Southern soldiers, 
 270. 
 
 Wolcott, John (Peter Pindar), attacks 
 royalty, 204. 
 
 Wright's Ferry, 134. 
 
 Writs, bill for the progress of, 225. 
 
 Wyngate. See Wingate. 
 
 Wynkoop, Henry, 198 ; nicknamed 
 " His Highness of the Lower House," 
 33 ; his views on government, 49, 60 ; 
 arrives in New York, 89 ; on the resi- 
 dence, 146-148, 152-167, 166, 168, 
 174, 190, 283, 286, 291-293; on as- 
 sumption, 227, 228, 245, 251 ; on the 
 Military Establishment bill, 247, 248. 
 
 Wynkoop, Mrs., 227. 
 
 Yazoo, the, 378; immigration to, 219. 
 
 Yeomus, Va., 234. 
 
 Yorktown, in the residence question, 
 
 134, 136 ; District and Circuit Court 
 
 at, 251. 
 Young, Charles, 407. 
 
 Zantzinger, Adam, 236, 260. 
 
COMPLETE IN SIX VOLUMES, OCTAVO. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 UNITED STATES, 
 
 Fkom the Disooteet of the Continent to the Establishment 
 OF THE Constitution in 1789. 
 
 By GEORGE BANCROFT. 
 
 The Author's last revision. Complete in six volumes, 8vo, 
 cloth, library style, uncut, with gilt top, $2.50 ; sheep, 
 $3.50 ; half calf, $4.50 per volume. 
 
 Tlie author has made extensive changes in the text, condensing in places, enlarging 
 in others, and carefully revising. It is practically a new work, emhodying the results 
 of the latest researches, and enjoying the advantage of the author''s long and mature 
 experience. 
 
 The six volumes of this new and fully revised edition of Bancroft's " History of 
 the United States," now complete, comprise the twelve volumes of the original octavo 
 edition, including the "History of tJie JF'ormation of the Constitution," last pub- 
 lished, and are issued at just /udf the pi-ice. Volume VI. contains a new Portrait 
 of Bancroft engraved on Steel. 
 
 " A comparison of this Installment of the revised edition with its equivalent 
 in the former edition impresses us with the candor, the thoroughness, and the con- 
 scientiousness of Mr. Bancroft's revision. Every page reveals some touch of the 
 artist's hand, softening the language where it had run into needless asperity, but 
 without detracting from its sinewy vigor, pruning redundancies, rounding off or 
 smoothing down ruggednesses or infelicities, modifying statements so as to cause 
 them to conform more exactly to newly discovered evidence — in fine, practically 
 producing a new work while preserving the substantial integrity of the old one." 
 — Harper's Magaisine. 
 
 " The work as a whole is in better shape, and is of course more authoritative 
 than ever before. This last revision will be without doubt, both from its desirable 
 form and accurate text, the standard one." — Boston Traveller. 
 
 " It has not been granted to many historians to devote half a century to the 
 history of a single people, and to live long enough, and, let us add, to be willing 
 and wise enough, to revise and rewrite in an honored old age the work of a whole 
 lifetime. This good fortune has been granted to Mr. Bancroft, and he has largely 
 profited by it, as have also the majority of readers among his own countrymen, 
 who, when American history is in question, go at once to his volumes as to an 
 authoritative tribunal, and abide by his decisions, which in no case of any conse- 
 quence, we believe, have ever been seriously or for long disturbed." — New York 
 Mail and Express. 
 
 " The extent and thoroughness of this revision would hardly be guessed with- 
 out comparing the editions side by side. The condensation of the text amounts 
 to something over one third of the previous edition. There has also been very 
 considerable recasting of the text." — The Independent (New York). 
 
 "There is nothing to be said at this day of the value of 'Bancroft.' Its 
 authority is no longer in dispute, and as a piece of vivid and realistic historical 
 writing it stands among the best works of its class. It may be taken for granted 
 that this new edition will greatly extend its usefulness." — Philadelphia North 
 American. 
 
 [See next PAeE.] 
 
M Revised Edilion or Bancroft's History of tne Unite! States-CContiniieil,) 
 
 "We hare made a comparison of the first volume with the edition, of 1876, 
 , and find that the work has been largely recast, the arrangement of the chapters 
 and the minor divisions has been changed, many portions have been rewritten, 
 and no pains have been spared in making necessary corrections as the result of 
 criticism on the work or of further investigation. Many who purchased the last 
 edition will regret that they did not wait for the author's final revisions ; but we 
 presume that he had no intention at the time it was issued of going over his work 
 again, even if he had the hope of living so long. It is a matter of general con-, 
 gratulation that his life and vigor have been spared, and that he is still engaged 
 with all the energy of youth in his important literary works. The octavo volume, 
 just issued, is a fine specimen of book-making, in clear type, on good paper, and 
 is neatly bound." — Nem York Observer. 
 
 "During the half-century, or almost that time, since the issue of Mr. Ban- 
 croft's first volume, much new light has been shed upon the characters and events 
 of the period covered by the ' History,' and no small proportion of it is due to 
 the controversies aroused by the volumes as they successively appeared. Mr. 
 Bancroft stood stoutly by his original text until the time came for the issue of the 
 revised edition of 1876, when it was evident that he had carefully studied 'the 
 criticisms his work had received during the preceding forty-two years and had 
 profited by them. Now comes the announcement that he is engaged in a thorough 
 and last revision of the whole work. The ten volumes of the original edition, 
 and the two volumes issued last year, are to be wholly revised, rewritten where 
 necessary, and the twelve volumes of the former issues comprised in six handsome 
 octavo volumes. The entire work will thus- be given at exactly half the price of 
 the original edition, while, judging by the first installment, it will certainly lose 
 nothing by comparison so far as appearance goes, and will be more valuable as 
 embodying the latest information and containing the last touches of the author's 
 hand." — Cleveland ( Ohio) Herald. 
 
 "The edition of 1876 exhibited no little pruning and correction; but the 
 author has again gone over the entire field, and, with a care and devotion worthy 
 of the theme and of his reputation, has wrought what he says must be his last 
 revision. This latest edition will be sought by many who have for years been 
 familiar with its predecessors." — Uiica (N. Y.) Herald. 
 
 " The merits of this standard work are too well known to need recapitulation, 
 and the present edition wUl comprise the entire original work, complete in six 
 volumes, and published at half 3 price of the original edition. On the whole, 
 ^the work is much improved in ts new dress and revised form, and will be wel- 
 comed by all, for Bancroft's history of cur country is still facile princeps among 
 histories of our land." — Chicago Tribune. 
 
 " On comparing this work with the corresponding volume of the ' Centenary ' 
 edition of 1876, one is surprised to see how extensive changes the author has 
 found desirable, even after so short an interval. The first thing that strikes cce 
 is the increased number of chapters, resulting from subdivision. The first volume 
 contains two volumes of the original, and is divided into thirty-eight chapters in- 
 stead of eighteen. This is in itself an improvement. But the new arrangement 
 is not the result merely of subdivision: the matter is rearranged in such a man- 
 ner as vastly to increase the lucidity and continuousness of treatment. In the 
 present edition Mr. Bancroft returns to the principle of division into periods, 
 abandoned in the ' Centenary ' edition. His division is, however, a new one. As 
 the permanent shape taken by a great historical work, this new arrangement is 
 certainly an improvement." — The Nation (Neu> York). 
 
 For sale hy all booksellers ; or sent, post-paid, on receipt of price. 
 New York: D. APPLETON & 00., Publishers, 1, 3, & 5 Bond Street.