CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME OF THE SAGE ENDOWMENT FUND GIVEN IN 189I BY HENRY WILLIAMS SAGE Cornell University Library The original of tliis bool< is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924082458229 The English Grammar Schools to 1660 CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE, C. F. CLAY, Manager. aontton: fetter lane, e.g. tElriniurgf); loo, PRINCES STREET. JLtipjig: F. A. BROCKHAUS. ISmlin: A. ASHER AND CO. fi^ia gorfe: G. P PUTNAM'S SONS. JSomftBB anil fJaUutta: MACMILLAN AND CO., Ltd. [All Rights reserved'^ The English Grammar Schools to 1660: their Curriculum and Practice by FOSTER WATSON, M.A. Professor of Education in the University College of Wales, Aberystwyth Cambridge : at the University Press 1908 A (Itamtrilrge: PRINTED BY JOHN CLAY, M.A. AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS. PREFACE THE object of this book is to present an account of the development of the teaching in the English Grammar Schools from the time of the Invention of Printing up to 1660. It is a history of the practice of the schools, of their curricula, and of the differentiated subjects of instruction, in distinction from the history of the theories of educational reformers as to what ought to be taught, and how existing methods might be improved. The basis of the work is therefore biblio- graphical. It has been impossible, within the space at disposal, to include a statement of all the bibliographical detail, on which the generalisations are based, but, through- out, the attempt has been made to describe really representative documents and school text-books. The study of English educational history has not hitherto included much con- sideration of the old school text-books used in the i6th and 1 7th centuries. Yet this seems to be the safest way of securing a sound basis for the study of the school practice of the times. It will be evident how much use has been made of the Ludus Literarius (161 2 and 1627) of John Brinsley and the New Discovery of the Old Art of Teaching School of Charles Hoole (1660). This has been the more necessary because as yet there are no reprints of those outstanding historical docu- ments of 17th century school work. Free use has been made also of School Statutes, which at any rate, express the '^1 Preface intention of the Founders as to what was to be taught in their schools, and frequently the methods by which subjects were to be taught. In some cases these may be individual opinions, but usually, they reflect the current view of the active educa- tional workers of their times. It should be stated that this book has been developed on the basis of a Monograph, by the present writer, privately published by the Bibliographical Society in 1903, entitled : The Curriculum and Text-books of English Schools in the First Half of the Seventeenth Century. The author returns his best thanks to the Society for courteous permission to use some of the material, particularly the substance of the concluding chapter of this work, first put forward in that Monograph. Thanks are also gratefully tendered by the author to his colleague, Professor Edward Bensly, for most generous help in the revision of proof-sheets. F. W. Ty D6l, Wealdstone. September, 1908. CONTENTS PAGE Preface v Introduction . . . . . . . i CHAP. I. The Ecclesiastical Organisation of Schools . . lo Note. The School in the Churth-building ... 24 II. Religion in the Schools, 1500-1600 .... 25 Note A Authorities on the Primer . . . . 37 Note B. School Prayers and Religious Observances . 38 Note C Church Attendance required by Statute from Grammar School Boys ....... 45 III. The Teaching of the Bible 50 Excursus on Religious Instruction in the Schools, 1600- 1660 -63 IV. The Catechism .69 Note A. School Statutes re Catechisms ... 79 * Note B. Maunsell's List of Catechisms, 1595 . . 83 Note C. The Printers of Catechisms .... 84 » V. The Teaching of Logic and the Method of Dis- putations 86 VI. The Teaching of Manners and Morals ... 98 Note A. Mancinus: de quattuor Virtutibus . . .120 Cato's Distichs 121 Delia Casa's Galateo . . . . . 122 Note B. Representative Bibliography of further English (published) Books on Manners, etc., up to 1660. . 123 Note C. Statutes prescribing Manners and Morals of Schoolmasters . . . • • ■ • .126 Note D. Statutes relating to the Manners and Morals of Scholars 132 I VUl Contents CHAP. ;<.vin. A, XI. ^ XII. — .(fXIII. ^' XIV. .,f were, however, throughout the period, scholars and school- masters who protested against this undue glorification of Grammar. The conflict is described in the chapter on the Grammar War, in the present work (Chapter XVII). This twofold change in the perspective of the curriculum, viz. the expansion of each of the Liberal Arts into further subjects of study, in the constituents both of the Trivium and of the Quadrivium, and the change in the relative position of the subjects of the Trivium, involved a further development, j viz. a progressive evolution of text-books. Any effective study of the history of the practice of teaching in the schools must be based on bibliographical material. Hitherto, in England historical research in education has concerned itself pre- dominantly with accounts of the views of educational reformers, from whose writings only indirect evidence can be obtained as to the internal work of the schools of any period. For the prevalent school practice it is necessary to consult the actual school text-books, used by teacher and pupil in the The Invention of Printing school work. This task has been attempted in the following pages. It is clear tjiat the_gvolution of the text-bqok_for purposes of general instruction was enormously facilitated by the Jnven- tiorrof Printing, arid this event furnishes, therefore, the most convenient starting-point. It fixes the coming of the text-book method of study. For, at most, in the Middle Ages the schoolmaster might possess or have recourse to MS. text- books, but in the Renascence period teacher and pupils possessed their own books, and books on all subjects were indefinitely multiplied. In 1660, Charles Hoole notes down over 300 books which ought to be within the reach of the Grammar School pupils. The mediaeval methods had been essentially those of the Disputation ; the later methods were those of the written Latim theme, verse and oration, and the utilisation in their service''' of all available literature, not only for style but also for subject- matter. Within the two hundred years described in this book, the great experiment was tried of making Latin available in the first place as the standard language of communication. So far from Latin being recognised as a dead language, it was the primary object of the Grammar School to make Latin live again, and the learned man could not be better distinguished from the unlearned than by his abiUty to speak Latin. In the second place, the Grammar School increasingly laid stress on written Latin compositions, which should conform to classical standards, as far as style was concerned, but with an ever widening field of choice for subject-matter. The critical reading of classical authors from an aesthetic or philosophical point of view was not, and could not be, within the range of the Grammar School. In other words, the aim of the schools was not so much humanistic, in the sense of imparting a training in literature, as it was practical, in attempting to give the pupils control over the instrument of all Culture of their own and preceding ages. Roman and Greek literature were Introduction studied not so much as ends in themselves as the storehouses of adequate and eloquent expression, the happy hunting-ground of the right thing to discourse about, and the right way of , saying it. The real, though not always the explicitly acknow- ledged ideal of the Grammar School master, was the bonus orator of Quintilian, not the classical scholarship framed upon the ideals with which later ages are familiarised by the traditions of a Bentley and a Porson and a Kennedy. I ^Tliis_sta|emejTjL.i±JJie_practical aim of the i6th and 17th I century Grammar School must not be regarded as depreciatory of the literary aspect of the classics. The admiration of the schoolmaster for a Muretus, a Scaliger, or a Casaubon was unbounded, but such scholarship was only for intellectual /giants, whilst a working knowledge of Latin for conversation / and the written expression of thoughts, with the vast accumu- y lation of apparatus of dictionaries, grammars and phrase-books, ^as eminently practical. The entrance to the legal, medical, and clerical professions required a ready knowledge of Latin. JTra veiling and communication abroad equally demanded practical knowledge of Latin. The reading of classical authors !vas required, but the pupil was expected to have his note-book Lt hand into which he transcribed all phrases and information ikely to be of use for the need of conversation and of written exercises. It is necessary to lay stress on this attitude of impelling the classical authors into serviceableness by the pupil because it modifies the impression which prevails that the post- Renascence schools followed Ascham in the insistence of Imitation of the classical authors, as the main educational discipline, to be derived from classical studies. The discipline contemplated was rather that of adaptation by the pupil of terms and phrases, sanctioned by classical usage, to the needs of communication of his ideas, either in speech or writing. A classical phrase, which was specially neat and happy, was to be retained in mind, or at least in the note-book, for an Phrase-books and commonplace Books 7 occasion when it could be, to use our modern term, 'turned to use.' In the earlier period of the Renascence, conversation- books and phrase-books were founded on subjects from Terence and Cicero, but in the later part of the i6th and throughout the 17 th century the phrase-books and apparatus for exercises increased their storage of subjects for exercises, and phrases to be employed in connexion with them, to meet the enormous increase in subjects of knowledge and the new sources from which knowledge could be derived. It has been somewhat too rashly assumed, since 'Imi- tation ' was the essential point of composition in Latin and in Greek, that the school training of the i6th and 17th centuries was chiefly devoted to memory work and the passive side of the pupil's mind. But this estimate overlooks the \ important place taken in the school by the pupil's series of note-books and commonplace books. If due stress be laid on [A/V this equipment, it is clear that the system of requiring the pupil to choose out passages and phrases which interested' him and enter them in a commonplace book for future use in his composition, was a method intended to exercise his judgment and to train his taste. It was the method whereby Erasmus I and Melanchthon and scholars generally had disciplined | themselves in their classical studies, and the result was shown in the countless books of apophthegms, adages, epithets, emblems, phrase-books, anthologies, together with compends and epitomes. Eventually the analytical process reached the/ ' particle,' settling on's business and determining the enclitic Se.'' These scholarly pursuits were, in their measure, introduced in the school, and a genuine effort was made to induce in the school pupil the attitude of active research by which the 1 scholars had obtained their results. The subjective method of , learning on the part of scholars became the objective method of teaching the pupils. The humanistic method of imparting the classics was adopted, for the most part, only by those clas- sical schoolmasters such as Home, Farnaby, and Hoole; who \ Introdiiction knew their business exceptionally well. The text-books show that the aim of the Grammar School teachers of the i6th and 17th centuries was mainly that the pupil should acquire power of classifying the contents of books read, of analysing the paragraphs, sentences, phrases, words, so as to bring them into comparison with those of other authors. The pupil was expected to show active initiation in gaining control over the material of reading and to register his observations in his note-books and commonplace books so as to use the material from his own independent standpoint of free composition and fluent- speech. Moreover the numerous printed phrase-books and treasuries of passages, arranged according to subjects, included quotations from modern writers (in Latin) containing references to his- tories and events, contemporaneous and recent, as well as mediaeval and ancient; to illustrations from recent books on science, mathematics and other studies. It is to sources such as these in the old school text-books that we must look for the origins of the inclusion within the notice of the Grammar Schools of the subjects which we call modern, e.g. history, science, and even the vernacular. The English Restoration, 1660, has been chosen as the limit of the survey, because from that time onwards there was the marked competition of modern subjects with the old undivided sway of classical material in the teaching of the Grammar School. This is typified by the incoming of the French influence. Under the Commonwealth, a Latin secre- tary was employed for official correspondence. After the Restoration, ^rench became the diplomatic language. Or, apart from general influences, we may observe the change in the establishment of mathematical schools, navigation schools, commercial schools, the attachment of writing schools to the Grammar School, and by the end of the 17th century English departments (which were substantially elementary schools for those whose education ended at about 14 or 15 years of age) The Religious Basis of Classical Schools 9 and in the charity schools. Further, inside some of the Grammar Schools themselves the widening of the curriculum took place so as to include the vernacular literature, arithmetic and music. Up to the end of the Commonwealth, the Gram- mar Schools of England may be regarded as apparentl y exciu'sively classical iiiJthfi^jQiaterialof in struction , with the exception — a most important exception — as we shall see, that under mediaeval Catholicism, and afterwards under i6th and 17th century Puritanism, , they were, in intention and largely in practice, permeated with moral, religious, and pietistic instruction. CHAPTER I. THE ECCLESIASTICAL ORGANISATION OF SCHOOLS. Momentous issues were involved in the proclamation which Charlemagne sent in 787 a.d. to the bishops as well as abbots, since Theodulf, Bishop of Orleans, carrying into effect the spirit of the proclamation, required the clergy in his diocese to receive all children who should be sent by their parents for that purpose to be taught in each parish and no fees were to be exacted. Charlemagne's proclamation has been called the first general charter of education for the Middle Ages. He himself founded the great palace schools for the children of courtiers, nobles, and others, and thus established court education in a permanent and recognised institution, and his proclamation gave rise to the schools of the dioceses or cathedral and church schools. From Charlemagne began the organisation of education outside of the monasteries. The monasteries after his time may be regarded as chiefly the training schools of orders of monks. Before the universities were established, the monasteries were the store-houses of learning, and to their educational work is due the force of Cardinal Newman's dictum, ' Not a man in Europe who talks bravely against the Church but owes it to the Church thalt he can talk at all 1 ' There were no non-Church schools. The Church had the monopoly of learning and of teaching. The palace schools as well as monastery schools were under ecclesiastical influence. But neither the monastery schools nor the palace schools were the people's schools. In so far Cathedral and Chantry Schools 1 1 as the people generally were educated in the Middle Ages it is to the cathedral or diocesan schools and their offshoots that we must look, those institutions which arose in continuation of the behest of the pioneer Theodulf, that the clergy of the diocese must receive for tuition all those who claimed it. ' These schools grew, and though taking their start from an imperial proclamation some claimed Papal notice^. If we are to understand the history of the schools after the Reformation we must realise that in the Middle Ages learning and teaching were functions of the Church, and it was only with the growing stores of knowledge and consequently of teaching material that the need of differentiation was felt. ' It was with the expanding needs of the body politic, in many directions, that schools became in any degree separated from the Church, extremely slowly before the Reformation, and even only gradually after the Reformation. It was from the cathedral schools, in all probability, that the idea arose of having the teaching of schools connected with the various important churches of the towns and villages. This was done by the institution of schools in the various chantries which were established in the larger churches through- out the country. Mr Arthur F. Leach did an inestimable service to the history of education in showing with such a wealth of illustra- tion the importance of the chantry schools in English education of the pre-Reformation times. 'The great bulk of the chantries,' • he says, in England, ' seem to have been founded in the four- teenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth centuries, and their number increased with the spread of wealth, right up to the Reforma- 1 In 826 at a synod of Pope Eugenius II a decree was issued that in all episcopal sees, and all other places where it is necessary, masters and doctors are to be provided for, to teach ' letters ' and the liberal arts. Thus had Charlemagne's enthusiasm for schools passed into the hands of the Pope and his synod. All education was tightly bound within the ecclesiastical clasp. 1 2 Ecclesiastical Organisation of Schools tion.' The chantry priest was, in the first place, appointed to pray for the soul of an individual, his family, and friends. Eventually other functions fell to his lot, one of the most common duties enjoined in the later Middle Ages being that of teaching poor boys. We use the term chantry of the chapel, altar or part of the church endowed by the founder of a 'chantry.' The chantry, however, was the endowment itself for the maintenance of a special priest, whose duties usually included the teaching of poor boys. As there were chantries in connexion with most, if not all, of the important churches of the country, the requirement, by the bequeather of a chantry, of the teaching of children by the chantry priest was analogous to the institution by the Church of a prebend in the cathedral churches for the Scholasticus. The chantry schools, Mr Leach shows excellent reasons for believing, were the most numerous schools in England before the Reformation. The Chantries Acts of 1546 and 1548, though specifically stating good-will towards schools and schoolmasters, offered no exemption from confiscation for song-schools and schools of an elementary type, or for Grammar Schools which were not so by the first foundation'- Though the intention of these Acts may not have been an- tagonistic to education, Mr Leach shows that the effect of the administration of them was drastic, almost to the point of constituting an educational cataclysm. He offers substantial evidence to sustain the position that the ecclesiastical organisa- tion of the Middle Ages had established a school system both on the secondary and elementary planes of a far more extensive kind than historians have ordinarily supposed'^- The records, as far as accessible, of the commissioners under the Chantries ' Leach, English Schools of the Reformation, p. 70. " Remarlcs which point to the same conchision could be cited from Mulcaster (1581) and Christopher Wase in his Considerations concerning Free Schools, 1678, but the Protestant bias of writers seems on this point to have exchided serious research. Mediaeval Gratninar Schools 13 Acts, have been included in Mr Leach's book. These com missioners accomplished skilfully their task of describing the details of the endowments of the chantries. Unfortunately for education, the Commission ^^ the continuance of schools did not perform their task so creditably. Want of money for other purposes took precedence of educational needs, and the school endowments of the chantries were diverted. The Chantry School sometimes was very small. On the other hand, sometimes they ran up to 80, 120, 140, or even 160 pupils. The work done in them varied. Out of 259 schools in the records of the Commission under the Chantries Act, '93 were Grammar Schools, 140 are so called... 23 are Song-Schools, and 22 may perhaps be regarded simply as Elementary Schools'.' Grammar Schools are therefore an old institution in England, and are not to be regarded as having their origin with the Reformation. They are of pre-Reforma- tion ecclesiastical origin. Probably Mr Leach does not sufficiently emphasise the influence of the monasteries on education. Mr Thorold Rogers, going to the other extreme, was convinced that Grammar Schools were attached to ' every monastery^.' Mr Rashdall states that the Grammar Schools belonging to the monasteries were ' secular schools taught' by secular masters and quite distinct from the schools of the monks^' Mr Rashdall quotes the case of the school founded by Abbot Samson at Bury St Edmunds, and shows that 'no one was allowed to teach within the liberty of St Edmund without the permission of the Abbot and the Magister Scholarum at Bury^.' The Foundation Deed of Bruton School makes over a certain manor in Dorset to the Abbot of Bruton for the ' Leach, p. 91. ^ Six Centuries of Work and Wages, I. p. [65. ^ Universities of Europe, II. p. 600. * Ibid. 11. p. 555. 14 Ecclesiastical Organisation of Schools purpose of establishing a Grammar School, under his guidance at Bruton'. Without however attempting to determine the relative num- bers of the different classes of schools, the evidence is clear that the number of schools was great in the later Middle Ages. Mr Hastings Rashdall'' says on this point: 'It may be stated with some confidence that at least in the later Middle Age the smallest towns and even the larger villages possessed schools where a boy might learn to read and acquire the first rudiments of ecclesiastical Latin : while, except in very remote and thinly populated regions he would never have had to go very far from home to find a regular Grammar School. That the means of education in reading, writing, and the elements of Latin were far more widely diffused in mediaeval times than has some- times been supposed is coming to be generally recognised by students of mediaeval life. The knowledge of reading and writing and of the elements of Latin was by no means confined to the clergy : " the bailiff of every manor kept his accounts in Latin'." ' A Grammar Master often formed part of the establish- ment of a great noble or prelate'' who had pages of gentle family residing in his house for education. In other cases a boy of a well-to-do family no doubt received his earliest education from a chaplain or ' clerk ' of his father, or from a private tutor or neighbouring priest employed for the purpose" It helps us to realise how entirely ecclesiastical was the education of mediaeval times when we recognise the fact that both the students as well as the authorities were ecclesiastical 1 Notes and Queries for Somerset and Dorset, in. p. 241. 2 Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, 11. p. 602. '^ Stubbs' Constitutional Hist. 11. p. 345. * Furnivall, Manners and Meals in Olden Time, E.E.T.S., Forewords, p. vi. " Rashdall, II. p. 603. The Church and the School 15 in outlook. Mr Hastings RashdalP says, in speaking of the colleges in the Universities (he is treating of Cambridge) : ' All the Colleges were designed for ecclesiastics, whether they were required to take holy orders while in the College or not.' A fact interesting to note in this connexion is mentioned by Abbot Gasquet, viz. that the degree courses in the University were parallel to the ecclesiastical advance of the student. The course of education of the cleric was : at seven years of age a boy might receive the tonsure ; between seven and fourteen whilst at school, he would help the priest ' to serve mass ' and receive the minor orders of 'door-keeper,' 'lector,' 'exorcist' and 'acolyte.' From fourteen to eighteen at the University he could qualify for the degree of Bachelor of Arts, and at eighteen he could become sub-deacon in the Church. When Bachelor of Arts, he must take seven years to qualify as Bachelor of Divinity. Simultaneously at twenty-five years of age he could take that degree and become a priest. The University degrees, therefore, fitted into the ecclesiastical course of the clerical student. The students in the English Church before the Reformation found posts in connexion with the ecclesiastical organisation of the time. The students were educated with a view to ecclesiastical preferment and found a place in the ecclesiastical system. The smallness of the number of students after the Reformation shows that the Chantry Acts and the dissolution of the monasteries had closed up the sources of supply and employment of students. In his Positions (1581) Mulcaster bases his argument for the restriction of secondary education on the fact that the Reformation had limited the number of openings in posts connected with the Church, so as to make it undesirable to educate so many pupils as had been done in the past. The superior provision for educational needs in pre-Re- formation times, compared with that of the early Elizabethan ' Universities of Europe, II. p. 564, note. 1 6 Ecclesiastical Organisation of Schools period, can be supported by contemporary evidence which seems to have been sometimes overlooked or minimised, as, for instance, the speech' of the Speaker of the House of Commons in 1562. The Protestant government of Edward VI did not at first contemplate the abolition of the educational functions of the chantry priests. In the Injunctions of Edward VI, iS47i we find : ' That all chantry priests shall exercise themselves in teaching youths to read and write and bring them up in good manners and other virtuous exercises^' Many writers of Reformation times bewail the new state of educational deficiency, e.g. Thomas Lever, Roger Ascham, Bishop Latimer, Harrison, the writer of the Examination of Complaints, Cranmer, Thomas Becon. The duties which were imposed by King Edward VI's Injunctions on all chantry priests to teach in schools were represented by an obligation on all clergy, which continued after the dissolution of the chantries in 1548, to provide for the education of youths, definitely fixed at the same time by the following article in the Injunctions of King Edward VI in 1547: ' And to the intent that learned men may hereafter spring the more, for the execution of the premises every person, vicar, clerk or beneficed man within this deanery, having yearly to dispend in benefices and other promotions of the Church an cl." shall give competent exhibition to one scholar: and ' ' On the 15th January, 1562, Thomas Williams, of the Inner Temple, Esq., being chosen Speaker to the lower house, was presented to the Queen, and in his speech to her. ..took notice of the want of schools; that at least an hundred were wanting in England which before this time had been, lie would have had England flourishing with ten thousand scholare, which the schools in this nation formerly brought up. That from the want of these good schoolmasters sprang up ignorance : and covetousness got the livings by impropriations; which was a decay, he said, of learning, and by it the tree of knowledge grew downward and not upward ; which grew greatly to the dishonour, both of God and the Commonwealth ' (Strype). ^ Cardwell, Documentary Annals, I. p. ■20. * i.e. £iaa. The Clergy and Education 17 to so many cl. more as he may dispend, to so many scholars more shall he give like exhibition in the University of Oxford or Cambridge or some grammar school ; which after they have profited in good learning, may be partners of their patrons' cure and charge, as well in preaching, as otherwise, in the execution of their offices, or may (where need shall be) otherwise profit the commonwealth with their counsel and wisdom.' The Injunctions of Queen Elizabeth in 1559 are in the same terms, except that 'a competent exhibition' becomes £^T,. ds. %d. — a definite sum, viz. one-thirtieth of the benefice held. In the study of pre-Reformation educational facilities, account must be taken not only of the Monastery Schools, cathedral schools and charity schools, but also, as Mr Leach has shown, of the schools connected with Colleges and Collegiate Churches, with the various Guilds, and with (and after) the establishment of Winchester, what he calls independent schools, that is, schools established as such, apart from combination with other public or social functions in the commonwealth. But, amid all these prospective possibilities of the evolution of the later type of English Grammar School, the ecclesiastical control of education is typified in the ecclesiastical licensing of the teacher. A school might pass out of the immediate direction of the Church, but the Church maintained authorisa- tion of the new school, and the control over the entrance into the profession of teaching and the right to call a teacher to account. In return for this control, the school and the teacher secured the assistance of the Church in putting down rival institutions not thus authorised, or teachers not licensed, or what in the judgment of the Church was undue or unfair competition. , Nor did these relations between authority and the schools cealSe with the Reformation. The controlling functions of the w. 2 1 8 Ecclesiastical Organisation of Schools Church passed over from the Pope and his bishops to the King and his bishops. The Head of the Church and his hierarchy still retained the ecclesiastical control of the licens- ing of schoolmasters as a matter of course. In the reign of Mary, on the restoration of Papal authority, the eleventh Decretum (in Latin) in the Constitutiones Legatinae R. Poh Cardinalis, is to this effect : ' Let no one for the future dare to undertake in any place the office of teaching, unless he has been examined by the Ordinary and has been admonished as to the books which he ought to read. If it be otherwise, let him incur the pain of excommunication, and let him be pro- hibited from teaching for three years. And, amongst those who already perform the office of teaching, if any one be found unworthy in faith, teaching, or morals, let him be rejected; but if worthy let him be confirmed.' Immediately after Queen Elizabeth's accession it was pro- posed in the Convocation of the Province of Canterbury ' that no one should be admitted to teach youth, either in schools or private families, unless he has been approved by the Ordinary.' This was made quite definite by Convocation of the Province of Canterbury in 157 1, and to it was added, 'That the bishop shall approve no schoolmaster as worthy of the office of teacher, unless, in his judgment, he has sdfficient knowledge (nisi quem suo judicio doctum invenerit), and unless he is recommended as worthy in life and morals by the testimony of pious men.' In Queen Elizabeth's reign reference also must be made to the visitations of the Archbishop's Province of Canterbury. In 1567 Archbishop Parker prescribed, in one of the Articles of Visitation, the inquiry whether the schoolmaster was orthodox and loyal and diligent in teaching youth. In 1581 Archbishop Grindal inquired whether any one was teaching without the Bishop's licence, and the same inquiry was made by Arch- bishop Whitgift in 1583, 1585, and 1588. In 1604 the 77th of the canons ecclesiastical required that only teachers licensed The Licensing of Teachers 19 by the Bishop's authority might teach. It was not till Queen Victoria's reign that teaching without the Bishop's licence was legalised. It is an interesting fact that in the Common- wealth the power of licensing schoolmasters was exercised by the major-generals, and of course good affection to the Council of State was a necessary condition of the licence. The ecclesiastical jurisdiction over schools and teachers by canon law was no empty letter. It has been a powerful instrument for the punishment of heresy, particularly against Roman Catholic teachers and a long line of Nonconformist teachers, since the power of licensing schoolmasters carried with it the power of prohibition of teaching, whenever the Ordinary saw fit to prohibit, and this, ecclesiastical power was sustained in the civil Courts. The survival of ecclesiastical influence in academical matters may be seen in the privilege of the Archbishop of Canterbury to nominate recipients of degrees, of the same titles as those given in the Universities. There are indications that the ecclesiastical authority was technically supreme over the University teachers in Cambridge up to the beginning of the 15th century, in spite of all the controversies and fights between the University and the clergy, and between the Crown and the Pope for the control of the Universities ^ And if we trace the history of the Universities in ages after the Reforma- tion the most famous statutes to control the University emanate from ecclesiastics, such as Cranmer, Whitgift, and Archbishop Laud, althougfi the visitation was in the hands of the King. If the Universities with all their array of intellectual giants were unable for centuries to cast off the ecclesiastical control, it is clear that Grammar Schools, isolated up and down the country with no bond of union and concentration, were in a far less favourable position to claim autonomy. The persistence ' Even with the apparent triumph of the English Universities over the Pope, the doctors of the English Universities had not the prestige of the/wj ubique docendi. 20 Ecclesiastical Organisation of Schools of the survival of ecclesiastical control, formal or informal, in the Universities, can be seen by the fact that a religious test obtained in the Universities till 187 1, so that Nonconformist students were excluded from taking degrees, and were ineligible as Professors in the University. The power of visitation, centred in the Bishop in the early days of the University, obtained, of course, over the Grammar Schools after, as well as before, the Reformation. The basis of this visitation cannot be better expressed than in a passage from a book- on Secondary Schools by Christopher Wase^ There are two kinds of Visitors — special and general. Special Visitors" are some gentry by the designation of the founder, or three or four neighbour ministers, who from time to time preside over the ' solemn exercise ' of the scholars and from their proficience estimate the abilities and diligence of the master. The Bishop of a diocese is the general Visitor. 'Scripture suggests,' says Wase, ' this function, ancient Canons, the Canon Law, the Statutes of the Realm (23 Eliz., i Jac. 4, 14 Car. 2, Act of Uniformity) prescribe it, and it has been the practice of all Ages and places " Christian." ' The Ordinary gives the licence to the schoolmaster and exacts his duty. On the 'other hand the Bishop ' with Commissioners by him engaged' vindicates school revenues 'detained by executors or interverted by trustees.' Thus the state scholastic, Wase sums up, has superabundant strength, which is vouchsafed by God, from ' the King's Majesty, the common Nursing Father of Public Schools, in his gracious Letters Patent; from the High and Honourable Court of Parliament in Laws made for their Immunity and Vindication ; from worthy Neighbour and Worshipful Companies of the great City, their vigilant and faithful Governors, from many of the Nobility, Gentry, or 1 Considerations (1678), p. 95. " These correspond roughly to the laler Examinei-s or Inspectoi-s. The Lay Element 2 1 Neighbouring Ministers, often their special Visitors: lastly, from the Rt. Reverend their Diocesan, and spiritual Father, always their general Visitor.' ^^i Whilst the ecclesiastical control of schools in earlier pre- Reformation times was absolute and unquestioned, yet as the non-ecclesiastical elements gathered strength, even in mediaeval times there were signs that side by side with the established order of things, the lay element was gaining slowly, almost imperceptibly at the time, a footing in educational arrange- ments. The Feudal System, leading to the consolidation of power of lords of the manors, brought barons into a position of possibility of contest with the clergy regular and secular in all social . relations with the abbots of abbeys, and established a competition between the Church and secular authority in social affairs, which eventually touched educational institutions. The crusades, and the order of knighthood, and the training pjseessary for the military life and for court life', brought about a new standard of chivalric education, which entered into contrast with the education of merely ecclesiastical institutions. The consequence was that not only secular occupations became differentiated, but the training for life gave rise to institutions separated to some degree from the universal empire of the Church., The differentiation of warfare as a profession from the Church is a crucial factor in educational progress. Military development alongside of the various other social factors led to the establishment of the various Courts of Italy, and drew in its train the necessity for specialistic training, in which the Church could play comparatively but little part. The up- bringing of youth in the households of nobles still further differentiated chivalric from ecclesiastical education. The development of trade and commerce through the contact and conflict of West and East, and through the various enterprises which opened up trade routes and led to inter- change of ideas and skill, brought about Trade Guilds — and these, again, required specialistic instruction for apprentices. 2 2 Ecclesiastical Organisation of Schools and eventually influenced education, by providing schools of a general character, hardly to be distinguished from Grammar Sc'nool'o JrMr I^each says with regard to the records which he publishes of pre-Reformation schools: 'Of the 33 Guilds mentioned, excluding the Craft Guilds of London and Shrews- bury and the Merchant Guilds at York, 28 kept Grammar Schools, and to these may be added the Drapers of Shrewsbury who kept a Grammar School, while the Mercers of London were trustees for three Schools mentioned, and the Goldsmiths for two^' ' The most remarkable thing about the growth of the new Grammar Schools,' says Mrs J. R. Green, writing of the 15th century, ' was the part taken in their foundation by laymen — by the traders and merchants of the towns".' It seems important to note the introduction of the lay element into the government of schools, yet it must be borne in mind that the connexion, for instance of the Trade Guild itself, was very close with the Church, in the earlier stages. Complete severance from ecclesiastical oversight and support of some kind from the Church was only slowly effected. Perhaps the statutes of Dean Colet's School (St Paul's) in 1509, whereby the government of his school was settled in the Mercers' Company, is the most decisive step which marks the incoming of the lay element, and for that reason, as well as for others, is a convenient starting-point for modern educational history. Examples of schools placed under the guidance of Companies are Piatt's School of Aldenham under the Brewers, ' English Schools at the Reformation, p. 34. '^ Town Life in the i^th Century, H. p. 16. The instances given are Thomas Elys at Sandwich in 1 392 ; Sir Edmund Shaa at Stockport in 1467 > Sir John Percyvale at Macclesfield in 1502. As early as 1385 Lady Berkeley founded the Grammar School at Wotton.under-Edge. This school is regarded by Mr A. F. Leach as the first English school founded by any lay person. Ecclesiastical Visilation 23 the Holt School (Norfolk) under the Fishmongers, and Walwyn's School, Colwall, near Hereford, under the Grocers' Company, and even an old school like the King's School, Canterbury, came under the patronage of the Company of Leatherworkers^ The degree of autonomy which the Universities had won for themselves by the end of the 15th century suggested to the schools the value of association with one of the Colleges at Cambridge or Oxford ''. The widening out of the connexion of the schools with the various Guilds, Companies, and Universities, and Municipal Corporations not only established the continuity of the schools, but introduced elements of general interest in the progress of education, and particularly brought into educational institutions the provision of finance, which, especially after the Chantries Act, was a matter of the utmost importance for national education. The individual ' pious founder ' of schools after the Reformation has often been overrated. It is doubtful whether even in a period of educational activity like the Commonwealth the 'pious founders' did as much for educa- tion as the private schoolmasters like Lloyd, Farnaby, Hoole. But the latter class had no element of permanence, no Cor- poration behind them. Whether Public or Private^, however, it is essential to note in the period 1500-1660, that no school was outside of ecclesiastical influence. A school at the latter end of this period might be outside of ecclesiastical control, in the sense of not being financed by the Church, but its very existence had to be authorised, and its teachers had (theo- retically) to be licensed by- the Diocesan, and under whatever patronage of Company or University it might be, or without patronage, it was liable to visitation .by the ecclesiastical authority. ' Considerations concerning Free Schools, 1678. ^ Wase gives a list of over 30 Grammar Schools thus connected with Colleges at either Cambridge or Oxford. ^ As to the evolution of the private schoolmaster, see Article on Teaching of Arithmetic, Gentlemati s Magazine, Sept. 1899. 24 Ecclesiastical Organisation of Schools Note. The School in the Church-Building. The closeness of the connexion between the Church and the school may be illustrated by instances in which the school was actually held within the church or its immediate precincts. Shakespeare's reference will be remembered : — ' Like a pedant that Keeps a school i' the church.' Reference on this point may be made to Fosbroke, Encyc. of Antiquities., p. 6o8 ; Thomas Wright, Hist, of Domestic Manners, p. 119; B. Thorpe, Eccles. Institutions of Anglo-Saxons, p. 475; Drane, Christian Schools and Scholars, p. 473 ; Evelyn's Memoirs, ed. Bray, i. 3 ; Wilts Topographical Collections, Devizes, 1862, p. 102 and p. 121 ; Blomefield, Norfolk, 11. p. 748. CHAPTER II. RELIGION IN THE SCHOOLS. 1500-1600. When Henry VIII made himself Head of the Church, some schools became in title the King's Schools, and were established by letters patent from the Crown. The Anglican Church took up the position of the Roman Church and asserted the old right of control either directly or indirectly — particularly as we have seen through the retention of licensing of teachers by the Bishop of the diocese, and by visitation of the schools by the Bishop. Accordingly, even in the schools established by private munificence, the provision is invariably made for direct instruction in the recognised national religion, and the Reformation politicians and ecclesiastics naturally used the schools for the training of future citizens as recruits in the service of the Reformed Church in its warfare against the, old Church. Religious instruction therefore became as much a part of the curriculum after the Reformation as it was before, and the great fires of persecution under the Bloody Mary only intensified the strenuousness of the insistence on religious, not to say theological, instruction, especially in the direction of Calvinism, the theology which had permeated the thoughts of the English refugees at Geneva (during the Marian Persecution). On their return the refugees largely controlled the religious movements of the reign of Queen EUzabeth. Modern Europe is said to have been begun by the splitting up of the spirit of individual nationality against the universal sway of a single Empire, and to have objectified itself in the 26 Religion in the Schools power of the state as against the Church. But it is to be remembered that in the view of Calvin a religious system, with a definite theological cast, was a constituent part of his idea of a state. For generations, therefore, in the countries which came under his influence, the idea of a separate state was, in short, a separate theocracy. This view held a strong hold over England, at any rate up to the fall of the Commonwealth in England, and it is impossible to understand the history of the schools and their curricula unless it is fully recognised. The close connexion between the Church and the school would suggest that before the Reformation we might reasonably expect to find the systematic religious instruction of the people. From Anglo-Saxon times the Paternoster and Creed were pre- scribed by Canon to be learned by every man. Archbishop Peckham's Constitution at the Synod of Oxford (iz8i) re- quired the priest, ' four times a year, to instruct the people, in the vulgar language, in the Creed, the Ten Commandments, the Evangelical Precepts, the seven deadly sins, and the seven sacraments.' Orders of diocesan Synods extended the require- ment to the teaching of 'these subjects to children. Abbot Gasquet has shown the large number of manuals that existed for this purpose in the pre-Reformation Church, though the well-known Fierce the Plowman's Crede (1394) shows that such instruction was sometimes greatly neglected. Of the distinctively school text-books in religion, mention must be made of the Expositio Sequentiarum and Expositio Hymnorum. Expositio Sequentiarum. In the mediaeval Church, after the reading of the Epistle, the Gradual and Alleluia were chanted. Preliminary to the reading of the Gospel, a pro- cession was formed from the altar to the pulpit or rood-loft. This was slow and dignified and took up some minutes. To cover the interval it was usual, in the earUer times, to prolong the final a of the Alleluia after the Epistle by a run or cadence (called a neuma), and this was lengthened out to fifty TKe Sequences and Hymns 27 or even a hundred notes. This was the Sequence. About 851 or 852 A.D. Notker Balbulus, a monk of St Gall, composed prosas^ ad Sequentiam — i.e. set words to the notes already in use. Others followed his example, particularly Adam of St Victor Paris. Altogether, there are above a thousand of these Sequences now known". In the Sarum Missal there were 86 Sequences. The Sequences were often bound with the Hymns, and the two together, after the Sarum Use, were probably, together with the Prymer or Primer, the most widely circulated of early English printed books. There was an Exposition of the Sarum Sequences and Hymns, with an introductory epistle by Judocus Badius Ascensius, the Parisian printer. In his Introductory Epistle to the Expositio Hymnorum totius anni secundum usum Sarum, diligentissime recognitorum, multis eluddatioribus aucta (printed by Wynkyn de Worde), Ascensius wishes health to the youth of Great Britain, eager to acquire morals and virtue. ' Certainly,' he says, ' I praise you English teachers who particularly do not so cultivate literature as to forget religion.' In the Expositio Sequentiarum^ , again, he commends the English youth for combining sacred know- ledge with their other studies, that which is useful on earth, and (as St Jerome says) that which will remain with them in heaven.' He continues: 'Proceed, best of young men, in these studies, and so that you may do so the more diligently, I have published these Laudationes Dei and elucidated them so that the Latin language may be learned along with sacred literature.' A gloss is provided with notes on the grammar and the order of the words for construing. An introductory specimen of the notes is given by Wordsworth and Littlehales*. 1 Collections of the Prosae have been made by Daniel, Mone, Neale, Gautier, Schiibiger, Wackernagel, Morel, Kehrein, E. Misset, and W. H. I. Weale. 2 Old Service Books of the English Church, Wordsworth and Littlehales, p. 209 ; Sequences from the Sarum Missal, by C. B. Pearson, Preface. 3 Ascensius says of such compositions, 'some call them "sequences" and some " proses." ' * Old Service Books, p. ^\'l^, ibid. p. ■211, note. 28 Religion in the Hcfiools The Expositio Hymnorum, as MaskelP remarks, is ' merely ' a school-book. The following is a specimen of the contents of the Expositio Hymnorum^. 'The first verse of a noble hymn which used to be sung at matins : Ales diei nunctius ; lucem propinquam praecipit : nos excitator mentium : jam Christus ad vitam vocat. [Then follows the Exposition.] C Materia hujus hymni est exhortatio Christi ad nos, ut surgamus vitiis, et adhaereamus virtutibus : et praemittit exemplum de gallo. Sicut enim gallicantus nos excitat vel vocat lucente die, sic Christus excitat mentes nostras et vocat nos per scripturas sacras, praenuntians quod est venturus judicare super justos et injustos. Unde bene dicitur : Surgite et vigilate, quia nescitis diem neque horam etc. C Construe. Ales, i (id est) gallus nuntius diei, praecipit .i. praedicit lucem .i. diem, nobis propinquam Christus excitator mentium ; Scilicet nostrarum vocat jam nos ad vitam .i. nunc vocat nos ad se.' The Expositiones 'Sequentiarum et Hymnorum served, there- fore, a double purpose as school-books. They familiarised the pupil with religious subject-matter, and at the same time practised him in Latin, especially oral Latin. So, too, in 1356, teachers were required to teach the Horae^- There can be no doubt that these books were amongst the most important of the school lesson books of the latter part of the 15 th century. The latest edition of the Sequences in the British Museum is dated 1517. By that time classical authors could be read in print and Erasmus's school text-books, such as the Adagia and Colloquia and the Copia Verborum, could be obtained, and apparently the progress of the Revival of Learning required from the schools so much time for the consideration of the old Roman and Greek writers that the Exposition of the Sequences dropped off, crowded out, and, like the Christian writers later prescribed by Colet for St Paul's School, were ' Monumenta Ritualia Ecclesiae Anglicanae, I. p. cxiii. "^ This specimen is given by Maskell. ' See Register of Bp Grandisoii, ed. Hingeston-Randulph, I. p. 1193. Credal Instruction ag doomed to give way to the irresistible entry into the schools of the classical writers under the Renascence impulse. We have seen that the Constitution of Peckham had laid down the religious knowledge that was to be taught fhe people. When the great change of the Reformation came royal Injunc- tions were issued to continue the system of teaching and ecclesiastical examination of the new doctrines. Nor is there any reason to doubt the continuity of the religious teaching in the time between Peckham and Henry VIII. The Injunctions of Henry VIII and Edward VI on the subject are as follows : — In 1536 Henry VIII ordered that the clergy take care that children be taught the crede, the Lord's Prayer, and the Ten Commandments in the mother-tongue. In 1547 Edward VI's Injunctions ran : — • Item, that every holyday throughout the year, when they have no sermon, they shall immediately after the Gospel, openly and plainly recite to their parishioners, in the pulpit, the Paternoster, the Credo and the Ten Commandments in English, to the intent the people may learn the same by heart ; exhorting all parents and householders to teach their children and servants the same.... It is necessary, therefore, to give an account of some of the leading religious documents in their bearing on the curricula of schools. It would be pressing too far the direct connexion between religious movements and controversies with school education to assert that the statements of new doctrine contained in such books as the Bishop's Book (or The Institution of a Christian Man) issued in 1537, or even the King's Book or A Necessary Doctrine and Erudition for any Christian Man, set forth by the Kin^s Majesty of England in 1543, directly affected the schools in any great degree. Nevertheless, these 30 Religion in the Schools definite statements of the views to be held by those who allied themselves to the Protestant side filtered into the common notice of adults and children, in the numerous Primers, Catechisrris, and other religious manuals which found their way into the class-rooms. Dean Colet, however, directed that the Institutum Christiani Hominis, i.e. the Latinised form of the book just mentioned, 'which that learned Erasmus made at my request,' should be one of the text-books used in St Paul's School. It is also enjoined by statute, at Witton School, Cheshire, in 1558. The Book of Common Prayer is required to be used in St Bees' Grammar School by statute dated 1583. Indirectly, the collection of twelve discourses or Book of Homilies' issued in 1547, and the later Homilies of Queen Elizabeth's reign, are to be regarded as educational documents, for, as will be shown later, boys were required to attend church and to reproduce afterwards in school as far as possible, or in summary, the sermons heard. Of more direct importance as school text-books are the Primer, the Catechism, and, of course, in parts or as a whole, the Bible'''- The statutes of the Pre-Reformation School at Childrey (Berks)' state the qualifications required in the teacher. It shows the prevailingly ecclesiastical trend of the teacher's qualifications. The incumbent was to be in every respect a moral individual, not a keeper of hounds or common hunter, or stirrer up of contention in the town of Childrey or parts adjacent. He was to be well skilled in grammar, to enable him to keep the Free ^ Eton, 1548-9 (Maxwell Lyte, History of Eton, p. 134). In Edward VI's reign the College ' lost no time in purchasing a book of the Homilies and a copy of the Communion-book.' ^ For an account of the Catechism in school instruction see next chapter. Religious education in the schools, 1600-1650, is described in an excursus to Chapter IV on the Teaching of the Bible. ' Home Counties Mag., III. p. 38, quoting from the Bibliotheca Topographica Britannica. The Primer 31 School. He was to ask the children the Alphabet, Lord's Prayer, Salutation of the Blessed Virgin, the Apostles' Creed (and all other things necessary to enable them to assist the priest in the celebration of mass), the Psalm De profundis, and the usual prayers for the dead. He was also to teach in English the fourteen articles of faith, the Ten Commandments, the seven deadly sins, seven sacraments, seven gifts of the Holy Ghost, seven works of mercy, the five bodily senses, and the manner of confession. If any of his pupils should be ' apt or disposed to learn grammar ' the priest was to instruct them 'after the best and most diligent manner.' The Primer. The distinguishing feature of the Primer is that it is the lay-folks' service-book. It consisted partly of material taken from the Jlorae or Hours of the Blessed Virgin Mary, and many MSB. which are really Primers have been classed as Horae^. The Horae were services for private reading shorter than the Breviary, to be used at the seven canonical hours, viz. matins, prime, tierce, sext, none, vespers and compline. 'Many hundreds,' says Littlehales, 'perhaps thousands of instances occur of mediaeval allusions to the Prymer, Primer, or Primarium; but there are, I think, very few contemporary allusions to Books of Hours or Horae'^.' The earliest mention of the Primer given by Littlehales is from a Lincoln will 1323, but an entry in a list of books of 1294 (books in a law library of a certain Matthew of the Exchequer^), unum Primarium, is still earUer. 'Of all the books of the Middle Ages,' say Wordsworth and Littlehales, ' the Prymer was the most common and best ' Littlehales' Prymer in E.E.T.S. edition, p. xliii. Maslcell explains that Latin texts bear the title Horae beatae Mariae virginis ad usum ecdesiae Sarum, but when translated into English parts of these Horae are joined with other occasional prayers. The English title is ' The Primer (of Salisbury Use, etc.).' 2 Ibid. p. xhii. ' Law Quarterly Review, Oct. igoj, p. 400. 32 Religion in the Schools known ^' They point out that the great number used and the value set upon them are indicated by the frequent bequests in mediaeval wills. But the Primer was not only a grown-up lay person's book. Either the whole or portions of it were learned by children. Littlehales'' quotes from Archbishop Stafford's Lambeth Register : — ' Item, y wol and ordeyn that vii pore children' that wol go to scole to Oxonford or Cambrigge, and namely such as be kynne or god children to me, haue every of him vii nobyll by yere to scole durying the terme of vii yere, and say every day our lady matins and hours.' University ' children ' apparently had to say the Horae. As to the Printer we read in Chaucer : — ' This litel child his litel book leminge. As he sat in the scole at his prymer.' Prioress's Tale, 1. 72. It is thought that the use of a similar book, perhaps even called by the name of Primer, extends back in England to Anglo-Saxon times....' Springing,' says Maskell^, 'from early manuals of things necessary for all men to know and to do, the Primer passed on from age to age^, gradually collecting now an office and then a prayer, at one time the penitential psalms, at another the litany, at another the dirge, until at last it arrived at the state in which, with little further alteration, it remained during the isth and i6th centuries : always a known book, authorised and distributed by the Church of England.' Henry VIII in 1530 issued a Proclamation against 'books of the Lutheran sect or faction conveyed into the City of London.' Amongst these was included the Primer in English. ' Old Service Books in the English Church, p. 249. « Primer, E.E.T.S., p. xlvii. ^ An unconscious testimony to the early age of University ' students.' * Introduction, p. i. ^ Thus such titles as the ' Prymer of Salysbuiy Use' and the ' Prymer in Englisshe.' Sir Thomas More and Primers 33 A committee of Bishops about the same time drew up a list of prohibited books published abroad, and in these again was included the Primer. It is instructive to read the views of Sir Thomas More on the introduction of these Lutheran Primers into England. He says': — Amongst these imported books 'we have... the ABC for children. And because there is no grace therein, lest we should lack prayers, we have the Primer and the Ploughman's Prayer and a book of other small devotions, and then the whole Psalter, too. After the Psalter, children were wont to go straight to their Donat and their Accidence, but now they go straight to Scripture. And for this end we have as a Donat the book of the Pathway to Scripture in a Httle book, so that after these books are learned well we are ready for Tyndale's Pentateuchs and Tyndale's Testament and all the other high heresies. Of all these heresies the seed is sown and prettily sprung up in these little books before. For the 1 Primer and Psalter, prayers and all, were translated and made I in this manner by heretics only. The Psalter was translated / by George Joye, the priest that is wedded now, and I hear sayl the Primer too, in which the seven Psalms are printed withoutf the Litany, lest folks should pray to the saints; and the Dir[i]ge is left out altogether, lest a man might happen t^ pray it for his father's soul.' Sir Thomas More's protest is against the imported Protestant Primer. But it appears that in 1534 a Protestant, or at least Reformed, Primer was printed and published by Marsha/11 in England', reprinted in 1535, though suppressed on the com- plaint of Convocation. In 1539 followed Bishop Hilsey's Primer, under Archbishop Cranmer's supervision, and in 1545 appeared the King's Primer. In 1547 K. Edward's Injunctions required the King's Primer to be used for teaching youth, and forbade any other, whilst a Statute (3 and 4 Edward VI, c. 10) 1 English Works, p. 921. " Perry, Student^ Church History, p. 107. W. 3 34 Religion in the Schools forbade the use of ' books called Antiphoners, Missals, Grailes, Processionals, Manuals, Legends, Pies, Portuasses, Primers^ in Latin or English, Couchers, Journals, Ordinals.' Exception was naturally made in favour of King Henry's Primer, which might be retained, the invocation to the saints being carefully blotted out. This Statute was carried into effect, for charges were brought against people of keeping Popish books in the latter part of the year IS47''- On the accession of Queen Mary we find a partial return to the old order of things. At Eton' in 1554 the reintroduction of the Sarum rites involved the purchase of various books — Kyries, Alleluias and Sequences. With regard to all these books, it is well to note that they had an indirect bearing on the education of children in that, in the Cathedral Schools and in the Chantry Schools, it was the duty of the child to ' help a priest to sing mass ' or ' serve ' at mass, and attendance at certain services was prescribed. One of the parts especially retained in the Reformed Primers from the old pre-Reformation Primers was the use of graces before and after meals ^. The intention of the post-Reformation Primer is explicitly stated on a title-page of one of the early editions : ' The Primer in English moste necessary for the educacyon of chyldren.' The Primer, sent forth as authorized by King Henry VIU in 1545, was accompanied by an Injunction to both ecclesiastics and to lay people. This Injunction emphasizes the importance of knowing in the vernacular the Pater noster, the Ave Maria, the Crede, and Ten Commandments. And further, ' For the avoiding of the diversity of primer books... every schoolmaster in bririging up of young beginners in learning, next after their ' Hoskins traces as many as 29 different printed editions of the Primer between 1534 and 1547. * See Littlehales' Prymer (1892 ed.), p. ix. ' Maxwell Lyte's Eton, p. 142. ' One of King Edward VI's Injunctions, 1547, was; 'All graces to be said at dinner and supper shall always be said in the English tongue.' Royal Injunctions re Primers 35 ABC now by us also set forth, do teach this primer or book of ordinary prayers "unto them in English.' No less emphatic is the article on the subject in the Royal Injunctions of King Edward VI in 1547: — 'No teachers of youth shall teach any other than the said Primer. And all those which have knowledge of the Latin tongue shall pray upon none other Latin Primer but upon that which is likewise set forth by the said Authority.' So too King Edward VI's Commissioners' Injunctions to Winchester, 1547, required with regard to that school: 'That from henceforth the scholars shall use no other Primer, than that which is set forth by the King's authority, the Latin Primer for them that understand Latin, and the English Primer for them that understand not Latin. And yet notwithstanding, for him that understandeth the Latin, to use which of them he liketh best for his edification.' Further documents connected with the Primer require notice. The large circulation can be inferred from the value attached to the Patents issued for the publishing of it. These are : 28 May 154s (37 K. Hen. VIII). Richard Grafton and Edward Whitchurch had special patent for printing Primers both in Latin and English. In Mary's reign, apparently the patent fell to John Wayland. 3 July 1 559- W. Seres ^ Primers, books of private prayers. For his Hfe-time. Obtained by the influence of Sir W. Cecil. 23 Aug. 157 1. W. Seres with reversion to his son, William, for their joint lives. At the suit of Lord Burghley. Assigned by the elder Seres about 1579 to H. Denham, who associating with him seven other young stationers paid an annual rent first to the elder, then to the younger Seres. ' Arbet', Registers of the Company of Stationers. 3—2 36 ReMgion in the Schools The use of the Primer continued through the Tudor times. We find it required by the Commissioners to be taught at Winchester in 1547 S and the Founder of Witton School in Cheshire in 1558 ovdained : I will... that every scholar have and use in the Church his Primer, wherein is contained the Seven Penitential Psalms of the Passion and such like. It is one of the books mentioned by William Kemp of Plymouth Grammar School in 1588, in his 'Education in Learning,' as part of the school-work. It is recommended by Brinsley^: 'Thus they may go through their A.B.Cie, and Primer: Let them read them twice over. For a second reading is quickly done. The loss of time is inconsiderable, and the books are then known much better.' Even in Hoole's New Discovery of the old Art of Teaching School published in 1660, written twenty years earlier, the Primer is mentioned as a desirable book ' from which to learn the Alphabet,' which, as we shall see, was prefixed to the Primer. But the use of the Primer was to come to a sudden end. Established by Authority it could be disowned by Authority, and it met its doom as a School-book by the following Order of Parliament : Thursday the 24th of Julii 165 1 Resolved by the Parliament That all Primers formerly used in the time of Kingship in this Nation, be suppressed, and shall from henceforth be no further used in any School, either Publique or Private, within this Common- wealth. Ordered by the Parliament, That this Resolve be forthwith Printed and Published. Hen : Scobell, Cleric. Parliamenti. ' Wilkins' Concilia, 11. p. 456-7. ^ Ludus Literarius (1612), p. 17. Authorities on the Primer T^y Note A. Authorities on the Primer. The Old Service Books of the English Church, by Christopher Words- worth and Henry Littlehales. London, 1904 (pp. 248 — 252). The Prymer or Lay Folks P7-ayer-Book, edited by H. Littlehales (Early English Text Society, 1895). This gives from a text of about 1420 — 30 A.D. the English Hours of the Blessed Virgin Mary (JVIatins, Lauds, Prime, Tierce, Sext, None, Evensong, Compline), the Seven Penitential Psalms, the Fifteen Gradual Psalms, the Litany, the Office for the Dead (Placebo), Dirige (Matins), Dirige (Lauds), the Commendations. An essay is included in the book, by Mr Edmund Bishop, on the Origin of the Prymer. This takes the reader back to St Bendect of Aniane at the close of the 8th century and traces the growth of the collection of the parts contained in the Primer of the 14th century. The historical notes in this edition are very full, and deal with some of the most interesting aspects of the questions raised by the Prymer, though unfortunately they do not illustrate the specially paedagogic use of the Prymer. The Prymer or Prayer-Book of the Lay People in the Middle Ages. In English, dating about 1400 A.D., edited by H. Littlehales. London, 1892. The temporary introduction has interesting notes, but these are amplified in nuiiiber and context in the edition named above. Private Prayers, put forth by Authority during the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, edited by the Rev. W. K. Clay for the Parker Society, iSsr. Monumenta Ritualia Ecclesiae Anglicanae, Vol. in. Oxford, 1882. Contains dissertation on the Primer, and a Text. This is a learned work, and contains a most carefully edited text. 38 Religion in the Schools: Note B Note B. School Prayers and Religious Observances required BY Statutes. In undated statutes' (after 1155) made for the government of Warwick School, it is ordained that ' the' Master of the Grammar School for the time being shall devote himself diligently to the information and instruction of his scholars in grammar ; and when not engaged in teaching his scholars, shall be present at the services in the church in the stall assigned to him, on all feast days and feasts of nine lessons, and shall, as his office obliges him, read the sixth lesson on the said feasts, clad in a surplice or other proper habit. On greater feasts he shall wear a silk cope and fill the office of one of the four precentors in the choir and procession, as has hitherto been usual in the church. And the same master, every Saturday through- out the year, except during school vacations, shall carry in procession with his scholars in the Lady Chapel of the Church two wax candles of 3 lbs. weight, to be renewed once a year, and let them burn during the celebration of mass. We by no means wish that he should provide out of his own purse the habit to be worn in church, but should receive it out of the common fund.' ' The reference,' says Mr Leach", ' to the sixth lesson shows us that the schoolmaster was only obliged to attend services on the greater feasts. On ordinary days there were three lessons (lectiones) or readings ; on lesser saints' days there were six lessons ; but on the real " holy days," Sundays, and the greater saints' days there were nine lessons. They were curious little scraps of never more than three verses of the Scriptures in length. On Sundays the first three lessons were generally taken from the Bible, the • rest being from commentaries or sermons on them. On saints' days the first three lessons generally told the story or legend of the saint, the rest being amplification or commentaries on it. They were interspersed with responds and verses being remarks or quotations supposed to be suggested by the story, which were sung. ' In fact the whole thing approached very near to a dramatic representa- tion on the model of a Greek play, the lessons intoned being the play, and the responds and verses the chorus, as "the ideal commentator"; and it is out of them that the mediaeval and modem drama developed. ' See Leach, History of Warwick School, p. 63-4. " History of Warwick School, p. 64. School Religious Observances 39 'Thus on St Andrew's Day, the first saint's day of the Christian year, the lessons told the legend of his martyrdom on his peculiar form of cross ' ' bound hand and foot as on the.wooden horse," while the ' ' response " to the first lesson consisted of the piece out of the gosp'els in which Christ calls him, and the "verse" of a repetition of the words, "Come after me and I will make you fishers of men." The responses and verses of the other lessons added bits of commentary on it or pious reflections. One of the chief reforms in the services at the Reformation was the lessons, connected pieces of the Bible being read in an audible voice. The change is justified in the preface to the Prayer Book by reference to " the decent order of the ancient fathers" having been altered " by planting in uncertain stories and legends, with multitude of responds, verses, vain repetitions, commemora- tions and synodals." ' Religious Observances required by the Statutes of Eton College (1440). ' The Provost, the Fellows, the Chaplains, the Clerks, the Scholars, and the Choristers shall on rising say a specified antiphon, versicle, and prayer, and in the course of the day a psalm, with certain adjuncts. Matins of the Blessed Virgin shall be said by the Choristers in Church, and by the Scholars in the dormitories while making their beds before five o'clock in the morning. Certain other prayers shall be said by the Usher and Scholars in School, and, on the ringing of a bell, Scholars and Choristers shall alike repair to the Church, to be present at the elevation of the Host. After High Mass, about nine o'clock, those present shall say prayers for the souls of King Henry the Fifth and Queen Catherine, during the life of the Founder, and afterwards for the Founder's soul instead. ' Before leaving School in the afternoon, the Scholars shall sing an antiphon of the Blessed Virgin with certain specified versicles and prayers, and later they shall say the Vespers of the Blessed Virgin according to the ordinal of Sarum. The Choristers shall say the Vespers and Compline of the Blessed Virgin in the Church before the Vespers of the day. Towards evening they shall say the Lord's Prayer, kneeling before the great Crucifix in the Church, and sing an antiphon before the image of the Blessed Virgin. ' Further prayers shall be said by the Fellows, the Chaplains, the Clerks, the poor young men, the Scholars, and the Choristers, on retiring to bed.' St Paul's School Statutes, 15 18. ' The Chapelyn — ' There shalbe also in the Scole a preist that dayly as he can be disposed shall sing masse in the chapell of the Scole and pray for the children to prosper in good lyff and in good litterature to the honor of God and oure Crist Jesu. At this masse whenever the bell in the scole shall knyll to sacryng thenne all the children in the scole knelyng in theyr Settes shall 40 Religion in the Schools: Note B with lift upp liandis pray in the tyme of sacrying. After the sacryng whenne the bell knilleth agayn, they shall sit downe ageyn to theyr lernyng. 'This preist sura good honest and vertuouse manne shalbe chosyn fro tyme to tyme by the wardens and assistence of the Mercery, he shall also lerne or yf he be lerned helpp to teche in the scole yf it shall seme conuenient to the hye Maister or ellis not. ' He shall haue no benefice with cure nor service nor no other office nor occupacion but attend allonly vpon the scole he shall teche the children the catechyzon and Instruction of the articles of the faith and the X commaund- mentis in Inglish. ' His wages shal be viii'' by the yere and lyvery gowne of xxvj^ viij'' delyuered in cloth.' Religious Observances, Bruton {Somerset), 1519. ' And it is ordeigned that the sd maister at his fBrst comying into his scoole every day in the mornyng shall with his scholars then gadred say devoutly and for the (founders and benefactors of the same scoole and for thenecrece of the same scoole in vertue and in kunnyng this Psalme Deus misereatur nostri, etc. Gloria patris etc. Sicuierat etc. Kyryeleyson xj>'eleyson. Paternoster etc. Ave Maria etc. Et ne nos etc. Exurge D^ adjuva nos et libera nos ppt. nomen tuum. D^ Deus virtutem con- verte nos et ostende faciem tuam et salvi erimus. Dominus vobiscum, if he be a prest and if he be noo prest but a layman then D^ exaudi etc. Oremus, Deus qui corda fidelium etc. and this colett Acciones nostras quesumus D"' etc. with oon per Christum Dom. nostrum and in like wise at their last departing fro the scoole every day the maister and his scolers the maister beyng present or els the scolers in th' absence of the sd maister shall sey the Psalme of De profundis with the comen suifragies wt. this orison : Absolve quesumus D^' animas ffamulorum tuorum pontificum parentum ffundatorum ac benefactorum nostrorum et animas omnium fidelium defunctorum ab omni vinclo delictorum ut in resurrectionis gloria inter sanctos et electos tuos resuscitati respirent per Xtum Dom. nostrum Amen^.' Prayers. In Articles laid down in the Indenture founding Manchester School 1524. The Master or Usher, which of them cometh first into the school in the morning shall say openly with the scholars there this Psalm : Deus miseratur nostri with a Collect, as they use in Churches Dominical days — ' Somerset and Dorset Notes and Queries, ]\xnt, 1893. School Religious Observances 41 and every night in such like manner, the Master or Usher to sing Anthem of our Blessed Lady, and say De profundis for the soul of the late Bishop of Exeter, Hugh Oldham, his Father and Mother (and for certain other persons named). Mass. — Newark Grammar School Indenture, 1531'. That the sum pf £\o be employed yearly, ' to find a secular Priest having sufficient connyng and learning, to teach Grammar freely to all persons and children at Newark, that will come to him.' The said Priest for maintaining Divine .Service shall every Sunday, Holyday and Festival in the Parish Church of Newark attend at Even Song, Mattins, Mass and Procession, except by lawful excuse, and there help to celebrate Divine Service, and shall daily pray for the Soul of the late King Henry the Seventh and Queen Elizabeth his wife and various others. The Schoolmaster may be a layman, with preference to a Priest : ' To be diligent in his attendance, with his scholars, at Jhesus Masse in the Parish Church of Newark and all Holy days.' Psalms. Skipton, 1548. The Chaplain or Master immediately after entering the school shall say the Psalm, Miserere mei Deus which he shall not omit under the penalty of T.od. for each day — and if he shall wilfully omit daily for a Month, he shall be removed. (He is required daily to enter and teach immediately after six in morning from March to October and October to March at 7 o'clock.) The Master is to be personally present in the Parish Church of Skipton every Sunday and Feast-Day, when there shall be service. Prayers. East Retford, 1552. Morning and night scholars to say or sing a Psalm of David and a specified Prayer. Prayers. Oundle, 1556. At seven o'clock in such form as Master thinks best. Again, at 5 or 6 o'clock according to time of the year, in such form as Master shall prescribe, devoutly kneeling on their knees, make mention always in their Prayers of the Church, the Queen> Majesty, the Realm, the Lady Laxton, and the Company of Grocers of London, their Governors. Prayers. Witton (Cheshire), 1558. I will that the scholars. ..thrice a day serve God in the school, rendering him thanks for his goodness done to them, craving his special grace that ' Carlisle, Endoived Grammar Schools, II. p. 267. 42 Religion^ in the Schools: Note B they may profit in virtuous learning to his honour and glory, praying for the soul of their Founder, by name, and for the souls of his Father and Mother and all Christian souls — and once every week, that is to say on the Friday, to say the Seven Penitential Psalins with the Litany of Prayer and Collect, and every second Friday the Psalms of the Passion with Psalms of Mercy and de Profundis with a Collect at the end thereof — and once a year, that is to say on Jesus Day in the afternoon, in whose name this School is erected in the Parish Church aforesaid, to say the Dirigay and Comon- dasonay. Prayers. Tonbridge, c. 1564. Item, acknowledging God to be the only Author of all knowledge and virtue, I will that the master and usher of this my school with their scholars at seven of the clock do first devoutly kneeling on their knees pray to Almighty God according to the form by the Master prescribed (So again on departing at close of afternoon school at 5 or 6 according to the time ol the year). Prayers. Kirkby Stephen, 1566. I will that every morning and evening at six of the clock, which are days for learning of scholars and keeping of school, the scholars by two and two and the schoolmaster shall go from the school-house into the Parish Church and there devoutly upon their knees before they do enter the choir say some devout prayer, and after the same they shall repair together into the chapel or choir, where I have made and set up a tomb and there sing together one of these psalms hereafter instituted, such as the schoolmaster shall appoint^so as every of the said psalms be sung within fifteen days together, viz. 103, 130, 145, 46, 3, 61, 24, 30, 90, 96, 100, 51, 84, 86, 45 and in the evening quietly to their lodgings : and if any of the scholars be absent at any time of the said prayers or psalnis, the school- master to do due correction for his or their absence. Prayers. St Albans. Sir Nicholas Bacon's Statutes, 1570. It is ordered that the said schoolmaster and children shall every working-day upon their knees in the school in the Morning, at the first coming say the Suffrages, the Lord's Prayer, and the Prayers before remembered — And every evening, before they depart the school, the Ten Commandments, the Lord's Prayer, and the Creed. Prayers and Church. Sevenoaks, 1574. The scholars shall daily at their coming to school in the morning and at their departure at night, and at such time as they go to play, say such Prayers as shall be appointed by the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury's Grace, written in a table and kept in the school for the same purpose. School Prayers ^ 43 And every Friday morning throughout the year go hear the Procession said or sung : and the same being heard, shall pray for the good estate of the said Lord Archbishop of Canterbury for the time being, and give God thanks for the benefits bestowed upon them by their benefactors in such manner and sort as shall be prescribed in the said Table. Prayers. Harrow rules, 1580. The first thing which shall be done in the morning after they have assembled, and the last in the evening before they depart, shall be upon their knees with reverence, to say Prayers, to be conceived by the Master and by one whom he shall appoint, distinctly to be pronounced, unto whom all the residue shall answer — Amen. Prayers. Sandwich, 1580. Acknowledging God to be the only author of all knowledge and virtue, I ordain that the Master and Usher of this my school, or one of them at least with their scholars, at half-hour before seven of the clock do firstly, devoutly kneeling on their knees, pray to Almighty God, according to the form by the Master prescribed, on every school day. Prayers. Order to Scholars' Si Bees, 1583. Both at their coming and departing they shall with audible and distinct voice say Prayers upon their knees, the Master and Usher joining with them, in such Form as shall hereafter be described and appointed; And when they depart from School (unless they have leave to play) they shall go two and two together, so far as their way lieth, without wandering and gadding out of Order. Prayers. Hawkshead, 1585. Certain godly Prayers ' to be said every morning and evening. ' Catechism and Prayers. Colwell near Ledbury, 1612. I will that the schoolmaster do straightly [i.e. straitly] observe that there be praying and prayers made in the school twice every day at least, and that the children be regularly catechised. Prayers. Coventry, 1628. There shall be prayers daily used in this school both morning and even- ing, the Master or Usher being there present. Prayers and Religious Teaching. Manners. Dronfield, 1579. Also Chigwell, 1629 [in the same words]. I ordain that the scholars do every morning upon their knees before they begin their Lectures, offer up their sacrifice of prayer and thanksgiving to God, in such prayers and psalms as shall be appointed by me, that is to 44 Religion in the Schools : Note B say, that the Master in the morning do repeat orderly the Lord's Prayer, and after that te deum laudainus, the scholars answering him ; and in the afternoon before they do depart, that the Master do repeat orderly the 113th Psalm, the scholars answering him. And that the schokrs of the said School may be nurtured and disciplined as well in good manners as exercised in arts, I do charge the Schoolmaster and Usher, as they will answer it to God and all good men, that they bring up their scholars in the fear of God, and reverence towards all men, that they teach them obedience to their parents, observance to their betters, gentleness and ingenuity in all their carriage, and above all things, that they chastise them severely for their vices, viz. lying, swearing and filthy speaking; that men seeing the ende of virtue in their youth, may be stirred up to bless and praise God for their pious education. Prayers, etc. Provost Rous: Rules for Scholars. Eton, 1646. That scholars rise in the Long Chamber at five of the clock in the morning, and after a psalm sung and prayers used, sweep the chamber, as they were formerly wont to do. That after supper they go from the Hall to the school, unless they be dismissed with leave and (be) then kept together till eight of the clock, at which time they are to repair to the Long Chamber, and after a psalm sung and prayers used, those that lie there not to stir out, and those that lie in any other chambers immediately to repair to them and not stir out. That those who can write take notes of sermons and those under the Master render them to him and those under the Usher to him, the morning notes after dinner, the evening (notes) on Monday morning. That they meet in the school on the Lord's day at seven of the clock in the morning for prayer and catechising to be performed by the school- master. Prayer. St PauFs School. Preces founded on text of 1655. The Prayers arranged for saying beginning and end of morning and the same for afternoon, i.e. four times a day, and were so held till 1884. Use of Church Catechism was prescribed at St Paul's School in parallel version in Greek and Latin. Greek version of Catechism and order of confirmation thought to be that of James Duport 1655. See Churton's Life of Nowell, p. 153, and Blunt's Annotated Book of Common Prayer n. 242, for influence of Erasmus's Institutum. The above notes are taken from short Account of Latin Prayers at St Paul's School by J. H. Lupton (privately published) 1885. Prayers. Wigan, 1664. The Master or Usher upon the first meeting every morning, after a solemn prayer for God's blessing, shall cause a chapter to be read by any School Prayers 45 scholar he pleaseth to appoint, and before theii: departure in the evening, they shall sing one of David's psalms, or a part thereof, as the Master or Usher shall appoint, and then conclude with prayers and thanksgiving ; and hereof the Master and Usher are enjoined to take care that these religious duties be duly and diligently performed and attended by the scholars, as becometh such holy performances, to which end, the Master is to have a roll of all the scholars, which is to be orderly called over twice or thrice every week, that the absent scholars may be punished for their negligence, according as the Master and Usher judge meet. Note C. Church Attendance required by Statute from Grammar School Boys. East Retford, ISS^. Masters to command and compel their scholars to come and hear Divine Service in the Parish Church every Sunday and Holiday. Holidays. Connection with Church. Witlon, 1558. Reading of School Statutes in Church at every feast before the breaking up of the school. St Saviour's School, Southwark. Orders, 1562. The boys are to go to church in the choir on Sundays, holidays and other festival days with their psalm books and books of prayer and on Wednesdays and Fridays in Lent to be present at the Litany or common suffrages, whilst on holy days the best scholars are to versify upon a chapter of the new testament. Tonbridge, c. 1564. Item, I will that all the scholars upon the Sabbath and holy days resort in due time to divine service in the parish church of Tunbridge, the Master or Usher or one of them at the least being present to oversee them. And I will that the master and usher do duely every Monday in the morning call to reckoning all such of the scholars as either absent them- selves from the church or come tarde to it or otherwise use not themselves reverently there in prayer, every of them having a Prayer book in Latin or English according to the Master's appointment. 46 Religion in the Schools: Note C Oundle, if)66. That all the Scholars upon the Sabbath and Holydays resort to the Parish Church of Oundle in the time of Common Prayer, the Master or Usher or one of them being present to oversee them that they do not misbehave themselves, and that each of them have a Prayer-book, either in Latin or English as the Master shall appoint. Holiday tasks. Kirkby Stephen, 1566. I will that on the holidays in the time of service at the church, the schoolmasters and scholars shall be there at the Divine Service and use devout and comely order vifithout any talking or light demeanour. And I will that how many scholars soever have their abiding within the said Parish of Kirkby Stephen, they shall on the holidays and the half-holidays resort honestly to the school or church, whether the schoolmaster will lever, and there to apply writing, making of epistles, or other devout and virtuous endeavours and exercise, as the opportunity of the time and the school- master's discretion shall appoint. S. Olave's, Southwark. An Order 1566 directed Master and Usher and scholars to go with boys to church Wednesdays, Fridays and Sundays and remain until all service be done to help to sing the psalms and say the service. 1571-2 Statutes, S. Olave's, Southwark. They were to be taken to church on Sundays and holidays ' and after any sermon... examine some to see what they bring away and to commend the good to their encouragement and so the contrary. ' Church going. St Albans. Orders devised by Sir Nicholas Bacon, 1 570. The said Schoolmaster and Scholars shall every Sunday and Holy day, repair unto St Alban's Church, and there shall continue from the beginning of Morning and Evening service to the ending of them, and there shall sit together in the Chancel or some other place of the Church as the Parson, Churchwardens and Schoolmaster shall agree. And shall after the School- master or Curate say some time during their abode there in the forenoon, kneeling on their knees, either immediately before Service, or in some other time during Service, the Lord's Prayer, the Ten Commandments, and Prayers for the Royal Foundress and the Benefactors of the School. Going to Church. Book of Common Prayer. Note-taking, Dronjield, i •.■;(). I ordain that the Scholars do upon every Sunday and Holy-day in the morning resort orderly unto the School, and that they go from thence unto the Church, two and two in rank, that they carry their service book with them and answer the Versicles in the Psalms as the Clerk of the Parish Scholars Attendance at Church 47 doth, that they kneel at such times of the celebration of Divine service accordingly as it is in that behalf- prescribed in the Book of Common Prayer, and that they stand up at the reading of the creed, and bow at the sacred name of Jesus ; and that as many as be of capacity, do take in vifriting the notes of the Preacher's Sermons, and give account of them on Monday morning to their Master. Harrow rules, 1580. All the scholars shall come to Church, and hear divine service, and Scripture read and interpreted with attention and reverence ; he that shall do otherwise shall receive correction according to the faults. Sandwich, 1580. I ordain that all the scholars upon the Sabbath day and holy days resort in due time to the School-house and from thence by two and two in order to go to divine service in the next Parish Church in Sandwich wherein English Service is used, the Master, if he be there, going before them, and the Usher, if he be there, after them ; but one of them at the least being present to oversee them ; And in like manner to depart by two and two out of the Church when the Master or Usher then present shall appoint them to depart. And, on every Saturday in the afternoon, before their going to Church, the Master and Usher or one of them with all the scholars devoutly on their knees, the Scholars aloud, to say one prescribed form of prayer, wherein shall be made mention of the Church, the Realm, the Prince, the Estate of the Town, and the Founder and his Posterity. And I ordain, that the Master and Usher duly every Monday or next School day after the Sabbath day, in the morning call to reckoning all such of the Scholars as either absent themselves from such coming to the Church, or from being at the Church, or come tardy to it, or otherwise use not themselves reverently there in prayer, every of them having a Prayer book in Latin or English according to the Master his appointment, and in that behalf to use correction as shall be convenient ; and by the said Governors there be appointed in the Church, place convenient for the said scholars to be together, and not any other boys or children to be there amongst them, to the end their silence and other demeanour may the better be seen unto and reformed. Houghton Grammar School (Durham), fouruled by Bernard Gilpin, 1574. In his will : ' God's plagues upon all such as seek to withdraw any livings given to the maintenance of his holy gospel, and I trust I may boldly affirm that whatsoever is given to a godly grammar school is given to the maintenance of Christ's holy gospel.' Statutes (probably written by Gilpin) re-inforced by Gilpin's Will (1582) dated 1582. Only extant copy of Statutes date 1658. 48 Religion in the Schools : Note C Church Attendance. Scholars to frequent divine service on holydays with godly books to look on and for that purpose he shall read unto them the catechisms Greek and Latin appointed for all schools. HawksTiead, 1585. The Schoolmaster, Usher and Scholars, to use and frequent the Church upon the Sabbath-day and Holy-days, to hear Divine Service and Sermons, and to sit together in some convenient place. Heath Grammar School (near Halifax), i. 1600. That upon the Lord's Day and appointed Holy-days they come reverently and in due time unto the Church, take a convenient place, heai: attentively the Word of God, lay it up in their memories, abuse not those days in play or other vanities ; they meditate of the Word and practice it in their lives, pray and praise God publicly in the congregation and privately in their own habitations. ^ Guildford, 1608. Sabbath days and other holidays boys to go to church and take notes of serinbns. Sermons. By art. "ji) of the Canons Ecclesiastical 0/ l6o^. As often as any sermon shall be upon holy and festival days within the parish where they teach, schoolmasters shall bring their scholars to the church where such sermon shall be made and there see them quietly and soberly behave themselves ; and shall examine them at times convenient, after their return, what they have borne away of such sermons. Newport (Salop), 1656. The Master and Usher shall take special care, that all the Scholars do constantly repair to Church every Lord's day morning and afternoon, and other days of public fasting and thanksgiving, and be placed together in the Church with or near unto the Usher, if so there be or hereafter shall be any convenient place so to do. And that they decently and reverently behave themselves under the public ordinances, and submit themselves to be publicly catechised as the Minister from time to time shall appoint them or any of them. And that one or more Scholars be appointed to view and take notice of such Scholars as shall be absent, or not decently behave themselves during the time of the public ordinances. And that every Monday morning, account shall be required by the Master of any so offending, who shall be corrected as the nature of the offence Scholars Attendance at Church 49 shall deserve. And I do further order that every Monday morning, after reading of the chapter some convenient time be spent by the Master or Usher, or both, in calling the Scholars, or so many of them as they then well may, to give account of their profiting in the hearing of the viford on the Lord's day before. Bristol {date of Rules?). For the due order of all the said scholars, their coming to Church or other public place of worship allowed by Law and reverent serving of God, it is ordained that every parent or householder within the city or suburbs, tabling' any scholars, shall cause to see all such their children or tablers to resort to Church or other public places of worship allowed by Law, every Lord's day. Morning or Evening at the public worship ; and the Scholars of the Upper School and the rest or such as can write, shall bring the notes of the sermon on Monday morning ; and such as cannot write, giving some other account thereof to the Masters respectively. Woodbridge (Suffolk), 1662. Convenient seats in the Long Gallery in the Parish Church of Wood- bridge to be prepared for Scholars, who are to go to Divine Service. Wigan, 1664. The Master and Usher shall take special care that the scholars do constantly repair to the church every Lord's day, morning and afternoon, and other days set apart for God's worship, and to be placed together in the church, with or near the Master or Usher, if so there be, or hereafter shall be any conveniency procured so to do, and that they decently and reverently behave themselves during the time of public prayers and sermons. ' i.e. providing board and lodging for. W. CHAPTER III. THE TEACHING OF THE BIBLE. EXCURSUS ON RELIGIOUS INSTRUCTION IN THE SCHOOLS, 1600 — 1660. We have to start with the fact before us that the Renascence tended to draw attention away from the ecclesiastical and religious arena, to the ancient classics. It is true that to some thinkers like Colet the classics were chiefly of value in throwing light upon the gospels and early Christian times. On the other hand, in drawing up schemes of education, Erasmus in his de pueris instituendis and the de ratione studii, Sir Thomas Elyot in the Gouvernour (153 1), and Roger Ascham in the Scholemaster (157 1) do not, in any way emphasise the teaching of the Bible, nor even directly refer to it as part of the curriculum '. In Thomas Lupset's Exhortation to Young Men (1529), an educational treatise of distinct value in tracing the educational views of the Renascence we find the juxta-position of the New Testament, St Chrysostom, St Jerome, with Aristotle, Plato, Seneca. And this is characteristic of the Renascence spirit. It is the attempt to reconcile the so-called sacred and profane, and leads logically to the comparative method I ' Though Erasmus explicitly states that the schoolmaster himself should study the Sacred Scriptures in travelling through ' the whole circle of knowledge.' ^ Erasmus, like Lupset, never left the Catholic Church. But the un- willingness to draw distinctions between goodness in the Church and out of it is seen where in the ' Colloquies ' there is u reference to the saying of Socrates ; ' Whether God will approve of our deeds I know not ; but Erasmus and the Bible 51 Such tendencies lead into other educational directions than those associated with Luther and Calvin, whose followers, as Mark Pattison points out, made so clean-cut a division be- tween the sacred Scriptures and 'profane' writers. Yet there is no doubt in the mind of Erasmus as to the importance of the Scriptures in relation to all other writings. As he says in a famous passage : ' I would to God the ploughman would sing a text of the Scripture at his ploughbeam. And that the weaver at his loom with this would drive away the tediousness of time. I would the wayfaring man with this pastime would expell the weariness of his journey. And to be short, I would that all the com- munication of the Christian should be of the Scripture, for in a manner such are we ourselves as our daily tales are.' The warm, enthusiastic catholic spirit of such words as these are in marked contrast to that of the man who would not lend Erasmus his copy of Suidas'. It is the readiness to com- municate the best that is in him to all, even the ploughman, the weaver, the wayfaring man, that marks the in-coming of the modern spirit of education. Erasmus felt it, and such words as the above are a statement of it. He pleads for education to be given to the humblest, and is thus a leader in the modern democratical idea of education. Nevertheless Erasmus's declaration is a long distance from the introduction of the vernacular Bible into the School- curriculum. For Erasmus's Paraphrase was a translation from the Greek of the New Testament into Latin. The first large printed book was the Bible. This is known as the Mazarin Bible, and was produced at Mayence c. 1451-54. at least it has been our constant effort to please Him.' Erasmus makes one of the interlocutors say: 'When I read such passages as these, I can scarcely keep myself from saying, ' ' Sancte Socrates, era pro nobis ! " ' ' When Erasmus was collecting his Proverbs for the A^dagia, the ground of the man who refused the loan of the Suidas was that learned men would be held in low esteem if what had hitherto been their monopoly should be made public property. 4—2 52 The Teaching of the Bible Erasmus's edition of the Greek Testament with its Latin translation was issued at Basle in 151 6. There were further editions in his life-time (he died in 1536) in 1519, 1522, 1527, 1535. Erasmus suggests that Christian Princes might compel all men to learn Hebrew, Greek and Latin, so as to read the Scriptures in the original'. As a temporary measure, Erasmus would be willing they should be read in the vernacular. In 1525, Tindale produced the first translation of the New Testament into English. In 1536, Tindale was seized and put to death in Belgium under the Decree of Augsburg. Up to the date of his death twenty-three editions of his translation seem to have been produced abroad, chiefly at Antwerp. King Henry VIII's objection had been to Tindale as a revolutionary Protestant. What he refused from Tindale, he accepted from Miles Coverdale. Nor were the Bishops un- willing. In the Preface to the Institution of a Christian Man (1537) they thank God for a King who desires to set forth among his subjects 'the light of Scripture.' Coverdale's Translation of the whole Bible was published in 1535. By 1537, another version consisting of parts of Tindale and of Coverdale, revised by John Rogers, and known by the name of Matthew's Bible, was published. This bore the indorsement 'set forth with the King's most gracious license.' This was published first by Nycolson, and afterwards in the same year by Richard Grafton and George Whitchurch. The latter edition has on its title-page: 'To be sold and read of every person without danger of any Act, Proclamation, or Ordinance hereto- fore granted to the contrary.' In 1538, came the Injunctions of Thomas Cromwell, as Vice-regent unto the King's Highness. This is the first official document recognising the English Bible, from the King who had been appointed Head of the English Church in 1536. It required a large copy of the Bible to be placed in every Church and exhorted every person to read it. ' Emerton's Erasmus, p. 425. The Bible at Winchester 53 Cranraer's edition of the Bible followed in 1540. Between that date and 1547, the death of King Henry VIII, the parish churches were undoubtedly becoming equipped with 'the largest volume' of the English Bible. The activity of issues of the Scriptures was even more remarkable in Edward VFs reign. In his six and a half years' reign, as many as thirty-five diflFerent issues of the New Testament were published and fourteen of the whole Bible. As yet there is only one indication of the entrance of the Bible into the schoolroom. This instance, however, is so important that the article of the Injunction which informs it must be quoted in full : Injunctions of Commissioners of 1547 to Winchester College. j ' From henceforth the Bible shall be daily read in English, distinctly and apertly, in the midst of the Hall, above the hearth where the Fire is made both at Dinner and Supper. ' That as well all the scholars and other coming to the School, being able to buy the New Testament in English and Latin, shall provide for the same betwixt this and Christmas next coming, to the intent that they may every Sunday and other Holy Day exercise themselves holie in reading thereof ; setting apart all other exercises of profane authors, and that the warden and schoolmaster or such as the warden in his absence shall appoint shall diligently from time to time examine them of their exercise in this behalf. That the warden and in his absence such one as he shall appoint, shall henceforth every Sunday and Holy day, not being principal, or octaves of principal, immediately after Dinner read unto the scholars of this school some part of the Proverbs of Solomon, for the space of one hour, [after] which book indeed, he or his sufficient deputy shall begin the Book of Ecclesiastes, which also ended, they shall begin then again the said Proverbs : and so continue : the said Lecture to begin on this side Christmas next, viz., anno Domini 1547. ' Whereas four Bibles be appointed by the King's Highness' Injunctions to lie in the Choir and Body of the Church, it shall be lawful for the scholars to carry and occupy one of the said Bibles to and in the Hall and another of them in the school, so that they render them to the Church and choir afterwards. ' The Warden and schoolmaster in all lectures and lessons of profane authors shall confute and repeal by allegation of scriptures, all such sentences and opinions as seem contrary to the word of God and Christian Religion.' 54 The Teaching of the Bible Whilst every care was taken to secure the reading of the Bible in Church, with the exception of the Commission sent to Winchester, no official command seems to have reached the Schools as to the Bible. But Cranmer had in hand the Book of Common Prayer, the Book of Articles, the Reformatio Legum, the Book of Homilies and the Catechism. The Primer and the Catechism had the royal sanction for the Schools. Probably what had been done at Winchester with respect to the Bible would have been extended to other schools. At any rate, all the instruments of the Protestant regime came to a sudden break, with the accession of Mary, and the revival of the Roman Catholic supremacy. As far as the Bible was concerned, at the very beginning of her reign in 1553, Mary issued an Inhibition against reading or teaching the Scriptures in the Churches, and during her reign (1553-58) not a single edition of any. portion of the Scriptures was issued in England. It is necessary to introduce these details of the history of the Bible, to make clear the significant fact that in England up to 1558, the Bible had not received a lodgment as an in- strument of general education. On her first progress through London Queen Elizabeth was presented with an English Bible, which she kissed, saying she would ' ofttimes read that holy book.' This might be taken as a sign of the great change in the position of the vernacular Scriptures. But it did not imply necessarily, her intention to approve of their free circu- lation. However, in 1559 Queen Elizabeth issued her In- junctions and these followed the Injunctions of King Edward VI of 1547, in requiring the Bible and the Paraphrases of Erasmus in English on the Gospels to be in every Church, and the Articles of Inquiry in 1569 of Archbishop Parker are 1 similar to those of Cranmer in 1547. In 1587 Archbishop vWhitgift wrote a letter to the Bishop of Lincoln requiring that the Bible should be placed in every Church, and any torn or injured copies should be replaced by new ones. Continental Influences 55 The years 1547 and 1587 are thus objectively marked by precisely the same ecclesiastical landmarks. But subjectively, the whole temper and spirit of the people were changed. By 1587, the English people were divided into Catholics and Protestants with a clean cut division such as was never known before or since. The wholesale fires in Smithfield, and the massacres of St Bartholomew in France, produced the most irre- sistible object-lesson in the pricelessness of religious sincerity and conviction. The uncertaint y of earthly life wa s a ghastly truth that could only be made tolerable-bji-the-aecurity of the promises of a life where t he wicked ceased fro m troubling. The idea of Covenant with God threw the people upon the Hebrew conceptions of the Bible almost as firmly as on the Christian ideal of life, and all these thoughts centred on the Bible. It must be remembered that the Fires of Smithfield wera visualised in Foxe's Book of Martyrs for the whole of' the Stuart period. We read of John Wallington's mother: 'She was very ripe and perfect in all stories of the Bible, likewise in all the stories of the Martyrs, and could readily turn to them.' The ordinary man, and the ordinary household were fascinated by the fires of persecution which had affected their own class and every class. The Elizabethan atmosphere of enterprise and initiative had secured a readiness to consider the new. The blood of the martyrs was the seed of the new Religion. As the essence of tragedy is the purging effect on the emotions, the tragedies of Smithfield and the Massacre | of St Bartholomew brought the ' purging ' convictions of Puritanism and brought them as a popular force and national strain on the sterner side of the English character, notwith- standing all the charms of national poetry, drama, music, foreign discovery and commerce, in a different direction. Then again, the leaders of the new Puritan movement, the exiles from England in the reign of Queen Mary, were trained as Englishmen never had been previously trained in the religious 56 The Teaching of the Bible culture of foreign centres, Frankfort, Strassburg, Geneva, at a period when the influence of Calvin, Zwingli and Beza were at their height. The English exiles were brought into the current of the most living thought of the Continent, at a moment when it was the most Biblical in texture and content. The first objective result of this influence was the English Bible of 1560, 1561, 1568, 1569, 1570, etc., all published at Geneva. These Genevan versions were circulated in England right on till the middle of the 17th century. The insularity of Great Britain was broken down in theological and in scriptural matters; John Knox in Scotland, and Cartwright in England were, we may say, as Calvinistic as John Calvin himself. The continental Protestants had realised the position of the Bible in the training of the young. As far back as 1524, Luther had asked the question : ' Is it not reasonable that every Christian should know the Gospel at the age of nine or ten?' His Translation of the New Testament" into the vernacular in 1522, had been the basis of Tindale's English translation. The close relation of religious and biblical instruction to the school had been insisted upon by Melanchthon, Bugen- hagen, Sturm, Neander, Trotzendorf, and last but not least, Calviii. In fact, the school established at Geneva, under Calvin's guidance, by Maturin Cordier attempted to make a theocracy in the school as deliberately as Calvin aimed at a theocratic state for adults. God's will is to be substituted for man's will, and the divine law is contained in the Word of God. A boy interlocutor in Corderius's Colloquies asks: 'Canst thou prove these things (viz. what had been under discussion) out of God's word?' 'Why not,' says his friend, 'I pray thee bring me some sentences.' Whereupon his little friend sets them down ' in a little paper,' so as to give chapter and verse for his * Made from Erasmus's Greek text, which had been published at Basle in 1518. It was in 1534 Luther's complete translation, including the Apocrypha, of the Bible appeared, though parts had been published earlier. Bible Stories in Schools 57 statements. So, too, when out for a walk in another Colloquy, a master practises the boys in capping sentences from the New Testament. Corderius's Colloquies were first published in Latin in 1564, and in the same year translated into French. The book was translated into English by John Brinsley (at any rate) by 16 14. An even still more strictly biblical book was the well known Sacred Dialogues of Sebastian Castalio^. It thus appears that the Schools concerned themselves with the contents of the Bible whilst teaching Latin, particularly in the lower forms. The very books used in English Schools were the books used in Geneva and Protestant Europe. The Genevan influence of Calvin permeated the school systems of Holland, of Huguenot France, and of Scotland (through John Knox). The English School system though not imitating the State organisation of Schools of Calvinistic countries, undoubtedly in the internal subject- matter, in scope and in method of inclusion of biblical topics, was transfused by the Genevan ideas. To return to the Bible itself It is unnecessary to trace the various translations current in England, beyond mentioning the Bishops' Bible, under the direction of Archbishop Parker in 1568 and the Authorised version of 1611. The Bible, however, was not definitely and officially fixed as a school subject till the Canons of 1604. By Article 79 of the Canons Ecclesiastical of 1604 the duties of schoolmasters with regard to religious training in scripture were laid down, upon days other than holy and festival days 'such sentences of holy scripture as shall be most expedient to induce them to all godliness' must be taught. It may safely be asserted that the Statutes of Schools much more frequently include the teaching of the Catechism, Primer and ABC than they explicitly name the ' Bible.' The most important consideration was that the child should know the articles of his faith. But the knowledge of, say Dean Nowell's Catechism in the Middle or Larger form was a serious under- ' See further as to Corderius and Castalio, Chap. XX. 58 The Teaching of the Bible taking and made great demands on the knowledge of Scripture. The following, however, are representative references to Bible- teaching in Statutes. East Retford, 1552. The second form to be taught the Scriptures both Old and New Testament. Hartlebury, 1565. The Master and Usher shall instruct pupils in the true knowledge of God and His holy word as much as in them lieth. Rivington Grammar SchooHStatules, 1566). If there be any number of scholars together in one house at board, everyone in course shall read often, when the household is most together, a chapter or some piece of the Scriptures, or other godly book, and the others shall diligently mark what is read, and everyone afterward repeat some one sentence of that which they have heard read ; and though there be but one scholar in a house, yet he shall on the holidays, and long winter nights, and other idle times when most company is together, read some- what of the Scriptures, or other godly book to the rest of the household where he is lodged. The master and the usher shall inquire diligently whether their scholars do these things, and see them duly corrected which do not. St Bees' Grammar School (Statutes, 1583). The New Testament is to be taught. Heath Grammar School Statutes, c. 1600. They (boys) must join with the Master and Usher both morning and evening in prayer for remission of sins, acceptation in Christ, direction by the Spirit to illuminate their understanding, enlarge their capacities, certify their judgments, and confirm their memories; and hear some chapters daily out of the Old and New Testament read publicly in the school with all reverence and attention, that they may repeat the principal contents there- of, if they be called forth by the Master; and sing daily some place of David in metre to the praise of God for all his mercies with feeling, under- standing and spiritual rejoicing, with thanks unto God for the founder of the School, and the good benefactors. The Heath Statutes are undated, but evidently are anterior to the following minute : Heath Grammar School. About 1603, Dr Farmer for Heath Grammar School, Halifax, procured School Statutes re the Bible 59 a fair English Bible in the largest volume for reading some chapters at ordinary prayers morning and evening^ Hertford Grammar School., 1616. Likewise the Master and Usher shall interpret orderly and grammatic- ally the allowed Catechism for Schools to the Scholars under their charge every Saturday and Feast Even and cause them that are able to construe a chapter in the Testament, Greek or Latin, and in all these things, (that there be no noise, talking or whispering one to another) the eye and ear of the Master shall keep continued watch over them, that they may be habituated in the ways of piety, and that God may bless their studies in learning grounded upon his fear, which is the beginning of wisdom. Charterhouse [Orders, 1627). ^ Two boys shall weekly be appointed for reading the Chapters and saying Grace at every meal in both the Halls. Newport School (SaloJ>), 1656. The first duty entered upon every morning after a short and solemn calling upon God by the Master, or in his absence the Usher, for a blessing thereupon, shall be the distinct reading of a chapter or some other portion of the Holy Scriptures by one of the scholars as the Master shall direct and appoint, and afterwards Prayer shall be put up unto the Lord for his further blessing upon their endeavours in teaching and learning, and before their dismission in the evening, they shall sing one of David's Psalms or a part thereof as the Master or Usher shall appoint, and then close the day with prayer and thanksgiving. William Dell advocated '^ schools to be built through all towns and villages where necessary and that ' in the villages no women be permitted to teach little children, but such as are the most sober and grave. That in these schools, they first teach them to read their native tongue, which they speak without teaching; and then, presently, as they understand, bring them to read the Holy Scriptures.' Brinsley in his Ludus Literarius {\b\2) states the method of teaching the Bible. The boy is to go through the History of the Bible in Mr Pagit's book^ which is in the form of a ' Cox, History of Heath School, p. 19. ^ Right Reformation of Learning in 1650. ' As to Eusebius Pagit's book, see p. 65. Hoole's views on religious education including the Bible are given p. 63 et seqq. 6o The Teaching of the Bible catechism. If they take a page a night, they will find it easy and pleasant. The teacher is to show what virtues are com- mended; what vices condemned or 'what generals they could gather out of that particular; or what examples they have against such vices, or for such virtues ; and thus examine them after the same manner so going over and over as the time permits, you shall see them come on according to your desire.' In this teaching of Scripture history, a selection of the most suitable parts for children should be made. ' There are sundry parts concerning the Levitical Laws which are beyond their conceit, and so in divers other parts. For that should ever be kept in memory, that things well understood are ever most soon learned and most firmly kept ; and we should ever be afraid to discourage our children by the difficulty of any thing.' The easiest should be taken first. The first mention I have found of Bibles as a part of elementary education outside of the Grammar Schools, is a remark of Hoole with regard to Parish Schools in his New Discovery of the Old Art of Teaching School (1660). He says : 'I heard lately related of a cheap, easy, profiting and pious work of char-ity which one did, in bestowing 40/- per annum towards buying English Bibles, which were to be given to those children in the parish that were best able to read them.' The whole school round of religious observances, catechisms, primers, and Bible-reading show the permeation of the school work with religious instruction. The ecclesiastical organisation of the school in the Middle Ages had prepared the ground for a theological discipline in the 17th century. The old objective influences of a picturesque ceremonial religion gave way to a subjective biblical atmosphere, and the school was continuously cast in a religious mould. The line of continuity cannot be better marked than by saying that the Psalms were as deeply fixed in the imagination of the school boys in the one age as in the other. V The Family and the Bible 6i This subject of the knowledge of the Bible must not be left without recurring to the pervading nature of English Puritanism. The English boy received Bible-teaching, I have tried to show, in his school. But as with music, in all probability the home-training was nearer and closer to the boys' consciousness than the school. ' England ' says Mr J. R. Green, ' became the people of one book, and that book, the Bible.' And again, Mr John Morley says, ' the substitution of the Book for the Church was the essence of the Protestant Revolt.' Joined with the new emphasis on family life preached by Luther and accepted so naturally by those who modelled themselves anew on the Jewish prototype of a Christian theocracy, the Bible was the centre of family religious life, known by all members, read^ aloud, morning and evening^ at family prayers, the sign and seal of the profession of religion, in a religious age. Family and school education were at one, in the recognition of the importance of religion. One further factor in the kndwledge of the scriptures requires mention. In the Statutes of St Saviour's Grammar School, Southwark, for instance, the boys are at a certain stage to read the New Testament in Greek ^. In 1627 Orders at Charterhouse School required the Upper Forms to be furnished with Greek Testaments for their use in the Chapel. In many schools they read the New Testament in Latin. In the schools where Hebrew was learned some chapters of the Old Testa- ' For illustrations of the influence of the Bible on the teaching of Reading, see Chap. X., Note A. ^ Milton in his Tractate of Education (1644) refers to the ' nightward studies wherewith they [i.e. the pupils] close the day's work, under the determinate sentence of David or Solomon or the Evanges and Apostolic Scriptures.' In 1560, Laurence Humfrey in The Nobles similarly had said : 'But chiefly ken he Solomon's proverbs. The like accompt make he of David's Psalms.' ^ Hoole says at the daily reading of the Scriptures Latin boys are to follow with ' their ' Latin Bibles before them and the Greek boys with their Greek text. 62 The 'reaching of the Bible ment were read in Hebrew' The application of the learned languages to Biblical studies was to be found even in country schools. Adam Martindale, in his Autobiography describes a school- master at Rainford (c. 1636) who had been at the University five years, and pronounced his Greek in 'the University manner.' ' He examined us in the Greek testament ; wherein he made us to observe the Hebraisms, Latinisms, and idioms. I heard once a confident scholar say, the Greek testament is perfectly free and clear from all dialects ; but it is a great mistake, as our master would have told him, and is plain in the best edition of Pasor. He was also very notable at teaching us to observe all allusions in profane authors to the Sacred Scriptures, insomuch that anything leaning that way should hardly pass his observation.' In the Greek New Testament, which usually included a I.,atin rendering, there was a considerable choice of editors, Erasmus, Stephanus, Beza. Of Latin and English conjoint texts, there were Erasmus's Latin and Matthew's English; the Latin Vulgate and Miles Coverdale's English, and so on. The New Testament in Greek was first printed in England by T. Vautrollier in 1587 ; the first complete Bible in Greek by Roger Daniel in 1653. But it must always be borne in mind that there was in the i6th and 17 th centuries relatively a much larger circulation of foreign school-books in England than obtains at the present time. ' Milton required the Hebrew tongue ' to be gained that the Scriptures be read in the original ' by pupils. On the other hand, some Puritans did not see the necessity of Latin, Greek and Hebrew, particularly for girls. For instance, Sir Ralph Verney says in a letter of i65'2 in reply to a girl who has told him that she will learn Latin, Greek and Hebrew: 'Good sweet heart, be not so covetous ; believe me a Bible (with y^ Common Prayer) and a good plain Catechism in your mother tongue being well read and practised is well worth all the rest, and much more suitable to your sex.' Excursus: Religious Instruction, 1600 — 1660 63 Excursus on Religious Instruction, 1600 — 1660. In Chapter 11. on Religious Instruction in the schools -, 1500 — 1600, the change from Roman Catholicism to Pro- ' testantism was shown to have been reflected in the Schools, which played an important part in the new propaganda. From 1600 — 1660, the Puritan influence was equally clearly marked, / and the Schools again were the training-ground for religious/ and theological inculcation. The most complete account of the subject of religious instruction in the schools of the period is given in Charles Hoole's New Discovery of the Old Art of Teaching School (1660), and this book in the experience of the writer stretches over the preceding thirty years, so that it may be taken as representative of the period. It will be seen that the Bible is the centre of the instruction throughout. From Hoole we learn that In the Fifth Form of a Grammar School, the teaching of Hebrew' formed part of the work as well as the learning of Greek. Before the day's reading of authors, Hoole requires that twelve verses at least be read from the Greek Testament. From the Fifth Form, moreover, Nowell's Catechism or the Palatinate Catechism were expected, in Greek^. In the Fourth Form, the boys read Buchanani Psalmi and learn the Assembly's Catechism, and are already entered in the Greek Testament. 'Every morning,' says Hoole, 'they read six or ten verses, as formerly, out of the Latin Testament into English, that thus they may become well acquainted with the matter and words of that most holy Book ; and after they are acquainted with the Greek Testament, they may proceed with it in hke manner.' For the Greek Testament he recommends the Lexicon Graeci Testamenti Alphabetiaim, lately completed ' See p. 62 and Chap, xxxil. "^ See Chap. IV. 64 Excursus: Religious Instruction, 1600 — 1660 by Mr Dugard, head master of Merchant Taylors' School. Descending lower into the school, into the Third Form, we enter the domain of the usher^. Here we are still more astonished to find that Hoole suggests that children should buy copies of Gerard's Meditations, Thomas i Kempis' Imitation, and S. Augustine's Soliloquies or Meditations, in Latin and in English, or the like pious and profitable books, and continually bear them about in their pockets to read ' at spare times,' in Latin and in English. It is true that this is with a view to the acquisition of Latin, but he chooses these books because they are religious. The Assembly's Catechism has to be known in English and in Latin in the Third Form. Moreover, he adds : • ' If out of every lesson- as they pass this little Catechism (i.e. the Assembly's) you extract the doctrinal points by way of propositions and annex the proofs of scriptures to them, which are quoted in the margent, as you see Mr Perkins hath done in the beginning of the book, and cause your scholars to write them out all fair, and at large, as they find them in the Bible ; it will be a profitable way of exercising them on the Lord's Day, and a good means to improve them in the real knowledge of Christianity.' Children in this Form are supposed to be between the years nine and ten. Mr Perkins' book referred to is entitled : The Foundation of Christian Religion gathered into Six Principles. And it is to be learned of ignorant people that they may be fit to hear Sermons with Profit and to receive the Lord's Supper with Comfort (1591). In the Second Form, they began to learn the Assembly's Catechism first in English and then in Latin, but every Saturday morning, in addition, they were required to say, in English and in Latin, the Lord's Prayer, the Creed and the Ten Commandments. In speaking of his First Form, Hoole lays down his position as to religious teaching. ' Now because all our teaching is but mere trifling unless withal we be careful ' 'The master,' as distinguished from the usher, taught in the Fourth, Fifth, and Sixth Forms. Pagit's History of the Bible 65 to instruct children in the grounds of true religion, let them be sure to get the Lord's Prayer, the Creed and the Ten Com- mandments ; first in English, and then in Latin, every Saturday morning for lessons, from their first entrance to the grammar school; and for their better understanding of these Funda- mentals of Christianity you may, according to Mr Bernard's little Catechism, resolve them into such easy questions as they may be able to answer of themselves, and give them the quotations or texts of scriptures which confirm or explain the doctrinal points contained in them, to write out the following Lord's Day, and to show^ on Monday mornings when they come to school.' So far I have referred to religious instruction as part of the form work. But Charles Hoole treats of it further as a matter in which the whole school must be concerned. Every morning at the beginning of school work, and each afternoon at the end, an English chapter of the Bible is to be read. Every boy in the school- is to take his turn at reading, and all the others are to attend reverently. The higher boys are to have a Latin text, and the highest will do well to procure the Septuagint in Greek^. Hoole remarks upon the advantage to clear and ready reading that this will be, but he evidently has in mind also that the pupils should learn the contents of the Bible. To learn as to the matter, he says : ' Mr Paget's [i.e. Eusebius Pagit] History of the Bible [briefly collected by way of Question and Answer — first edition 1613 — often reprinted] will assist them herein, so they look upon it before the chapter be read ; you yourself may do well sometimes to tell them what things are most remarkable in that present chapter. The scholars of the upper forms may do well to carry Memoriale Biblicum con- stantly in their pocket, by which they may be put in mind at all times what passages they may find in any chapter.' After the reading of the chapter, Hoole enjoins. the singing of one of ' 'Especially,' Hoole adds, 'seeing that copies are to be had at a far cheaper rate than formerly, being but lately printed. ' W. 5 66 Excursus: Religious Instruction, 1600 — \bbo the following Psalms, i st, 6 2 nd, 1 00th or 1 1 3th. Then followed the admonitions at the end of Nowell's Catechism and a hymn at the end of that book. Finally a prayer. It is also the duty of the master to encourage parents to see that their children read a chapter at home every night after supper. So far for the week-days, in form and in school assembled. There are still the Sundays to be considered. On Sundays Hoole would have the master meet his pupils at the school an hour before the Church service in the morning begins, and then instruct them in catechetical doctrines. The Scholars are then to sing a hymn and a prayer is to be said, after which the school marches orderly, two by two, to the church where seats are reserved, all within view of the master. After the afternoon service the boys go to the school again, in like order. It is now the duty of the master to examine what they ' have heard or writ at the sermon.' Hoole's course in this repeating of sermons must here be given in his own words : ' I. Let every one of the lower scholars repeat the text or a proof, or some little pious sentence which was then delivered. And these he should get either by his own attention at the church, or by the help of his fellows afterwards. For there should be no stir made in the church upon pretence of getting notes there. ' 2. Those in the four middlemost Forms should mind to write the text, doctrines, reasons, uses, motives, and deriva- tions, with the quotations of scripture-places as they are best able. '3. Those in the highest Form should strive to write as much, and in as good order as possibly may be, yourself now and then hinting to them some direction. 'Then '4. You may first cause one of your higher scholars to read distinctly what he hath written, and afterwards two or The Development of Shorthand 67 three of other forms, whom you please to pick out ; and last of all, let every one of the lowest form tell you what he hath observed of the sermon.' Hoole's views, it will be observed, are sufficiently detailed, but in 161 2, John Brinsley, in his Ludus Literarius had written in even greater detail. Brinsley urged that the youngest should be required to bring some notes of the sermon, or else to be taught by the older scholars, short sentences, such as ' "Without God we can do nothing," "All good gifts are from God," or the Uke short sentences ; not to overload them at the first.' It seems highly probable that the custom of writing out the matter of sermons led, in some degree, to the development of shorthand. The Hon. Ion Keith-Falconer, in his article on shorthand (in the Encycl. Brit. 9th ed.) suggests that the first impulse to the cultivation of shorthand 'may possibly be traced to the Reformation.' The desire set in for the Protest- ant to remember the points of discourses so as to argue and maintain his position against the Catholic. As an example I may cite from Noah Bridges' Stenographic and Cryptographic ('The first laid down in a method familiar to mean capacities') published 1659, the year before the issue of Hoole's book. Bridges writes: 'Note the chief heads of sermons, and set in the margent of your paper the doctrines, uses, etc., together with the names of authorities ancient and modern.' So, too, Job Everardt, in his Epitome of Sienographie (1658), recommends that in a sermon, a note be made of ' Interpreta- tion, Proof, Example, Instance, Reason, Use, Motive, Metaphor, Collusion, Similitude, Comparison,' and the enlargement on each head be left to the memory. Thomas Shelton, teacher of the art oi Zdglographia ('allowed by authority'), who wrote much and often on the subject, states that Dr Preston, Dr Sibbes, and Dr Day had their works preserved by shorthand, which thus 'caused them even to outlive themselves.' One sentence further (the edition of the 5—2 68 Excursus: Religious Instruction, 1600 — 1660 Zeiglographia from which I quote is dated 1659') shows a deeper reason for the training of the young to take notes of sermons : ' And should the revolution of times bring forth such as the Marian Days (which God avert) when one small epistle of the New Testament was at the rate of five pounds, and one chapter sold for a load of hay, how precious then, notes of wholesome divinity (taken in this art, now in this harvest of the gospel) would be, both those that should have and those that should want them would know, though in a different manner, they would prove like the Jews' Manna on the Sabbath, when there was none to be gathered abroad.' The practice of note-taking of sermons, therefore — arising from the Reformation, and facilitated by the growing number of text-books of shorthand-writers, — was not only taken up by adults but permeated the schools, or, at any rate, those of them conducted by such men as Hoole, in the time of the Commonwealth. In fact, the religious education of the period shows the keenness and intensity of conviction which was handed down as the heirloom of the generations which had just gone through the throes of the Reformation. The closeness of the work of the teachers with that of clergymen was recognized not only in the combination of the two functions in the same person, but also in the common recognition of the new-born liberties brought, in the age of the Reformation, to theology and to literature, and the pressing necessity of passing them on to the children. ' The preface of the book from which the passage comes is dated 1649, though Shelton claims to have invented the art thirty years. It vi'as probably written, therefore, in 1619. CHAPTER IV. THE CATECHISM. We have seen that in 1545 the Authorised Primer had been provided, but the catechism was rather a summary of the leading categories of the Christian faith whilst the Primer was the devotional expression of the religious sentiment in the right terras and with the right traditional forms. The short forms of both Primer and Catechism are text-books for elementary pupils. But the educational methods differ. The Primer is the service book, adapted for all intelligences. The Catechism is essentially a testing of the learner in his knowledge of Christian doctrine. The Catechism of the Prayer-book is drawn up, as were all the shorter Catechisms, on the supposition that the shorter a book is, the easier it is to learn. Elementary is confused with elemental. Later on one of the most keenly debated of paedagogical problems centred round the question of the value of abridgements, summaries and compendia. But in theological teaching, it was early decided, that the schools required both larger and smaller catechisms. This was almost as clear as the need that some should be in English and some in Latin. The paedagogical principle underlying the provision was held to be adaptation to the stage of the progress of the pupil. It was soon discovered that merely telling from the pulpit or the desk was not teaching, and recourse was had to a text-book in the old catechetical method. This method could claim an honoured tradition, for it had been used in the early Church, though often the questions were asked by the learrier 70 The Catechism and answered by the Catechist. Forms of catechetical in- struction were given by St Augustine and St CyriP. It has not been sufficiently emphasised that the catechetical method is, after all, only another form of the disputation so prevalent in the Middle Ages, though in religious catechisms the questions and answers do not correspond to oppugnor and defendant, but are constructed with a view to clear exposition of the particular tenets to be taught. Seeing the disputational tra- ditions of the whole body of learners in the past it was only natural when the Reformers sought for an instructional method in the new religious tenets, that the child should be ' apposed ' (as is required in the Prayer Book of 1549) by the Bishop. For that was the school-method in other subjects^ and it was an old Church practice. 'The master opposeth (i.e. apposeth) the scholar to see how he hath profited, and the scholar rendereth (i.e. answereth) to the master to give accompt of his memory and diligence ' says Thomas Norton in the Preface to his translation of Dean Nowell's Latin Catechism. Norton notices that other writers of Catechisms had adopted the method of inquiries by the scholar and teaching by the master''- The object of the Catechism is adequate prepara- tion for confirmation by the Bishop, who simply apposes. It is therefore reasonable that a Catechism should adopt the Bishop's method. The First Book of Common Prayer was issued in 1549 and it contains the Catechism under the title ' Confirmation wherein is contained a Catechism for children,' and with the Rubric requiring 'all fathers, mothers, masters, and dames shall cause their children, servants and prentices (which are not yet confirmed) to come to the church at the ^ Christopher Wase urges that for origin we should go further back — viz. to the ' Child Jesus found In the Temple sitting in the midst of the Doctors both hearing and asking them questions.' ^ Particularly it should be observed that the school grammar of Donatus, in the shorter form, the Ars minor or Aeditio secuiida, is in the form of a Catechism. ^ As in Erasmus's Catechism. NowelPs Catechism 71 day appointed, and obediently hear and be ordered by the curate, until such time as they have learned all that is here appointed for them to learn.' There is great difference of opinion as to the compiler of the catechism as it originally appeared in the Book of Common Prayer of 1549 (and in 1552) before the addition of the portion relating to the Sacraments. It is a significant fact that two of the names suggested as the author of this Catechism wrote longer Catechisms, Poynet, and Nowell. John Poynet was appointed Bishop of Rochester in 1550, and in 1553 wrote his Short Catechism, which, however, was considerably longer than the Catechism in the Book of Common Prayer. Alexander Nowell, Dean of St Paul's, in 1570 published, a longer, a middle and a short Catechism. It is easy to see how the term 'Short' Catechism given to each of the catechisms of the two authors Poynet and Nowell, has paved the way for the suggestion of each of them as the writer of the Catechism in the Book of Common Prayer. The points of resemblance between the acknowledged short Catechism of each of these writers, and the Catechism in the Book of Common Prayer, can largely be accounted for by the fact of going over the same ground, from the same point of view, so that it cannot be said with any confidence that similarities even of expression are more than accidental. The testimony of Isaac Walton is cited in favour of Nowell, of whom Walton says^ 'The good old man, though he was very learned, yet — knowing that God leads us not to heaven by many or by hard questions — like an honest Angler, made that good plain, unperplexed Catechism, which is printed with our good old Service Book.' The biographer of Nowell, Churton, observes that Isaac Walton 'had conversed with those who had conversed with Nowell,' but this can hardly be accounted strong evidence. On the other hand, Walton, not being a scientific investigator, would be inclined charitably to believe all good things of so distin- 1 Complete Angler, pt. i, Chap. i. 72 The Catechism guished a fellow-angler as No well. Archdeacon Blunt' mentions Goodrich, Bishop of Ely, as a possible writer of a portion of the Prayer-book Catechism, but the evidence is not convincing. The question of authorship must be regarded as open. There is no doubt (as will be seen from the statutes of schools, e.g. Retford in 1552 and Caistor 1630), that the Prayer-book Catechism was used in the schools. But it was regarded from the school point of view as preparatory to a more complete and adequate religious Catechism or Manual of religious instruction. The Catechism in the Book of Common Prayer, it must be understood was an absolute minimum, and might therefore be rigorously required from all. The method of its use parochially may be gained by reading the section on the subject in George Herbert's Priest to the Temple, and Baxter's Reformed Pastor. It was not enough for anyone who professed to be a scholar. It was for the ignorant, i.e. the non-learned. There were also more distinctively School Catechisms. In 1527, Colet included a Cathechyzon in his Q,o\s!a. jEditio or Accidence, and in 1547 Erasmus's Catechism had been ordered to be in the possession of every boy in Winchester College. The Warden or deputy was every Sunday and holy- day to read some portion of it proving every article by scripture and ' to exercise the scholars at such time therein.' 1 The title of Erasmus's Catechism in the English translation I was : 1533. A playne and godly exposition or declaration of the comune Crede (which in the Latyn tonge is called Symbolum Apostoloruni) and of the x comaundementes of goddes law, neivly made and put forth by the famouse clerke, Mayster Erasmus of Roterdame, at the regiieste of the moste honorable lorde, Thomas ^ Annotations to the Prayer-book, ed. 1903, p. 428. Poynet's Catechism 73 Erie of wyltshyre : father to the moste gratious and vertuous Queue Anne wyfe to our moste gracious soueraygne lorde Kyng Henry the VIII. (Printed by Robert Redman, London 1533.) From a literary point of view, Erasmus's Catechism is interesting, but when the Protestant Reformation was accom- plished it naturally fell into disuse and the next year after the Second Prayer Book of Edward VI (1552), an Authorised! Catechism was issued in Latin and in English entitled asj follows : A short Catechism, or playne instruction, conteynynge the summe of Christian learninge, sett fourth by the King's majesties authoritie for all Scholemaisters to teache. 'To thys Catechisme are adjoyned the Articles agreed upon by the -Bishoppes and other learned and godly men in the last convocation at London in the yeare of our Lorde MDLII for to roote out the discord of opinions, and stablish the agrement of trew religion : likewise published by the Kinge's maiesties authorities. 1553- Imprinted at London by John Day with the Kinge's most gracious licence and priveledge : Forbidding all other to print the same Catechisme.' The injunction which accompanies and authorises this Catechism, written by Bp Poynet requires schoolmasters 'all and each to truly and diligently teach this Catechism in your Schools immediately after the other brief Catechism which we have already set forth.' It was not destined to wield the influence contemplated. With the accession of Queen Mary, in the same year as the publication of Poynet's Catechism, Poynet himself had to escape to StrassburgS and his Catechism was a dangerous book to possess, at any rate till after 1558. It was not till 1570 that Dean Nowell's Latin Catechism was published. ' Where he died in exile 1556. Curiously enough Nowell also went to Strassburg in Mary's reign though he moved on to Frankfort. 74 The Catechism At least seven editions of this Catechism were printed between 1570 and 1580. In 1570, in the same year that the Latin text was published, an English translation was made by Thomas Norton (who also translated Calvin's Institutes into English). This is entitled : A Catechism, or first Instruction and learning of Christian Religion. Translated out of Latine into English. At London. Printed by John Daye dwelling ouer Alder sgate. Cum Privilegto Regiae Maiestatis per Decennium. A.D. 1570- This, then, is the 'larger' Catechism of Nowell. The abridged form of it known as the Middle Catechism, was pub- lished in Latin in the same year as the Larger Catechism, 1570. TheMiddleCatechism was translated into English by the same translator as the larger Catechism, Thomas Norton, in 1572, as: A Catechisme, or Institution of Christiaji Religion to be learned of all youth next after the little Catechisme: appointed in the booke of Common Prayer. London, John Daye. 1572. It was translated into Greek in 1573 by William Whitaker, who had translated the Book of Common Prayer into Greek in 1569. There was still a third transformation of Nowell's Catechism: his smaller Catechism which was published in 1572. Catechismus parvus pueris primum qui ediscatur proponendus in Scholis. This, also, was translated into Greek by Whitaker in 1574. The close resemblance of this shortest form of Nowell's Catechism to the Prayer-book Catechism constitutes, of course, the real ground for the conjecture that Nowell was author of both. It is incontrovertible, that it is Dean Nowell's Catechism in one form or another, that took the chief position as the school manual of religious instruction in the latter part of the i6th and in the 17th centuries. For instance, in Canon 79 of the 1604 Canons : in the requirement ' All schoolmasters shall teach in English or Latin, as the children are able to hear, the longer or shorter catechism, heretofore by public authority set forth — ,' Continental Catechisms 75 there is no reason to doubt that the larger Catechism referred to is No well's as sanctioned by the Canons of 1571. Wase in 1678 mentions Nowell's Catechism, as taught in St Paul's School by local statutes, Ursinus's Catechism, trans- lated into Greek by Henry Stephens, with the Praxis of Birket used elsewhere with good success, and the church Catechism, which no other ought to exclude. ' It is required of every one that is matriculated a Member in either University to subscribe the Articles of Faith and Religion, which supposes him to have been informed in them either by his Minister or School- master.' The return of the Protestants from Strassburg, Frankfort, Geneva, whither they had fled from the Marian Persecution, brought England into much closer connection with Protestant Europe, and consequently with Continental books. Luther's Catechism, both larger and smaller, in 1529 had begun the long series of catechetical manuals. It is claimed by Lutheran writers that no book except the Bible has had a wider circula- tion. It was written in the vernacular. The Geneva Catechism was written in the French language in which Calvin was so finished a writer, though he immediately translated it into Latin. It was published in 1538. A crowning glory of Calvin's Catechism was its translation into Greek in 1 55 1 by Henry Stephens, who earned for his translation the precious compliments of Melanchthon. Probably Nowell was influenced by this work^- In 1563, was issued the Heidel- berg Catechism, whose chief author was Ursinus, student of Melanchthon and friend of Calvin. 'It is,' says Schaff"^, 'an acknowledged masterpiece with few to equal and none to surpass it.' This commendation loses its paedagogic value, when he goes on to say ' Its only defect is that its answers are mostly too long for the capacity and memory of children.' The English Church thus followed the example of the ' Jacobson, Nowell's Catechismus (1844), p. xxx. ''■ History of Creeds, I. p. 540. 76 The Catechism Lutheran and other Protestant Churches in the adoption of Catechisms. Nor was it easy to exclude the continental works. Various foreign Catechisms, especially Calvin's, were reproduced and circulated, in different forms in England. 'The more popular catechisms,' says CardwelP, ' of the Helvetic reformers such as Oecolampadius (1545), Leo Judas (1553), and more especially Bullinger (1559), had been adopted by many teachers and occasioned much complaint as to the want of a uniform system of religious instruction. Even in 1578 when the deficiency had been corrected by the publication of Dean Nowell's Catechisms and the exclusive use of them had been enjoined in the Canons of 1571, the Catechisms of Calvin and Bullinger were still ordered by Statute to be used as well as others in the University of Oxford.' The Roman Catholics followed the lead of their Protestant opponents, and as a counterpoise, in 1566 produced their long Catechism of the Council of Trent. It is a book of religious instruction for the clergy. Schaff' describes it as marked by 'precise definitions, lucid arrangement and good style.' It has been translated into all the languages of Europe, and though minimised by the Jesuits has held its own as an authoritative Roman Catholic Catechism. It has, however, been supplemented by many local and special Cate- chisms, also allowed by authority in the Roman Catholic Church. The only other Catechisms which need here be mentioned are the Westminster Catechisms, larger and shorter, 1647, of which it has been said^ 'These are inimitable as theological summaries; though when it is considered that to comprehend them would imply an acquaintance with the whole circle of dogmatic and controversial divinity, it may be doubted whether either of them is adapted to the capacity of childhood.' This was compiled by the Assembly of Divines and presented ' Cardwell, Documentary Annals, i. p. 266. ^ Creeds of Christendom, i. p. loi. 'I By McCrie quoted by Schaff Creeds, i. p. 785. The Diversity of Catechisms 77 to both Houses of Parliament. The short Form has exercised the strongest hold on the affections of adherents of Calvinism, especially in Scotland. The place of the Assembly's shorter Catechism in English Schools particularly of the Commonwealth period seem to be best indicated by Charles Hoole, who requires it to be learnt in English and in Latin in the second, third and fourth forms, whilst in the fifth Nowell's Catechism or the Palatinate Catechism is to be required. At the end of this chapter is given a list of Catechisms on sale by a bookseller in 1595. Two points may be gathered from its perusal. I. The comprehensiveness of the use of the term to cover all sorts of religious manuals. II. The extreme diversity in spite of the fact of the attempt to compel an authorised Catechism. In illustration of this may be cited the fact that Coote, in his Enghsh Schoolmaster, 1596, includes an unauthorised Catechism for religious instruction, as part of the outfit of the elementary pupil. We have, too, the opinion of King James I at the Hampton Court Conference' who criticised the number of 'ignorant' Catechisms set out in Scotland, suggesting that they were written by ' everyone who was the son of a good man.' Adam Martindale^ shows us how they were circulated broadcast. Ministers met together and argued how best to pursue the work of personal instruction. 'Multitudes of little catechisms we caused to be printed, designing one for every family in our parishes,, and to all or most they were accordingly sent.' So, Jeremy Taylor, when schoolmaster at Golden Grove in South Wales issued a Cate- chism for children. A reference to Andrew Maunsell's Catalogue' 1595, to Wm London's Catalogue of Vendible Books in 1658, will show the great variety of Catechisms throughout the period 1548-1658. Hugh Peters in i66o, in 'A Dying Father's Last Legacy to an onely child' says : 'Though ' Fuller's Church History, Vol. v. p; 284. ^ Autobiography (Chetham Society's Publications), p. 122. ° p. 83. 78 The Catechism there are near an hundred several Catechisms in the Nation, yet (if sound) they must speak one thing, viz. 'Man lost in himself, redeemed only through Christ.' During the Commonwealth period, in the higher forms of Grammar Schools Nowell's Catechism was used, and in the lower forms probably there was a considerable variety. At the establishment of the Charity Schools, in the early years of the 1 8th century 'the Church Catechism was required to be used in the 2000 schools which came into existence through that movement^- This probably considerably consolidated the posi- tion of the Prayer-book Catechism, and has helped to obscure the multitude of other Catechisms in vogue, at earlier dates. References : J. H. Blunt. The Annotated Book of Common Prayer. Longmans 1903. Thomas Cranmer. Short Introduction into Christian Religion being a Catechism set forth by Archbishop Cranmer. Oxford 1829 (with Preface by Edward Burton). (1548.) Wm Tite and Richard Thompson. Bibliographical and Literary Account of Cranmer's Catechism. (Not published. Copy in Brit. Mus.) Joseph Ketley. The Two Liturgies A.D. 1549 and A.D. 1552 of Edward VI's reign. (Parker Society's Reprints.) Cambridge 1844. Edward Cardwell. Documentary Annals of the Reformed Church of England. Oxford 1839. Philip Schaff. The History of the Creeds. London 1878. Edward Cardwell. Synodalia etc. Oxford 1892. G. E. Corrie. Nowell's Catechism. (Parker Society's Reprints.) Cambridge 1853. W. Jacobson. Catechismus {siuctCiTe A. Nowell). Oxford 1835. Edward Cardwell. History of Conferences connected with the Revision of the Book of Common Prayer. Oxford 1840. ' As is shown in The Christian Schoolmaster by James Talbot, i "o" which gives instructions to Charity School teachers. Note A : School Statutes re Catechisms 79 Note A. School Statutes re Catechisms. • St Paul's Statutes, 1518. I will the children learn first above all the Catechism in English, and after the Accidence — And then Institututn Christiani Hominis which that learned Erasmus made at my request. Erasmus's Institutum Christiani Hominis was included by Statute, as a book of instruction in St Paul's School, London (1518) and in Witton School, Cheshire, 1558. (A'. Edward VPs Commissioners' Injunctions to Winchester, 1547.) That every Scholar of this Foundation and other coming to the School shall provide with all convenient expedition, for Erasmus's Catechism, wherein the Warden or his sufficient Deputy every Sunday and Holy day, shall read some part thereof, proving every article thereof by The Scripture and exercise the Scholars at such time therein. East Retford, 1552. The Master or Usher shall cause one of their Scholars every Sunday to read the Catechism in English openly and distinctly in the body of the said Parish Church of E. Retford between the Morning Prayer and the Communion as well for their own instruction as for the instruction of other young Children in the said Parish. Oundle School founded 1556. Statutes. That M' Wardens of the Grocers do, from time to time, provide a good Schoolmaster, whole of body, of good report, and in degree a Master of Arts, meet for his learning and dexterity in teaching, and right under- standing of good and true religion set forth by public authority, whereunto he shall move and stir his scholars, and also shall prescribe unto them such sentences of holy Scripture, as shall be most expedient to endue them to Godliness ; and shall teach the Grammar approved by the Queen's Majesty, and the Accidence and English Rules, being learnt in the first Form; to teach in the Second, Mr Nowell's little Catechism ; and in the third form, his large Catechism. Rivington Grammar School Statutes, 1556. On Saturdays and Holy Day Eves, the Usher shall exercise his youngter sort in learning their short Catechism in English in the Common Book, and the same days to all sorts the Master shall read Mr Nowell's or Calvin's 8o The Catechism : Note A Catechism, taught in Calvin's Institutions, willing the elder sort both to learn it by heart, and examine them briefly the next day after, when they come to School again, before they go to other things, how they can say it, and shall commend them that have done well, and encourage others to do the like. Witton {Cheshire) Statutes, 1558. ' Mine intent is by founding this School specially to increase knowledge and worshipping of God and our Lord Jesus Christ, and good Christian Life and Manners in the Children, and for that intent I will that the Children learn the Catechism, and then the Accidence and Grammar set out by King Henry the Eighth, and then Institutum Chrisiiani Hominis that learned Erasmus made.' Orders. Merchant Taylors', 1561. They (the Masters) shall have no benefice with cure, occupation, oeSce or service, nor any other faculty which may let their diligent teaching at the School, but they shall attend only upon the School, and they shall teach the children, if need be, the Catechism, and Instructions of the Articles of the Faith and the Ten Commandments in Latin ; that is to say, such a Catechism as shall be approved by the Queen's Majesty that now is, and by the Honourable Court of Parliament of this Realm from time to time. Dronfield, \i'l^- I ordain that the Schoolmaster every Saturday afternoon, do call the Scholars before him, and that till three of the clock he catechise them in the principles of our Christian religion, according to the order of the book of Common Prayer, that they may by this means be sesisoned and prepared to receive public instruction by way of catechising from the Vicar in the church. Religious teaching and Catechism. Harrow rules, 1580. Every scholar shall be taught to say the Lord's Prayer, the Articles of the Faith, the Ten Commandments, and other chief parts of the Catechism and principal points of Christian Religion, in English first, and after in Latin, and upon Sunday and holidays, the Master shall read a Lecture to all, or the most part of his Scholai-s, which he shall think meet to hear thereof, out of Calvin or Nowell's Catechism, or some such other book, at his discretion, and the School shall not break up at any great feast in the year for any longer time than the space of one week, besides the holidays which holidays also shall not be spent without this Lecture and Instruction in the things before mentioned. School Statutes re Catechisms 8i St Bees, 1583. The Schoolmaster for the time being shall have authority to appoint some poor Scholar, that understandeth his Grammar, and can write a reasonable hand, to be his Usher under him ; who shall teach the children to read and write English, and to say by heart the Catechism in English set forth by public authority, with the additions, and the Accidence, and when they are able to learn construction they shall be admitted into the Master's School. Grindal and St Bees Statutes, 1583- (See Strype's Grindal, p. 463.) 'The Schoolmaster shall teach the children the greater as well as the lesser catechism^, set out by authority and no other catechism, except public authorized.' Guildford Statutes, 1608, though written earlier. Saturday afternoon School ended at 4, and was devoted to learning the Catechism probably Nowell's, in Latin or English from one till 3 o'clock, and 3 to 4 the boys learned and practised writing for the mending of their hands. Chigwell, 1629. I ordain that the Latin Schoolmaster, every Saturday Afternoon, do call the Scholars of both Schools before him, and do catechise them in the Principles of our Christian Religion, According to the Order of the Book of Common Prayer, that they may by this means be seasoned and prepared to receive public instruction, by way of catechising from the Vicar in the Church, which / more desire than the seasoniiig them with learning. Westminster School. (Archbp Laud's transcript of studies, 1621-8.) Sundays. Upon Sundayes before mornS prayers (in summer) they were common- lie in the schoole (such as were King's scholars) and there construed some part of the Gospell in g'^ or repeated part of the G' catechisme : for the afternoone they made verses upon the preacher's sermon, or epist. and gospell. The best scholars in the 7* forme were appointed as Tutors to reade and expound places of Hom', Virg., Hor., Eurip., or other g' and and lat. authors; at those times (in the forenoone or affnoone or aft' beaver times) wherein the scholers were in the schoole, in expectation of the M'. ' This seems to be Dean Nowell's Catechism approved in Synod, 1562. W. 6 82 The Catechism : Note A Caistor, 1630. The said Schoolmaster and Usher. ..on every Saturday Afternoon from one of the clock to three and at such other times as they shall think fit, to teach and instruct their scholars in the rudiments of Religion, as the Catechism used in the Book of Common Prayer, Nowell's Catechism, or other Catechism and the construing of chapters in the Greek or Latin Testament. Newport {Salop), 1656. And to the end that catechising being of such singular use, for the training up of youth, in the knowledge of the Oracles of God, may be the better carried on, I do hereby order that the Master or Usher, or one of them, shall spend one hour at the least every Saturday in the afternoon throughout the year in catechising of the Scholars, teaching them first The Assembly's lesser Catechism, and as any of the Scholars have been sufficiently acquainted and instructed in that, and shall grow to maturity and ripened in judgment, to instruct them in the said Assembly's larger Catechism ; and if any of the Scholars shall wilfirlly and stubbornly offend in any of the premises after these admonitions, it shall be lawful for the Master, with the advice and consent of three or more of the Visitors to expel and eject the said offender or offenders from the said Freedom. Wigan, 1664. [They shall] submit themselves (i.e. the Scholars) to be publicly catechised as the Rector of Wigan or his curate shall from time to time appoint; and that one or more Scholars be appointed to view and take notice of such Scholars as shall be absent, or not decently behave them- selves during the time of public prayers and sermons, and that every Monday morning, account shall be required by the Master or Usher of any so offending who shall be corrected as the nature of the offence shall deserve. And it is further ordained, that every Monday morning, after reading of the chapter, some short convenient time shall be spent by the Master or Usher, or both, in calling some Scholars at one time, and some at another, to give an account of their profiting on the Sabbath day before ; and to the end that catechising being of such singular use for the training up of youth in the knowledge of the oracles of God, and may be the better carried on, the Master or Usher, or both, shall spend one hour at least, every other Saturday throughout, in catechising the Scholars. Bristol, ? date. The Master and Usher shall catechise their Scholars upon Saturdays in the Morning, making use of Nowell's Catechism, Latin and Greek in the Upper School ; and the Church Catechism, in Latin, for those of capacity ; and in English for the rest of the School. Maunsell's List of Catechisms 83 Note B. Maunsell's List of Catechisms, 1595. Andrew Maunsell was the first English bookseller who issued a book- catalogue (1595). The list contains books of religious instruction which we should not include in the term Catechism. On the other hand, there is no doubt that school instruction in religion was by no means confined to the Catechisms and Primers. As to catechisms, it would be simply a huge task to enumerate the various editions of the catechisms issued between 1540 and. 1660. Even before 1600 the number was large, as will be seen by Maunsell's list, and by i66o the list was enormously increased. The following are the entries under the head Catechism in Andrew Maunsell's Catalogue (1595): Edmund Allen (1550), Bartimeus Andrews (tjgr), Jeremy Bastingius (1591), William Burton (1591), Swithin Butterfield, Theodore Beza (1578), S. S. (1583), one printed by Hugh Singleton (1579), R. Bird (1595), Tho. Cranmer (1S48), Calvin's Institutions, abridged by Lawne, his Catechism (1592), Wm Cotes (1585), John Craig Scot (1591), Fred. Count Palatine (translated, 1570), Rob. Cawdray, Tho. Cobhead, one printed for John Harrisoii (1582), Richard Cox, one printed by assignees of Rich. Day, C. W. (1584), translation from the French by George Capelin (1581), one in three parts (Of the Misery of Men in themselves. Of the happiness of those that believe. Of the Duties we owe to God) printed by Hugh Singleton (1582), E. C, translation by Rob. Legate, M.A. (1592), Edward Dering, Arthur Dent, Jo. Darison, An Exposition printed by Caxton, Stephen Egerton (1594), A Free Schoole for Gpd's Children by J. R. (1593), Dudley Fenner (1592), John Fountein translated by T. W. (1578), George Gifford (1586), John Gardiner (1583), Alex. Gee, Patr. Galoway, John Gibson (1579), ^"^ Hopkinson (1583), John Hooper, Wm Horne (1590), And. Hiperius translated by I. H. (1583), Rich. Jones, School- master of Cardiff (1589), one translated by Doroth. Martin (1581), D. W. Archdeacon (1586), Rob. Linaker, lo. Morecraft (abridgment of Ursinus, iS86), Miles Moss (1590), Tho. Michelthwait (1589) ; A necessarie Doctrine and erudition for any Christian Man Set forth by the King^s Majestie of England, printed by John Mayler (1543); Alexander Nowell (translated into English by Thomas Norton), His brief Catechism (1587); Rob. Openshaw (1582), Gasp. Olenian (translated by Rich. Saintbarbe, 1589), Wm Perkins (1.^92), Palsgrave (translated by Wm Turner, 1572), Eusebius Pagit (1591), Tho. Pearston, Preparation to the Lord's Supper by T. W. ; 6—2 84 The Catechism : Notes B and C Preparation to the Way of Life, etc., vid. Hopkins; John Parker (i59^)' T. Robart's Catechism in meeter (1591), Tho. Ratliffe (1594), Christopher Shutte (1584), Tho. Settle; Sum of Christianitie, containing eight propositions, printed by Rob. Robinson (1585) ; Summarie of Principles of Christian religion by S within Butterfield (1582), Richard Saintbarbe, Short Catechism printed by Christopher Barker, one printed for Thomas Man (i69o),,Thoinas Sharke and John Seddon (1588), Tho. Sparke Doct. Some (1583), John Tomkis On the Lord's Prayer (1585), Zach. Ursinus (translated liy Henry Parry, 1595), Catechism abridged by John Morecraft (1586), abridged by John Seddon; Math. Virell, Treatise containing all the princif all grounds of Christian religion {1594). For further illustration of the importance of catechisms historically in the work of instruction, see in William London's Divinity Books, alphabetically digested, one of the sections of his catalogue (1658). Note C. The Printers of Catechisms. The Right of printing the Catechisms was determined by Patent. John Daye's licence in 1552 allowed him to print the Catechisms of Edward VI in Latin and English. In i=.53, Reginald Wolfe' was granted the privilege to print the Latin Catechism, whilst John Daye was restrained to the English Catechism with a brief of the ABC attached, together with the books of John Ponet and Thos Becon— so long as these be not in any wise repugnant to the holy scriptures or proceedings in religion and the laws of the realm. When Nowell's Catechism first appeared Wolfe printed the Latm edition and Daye the English translation, both forms of the work appearing in 1570. Daye protested. On this dispute there is a note in Cecil's papers : Item, that where one Daye hath a privilege for the Catechism and one Reyne Wolfe, who hath a former privilege for Latin books, they may join in printing of the said Catechism. It was settled that Wolfe should be allowed to print the Latin and Daye the English. But the matter seems to have been settled in Daye's favour in 1577. 1 Who had held the patent for printing books in Latin, Greek and Hebrew from i-;4i. The Printers of Catechisms 85 John Daye and his son Richard, and to the survivor, Aug. 6. 3rd Privilege 1577 : ' Psalms of David in English metre vifith notes to sing them ; The A. B. C. with the little catechism appointed by our Injunctions.' The Catechism in English and Latin of Alexander Nowell and all other books written or to be written by Nowell and all other books written by any learned man ' at the procurement cost and charges of the said John Day and Richard or either of them, so that no such book or books be repugnant to the Holy Scripture or to the Laws or order of our Realm. ' It is to be noted that R. Wolfe had died in 1573. There is an account of the infringement of Daye's monopoly in 1582. Roger Ward set his journeyman and apprentices to print as many as loooo copies of the ABC with the little Catechism appointed by Her Highness' Injunctions for the Instruction of Children (having Daye's Arms or trade mark). See Report of Star-Chamber case, Feb. 7, July 10, 1583, reprinted Vol. II., p. 753 — 767, in Arber's Registers of the Stationers' Company. Incidentally, the account indicates a large circulation of the Catechism and the value of the monopoly. As the bibliography of Nowell's Catechism is somewhat complex, the following account of Brit. Mus. editions may be of use : Reginald Wolfe, printed the Latin text in 1570, 71, 72. The title is: I. Catechismus, sive Prima Institutio DiscipUnaque Pielatis Christi- anae Laiine explicata. II. Ibid, with Latin text, together with a translation into Greek by by William Whitaker. Reyner or Reginald Wolfe died in 1573. John Daye published Nowell's Catechism in six forms. I. The Larger Catechism in English (translated by T. Norton), 1570. Between 1570 and 1575 there were six editions. II. The Latin text (as in Wolfe I. above), 1574, 1576, 1580. III. The small edition — Catechismus Parvus in Latin and Greek 1574 and 1578. IV. The middle edition, called by Greek title and Christianae Pietatis prima institutio ad usum Scholarum Graece et Latine Scripta [also translated by W. Whitaker] 1575, 1577, 1578. V. Ibid [with Latin text only] ad usum Scholarum, 1581. VI. A Catechism or Institution of Christian Religion, to bee learned of all youth next after the Little Catechism : appointed in the Booke of Common Prayer, 1583. CHAPTER V. THE TEACHING OF LOGIC— AND THE METHOD OF DISPUTATIONS. There can be little doubt that Logic was regarded in the Middle Ages both as a school subject and as an University ; subject. As Mr Leach says, after the separation of the \j I Grammar School and the University, the trivium (of grammar, j dialectic and rhetoric) fell to the share of the Grammar School. At Warwick Grammar School, for instance, apparently logic followed grammar^- If we bear in mind that the students of the early Universities included quite young boys, and that the first studies were the trivium, it is clear that logic in an elementary form would be an early preparatory study for the disputations which would be the main academic aim before them. The 17 th century require- ments of the University from the student in his preliminary training were greater than those of the earlier centuries, for the I development of the grammar-demands were intensified whilst rhetoric was second only in its urgency to grammar. Accord- ! ingly logic was gradually crowded out from the Grammar School / course. Logic, however, held its place in the training of a ' gentle- man.' Thus, Lawrence Humfrey says in the Nobles (1561): ' Rhetoric and Logic are necessary to file the talk, whet the wit and imprint order, wherewith Aristotle, the prince of pleading and reasoning, instructed his Alexander. . ..This much shall make ' Leach, IVarwick School, p. 78. Decadence of Logic in the Schools 87 the noble a good reasoner. Besides the art of words, he must be stuffed with store of matter.' Sir Humphrey Gilbert, c. 1572, provides in his scheme for the education of the Queen's Wards, a teacher of logic and rhetoric who shall on certain days weekly, ' see his scholars dispute and exercise the same and shall be yearly allowed therefor j[^\o.' Castiglione, in the Courtier, requires his Courtier to be trained ' to be able to allege good y and probable reasons.' Sturm in his Nobilitas Literata (Eng- lished by T.B. 1570) lays down as necessary 'some knowledge of logic and rhetoric' Returning to the schools, even when not laid down by • Statutes, the old practice of teaching logic, evidently survived. Bacon, for instance, protests that Logic and Rhetoric are studies more suited for graduates than for the children who 'usually study them.' Even as late as 1677, Dr John Newton in his English Academy, 'intended for the instruction of young scholars who are acquainted with no other than their native language,' includes Logic as a subject to be taught. By private tutors fresh from the University, naturally boys were taught logic. Mr Crowther, for instance, sends Ralph Verney, a set of notes on logic and other subjects and advises the boy to give three or four hours a day to logic and divinity. Lord Herbert of Cherbury in his Autobiography states that he was sent to Mr Newton at Didlebury in Shropshire, and when between 10 and 12 years of age he studied the Greek tongue and logic. Though logic was thus passing out of the school curriculum, \ partly through the multitude of departments which the revival of learning brought into classical studies, and partly because of the reason given by Bacon, viz., its greater suitability for a more advanced stage than that of the school age, in the first half of the 17th century, it fully sustained its position in ,-' the Universities. Perhaps the best way to realise its position there, is as Mr Mullinger suggests, to recognise that Logic held the place in the Universities, now accorded to Mathematics. 88 The Teaching of Logic The Logic up to the time of the introduction of Ramus, at Cambridge in the latter part of the i6th century (and con- tinuously at Oxford, which was always on the whole anti-Ramist) was that of Aristotle, but it was Aristotle's Logic with notes and comments of the old logicians and metaphysicians. Ramus considerably changed the outlook where he was adopted. In the first place his Logic was comparatively short and easy. The attempt to be popular, however, was never a merit in academic eyes, and he was attacked for this very characteristic. Secondly, his Latin was good : it was praised by Scaliger. Thirdly, above all, to minds bent on reform, Ramus was the protagonist of his day against scholasticism with all its ver- biage and subtlety, and lack of interest in the search for truth. Mr MulUnger shows that Ramus's Logic was adopted in both :he Lutheran and the Calvinistic centres' — a great triumph. In 1588 Abraham Fraunce published his Lawyer^ Logic, a book intended to adapt Ramus's Logic to the purposes of the lawyer, or shall we say, to the students of the Inns of Court, and for the general reader, particularly gentlemen who had a taste for poetical examples, of which Fraunce's book constituted an anthology specially gathered from Sidney and Spenser. Fraunce states that Sir Philip Sidney encouraged him to produce a work in 'easy explication of Ramus his Logike.' The account of Logic teaching in England presented by Fraunce, in the Preface, even when founded on Ramus, is not altogether pleasing'', for it seems to have led to marked superficiality. ^ History of University of Cambridge, Vol. 11. p. 410. ^ So, too, Peacham (1622) says: 'When they (boys of 12, 13, 14 years of age at the University) come to Logic and the crabbed grounds of Arts there is such a disproportion between Aristotle's Categories, and their childish capacities, that what together with the sweetness of liberty, variety of company, and so many kinds of recreation in Town and Fields abroad,... they might as well go gather cockles with Caligula's people on the sand as yet to attempt the difficulties of so rough and terrible a passage. ' Puritan Logic Books 89 The books of Logic, once separated from the old traditions of authority, developed in two directions, first into a direct relation with rhetoric, so that frequently a text-book was furnished with logic and rhetoric together, and secondly into a determined effort to regard material truth as of equal, if not as of superior importance to formal truth. It was in this aspect that Logic appealed so strongly to the puritan divines. Probably in the later 17th and earlier i8th centuries, Logic was no where studied more thoroughly, and more usefully than in the famous Nonconformist Academies, for the training of ministers and of Nonconformist youth of the upper and middle classes. What had been done by Fraunce for lawyers in providing a text-book on logic, was done by others for the minister of religion and student in Calvinistic theology. Two of the best known were the text-books by Dudley Fenner (1584) and by Thomas Granger (1620). Fenner has more regard to his special- istic purpose than Granger ; his arguments are all taken from Scripture or theology, whilst Granger mixes his scriptural examples with others taken from Vergil, Ovid, Catullus, Cicero and even from the Institutes of Justinian. John Webster in his Examination of Academies (1653) says : ' As Logic is now used in the Schools (i.e. of the University) it is merely a civil war of words, a verbal contest, a combat of cunning craftiness, violence and altercation, wherein all verbal force, by impudence, insolence, opposition, contradiction, derision, diversion, trifling, jeering, humming, hissing, brawk ing, quarrelling, scolding, scandalising, and the like, are equally allowed of and accounted just, and no regard had to the truth, so that by any means, per fas aut nefas, they may get the conquest, and worst their adversary, and if they can mangle or catch one another in the Spider Webs of sophistical or fallacious argumentations, then their rejoicing and clamour is as great as if they had obtained some signal victory.' Milton complains of the Universities presenting to ' un- 90 1 lie leaching 0/ J^ogtc mathematical Novices at their first coming the most intellective abstracts of Logic and Metaphysics.' He reserves to the end of his proposed course ' those organic arts which enable men to discourse and write perspicuously, elegantly and according to the fitted style of lofty, mean, or lowly. Logic, therefore, so much as is useful, is to be referred to this due place withal, her well couched Heads and Topics, until it be time to open her contracted palm into a graceful and ornate Rhetoric taught out of the rule of Plato, Aristotle, Phalereus, Cicero, Hermo- genes, Longinus.' Striving towards a psychological basis, Dury' speaking of school-teaching confirms Milton's view. ' The Arts or Sciences which flow not immediately from particular and sensual objects but tend immediately to direct the universal acts of reasoning, must be taught after the rest; because their use is to regulate that, which is to make use of all the rest, viz., the rational faculty; therefore it is a very absurd and pre- posterous course to teach Logic and Metaphysics, before or with other human sciences, which depend more upon sense and imagination than reasoning.' More simply and generally put, is Comenius's statement ' I have already convincingly demonstrated that before we treat of the relations of things we ought to consider the concrete thing itself, i.e., matter before form.' The schools, therefore, in the i6th and 17th centuries, were in a transition stage with regard to Logic. The greater number found grammar and rhetoric satisfy all their dialectical needs. Yet, William Kemp' in 1588, lays down, in his Education of Children as Third degree of schooling: Logic and rhetoric. He prescribes three years' study, between the ages of 13 and 16 years. He includes in the school course, precepts concerning the divers sorts of arguments in Logic. Tropes and figures in the first part of Rhetoric. To this study ^ The Reformed School, 1650. ^ Of Plymouth Grammar School. Heath Grammar School 91 one-sixth of his time is to be given, all the rest of the time to be given in learning and handling good authors ; e.g., Tully's Offices, his Orations, Caesar's Commentaries, Vergil's ^neid, Ovid's Metamorphoses, Horace. These books will afford examples of hardest points in Grammar, arguments in Logic, tropes and figures in Rhetoric. Kemp thus attempts to make the trivium valid by incor- ' porating grammar, dialectic and rhetoric in the reading of authors. More specifically, however, at Heath Grammar School (near Halifax) the Master was required by Statute to enter his boys into Logic. Logic, however, in Brinsley's view, is too serious a discipline for the school. 'Above all,' he says, ' let there be a chief regard of the Universities, as unto which the Grammar Schools are ordained principally, for training up young scholars to furnish them ; and that they have all their honours and prerogatives reserved most carefully unto them. Of which sort these disputations in Logic and Moral Philo- sophy are.' The school may have an ' order of disputation,' but the 'strict concluding by syllogisms' belongs to the University. The method of Disputation was a recognised school method in the Middle Ages, and implied at least an elementary know- ledge of Logic. There was a close connexion between University methods and school methods of teaching. The Mediaeval University may be regarded as a University Training College for Teachers. The degree of Master or Doctor was substan- tially the University Diploma of a teacher who had been trained as a teacher, and carried with it usually a licence for teaching in any place. As a teacher, the chief work of the Mediaeval Master of Arts may be described as that of training his pupils to dispute syllogistically. Hence the Disputation was a general school method, up to the time of the Renascence, and remained so as a survival through the i6th and 17 th centuries. Vives [ points out that the Disputation had been constantly regarded ' as the best method of impressing the knowledge gained in studying the Seven Liberal Arts, and in turning them to use, 92 The Method of Disputations and further, that in earlier times it had served the purpose of the elucidation of truth, to the inquiring pupil. There is extant an account of the 12th century Disputations in London Schools ', which met in three principal churches on holidays. 'There the scholars dispute; some use demon- strations, others topicall and probable arguments. Some practice enthymenes; others are better at perfect syllogisms. Some for a show dispute and for exercising themselves ; and strive like adversaries ; others, for truth, which is the grace of perfection.' In Dean Colet's Statutes of St Paul's School (1518) the boys were forbidden to join in the Disputations at St Bartholomew's, though in 1555 HoUinshead reports a Disputation between the boys of the newly founded Christ's Hospital and the older school of St Anthony, and the scholars of Paul's I In the 1 6th century the school disputation narrowed its scope. Grammar became the serious study of the Grammar Schools. Instead of cultivating a superficial pretentious and precocious knowledge of such subjects as theology and meta- physics in the schools, the reading of classical authors and their grammatical basis occupied the whole attention of boys, and the Disputations in higher subjects tended more and more to be reserved for the University stage. Thus, Logic gradually declined as a school subject and the dialectic method necessarily became less prominent. But it is not to be supposed that this took place rapidly. Practically, the dialectic method survived in some schools up to the end of the Commonwealth period — in connexion with one subject, viz., Grammar. 1 Stow, Survey of London, in which is given a translation of the Descriptio nobilhsitnae civitatis Londoniae, written by Wm Fitzstephen (before 1190). In this Descriptio, Fitzstephen describes the School Disputations. 2 Dr J. H. Lupton states that the Paul's School here mentioned was St Paul's Cathedral School (not Colet's School), which was actually required by Statute to hold disputations in philosophy and logic at St Bartholomew's on the day of that saint. Disputations required by School Statutes 93 The following instances will show the survival of some form of disputational method up to the Restoration. The case of Tonbridge is especially interesting since the text-book for the method is forthcoming. It is described later in this chapter. Solempne Exercise {Disputations). Tonbridge founded 1564. Statutes 1580. 'Item, considering that virtue and knowledge by praise and reward is in all estates maintained and increased and specially in youthe I will that every yere Once, to wit, the first or second day after May-day there be kept in this school disputations upon Questions provided by the Master from one of the clock at afternoon till Evensong time, at which disputations I will that the Master desire the vicar of the Town with one or two other of knowledge or more dwelling nigh to be present in the School if it please them to hear the same.' The Disputation, no doubt, was regarded as important training in view of the religious controversies of the times. School methods in Protestant Schools had to adapt themselves to some extent by way of re-action to the methods employed by Catholics. Hence it is necessary to note that the Disputa- tion was a recognised discipline of the Jesuit Schools. Thus in 1599, Sir Edwin Sandys writes : ' I have seen them (the Jesuits) in their bare grammatical disputations inflame their scholars with such earnestness and fierceness, as to seem to be at the point of flying each in the other's face, to the arnazement of those strangers which had never seen to like before, but to their own great content and glory, as it appeared.' (Europae Speculum, p. 81.) The next instance is that of Appositions, a form of the Disputation : 1580. Harrow Statutes. 'The Schoolmaster shall every day, for the space of an hour. 94 The Method of Disputations hear either the third, fourth or fifth forms amongst themselves propound questions and answers one to another of cases, declinings, comparison of nouns, conjugations, tenses and modes of verbs, of understanding the Grammar rules, of the meaning of proverbs and sentences, or of the quantity of syllables ; so that every of these forms shall every week use this exercise twice, and they which answer the first time shall propound questions the latter time, and they which do best shall go, sit, and have place before their fellows for the time.' Perhaps the Declamation was the most general form towards which the Disputation tended in the later times. We see it in the Orders of y Guildford 1608. On half-holidays or Saints' Days the boys were to declaim chiefly in grammatical or rhetorical questions. ■' 1 62 1-8. Westminster School. Archbishop Laud's transcript of Studies describing what was probably the custom many years before. Laud states : 'Upon Saturdayes they pronounced their Declamations in gr. and lat., and the Preb. did often come in and give incour- agement unto them. 'All that were chosen away by election took their leave in a pub. Orat. to the Deane, Preb., M''., Ush. : Scholers made in the Schoole.' The practice, an excellent one, of scholars being sent to see the work of other schools, was required by the statutes, 161 1, of Charterhouse. ' Boys to go on election days to Westminster or Merchant Taylors' School to hear exercises.' — This was similarly enjoined in Bilson's Statutes, St Saviour's School. Charles Hoole on Disputations 95 Newport {Salop), 1656. 'Once in six weeks', or in two months at the furthest, throughout the year Saturday in the forenoon shall be spent by as many of the upper forms as shall be fitted for it, in such exercises as the construing of such authors of themselves, as the Master shall appoint, proposing of grammatical or historical questions unto one another, and making declamations, and such like exercises as may tend to the begetting of an emulation in learning amongst the scholars.' The educational writers, Brinsley in his Ludus Liierarius (1612 and 1627) and Hoole in his New Discovery (1660) are emphatic in their approval of the Disputation as far as Grammar is concerned, and speak of it as an established method. Brinsley devotes a chapter to the subject and shows : How to dispute scholarlike of any Grammar question in good Latin. He states the 'benefits of such scholasticall oppositions,' though he explicitly advocates the relegation of Disputations in 'morall Philosophy' to the Universities, particularly reserving the Grammatical Disputation to the School. Hoole regards Friday afternoons as the time of most leisure, and suggests three o'clock in that afternoon for weekly Disputations. Each Form has two 'sides,' which face one another. Each boy propounds to the boy opposite him points of difficulty in the week's work — 'which if the other cannot answer readily before he count six, or ten (in Latin) let him be captus, and the question be passed to the next boy on the other side.' The lowest boy is to begin the questions. Account to be kept of those who are ^ capt, and how often.' Besides the difficulties in the week's work — other exercises for com- petition are memory of grammar, the most vocabulas under one head, variations of phrases, imitations of oratory or poetry. Also the capping of Latin verses^ (for lower Forms) and Greek ' Once a month at least throughout the year (Wigan, 1664). (Except as to dates of exercises Newport and Wigan Statutes use the satne words in this matter.) ^ Books for the purpose of exercise recommended by Hoole are the Capping-Book of Bartholomaeus Schonborn or Ross's Gnomologicon Poeticon. 96 The Method of Disputations verses (for higher Forms) — 'for which the boys should contrive a little book of their own wherein to write verses alphabetically out of the best poets.... A lower boy may win a place by dis- puting with a higher boy for his place.' With regard to text-books, many of the books on Rhetoric give examples of the Disputational Method. For Grammar a book which was much used in England is John Stockwood's Grammatical Disputations. This was a well known book, and represents for the first half of the 17th century.a mode of school activity which has passed away, for which we have not, apparently, elsewhere than in Stockwood any outstanding document. Its full title is : — Disputatiuncularum Grammaiicaliu?n libellus, ad puerorum in Scholis trivialibus exacuenda ingeniaprimum excogitatus: 1607. The dulness of the Index of Questions offered for discussion is undeniable. It looks impossible that any interest could be excited in such subjects amongst boys^ Yet the most important consideration in reference to Stockwood's book is rather the mental discipline involved in the method than the subjects discussed. If a right method of discussion is practised, his argument is that such a method, employed first on material with which the pupil is familiar, viz., Grammar, can be applied to other subjects of discussion of literary or culture-material. What,' then, are the distinctive merits of this method of teaching, which has disappeared from school practice in grammar teaching ? Stockwood himself points out the aim of the method as an effort to sharpen the wits of boys in the trivial schools^. It is the old method of dialectic transferred to the material of grammar, which had become the sine qua ' The whole treatise is, of course, in Latin. Altogether the subjects for disputation suggested by Stockwood number sixty-one. ^ Trivial — originally schools in which the trivia — viz., grammar, rhetoric and dialectic — were taught. Stockwood means what we call Grammar Schools. Value of the Disputation 97 non of Renascence studies. A special merit of the method was the spirit of research at first-hand amongst the classical writers for illustration of grammatical uses and standards.^ With Stockwood, the classical authors were to grammar what modern maps are to the geographer. The old method of geography teaching in schools of a text-book and lists of names of countries, towns, mountains, rivers, etc., and a series of facts about each, corresponds roughly to the old grammar teaching. Stockwood endeavours that the pupil shall map out, at least by confirmation, the usages of the most approved classical authors. It is true he supplies the pupil with a great number of these. But he also supplies models whereby the pupil enterprising in Disputation shall be on the look-out for himself — supplying himself with material against his opponent. Disputations in the university are usually associated with Pre-Reformation times, and especially with the scholastic philosophy. Mr Maxwell Lyte quotes G. H. Lewes on the art of Disputation. He well says : ' Disputation was to the athletes of the Middle Ages what parliamentary debate has been to the English.' Mr Bass Mullinger has shown that the Disputation was considered by the Protector and Cranmer, in the reign of Edward VI, to be the best of weapons against the Catholic position in the universities. We cannot but remember Luther's famous nailing of his colours to the mast in the statement of the Lutheran theses at Wittenberg. Stock- wood had himself studied at the Protestant centre of Heidelberg, in Germany, and was incorporated a graduate of Oxford, and took his degree later at Cambridge. Hence he was inoculated with the idea of Disputations, and readily applied the method to his school, and wrote his book on Grammatical Disputations. - The commendation which he received from other teachers^ and scholars affords sufficient proof that the Disputation was a generally recognised method of grammar teaching. ' For instance in the prefatory poems to the Disputations. CHAPTER VI. THE TEACHING OF MANNERS AND MORALS. The books in the Middle Ages on manners, civility, and ! courtesy are an outcome from the important side of chivalric education. When William of Wykeham established Winchester College, he definitely associated the idea that 'Manners maketh Man ' with the school. The formal teaching of manners and morals was certainly a part of the education of nobles and gentlemen in pre-Reformation times, and in mediaeval grammar schools, the moral distichs of Cato were amongst the texts frequently taught. Under the title of The Babees Book, Dr F. J. Furnivall has brought together a large number of the manner-books, which show the methods of the training in the knowledge of the detail of manners and morals. Of these some exist only in MS. fqrm and others in printed books. The MS. are in verse, and usually have descriptive titles, e.g. the Babees Boke, Urbanitatis, the Lytylle Children's Lytil Boke, Stans Puer ad Mensam (attributed to John Lidgate). How the Good Wyf tau^te her Dauzter, How the wise Man tau-^t his son. All these are short manner-treatises — all 15 th century MSS., for the teaching of children, but it is clear that the children in the minds of the writer are those of noble- men and gentlemen. They are not grammar-school books, though they may sometimes be addressed to the household schools of the period, which it is necessary to describe briefly. These schools were the houses of nobles. The Chancellor oi the King commonly received such pupils, saw to their Household Education of Nobles 99 manners, and power of performing service in the houlSe, had them taught reading and probably writing, and languages — particularly Latin and French. Dr Furnivall traces this method of training the young nobles as far back as Anglo-Saxon times. Sir Thomas More was brought up in Cardinal Morton's house- hold, and Roger Ascham in the house of Sir Antony Wingfield. Noble ladies similarly sent their daughters for training in the households of other ladies. Thus the higher grades of society kept together their traditions, and the training became more social than it could possibly be if children remained always within the limits of their own families. New intellectual developments, methods and habits of living, fashion in amuse- ments and exercises, in music and the arts, in physical welfare, and in higher refinement, could circulate, and the Zeit-geist which especially related itself to the nobleS and gentry, became part of the educational influence of the ruling classes. All the higher posts, too, were opened up, by the securing of interest amongst the powerful, and through the youth becoming known at an early age. Sir Thomas More was thus marked out for a brilliant career early. Cardinal Morton said of him ' Who- soever shall live to see it this child here waiting at the table will prove a marvellous man. Whereupon he placed him at Oxford.' Favoured nobles' sons were even received in the very Court of the King. Thus in Edward IV's Court, noble- men's children to the number of six or more were in residence, and a master appointed for them called the ' Maistyr of Henx- men.' This official was required^ 'to show the schools of urbanity and nurture of England, to learn them to ride cleanly and surely ; to draw them also to jousts ; to learn them their harness; to have all courtesy in words, deeds and degrees; diligently to keep them in rules of goings and sittings, after they be of honour,' and to control their courtly education ■generally, and to keep them in due convenity, 'with remem- brance daily of God's service accustomed.' We are further ' Liher Niger in Household Ordinances, quoted by Dr Furnivall. 7—2 loo The Teaching of Manners and Morals told that the Master of the Henxmen sat in the hall next to the henxmen to have ' his respect unto their demeanings, how mannerly they eat and drank and to their communication and other forms curial, after the book of urbanity.' This system of education in Courts and in the houses of nobles had been in existence long before Edward IV, and continued long after- wards. Ben Jonson in Queen Elizabeth's reign, pays tribute to its effectiveness : 'The noblest way Of breeding up our youth in letters, arms, Fair mien, discourses, civil exercises, And all the blazon of a gentleman — Where can he learn to vault, to ride, to fence, To move his body gracefuller, to speak His language purer, or to tune his mind Or manners more to the harmony of nature Than in these nurseries of nobility?' ^ There is a considerable number of treatises on manners and duties of the households of nobles. In addition to the shorter manuals, Dr Furnivall reprints several longer books. The first of these is : The boke of Nurture, or Schoole of good maners : For men, Seruants, and children, with Stans puer ad mensam. Newly corrected, very necessary for all youth and childre?i. London i57'7- This is compiled by Hugh Rhodes of the King's Chapel. The subjects^ treated by Rhodes are the duties of parents and children, the manner of serving a Knight, Squire or Gentleman, how to order your master's chamber at night to bedward. Then follows the Book of Nurture and School of Good Manner for Man and for Child. Directions to the ^^'aiting Servant. The Rule of Honest Living. From the list of contents it is evident that this is a full treatment of the young noble's school, in the household of the ' As distinguished by Dr Furnivall. Training of Nobles Manners lOi great, and valuable material is obtainable as to the education of the rich. Of the same kind is the second large treatise : The Boke of Nurture foUowyng Englondis gise. By me John Russell, sum iyme servaunde with Duke Unfrey of Glowcetur, a Prynce fulle royalle, with whom uschere in Chambur was /, and Marshalle also in Halle. This book, however, takes us still further away from the school. A third longer treatise is, on the other hand, distinctly a school text-book. Its title is : The schoole of Vertue, and booke of good Nourture for chyldren and youth to learne their dutie by. Newely perused, corrected, and augmented by the fyrst Auctour F. S{eager) With a briefe declaracion of the dutie of eche degree Anno 1557... London. This occupies pp. 333-355 (cr. oct.) of the E. E. T. S. reprint. It is in rhymed couplets. The contents consist of J the Morning Prayer, followed by getting up and dressing. Next is described the going in the street and conduct in the j school. The boy is to salute his master, go straight to his ' seat, unknit his satchel, take his books out, and learn his lesson. He must behave himself humbly and be industrious and take [ pains. For his encouragement he is told ' All things seem \ hard when we do begin.' Quotations serving to allure to right school conduct are given from Vergil, Cato, Cicero, and Aristotle. Finally, directions are given as to the right way of returning homeward, and then on reaching home, the boy is enjoined to ' humbly salute his parents with all reverence.' But manners and conduct follow him on reaching home. He is told how to serve at table, how to conduct himself whilst sitting at table. Then conduct is prescribed for the Church. He is warned as to the fruits of 'gaming, virtue and learning.' He is told how to talk with any man, how to take a message. I02 The Teaching of Manners and Morals Anger, envy and malice are duly condemned; the fruits of charity, love and patience are pointed out. A caveat is uttered against the horrible vice of swearing, of filthy talking, and lying. A prayer is given 'to be said when thou goest to bed.' Finally, the duty is stated in a couplet devoted to each of the following ' degrees ' : princes, judges, prelates, parents, children, masters, servants, husbands, merchants, subjects, rich men, poor men, magistrates, officers and all men : Let eche here so live in his vocation, As may his soul save, and profit his nation. We have the testimony of Brinsley {Ludus literarius 1612) that Seager's School of Vertue was a school-book. Brinsley also recommends the School of Good Manners, called the new School of Virtue, leading the child as by the hand, in the way of all good manners. Charles Hoole in 1660, also, advises the use of the School of Good Manners^ as a reading book. To the names of Brinsley and Hoole, the still earlier name of Richard Mulcaster must be added as a witness (in his Elementarie) to the ' Manner '-book as a recognised school- book. Dr Furnivall includes in his Babees Book a number of French and Latin poems on Manners. He also gives some Latin graces for meals. All this material is valuable in showing that the influence of the teaching of Manners was far-spread, and there can be no doubt that Manners-teaching in England, was not an independent movement in education, but was one of the results of our contact with continental nations, particu- larly with France^ Apparently, too, France received the impress from another nation — viz., Italy. Mr W. M. Rossetti ' I have failed to trace a school text-book bearing this name, though it may be Seager's School of Virtue, as prepared (with a second part) by R. West, in the edition of i6io. 2 Spain was also early in the field. The El libra del infante, by Don Juan Manuel, dates from the 14th century. Castigliones 'Courtier' 103 has edited the Italian Books of Courtesy^. The series of courtesy-books in Italy culminates in the Cortigiano of Baldas- sori Castiglione in 1553. The Courtier, appeared in English in 1561, translated by Sir Thomas Hoby as 'very necessary and profitable for young gentlemen and gentlewomen abiding in Court, Palace, or Place.' An Englishman (B. Gierke) published a Latin translation of the Italian at London in 1571 which ran through at least four editions by 1603. Sir Thomas Hoby in 1588 supplemented his English translation by issuing a text in Italian, French and English. The Courtier is a classic, and is of the first importance in an estimate of the education of the noble ^- ' It is, the best book that was ever written on good breeding. // Cortigiano grew up at the little Court of Urbino and you should read it.' So says Samuel Johnson in 1773. The Education sketched in the Courtier is rather aesthetic and chivalric than intellectual. In fact, all sense of effort is to be obscured. The courtier is to do everything as if it were natural rather than as if learned with study. He is to be well spoken and fair-languaged, to be wise and well ' seen ' in discourses upon states and to frame himself to the manners of the country where he stays. He is to be good company and not to play dice and cards merely to win money. He is to be 'more than indifferently well seen in the Latin and Greek tongues.' He is to dance, sing and play on the lute or viol. He is not to become a jester or scoffer ' to put any man out of ' Early English Text Society, Extra Series, i86g. To Mr Rossetti's list must be added two by the Humanist educators; P. P. Vergerius: De ingenuis moribus, c. 1393. (Translated in Professor Woodward's Vittorino da Feltre and other Humanist educators.) Maffeus Vegius: De educatione liberorum clarisque eorum moribus, c. 1460. ^ In 1894 Signor Cian published an edition of the Italian text, at Florence, and in 1900 Professor Walter Raleigh's edition of Hoby's translation, with a valuable introduction, was published in the Tudor Translation Series (D. Nutt). 104 The Teaching of Manners and Morals countenance.' Above all, he is to be skilful in all kinds of martia,! feats, both on horseback and on foot, and to be well practised in them. In these exercises, as at all times, he must bear himself nobly and magnanimously. A Thus the Courtier is much more than a mere Manners- ( book. It includes a full philosophy of manners, because the education of a noble could never be complete, unless his nobility received the objective manifestation to others of the inherent nobility of disposition and cultivation within him. This ideal presented itself almost as a contrast to the scholar who was, typically, poor, and regardless of outward appearances and observances. It was an ideal which did not reach the / grammar schools, for they were emphatically ' free ' schools for the children of the poorer classes. Probably, however, the schools of no country in the world have imbibed more of the ^ spirit of Castiglione's Courtier, than the English Public Schools. Moreover, in spite of the great progress of our secondary school system recently by entering into the traditions of the scientific developments of the last century, probably there is no greater need, in the secondary school system, than the attempt to enter more determinedly than at present into the spirit of the best elements of the education suggested by Castiglione's Courtier and similar treatises on the education of nobles and gentlemen. Returning from these French and Italian Books of Manners and Courtesy, described in the collections of Dr Furnivall and Mr Rossetti, the English books named in the Babees Book take up only the most difficult part of the history, viz., the MS. Manners-books, with Rhodes, Russell and Seager. But the training in manners, beginning in the households of the nobles, was reinforced by the Renascence, and in many cases penetrated down to the schools as we have seen in the cases of Mulcaster, Brinsley and Hoole, as a set subject of instruction. Towards this development of the school teaching of Manners, probably no one man contributed so much as Erasmus, not only in Erasmus on Manners 105 England, but also abroad, by the publication in 1526, at Basle of the de Civilitate Morum puerilium. This was translated ^ into English in 1532, under the title: A lytil Booke of good matters for chyldren, nowe lately compyled and put forth by Robert Whittyngton laureate poete. The book^ is in double columns, containing Erasmus's Latin and Whittington's English. The art of instructing children, says Erasmus, in the Preface, consists of several parts, of which the first and chief is that the tender mind receives the germs of piety; the second that it gives itself up to the liberal disciplines, and permeates itself with them thoroughly ; the third that it is initiated into the duties of the life that lies before it ; and the fourth, that the child becomes accustomed from the earliest age, to the cultivation of manners (cwilitati morum). ' I don't deny,' Erasmus continues, that the subject of manners 'is the most humble part of Philosophy, but it is of avail in conciliating good-will, and in giving currency to more solid gifts of mind.' Erasmus recognises that those who pursue learning must establish a claim to true nobility. ' Let others have painted on their escutcheons, lions, eagles, bulls, leopards ; those people possess more real nobility who in place of all the quarterings on their shields can produce as their ensigns the proofs of so many liberal arts.' In short, Erasmus's view is that the young scholar should be trained to meet the best of the outside world, be they nobles or gentlemen, on equal terms of courtesy and good bearing. Accordingly, Erasmus deals in detail in the first place with the graceful and ungraceful demeanour of body, and with the boy's dress. Then he describes how the boy should conduct himself in Church, at his meals, in his meeting with others, in his play, and in the bedroom. Throughout Erasmus's book, with illustrative detail, the two sterling qualities are presented, of self-respect, and con- ' Published by 'Wynkyn de Worde. io6 The Teaching of Manners and Morals sideration for others, as the basis of all true courtesy and mannerliness. These characteristics are as desirable in the scholar as in the noble, and, one might add, in the boy who is as yet neither the one nor the other. M. Alcide Bonneau' well states Erasmus's view: 'Exactitude applied to gestures, ordinary actions, the methods of dealing with equals, as well as superiors, shows balance of faculties, clearness of judgment. Therefore it is not unworthy of a philosopher to occupy himself with these matters which are apparently of indifferent importance.' Erasmus's treatise rapidly spread, especially in Germany and France. In the Latin text it 'quickly became,' says Alcide Bonneau, ' a familiar book to the pupils of the Colleges, and in its translations or imitations a school text-book for all , young children.' It is difficult to gauge the demand in England, since the Latin text was probably imported from abroad, and Whittington's translation is no criterion of the extent of the circulation of the de Civilitate. It was used by the young noble, e.g. Lawrence Humfrey, in the Nobles (1560), requires the youth 'to read Aristotle Of Manners, Cicero's Duties, Erasmus Of Civility, the House-Philosophy of Xenophon and Aristotle, which also Paul touched, writing to the Ephesians, Timothy and others.' It was also used in the schools. For instance, at the Friars' School, Bangor, in the Statutes provided in 1568 by Dean Nowell, the Usher is directed, in the third form, to read with the boys Erasmus, de Civilitate. This 1 follows upon the prescription for the second form of Mancinus, de quattuor virtutibus cardinalibus, of which an account is given in Note A to this chapter. Charles Hoole, in 1660, it may be added, names Erasmus's book as one to be read by schoolboys in class on the subject of Manners. It should be remembered that at the very beginning of the Brevissima Institutio, i.e. the authorised Latin Grammar, ^ In La civiliti fiiirile, par £rasme de Rotterdam. Traduction nouvelle. Prkidi d!une Notice stir les livres de civiliti defmis le XVIe siicle. 1877. The Latin Grammar and Manners 107 was the Carmen de Moribus, addressed by William Lily to all learners of grammar. It is difficult to realise that formerly these verses were probably as well known in England as any lines of the classics. Qui mihi discipulus, puer, es, cupis atque doceri Hue ades, haec animo concipe dicta tuo. Mane citus lectum fuge, moUem discute somnum, Templa petas supplex, et venerate Deum. This carmen is an epitome of Manners in 86 Latin verses, in which the boy is told his order of duties for the day, to wash his face and hands, have his clothes clean, his hair combed. He is not to loiter on the way to school; he is to salute his master, sit where bidden and stay in his place. He is to have materials, penknife, quills, ink, paper, always ready, to make no blots; to ask when in doubt. Is qui nil dubitat, nil capit inde boni. Take pains in learning as is done in warfare. The boy is to observe order in his speech; improba garrulitas distresses his master. Let no one prompt you. Speak neither too fast nor too slow, the mean is a virtue. Whenever you speak, speak Latin and avoid barbarous words as you would, if a mariner, avoid rocks. Help others more ignorant than yourself. Learn the best Latin authors. Sometimes Vergil courts you, sometimes Terence and Cicero themselves. Don't imitate those who spend their time in trifles, or those boys who worry their friends in any way, or those who boast of their noble family, or who reproach others with their parentage, — bad patterns of manners ! Give and sell nothing and exchange nothing. 'You will receive no profit by another's loss!' Leave money, the incitement to evil, to others. Puerum nil nisi pura decent. Let noise, contention, scoffings, lies, thefts, 1 loud laughter and fighting be far from you ! Say nothing filthy or ' unhandsome.' The tongue is the gate of life and of death also. Evil words must not be said nor the sacred name of Almighty God be taken in vain. To this extent, all boys in England, entered in gramma^,; io8 The Teaching of Manners and Morals were under instruction in the mixture of Manners and Morals laid down by Lily. Indeed, the inculcation and exposition of Mores, to use the Latin term which includes both manners and morals, is to be found in all the school books. Up to the middle of the reign of Elizabeth we get gieater attention rela- tively to the manners. From that time onward, morals are so closely allied to religion, that the Puritanic influence from about 1570-80 to the Commonwealth, absorbed morals into religion, and indeed gave a fheological tinge to them. Yet, on the whole, the predominant characteristic of the later books on Morals undoubtedly was the pietistic element, sincere and intense, —probably, in the light of our modem views, beyond the reach of the healthily minded boy. The most striking example of this class of book in England, was, curiously enough, French in origin. It was the famous Colloquies of Corderius. These Colloquies were read in the schools of all the Calvinistic countries for a twofold purpose, to teach Latin speech and writing', but further, to frame the pupils' mind to right morals and manners. It was in the latter aspect that Corderius was especially attractive to teachers. So, too, the Colloquia of Erasmus, e.g. Pietas Puerilis, and Monita paedagogica, were contributions from the great humanist to the teaching of Manners and Morals. Coote, in his English Schoolmaster in 1596, followed suit, and the admonitions which the Grammar School boys received from Lily were reflected for the generations of boys in the Elementary Schools to which Coote's manual ministered. Coote had nine quatrains entitled The Schoolmaster to his Scholar, such as : First, I command thee God to serve, Then to thy Parents duty yield; Unto all men be courteous, And mannerly in Town and Field. ' -toon Colloquies (Chap. xx.). John Clarke (Lincoln) on Manners 109 In 1633, John Clarke, of Lincoln School, published his Dux Grammaticus. He gives there a Dialogue of Duties, or Scholars' Manners. It is, in Clarke's own opinion, a comprehensive account of what was to be expected in the conduct of a schoolboy at school and at home. It is in the form of a dialogue between the teacher and pupil. It begins by the observation that it belongs to a master to teach his scholars ^both manners and learning.' Attention should be given to all that is required by Cicero in de Officiis, and then in detail are given the particular points to be observed by the mannerly schoolboy generally, in school and at home, particu- larly at table. It should be stated that this occurs in the Grammar itself, under the heading 'The 4th Part of the Construction of Verbs Impersonal.' The treatise is both in Latin and in English, and the Latin version, as indicated, is an exercise in the use and construction of impersonal verbs, so that instruction in grammar and manners is conveyed at the same time. Clarke first dilates on the duties of the teacher. Every man can see that the instruction given to the child will affect him ever afterwards. The pupil (Discipulus) says : ' I perceive now by experience what I read in Horace : A pitcher will have a snatch long after of the liquor first put into it.' Coming to the subject of reading, Clarke gives directions as to the tongue, voice, voice-production. ' The countenance should be shapen meet unto the matter,' (I may say) ' like a glove to the hand.' Of these things, who desireth to have more full knowledge let him look upon Tullies' Rhetoric, Talaeus' Rhetoric', Master Butler and Mr Dugard de Pronundatione. The principle of correlation of studies was carried out perhaps more closely than we are accustomed to think in the 1 7th century. Clarke is teaching the subject of Manners, at the same time he is doing it by introducing the construction of impersonal verbs, and moreover he is keeping his eyes, and .1 See account of Talaeus, Butler and Dugard (Chap, xxvii.). I lo The Teaching of Manners and Morals those of his pupils, on the old classical authors Aristotle and Cicero, and the most recent exponents, Talaeus, Butler and Dugard, so as to lead them to systematic study of Rhetoric later on. He proceeds to deal with the scholars' duties and manners. These extend beyond the school, to the town and field. As in all the school Manner-books ' Daily in the morning, before all things upon his knees he is to praise God and call for grace whereby he may increase in learning and virtue. Which done, in due season, he is to come to the school, mannerly to salute his master, and after, his fellows, and diligently applying his learning, lose no time idly in jangling to his own hurt and hindrance of others.' He is to have continual practice of Latin speech. (The dialogue is given in Latin and English.) Praeceptor : 'Gentle in word and deed to all his fellows, no busy complainer, nor yet no hider of truth, benevolent, liberal, obsequent, making comparison with no man. 'A diligent marker of the virtue and good manners of others, and a more diligent follower, and (as from a rock in the sea) to fly far from the company of all unthrifty rake-hells. Discipulus: 'The conversation of one unthrift, is as poison to a whole school, for one scabbed sheep (as they say) marreth the whole flock. Omne Praec: ' In these great cities, as in London, York, Peruse, admittit and such, where best manners should be the children be so Sp™' nicely, and wantonly brought up, that (commonly) they can pro^ii little good.' iTcT'"'^ The pupil himself concludes that ' It is not the place but the bringing up that maketh a child ill-mannered. For a man shall see a child in a gentleman's house in the country that hath better manners than the child brought up at home, under the mother's wing in the middle of the city.' Praec: ' These cockneys and tidlings, wantonly brought up, may abide no sorrow, when they come to age, whereas they that Town and Country Manners 1 1 1 be hardly brought up, may lie in war, and lodge the night, thorow upon the bare ground.' The idea of manners as the outcome of civilitas or town life, and of lack of manners, as the heritage of the country 'boor' or 'pagan,' gave a presumptive conclusion in favour of town life. It was a much discussed subject of the i6th century. In 1579 an anonymous writer published in London a book on Civil and uncivil life in the form of a dialogue between Vincent (brought up in the country) and Valentine (trained in courts and cities). Indirectly this dialogue furnishes a side light on the general condition of the age in which it was written. It establishes a preference for town life. Especial stress is laid upon the fact that in towns there are the most skilful tutors to instruct children, and Vincent says to Valentine at the end of the dialogue : ' Through your good reasons I am brought to know that the education of a gentleman ought to be only in learning and arms^, and that no gentleman, no, nor no nobleman, should withdraw or hold back his son from the attaining of these, knowledges, which are the very true and only qualities or virtues of a gentleman, as things not only beseeming such a person, but also for the service of a prince or state very necessary.' But Clarke, we see, held the opposite view. Manners can be taught equally in the country with the town. He gives detailed instructions how the child shall behave at the table. His first duty after the table is spread is to say grace, and then to serve in every possible way upon the others, his superiors, giving 'pre-eminence ever to strangers.' After the meal the child is to salute with courtesy before withdrawing, and pour water from the ewer into the basin whilst his elders wash their hands. 'Whosoever desireth to know further of offices and manners... let him look on Tully, Seneca, Ambrosius, and ' This again was a questio vexata of the times, which is preferable: a training to arms, or => training to literature. 1 1 2 The Teaching of Manners and Morals I Erasmus his tractate intituled Mor-Puer, and the Colloquies \ Pietas puerilis and Monita Paedagogica.' Clarke considers he has given a right account of what was 'commonly used' in his time. 'But forasmuch as manners daily alter and renew (as the leaves of the trees) a child must conform himself to approach to such manners as are laudably used for the time.' Another manual of Manners must have been popular to judge by the fact that, first printed in 1641, by 1646 it had passed to its fourth edition. Youth's Behaviour, or Decency in Conversation Amongst Men. Composed in French by Grave Persons for the use and benefit of their youth. Now newly turned into English by Francis Hawkins {Nephew to Sir Thomas Hawkins, Translator of Cans sins Holy Court). 4th ed. 1646. This translation is said to have been made at the age of eight years by Francis Hawkins. Charles Hoole says in his Petty School : ' The sweet and orderly behaviour of children addeth more credit to a school than due and constant teaching, because this speaketh to every one that the child is well taught though (perhaps) he learn but little, and good manners indeed area main part of good education.' He proceeds to deal with discipline, 'leaving the further dis- course of children's manners to books that treat purposely of that subject, as Erasmus, de Moribus, Youth's Behaviour, etc' Francis Hawkins was a Jesuit, but it need not surprise us that Jesuits were followed in educational methods, when we remember that Bacon justly and discriminatingly praised their educational system, and the staunch Moravian bishop, John Amos Comenius, drew upon the Salamanca Jesuits' Janiia Linguarum for the idea of his own Janua. It is important, however, to notice that the teachers of Court and noblemen, the Puritans and the Jesuits, all had in common the desire to instruct as to manners. Bent on the reform of education, by the revision of old methods of teaching, and by a re-organisation of the curriculum \ Practical Training in Manners 1 1 3 whereby much that was new was to be introduced and much that was old to be removed from the teaching of the school, the 1 7th century writers gave predominant place to the teaching of morals. They did not, however, interfere with the teaching of manners ; in some cases they especially urged such teaching. For instance, George SnelF has strong words on the teaching of good manners and civility. 'The use of good manners every minute while we are in society is as necessary to preserve the civil life of our good reputation, credit, and esteem with men, as is our breathing of the air to preserve our life natural' For this purpose he suggests that children should be required to enact realistically in school the taking of a message, the teacher instructing the pupils how to learn and bear in mind a message, how to knock at the door of the person to whom the message is sent, asking for him, if he is engaged, making of an obeisance, and so on through the series of acts involved. Every scholar should have civil duties im- pressed upon him by this exercise once every week. Right modes of addressing different ranks of persons should also be taught. To these direct influences on different classes of schools, ia to be added the indirect influence of the Universities in the teaching of Morals, by the provision of lecturers on Moral Philosophy, though boys could not be expected to study Aristotle Ethics*, yet Morals and Manners were sufiSciently cognate to render the University graduate who taught school to feel that these subjects were such as befitted the young scholar. Moreover, the fact that such studies were founded on writers of antiquity rendered the subject acceptable. For'* Erasmus and Clarke and the others went back for material in Manners, to Aristotle, Xenophon, Plutarch, Cicero, Seneca, Theognis, and Cato, though they added from others, as well ' Right Teaching of Useful Knowledge. 1649. ^ They could, however, learn, and often were taught, the Four Cardinal Virtues. W. 8 114 The Teaching of Manners and Morals as included points of their own. Moreover, in the case of Erasmus, he was by the 17th century almost a classic himself, and Clarke had not scrupled to treat him as such, by borrowmg freely from him. Some later writers on Manners quote from the distichs of the mediaeval Schola Salernitana. Though the teaching of Mores was thus general by the middle of the 17th century, in all types of schools, it did not end there. The household teaching of the nobles was intensified incom- parably in the household training of the citizens of the new middle class in the r6th and 17th centuries, and manners and morals were of course inculcated with even keener zest in the home than in the school. In considering the training of children in Manners, and a fortiori in Morals, the religious side of English life in the 17 th century must be emphasised. One of the most popular of household books, WiUiam Gouge, Of domesticall Duties, 3rd ed. 1634, makes the inculcation of good manners in the child a religious duty. ' Not only heathen men^ and other moralists that were not mere natural civil men, but also the Holy Ghost Himself hath prescribed many rules of good manners, and much urged and pressed the same.' Gouge founds the requirement for such teaching on the command of God, but a command for which the reasons can be readily stated from Scripture. But whatever other reasons may be quoted, 'the Holy Ghost having urged the point of good manners... it is not a "needless point," but a " bounden duty."' It is impossible to over-state the sense of human responsi- bility which pervaded the genuine Puritan of the 17 th century. 'We have filled our children's bones with sin,' says an enlightened educationist, Hezekiah Woodward. ' It is our engagement to do all we can to root that sin out, which we have been a means to root so fast in.... We see what an ^ 'Educatio et doctrina efficiunt mores,' says Seneca. Hezekiah Woodward 115 engagement it is, the greatest and strongest that can be thought The doctrine of original sin, it has been pointed out, did not bring about neglect of education, a result to which it might have been expected logically to lead. It led to a heightened sense of responsibility ' to repair the ruins of our first parents by regaining to know God aright, and out of that knowledge to love him, to imitate him, to be like him, as we may the nearest by possessing our souls of true virtue, which being united to the heavenly grace of faith makes up the highest perfection.' Such is Milton's statement of the end of learning. The Puritanic manuals of household government, (they form a distinct species of literature,) like Woodward, make clear the responsibility of the parent for the up-bringing of his children, as well as for his own personal conduct. Woodward severely criticises the mother who thinks ' that the school must look to the washing her children's hands, putting on the girdle, his attendance at the table, and his manners there, and if there be any other faults, as there will be many.... The mother is resolved to go to the Master or Mistress. If it please God (I relate her words being well acquainted with them) the Master shall know the rudeness of the child, how unmannerly and undutiful he is, and how slovenly too : nay, the Master shall know it will neither give God thanks, nor say his prayers. When she has done this, she takes it, she has done her duty.' But the parents cannot thus pass on the responsibility ' It is their charge whereof they must give an exact account, yea of every part and parcel of this seed-time.' They must first look to their own practice. The conduct and bearing of the parents ' is the child's book, from which he learns to speak and hear. ^ Of the Child's Portion. 1640 and 1649. Woodward is a child-lover and is a sympathetic exponent of the way of dealing with backward and defective children, having himself been deaf in childhood, and suffered the agonies of mis-treatment. 1 1 6 The Teaching of Manners and Morals He is fashioned after it. He is catechised by it. It is his school and church. The parents' house must promote the child in point of information, more than can school or church though well provided in both.' This insistence on moral training is reinforced by Woodward with suggestions for the training of children in morals which are founded upon a close study of child psychology. They are tinctured with theological implications, but they represent a systematic attempt to train in morals, to build up character in the individual members of the house. How systematically the head of the household pointed out duties, explained right conduct, controlled demeanour, afforded himself an example of right, public and private practice, Puritan biography clearly shows. Much has been said of its excesses, and excesses seem to dwell in the general idea held of our Puritan ancestors. But the conscious and determined effort of Puritans (rightly and wrongly directed) to build up character in the home, will receive more and more recognition with the realisation of the work of education as character-building. So, too, with the ministers of religion. It must not be forgotten they were concerned with the teaching of duties, morals and manners as well as of doctrinal religion. Edward Reyner, Minister of the Gospel in Lincoln, in his Precepts for Christian Practice^ 8th ed. 1655, wrote of a detailed account of the duties of all who were under 'the rule of the new creature newly modelled,' i.e. the christian believer. One of these duties laid down with all deliberate- ness of reasoning is : to get a public spirit. ' Good, the more common it is, the better it is. Common good is better than private good. The good of many is to be preferred before the good of one. Quantity increaseth the values and dignity of things. Hence God is the sutnmum bonum; the best Good, because he is the most universal or common good; the fountain of all goodness.' Such views as these of Gouge, ^^'^oodward and Reyner are representative of the Puritan teaching of morals and manners, and the fruit is seen in such characters The Views of Puritans 1 1 7 as those of Colonel Hutchinson, Milton, and the whole band of the patriots of the middle of the 17th century. Household instruction of the members, who it will be remembered, often consisted of apprentices as well as children, was itself revised and re-directed by the ministers who recognised instruction as part of their work as well as preaching. Richard Baxter, Teacher of the Church at Kidderminster, in his Reformed Pastor (1656), shows how domestic education was directed by him in that town. 'We spend Monday and Tuesday from morning to almost night in the work, taking about 15 or 16 families in a week that we may do the parish (which hath above 800 families) in a year and I cannot say yet that one family has refused to come to me now, [and] but few persons excused and shifted it off. I find more outward signs of success with most that come, than of all my public preaching to them.... At my delivery of the Catechisms, I take a Catalogue of all the persons of understanding in the Parish : and the clerk goeth a week before to every family to tell them when to come and at what hour (one family at 8 o'clock, the next at 9, and the next at 10, etc.). I am forced by the number to deal with a whole family at once but admit not any of another to be present, ordinarily \' The Great Didactic of Comenius was completed (in Czech) in 1632, and published in Latin in the Opera Didactica Omnia in 1657. In one of the chapters is given Comenius's Method of teaching Morals. Although we are concerned with English \ education, it is remarkable how Comenius's Method seems to be the general view of the best educationists in different countries of the first half of the 17th century throughout ^ Education in the family in England requires further study than it has received. Thus one of Daniel Defoe's most famous works was the Family Instructor I Relating to Fathers and Children II Masters and Servants III Husbands and Wives (1715). In 1772, this had reached its 17th edition. It is in many ways interesting from the point of view of ethics and education. 1 1 8 The Teaching of Manners and Morals Europe. In questions of morals and their teaching, it can be claimed that England was not behind other countries, and as a matter of fact after the Calvinistic impress of the latter part of the i6th century, England was in this matter in remark- able accord with the other Protestant countries. So much so, that John Dury not altogether unreasonably hoped to effect a conciliation and unity of all the Protestant Churches, Lutheran and Calvinist, in England and the Continent. We may, therefore, by summarising Comenius's Method of Morals, accept the general positions there stated as acceptable, educa- tionally, by English, and indeed, European Puritanic Protest- antism. It is interesting to note that Comenius differentiated \ Morals and Religious Teaching. He devotes a chapter to each, and his chapter on religious teaching has no reference to the distinctive doctrines of the Moravians, over whom he was Bishop, but has the wider aim of being his ' Method of instilling piety.' Comenius's reputation has been so great for promoting methods of teaching sciences and arts, that it is sometimes forgotten that it was his ultimate aim to bring the pupil to wisdom by the practice of morality and the practice of piety ' by means of which we are exalted above all other creatures and draw nigh to God Himself.' The art of shaping morals', according to Comenius is based on sixteen fundamental rules : i. All the virtues without exception should be implanted in the young. No gap must be left. ii. The cardinal virtues of prudence, temperance, fortitude, and justice must first be instilled. iii. Sound judgment in matters of fact is the true founda- tion of all virtues. As Vives said 'True wisdom consists in having a sound judgment and thus aiming at the truth.' This is precisely what is now termed 'The Intellectual Factor in Moral Education.' ' The following are taken from Mr Keatinge's translation of the Great Didactic. Rules for Shaping Morals 119 iv. 'Nothing in excess' in eating, drinking, sleeping, waking, work and play, talking and silence. V. Fortitude to be learned by subduing of the self. vi. The young must practise justice by hurting no man, giving each his due, by avoiding falsehood and deceit, and by being obliging and agreeable. vii. The kinds of fortitude especially necessary to the young are frankness and endurance of toil. Virtue is practised by deeds and not by words. viii. Frankness is acquired by constant intercourse with worthy people and by behaving, while in their presence, in accordance with right precepts. There should be rules for conversation. These should be practised by daily intercourse with tutors, school-fellows, parents and servarlts. ix. Boys will learn to endure toil if they are continually occupied with work or with play. X. The youth must learn, we are not born for ourselves alone, but for God and our neighbour, that is to say for the human race. xi. Virtue must be inculcated very early, before vice gets possession of the mind. xii. The virtues are learned by constantly doing what is right. xiii. Examples of well-ordered lives, in the persons of their parents, nurses, tutors, and school-fellows, must con- tinually be brought before children. Especially are living examples important. xiv. In addition to examples, precepts and rules of conduct must be given. XV. Children must be very carefully guarded from bad society, lest they be infected by it. The same applies to bad conversation and bad books. Idleness must never be per- mitted. xvi. Where all precautions fail, stern discipline must keep evil tendencies in check. 1 20 The Teaching of Manners and Morals Such are the principles of Moral Education laid down by a representative Puritan educator, written by 1632. Coraenius was the leader to whom the Commonwealth writers such as Hartlib, Dury, Woodward, Snell, Evelyn, and other reformers looked for guidance. It was the organisation of 'Reformed' Schools for which they longed. Had the Commonwealth continued, everything points to the likelihood that the attempt would have been made to get a recognition in the school teaching of Morals, of Comenius's principles, or some close reflexion of them. The Restoration, however, introduced an entirely different type of leading ideas, and the Moral teaching directly descended from Comenius and his followers, if to be found at all in any organised form is probably most clearly to be traced in the Nonconformist Academies of the latter part of the 1 7th and the i8th centuries. The whole trend of the best Puritan writers on education is summarised when Locke in his Thoughts on Education (1693) states the order of aims in education is : virtue, wisdom, manners, learning. Note A. Mancinus: de quattuor Virtutibus. Here begynneth a ryght fruteful Mancinus treatyse | intituled the myrour super quattuor of good maners | conteyning the virtutibus iiii vertues | called cardynall | com- Cardin[ale]is. pyled in latyn by Domynike Mancyn : And translate into Englyshe : at the desyne of syr Gyles Alyngton Knyght: by Alexander Bercley pr[i]est : and monke of Ely. (in verse) Latin and English (R. Pynson)? 1523 Mancinus and Cato 121 A plaine Path to perfect Verlue : Deuised and found out by Mancinus a Latine Poet, and translated into English by G. Turbervile Gentleman. Ardua ad Viitutem via. Imprinted at London in Knightrider streete by Henry Bynneman, for Leonard Meylard. Anno 1568. The Mirrour of Good Maners Conteining the foure cardinal vertues, compiled in Latin by D. Mancinus. In S. Brant's Stultifera Navis 1570. The four virtues are : Prudence, Justice, Magnanimity, Temperance. This prose translator of Mancinus deserves to be known. The writer not only pronounces that the whole business of grammar may be followed in translation and re-translation, but his translation is con amore and in vigorous English. The work is full of moral maxims and guidance in manners directing the life of man, in the Four Virtues, Prudence, Justice, Magnanimity, Temperance. The section on Prudence begins : ' The first place of honesty (that is to say the chief part of wisdom) is to search diligently what should be true or false and which things should be good or what should be bad. This knowledge of truth from falsehood, of good froin bad is a thing so apt and meet to the nature and strength of man, that nothing should be more proper for him, nor that nothing should more beseem him.' Mancinus's book was in circulation at any rate, till the first half of the 1 7th century. It was one of the books which had passed into the hands of the Stationers' Company. Cato's Distichs. One text-book, regarded as more elementary than those already named, and so, more generally used in the schools previously to 1660, is Cato's Disticha de Moribus. Both Brinsley and Hoole produced editions of the Distichs. It was prescribed by Statutes at Eton, Westminster c. 1560, Durham 1593, Ipswich 1528, Sandwich 1564, St Bees 1583, Harrow 1590, Bangor 1568, Rotherham in use c. 1630 — to mention only a few places, but its use was very general, and had been so from' time immemorial. It had been published by Caxton in 1483. An edition was published by Wynkyn de Worde, Liber Cathonis pro pueris, in 1512. It was published with scholia by Erasmus, by Peter Treveris in 1514 ; with notes by Richard Taverner, published by the Royal Printer, Berthelet in 1553. It was adopted from the French of Corderius in 1584. William BuUokar translated Cato into 122 The Teaching of Manners and Morals English and published his translation together with ^sop's Fables ' in true ortography ' in 1585. Brinsley's edition followed in 1612, and that of Hoole in 1659. The Latin text was published too frequently to name editions, and was in the hands of the Company of Stationers. In short, it was one of the most common of all school books in the i6th and 17th centuries. In the midst of the almost universal approbation, Mulcasler seems to have been almost alone (as he so often was in educational opinions) in his adverse view. We learn from Hoole that Mulcaster considered Cato's Distichs ' too serious for little ones who mind nothing beyond their toys.' Hoole says that Mulcaster's opinion 'did much sway me to forbear the use of it in my school.' But Hoole eventually disposed of his misgivings by turning Cato into easy English verse, and furnishing his pupils with a verbatim interlineary translation. The fact was that Cato's Distichs were chosen because of the easiness of the Latin. Mulcaster's objection, how- ever, was not due to the Latin. He considered the subject-matter un- suitable. A glance at the contents shows that to our modem opinion Mulcaster's adverse criticism was not unreasonable. Cato discourses on such subjects as adversity and prosperity, on friendship and enmity, on credulity and contentment, on sobriety and frugality, on the inanity of glory, on avarice and adulation, on ingratitude and anger and so on. If we imagine stoical ethics made easy and thrown into a simpler form of construction than, say, that of Pope in the Essay on Man, vi'hilst retaining at least as much of abstract generalisation as Pope, an idea may be formed of the suitability of Cato's Distichs for the youngest entering into Latin. The following is a distinctly favourable specimen of the Distichs : Cum te quis laudat, index tuus esse memento : Plus aliis de te, quam tu tibi, credere noli. Officium alterius multis narrare memento; Atqui aliis cum tu benefeceris, ipse sileto. Of course some phrases were to be found useful for making of Latins, and for themes. The stoical Morals, however, were men's Morals, not those of children. Della Casa's Galateo. Galateo of Maister John Delia Casa, Archbishop of Beitetunta^. Or rather a treatise of the manners and behaviours it behoveth a man to use and eschewe in his familiar conversation. A worke very necessaty ami profitable for all Gentlemen or other. First written in the Italian tongue and tww done into English. Imprinted at London for Raufe Newbery, 1576. ' Benevento. Delia Casa 123 After Castiglione's Courtier, this is perhaps the most widely circulated book throughout Europe, as a text-book in gentlemanly manners. It was published in Italian about 1558, and was translated into Latin by Chytraeus, Professor of Poetry at Rostock. It is addressed to a young nobleman. It enters into details for polite behaviour and delicacy of manners, from the point of good taste rather than that of morality. Thus, the well-bred man must abstain from singing or humming a tune in company 'especially if he has an unmusical or rough voice.' He must not gape or show himself bored, when in company. He must not show a contempt of the world, or a sense of his own importance by dressing in a manner unsuitable to his age or station in life. He should be kind and affable in manner, not refractory. He should not be melancholy or absent-minded, nor show too great a sensibility. His conversation should not be egotistic. He should not perpetually recount his dreams. Vanity should not lead him into lie-telling. Compliments must be paid, according to custom, but the nobleman must be on guard and distinguish between those he pays from vanity, self-interest, and from sense of duty. A subject to which much attention was paid, theoretically, in the i6th and 17th centuries is dealt with by de la Casa — the government of the tongue. Precepts are laid down for advice-giving. Limits are set on ridicule. Indiscriminate punning and buffoonery are condemned. Rules are suggested for satisfactory telling of stories. Beauty and grace are to be cultivated. Right gait or motion, behaviour at table are fully described and importance of small details in manners shown, by insisting on the resultance of their accumulation, in the view of a man's bearing as a whole. The treatise is throughout practical, the examples sometimes running into short stories, are to the point, and make the book interesting. The aim is not character-building, but that of savoir-faire and the avoidance ol gaucherie in company. There can be no doubt that the book is important in the history of manners. Its sphere of influence, however, was in the private education of gentlemen, not in the public schools. Note B. Representative Bibliography of further English (published) Books on Manners, etc., up to 1660. Caxton (William). The Book of Good Manners. Fynisshed and trans- lated out offrensshe into englisshe the viii. day of Juyn the yere of our lord Miiil= LXXXVI and the first yere of the regne of Kyng harry the VII. And imprynted the xi day of Maye after etc. (1487) fol. 124 The Teaching of Manners and Morals Barclay (Alexander). Here begynneth a ryghtfrutefull treatyse, intituled the myrrour of good maners,.. .containing the Four Cardinal Virtues trans- lated into englysshe...by A. Bercley 1508 and liio. [Translated from Dominicus Mancin.] See Note A. Sulpitius (Joannes). Begin. [Fol. 1. recto:] Stds puer ad mensd [Verso:] y. Sulpitii Verulani...de moribus fuerorum precipJie I mesa servddis. Carmen Juvenile paucis ab Ascensio explanatum, etc. B.L. Per Wyn&dum de Worde, Lodoniis 1515, 4to. Lucius Annaeus Seneca. A frutefull Worke etc. called the Myrrour or Glasse of Manners and Wysedome, both in Latin and in Englyshe; by Robert Wythington. Lond. 1547. The Works of Seneca were afterwards translated by Thomas Lodge, 1614. Paynell, Thomas. The Civility of Childhood, with the Discipline and Institutionof Childhood. Lond. 1560, 8vo. Hall, John, M.D. The Court of Vertue; contayning many Holy or Spretual Songes, Sonnettes, Psalmes, Ballets, and Shorte Sentences as well of Holy Scripture and others ; with music notes. Lond. 1565, i6mo. Leoni, Tommaso. The Book of Wisdom, otherwise called the Flower of Virtue. From the French version of the Italian original by John Ijirke. N.d. (?r565), 8vo. Viret, Pierre. Trans, by John Shute. The First Part of the Christian Instruction. Lond. 1565, 4to. Baldwin, William. A Treatise of Moral Philosophy, Gathered and Englished by William Baldwin ; now the third time enlarged by Thomas Paulfreyman. Lond. 1567, lamo. Mancinus, Dominicus. A Plain Path to perfect Virtue. Trs. George Turberoole. Lond. 1568, 8vo. See Note A. Elviden, Edmund, (i) The Closet of Counsels containing the advice of divers wise Philosophers touching sundry moral matters, in Poesies, Pre- cepts, Proverbs and Parables: translated and collected by Edmund Flviden. (2) A Pithy Description of the Abuses and the Varieties of the World. Lond. 1569, 8vo. Valerius, Cornelius. A Casket of Jewels, containing a plain description of Moral Philosophy. Trs. J. C. [John Charlton]. Lond. 1571, 8vo. Sandford, James. The Garden of Pleasure ; containing most pleasant Tales, worthy Deeds, and witty Sayings of noble Priiucs, and leariud Philosophers moralized. Translated by Javies Sandford. Lond. 1573, 8vo. Guevara, Antony de. Translator: Edw. Hellowes, Groome of his Majesties Leash. A Chronicle of the Lives of tcnne Emperours of Rome; wherein are discovered their beginnings, proceedings, and ejidings, worthie to be read, marked and reinembered. Wherein are also conteyned, lawes of speciall profile andpolicie; Sentences of singular shortnesse and siueetnesse ; Bibliography 125 Orations of great gravitie and wisdome; Letters of rare learning and eloquence; Examples of Vices carefully to be avoyded; and notable Patterns of Vertue fruitfull to be followed. Translated out of Spanish by Edw. Hellowes. Lond. 1577, 4to. Gent, S. R. TKe Court of Civil Courtesie, fitly furnished with a pleasant port of stately phrases and pithy precepts; assembled in the behalf of all young Gentlemen, and others that are desirous to frame their behaviour according to their estates at all times, ami in all companies; thereby to pur- chase worthy praise of their inferiours and estimation and credit among their betters. Out of the Italian. By S. K. Gent. Lond. 1577, 1591,410. Pritchard, T. School of Honest and Vertuous Life. N. d. 1 58 1. Jones Rd., Schoolmaster at Cardiff. Instructions for Christians. Twyne, T. The Schoolemaster or Teacher of Table Phylosophie... Gathered out of divers... Aucthm-s [or rather for the most part translated from ' ' Mensa Philosophica "] and divided into foure. . . Treatises, etc. \_By T. Twyne.] B. L. R. Johnes, London, 1583, 4to. Bruto, Giovanni Michele. The Necessary fit and convenient Education of a young Gentlewoman. Trs. W, P. Guazzo (Stefano). The civile Conversation of M. S. Guaxzo, written first in Italian, divided into four bookes, the first three translated out of French by G. Pettie...In the fourth is set down the forme of Civile Conversa- tion... translated out of Italian... by B. Young. London, 1586. L. William, Marquis of Winchester. The Lord Marques Idleness; con- teining manifold matters of acceptable adevice ; as, safe sentetues, prudent precepts, morall examples, sweet similitudes, proper comparisons, and other remembrances of speciall choris. No less pleasant to peruse than profitable to practise; compiled by the honorable L. William, Marques of Winchester that now is. Lond. 1 586, 4to. Primaudaye, Peter de la. The French Academie; wherein is discoursed the Institution of Manners, and whatsoever else concerneth the goode and happie life of all estates and callings, by precepts of doctrine, and examples of the lives of atuient Sages and famous men; translated by T. Bowes. Lond. 1586, 1589, 4to. Lond. 1618, fol. The -id Part of the French Academie; wherein, as it were by a naturall historie of the bodie and soule of man, the creation, matter, composition, foi'me, nature, profile and use of all the partes of the frame of man are handled, with the naturall causes of all affections, vertues and vices, and chiefly the nature, powers, workes and immortalitie of the soule; translated out of the second edition by T. B. [Tho. Bowes). Lond. 1594, 4to, and i6i8 fol. Lemnius, Lerinus. Translated by Henry Kinder. The Sanctuarie of Salvation, Helmet of Health, and Mirrour of Modestie and Good Maners ; wherein is conteined, an exhortation unto the institution of a Christian, 126 The Teaching of Manners and Morals vertuous, honest and laudable Life; very behovefuU, holsome, and fruitfull, both to the highest and lowest degrees of men which desire either health of bodie or salvation of soule. Translated from the Latin by Henry Kinder. Lond. c. 1588, 8vo. Gibbdn, Charles. The Praise of a good Name ; the Reproach of an ill Name: with certain pithy Apothegms, etc. Lond. 1554, 4to. A Table of good Nurture ; wherein is contained a Schoolemasters admoni- tion to his Schollers to learne good manners, etc. ( The Second Table of good Nurture) [Two Ballads] B. L. Printed. ..for H. G., London [1625?]. Virgin. The Virgins A. B.C. ; or, an alphabet of vertuous admonitions for a chaste, modest, and well-gove7-ued maid (A Ballad) B. L. Two pts. Printed by M. P. for F. Coules, London [1630?], Broadsides. Brathwait, R. Academy for the Gentry, for their accomplishment in arguments of discourse, habit, fashion, summed up in a Character of honcur. 4to. (Mentioned in William London's Catalogue.) Spencer, John. Things New and Old; or a Storehouse of Similies, Sentences, Allegories, etc. Lond. 1658. Note C. Statutes prescribing Manners and Morals of Schoolmasters. Manchester, 1528. That the said Hugh Bexwyk and Johann Bexwyk, during their life and the longer lives of them, shall name, choose and elect a convenient person and schoolmaster, single man, priest or no priest, so that he be no Religious man^, being a man honest of his living and whole of body, as not being vexed or infect vifith any continual Infirmity or disease and having sufficient Literature and Learning to be a schoolmaster and able to teach children grammar. East Retford, 1552. We ordain and establish... that if the schoolmaster or Usher be a common Drunkard or shall be remiss or negligent in teaching the scholars of the said school, or have or use any evil or notable crime offence or con- dition — he shall have three several monitions, and then, if he does not amend, be expelled forth from his post. ' i.e. belong to no Religious Order of Monks. The same regulation that the master be non religiosum held at Kirkby on the Hill near Richmond (Statutes 1556, i.e. in the reign of Philip and Mary). Schoolmasters' Manners and Morals 127 Manners. East Retford Grammar School, 1552. On entrance to Mastership, the Master was to be addressed by Bailiffs and Burgesses in these words : ' Sir, Ye are chosen to be Schoolmaster or Usher of this School, to teach scholars hither resorting, not only Grammar and other virtuous Doctrine, but also good Manners....' Conditions of Masters. Oundle', 1556. That neither the Master nor Usher shall be common Gamesters, haunters of Taverns, neither to exceed in apparel, nor any other ways to be an infemy to the School, or give evil example to the scholars, to whom in all points they ought to show themselves examples of honest, continent and Godly behaviour. Wition, 1558. I do ordain and will that the schoolmaster be learned, sober, discreet and unmarried; such a one as hath taken a Degree or Degrees in the Universities of Oxford or Cambridge ; undefamed and of the age of Thirty years at the least, to the end that experience may appear in his conversation and life, and that more obedience may be used towards him for the same.... Even as the continuance of a Schoolmaster that doth his duty, tendeth to the profit of the scholars and maketh them prosper as well in manners as in learning is profitable and commendable as nothing more, so likewise it is the greatest hindrance to the scholars to have a schoolmaster that is . negli- gent in his office, or doth not profit his Scholars, dissolute in manners, » drunkard, a whoremonger, or intangled with other occupations repugnant to his vocation, a dicer, or a common gamester, I will therefore if any such chances to be placed, that those which have or shall have authority to place or admit him, shall likewise after examination and due proof thereof made, have authority to remove him. Merchant Taylors, is6o. (So too St Maty Overy or St Saviour, South- wark, 1562, with Minister instead of Priest. ) Head Master to be a man in body whole, sober, discreet, honest, virtuous and learned in good and clean Latin Literature and also in Greek if such can be gotten. A wedded man, a single man, or a priest that hath no benefice, with cure, office, nor service that may let his due business in the school. In 1614 the new Statutes of St Saviour's becomes: The schoolmaster shall be a Master of Arts, or a man sound in Christian Religion, according to the laws of this land, sound and whole in body and mind, in his conversation gentle, sober, honest and virtuous, and discreet for learning — well skilled in the Latin tongue and able to teach Grammar 128 The Teaching of Manners and Morals Oratory, and Poetry, and the Greek as also the principles of Hebrew. Especially he shall be well experienced and much approved, at least for seven years for a good facility and dexterity in teaching and profiting children, if such may be gotten, otherwise one that is as near to these qualifications as they can conveniently procure, (a native of St Saviours parish, ceteris paribus to be chosen).. ..He shall be a man of awise, sociable and loving disposition not hasty or furious, nor of any ill example, he shall be wise and of good experience to discern the nature of every several child, to work upon their disposition for the greatest advantage, benefit and comfort of the child, to learn with the love of his book, if such a one may be got. Guisborough {Yorks.), 1561. That no persons shall be chosen or admitted to be Masters of the scholars except he be sufficiently learned and exercised in Grammar, honest in conditions and living, and a Priest in Orders at the time of his admission and no Scot or Stranger bom. But if a Priest cannot be gotten within a reasonable time at every vacation, then a Layman being unmarried and of such qualities and conditions as is before said, may be chosen and admitted to the said office — But if after his admission he do marry, then immediately his said office shall be void, and the said Wardens shall remove and utterly put him from the same for ever. Kirkby Stephen (Westmorland), 1566. I will that if the schoolmaster be given to unlawful pastimes or drunkenness, or else be noted openly to have an evil name, or any other detestable vice or deed which shall require or need ecclesiastical restraint or correction then shall such vice or offence be redressed by the Bishop or ordinary of the Diocese of Carlisle according to the ecclesiastical or common law. The Schoolmaster'' s Oath. Kirkby Stephen {Westmorlarui), 1566. ' I do swear by the contents of this book, that I shall freely without exacting any money, diligently instruct and teach the children of this parish, and all others that shall resort to me, in Grammar and other humane doctrine, according to the Statutes thereof made, — and I shall not read to them any corrupt or reprobate books or works set forth at any time contrary to the determination of the universal catholic church, whereby they may be infected in their youth in any kind of heresy or corrupt doctrine, or else to be induced to insolent manner of living: And further shall observe all the statutes and ordinances of this school now made, or hereafter to be made which concern me, and shall do nothing in the prejudice thereof, but help to maintain the same from time to time during my abode herein to the best of my power, so help my God, and the contents of this book.' Thame: Reading in of Schoolmasters 129 Rivinglon Grammar School, 1566. But above all things both the Master and the Usher shall continually move their Scholars to godliness, both in manners and conditions; and prosper their studies, that they may serve God and the Commonwealth diligently, as becometh Christians and faithful members of his church; teaching and noting unto them such wise and godly sentences out of the Scriptures, and other authors, as may stir them up more earnestly thereto and will them to learn them by heart, and oft think upon them. The Statute appointed to be read by the Usher, before the parishioners of Thame, the first Sunday after his admission (1574). ' The duty and charge that properly appertaineth to a schoolmaster and Usher within the School wherein they teach their scholars seemeth in manner to be much like, and not far distant from that, which the chief master and governor of a ship hath to perform and discharge in sailing upon the seas: whereby the said schoolmaster and Usher should endeavour to the uttermost they may, so to lay the foundation and groundwork of all good arts and sciences to be builded upon the same, that the youth committed unto their charge, may neither through blind ignorance, and lack of knowledge be nousled up in darkness and want of good learning : nor by their evil ensample of corrupt living be so trained up in vice, that they may seem to hazard, and in manner to mar all that ever they go about, even at the very beginning itself of their tender age : much like unto unwise mariners, that do run upon shelves, rocks or quicksands, at their very first letting forth out of the haven. In consideration whereof the cark and care which ought in this behalf to be had and used in the said offices, may worthily seem more needful and requisite : forasmuch as the hazarding and damage of the soul and mind of man is far more grievous and of more weight, than any bodily loss or harms ; if any fault should happen or fall unto youth, while they are as yet under teaching and learning at their masters' hands, scarce able to be amended and recovered, during their whole life afterward; the manner and fashion of learning any property or quality in tender age, being in manner like even as the Physician observeth it to be in the body of man : that if the first digestion of the meat which is eaten, become faulty and wanting of his perfection, it will scarcely and very hardly be amended or bettered in the rest that follow, but wax rather worse, th.in recover itself unto any perfect estate. And again, how dangerous a matter it is in sailing upon the seas, through the default or lack of skill in the chief mariner to run upon rocks, or else by wreck to lose good merchan- dize, it appeareth so evident, and is so well known of all men, that a man needeth not to use many words in declaring the same : forasmuch as no man doubteth, but that the safety of the whole vessell dependeth on his 130 The Teaching of Manners and Morals behaviour, if it be well governed; and likewise being ill-governed, it must needs fall headlong (as it were) into very great danger, and leese [i.e. lose] more than can well afterward be recovered. The loss and damage whereof, many times seemeth to be of so much the less value, as the merchandize thereby lost, are the less set by and regarded. But here now on the other part, as concerning the due government of this ship or vessell appointed for the traffic and achieving of good learning, whereon young men's behaviour, talk, dealings, countenances and gestures of their whole bodies, yea and their conditions also and trade of living, are and ought to be shaped, framed and fashioned; if any fault should happen (which God forbid) through lack of knowledge, or other such like oversight of their governors and teachers : what were that else to be accompted of or to be termed otherwise, but even the utter subversion and overthrow of the whole charge committed in that behalf? the ruin and decay of all good nurture, yea, and the utter undoing of as good wits as any can be ? So that both schoolmaster and Usher may easily gather and understand thereby, how diligent either of them ought to be, what cark and care their office necessarily requireth, who shall take upon them to teach in School : that they perform the same thoroughly in all respects, without any slight or slender demeanour to be used therein : But so rather to behave themselves, that they may both read now and then, and oft repeat unto themselves, those words of St Paul, where he saith, " Thou that art a schoolmaster unto other, teachest not thou thyself first of all?" (Rom. 2.) whereat not to blush at all, nor to be made ashamed, in reading or repeating thereof : but that he may go forward still, and apply that other saying of the said Apostle unfo himself privately, which he speaketh generally unto all men, what estate soever they be of : " Let every man walk in that vocation, whereunto God both called him, whether it be a schoolmaster in schooling others, or the officer in careful administration of his office." ' Sandwich (Kenf), 1 580. Sir Roger Manwood. I ordain that the Master and Usher shall neither of them be a common gamester and haunter of Taverns, nor by any extraordinary or unnecessary expenses in apparel or otherwise become an infamy to the school, and an evil example to the young; to whom in all points they ought to show them- selves an example of honest, continent and godly behaviour. (Almost the same words in Oundle Statutes, 1556.) Schoolmaster. Sandwich (Kent), 1580. The Schoolmaster to be well reported of. Master of Arts in Degree if it may be conveniently; always foreseen that the schoolmaster and usher teach the Grammar for the time appointed by common authority or shorter grammars being not prohibited. And that the schoolmaster be first allowed by the Ordinary and by examination found meet both for his learning and Schoolmasters Qualifications 1 3 1 discretion of teaching, as also for his honest conversation and right under- standing of God's true religion now set forth by public authority ; whereunto he shall stir and move his scholars, and also shall prescribe unto them such sentences of Holy Scriptures as shall be most expedient to induce them to godliness. Conditions of Master. Giggleswick Grammar School. Statutes after 1553. Confirmed 1592. The schoolmaster to be chosen from time to time shall be a man fearing God, of true religion and godly conversation, not given to dicing, carding, or other unlavi'ful games, but being admitted to the charge of the said school, shall faithfully follow the same. Popish Authors. Giggleswick Grammar School, 1553-93. He shall not teach his scholars any unsavoury and popish authors which may either infect the young wits of scholars with heresies or corrupt their lives with unc\eanness. Chigwell, 1639. The Quality of the Latin Schoolmaster. I constitute and appoint that the Latin Schoolmaster be a Graduate of one of the Universities, not under seven and twenty years of age, a man skilful in the Greek and Latin Tongues, a good poet, of a sound Religion, neither Papist nor Puritan, of a grave Behaviour, of " sober and honest conversation, no Tipler nor Haunter of Alehouses, no Puffer of Tobacco ; and above all that he be apt to teach and severe in his Government: And all Election or Elections otherwise made, I declare them to be void ipso facto, as if he were dead. Charterhouse, r627. The schoolmaster shall be of 27 years of age at the least, a Master of Arts, of good reputation both for his life and learning in the Latin and Greek tongues. The schoolmaster and usher shall be careful and discreet to observe the nature and ingeny of their scholars and accordingly instruct and correct them. In correction they shall be moderate; in Instruction diligent, correcting according to the quality of the fault, in matter of manners, and according to the capacity of the fault in matter of learning. Lewisham, founded 1647. The following Order is somewhat later. The Head Master is not to undertake any Church duty, without special leave of the Trustees, by whom he may be displaced if he be guilty of any notorious misbehaviour, — especially 'if he give scandal or evil example to the scholars or others by being a gamester and diver [Pdicer] or a frequenter 9—2 132 The Teaching of Manners and Morals of Taverns and Alehouses, or a drunkard or whoremonger, or given to wanton dalliances, and unseemly behaviour with women, or lavish in unnecessary expenses, in following vain gaudy fashions of apparel, or if he wear long curled or Ruffin-like hair, or if he be a swearer and curser, or if he be unsound in the Faith and corrupt in Religion, either Papist or Popishly affected, or an Armenian, or Socinian, or Anabaptist, or one holding and broaching heresies, and gross erroneous opinions contrary to the Articles of our Christian Faith, and of the true Religion, established of the Church of England and confirmed by public authority of public Laws and Statutes.' Wigan, 1664. Schoolmaster or Usher to be removed 'if found insufScient, or remissly negligent, or upon just occasion be detected of notorious licentiousness such as common swearing, drunkenness, a common haunter of alehouses and taverns, or otherwise scandalous, or shall take upon him any other charge or employment to the hindrance of his or their employment of the duty of the said places. . . '. No schoolmaster or Usher shall keep any alehouse or tavern or house of gaming, or other unthriftiness or evil rule. (So Lymm, Cheshire, 1698 and 1813.) (The Master or Usher if visited by a horrible loathsome or contagious disease shall be removed, though he is to be granted some charitable relief from the revenues of the School.) Note D. Statutes relating to the Manners and Morat.s of Scholars. Conduct. Manchester Grammar School, 1528. No scholar there being at School [shall] wear any dagger, hanger, or other weapon invasive, nor bring into the School, staff or bat, except their meat knife. That no scholar there make any affray within the same School upon the Master, the Usher or upon any other scholar of the same School, upon pain of leaving off his said School by one month. And if any scholar there make two frays as above is said, then to leave the same School by the space of two months. And if any make the third, he is to be banished the same School for ever without any fayour. Statutes re Schoolboys' Conduct 133 Conduct {King Edward VTs Commissioners Injunctions to Winchester, ■547)- As well any Minister and Ecclesiastical Person in the College, as other Laymen and Servants, shall abstain from all manner of ribald words and filthy communication, and other uncomely ajid light demeanour, lest the tender youth hearing and conceiving the same, may thereby be infected and provoked to vice. Conduct of Scholars 'abroad.' Giggleswick, 1553. What scholar or scholars soever shall commit any misdemeanour, or behave themselves unreverently at home or abroad, either towards their parents, friends, strangers or others whosoever, or who shall complain of correction moderately given him by the master or usher, shall be severely corrected for the same, upon due knowledge first given of the same to the said master or usher. Swearing. Oundle, 1566. To cause the Scholars to refrain from the detestable vice of swearing or ribald words, be it ordered, for every oath or ribald word spoken in the school or elsewhere, the Scholar to have three stripes. Swearing. Dronfield, 1579. That scholars be corrected for swearing with the rod that monitors be appointed to present (boys') rudeness, irreverence, or indecent demeanour in the streets, the Church, or their public sports. Schoolmasters not to curse or revile their scholars. Scholars' manners. Harrow rules, 1580. The schoolmaster shall have regard to the manners of his scholars, and see that they come not uncombed, unwashed, ragged, or slovenly; but before all things, he shall punish severely lying, picking, stealing, fighting, filthiness, or wantonness of speech and such like. Behaviour. Sandwich, 1580. Every absence from Church or such assemblies and every unreverent behaviour at any time, to be sharply punished : and likewise honesty and cleanliness of life, speech, and manners, and namely lowliness and courtesy to be stablished by all good means; pride, ribaldry, lying, picking, and blaspheming to be sharply punished. Swearing, etc. St Bees, 1583. Order to Scholars. If any of them shall use swearing, filthy talk, lewd and licentious books or songs, they shall be sharply punished. 134 The Teaching of Manners and Morals Conduct of Scholars. Gaines. Ha^vkshead^ 1585' They shall use no weapons in the School as sword, dagger, waster, or other like, to fight or brawl withal, nor any unlawful gaming in the School.— They shall not haunt taverns, alehouses, or playing at any unlawful games as cards, dice- tables or such like. Also they shall keep the hours in coming to the School, before in these Statutes mentioned. Molestation of Master. Alford Grammar School Statutes, 1599. That no man shall have authority to taunt and check the schoolmaster, or to intermeddle with anything pertaining to his duty, but only the Governors of the School. It shall be lawful for the schoolmaster to expel and refuse as scholars, all such as shall falsely and scandalously report anything of the school- master (the Governors first certified thereof). Yea, and tliat it shall be lawful for the schoolmaster to refuse to admit, and to expulse all those whose Parents have falsely scandalised the schoolmaster by any evil reports, nevertheless this whole charge to be moderated by the Governors. Duties of boys. Heath Grammar School Statutes, c. 1600. That they rise early in the morning, reverence their parents, love and obey both father and mother, and give good example to the whole family. That they come early to the School without lingering, play or noise by the way, saluting those they meet bareheaded. When the Master or Usher or any stranger entereth into the School, that they salute them, rising up dutifully, and presently sit down again with silence and apply their books. That they wander not up and down in the School, but rest orderly in their appointed place, labour their morning task and appointed lectures with great diligence, striving rather for high commendations of their Master and strangers than for rebuke and blame. Swearing. Heath Grammar School Statutes. That they take not God's Name in vain by swearing in their ordinary communication, by forswearing, cursing themselves or others, lying, laugh- ing, and vain shouting, idle and light use of God's titles, works and Word. Boys' Conduct. Heath Grammar School Statutes. If any scholar use railing, wrangling, fighting, giving by-names, or offer any the like abuse to his fellows, or any stranger in the ways, he shall be severely punished, and if he continue thus to molest and harm others, he shall be expelled the school. Statutes re Schoolboys Conduct 135 Conduct to Masters. Heath Grammar School Statutes. If any scholar brave out contempt against his Master or the Usher, or give out evil vfords, or be repugnant and refractory to their command- ments and rebelliously withstand their correction, or complain of correction moderately given, or tell abroad who are corrected in the School ; if he do not presently humble himself and obey the Master and Usher, he shall be expelled the School. Apparel, etc. Heath Grammar School Statutes. If any scholar shall go undecently in his apparel, and not carry himself reverently in his gesture, words, and deeds, or use long hair on his head undecently or come with face and hands unwashed, he shall be severely punished, and upon the second admonition, if he do not reform, he shall be expelled the School. Conduct of Scholars. Newport (Salop), 1656. The Master and Usher shall have a special care to the good manners and decent deportment of the Scholars, and shall exemplarily punish all misdemeanours, especially the sins of swearing, cursing, lying, iilching, filthy or obscene talking, or acting, gaming for anything of price, and foul language to any person, and in an especial manner shall diligently endeavour to see the Lord's Day kept free from any profanation (as much as in them lieth) as well after as under the public ordinances, by all their Scholars. Conduct of Scholars, Wigan, 1(161,. The Master and Usher shall have a special care to the good manners and decent deportment of the scholars towards all persons, and shall exemplarily punish all misdemeanours, especially the crimes of swearing, cursing, lying, drunkenness, filthy or obscene talking, or acting, reproaching or miscalling persons by foul language, gaming for anything of price, and in an especial manner, shall diligentjy endeavour to see the Lord's Day kept free from any profanation, (as much as in them lieth) as well after, as during the Scholars being in the Church. Frays. Wigan, 1664. Any scholar bringing any weapon to school or making any affray is to be liable to severe correction. Any scholar who is a common quarreller, and setter of debate and fightings amongst the scholars to be expelled, if he does not amend after correction and admonition. Stubbornness against and Molestation of Masters. Wigan, 1664 (cf. Alford). All scholars of what degree soever, are to submit to due correction from their schoolmaster or usher, which shall be promised by their parents at their admission, and referred to the schoolmaster's discretion; and all 136 The Teaching of Manners and Morals stubborn and disobedient scholars that are pertinaciously and exemplarily bad, by resisting the Master or Usher, or offering to struggle with, strilce, spurn and abuse, the Master or Usher when he or they are orderly correcting them for their fault after two admonitions, wherewith their parents or friends shall be acquainted, shall the third time be expelled the school. (If the parents molest the schoolmaster because he has corrected their child, the latter shall be expelled unless the parent proves to the Trustees, that the correction was unreasonable.) Swearing. Hereford {Regulations, 1665). The said Scholemaster and Usher are required to have a special regard as well to the sober and civil demeanour of their SchoUers as to their good lyturature, and especially to Iceepe them from that wicked vice of swearing (the epydemicall synne of this cytty), and alsoe to take care that those of the poorer sort be not sordidly or uncleanly habited or kept, to the offence of others of better quality, and to the scand-all of the Schole. CHAPTER VII. MEDIAEVAL ELEMENTARY INSTRUCTION. Mr Leach^ has shown that pre-Reformation Elementary Schools were swept away by the Chantries Act as readily as Grammar Schools. The number of schools mentioned in the documents regarding the dissolution is 259. Of ' these 213 according to Mr Leach's reckoning were Grammar Schools. The Elementary Schools, Mr Leach puts at 45. The Elementary Schools were called by four names; The ABC schools ; Reading, Writing and Song Schools. There were ABC Schools as described in the Chantry Certificates^ 1545-6, in the following places: Brecknock (Brecon) ; Glasney (Cornwall) ; Launceston. The Reading Schools mentioned are : Backing (Essex) ; Bromyard (Hereford) ; Kingley (Staff.) ; Montgomery. Writing Schools. Bocking, Bromyard, and Montgomery in the list of Reading Schools were also Writing Schools. At Burgh-under-Staynsmore in Westmorland there was a Free Grammar School and stipendiary in the parish there, of the foundation of John Brounscalles 'to kepe a Free grammar schole and to saye devyne Service there, and also to teache scholars to wryte, which is observed accordingly.' Other writing schools men- tioned are in Yorkshire at Normanton, and at Rotherham. ^ English Schools at the Reformation, 1 546-8. ^ Reprinted in Mr Leach's English Schools at the Reformation. \ 13B Mediaeval Elementary Instruction Mr Leach has worked out the amount of stipends paid to the schoolmasters mentioned in the records of the Commis- sioners under the Chantry Acts of 1546 and 1548- The average money payment was ;£'6. 9J. bd. a year, for each schoolmaster. The chantry priest, as such, on an average received about £,$ a year'. 'Several teachers of the ABC appear, who only received i^^. ^d. a year.' In the instance above, at Launceston, it appears that the A B C teacher was 'an aged man chosen by the mayer,' and at Glasney, the ABC schoolmaster was the bell-ringer. Aymestry (Hereford- shire) in 1 5 15 had the Parish Sexton as Schoolmaster (de Montmorency, p. 188). It is evident that the ABC school- ■ masters were only men of the slightest qualifications. There does not appear to be much difference in standing between the master of the Reading School and the Writing School. Indeed, usually the same master taught both. The fact is, of course, the real difference in status was between the teacher of Grammar, and the teacher of elementary subjects ^ It appears from the records that in most cases, Chantry Schools had but one master, who apparently taught the elementary subjects and grammar. Supposing a chantry-priest-school- master had had a University education, he would have gone through a system of listening to lectures, and taking part in disputations. There would be no guarantee of his ability as a calligrapher and not much security, necessarily, of fluent reading. It may, therefore, be concluded that though there must have been some elementary training in, say, the whole of the 259 schools named in the records, yet the amount of attention paid to it must, on the whole, have been even less than when Richard Mulcaster, in 1581, bemoans the 'imper- fection at this day (of elementary boys' instruction) so that we ' There were sometimes other perquisites. ^ At Rotherham, the Grammar Master received in all ;^io. 15^^. 4^. a year; the Song Master, £']. Ss. Sd. and the Writing Master, £6. 6s. od. But this was specially good payment. Reading of the Psalter 139 can hardly do any good... the ground work of their entry being ^ so rotten underneath.' Even in the cases where there were elementary institutions, the ABC, Reading and Writing Schools, the level of attainment, in preparation for grammar work, much less for an education which should end at the elementary stage, cannot be assumed to have been, generally, anything but very fragmentary. In the Statutes for Cuckfield Grammar School, 1529, is ordered that ' At Afternoon they (the boys) shall learn and recite or read Legends or the Psalter, to be more prompt in reading.' It is clear, therefore, that the Psalter was used as A a reading book. But it is likely that the Psalter was learned to some extent, and sung, before the pupils read it in the school. It may be thought, too, that the knowledge which boys had of portions of the Church Service before they came to read them was no ^ small help in learning to read. When pupils had learned to read the psalms, of course, in Latin, there awaited them the Expositiones psalmarum, to be read in the Grammar School, as indeed, there were the Expositiones Hynorum et Sequen- tiarum. That there was any reading of the Vernacular in the Mediaeval Schools, is very unlikely. So, in writing, such as there was, would probably be of Latin. The copy set for beginners in writihg in the early Monastic Schools introduced every letter of the alphabet and was : Adnexique globum Zephyrique Kauna secabant^. The use of Latin for reading and writing exercises, probably accounts for the rarity of instances of EngHsh epistles and other indications of ability to write, amongst even well brought up persons. No English Composition was taught and as a matter of fact no well-instructed man or woman was par- ticularly concerned to show that he could use his mother- tongue, even if he had the ability actually to 'write.' The idea^ of writing at all in the Middle Ages was that ^ Drane, Christian Schools and Scholars, p. 1 72. r 140 Mediaeval Elementary Instruction of a Fine, rather than of a Mechanical, Art. Consequently it was not acquired generally, excepting by those who made a specialistic study of it for the purpose of copying and illuminating MSS. It is, therefore, to the descriptions of the Scriptoria of the Monasteries we must look for accounts of its full development. Yet the above instances of Writing Schools show that writing was taught as a school subject, and the re- quirement of composition of Latin themes, letters and verses, in the higher work of Grammar Schools and Universities pro- bably implies that it was an accomplishment more generally cultivated than is ordinarily supposed. It is evident, however, before the introduction of printing, when the instruction was chiefly oral, and more emphasis was necessarily laid upon re- ^ tention by the memory rather than by note-taking, that writing would hold even for the well-instructed pupils a less prominent place in school-work than was the case later on — not necessarily, ^ from an educational point of view, an entire disadvantage. The development of a system of commonplace books which Renas- cence and later scholars found necessary, led to the mechanical exercise of copying passages by writing. This was necessitated by the enormous stores of knowledge brought to light and within the grasp of the student, if only he could retain them, or by copying, have them in his possession for reference when composing in Latin ^ Selection of passages became essential, and the i6th and 17 th centuries saw the practice become almost universal in good schools of the keeping of 'paper-books,' into ^ As to the writing of the 17th century Wase in 1678 refers to the ' ordinary censure ' as if a bad hand ' were the property of a good scholar ' and gives this explanation. ' In former times when books were rare, scholars took in notes their masters' dictates : which that they might more readily dispatch they practised Abridgements and fell into deficient characters. This habit improved the learning but withal impaired the writing. A legible hand endeavoured, seems to carry with it some respect to the reader, and easy flourishes, in their place add grace and distinction, some- times dignity, though it be useful for all to write, it is not therefore necessary for all to embellish.' (Considerations concerning Free Schools, p. 107.) Mediaeval Instruction — Oral 141 which the pupil entered by his own writing, all kinds of material from classical authors, in the way of phrases, sententiae, and passages — which would serve him for his exercise in themes, verses, and orations. The fact that in the earlier period the aim of Latin-teaching was dominated by the desire of bringing pupils to speak Latin as well as to write it, whilst later on. Grammar Schools were satisfied to treat Latin as a dead language, together with the introduction of the printed book, changed the outlook of the schools from the cultivation of the ear to the development of learning by sight. In the earlier period, the student had to consider whether a rendering sounded right ; in the later whether it looked right. Consequently, no development in the Elementary School shows itself more markedly than the increased importance attached to writing. The Tudor and Stuart teaching of writing will be dealt with in a later chapter'. Speaking of pre-Reformation Grammar Schools, Mr Leach criticises adversely the supposition that schools 'taught boys nothing but to stumble through a hymnal or psalter.' Miss Drane would seem to err too far on the other side by sup- posing that the elementary Mediaeval Schools taught such subjects as Geography. It is reasonable to suppose that in ages marked by absence of books and the prevalence of oral instruction only, much instruction may have taken place in a versified form, and that this may have been imparted to those even who did not learn to read. Much of the services of the Church and the signifi- cance of ceremonial, in the picturesque processions and func- tions, religious and secular, of the Middle Ages, may have been readily assimilated without the application of text-book methods. Even to-day the length of the months is often remembered by the lines beginning ; Thirty days hath September, April, June, and November, etc., 1 Chap. XI. 142 Mediaeval Elementary Instruction and it is very doubtful if a very large proportion of the population who know the lines, ever learned them from the printed page. In such an age, of ceremonial, religious, and oral teaching no subject at the elementary stage would have greater claims than singing. There can be no doubt that the singing, as we should expect, held a leading place in the curriculum, ■^he most important type of Elementary School before the Reformation was neither the ABC School, the Writing s^gchool, nor even the Reading School, but the Song School. 'No one,' said Horman, in his Vulgaria, 'can be a grammarian without a knowledge of music ' ; words significant enough in 1520 and earlier, but obscure in a profound degree, to us now. In 1514 a chantry was endowed in the Chapel of Our Blessed Lady in the South Aisle of Blackburn Church. There the chantry priest was to be 'an honest secular priest, and no regular, sufficiently lerned in gramer and playn song, y' any such can be gotten, that shall kepe continually a fre gramer schole.' And if no secular priest can be found that is able and sufficiently ' lerned in gramer and plain song ' then they were to find 'an able secular priest, who is expert, and can sing both prick song and plain song and hath a sight in descant, who shall teach a free song school in Blackburn^' The qualifications of a chantry priest were explicitly stated to be grammar and music. For example, at Giggleswick and at Tutthill in Yorkshire the rood chantry priest was required to be sufficiently seen ' in plain song and grammar.' And so, in the College of Bradgate in Kent, in the 15 th century the chaplain must be able ' bene legere, bene construere et bene cantare.' In the larger schools, especially in new foundations, the tendency set in to differentiate the teaching of grammar and music, by the appointment of separate masters. This was suggested as far back as 796 in the case of York School by Alcuin, who proposed a division of scholars into those who ' Whitaker's IVhalley, 11. 32;. The Music Masters 143 read, chant and write ^. The founders, Wykeham at Winchester, Chichele at Higham Ferrers, and Archbishop Rotherham at Rotherham required Masters to be appointed in Grammar, Song and Writing ^ In these and other collegiate institutions, the tendency was ' for the Grammar Master to claim precedence over the Song Master. Similarly in the cases where Song Schools existed apart from Grammar Schools, the latter usually were able to assert a higher status over the former. Where there were both a Grammar and a Music Master, differentiation of function carried with it, usually, the teaching of elementary subjects to the Music Master. This is shown/ in the case even of the Song School established by William of Waynflete in his foundation of the College of St Mary Magdalen at Oxford, probably a favourable specimen of the Song School. Apparently the chief Song Schools which survived the Reformation (the Coventry Grammar School is an exception) were the Choristers' Schools in connexion with the Cathedrals. These tended to pass on the work of grammar and classical studies to the local Grammar Schools. Thus in 1584, Thomas Gyles, Master of Choristers in St Paul's Cathedral, is directed to instruct them in the Cate- chism, Writing and Music and 'then suffer them to resort to St Paul's School that they may learn the principles of Grammar, and after as they shall be forwards, learn the said Catechism in Latin, which before they learned in English and other good books taught in the said school'.' But, over and above the Song Schools attached to Monastic and Collegiate Institutions, Grammar Schools, etc., there were Song Schools maintained in connexion with the private chapels of the nobles and ecclesiastics. A 'Maister of the childre' ' Leach, Yorkshire Schools, Vol. I. p. lo. ^ Leach, Yorkshire Schools, Vol. II. p. 89. ' Churton, Life of Nowell, p. 190. 144 Mediaeval Elementary Instruction among the Officers of the Earl of Northumberland's Chapel was apparently appointed to control the Song School. Eight children of King Edward IV's Chapel had a ' Maister ' to draw them to prick song, to grammar and 'other virtuous things.' King Edward IV also had ' a sort of Palatine Court ' of six or more henxmen. Amongst the subjects in which the Master was to train them were harping, piping, singing, dancing. How widespread and effective the training in the households of the nobles was in song, we know from mediaeval romances and poems. The Knights and Squires 'coulde sing, write songs, dance and well pourtray and write.' Moreover singing and other arts of entertainment were in the Middle Ages cultivated professionally by the minstrels who were part of the equipment of noble houses. The Wars of the Roses^ no doubt, swept away many of these, along with other retainers. And again, when Wolsey became Archbishop of York, in his Chapel he had amongst his household 12 choristers with a Teacher and a servant to wait on them, besides 12 singing priests and 16 singing men. It is probable that the Song School though only concerned with Music and elementary instruction, did not, sometimes, do it very efficiently. The following passage is from a sermon preached by a Boy-Bishop, in Gloucester, 1558, addressed to the Song Schools ^ 'It is not so long sens I was one of them myself, but I kan remembre what shrewdness was used among them, which I will not speake now ; but I kan not let this passe ontouched how boyyishly they behave themselves in the church, how rashly thai cum into the quare without any reverence ; never knele nor countenaunce to say any prayer or Paternoster but rudely squat down on their tayles, and justle wyth ther felows for a place; a non thei startes out of the quere agayne, and in agayne and out agayne and thus one after another, I kan not tell how oft nor wherefor, but only to gadd and gas abrode, • Camden Society's Reprint. The Song School and the Stage 145 and so cum in agayne and crosse the quere from one side to another and never rest, without any order and never serve God nor our Lady with mattyns or with evynsong, no more than thei of the grammar scoles ; whose behaviour is in the temple as it were in ther scole ther master beyng absent, and not in the Church, God being present.' ^ The pupils in the Song School were intended originally for the service of the Church as choristers, and some no doubt would enter into minor orders or as priests. Some, however, in the later centuries of mediaeval times entered''' secular pursuits. There is the well-known case of Thomas Tusser (1523-1580), a singing boy in the Collegiate Chapel of the Castle of Wallingford in Berkshire. He was removed to the Song School of St Paul's Cathedral and studied under Redford, a famous musician. He then went to Eton and Trinity Hall, Cambridge. He was, successively, a fiddler, farmer, grazier and poet. Of the secular occupations to which pupils went, Warton names minstrels, singers, pipers, players, posture-masters. Perhaps the mediaeval occupations of jugglers, tumblers, acrobats, etc., viz. those who provided for entertain- ment, often came from these schools. The special Song School institution of the Boy-Bishop shows the tendency to the spec- tacular and histrionic. Moreover, it was to such schools, the writers of the drama, in every form, looked for actors of their plays. It is highly probable that the old song schools furnished actors for the old moralities and miracle plays, held in such close conjunction with the Collegiate Churches, which had in many cases a Song School as part of their equipment. Warton gives instances of the singing boys of Hyde Abbey and St Swithin's Priory at Winchester performing a Morality Play before King Henry VH at Winchester Castle on a Sunday in 1487 and names further instances, which place the custom beyond all doubt. Later on it is well known how the children of St Paul's Song School were recognised as a Company of Actors. It would thus appear, speaking generally, that the Song School w. 10 146 Mediaeval Elementary Instruction provided for its pupils not only a career in the Church, but also in secular pursuits, and naturally those in which singing and music, and what we may term cognate arts, especially had prominence. It thus happened that the great Elizabethan dramatists found ready to hand, pupils whose previous training and traditions made it an easy transition to cultivate the art of acting, as a profession. It is difificult to retrace exactly the work of the Song School. In the elementary subjects of reading and writing, no doubt, so far as these were at- tempted, the methods and work were similar to the Reading and Writing Schools, the ABC, portions of the Church Service, such as afterwards were collected into the Primer, the Legends, the Psalter, and so on. With regard to music, plainsong was to be taught, so that the child should ' help the priest to serve at Mass,'. by being able to join in the responses in the Ordinary of the Mass, i.e., to say the Kyrie, Gloria, Credo, Sanctus, Agnus Dei. All these would naturally be learned by heart. Some pupils would go on to the Proper of the Mass, to the forms of Introit, Gradual, Offertorium, Com- munis, changeable according to the feast. Advanced pupils would be able to read and sing all or most of these, and would learn four-part Music for Church Service to the whole of the Ordinary and to anthems, and take part in the hymnals and antiphons. The psalms, of course, would be known by heart. There are, in Mediaeval Service Books extant, instructions added at the end showing the way in which some amount of musical theory was taught ^ The Tonal, which serves as a musical directory for the services of the Church shows the maximum level of the musical side of instruction for Church music. ' The name is due to the fact that its main object is to regulate the antiphonal psalmody and to secure the right connexion between the antiphon and the tones which are allied with them : but besides this the Tonal has other objects : ^ There is such a summary in the Hereford Noted Breviary, edited by the Rev. W. H. Frere. Instruction in Church Music 147 it gives a brief outline of the musical theory of Mediaeval times and treats of the eight " modes " or " tones '' to which the plain chant belongs, their range, openings, transpositions, etc. : and by way of appendix to the full treatment of the relation of antiphons to tones in Divine Service, it adds some brief directions as to other parts of the ritual music, such as the Verse of the Responds, the Introits and their tones, and the chants to the Venite^.' ^ The Use of Sarum, Vol. II., Introduction, p. xxxii, edited by Rev. W. H. Frere. CHAPTER VIII. THE ELEMENTARY SCHOOLS, 1547— 1660. The elementary instruction given in ecclesiastical institu- tions, particularly in the chantries, left a void not easy to be filled up. The first intention of the Reformers clearly was to require the clergy to continue the ecclesiastical function of school-teaching. One of King Edward Vl's Injunctions, in 1547, is: 'That all chauntry priests shall exercise themselves in teaching youth to read and write and bring them up in good manners and other virtuous exercises.' This Injunction was laid down between the Chantry Act of 1546 and that of 1548, the latter of which finally abolished the chantries. It shows the recognition of the educational function of the chantry priest, and asserts a usefulness which, on first thoughts, seemed desirable to be continued. On the dissolution in 1548 of the remaining chantries, the obligation on the clergy to teach children to read and write evidently ceased. The tradition remained. The clergy, as already stated, were required to give a portion of their incomes for educational purposes, a tacit endorsement of previous claims on their employment in teaching work. This levy may be said to represent the part of the clergy in secondary or grammar educa- tion in pre-Reformation times. The old claim also on a number of the chantry priests to give elementary instruction was not al- together forgotten. Thus in 1581, in his Positions Richard Mulcaster says : ' Every parish hath a minister, if none else in the parish, who can help writing and reading.' Mulcaster thinks The Clergy and the Primary School 149 therefore, there ought to be no difficuity in providing instruction in these subjects for every child for whom teaching was desired. Edward Coote, in 1596, in the Preface to his English Schoolmaster, recognises the difficulty of teaching good pro- nunciation in the reading lesson. 'But here,' he says, 'I must make earnest request to all careful Ministers in their parishes to repair to the schools of teachers, not grammarians, to hear and help with discretion the pronunciation of children,' taught by help of his book. In the stirring ecclesiastical events of the 1 6th and 17th. centuries, it was soon evident that the clergy were not likely to devote themselves to the voluntary work of elementary school teaching in addition to their special duties and interests. The course of progress could only be by the steps which would lead to the emergence of teaching as an occupation sufficient of itself to occupy the whole labour of a professional class devoted to it, and each advance in the differentiation of the teaching function from the clerical function (or at least where distinct duties were attached to both func- tions in the same person) has been of advantage to whole- minded work. The tendency of splitting up ecclesiastical and educational functions at least made Grammar School teaching a possible profession for laymen. But the withdrawal of the clergy from teaching in the Elementary Schools, did not bring about the introduction of a professional class of elementary teachers. It led, however, to the establishment of a distinct class of Elementary Schools and more frequently still to special provision for 'petties'^ in or out of the Grammar School. As- ' suming that with the exception of the Choristers Schools, the Chantries Acts of 1546-8 had led to the dissolution of Elemen- tary Schools, and that the post-Reformation educational system started with a number of re-founded Grammar Schools only, we can see the stages of the evolution of the Elementary School, clearly marked, though the chronological order, in the instances at hand, does not always follow the logical order. ' ' Petties ' = Fr. petits. Children of the earliest school age. 150 The Elementary Schools, 1547 — 1660 I. The necessity of elementary instruction would require, in the first instance, that Grammar Masters should combine the functions of grammar and of elementary instruction. We find them doing so at Southwark, Hartlebury (Worcestershire), Burford (Oxfordshire), Heighington (Durham), Cartmel (Lanca- shire), Houghton (Durham), Blechingley (Surrey), as the fol- lowing examples will show. St Olave's, Southwark. In 1 56 1 the Churchwardens were ordered to receive moneys due from Leeke's executors to set up a Free School and choose a schoolmaster sufficient to teach children to write and read and cast accounts. The Master now at the beginning must take pains to teach the accidence, the Prince's Grammar, and so to train up from book to book such children as we shall appoint unto him and also to help the usher to hear one half of the petites. The usher shall set copies unto the scholars of good matter, sentences of scripture,... teaching them to read plainly and distinctly'. The reason is given : ' We have here great number of poor people in our parish who are not able to keep their children at grammar. But we are desirous to have them taught the principles of Christian Religion and to write, read and cast accompts, and so to put them forth to prentice.' Hartlebury, 1565. The Master and Usher shall at least one afternoon every week teach the scholars of the said School to write and cast accounts, whereby their hands may be directed, and so they trained to write fair hands and likewise they may not be ignorant in reckoning and accounting. Burford Grammar School {Oxfordshire), 1571. Master and Usher are required to teach Grammar, reading and writing to the boys of the town. ' St Olave's Statutes, 1571-2. The ^Master' and the 'Elementarie' 151 Heighington Grammar School {Durham), founded 1601. Upon festival days and other convenient times writing and accounts were to be taught and the master was weekly to peruse their writing and cyphering and set their copies. Cartmel, near Milnthorpe {Lancashire). In 1653, Carlisle^ states, the Master appears (from the Parish-book) to have been hired at the ancient wages, and to have had (^d. a quarter for Grammarians and i\d. for petties. In 1674 the Quarterage was raised, by order of the Vestry, from 6 Ibid. n. 790! 8 Ibid. III. 679. The Spelling ABC was licensed in 1590. The A B C associated •with the Catechism 165 hands the monopoly of the ABC with the Catechism, the Horn ABC, the Spelling ABC^, the English Schoolmaster and Primers. The ABC, then, is associated with the Primer by Injunc- tion, but also by its publication from 1553 onwards with the Catechism '^ Editions of the ABC were issued by the Company of Stationers at various dates until, as Mr Allnutt says, 1777. These have the short catechism printed with them. The following edition is in the British Museum Library : The ABC with the Catechism ; That is to say, An Institution to be learned of every Person before he be brought to be confirmed by the Bishop. London. Printed for the Company of Stationers, 1719. Cum Privilegio (16 pp.), 8vo.; the edition of 1750 is appa- rently unaltered. At the back of the title-page is a woodcut of a school in which are both boys and girls. The book contains Letters and Figures from one to three hundred. On the next page the Alphabet and Syllabarium — ab, eb, ib, ob, ub and so on. At end of these. In the Name of the Father, and of the Son and of the Holy Ghost. Amen. The Catechism follows. Then Graces before and after Meat. After one of the graces is the addendum : God save his Church, our King and Realm And send us Peace in Christ our Lord. Amen. Lastly the Quatrain : This little Catechism learned by heart (for so it ought) The Primer next commanded is for children to be taught^. ' 1590, Nov. -2. An Alphabet and playne pathewaie to the facultye of Readinge, otherwise called the spellinge ABC, was licensed in the Stationers' Register among several other books licensed to Robert Dextfer. Arber, II. p. 566. ^ Cf. Shakespere, King fohn, I. 196 : ' Then comes answer like an Absey (i.e. ABC) book.' ^ The early editions of Nowell's Short Catechism also contain these lines. 1 66 The ABC and the Horn-book ABC In 1670, the following book appeared : The primer or catechism, c. 1670 for Company of Stationers, Londofi (alphabet). Title : The Primer ,or Catechism set forth agreeable to the Book of Common Prayer authorised by the King's Majesty ; to be used throughout his realms and dominions, very meet and necessary for the instruction of youth. Cum privilegio. (Cut of master and scholars within a circle.) So in 1758 — a similar production for Society of Stationers and further editions 1764, 66, 69, 72, 75, 77, 83. For Wales, in 1546 was published in London Yny Ihyvyr hwnny traethir which contains a church calendar and directions for husbandry beginning with the Alphabet^. In Ireland, Mr Bradshaw states that : ' The first book published in Ireland in the Irish language was the Alphabet with the Church Catechism and Articles, in 157 1.' In Scotland, instead of the Church Catechism, the General Assembly's Shorter Catechism was preceded by the ABC. The ABC with the shorter Catechism Appointed by the General Assembly To be a Directory for Catechising of such as are of a weaker Capacity. Edinburgh: James Watson. 17 14 (24 pp.). On the back of the title-page are the Alphabet and Sylla- barium ab, eb, ib, ob, ub, as far as at, et, it, ot, ut. The Shorter Catechism. The Ten Commandments. The Lord's Prayer. The Creed. How to know the Names of Numbers both by Letters and Figures, from One to a Thousand, etc. We have seen already how Roger Warde in 1582, and Dunne and Robinson in 1585, risked proceedings in the Star- chamber, by trespassing on Daye's Patent for printing the ABC. The extent of circulation of the A B C must have ' been very considerable, when contraband copies to the number ' This has been edited with an Introduction by Mr J- H. Davies Registrar of University College, Aberystwyth. Infringements of Monopoly of the ABC 167 of 10,000 were put upon the market. What is especially remarkable is that not a single copy of these large out-puts of the press is available to-day. The Registers of the Stationers' Company make us acquainted with the names of books of which no copies whatever can be found. Where a book was the Patent of a monopolist, there was no need to register the book each time it was issued. It was protected for a number of years, or for the life of the patentee, or of himself, his wife, or son, and so on. Accordingly in a book like the A B C it is not practicable to ascertain how many copies were printed, though there are indications that the Patentee's rights were invaded, and hard to maintain, even in the days of mono- polies. For instance, in 1631 proceedings were ordered against Roger Daniel ' concerning printing the A B C In the same way that the publisher was often in possession of his monopoly, the bookseller wished to secure protection in his trade against unauthorised booksellers taking their profits from them'. Amongst the books they found particularly difficult to keep in their own hands were the ABC books. It is clear they were a valuable property, and it may be inferred that the circulation was large. The ABC is apparently an earlier term than 'the alphabet.' In the Oxford Dictionary the first use of the ABC for the alphabet is quoted from Robert of Gloucester : ' He was more ' In 1637 was passed a decree by the Court of Star-chamber, in which was the following (Article X) : Item, that no Haberdasher of small wares, Ironmonger, chandler, shopkeeper, or any other person or persons whatsoever, not having been seven years apprentice to the trade of a Bookseller, Printer or Book binder, shall within the city or suburbs of London, or in any other Corporation, Market Town, or elsewhere receive, take or buy, to barter, sell again, change or do away any Bibles, Testaments, Psalm-books, Primers, Abcees, Almanacs, or other book or books whatsoever upon pain of forfeiture of all such books.... Arber, Transcript of Stationers' Registers, iv. p. 531, and Tuer, p. 377- 1 68 The ABC and the Horn-book ABC >an ten zer old ar he cou>e ys abece.' The word alphabet seems to have been introduced as Greek became more common. Cotgrave^ (1611) says: 'Touching the French abece, for alpha- bet I will not call it according to the vulgar error, that word ■\ being peculiar to the Greek tongue.' The ' abecedarian ' was i a term denoting the elementary teacher. Wood (1691), in ' describing Thomas Farnaby, says, 'his distresses made him stoop so low as to be an abcdarian and several were taught their horn-books by him.' The Alphabetum Graecum was emphatically ' the alphabet ' in the i6th century. A number of various forms are to be found in the British Museum Library. It is to be noted that these Alphabeta contain elementary instruction in the language and serve also as the first reading book. For example, the Alphabetum Graecum'' (Coloniae Agrip- pinae, 1553) contains : The letters, diphthongs, and other conjunctions of letters. A short treatise follows, De veris Graecarum Literarum apud antiquos formis, et causis, ex Jano Lascare. Then follow numerals in Greek. Then, in Greek and Latin, Lord's Prayer, Salutation, Creed, Ten Commandments, Prayer of Manasseh, King of Judah, Song of Zachariah, the Magnificat, the Beatitudes, Grace before and after meat. The Hebrew Alphabet was also a school-book, and it is to be mentioned that it contains both Greek and Hebrew, in the same way that the Alphabetum Graecum contains Greek and Latin. At Saffron Walden in 1423 the Grammar School master established his sole right to teach Grammar, whilst Chantry Priests were permitted limited freedom to teach the Alphabet'. ^ Oxford Dictionary under ' alphabet.' * In Nowell's Catechismus parvus pueris primum qui ediscalur, pro- ponendus in Scholis Latini et Graeei, 1574 etc., the first page and three other pages of the Alphabetum Graecum are reproduced. ^ See A. F. Leach : Warwick School, p. 7 7. The A B C in School Statutes 1 69 In 1524, Manchester Grammar School was founded, and the Statutes mention the provision that was to be made for ABC pupils, viz. : 'The High Master, for the time being, shall always appoint one of his Scholars, as he thinketh best, to instruct and teach in the one end of the school, all infants that shall come there, to learn their ABC, Primer, and every month to choose another new scholar so to teach infants ^' The Deed constituting the Free School at Childrey (Berks) required the Chantry Priest who was Grammar Master also to teach the children the Alphabet, the Lord's Prayer, Salutation, Creed, etc., and the Graces for dinner and supper. In the proposed Free Song School at Exeter at the time of the Reformation, 40 children were to be admitted and were to be taught besides music, reading and writing ' their ABC in Greek and Hebrew.' In 1583, the Statutes of St Bees' Grammar School require the ABC (in English) to be taught. Ordinarily, however, the A B C is too obvious a subject to receive specific mention. The Horn-Book ABC, i.e. The Vernacular A B C I The 'ABC seems to have been a book for the Grammar ( School rather than the Elementary School in our sense of the| term. Before the dissolution of the Chantries, which often' combined the function of Grammar Schools and Elementary Schools, the A B C's are Latin, Greek, Hebrew, not English — i.e. they were the most elementary books of instruction in these subjects, preparatory to the Latin or other accidence and grammar, giving exercise in reading short and easy portions of Church Services in the classical languages, on the sound , ' Thus it may be noted the Pupil Teacher System was in the Grammar School at any rate early in the i6th century. ^ Mr A. W. Tuer's History of the Horn-Book, 1897, must be referred to for a comprehensive detailed history of this subject. 1 70 The ABC and the Horn-book ABC principle of providing elementary reading in the language to be taught, of material already familiar to the child. How then was preliminary instruction given in the vernacular language ? The answer appears to be that in the Mediaeval schools there was no systematic instruction, but that the attempt was made to teach bi-lingually, English being picked up with the more serious business of learning to read Latin. The fact is that we must go to a more elementary text- book than what was called the ' A B C There were more elementary forms of the A B C than those already described. There were then two tendencies in the A B C (which is to be regarded as an elementary reading book)— one to grow larger ; the other to grow smaller. As it grew larger it became a 'Primer,' in the wider sense of the term ; in its smaller form it tended to become simply an alphabet, or in other words an A B C book of a few pages or even one page. The simplest form of the ABC was the alphabetical card or tablet. This was the origin of the Horn-book, which at any rate in England seems to have been the term applied to the presentation in any shape of the alphabet alone, or with any other simple additions, to be mentioned presently. 'The earliest horn-books or tablets, in some the letters were incised, had nothing but the alphabet,' says Mr Tuer. Much difficulty is presented in tracing the history of the Horn-book, owing to the fact that the term ' Horn-book ' came to be applied to any elementary text-book, which either brought in the alphabet or adopted alphabetical arrangement. Thus a Primer was called a Horn-book. The Horn-book proper (i.e. the wooden tablet with a handle having on the wood a written or printed sheet containing the alphabet, and covered by a sheet of transparent horn fastened to the tablet) was, says Tuer, characteristic of the English-speaking peoples, though the Dutch printers manufactured Horn-books for the English market, and kept the trade largely in their own hands. The use of alphabetical cards or tablets, however, was so simple a device, as to be likely to have had its origin in antiquity, and The 'Horn ABC Monopoly 171 have continued its vogue continuously in various forms, in different countries. Mr G. F. Barwick^ for instance, says, in a passage, which shows that alphabets were important enough to become a matter of dispute, ' In 1 604 in Spain, sellers-, of children's "alphabet cards," were required to sell only at the? fixed prices. They had been asking three to four times the\ fixed price to the great injury of those parents "whose children '■ break many of them." ' Tuer finds his earliest example of a Horn-book as dis- tinguished from an alphabetical tablet in 1450. He is of opinion that probably it was invented at an earlier period but not generally used until the close of the 1 6th century. In the course of time, in England, the Horn-book trade became sufficiently important to be worth getting a Patent for it. Accordingly the -entry in the Stationers' Register (Arber, 11. ', p. 477) is interesting: '1587, Nov. 6. John Wolfe. Allowed unto him for his copy the horn A B C In 1605, Alice Wolfe, probably the widow of Johri Wolfe, was granted three pounds a year during her lifetime for re- linquishing her claim to the ABC Horn-book. The monopoly? thus passed into the hands of the Stationers' Company. It is to be found in their List of School-books of 1620, along with the ABC with the Catechism, and with the Spelling ABC. The monopoly, however, was one difficult to protect, as another entry in the Stationers' Register illustrates. In 1655, informa- tion being received 'that letters were cast to print the horn- book, Mr Warden Foster was desired to commence a suit for the irregular printing.' The scarcity of examples of the genuine old Horn-books is not to be taken as an indication of their slight importance as school text-books. The 'multiplication of utility' (to use Professor Stanley Jevons' phrase in another connexion), in the class-room, whereby one Horn-book could, at a pinch, serve a ' Bibliographical Society's Transactions, iv. p. 49. 172 The ABC and the Horn-book ABC whole class made them indispensable, and eventually led to the device of further cheapening them. Mr Tuer relates how schoolmasters used to tear the alphabet from a penny cate- chism and stick it on a piece of board, whittled down to a handle at one end. The form of 'the Horn-book,' thus cheapened down to its barest necessity— even to the substitution of paste-board, in place of wood — was in common use in England from 1450 onwards. A correspondent of Mr Tuer from his own recol- lection mentions the use of the battledores (a variant of the Horn-book) in the Welsh Sunday Schools. Local printers made such things themselves. The wood was shaped by a neighbouring carpenter and the printer provided the alphabet from the coloured penny toy-book of the period and stuck it on. The battledore was originally of the form of the battle- dore as used in the game of battledore and shuttlecock, though later the term was used of two sheets of stiff paper or card- board so arranged as to present a whole sheet in the middle and two half-sheets to fold over the middle one. The whole of the middle sheet and of the inner sides of the folded half-sheets were thus available for the alphabet, syllables, Lord's Prayer, etc' As to the teaching of the alphabet in the 17 th century, there were various devices. Perhaps the best statement of teaching methods is to be found in the Epistolary Discourse before the New Testament, edited by Eilhardus Lubinus. The Discourse was translated into English in the True and Readie Way to Learn the Latin Tongue, a small volume edited by Samuel Hartlib in 1654. ' The writer's mother remembers such a battledore used in the country sch ool to which she went as a child. CHAPTER X. THE TEACHING OF READING. It was the introduction of new schemes of theological, thought, which brought about the necessity of reading as aj general accomplishment. For the Protestant Reformation introduced two new principles — of vital import in the history ' of reading as a school subject. Firstly, it substituted the authority of the Bible for the old authority of Aristotle, and this required close knowledge of the contents, which could only be obtained by reading. Secondly, the Protestant view impressed the sense of personal responsibility in the forma- tion of one's own views. Hence immediately followed the ' necessity of each person reading the Bible himself and for himself. Universal opportunity of learning to read was an immediate practical inference. It is the application of this logic of facts in the new situation brought about by the Protestant Revolt against the old Authority of the Church and Scholasticism, which constitutes the educational merit of Luther, and establishes him as the prophet of democratical elementary education, which includes reading as the birthright of all. < This way of stating the matter does not imply that no ; reading was taught in the Middle Ages. There were some schools specifically named Reading Schools (see p. 137). But it suggests that both educational aims and methods were different with regard to reading. Thus, in the services of the Church, no 1533, and two undated editions. De Helerodytis Nominibus. 1519, 4to. 1520, 1521 (10 leaves), 1523, 1524, 1525, 1526, 1527, 1529, 1533, and two undated editions. De verborum praeteritis et Supinis. 1521, 4to. 1524,1525, 1526, 1527, 1529, 1533. Syntaxis. 1520, 4to. 1524, 1527, 1529, 1533. (Syntaxis^ Roberti Whitintoni Lichfieldiensis protovatis Anglie in florentissimo Oxoniensi academia laureati opuscula de condnnitate grdmatids et costrudione recognitum. 1512, 1519, 4to. 24 leaves. [(A. H. D.) At the end of the work instead of the sentences from Seneca and Cicero, as in the Syntaxis, this has a dialogue between the author and his book.] De Construdione (Roberti Whitintoni), 1521, 1524, 4to. Similar book to the Syntaxis. Revised edition of de condnnitate grammatids et construc- tione. 1521 Id. Mart. & Id. Oct. 1524, 1525. 1527 Prid. Kal. Nov. & Prid. Kal. Mart. 1533. {De Synonymis.) Roberti Whittintoni lichfieldiensis gram- maticae magistri protovatis anglie in florentissima Oxoniensi achademia laureati Lucubrationes. 1 5 1 7 , 4to. 1519(29 leaves), 1521, 1523 mensi Augusto, 1525, 1527 mensi Februario, 1529 mensi Martio. (A. H. D.) give specimens. Roberti Whittintoni alma in universitate Oxoniensi laureati de ado partibus Orationis opusculum de novo recognitum. 15 19, 4to. 1521, 1523, 1525, 1527, 1539, 1531, 1533, and two un- dated editions. 240 Early English Printed Grammars Whittinton. Stanbrigianis super accidentibus recognitio. Antylycon in defensione R. Whittinton. Ascensius declynsons with the play tie expositor, n. d, no place and printer's name. 4to. Opuscula Robert! Whittintoni in florentissima Oxoniensi Achademia Laureati. 15 19- [(A. H. D.) A small volume of interesting specimens of the scholastic attainments of Whittinton.] Contains : 1. A Latin panegyrical poem in hexameter and pentameter verses to Henry VIII beginning : Aurea Saturni redeunt nunc saecula fausta Henrici octavi tempore pacifici. 2. A similar poem to Card. Wolsey. 3. A poem to the same Cardinal, in hexameter verse, on the diffiadty of a just administration of the laws. 4. A prose dissertation addressed to the same in praise of the four cardinal virtues. 5. Hexameter and pentameter verses to Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk. 6. An elegant set of verses to Sir Thomas More ending : Morum te vocitant quum agendo nil tibi praeceps At cum matura cuncta agis ipse mora Disceret ut mores orbem peregravit Ulisses At Mori Eutopia plus docet ipsa domi. Pyramus et Tysbi in moru conversi ob amorem Curtureo morus nomen amore capit. 7. Verses to the poet Skelton of Lou vain', Anglorum vatum gloria. • To continue the account of Magdalen College School- masters, John Stanbridge was succeeded by Scarbott in 1494. In the memorial over his grave are the lines : Qui Latias lustravit opes, intravit Hebraeas, Hinc et Graecorum palma parata fuit. ' i.e. laureated at Louvain. Thomas Robertson 241 In 1498, Thomas Wolsey (later Cardinal Wolsey) became Head-master, for some months only. He was followed by a number of masters, who do not call for mention. From 151 7 to 1522, Thomas Stanbridge was Head-master, and there has been some confusion between him and his predecessor, John Stanbridge. From 1524 to 1534, T. Robertson was Head- master. Though it anticipates the history of Lily's Grammar, Wood's account of Robertson, will show his importance as a grammarian. Wood says that Robertson was ' an exact grammarian and skilled in humanity and went as it was thought beyond his two predecessors (?John Stanbridge and John Holt) in Magdalen College School in the education of youth. In 1532 he printed a comment on Lily's rules in verse and added Quae genus and the versifying rules dedicating it to Bishop Langland with a reference to Henley School which some think was founded or enlarged by Langland. Through the diversity in teaching Grammar Dr Richard Cox and others were appointed by Henry VIII to bring all into one Body of Grammar, which they did in 1545. This was thought too prolix. John Fox of Magdalen College, Oxford, set forth Tables of Grammar, subscribed in print by eight lords of the Council, which Tables were quickly laid aside, as being far more too short than K. Henry VIII's Grammar was too long. Since which time many learned men in Elngland and far more abroad, have spent much profitable study in this art, and the method thereof as we well know\' Thomas Robertson supplied the following portions of Lily's Grammar : 1. Rules for Heteroclites. 2. Defective Verbs. 3. Annotations on Lily's Rules for Genders of Nouns. ' Quoted by Bloxam, I. p. 84. W. 16 242 Early English Printed Grammars 4. Annotations on Lily's Rules for Praeterperfect Tenses and Supines of Verbs. T. Robertson's works were printed at Basle, 1532. Robertson, it may be mentioned, was one of the Divines who signed the Preface to the Bishops' Book or the Godly and Pious Institution of a Christian Man in 1537, and was in 1548 nominated as one of those to draw up the Book of Common Prayer — 'but liked it not' In 1557 he became Dean of Durham. Amongst others connected with Magdalen College School were Richard Sherry, the writer on Rhetoric (1534-1541), and Thomas Cooper, son of a poor tailor of Oxford, pupil of T. Robertson, who became Head-master, 1548. In Queen Mary's reign he practised medicine and in 1570 became Bishop of Lincoln. Cooper published an edition of Elyot's Dictionary, under the title Bibliotheca Eliotae^, in 1548. In Cooper's Head-mastership an attempt was made (1549-50) to stop grammar-teaching at the expense of Magdalen College, but this attempt of Dr Cox was resisted by Cooper, and Magdalen College School continued. Laurence Humfrey was a pupil of the School shortly before Cooper's mastership, and in 1556 he published at Basle the Cornucopia of Adrian Junius. Another Magdalen 'College School name is that of John Harmar, who wrote a Praxis Grammatica in 1622, in usum Schol. Magd. Oxon., and made the English translation of the Jesuits Janua Linguarum of which the 6th edition was published 1626. Magdalen College School was also pro- minently connected with the continuous study of Greek, as a school subject ^ Its record, however, with regard to the issue by its staff and pupils of early Latin Grammars, is apparently unique amongst the English Schools. 1 See Chap. xxin. 2 _y^^ Chap. xxx. CHAPTER XV. THE AUTHORISED LATIN GRAMMAR. The history of Lily's Grammar may be divided into three periods': (i) from its birth in 1509 until the Royal Proclama- tion of about 1540; (2) from 1540 to the time when the Grammar was appropriated as the Eton Grammar*; (3) from then to the present. In the first period, 1509-1540, the Grammar was in process of formation. The earliest form of it known is that of the Absolutissimus de ocio orationis partium construcHone libellus, published in 15 15. The next is Colet's Aeditio of 1527 (and 1534). Then follows Cardinal Wolsey's edition of 1529. There is a considerable gap, until we reach 1540, when the Institutio compendiaria^ was published, and in 1542 followed the King's edition. The title by which the book is best known is the Brevissima Institutio seu Ratio Grammatices. It is not certain when this was first issued, but it was in existence by I574^ By the year of King Henry VI IPs Proclamation, 1540 authorising the Grammar as the only Grammar to be used in schools, there had been printed in England a large number of Latin Grammars, which have been mentioned in the last chapter. But in addition to these, there were current others such as those of John Barclay (15 16) the Scotchman and even an English edition had been published of a work of Despauterius. No doubt there were a number of old MSS. ' In Notes and Queries, VI Series, II. pp. 441-2 and pp. 461-2. (Dr Lupton.) " This was in the year 1758. ^ Compare the title of Anwykyll's Grammar, p. 235. '' So Dr Lupton tells us. 16 — 2 244 The Authorised Latin Grammar mediaeval Grammars, and schoolmasters still relied upon oral, traditional, 'uses' of grammar, communicated by word of mouth. Here, too, must be mentioned the fact that Grammars, for English pupils, printed abroad, were sold in England. There were also the foreign Latin Grammars imported into England. Thus Thomas Hunte, an Oxford stationer, made an inventory of the books which he had received from booksellers at Aix-la-Chapelle for sale. Amongst them are the Grammar of Perottus, and a Grammar which has not been identified'. Mr Gordon Duff^ has shown how extensive was the foreign trade of the stationers of London. The distributing agencies throughout the country were not only country stationers but also the local Fairs, of which Stourbridge was the chief. English booksellers frequented Leipzig and Frankfort Fairs, and brought foreign works over to their English customers. The presence in old English College and School and private libraries of foreign grammar and other school books is thus made intelligible. Mr Madan* says of the list of books sold by John Dome the Oxford bookseller (1520) in their con- nexion with University studies : ' the first striking fact is the number of grammatical works sold, chiefly written by John Stanbridge and Robert Whittinton.' In short, there was a plethora of Grammars, most of them fragmentary, all of them inadequate; yet the schools seemed to need a text-book more than ever, in the new impulse of the Renascence. The old Donatus, simple and intelligible, with its thousand years of authority was gone, and in its place was a confusing array of divergent innovators. Then Thomas Linacre wrote his grammatical work called Thomae Linacri Britanni de Etnendaia structura Latini Sermonis Libri Sex (1524), and this seemed to the learned to represent the standard of classical scholarship ' Oxford Historical Society, Collectanea, Series I. p. r43. '^ Lecture VII of Westminster and London Printers. ^ Collectanea, Series I, p. 75. Linacres Grammar 245 which would justify its. elevation into the position of the standard, recognised authority. Linacre gives an exposition of the eight parts of speech. Its interest is great on the side of illustration. Thus on the imperative mood, Linacre remarks: 'we can say, Scribe nunc or eras, but never in the past.' Apt examples are quoted under each head from Plautus, Terence, Ovid and other classical writers, and of course from Cicero. From the parts of speech, Linacre proceeds to Enallage, and then to constructions of parts of speech. The sixth book is then devoted to the con- struction of grammatical ' figures.' The last chapter of the book is particularly interesting, for it is concerned with Hellenismos. Latin constructions founded upon the Greek are noted and Latin quotations are succeeded by Greek analogies from Isocrates, Thucydides, Lucian, Plutarch, Theocritus, Aristophanes, Plato, Deiriosthenes, and from Homer. A passage from Homer of eight lines brings about a crisis for the printer, and Linacre has to call for indulgence on the ground of • the compositor's lack of skill and type. Nothing could more graphically show the limitations to a knowledge of Greek in England in 1524. Even the shorter Grammar in Latin and English of Linacre, viz. his Progymnas- mata Grammatices vulgaria^ (London: Rastell, 1525?) did not impress the schoolHiasters. Probably, the influence of Colet and Lily had weight in determining that for school-teaching, a text-book devised for that purpose, under the direction of a man like Lily who was at once a scholar and a schoolmaster, was alone likely to command sufficient support, to justify it, as the English successor to the time-honoured, European Donatus. At any rate Linacre's work was regarded as too learned to take the place of a school text-book. The evolution of Lily's Grammar which had the distinction of becoming the authorised ' Two undated editions were published by Pynson of Linacre's Grammar and bore the title : Rudimenta grammatices. T. Linacri diligenter casti- gata dentw. 246 The Authorised Latin Grammar Grammar was essentially English. It came piecemeal. One man wrote one part, another another and so on, and these were fitted in by a commission of 'sundry learned men.' It is difficult even to retrace the authorship of its different parts. Still, so urgent was the feeling of the 'hurt' done to the commonwealth of learning by diversity of Grammars, that for a time, lily's Grammar was hailed as a practical solution, though not without protests. To proceed to its origin : Colet's Aeditio contains his views on grammar, in an address which he makes to the reader at the end of the Introduction to the Accidence. No better statement of the Renascence idea of grammar-teaching at its best could be given. The text of the Accidence is short, as was that of the old Donatus. It was only in later days that the Latin Grammar for children became so long and tedious. Colet's views are as follows' : ' Let the pupil above all busily learn and read good Latin authors of chosen poets and orators, and note wisely how they wrote and spoke, and study alway to follow them ; desiring none other rules but their examples. For in the beginning men spoke not Latin because such rules were made but con- trariwise because men spoke such Latin upon that followed the rules and (so) were made. That is to say Latin speech was before the rules, not the rules before the Latin speech.' So, too, Colet excellently lays down the method of teaching : ' Be to them your own selves also speaking with them the pure Latin very present^ and leave the rules. For reading of good books, diligent information of taught masters, studious advertence and taking heed of learners, hearing eloquent men speak, and finally, busy imitation with tongue and pen, more availeth shortly to get the true eloquent speech, than all the traditions, rules and precepts of masters.' ' Spelling modernised. " Lupton's note ' i.e. be very present to them. Cf. Psalm xlvi. i " a very present help in trouble".' Colet's Aeditio 247 I One remark only need be made on this sound advice. ' Colet expected his masters and his pupils to aim at speaking I Latin as intently as writing it. I Colet's Aeditio was first printed in 1527^ Extracts from the I Accidence portion of this reprinted by Dr Lupton in his Life of \ Colet. J There are included Simbolum apostolorum, Oratio Domi- nica, and Salyatio angelica — which follow Precepts of living ^ and prayers. ; In the 1534 edition of Colet's Aeditio, after the Introduction ; to the Accidence, there follows Lily's Syntax in English {Lilii \ Angli Rudimentd). The question has been raised as to whether S Lily or Erasmus wrote the Syntax. The answer is explicitly I given by Erasmus that Lily wrote it, whilst Erasmus revised it^ ' The beginning of the Syntax is : 41 To 'make latyn. When I haue an englysshe to be tourned in to latyn, I shall reherce it twyse or thryse, and loke out the verba. C The verba. C I may knowe the verbe by any of these wordes do, dyd, haue, had, wyll, shall, wolde, sholde, may, myght, am, arte, is, be, was, were, can, coulde, it, or must, whiche stande eyther as signes before the verbe, or els they be verbes them selfe. I call them verbes comenly whan a nowne or pro nowne folowath after them. C If there come none of these sygnes in the rea- son, the worde that answereth to this questyon, what do I, thou, or he ; what dyd I, thou, or he, &c. shall be the verba. 1 There is notice of two grammars of Lily issued in 1539 for the use of St Paul's School published by Pepwell ( Westminster and London Printers, p. 149). ^ See Erasmus's letter in Lily's Absolviissimus de octo orationis fartium conslrudione libellus, p. 249. 248 The Authorised Latin Grammar (After the Syntax) : Carmen Guillelmi Lilii, ad discipulos, de moribus'. Colet's Latin Grammar had however appeared in an earlier form than the edition of 1534. In 1513 had been written and in 1515 issued {Argentorati in Officina Schureriana, and Basiliae, both dated 15 15)^ Absolutissimui de octo ora\tionis partium ConstrucH\one libellus, nee minus eruditione pueris utilis \ futurus, g compedio \ et perspicuitate com\modus acjucUdus, \ nuperrime vigild\tissima cura re\cognitus. This short treatise of 2 1 leaves is important in the study of origins. It also contains two letters, which are of high interest in the history of Lily's Grammar. The first of these, written in Latin, is from John Colet, Dean of St Paul's, tp William Lily, first Head-master of St Paul's School. It is dated 15 13. In English, it runs : Methinks, my dear Lily, I bear the same affection to my new school, as a parent to his only son ; to whom he is not only willing to pass over his whole estate, but is desirous to impart his own bowels also : and as the father thinks it to little purpose to have begotten a son, unless by diligent education he raises him up into a good and useful man ; so to my own mind it is by no means sufficient that I have raised up this school, and have conveyed my whole estate to it, (even during my own life and health), unless I likewise take all possible care to nurture it in good letters and Christian manners, and bring it on to some useful maturity and perfection. For this reason, master, I send you tf^is small treatise of the Construc- tion of the eight parts of speech (de constructione octo partium orationis) ; small indeed in itself, but such as will afford no ' See chapter on Teaching of Morals, p. 107. ^ Thus Mr Gordon Duff in his Westminster and London Printers (p. 125) mentions a fragment of two leaves of what is apparently the above book or an 'unknown early Cambridge book.' The First Form of Lilys Grammar 249 small advantage to our scholars, if you will diligently teach and explain it. You know Horace was pleased with brevity in the way of teaching ; and I very much approve of his opinion in that matter. If in the reading of the classic authors any notable examples to these rules shall offer themselves it will be your part to mark them as they shall occur. Farewell. From my house. 15 13. Dr Knight, in his Life of Colet suggests that Colet obtained from Lily his emendations and then wishing to advance the book, if possible, 'to a greater perfection,' he sent it to 'the best critic in Europe,' — Erasmus. The secon'd letter in the Absolutissimus, however, gives Erasmus's account of the whole matter. Translated it reads thus : At Colet's command, this book was written by William Lily, a man of no ordinary skill, a Jyonderful craftsman in the instruction of boys. When he had completed his work, it was handed over to, nay rather thrust upon, me for emendation. What was I to do when the man would not make an end of asking? For he was such a friend that 1 should think it wrong to deny him any service he might beg of me. Did not a man of such standing deserve of me that by right he should command anything of Erasmus? Accordingly I emended the book by changing many things (for I saw that this was easier for me to do). So that Lily (endowed as he is with too much modesty) did not permit the book to appear with his name, and I (with my sense of candour) did not feel justified : that the book should bear my name when it was the work of i another. Since both of us refused our names it was published i ai/oJi/u/ios, Colet merely commending it in a preface — But it seemed good to make these remarks lest afterwards anyone should ascribe to me what I do not claim. There are so many faults to account for in what I have published that no one else ought to print as mine either what I have not written. 250 The Authorised Latin Grammar or have not even corrected. Farewell, dear reader. Basel. III. Cal. Aug. 1515. It is not clear, at first sight, that the two letters can be reconciled. Colet's letter implies that he himself wrote the Grammar, Erasmus ascribes the original form of the Grammar to Lily. The explanation seems to be that Colet wrote the draft, and sent it to Lily. Lily made emendations. Amongst these emendations, he probably supplied the Syntax, which is explicitly stated to be his. Erasmus received the draft emended by Lily, and knowing that a portion of it was Lily's, concluded that the whole of it was by him. The next form of Colet's Grammar was introduced to the world by Cardinal Wolsey, in 1529, printed by Peter Treveris in a small book of 34 leaves. Wolsey was a staunch friend of the new educational movement. He was educated at Ipswich Grammar School, and at Magdalen College, Oxford, of which College in due course he became Fellow. In 1498 he was for a short time Head-master (Informator) of Magdalen College School. He appropriated money from the Priory of St Peter's in Ipswich (surrendered to him March 1527-8), for the found- ing of a school at Ipswich which should lead pupils (in the approved fashion of Winchester College and New College or Eton and King's College) to a new College at Oxford to be called Cardinal College. This was the origin of the great foundation at Oxford, now known as Christ Church. Wolsey brought J. L. Vives, the great Spaniard, to lecture on Rhetoric at Oxford. ' Wolsey meant, undoubtedly,' says Creighton, ' to reorganise University education.' School education, too, he clearly had in mind, and the Grammar about to be described, was intended not only for Ipswich, and its masters, but as a model for the organised education of ' British youth.' This Grammar which is founded on Colet's is entitled : Rudimenta Grammatices et Docendi methodus, non tarn scholae Gypsuichianae per reverendissimum D. Thovid Cardinate Wolsey's Grammar 251 Ebor. feliciter tnstttuiae, q. olbus aliis totius Angli^ scholis praescripta. 1528 (date of Preface). (Cardinal's arms imprinted beneath title.) There is a Preface: Thomas, Cardinal of York, etc. to the Master of Ipswich School, Greeting ; in which Wolsey says : ' It seemed but little to have built a school, however magnificent, unless it should be equipped with the skill of masters. We have taken pains to place over it you two masters, men chosen out and approved, under whom British youth, from their earliest years, might imbibe morals and literature, knowing full well that hope for the commonwealth must rest upon that age, even as the corn from the seed. That this might come about more easily and happily we have provided with all care, zeal, and diligence, that you should have little books on the instruction of boys, on the method and theory of teaching principally necessary for such youth.' The contents of Wolsey's Grammar printed by P. Treveris (1529) are as follows : C Quo ordine pueri in nostru gymnasium admissi docendi sint, quique authores quidem praelegendi. C The mayster shall reherse these articles to them that offer theyr children on this wyse here following : Next, Articles of the Faith— Creed. The Seven Sacraments and Charity, Penance, Houseling, in sickness and death. Colet's Precepts of Living. Apostles' Creed, Lord's Prayer and Salvatio Angelica (the three latter in Latin). Oratiuncula ad puerum Jesum Scholae praesidem (in Latin). Jo Colet suo Lilio, salutem (in Latin), date given 1509. C A lytell proheme to the boke (Colet's). So, too, taken from Colet is the Accidence. From an Introduction of the partes of spekyng for chyldren and yonge begynners in to latyn speche. 252 The Authorised Latin Grammar Down to C Explicit Colet editio. G. Lilii Angli Rudimenta (Syntax). The Qui mihi Discipulus of W. Lily. At the end of the Qui mihi discipulus in both Colet and Wolsey's editions are a number of verses by John Ritwise, Richardus Vernamus (Pauling Scholae Alumnus) and Richardus Gunsonus. The Latin Grammar. Edition of 1542 (British Museum copy, on vellum) begins with : Alphabetum Latino-Anglicum, in eight different types. Prayers : The Lord's Prayer, Salutatio and The Apostles' Creed in Latin and English. The Ten Commandments, the Two Commandments of Christ, followed by Prayers. It is entitled : An Introduction of the eyght partes of speche, and the Con- struction of the same, compiled and setteforth^ by the commaunde- ment of our most gracious soverayne lorde the king. Anno 1542. This is the earliest edition of Lily's Grammar which I have seen, containing the King's Proclamation. The adoption of the Grammar as the authorised Latin Grammar, is parallel to the authorization of a particular ren- dering of the Scriptures. It is a cardinal point, about which centre the disputes of the progressive grammarians, as against the reactionary and conservative party which held closely to Lily. The Proclamation and Address to the Reader may therefore be regarded as ofificial documents which for good and evil bound down the recognised teaching of Latin for generations. In the Proclamation the King says : 'And to the intent that hereafter they may the more readily and easily attain the rudiments of the Latin tongue, without the great hindrance, which heretofore hath been, through the diversity of grammars and teachings : we will and command, and straightly charge all you schoolmasters and teachers of grammar within this our realm, and other our The Composite Authorised Grammar 253 dominions, as ye intend to avoid our displeasure, and have our favor, to teach and learn your scholars this English intro- duction, here ensuing, and the Latin Grammar annexed to the same, and none other, which we have caused for your ease and your scholars' speedy preferment briefly and plainly to be compiled and set forth/ Although the authorised Latin Grammar was ordinarily called Lily's Grammar, it is really a compilation. Thomas Hayne, a master at Merchant Taylors' School (1605-8) and at Christ's Hospital later, wrote a Grammar which is called Grammatices Latinae Compendium, in 1637. In his address to the Judicious Reader he gives an account of the composite authorship of Lily's Grammar, as follows: ' Courteous Reader, in brief consider, what since the time of Henry 7, hath been the singular care of Royal Authority and of worthy learned men, to lay a solid foundation for all kind of Learning by producing a right Grammar institution. For though before his time a great part of our English' men had little leisure and less care of good Arts; yet when the Houses of York and Lancaster were united, by the happy" counsel of John Morton', Bishop of Ely, and times became more peaceable, John Holt* printed and dedicated a brief- Grammar called Lac puerorum to the same John Morton then deservedly installed Archbishop of Canterbury. About this time also John Stanbridge^ and Robert Whittington his scholar, and others put forth divers Treatises of Grammar. But more especially Dr Colet' the Reverend and learned Dean of Paul's compiled the Introduction to the Eight Parts of Speech ; and Mr Lilie first Schoolmaster of Paul's, an English Syntax. ' So of the German Princes and People. Erasmus, Epist., p. 989. ^ HoUinsh. Stowe. ' A man of singular learning, wisdom, and fidelity. * About the year 1497. ' About the year 1 505. " Anno 1509. A man studious to advance learning and a great bene- factor thereunto. 2 54 The Authorised Latin Grammar Whereunto Cardinal Wolsey' afterward prefixed an Epistle and directions for teaching the 8 classes or forms in Ipswich School. Erasmus also^ intreated by Dr Colet to revise Mr Lilie's Syntax, made" a new Latin Syntax, upon which Henry Prime*, Schoolmaster of the Monastery, and Leonard Cox", of Carleon in Wales, commented. Also Thomas Linaker" and Ludov. Vives wrote Rudimenta Grammaticce for Queen Mary's use; and Linaker his book De Emendata Scriptura, ^'c, which hath ever since been the Cynosura for many of our best Grammarians. Mr Lilie wrote also (Propria qua maribus), and (As in prasenti) : which Mr Ritwise' one of his successors published cum vocabulorum interpretatione. Thomas Robertson a schoolmaster in Oxford printed" a Comment on the Rules, which Lilie wrote in verse: and added thereunto f^QucB genus) and the Versifying Rules. From the variety of pains, in Grammar sprang a great diversity in the course of teaching: which K. Henry 8, intending' to reform, caused sundry learned men (among whom, as I have heard, was Dr Richard Cox", Tutor to K. Edward .the Sixth) to reduce the former attempts in this kind into one body of Grammar. They jointly" produced the Grammar now in use, and first authorised by K. Henry the Eighth. Yet it may seem that this Grammar was thought too prolix; for afterward in K. Edward the 6, his time Mr John Fox'^ set forth Tables of Grammar, subscribed in print by 8 Lords of the Privy 1 Anno 1528. 2 Erasmus his Preface. ' Anno 1513. ^ Anno 1539. ^ Anno 1540. He taught the tongues in Polon., Hung., Germany. ^ About the year 1522, at Q. Katherine's request. ' Anno 1536, if not before. 8 Anno 1532. This is dedicated to John Longland [i.e. Langland], Bishop of Lincoln. See p. 241. ' Preface to the Grammar, Anno 1546. " A worthy learned man sometimes Schoolmaster of Eton : after that Dean of Westminster, and Bishop of Ely. " Anno 1545. 12 Anno 1551. The Definitive Grammar 255 Council. But these Tables were- quickly laid aside, as being far more too short, than King Henry's Grammar was too long. Since then many learned men in England, far more abroad, have spent much profitable study on this Art, and the Method thereof.' Though the edition of 1542 described above is the first known authoritative edition, the definitive form of Lily's Grammar, under its best known title, was issued about 1574. This was : A Shorte Introduction of Grammar, generally to be used ; compyled and set forth for the bringing up of all those that intende to attayne the knowledge of the Latin tongue. (Brevissima Institutio etc.) 2 pts. 1577, 4to. Also editions in British Museum, 1599-1602, 1607, 1621, 1630, 1640. The edition of 1574 was printed, by Francis Flower (a gentleman not of the Stationers' Company) to whom was granted for life the 'privilege' for printing the Grammar, Dec. 15, 1573. On December 25th, 1574, this patent was assigned to six partners 'who paid Flower ;£ioo ("a sum," remarks Arber, "equivalent to _;£'iooo now") a year as rent for the same.' The Grammar, therefore, was a valuable property. It is not easy to furnish estimates as to the circulation of Lily's Grammar, but there are indications that it was extensive, to be derived from the Registers of t^ Stationers' Company. The number of copies constituting an 'edition' of any ordinary book in Queen Elizabeth's reign was 1250. If a first edition of a book found 1250 purchasers, the printer had to re-set type, for a second edition. Double impressions from the same type were allowed in the case of primers and catechisms and some other books. But for the Grammar and Accidence ^«r double impressions of 2500 copies, i.e. 10,000 copies, were allowed to be printed annually. 'In 1587 the Stationers' Company required that if further impressions were needed in any one 256 The Authorised Latin Grammar year they should consist of 1250 copies only.' Such a regula- tion shows the contemplation of the possibility at least of an enormous circulation, when the population of the country at that period is taken into account The restriction of the number of copies of an edition was due to the activity of the trade-union of the printers, who were determined that sufficient re-setting of the type should afford employment to all their members. We are thus enabled to gauge, to some slight extent, the production of copies of books. Mr Arber' states : 'All these high numbers had reference to school books then the most lucrative of publishing properties, and now the rarest books extant, so completely have they been thrashed out of existence.' Further signs of the value of the property in Lily's Grammar are afforded by the attempts to infringe the sole rights of the patentees. For instance, the Star Chamber Court commanded the Wardens of the Company to seize the presses of one, Roger Ward, for printing Grammars, Catechisms, Primers and other books. This was in 1565. On April 6, 1597, the reversion of Flower's patent was granted, for life, to John Battersby, but on the accession of King James I the printing of Grammars came into the hands of John Norton. Then, apparently, the patent fell to Bonham Norton, and seems to have become the hereditary property of the Norton family. Nevertheless there can be no doubt that the authorised Grammar was constantly pirated and pubUshed from time to time with no publisher's name as 'sold by all the book- sellers in Town and Country.' So important was the Grammar that privileges were extended away from the patentee to, at any rate, the University Presses. Indeed, the early Cambridge Press of J. Siberch published the de octo orationis partium construc- tione libellus. The date is unnamed, but it is conjectured to be 1522. Lily's Grammar, in its later form (A Short Introduction etc.), was published by the University Press at Cambridge in 1634, and again in 1640. It is, however, to be stated that ' Register of Stationers' Company, n. p. 23. The Monopoly in Lily's Grammar 257 both Cambridge' and Oxford^ published other Grammars as well as the authorised Lily. In 1636 Oxford University for the first time published its edition of Lily. In 1 64 1, a remarkable tract was published called Scintilla or a Light broken into darke Work houses^. This booklet attacked seven patents regarding books. The object of the writer is to show how monopoUes raise prices to an excessive amount. With regard to Lily's Grammar he says : 'And here have they ingrossed the School Books Patent \ Grammar of Oxford and Cambridge sold at 5 See Note p. 358. School Authors ^grammatically translated' 357 Tullies Epistles gathered by Sturmius. TuUies Offices^\S}a. the books adjoined to them, de Amicitia, Senectute, Paradoxes. Ovid de Tristibus. Ovid's Metamorphoses. Vergil. Other books also translated grammatically for continual helps in school : 1. Tullies Sentences for entering scholars 'to make Latin truly instead of giving vulgars and for use of daily translating into Latin, to furnish with variety of pure Latin and matter.' 2. Aphthonius^ ' for easy entrance into themes, for under- standing, matter and order.' 3. Drax his phrases, to help to furnish with copy of phrase both English and Latin, and to attain to propriety in both. 4. Flares poetarum, to prepare for versifying ; to learn to versify, ex tempore of any ordinary theme. 5. Tully de Natura Deorum ; ' for purity, easiness, variety to help to fit with a sweet style for their disputations in the Universities.' 6. Terentius Christianus^ The Sententiae Ciceronis to which Brinsley refers is probably that of P. Lagnerius : Sententiae Ciceronis, Demosthenis ac Terentii Dogmata Philosophica. Item, Apophthegmata quaedam pia. Omnia ex fere ducentis authoribus tarn Graecis quam Latinis, ad bene beateque vivendum diligentissime collecta. Londini, ex typo- graphia Societatis Stationariorum 16 14 cum privilegio. Titles and the name of compiler of each part are given in the text as follows : {M. T. Ciceronis parabolae aliquot et similia; M. T. Ciceronis piae aliquot sententiae; variorum authorum sen- • See Chap, xxvii. ^ See p. 322. 358 Translation of Authors tehiiae {edited by P. Lagnerius). Appendix sententiarum ex probatissimis quibusque authoribus selectarum praecipue vero ex libris apophthegmatum D. Erasmi Roterodami. D. Jacotit Vandoperani de philosophorum dodrina libellus ex Cicerone.^ PP- 393- The original collection of P. 1-agnerius was M. T. Ciceronis setUentiae illustriores . . . 1 547. A writer directly influenced by Brinsley in the method of grammatical translations was Thomas Hall, curate at King's Norton, in fVisdom's Conquest or an Explanation and Grammaticall Translation of the thirteenth Book of Ovid's Metamorphosis, con- taining that Cur\i\ous and Rhetoricall Conquest between Ajax and Ulysses for Achilles Armour, where is set forth to the Life the Power of Valour, and the Prevalence of Eloquence. London : Printed by Philemon Stephens and are to be sold at the signe of ihe Gilded Lyon in S. Paul's Churchyard. 165 1. Note. Sententiae Pueriles. The Pueriles Confabulatiunculae was the first conversation Latin book leading to the Colloquies. The Sententiae Pueriles was the earliest book placed in the hands of the child before beginning the continuous translation of authors in the later part of the i6th century and held its own in the 1 7th century. The following is the title : Sententiae Pueriles, pro primis Latinae linguae tyronibus, ex diz'ersis scriptoribus collectae. Per Leonhardum Culman Crailssheyvtensem. His accesserunt pleraeque veterum Theologontm sententiae, de vera Religiane. Lipsiae, Anno M.D.XLIII. This text-book begins with sentences of two words. The two-worded sentences begin with Amicis opitulare, and end with Verecundiam serz'a, the other sentences to the number of about 200 being arranged alphabetically between these two. Next follow about 200 sentences of three words each also alphabetically arranged, and then a similar number of four-worded sen- tences. A still larger number are provided of sentences of more than four words. This gives opportunity for the inclusion of maxims such as amici in rebus adversis cognoscuntur. We are surprised at the inclusion of some The Sententiae pueriles 359 of the sentences for these youngest of children, e.g. uxorutn vitia post nuptias discimus. But the explanation of similar unsuitable sentences for children probably is that the writer was thinking far more of suitable simple Latin construction than of the particular content of the sentence. There is a large collection of Holy Sentences (sententiae sacrae) to be taught scholars upon Holy Days. The small book of 50 pages is rounded off with Rules for Children's Behaviour. Of course, the book, the first to be given to the child in the Grammar School after his ABC, was learned originally in Latin. The Latin edition was circulated in England and it is this to which Brinsley refers. He intended to supply a grammatical translation for it but does not seem to have done so. However this task was performed by Charles Hoole. The English title-page is : Sentences for Children English and Latine. Collected out of Sundry Authors long since by Leonard Culman, And 7iow translated into English By Charles Hoole For the first entering into Latin. P. Antesignanus in his Epistle to the Saraei, brethren. Let others affect the opinion of learning ; I do plainly and ingenuously confess, I have sei-iously addicted myself both to fashion and promote Children's studies all that ever J can. London, Printed for the Company of Stationers, 1658. The Latin text of the Sententiae Pueriles was published in England. The patent had been in the hands of H. Bynneman but was given over by him to the Stationers' Company in 1584 for the benefit of the poorer members of that Company. Brit. Mus. copy Londini, Jo. Beale, pro Societate Stationariorum 1639. CHAPTER XXII. THE HIGHER AUTHORS, WITH EXCURSUS ON COLET'S STATUTES. It is characteristic of Brinsley that he devotes more pains and more space to the exposition of the method of teaching pupils to construe the 'lower' than the 'higher' authors, for he believes that the ' grammatical translation ' method as pursued in the early stages will become a habit in the pupil so that he will unconsciously bring it to bear on the 'higher authors.' 'Through their perfect knowledge and continual practice of the rule of construing and by that help of the reading in the lower Authors: I mean the help of the matter, words and phrase which they are well acquainted with, and of being able to cast the words into the natural order — they will then be able to do very much in construing any ordinary author of themselves, ex tempore.' The pupils have also the assistance of the master. For the rest, there are the commentaries on the higher authors, Horace, Persius, Juvenal, Vergil, as follows : For Horace and Persius, John Bond. Of this editor, Brinsley says: 'He hath by his pains made that difficult Poet (Horace) so easy that a very child which hath been well entered and hath read the former school- authors in any good manner, may go thorough [i.e. through] it with facility, except in very few places.' The first edition of Bond's Horace appeared in 1606. Other editions 1625, 1641, 1644, 1659. The time was drawing near, when one of the greatest of English schoolmaster editors of the classics, Thomas Farnaby, Preparatives to Construing 361 published his edition of Juvenal and Persius (first in 16 12, followed by many editions). Later on, in 1656, a still better known man, though scarcely so great a scholar as Farnaby, Richard Busby, edited Persius and Juvenal. This was, to use an anachronism, a ' bowdler- ised' edition^ Brinsley mentions for school use, the further commentaries on Persius of Murmelius, Buschius, and Eilhard Lubinus. For short comments and annotations of Vergil, there may be used those of Ramus upon the Eclogues and Georgics. Also ' the Vergils printed with H. Stephen's annotations, and with Melanchthon's.' When there is no help to be got from Commentaries then Brinsley suggests : ' The sum of all for construing without Commentary or Help.' 1. Consider and weigh well the general matter and argument. ' Demand ' (if not otherwise obtainable) ' the understanding in general of the Master or Examiner, what the matter of the place is, or what it is about. Otherwise many places may trouble the greatest scholars at the first sight.' 2. Mark all the hard words in their proper significations i.e. either in the text, by underlining them, or write over against the words in a fine, small hand ('it will not hurt the books '), or if the pupils are afraid of damage to their books, let every one have a little paper book, and therein write only all the new and hard words. 3. Keep in mind the verse, regarding the circumstances of places : Quis, cui, causa, locus, quo tempore, prima sequela. ' That is, who speaks, in what place, what he speaks, or to what end, where he spake, at what time it was, what went ' See Wood, Athenae Oxon. il. Col. 923. 362 Study of Higher Authors before in the sentences, next, what foUoweth next after. This verse I would have every such scholar to have readily; and always to think of it in his construing. It is a very principal rule for the understanding of any author or matter whatsoever.' 4. Cast and dispose the words in the proper grammatical order. 5. See that nothing be against sense, nothing against grammar, cast it and try it another way until you find it out. Finally, Brinsley wishes the pupil not to be content with bare renderings, let him seek also elegance in his words and phrases. Let him proceed paraphrastically, by exposition ot words and matter ' more at large to make as it were a Para- phrase of it.' He adds the desideratum, for Brinsley wa? a good disciple of Roger Ascham though he seldoms mentions him, ' And to do this last in good Latin, where they are of ability'.' Comparing Brinsley with Ascham on the subject of trans- ■lation, the first criticism that strikes the student is that Brinsley speaks from the experience of the class-room, Ascham from the aspiration of the scholar. Brinsley pays attention to the be- ginnings of Latin learning, Ascham is_ intent on the finished workjjf the advanced student. ' It is not that Ascham neglects the early instruction. In two or three pages, early on in the Scholemaster"^ he lay s down his or der of teaching, his method of double translationj'and nis provision of two paper books, one for the English construing and the other for a return-translation into Latin, and the instruction to compare the latter with the original Cicero. The pupil is then to write down all cases of proprium, translatum, synonyma, diversa, contraria, and phrases, in a third book. Voila tout. Ascham is then free, for the rest of his Book I, to discourse on gentleness in teachi ng. • Brinsley insists that pupils should daily construe passages ex tempore, besides their ' ordinary lectures.' ^ Published 1570 by John Daye, aim gratia et Privilegio Regiae Maiestatis per Decennium. Asckam and Brinsley 363 Socrates' notes of good wits for learning, Lady Jane Grey, the Elizabethan liberty of youth at home and abroad in the court and elsewhere, Hoby's Courtier, pastimes, praise of shooting. Englishmen italianate, the value of experience, and the aping of singularity. He has wandered, as he himself says at the end of Book I, from his first purpose of teaching a child, though he claims soundly enough, that the subjects he has discussed are ' within the compass of learning and good manners.' He sees the large issues of education, how it is involved in social, religious, and national questions, and these have drawn him away from school method. Hence Ascham has attracted the modern reader, whilst Brinsley, who sticks to his self-imposed task of describing in detail school-procedure in teaching, has been neglected. Professional interest in paedagogy will bring Brinsley more prominently to notice, for his book never loses sight of the progressive, continuous in- struction of the child and the boy, and is therefore more distinctly a professional treatise. Though the largeness of issues discoursed upon by Ascham in religious questions, are present at any rate, to Brinsley's mind, the aim is continuously and persistently paedagogic. In Ascham, we^find the spirit of a method which has always been acknowledged by the best 'educafoi's as sound, but for the filling~in of detail we find Brinsley endowed with the same spirit and at the same time abounding in paedagogic insight and experience, knowing the defects of ordinary practice of the Grammar Schools, and bent on suggestions for their improvement. Whilst Ascham in questions of school practice and school possibilities has not the intimate knowledge of Brinsley, he is more_at^ home in the reading of authors by the scholar. Brinsley's apparent programme is : Pueriles confabulatiunculae, Senteniiae, Cato, Corderius, Aesop, Cicero {^Epistles and Offices), Ovid, Vergil, Horace, Persius and Juvenal. Ascham recommfinds^ Cicero, Terence, Plautus, Caesar and Livy. Neither Brinsley noF Ascham would be contented for it to 364 Study of Higher Authors be supposed that their choice of authors is final and complete. 1 Still, as the lists stand, there is a remarkable difference. 1 Ascham includes the historians, Brinsley excludes thern. (Again, with the exception of Sturm as a commentator on iCicero, Ascham chooses as his guides and commentators the ancient classical writers themselves. He goes, for his jmethods, and for guidance in translation and re-translation straight to Cicero and Pliny. To Quintilian he appeals for the method of Paraphrase. He quotes Socrates and Quintilian for Metaphrasis. Lucian he advances to support Epitome, and his section on Imitation is an essay on classical authorities. Ascham wrote in 1570, Brinsley in 1612. The forty years between the Scholemaster and the Ludus Literarius were forty years of constant commentary on classical authors, based on good and bad investigation, the rigorous application of analysis and synthesis — methods which having worked themselves into the inner consciousness of scholarship, came by the time of Brinsley to be applied to the process of teaching. Ascham, in the earlier age, emphasises the knowledge of the classical writers, as the subject-matter of contemplation. Brinsley is involved in the apparatus of grammar and criticism of anno- tators, and particularly interests himself in the examination of the paedagogical process. Brinsley, we have seen, finds the teaching of accidence and grammar a hard nut to crack, but necessary to attempt determinedly: Ascham had declared that to read the grammar ' by itself was 'tedious for the master, hard for the scholar, cold and uncomfortable for them both.' Ascham had said the child was to parse the lesson over ' perfectly,' and had left the matter at that. Brinsley devotes 36 pages to the teaching of the accidence and grammar, and 22 pages to the problems of parsing. We have seen that Brinsley regards translation as a sort of inference from grammar, hence the method of grammatical translations. Ascham looks on the problem of translation as an exercise in comparison of languages and authors. Grammar Brinsley^s View of Translation 365 is for Ascham a deduction from authors ; not a substructure for authors to rest in. The glorification of grammar was a necessary step for the Humanists with the Seven Liberal Arts in their hands, in the emergence from the Middle Ages, as a counter-blast to the supremacy of Logic, but the fact that grammar itself was taught by the method of disputations^ (even in the milder Brinsley-method of Posing of the Parts) was open tribute to the sway of the older dialectical form. Ascham's suggested minimising of grammar did not approve itself to the ordinary school-teacher. Grammar was the battle cry with which the Renascence had sped to decisive victory. It conquered only too successfully. Lily's Grammar was sup- ported by injunction of the King and by the visitations of the Bishops as the ordinary Grammar for Grammar Schools. It is noteworthy that though Lily's Grammar had been published in its authorised form thirty years before Ascham published his Scholemaster, the latter does not refer to it as a part of the equipment of the pupil. In the schools, however, Lily's Grammar had a secure footing. Yet one of Brinsley's diffi- culties was the inconvenience due to the great multiplication of Grammars^. The one remedy he saw was to make pupils perfect in the 'ordinary (i.e. Lily's) Grammar.' The minimising or magnifying of grammar is more than a question as to the superiority of Ascham over Brinsley. It is the predominant paedagogical distinction between the early i6th century writers as a whole, and the schoolmasters of the latter half of the i6t h and the first half of the 17th cent uries. \ It is due not so much ttu any difference-ofTim ofTIielater schoolmasters, at least the (best of them, from writers like Ascham, as it is the effect of the y vast and learned output of learned writers of grammars, philo- 1 logical treatises, and the collections of matter of knowledge / from the body of the classics, which led to the breaking up of ^classical subjec t-matter into sciences of all kinds.; — Tfae~]:6th century stood firm by the contents of the classics, as they ' See p. 96. " Ludus Literarius, Chap. xxxi. 366 Study of Higher Authors were contained in the classical authors. The business of the student was to know them. In the 17th century they were accepted but it was felt they required manipulating. It was the scholar's business to analyse them, into grammar, philology, history, chronology, and so on. Hence, grammar justified itself apart from the authors. The authors were mines for investigation and an instrument was necessary for this pur- pose. That instrument was grammar. It is natural therefore that Brinsley is more thorough-going than Ascham in his treatment of grammar, and it is not surprising that Ascham surpasses Brinsley in his larger view of translation. To illustrate this, take the case of paraphrase recommended by Brinsley as a method of dealing with transla- tions of authors. He has nothing suggestive to say about it. Ascham had pointed out its dangers and its usefulness. He illustrated by dealing with repetitions of the same or similar subject-matter in Homer, Xenophon, Demosthenes. He showed how Melanchthon's style was injured by use of paraphrase. He thought that in Greek it would be useful to alter a passage from the Ionic or Doric into pure Attic. But he was clear, that it is a bad exercise to change a piece of good Latin into some other Latin of doubtful goodness, or even positive badness. Then, as by a master-stroke, he shows how Cicero accomplished paraphrase by writing two passages — one in de Finibus, the other in de Officiis — on the same subject, and how he reveals the height of the standard, by an object-lesson of what real paraphrase would be. When, in addition, he suggests — if we could also have the Greek before us from which Cicero got his' idea rendered in the two passages, — that the scholar would re- ceive more joy in contemplation of Cicero's compositions than - if he looked on two of the fairest Venuses that ever Apelles made, we know at once that Ascham saw the meaning not only of paraphrase but of the whole business of classical study and in a degree which it has not entered into the heart of the ordinary Grammar School (for which Brinsley wrote) to conceive. Progress of Classical Studies 367 The other methods of which Ascham treats, Metaphrase, Epitome, and Imitation, are lessons in style, i.e. in appre- ciation of classical authors. Brinsley with his country youth to teach, could not reach to them. Even the students in the Elizabethan Universities could not live in their spirit and fulness. Ascham had the root of the matter in him with regard to Latin and Greek. He is, himself, a classic in the exposition of the classical spirit. His appeal is for the scholar's comprehension of the greatness of his study. Neither Brinsley nor Ascham has shown the method for bringing this within the reach of the ordinary school-boy by set syllabuses and tasks. Brinsley, however, has shown later writers what was attempted in the Elizabethan schools. Further, we can see in his Ludus Literarius the suggestions to improve on current practice. They may seem moderate in scope, in the light of later developments, but they are sensible from his point of view, and inspired by the love of paedagogic progress, and by aims which he believes to be practicable, and, at least, not neces- sarily inconsistent with the larger prospects in which Ascham is so fascinating. The classical progress of the half-century which separates Brinsley's publication of the Ludus Literarius and Hoole's New Discovery of the Old Art of Teaching School can be traced by a comparison of the views of the two writers on the authors to be brought into the school curriculum. Hoole like Brinsley enters into the detail of reading, writing, accidence, grammar, making of Latin verses, and the whole round of classical discipline with the fervour and energy that transforms drudgery into conscious aim of interested effort. Like Brinsley, Hoole believes in linguistic training. Like Sturm and Corderius, amongst the early French Puritans, Brinsley and Hoole. are distinguished by the aim of pietas literata. Brinsley, to his contemporaries and their successors, is the ' learned and godly Mr Brinsley.' Describing Brinsley, a writer' shows the chief 1 Thomas Hall, Preface to Wisdom's Conquest, 1651. 368 Study of Higher Authors impression made by him : ' He hath done much this way (i-e. of grammatical translations) and the Nation is bound to bless God for his labours in this kind : yet most of his translations are out of print and many useful authors untranslated which he intended to publish but was prevented by death.' Brinsley was chiefly remembered, by 1660, for his method of 'Grammatical Translations.' Hoole adopted thLs method for junior forms. Excepting for the Hebrew, which was included in Brinsley's curriculum, it may be said that Hoole's fifth Form had covered more classical work than Brinsley's sixth Form. This constitutes a great difference, for, as Hoole himself said, ' the Sixth Form is looked upon as the main credit of a School.' Hoole's curriculum is more comprehensive ; his outlook wider. This distinction shows itself in the whole of the bibliographical details, of grammars, vocabularies, dictionaries, phrase-books for prose and verse in Latin and Greek, the whole classical round of expository and critical apparatus. This implies no depreciation of Brinsley. It was the progress of classical knowledge which made Hoole's programme' possible even in conception. It is especially remarkable that such a course of studies, as Hoole's, should be proposed for a Grammar School, when we consider the deplorable state of the Univer- sities in the preceding generations. The explanation is to be found in the fact that foreign scholarship and foreign books found their way into English schools, and an examination of either Brinsley's list of text-books or that of Hoole will show how little dependent the schoolmaster of the i6th and 17th centuries was upon English scholars or writers of text-books. The brotherhood of scholarship, based upon linguistic know- ledge of Latin, created a greater range of usefulness for the works of a Melanchthon, a Ramus, an Arias Montanus, an ^ Brinsley's Ludus Literarius and Hoole's New Discovery must be accepted as representative of the classical aims of contemporary school- masters, if not as documents of what was actually aqicomplished in the Grammar Schopis of their age. England and the Continent 369 Eilhardus Lubinus, a Comenius, than the restriction of means of communication imposed difificulties. In other words, para- doxical as it may seem, the Commonwealth English school was less 'insular' than to-day. Probably from the days of John Dome, in Oxford, in 1520, to the time of William London, in Newcastle, in 1658, English booksellers sold far more books published abroad, to the schools of England, than books printed in England. On the other hand, the Grammars of Colet and Linacre^ and editions of classics edited by English scholars like John Bond and Thomas Farnaby probably had a larger public amongst schools on the Continent than they had in England. Hoole was in touch with the Continent, as indeed Common- wealth scholars generally were. We know that Brinsley ' bred up ' many scholars for the University. Doubtless Hoole, in his private school, did the same, and Thomas Earnaby's private school was renowned as a feeding ground for the Universities. But these writers on educational matters write with far more regard to the opinions of scholars abroad and at home than with reference to any systematised regulations of English University studies. It is this larger aspect of scholarship in itself and for itself, in the republic of letters, that seizes upon Hoole, on which his attention is rivetted and towards which he brings all his powers to bear tojead his pupils. In Hoole there is not the fresh- ness of the early Renascence, but instead there is the fulness of detailed knowledge of the work of the class-room which Ascham has passed by so light-heartedly, to the content of modern readers. We know what Hoole wants, and we know how he proposes to secure it. He is hardly less exigent than Milton, but he knows and cares more than Milton for one subject, viz. the school-boy. For that reason, he surprises us more by the spaciousness of classical canvas which he spreads in the class- 1 To cite an instance, the great Parisian printer Robert Stephanus published ten editions of Colet's Grammar and twelve editions of Linacre's Grammar (M. Pattison, Essays I. p. 74). W. 24 37° Study of Higher Authors rooms of the schools. And if Brinsley claims the attention of the educational historical inquirer, still higher claims may be made for the study of Hoole. Ascham and Milton are theorists; Brinsley and Hoole are primarily practical school- masters. Their theory may exceed their practice, but at least the former springs out of the latter. It is necessary, therefore, in any consideration of the classical authors required to be read in schools in the first half of the 17th century to include Hoole's account, as supple- mentary to that of Brinsley, half a century earlier. In the chapter on 'The Practice of Grammar^' thp authors to be read in the first three forms have been given. They are the English Bible, Sententiae pueriles, the Prindpks of Christianity, Cato, Pueriles Confabulatiunculae, Corderii Collo- quia. The Assemblies Catechism, the Latin Testament, Aesopi Fabulae (in Latin), Castalionis Dialogi, Mantuan, Helvici Colloquia, Perkin's Six Principles. The choice has been regu- lated by the principle of adaptability of the subject-matter to the capacities of children. Whether the principle has been adequately applied may be doubted, but the list is not that of the classical scholar as such, but the genuine effort of the schoolmaster to give suitable text-books to his class, as pre- paratory to higher flights in the direction of scholarship. Up to the fourth Form, the early authors of the modern Grammar School curriculum such as Caesar and Ovid are considered too advanced, and the fourth Form boys are to continue reading the Latin New Testament, because it increases their verbal know- ledge of that 'holy book,' and also because they know beforehand something of the subject-matter. Terence then follows. Hoole's reasons are : ' Terence, of all the school authors that we read, doth deservedly challenge the first place, not only because Tully himself hath seemed to derive his eloquence from him, and many noble Romans are reported to have assisted him in making his Comedies ; but also Study of Latin Orations 371 because that book is the very quintessence of familiar Latins, and very apt to express the most of our Anglicisms withal. The matter of it is full of morality, and the several actors therein most lively, seem to personate the behaviour and properties of sundry of the like sort of people, even in this age of ours. I would have the scholars therefore of this Form to read him so thoroughly as to make him wholly their own.' Hoole shows, in detail, how the Terence should be used, one important point being to ' call out the most significant words and phrases and write them in a pocket-book,' with the refer- ences to the passages marked ; 'and let them ever and anon be learning these by heart.' They must make analyses and expo- sitions and psychological and ethical observations on the subject to turn into Latin, and so make such a true use of the author as Erasmus directs in his 'golden little book' — De ratione instituendi Discipulos. Suitable passages should be learned and acted first in private, then before the whole school. This teaches a careful pronunciation and correct gestures, and removes bashfulness^ which besets some children. Of course, TuUy's Epistles must be read by the method of double translation. In poetry, Ovid's ' little book,' de Tristibus, which should be learned memorUer to ' imprint a lively pattern of hexameters and pentameters.' This is to be followed by Ovid's Metamorphoses. In this Form Greek begins, and this involves renderings into Latin, and from Latin to the Greek. In the fifth Form, the boys take the pithy orations from Sallust, Livy, Tacitus^ and Quintus Curtius^ and strive amongst themselves which of them can best pronounce them both in English and Latin. Hoole mentions that his usher, Mr Edward Perkins, suggested this exercise, and he says : ' I found nothing that I did formerly to put such a spirit into my scholars and ' See p. 316. ^ Probably the pretty little collection Orationes et Condones in the Elzevir edition. Sir Thomas Elyot had recommended such a collection from the point of view of history teaching. 24 — 2 372 Study of Higher Authors make them, like so many nightingales, to contend who could ixakiara yeXews {? Xiyioi's) most melodiously tune his voice and form a style to pronounce and imitate the forementioned orations.' Justin is to be studied, 'as a plain history and full of excellent examples and moral observations, which for the easi- ness of the style the scholars of this form may now construe of themselves, and as you meet with an historical passage that is more observable than the rest, you may cause every one of them to write it down in English as well as he can possibly relate it without his book, and to turn it again into good Latin. By this means, they will not only well heed the matter, but also the words and phrases of this smooth historian.' Justin is to be read a half or three-quarters of the year and then Caesar's Commentaries or Lucius Florus, with Erasmus's Colloquies occasionally for a change. Now comes Vergil \ 'the prince of poets,' to be constantly and thoroughly read. The Eclogues are learned by heart. The master is to help the class through the Georgics, and finally the pupil is to read the Aeneids by themselves, with Cerda or Servius at hand, in addition to Mr Farnaby's Notes on Vergil constantly in use. For the sixth Form Horace, Juvenal, Persius, Lucan, Seneca's Tragedies, Martial and Plautus are the authors prescribed, together with readings in Pliny and QuintiUan''- ^ Wolsey in his Flan of Studies for Ipswich Grammar School (i j28) divides his School into eight Classes. He places the study of Vergil earlier in the school course than Hoole. In the requirements for the fourth Class, Wolsey suggests : ' When you exercise the soldiership of the fourth Class, what general would you rather have than \'ergil himself, the prince of all poets ? whose majesty of vei-se, it were worth while should be pronounced with intonation, of voice.' * It must be remembered, moreover, that a large number of the text- books, commentaries, etc. were written in Latin, so that boys had perforce to have a good knowledge of the language, for translation at sight, besides the working knowledge for purposes of vulgars, verses, themes, declamatory Excursus: Colei's School Authors 373 This is the course in Latin authors. The Greek studies of the fifth and sixth Forms in Hoole's course included Homer, Pindar, Lycophron, Xenophon, Euripides, Sophocles, Aristo- phanes, Lucian^. There is in Hoole's list no Plato, Aristotle, Thucydides and Aeschylus, studies of all of which authors Ascham would desire in the finished classicist. But Hoole is writing for the Grammar School and Ascham's reference to studies is usually to Univer- sity practice. Putting aside philosophical authors, it would appear that Hoole's expectations from the school-boy in 1660 ^y were as high as the best practice in the Universities in Ascham's time. Certainly it might be contended with good evidence that a boy in a leading Commonwealth Grammar School, e.g. Hoole's or Farnaby's, knew more classics than a University man in the Elizabethan age on leaving the University. It should be borne in mind, as part of the explanation, that the age of entering the University was on the average higher, in the later period. Excursus. Colet's Choice of Authors for St Paul's School (founded 1509). The Statutes (1518) prescribe : ' WHAT SHALBE TAUGHT.' 'As towchyng in this scole what shalbe taught of the Maisters & learnyd of the scolers it passith my wit to devyse and determyn in particuler, but in generall to speke and sum what to saye my mynde, I wolde they were taught all way in good litterature, with laten and greke, and good auctors suych as haue the veray Romayne eliquence joyned with wisdome, specially Cristyn auctours that wrote theyre wysdome with clene & chast laten other in verse or in prose, for my entent is by thys scole specially to incresse knowlege and worshipping ' See Chap. xxx. 374 Excursus: Colet's School Authors of god & oure lorde Crist Jesus & good Cristen lyff and maners in the children.' The books for this end which he names are the Catechism, his own Accidence or any better to the purpose, the Institutum Christiani Hominis, and Erasmus's Copia. 'And then,' he goes on, ' other auctours, as Lactantius, Prudentius, Proba, Sedulius, Juvencus, and Baptista Mantuanus'.' Lactantius wrote about 305 a.d. He has been called the ' Cicero of the Fathers,' and his classical style and Christian subject-matter was precisely the combination Colet desired for his school. Juvencus was a Spanish priest who wrote, c. 330 a.d., his Historia Evangelica, i.e. the gospel-story, in Latin hexameter verse. His style is based on Vergil — thus again Colet chose his author for style and Christian subject-matter. Prudentius lived from 348 to c. 410 a.d. His Psychomcuhia was a didactic allegory. In this poem, written in hexameters, the Christ-given virtues fight against the vices which threaten the soul. The conflict is set forth allegorically as a succession of combats between champions. Sedulius (c. 440 a.d.) attempted a Christian epic poem entitled Faschale Carmen. It comprised somewhat less than two thousand hexameters, and was divided into five books. The name would indicate some underlying thought on the part of the poet giving a unity to his work. It was a poem of Christ, our Passover, offered for men. Probably the most curious writer in Colet's list is Valeria Faltonia Proba, the only woman, as Mr J. H. Lupton has said*, whose works have been admitted into the Patrologia. This lady composed the Centones Vergiliani, about the year 400 a.d. A cento is a patchwork of phrases taken from different parts of an author, so as to form a new work, embodying a different story. In this way Proba has treated the Old Testament history ' Of these authors, Sedulius, Prudentius and Baptista Mantuanus are also prescribed for St Bees' Grammar School (158,?). ^ Introduction to Colet's Lectures on II Corinthians, p. liii. Baptista Mantuans Eclogues 375 down to the Flood, and given an account of the life of Christ. Thus the very phrases of Vergil were utilised to convey the subject-matter of Christian story. We have now seen that the idea of the founder of the great classical school of St Paul's was anxious to combine the advantages of classical style, if possible, with Christian subject- matter. Cicero was not suggested, for he was a heathen ; but the Ciceronian style should be induced through reading Lactantius. Vergil should not be studied directly, for he too was not a Christian, but the Vergilian style should be inculcated through Prudentius, Sedulius, and Proba. Baptista Mantuanus^ (1448-1516). Baptista Spagnuoli the Mantuan wrote his Bucolica seu Adokscentia, ordinarily called the Eclogues of Mantuan, by 1502. The book was issued with notes by Jodocus Badius. These notes were afterwards supplemented by a commentary of Johannes Murmelius. The book was published in numerous editions abroad and in England. The British Museum Library contains London editions of 1573, 1582, 1627, 1649, 1652 and a Cambridge edition of 1635. But there were doubtless many others. No one can peruse such an edition of Baptista Mantuan without being struck by the wealth of explanatory and critical apparatus with which he is introduced. We can understand the hot indignation of a Scaliger and other greait classical scholars, living in an age in which the reputation of Baptista Mantuan in the schools seemed to eclip^e^the very classics themselves. Antiquity was summoned to become a cloud of witnesses to a scarecrow of a Vergil. Not only antiquity, but writers of the intervening world of Paganism and Christianity, past and contemporaneous, were also quoted. Vergil's works, including his Bucolics, Georgics, and Aeneid, are cited as if Vergil's main purpose were to illustrate Baptista. Horace i§ 1 See also p. ysi. 376 Excursus : Colet's School Authors appealed to as if on occasion he could discuss principles of poetry founded on Baptista. Cicero seems to have fallen, by accident or design, upon Baptista's phrases. We seem to live in an inverted world. It is all the more illusive because it is an undoubted \yorld of classical research. While the adverse attitude of classicists can thus be under- stood, a study of the editions of Baptista Mantuan's Eclogues brings out reasons for their attractiveness as a school text-book. With so many parallel passages brought before the pupil from classical authors by editors, Mantuan becomes the peg on which to hang classical instruction. Mantuan, therefore, easily passed from the position of being an author — safe from the religious point of view — read for his own sake, to that of an author read as an introduction to the classics. Stated briefly, the subjects of the Eclogues are love, religion, the relations of poets and wealthy men, and the manners of the Roman court. Two only of the Eclogues deal with peasant life, the supposed particular function of the Eclogue, viz. the sixth, entitled 'De Disceptatione rusticorum et civium,' and the eighth, ' De Rusticorum religione.' Mantuan had the honour of fixing his first line on Shake- peare's mind, and thus securing the attention at least of annotators 'for all time.' Holofernes, in Love's Labour's Lost^, says: 'Fauste, precor gelida quando pecus omne sub umbra Ruminat — and so forth. Ah, good old Mantuan ! I may speak of thee as the traveller doth of Venice : Venetia, Venetia, Chi non ti vede non ti pretia. Old Mantuan, old Mantuan ! who understandeth thee not, loves thee not.' ' IV. ii. 95. Professor T. Spencer Baynes wrote a valuable series of articles for Frasei^'s Magazine, Nov. 1879, Jan. and May 1880, on what Shakespeare learnt at school (afterwards republished in Shakespeare's Studies and other Essays. Longmans 1896), in which he described Man- tuan's school-book. The Fame of Baptista Mantuanus 377 Baptista had the good fortune to appeal both to the general public and to the world of schoolmasters. Mr J. H. Lupton' suggests that Baptista's popularity as 'a school-author in this country may have been due to Colet's recommendation,' and elsewhere notes that Colet possibly met Baptista" at Paris in 1494. Alexander Barclay, who published five eclogues about 1514, and is generally reputed the first English writer' of eclogues, says in his prologue : As the most famous Baptist Mantuan, The best of that sort since poets first began. The fourth and fifth, at any rate, of Barclay's eclogues, it may be noted, are unacknowledged direct imitations of Baptista Mantuan, though Barclay's fourth eclogue adds one thousand additional lines to Mantuan's, and his fifth extends Mantuan's from two hundred to one thousand lines. Fauste, precor, gelida quando pecus omne sub umbra Ruminat, the opening words of Baptista's Eclogues, have been most frequently quoted. But there is another quotation rendered famous by the offer which was made to Samuel Johnson of ten guineas to state the source of Semel insanivimus omnes. He could not give the answer at first, but, as is related in Boswell, he afterwards met it by chance in Johannes Baptista Mantuanus (Eclogue I): Faustus: Tu quoque, ut hie video, non es ignarus amoium. Fortunatus : Id commune malum ; semel insanivimus omnes. Mantuan was prescribed by Statute for St Bees' School in 1583, and by orders for Durham School in 1593. Charles Hoole in i66o gives in detail the method for the study of the £u£o/ica. Another school author important in the i6th century, though probably inferior in popularity to Mantuan, was Palin- 1 Life of Colet, p. 169. ' Ibid. p. 67. ^ Professor Saintsbury's description, 'adapter' of eclogues, is possibly better {Social England, m. p. 133). 37^ The Zodiacus Vitae genius. He flourished after the death of Colet, and is not therefore in his list. But he may, perhaps, be mentioned here, as his book was in the programme of some schools, with that of Mantuan. Marcelli Palingenii Stellati Poetae Zodiacus Vitae, id est, de hominis vita, studio ac moribus optifne instituendis. Libri XII. [In 1559-60 R. Newbery paid 4^. to the Stationers' Company for his licence to print Palingenius in London.] This is a poem of over 9000 lines in Latin hexameter verse, published (the first edition is undated) about 1531. Palin- genius was a native of the district of Ferrara. Visitors to the Palazzo Schifanoia will remember the great hall with the frescoes, divided into twelve compartments, each having a sign of the Zodiac. These frescoes in the Palace of the Duke Borso, no doubt, gave Palingenius the idea of the name of his book. The emblematic representations of the frescoes, probably sug- gested by the scholar and astrologer, Pietro Avogario, to the artists, as the background for the pictorial description of Borso's Court, became in the mind of Palingenius the poetical figuring of man's life as a whole. The Zodiacus Vitae, thus, is partly mystical, partly realistic. It includes a survey of man's life in all its relations to learning and to the higher aims disclosed by study, whether on the physical or moral side. The book, therefore, is not merely a text-book in Latin reading. It is replete with subject-matter which reflects the contemporary state of thought on scientific, literary, moral and philosophical questions. It is, if we may use modern phraseology, idealist in tendency. The materialistic side of life is fully described, but the interpretation given is occult, mystical, and it has un- doubtedly a religious aspect. The theism proclaimed involves a system of mysticism in which alchemy, astrology, and occult- ism of a spiritual type get full recognition. The Zodiac of man's life, as its title implies, involves a unity of the physical with the moral order of the Universe. The implication is pan- Palingenius in English Schools 379 theistic, but the position attached to prayer seems to suggest a reconciliation of the pantheistic with the theistic. It is impossible within short limits to show the compre- hensiveness of the subject-matter of this poem. The place of astronomy in the i6th century colours the daily life, both on the physical and on the moral aspects, so much more pro- foundly than in modern life, that the sun, stars, planets seem the familiar friends of the poet and the readers, and almost acquire the characteristics of personality. The terrestrial is interpreted in terms of the celestial. The unity of all life and thought can be reached only by a study of the particulars of experience which transfigures the physical into the spiritual. Hence the border-land of sleep and dreams gathers importance and interest. Signs and portents of the physical world with meteors, earthquakes, storms are terribly realistic in signifi- cance, and descriptive passages are intensely graphic. The detail becomes great through compression of style. The index, for instance, of the Zodiacus Vitae occupies 47 pages. By these subjects of contemplation, the foolish and the astute may get into the common ground of virtue and worth. Palingenius then takes the opportunity of sharply rebuking the proud monks and ecclesiastics. Like Dante he learns his wisdom from a guide who has borne him away from the earth, and brings him back to the jagged rocks of San Marino. Palingenius abounds in quotable lines. His epigrammatic expressions, his neat phrases, combined with comparatively easy and effective Latin in the descriptive passages helped his book to a place in the schools. In the following English schools the Zodiacus Vitae was prescribed by Statute : St Saviour's Grammar School, South- wark (1562); St Bees' Grammar School (1583); Durham School (1593); Camberwell Grammar School (1615). CHAPTER XXIII. VOCABULARIES AND DICTIONARIES. In 1857, Thomas Wright published a Collection of Vocabu- laries, Word-Glosses and Glossaries'^ from MSS. extending from the 8th to the 15 th centuries. In this Collection is given a pictorial Vocabulary, supposed to be of the 15th century. The illustrations are rough and crude, but distinctly graphic, and it is a worthy precursor of a school book like the Orbis Fictus^, printed 150 years later. Perhaps the two most important Vocabularies described by Wright are those of Alexander Neckam and of John de Garlande. Alexander Neckam's Treatise de Uiensilibus belongs to the 1 2th century. Neckam, who was an ecclesiastic, describes familiarly the ordinary avocations and occupations around him. He begins with the kitchen, describing the furniture, cooking vessels, and treats of the cooking of different kinds of food. He then describes the owner of the house, gives his dress, and occupations at home and riding abroad, his room and his furniture. Next comes the chambermaid, and an account of her duties. Then the poultry-yard, and description of cook- 1 This was re-edited by R. P. Wtilcker and published in two volumes, Lond^ 1884. Wright's original edition of 1857 was privately printed. 2 It has been pointed out by R. H. Quick that Comenius derived his idea of an illustrated Vocabulary, such as we see in the Orbis Piclus, directly from Eilhardus Lubinus. But the idea is clearly present in this pictorial Vocabulary of the 15th century. Early ' Vocabularies'' 381 ing of poultry and fish, and remarks on wine. Next appears an account of the building of a castle, its fortification and equipment. Then war, arms, armour and soldiers. In order follow the barn, poultry-yard, stable, weaving; construction of carts and wagons ; a house and its building, its various parts ; farming, the plough ; ships. The scribe and his work and instruments are described; then the goldsmith. Finally eccle- siastical matters. There is a continuous interlinear gloss to the Latin of explanations in simpler Latin, in French and in English. The assistance, Mr Wright observes, of the gloss was probably an indication to keep the teacher safe and had no immediate reference to the pupils. ' It is evident,' Mr Wright says, 'the schoolmasters themselves were very imperfectly acquainted with the Latin language and that they found it necessary to have books in which the English meaning was written close or beside the Latin word to enable them to explain it to their scholars.' Indeed the very fact of having the Vocabularies, which were lesson-books rather than dictionaries, points to the lack of accurate knowledge in the teachers, when it is remembered that almost every other word in a vocabulary like the de Utensilibus of Neckam is rendered into simpler Latin, French or English. Further, too, many of the interpretations in some of the Vocabularies extant are wrong. The Dictionarius of John de Garlande was composed early in the 13th century. But it maintained its vogue, for after multitudinous copyings in the Middle Ages it saw the light of print. Mr Wright in his Preface speaks of the interlinear gloss to the Vocabularies as 'precisely on the plan of the modern elementary books of the Hamiltonian system of teaching.' It may, perhaps, now be added that the method includes some foreshadowing of the Gouin method, for all the Vocabularies appear to be contrived on the supposition that objects can 382 Vocabularies and Dictionaries be pointed out, and the words are clearly intended to be learned in the order in which the objects which they denote present themselves when viewed or visualised. John de Garlande gives some terms likely to be wanted especially by one dwelling in Paris, where probably he wrote it. He begins, however, as so many writers did, with words re- quired in a description of the human body and its parts. Next he gives a long list of trades and manufactures. To show Garlande's thoroughness in vocabulary, Mr Wright's list may be quoted : hawkers carrying shoes, etc. for sale on poles, girdle- makers, saddlers, shield-makers, buckle-makers, dealers in needles, makers of girdles, hucksters, frobishers (or furbishers), the shopkeepers of the ' Grant Pont,' glovers, hatters, lawyers, makers of brooches and clasps, bell-makers, cobblers, cord, wainers, furriers, street criers, menders of cups, itinerant dealers in wine, sellers of cakes, bakers, pie-makers, cooks, changers, minters, goldsmiths, clothiers, linen-drapers, apothecaries, carpenters, wheelwrights, cart-makers, millers, armourers, fullers, dyers, tanners, smiths, etc. The following completes the description of John de Garlande's Vocabulary or Dictionarius. He describes 'the house of a citizen (probus homo) and its furniture, which is followed by the naming of 'the different implements necessary to a scholar or clerk. He then describes his own wardrobe. A rather quaint account of the ecclesiastical library of a priest follows, with his apparel and the implements belonging to the service of the Church. We return from the Church very abruptly to the stable, and then we have a list of the various domestic implements belonging to the mistress of the house, with descriptions of the occupations and employments peculiar to women — weaving, needlework, etc. The account of a poultry shop in the Parvis of Notre Dame furnishes an occasion for giving a list of domestic fowls ; that of the fowler, for an examination of wild fowls ; and that of the fisherman, for a list of fish.' ' Vocabularies' prescribed for Schools 383 This arrangement of words grouped round subjects, so characteristic of earlier school-books, is undoubtedly to be explained as the method suggested by the teaching of Latin as a spoken language. The names of useful and familiar objects were given. They were learned in all probability partially by a method resembling the 'direct method'.' The learning of the accidence was carried on at the same time, but the Donatus from which the accidence was learned was in the form of ques- tions and answers in Latin. In the statutes of schools and records of school practice, the learning of vocabulary, so many words a day, was continued after the Renascence, and vocabu- laries of one sort or other, more or less resembling this of John de Garlande, were continuously in use in English schools from the 13th century to the days when \he.Janua Linguarum and the Orbis Pictus were written. These very books may be de- scribed as only a variation of the method of the vocabularies of the Middle Ages. The following are examples of the requirement of the learning of vocabularies in schools : 1568. Bangor Friar School Statutes. ' Item. Besides the said Ordinary lectures the schoplmaster or Husher by the schoolmaster's appointment shall every night teach their scholars their Latin words with the English signifi- cation which their Latin words with their English significations every one of the scholars shall render without the books openly in the midst of the school so that the schoolmaster may hear and inform them every morning at their first coming to the school.' 1 The method is described by Elyot (1531) : ' There can be nothing more convenient than by little and little to train and exercise them in speaking of Latin : informing them to know first the names in Latin of all things that come in sight, and to name all the parts of their bodies ; and giving them somewhat that they covet or desire in most gentle manner to teach them to ask it again in Latin.' The Gouvernour (edited by Crofts, I, p. 33). 384 Vocabularies and Dictionaries ' Item. They shall begin with words that concern the head reciting orderly as nigh as they can every part and number of the body and every particular of' the same, after that they shall teach the names of sickness, diseases, virtues, vices, fishes, fowls, birds, beasts, herbs, shrubs, trees, and so forth they shall proceed in good order to such things as may be most frequented and daily used.' 1580. Harrow Rules. ' Every evening the schoolmaster immediately before their departure from School shall recite to those of the second, third and fourth forms, three Latin words, and declare the signifi- cation thereof plainly in English which they shall write orderly and rehearse to him the next day ; at that time he shall begin with names of parts of man's body, of diseases, virtues, vices, herbs, beasts, fishes, trees and the like.' The most elaborate description is in the Rivington Grammar School Statutes, 1566. 'As the young scholar is thus learning to decline a noun and a verb, the Usher shall daily exercise him with diversity of words in every comparison, declension, gender, tense, and conjugation, teaching him the English of every such Latin word; and examine him oft what is Latin for every such thing, that by this means he and others that hear may learn what every thing is called in Latin, and so be more ready to under- stand every word, what it signifieth in English, when they shall come to construction. As first to begin with Latin words for every part of a man and his apparel ; of a house and house- hold stufT, as bedding, kitching, buttery, meats, beasts, herbs, trees, flowers, birds, fishes, with all parts of them ; virtues, vices, merchandise, and all occupations; as weavers, tanners, carpenters, ploughers, wheelwrights, tailors, tilers, and shoe- makers; and cause them to write every word that belongs to one thing, together in order. And if this be done often and loud, that every one may hear and give ear, they will strive who Stanbridges Vocabula 385 shall learn and remember most Latin words, and will rejoice in it, one opposing another who can do the best' Amongst the earliest printed Vocabularies was : Stanbridge's Vocabula (Wynkyn de Worde: London, 1507). The Vocabula is an expanded form of the Vulgaria. Mr Gordon Duff notes editions in 1500, 1520, 1529. Ames gives editions published by Wynkyn de Worde as 1501, 1507, 1510, 1521. 1525. 1532- The words given in the early part of the vocabulary are those which describe the various parts of a man's body and their functions, and his senses. Then follow a number of verbs and descriptive adjectives. The English is given in black letter and the Latin in Roman type. Then follow words describing diseases, names of kindred, names of affinity, furni- ture, apparel of the body, a chamber and things relating to it, cooking, hay-mowing, and instruments for it, corn and words connected with corn-growing, winnowing, husbandry, dairying, animals, birds, the table and things connected with it, a mill and its equipment, money-coining, goldsmith, smith, iron-smith, plumber, and paver, carpentry and its equipment, tailor and supplementary workers, fishing, trees and fruits, together with things connected, herbs, 'the appendices of ships,' spectators of war, musical instruments. In Dibden's edition of Ames^ is given the section from Stanbridge's vocabulary of words pertaining to ships. In the letter to the reader Stanbridge states that the first part of his Vocabula is entitled The Anatomy of the body (de corporis anatomia). It has almost entirely been taken, he says, from De Animalibus (interprete Theodore) on fishes, birds, grasses, with some words from Pliny. For things connected with agriculture (agricultationis arma) from Plato, Varro, Columella. A good deal of the remainder is from the Cornu- copia of Perottus. Stanbridge modestly says if anyone not 1 Typographical Antiquities, li. p. 92. w. 25 386 Vocabularies and Dictionaries from mere curiosity but for the sake of public usefulness shall show any faults in his book, it will in no way vex him (offendet me nihil). The challenge was taken up. In an undated edition, issued from the press of Abraham Vele, at the signe of the Lambe, the book bears on its title-page nuper emendata ac edita. It had by this time evidently become a property of some value, for we find : Cum privilegio ad imprimendum solum. The editor was Thomas Paynell, who says the book had formerly been so badly printed that Stanbridge himself could hardly recognise which was his and which the printer's. But Stanbridge had been unwilling to re-read, purge, and correct what he would wish to be suppressed though in the hands of all (in manus omnium). Paynell has undertaken the task, for Stanbridge, a man erudite in all knowledge, in this little work has ' rather played with boys in boyish fashion than written a book.' In 1615 Stanbridge's Vocabula was re-published with the name of Thomas Newton as editor, corrected, as Newton claims, of an infinite number of mistakes. Whatever labour Newton gave to the Vocabula, it is sufficient to say that the preface is taken almost word for word from Paynell's, and the latter's name suppressed. In 1630, Stanbridge's book was again printed under the undoubtedly careful and enthusiastic editing of John Brinsley. He has placed figures above each of the Latin nouns in the Vocabulary to show the Declension, and a letter to show the gender. Adjectives of three terminations have bo placed above them to show that they are declined like bonus. ' If of three articles 'Z*-^ shows them to be declined like felix, tr like tristis. Where // is added, it is to show that the word has only or usually the plural number. Verbs have the conjugation marked by a figure before the letter C standing for conjugation. Brinsley hopes, therefore, the dictionarius may be also a help to the grammar. Coming to the time of the Renascence, the Vocabulary Calepin and Robert Stephanus 387 quickly passed into the Dictionary form. But there was a further change. MS. vocabularies only had a more or less local circulation, whereas the best printed books had a chance of circulating throughout Latin-speaking Europe. The Latin Dictionary of Ambrose Calepio [Calepinus], which appeared at Reggio in 1502, was the great Renascence Dictionary. A Calepin^ became the name for a huge dictionary as recognised as a Donat in the Middle Ages had been the accepted name for a small grammar. Calepinus not only included a large collection of Latin words used by Latin writers, but he included renderings into Italian and other languages, and eventually these were increased until the Calepin included a dictionary of eleven different languages. Hallam says^: 'Calepio, however moderate might be his erudition, has just claim to be esteemed one of the most effective instruments in the restoration of the Latin language in its purity to general use'.' The great general dictionary was the Thesaurus Linguae Latinae* of Robert Stephanus, pubHshed first in 1531. This dictionary introduced examples of the special force of words in particular idioms, and delicate shades in the meaning of words as used in various writers. The importance of such improved treatment meant the circulation of resources for using right words, and the possibility of a more general cultivation in the right use of words and phrases in Latin speaking and writing. One other foreign dictionary of a special nature should be added — viz. the Thesaurus Ciceronianus of Nizolius, 1535. ' See note 2, p. 327, 'a Calepine of the worst.' ^ Literary Hist. 1. p. 258. 3 There is notice of a Calepinus's Dictionary in the libraries of Hawks- head School and Great Crosby Merchant Taylors' School. See Christie's Old Church and School Libraries of Lancashire (Chetham Society's Pub- lications). ^ See p. 3 1 1 . The original form was an adaptation of Calepin for schools ('Dictionarius'). The final form of the Thesaurus was published 1543. 25—2 388 Vocabularies and Dictionaries This is a complete dictionary of Ciceronian words and ex- pressions, and played an important part in the development of Ciceronianism — i.e. the strict adherence to the verba ipsissima of Cicero in all attempts at Latin composition. Of Greek dictionaries, Vives in 1523, says: 'As works of reference there should be in the Library the following books : A small Greek Lexicon with Greek-Latin and Latin-Greek. Hesychius is the best for understanding the poets, especially Homer. Julius Pollux' will suggest variety and copiousness of words, yet he is poor for the purpose of the very advanced student, for he rather injures the skilled, than assists the unskilled student.' The great Greek Lexicon was the Thesaurus Graecae Lin- guae of Henricus Stephanus, 1572. Hallam justly describes the appearance of this dictionary as marking an epoch in Greek study. 'In comprehensive and copious interpretation of words it not only left far behind every earlier dictionary, but it is still the single Greek Lexicon ; over which some have ventured to abridge or enlarge, but none have presumed to supersede.' The ordinary school-dictionary for Greek, however, was that of Scapula issued in 1579^- Of the Latin dictionaries compiled by Englishmen, first and foremost for a long period, was that of Sir Thomas Elyot, entitled : The Dictionary of Sir Thomas Eliot kiiyght. Londini in cedibus Thomm Bertheleti typis impress. Cum privitegio ad imprimendum solum, fol. 1538. The following passage gives an insight into Elyot's manner of making his Dictionary and into the materials at hand : 'I well perceyued, that all though dictionaries had been gathered one of another, yet nethelesse in eche of them ar omitted some latin wordes, interpreted in the bokes, whiche in order preceded. For Festus hath manye, which are not in ' i.e. the Oiioinasticon, ^ See Chap. xxxi. Elyot's Dictionary 389 Varros Analogi : Nonius hath some, which Festus lacketh : Nestor toke nat all that he founde in them bothe. Tortellius is not so abundant as he is diligent : Laurentius Valla wrate only of wordes, which are called elegancies, wherein he is undoubtedly excellent : Perottus in Cornucopie, dyd omitte almost none that before him were written but in wordis com- pounde he is to compendiouse : Fryere Calepine (but where he is augmented by other) nothyng amended, but rather appaired that which Perottus had studiously gathered : Nebres- sensis was both well lerned and diligent, as it appereth in some wordes, which he declareth in latin : but because in his dictionarie wordes are expounde in the Spainish tunge, which I do not understand, I can nat of hym shewe myn opinion : Budeus' in the exact triall of the native sence of wordes, as well greke as latine is assuredly right comendable, but he is moste occupied in the conference of phrasis of bothe the tunges, whiche in comparison are but in a fewe wordes : Dyvers other men have written sondry annotations and commentaries on olde latine authors, among whom also is discord in their expositions.' The Dictionarie was improved and issued (fol.) in 1552 under the title : Bihliotheca Eliotce. Eliotes Dictionarie the second tyme enriched and more perfectly corrected, by Thomas Cooper. In adibus T. Bertheleti: Londini. This was further expanded by Cooper in 1565 into the Thesaurus Linguce Romance et Britannicce^, and republished 1573. 1578, 1584- The following book contains a reference to Elyot's Dictionarie, ■ and shows how Elyot's work was continued and developed. An Alvearie or Triple Dictionarie in Englishe, Latin, and French : Very profitable for all such as be desirous of any of ' Cooper's expanded work evidently borrows its title from the great Latin Dictionary of Robert Stephanus. 39<3 Vocabularies and Dictionaries those three languages. Also by the two Tables in the ende of this booke, they may contrariwise, find the most necessary Latin or French wordes, placed after the order of an Alphabet, whatsoever are to be founde in any other Dictionarie : And so to turn them backwardes againe into Englishe when they read any Latin or French aucthors, and doubt of any hard worde therein. 1573. Second edition 1580. The Alvearie is by John Baret, a fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge. The Address to the Reader gives so picturesque and vivid a view of teaching at the time that it is too inter- esting to omit. In it Baret describes the production of his work : 'About eyghteene yeares agone, having pupils at Cambridge studious of the Latin tongue, I used them often to write epistles and themes together, and daily to translate some peece of English into Latin, for the more speedy and easie attaining of the same. And after we had a little begunne, perceyving what great trouble it was to come running to mee for every word they missed, knowing then of no other Dictionarie, to helpe us, but Sir Thomas Eliot's Librarie, which was come out a little before, I appoynted them certaine leaves of the same booke every day to write the English before the Latin, and likewise to gather a number of fine phrases out of Cicero, Terence, Csesar, Livie etc. and to set them under severall Tytles, for the more ready finding them againe at their neede. Thus within a yeare or two they had gathered togither a great volume, which (for the apt similitude betweene the good scholars and diligent Bees in gathering their wax and hony into their Hive) I called them their Alvearie both for a memoriall by whom it was made, and also by this name to incourage other to the like diligence, for that they should not see their worthy prayse for the same, unworthily drowned in oblivion.' ' Therefore I went to divers of mine olde pupils then being at the Innes of Court, dehuering each of them some part of their olde discontinued worke to see it written faire againe The Large Latin Dictionaries 391 (and for other peeces which I thought unperfect, I gat certayne of ye best scholars of two or three schooles in London to write after my prescription) : but in the French and Tables, although I had before traueyled in divers countries beyonde the seas, both for language and learning : yet not trusting to mine owne skill, I used the help of M. Chalmer'and M. Claudius.' It may be mentioned that for Baret's Alvearie, Richard Mulcaster wrote a commendatory Latin quatrain for the ist edition, which he exchanged in the 2nd edition for a Latin poem of 30 lines. The great Latin Dictionaries published in England after Elyot were those of Thomas Thomas, John Rider, and Thomas Holyoke. In 1587 was issued from the Cambridge Press, Thomae Thomasii Dictionarium. Of this work there were numerous editions, one in 1615, cum supplemento Phile- monis Hollandi. In 1589, John Rider, at one time Bishop of Killaloe published the Biblioiheca Scholastica, a double Dictionarie Penned for all those that would have within short space the use of the Latin Tongue, either to speake or write. Rider's Dictionary includes an English-Latin part as well as Latin-English. Rider stated that his work included 4000 more words than any previous dictionary issued in England. In 161 7, followed Thomas Holyoke's Dictionarie Etymologicall joined to Rider's Dictionarie, 'corrected.' In 1633, Holyoke enlarged his work, and published it as Dictionarium Etymo- logicum Latinum. The final form was published posthumously as A Large Dictiofiary in three parts (i.e. English-Latin, Latin- English, and a Dictionary of Names) in 1677— 1676. In the English-Latin part, Holyoke .claims that his work has 10,000 more words than any previous dictionary'. The large dictionaries of Calepin, Stephanus, Elyot, Cooper, Thomas, Rider, Holyoke, etc. were far too precious in the 1 The whole range of Latin Dictionaries between Elyot and himself is fully described in Francis Gouldman's Preface to his Dictionary, 1664, which he describes as a ' comprisal ' of the Latin Dictionaries of Tliomas, Rider, Holland and Holyoke. 392 Vocabularies and Dictionaries earlier times for 'children' in school to use^. Probably the most widely circulated Dictionary for Schools was the following, the title of which shows its comprehensiveness. A Dictionary in English and Latine ; devised for the capacitie of Children and young Beginners. At first set forth by M. Withals, with Phrases both Rythmicall and Proverbiall : Recognized by Dr Evans ; after by Abr. Fleming ; and then by William Clerk. And now at this last Impression enlarged with an encrease of Words, Sentences, Phrases, Epigrams, Histories, Poeticall fictions and Alphabeticall Proverbs. With a compen- dious Nomenclator newly added at the end. Corrected and amended in divers places. All composed for the ease, profit and delight of those that desire Instruction, and the better perfection of the Latine tongue. 1634. Withals published the Dictionary c. 1554- He describes his short dictionary as ' gathered of good authours, specially of Columell, Grapald and Pliny.' Lewis Evans revised and in- creased Withals' Dictionary in 1574. Abraham Fleming added rhythmical verses in 1586. William Clerk in his Preface (1602) speaks of Evans and Fleming as compilers from the Nomenclator of Hadrianus Junius ^ So, too, it evidently has a precursor in the Ortus ^ In the Statutes(i628) of Coventry Grammar School, it is prescribed 'that there be Dictionaries chained m the School for the general use of the scholars there, and shall be kept safely by the Head Schoole-maister and Usher.' ^ The Nomenclator, or Remembrancer of Adrianus Junius, Physician, divided in two Tomes, conteining proper names and apt ierjnes for all thinges under their convenient Titles, which within a few leaves doe follow: Written by the said Ad. Ju, in Latine, Greeke, French and other foreign tongues : and now in English by John Higins : With a full supplie of all such words as the last inlarged edition affoorded ; and a dictioncU Iruiex, con- teining fourteen hundred principall words with their numbers directly leading to their interpretations : Of special use for all scholars atul learners of the same languages ...Imprinted at London for Ralph Newberie and Henrie Denham, 1585. 8°. Adrian or Hadrian Junius was born 1511 or 1512 at Hoorn, in Holland. Studied at Haarlem and Louvain. Studied physic in Paris, whei-e he took his doctor's degree. Became physician to the Duke of Norfolk in Wiihals' School Dictionary 393 Vocabulorum, which again traces its inspiration to the Cornu- copia of Perottus. The arrangement of Withals' Dictionary is according to subjects. 'He who would find the sun, the moon, the stars may look for the Sky. There they be ready for him in English and Latin. Not of themselves alone but with sentences, pro- verbs and sayings of the Sky besides.' Roughly speaking this ' children's ' dictionary is a Nomenclator of all the things a child is likely to want to talk about, arranged according to subjects, with the Latin and the English, together with a col- lection of phrases and subject-matter in connexion with the word used. It is curious to find epigrams as a part of childish equipment. But the essential point about this dictionary — which was so widely used — is that it is deliberately planned for its usefulness in acquiring Latin for speaking as well as writing. This holds of the numerous Vocabularies and Nomen- clators, from the Catholicon to Comenius's Janua Linguarum, which is really a vocabulary arranged in sentences. The inclusion in Withals of words of history and of poetry together England in 1543. Lived in England some years. Compiled a Greek and Latin Lexicon, to which he added above 6500 words. By dedicating this book in 1548 to Edward VI he fell under the displeasure of Rome, and his works were placed in the Index Expurgatorius. He left England but returned on accession of Mary and in 1554 wrote an Epithalamium, on her marriage to Philip. Returned later to Haarlem where he lived until 1573. In the siege of that year he lost his library and the MSS. of a great number of works. He died 1575. The ist edition of the NomenclcUor was published Lugd. Bat. 1567. It is the outcome of amazing erudition and research, the enormous labour in- volved putting the ingenious and painstaking Salamanca yanua (by William Bathe) itself into the shade. The writings of 62 Latin and Greek poets, 58 doctors, philosophers and rustic writers, 62 historians and orators, 20 theologians, 13 jurists, 52 grammarians, together with 44 others of the later Latin and Greek authors — have been ransacked to supply material for the names of things mentioned in this extraordinary book. In fact the Nomenclator professes to supply the proper names and apt. terms for all things, under their convenient titles in Latin, Greek, French and English. 394 Vocabularies and Dictionaries with illustres sententiae from the best authors and a collection of adages in Latin and English show the importance attached in I5S3 and onwards to the inclusion of ornaments of discourse and writing in even the very early training of children in the Latin language. So, too, Coote's English Schoolmaster, 1590, contains a vocabulary of English words with their meanings given in English. This book is a miscellany containing a Spelling- book, a Catechism, Numeration, Chronology and two pages of writing copies. The English vocabulary takes up about 18 double columned pages out of a book of 79 pages. In 1651 Charles Hoole published his Easie Entrance to the Latin Tongue. This, again, is a miscellany containing the Ground of Grammar, Examples of Rules of Concordance and Con- struction, Collections out of the lowest School authors. More elegant Expressions for Children, the First Principles of Christianity — as well as a Vocabulary of Common Words, English and Latin. This, however, contains about 180 double columned pages of words English and Latin. This Vocabulary is arranged by subjects similarly to Nomenclators and to Withals' Dictionary. A modern reader opening one of these subject vocabularies, say, either Withals' or Hoole's, at the section on the School will find materials for building up in imagination a picture of the old i6th and 17 th century school- room. He will, moreover, be forced to notice that the employment of Latin as a spoken language involved the use of terms, classical and non-classical, such as the youth of to-day never needs to acquaint himself with in his written exercises. So the other topics of vocabularies, as for example in Hoole, of employments in the house, country, town, law- matters, warfare, the church, commonwealth, trade, a journey, voyage, buying and selling, sports, etc. Necessary and useful words in these subjects imply the knowledge of a large range of words. We know that William Bathe in his Salamanca Janua Linguarum expected the pupil to know about 5000 Schoolboys Knowledge of Words 395 words and Comenius in his similarly named Janua was more exigent, expecting no less than 8000 from his pupil. When we recall that Dr Morris in his English Grammar considers that three to five thousand words is the limit of the vocabulary of the ordinary Englishman, we must recognise that the old schoolmasters were perhaps unduly ambitious for their pupils in their Latin-speaking. The implicit and even explicit aim of a ' knowledge of all things ' which developed by the time of Comenius, implied a knowledge of the Latin words for all things. The study of such subjects as Agriculture, Engines of War, etc. in old Latin authors, as Milton required from the pupil, necessarily involved a wide knowledge of technical terms. There can be no doubt that Latin as a spoken language made enormous demands on the word-memory of the well- informed student. The early stages, however, must have been learned from the text-books indicated rather than the large Dictionaries still extant, though the erudite school-teachers such as Stockwood and Farnaby would supply their pupils with an atmosphere of Latin speech and construction, much more marked in its effects than any text-books, and the demand for school libraries, as made for instance by Hoole and Wase, means the felt need of teachers for facilities for their own reference to the great compilations which had been made in the 1 6th century. It is, however, to be noted that Charles Hoole requires a school library' to be established so that Dictionaries and other large and learned books can be within the reach of the pupil as well as the teacher. Bibliography of the Dictionaries published IN England up to 1660. The progress of dictionary-making is an interesting chapter in the history of Education. But it is not within the scope of this book to include even a general sketch. The course ^ As to school-libraries see R. C. Christie's The OU Church and School Libraries 0/ Lancashire (Chatham Society's Pirblication, 18S5). 396 Vocabularies and Dictionaries of the development of dictionaries may be studied by reference to the works quoted in the following authorities : 1. In the Appendix to Mr Way's edition of the Promp- torium : Notices of Glossaries, Vocabularies and other works, illustrative of the English Language and of Mediasval Latinity and used for the most part in this edition of the Promptorium. The full title of the book is : Promptoriutn Paruulorum, sive Ckricorum, Dictionarius Anglo- Latinus Princeps, Auctore Fratre Galfrido Grammatico dido, ex ordine Fratrum Predicaiorum, Noithfokiensi, circa 1440. Edited by Albert Way, M.A., for the Camden Society, London, 1865. 2. Prof. J. E. B. Mayor's ' Latin-English and English-Latin Lexicography,' in the Journal of Classical and Sacred Philology, December 1855, and March 1857. 3. Chronological Notices of the Dictionaries of the English Language, by Henry B. Wheatley, Esq., in the Transaetions of the Philological Society, London, 1865. 4. Article ' Dictionary ' in the EncyclopcBdia Britannica. Ninth edition, 1877. 5. The Romanes Lecture in the University of Oxford, 1 900, by Dr J. A. H. Murray, Editor of the Oxford Historical Dictionary, on ' The Evolution of English lexicography.' Dr Murray traces the development of the dictionary through the stages of glosses and glossaries, through vocabularies, and he might have added nomenclators. He mentions the Medulla Grammatices, the Orfus (i.e. Hortus) VocabuloT-utn of 1500; the Promptorium Parvulorum^, i.e. Children's Store-room, about 1440; 1483, the Catholicon Anglicum; in 1538, Sir Thomas Elyot's i3/V/w«arc ; in 1554, J. Withals' Short Dictionary for Young Beginners. He then names ^Villiam Horman's Vulgaria, 1 5 19; Huloet's Abecedarium, 1552; and Baret's Alvearie, 1573; ^" 1570, Peter Levins' Manipulus Vocabulorum (an English rhyming dictionary). English dictionaries are then ^ See No, i above. Bibliography 397 tracked through Robert Cawdrey, 1604, The Table Alpha- betical of Hards Words; 161 6, Bullokar's English Expositor; 1623, Henry Cockeram's English Dictionary; the Glosso- graphia of Thomas Blount in 1656; and The New World of Words of Edward PhiUips, 1658. The whole lecture of Dr Murray is very interesting and should be read on the subject. Dr Murray also mentions the following : French. 1521. Alexander Barclay'. Introductory to write and pronounce Frenche. 1527. Giles du Guez (or du Wes). Introductorie for to lerne to rede, to pronounce & to speak French trewly. 153°- John Palsgrave. Esclaircissement de la Langue Frangoyse. 16 II. Randall Cotgrave. French English Dictionary. POLYGLOTT DICTIONARY. Minsheu, John. 'H-ye/Awv ets ras rXwcro-as, id est, Ductor in Linguas. The Guide into Tongues. Cum illarum harmonia, et etymologiis, Originationibus, Rationibus, et Derivationibus, in omnibus his undecim Unguis, viz. i. Anglica. 2. Cambro-Britannica. 3. Belgica. 4. Germanica. 5. Gallica. 6. Italica. 7. His- panica. 8. Lusitanica seu Portugallica. 9. Latina. 10. Grasca. II. Hebrsea. Lond. 161 7. fol. 2nd ed. of 1626 contains also an exposition of the terms of the ' Lawes of this Land,' with the etymologies of proper names of the Bible. Welsh. Salesbury (Wm.). A Dictionary in Englyshe and Welshe, moche necessary to ' '&&-i&srj i\so yiXQt\.& a. Grammatica Latina. 1516. 410. 398 Vocabularies and Dictionaries all suche Welshemen as will spedly learne the Englyshe togue * * * whereunto is pfixed a little treatyse of the englishe pro- nOciation of the letters. B. L. Few MS. notes in Brit. Mus. copy. J. Waley. London, 1547. 4to. Spanish. 1599. Richard Percevall, Gent. Dictionary in Spanish and English. Italian. 1599. John Florio. (Italian-English.) World of Words. Republished in 161 1 as Queen Anna's New World of Words. I add here names of general dictionaries not already men- tioned. Dr Murray is concerned to show the development of dictionary-making, but such a list as the following (though not complete) may serve to show some of the varieties of the types in various departments of knowledge. It should be added that books like the Officina of Ravisius Textor (1522) and the numerous phrase-books in many cases served as dictionaries for school use. Marbecke (John). A Concordace, that is to saie, a worke wherein by the ordre of the letters of the A B C ye male redely finde any worde conteigned in the whole Bible etc. (by J. M.) 1550. fol. Barlement (Noel). Colloquia et Dictionariolum octo Linguarum ; Latinae, Gallicae, Belgicse, Teutonicae, Hispanicae, Italicse, AnglicEe, & Portugallicae, etc. By N. Barlement. Excudebat E. G. im- pensis Michselis Sparke, Londini, 1639. obi. 8vo. Pasor (George). Lexicon Graeco-Latinum in Novum Testamentum. Lond. 1644, 1650. 8vo. Bibliography 399 Rowley (Alexander). The Scholar's Companion ; or all the Words in the Greek and Hebrew Bible interpreted, by A. R. Lond. 1648. 8vo. Hexham (Henry). English and Nether-Dutch Dictionary. Rotterd. 1648. 4to. Enlarged and enriched by Dan. Manley, Rotterd. 1675, 1678. 4to. Robertson (William). A Gate or Door to the Holy Tongue, containing i. The chief and necessary Grounds of the Hebrew Grammar; ii. A Table for the Hebrew Roots, etc. Part First. 'Lond. 1653. 8vo. Part Second, being a compendious Hebrew Lexicon, or Dictionary, etc. Lond. 1654. 8vo. Symson (Andrew). Lexicon ; or English, Greek and Latin Concordance of the New Testament. Lond. 1658. fol. Somner (William). Dictionarium Saxonico-Latino-Anglicum cum Grammatica et Glossario ^Ifrici. Oxon. 1659. fol. Dugard (William). Lexicon Graeci Testamenti alphabeticum. Una cum expli- catione grammatica vocum singularum * * * apposita, etc. London 1660. 8vo. To these should be added three Dictionaries of Anti- quities : Romanae Historiae Anthologia. An English Exposition of the Roman Antiquities, wherein many Rofnan and English offices are paralleled and divers obscure phrases explained. For the use of Abingdon Schoole. Newly revised and inlarged by the Author. Oxford, Printed for Henry Cripps. Anno Dom. 1628. (By Thomas Godwyn.) 400 Vocabularies and Dictionaries This work is divided into four Books : i. The Roman City, ii. The Roman Religion, iii. The State PoHtical. iv. The Art Military. Imagines Deorum, qui ab antiquis colebantur, published by Antonius Verderius in Latin 1581. 4to. Translated into French by V. Cartari [Chartarius] 1610. Natalis Comitis Myiho/ogiae, sive Explicationis Fabularum, Libri decern. Genevae. [1125 pages, exclusive of Indexes and Linocerius's Musarum Mythologia and the Observationes^ First published 1551. Natalis Comes gives a Catalogue of over six hundred names of writers and works from which sentences or words are quoted in this work. The study of his book, and constant references to it by readers must have steeped them in the names of Latin authors to a remarkable degree. In his list it should be stated he does not include the Renascence or post Renascence writers \ Hence the references in this Classical Dictionary contain the verba ipsissima of the old writers. They thus constitute a particularly solid discipline in translation at sight, and present to the pupil models in the art of collection of passages from old writers introducing references to mythological personages. If the book is not critical in the light of modern Classical Dictionaries of mythology it is, on the other hand, much more intimate in its use of old authors. Written in Latin, it yet cultivates the pupil in the practice of quotation of passages from the classical authors who illustrate the topic under discussion. It is a monument of industry ; one of those works, which if you dip into it for a reference, you find yourself attracted irresistibly by other subjects and other details. ' An exception, however, is made in favour of himself, e.g. in lib. vi. (p. 647 of the Geneva edition of 1641) are quoted -29 lines of the author's own poetry ! His name is included in the Scnplorum Ca/alogiis of this edition under .A'', CHAPTER XXIV. THE MAKING OF LATINS. In the Middle Ages the method of teaching Latin seems to have been : ' The lessons were given by woid of mouth.... They had roughly made tablets (tabulae) on which they wrote down the lesson in grammar, or the portion of vocabulary from the dictation of the master, and, after committing it to memory, erased the writing, to make room for another^' For the whole of his knowledge the boy was dependent on his master. A knowledge of the grammar, together with glossaries, glosses and vocabulary, seem to have constituted the chief accomplish- ments of the masters themselves, and if there was any Latin composition attempted by masters, it was quite as likely to have been verse as prose. At any rate, all traces of directions for the ' making of Latins' in the Middle Ages seem to be lost, if they existed. The first printed exercises of the Vulgaria type are idiomatic expressions from Terence. These may have been used for the purpose of translation and re-translation, for written compo- sition, but most probably their main object was the cultivation of Latin speaking. The earliest extant volume is entitled : Vulgaria quaedam abs Terentio in Anglicam linguam traducta. [English and Latin.] It appears to have been issued by 1483. [See Madan's Oxford Press, p. 257.] ' Thomas Wright : Old English Vocabularies, ed. Wiilcker, I. p. i. W. 26 402 The Making of Latins This consists of sentences from Terence translated into English, without any apparent connexion. The sentences are colloquial and idiomatic. The following are examples of the English ; ' O goode godd what oon man is bettyr than anodyre ? ' ' All odyr thinges left or sett asyde I muste giff me to my booke.' ' There is no thynge that I hedd leuyre than to be wyth 30W.' ' Faders should be esy ande tendyr anemste theire chyldre but not so muche that their tendyrnes corrupt their myndes.' ' I fare the bettyr that 3e fare wele.' 'Gode men fayle ne want nothyng. For what so euyre they haue thei holde them contente.' ' Recommaund me to my maisfere & quite wele all my fealawys & frendys I pray the.' ' Fare wele and godd be wyth 30we.' The next Vulgaria or materials for Latin composition is the large collection of William Horman, Horman was Head-master of Eton College from 1487 to 1494, when he became Head- master of Winchester College, till 1502. Herman's Vulgaria was pubhshed by R. Pynson in 1519. It contains a large number of sentences in Latin and English, arranged according to subjects, and filling a book of 300 pages. The following are examples of the English : 'A principal poynt of a scole maister is to discerne the difference of wyttis in childrene ; and to what thynge every wytte is best disposed.' The Latin is Virtus praeceptorum est ingeniorum notare discrimina, et quo quemque natura maxime ferat. I cite the following without adding Herman's Latin : ' It is a shame that a young gentleman should lose time at the dice and tables, cards and hasard.' 'Tell me in Latin what he sayeth in Greek.' Mancinus in English 403 ' It is not little maistry to speak and write promptly Latin or Greek without any incongruity or discord.' ' By redynge of substanciall authours : thou shalt brynge about or atteyne to speke elegant and substanciall laten.' ' A man can scant beleue how great a let and hyndraunce is wronge and fylthy latten or other speche to yonge childrens wyttis and in especial in theyr fyrste settynge to scole.' Horman' has chapters on schools and games, and much information may be gleaned from his book, since he evidently endeavoured to write on points likely to be of interest and value to his scholars. It was probably in the next year, 1520, that a book appeared with the title : The Englysshe of Mancyne upon the foure cardynale vertues^. The writer, who is anohymous, is in one respect far more important than Horman, for he states his method of teaching composition. This is none other than Ascham's method of translation and re-translation. But this is advocated 50 years before Roger Ascham's Scholemaster appeared. The writer explains his method in detail. This is the first statement in English, as far as I can discover, of a method of teaching Latin composition, and as it anticipates Roger Ascham, who is usually credited with being the first Englishman to advocate the method of double translation, I venture to quote the whole passage of this grammarian of 1520. ' f The Englysshe of Mancyne upon the foure cardynale vertues. ' Tf We haue made this Englysshe exposition for tway profettes specially aboue dyuers other the which can be had by no laten glose. The one is for turnynge Englysshe into laten : the other for laten into Englysshe for in these tway 1 William Horman was a, friend of William Lily, the grammarian. The two were attacked by Robert Whittinton who called himself Bossus. Their joint book in reply was called Anti-bossicon, 1521. See^. 238. 2 As to the subject-matter of this book, see p. 120. 26 — 2 404 The Making of Latins poyntis standith all the busynes of grammar. Therefore whose wolde haue these tway profetis : let hym laboure diligently theyse tway warkys. But howe they shulde be laboured : and what other profettis shall cum of theym ; it is shewyd a litle in the later ende of this boke (London 1520?). ' How the lerners should laboure these warkys. 'Whose woll labore kyndly these tway warkes and most esyly to his profit he must first correct them, as we have showed here afore.' For turning English into Latin. ' And then if he will labour to turn English into Latin, he must take first of the easiest Englishes ; specially if he be young in learning himself. And when he understandeth his English clearly ; what it meaneth,- then let him look what part of speech is every word thereof, specially the declinable words, in whom (which) beside their declining, seven things must be considered, three in casual words : number, case and gender, arid four in verbs ; mood, tense, number and person. If he cannot by his own study, understand every part and specially the Declinable parts with the Concords longing to them, he must go to other, that be better learned than he, both for them and also for those Latin words that he can not, until our tway alphabet tables come abroad the one beginning with the English words, having their Latin following the other having their English following. And when he hath turned his English into Latin let him overse his Latin diligently that every word be according to his English and neither more nor less, and that his Latin have a perfect sentence, when it is Englished word by word. And then let him turn to the Latin of the text, and where he cannot find by his own reason, why the Latin of the text is otherwise than his Latin, let him mark diligently and keep still in his mind those points that be showed him of otherfs], and so shall he shortly learn by the Latin of the text not only to correct his own Latin made out a[t] length every word, as it should be spoken, but also to make it short as it should be Translation and Ri-translation 405 written. For like as the tongue and the pen betray maner (?many) things, even so they should keep either of them his property (i.e. propriety). The tongue should speak out a[t] length with a tretable clear voice every word, leaving nothing to be understood, that the hearer may perceive clearly the sentence at the -first for many [a] one is a shamed to desire to have a thing showed him twice. But the pen should write nothing that may easily be understood, for the reader may rehearse it as often as him list beside the help of the ortho- graphy (to see how the words be written) and of the pointing (to see how the clauses be divided each from other with their own points longing properly to them) if they be truly kept, as they be in these tway works of ours, especially the orthography of the Latin work and the pointing of both the works. And yet though the reader have all these helps of understand[ing,] the pen man must set the words of his writing after such order, as the sentence thereof may appear most easily and openly to the understanding of the reader, as nigh as the metre will suffer, by the which metre the reader thereof shall have another help of understanding, to see the difference of the words by the length of their syllab[le]s. And so because this Latin work is in metre and that in the most used metre, the learner thereof shall have good Imitation to exercise himself in turning his Latin when he hath made it short into verses and that into pure clean Latin verses full of quick fruitful sentence. Without the knowledge of this common metre no man should take upon him, as a grammarian.' 1\ For turning Latin into English. ' Whoso will learn to turn Latin into English, let him first take of the easiest Latins and when he understandeth clearly what the Latin meaneth, let him say the English of every Latin word that way, as the sentence may appear most clearly to his ear, and where the English of the Latin words of the text will not make the sentence fair, let him take the English of those Latin words by whom [which] the Latin words of the text 4o6 The Making of Latins should be expounded and if that [they] will not be enough to make the sentence perfect, let him add more English and that not only words, but also where need requireth, whole clauses such as will agree best to the sentence, and then when he hath done the best he can by his own wit, let him turn to our English, and where he cannot find out by his own search how our English agreeth to the Latin, let him mark and keep surely in his mind those points that be showed him of other[s]. Or else, if he have nobody to show him them, let him keep his doubts in his mind, and so forth let him go an [on] hand with mo Latins, for he shall find in conclusion, by diligently taking heed how he shall be satisfied of every doubt by his own study, and that not only of turning Latin into Enghsh and English into Latin, but also of all other points of grammar, that need requireth. This English exposition showeth also the order, how the Latin should be construed with the English to the Latin words, either their own, or else the English of those Latin words that they should be expounded by. Moreover it showeth shortly and clearly the sentence of the Latin, that which is profitable not only for the Latin learners, but also for them that can but English, especially for children, that should learn to read English, for therein they shall have not only good plain perfect Englishes but also good wise reasons of everything lightly that be[long] to the whole course of man's life, whereby they may learn how they should behave themselves, how they may do good righteously to the world and wisely for themselves. Therefore, because this work is made upon so many maner divers things, the readers may not look that one thing should depend upon another.' It is impossible to determine how far the method thus laid down in this translation of Mancinus was adopted in English schools. But James Pilkington, the first Bishop of Durham, prescribed by Statute for Rivington Grammar School, in 1566, this method of double translation, four years before Ascham's Schokmaster was printed. After naming reading in certain Double Translation before Ascham 407 Colloquies^ Pilkington's Statute reads : ' That so with daily exercise in reading he shall wax perfect in understanding ; for perfection is not to be looked for in these young' years, nor in these Grammar rules, but rather in observation, noting, and learning how the best Latin writers have used to speak, and place words and sentences ; and these are not so scrupulously to be used and sticked at, but some boy may have a sentence or two as he is able to take any other as many of the same book or the like, that joining altogether everyone may have the whole by hearing his fellows, and the meanest wit may attain to great perfection of it. And for the better encouraging of young wits, the Usher shall often take like sentences in English him- self, and turn them into Latin, making his Scholars to repeat them after him, and to make the like in Latin themselves, that the younger wits may learn to do the like by themselves after- wards, when they be thus led into it, by hearing him.' There were, thus, two systems of composition employed. First, the making of vulguses, i.e. the composition of Latin sentences, for which there was the apparatus of Vocabula, Vulgaria, together with phrase-books like Udall's Flowers for Latine Spekyiige, 1533. These exercises were probably both in prose and in verse according to the authors being read. This method of writing vulguses appears to have prevailed at Eton and Winchester^. Secondly, the method of double translation, of which the passages quoted from the translation of Mancinus and Bishop Pilkington's Statutes at Rivington' are instances. Roger Ascham in his Scholemaster {i'-^']o) threw in his influence in favour of double translation. 'The making of Latins,' says Ascham, 'marreth children^.' The child is beaten, when the master is the one at fault. ' Pilkington refers to the Colloquia of Erasmus, Vives, Castellion. 2 Leach : Winchester College, p. 226. 3 Pilkington was one of the English refugees in Switzerland in Queen Mary's reign, and may have been influenced by what he saw of foreign methods. * Scholemaster, p. i. 408 The Making of Latins Those two schoolmasters Horman and Whittington have written Vulgaria of which it must be said, a child shall learn of the better of them one day what he will have to unlearn the next. Brinsley's Spoudeus^ tells the same tale. Whatever he does, his children 'will still write false Latin, and barbarous phrase, without any certainty.' Even boys of fourteen and fifteen, he complains ' cannot make true Latin and pure TuUy in ordinary moral matters, neither do I think it is much other- wise in ordinary schools.' The ordinary method of making Latins. ' I have,' says Spoudeus, ' given them vulgars, or Englishes, to be made in latin. At the first entrance I have taught and heard them, how to make every word in Latin, word by word, according to their rules. After a while, I have onely given them such vulgars, and appointed them a time against which they should bring them made in Latin : and at the perusing and examining of them, I have been wont to correct them sharply, for their faults in writing, and for their negligence; and so have given them new Englishes : and it may be I have told them the Latin to the hardest words. This is the course I have followed.' Philoponus replies that this is precisely the method which Ascham terms the ' butcherly fear of making Latins.' There is a better method, viz. the thorough grounding of pupils in Accidence and Grammar. Brinsley's method may be seen by an example. His directions are : ' Take these little sentences as they are set down in the first chapter of TuUie's Sentences. De Deo eiusque natura, dictating the words to them plainly as the children may most readily make them in Latin. In their little paper books they may write the English on the first side with the hard Latin words in ^ l^udits Litcrnrius^ p. 148. Brinsleys Method 409 the margent, the Latin on the other over against it, in two columns ; the first plain after the Grammar order, the latter placed after the order of the Author : yourself may make the words or phrases plain to them, as they are set in the Margent' Brinsley's Example of Dictating in English, and setting down both English and Latin, and the Latin both plainly and elegantly : To TAKE THE PLACE OF VULGARS OR LaTIN EXERCISES. Dictating according to the natural order No man "hath been ''ever great without (verb') some divine •= inspiration. There is nothing which God cannot ^ effect, and truly without any labour. God cannot °be igno- rant 'of what mind everyone is. Ordo Grammaticus Nemo fuit unquam magnus sine afilatu aliquo Divine. Est nihil quod Deus non possit eflficere, et quidem sine labore uUo. Deus non potest igno- rare, qua mente quis- que sit. Ordo Ciceronianus Nemo magnus sine aliquo afiflatu divino unquam fuit 1. deNatura Deor. Nihil est quod Deus efficere non possit, et quidem sine labore ullo 3. de Nat. Deor. Ignorare Deus non potest, qua quisque mente sit 2- de Divinatione. " Hath ever bin. *> At any time (perS) inspiration some divine. <: a flatus, breathing into. ^ Bring to pass. " Ignore. f In what mind or with what mind. Substantially this is Ascham's method of double translation, with Brinsley's favourite tertium quid in the form of the Ordo grammaticus. He enjoins care to be taken lest boys use a translation secretly, in the same way that Ascham requires his 4IO The Making of Latins boy to sit 'where no man shall prompt him^' Brinsley here, again, sees the usefulness of his grammatical translations, especially mentioning the Corderius Dialogues and Terentianus ' The following is an interesting passage on prompting, which deserves quoting as throwing Ught on school-room work early in the 17th century. Upon an accident to me when I was a school-boy. ' Before Master Downhale came to be our Master in Christ School, an ancient cilyzen of no great learning was our schoolmaster ; whose manner was to give us out several lessons in the evening by construing it to every form, and in the next morning to examine us thereupon ; by making all the boys in the first form, to come from their seats and stand on the outsides of their desks, towards the middle of the school, and so the second form and the rest in order, whilst himself walked up and down by them and hearing them construe their lesson, one after another ; and then giving one of the words to one, and another to another (as he thought fit) for parsing of it. Now when the two highest forms were despatched, some of them whom we called prompters would come and sit in our seats of the lower forms, and so being at our elbows, would put into our mouths answers to our master's questions, as he walked up and down by us : and so by our prompters' help, we made shift to escape correction ; but understood little to profit by it, having this circular motion, Uke the Mill-horse that travels all day; yet in the end finds himself not a yard further than when he began. I, being thus supported by my prompter, it fell out one day that one of the eldest scholars and one of the highest form, fell out with me upon occasion of some boys' play abroad ; and in his anger, to do me the greatest hurt he could (which then he thought to be, to fall under the rod) he dealt with all the prompters, that none of them should help me, and so (as he thought) I must necessarily be beaten. When I found myself at this strait, I gathered all my wits together (as we say) and listened the more carefully to my fellows that construed before me, and having also some easy word to my lot for parsing, I made shift to escape for that time. And when I observed my adversaries' displeasure to continue against me, so as I could have no help from my Prompters, I doubled my diligence and attention to our master's construing our next lesson to us, and observing carefiilly how in construction one word followed and depended upon another, which with heedful observing two or three lessons more, opened the way to show me how one word was governed of another in the paraing ; so as I needed no prompter, but became able to be a prompter myself; and so the evil intended to me by my fellow scholar, turned to my great good.' Mount Tabor: by R. W(illis) of Gloucester, 1639. School Statutes 4 1 1 Christianus. Hard words are to be supplied. They may use dictionaries : Holyoke or Baret. ' Holyoke is best wherein the proper words and more pure are first placed.' By his advocacy of grammatical translation, Brinsley intro- duced the process of turning the Latin of what he calls the natural order, into the rhetorical or artificial order of Tully. Brinsley recognises as readily as Ascham that without this ability, all Latin writing is vanity. His general Precepts of composition or placing of the words in Latin are taken from Macropedius : Methodus de Conscribendis Epistolis. For 'more exquisite observation in placing and measuring sentences rhetorically, in prose by scholars of riper judgment in their themes, declamations, orations, or the like Talaeus : Rhetorica, de Numero Oratorio, cap. 17, 18 ' is to be read. We can trace from school Statutes the ' making of Latins ' through the various stages of development. The germ of the exercise is that mentioned in Cardinal Wolsey's, Plan of Studies for Ipswich School, 1528 — ' Just before retiring to rest the pupil should remember something choice from his reading to repeat to the master the next morning.' In the East Retford School Statutes (1552), Form II is to turn sentences from English into Latin. By the Sandwich Grammar School Statutes (1580) in the Ushers' Forms the boys are to be exercised in the ' making of Latins,' which evidently were an elementary sort of exercise. Later on, the Usher is required ' every Monday, to deliver an Englishe of two lines to his second Form, and of ten lines to his third Form to be translated into Latin at their vacant times against Thursday afternoons.' At Bangor Friars' School (Statutes, 1568) : 'Item. The schoolmaster and Husher shall beware of making too much haste or too quick speed in teaching— and shall daily some convenient time practise and gently induce their scholars to the making of Latins for the better understanding of the concords in the Latin tongue ; albeit they must have always in diligent remembrance that they teach but little at once and with many examples, some- 4 1 2 The Making of Latins times short profitable and pithy to make any word and thing open evident and plain.' By Durham School Orders (1593) the scholars 'shall vary diverse and sundry rules (of grammar) by making of their own mind some short dictamen of every grammar rule.' The Harrow Orders (1590) require the second Form to learn to 'make English into Latin,' whilst it is only in the fifth Form that the boys are to make a Theme. So, too, in the Durham Orders (1593), whilst the lower boys are to make a dictamen, the higher boys are specifically required to make a Theme according to the precepts of Aphthonius. Accordingly, the conclusion is that the ' making of Latins ' was an elementary exercise, founded on ' flowers of the Latin speech,' leading eventually to the serious business of making a Theme, which was based on the rules of rhetoric. But in the stage of development reached in the ' making of Latins ' in Brinsley's time, it was necessary to obtain practice in the writing of Latin Epistles, before entering upon the Theme. CHAPTER XXV. LETTER-WRITING. Pupils having acquired a sound knowledge of Grammar, and having had, and still continuing, constant exercise in trans- lation and re-translation, or at least in the making of Latins, it became the duty of the Schoolmaster to see them well drilled in what may be called Imitation of classical models. By Imitation is not meant- merely transcribing (though it is to be feared that exercises often degenerated into something approach- ing transcription) but the adaptation of classical phrases and diction to the expression of the thought and opinion of pupils on all sorts of subjects. In other words, the pupil was to com- pose as originally as possible in an ancient language, in which the only possible authorities for standards of expression could be the written works extant of the classical writers. For all forms of composition, Cicero and Terence were the first models. But by the time of Hoole it was recognised that Imitation must not be taken to mean mere slavish adherence to the words of even Cicero, but that the Ciceronian spirit must be cultivated, and the matter of composition must be such as to appeal, as far as possible, to the capacities of the pupils. Accordingly, to both Brinsley and Hoole, letter-writing seemed a very suitable introduction to more sustained prose composition — partly, probably, because a good deal of the form was con- stant, e.g., in the beginning and ending of the epistle — certain phrases might occur frequently, and the general construction of a letter was fairly easily understood. Charles Hoole (1660) requires Letter-writing in the fourth 414 L etter-writing Form. The text-book should be Sturm's editions of Cicero's Letters, or as alternatives, the edition in use at Westminster School or the Epistles of John Ravisius Textor. The method is to be that of double translation. The acquiring of style is a difficult matter, so that Hoole translated a Century of Selut Epistles from Tully and other choice authors, 'making the English answer to the Latin, period by period. And these I cause them to write over, and in so doing, to take notice of the placing of every word, and its manner of signification.' Then they were to write down the English and Latin together. Afterwards they wrote the English translation by itself, and ten days afterwards they were to try to turn it back again into good Latin. Then followed the attempt to vary the matter of the models, so as to give freedom and resource in composition. In all the composition, however, Hoole insists that the boys are never to utter or write any words or phrases which they have not read or heard used in the same sense — further that familiar expressions used in writing letters be collected and noted in a paper-book. Each pupil would then'construct a book after the model of Fabritius' Elegantice pueriles. Variety of expression should be aimed at, and as many instances as possible of idio- matic Latin should find their way to the paper-book, particularly multiplying the alternatives for English phrases. Hoole gives a complete summary of the method of teaching Letter-writing. ' I. Ask one of your boys, to whom, and for what he is minded to write a letter ; and according as he shall return you an answer, give him some general instructions how to do it. ' 2. Then bid him and all his fellows let you see which of them can best indite an English letter upon that occasion, and in how short a time. ' 3. Let them every one bring his own letter fairly written that you may show them how to amend the imperfections you find in it. Hook's Method 415 '4. Take his that hath done the best, and let every one give you an expression of his own, gathering from every word and phrase that is in it, and let it be different (if it may be) from that which another hath given already before him. ' 5. As they give in their expressions, do you, or an able scholar for you, write them all down on a paper, making a note that directeth to the place to which they belong. ' 6. Then deliver them the paper and let every one take such words or phrase, as is most agreeable to the composition of an epistolatory style (so that he take not the same that another useth), and bring the letter writ fair, and turned out of English into Latin. And thus you shall find the same epistle varied so many several ways, that every boy will seem to have an epistle of his own, and quite differing in words from all those of his fellows, though the matter be one and the same.' Hoole points out that for good letter-writing there must be the frequent perusal of good models. He urges that boys should be encouraged to read Tully's Epistles, and further, Pliny, Seneca, Erasmus, Lipsius, Manutius, Ascham and Politian, and such others as they can come across, so long as they are really good Latinists^ The fourth Form should for practice, write on their own account, two epistles a week, one in answer to the other. These are to be shown 'fair' on Saturdays. They are not to exceed a quarter of a sheet or side, so as to secure thoroughness. 'And let this rule be observed in performing these and all manner of exercises ; that they never go about a new one till they have finished that they began. It were better for scholars 1 When Hoole draws up a list of subsidiary books for his sixth Form to have at hand he includes the following : Epistolae : TuUii, Plinii, Senecae, Erasmi, Lipsii, Manutii, Aschami, Politiani, Turner!, Symmachi. For a list of authors on the academic exercise of letter- writing, see D. G. Morhof : de ratione Conscribenciarum Epistolarum Libellus, Chap. in. 4i6 Letter-writing sometimes to do one and the same exercise twice or thrice over again, that in it they may see and correct their own errors, and strive to outdo themselves, than leaving that in their hands incomplete, to get an ill-habit of hasting over work to little or no purpose. Non quam multum sed quam bene should be remembered in scholars' exercises.' The books which Hoole recommends for the method of letter-writing are John Clarke's Epistolographia ; Erasmus's de coiiscribendis Epistolis; John Buchler's Thesaurus conscriben- darumEpistolarum; ^iraonY iiTe^a.e.Vis' s de conscribendis Epistolis. It will be necessary to ward off the young letter-writer from ' Barbarisms and Anglicisms,' and for this purpose he should make use of a Little Dictionary English and Latin (i.e. by John Withals^), Mr Walker's Book of Particles^, lately printed. Also Mr Willis's Anglicisms Latinised, and Mr Clarke's Phraseologia Fuerilis^ Turselinus* or Doctor Hawkins' ParticulcE Latitm orationis' are also to be consulted. Brinsley and Hoole, of course, deal with epistle-writing as a method of improving the knowledge of Latin. Letter- writing in the vernacular, as an end in itself, was a later development in the schools. The most thorough going text-book on Letter-writing in English, perhaps in any language of the time, was that of Angel Day, entided : The English Secretarie. — Wherein is contaitied a perfect method for the inditing of all manner of Epistles and familiar Letters, together with their diversities, enlarged by examples under their severall Tytles. Jn which is layd forth a Path- waye, so apt, plainer and easier, to any learner's capacity, as like whereof hath not at any time heretofore beene delivered. 1 See p. 392 sufra. 2 s,-f p. 458 infra. ^ See p. 461 infra. ^ i.e. Oiazio Torsellini: De Particulis Latinae Orationis, Mog. 1599. " Parti culae Latinae Orationis, coUcctae, dispositae el...confabulationibus digestae, Lond. 1655. The Training of the Secretary 417 Now first devized and newly published by Angel Daye. (1586.) 4°. This book, of course, can hardly have been a school text- book, but educationally it has its significance, for it went through a large number of editions at any rate up to 1635. The edition of 1635 contains 31 pages of introductory matter on the commodity and usefulness of letter- writing, on what is chiefly to be respected in framing an epistle, of the habit of epistle- writing, of the divisions generally incident to all manner of epistles, of divers orders of greetings, farewells and sub- scriptions, of superscriptions and directions. Angel Day's divisions of letters are as follows : The first part consists of letters descriptory. Epistles : laudatory, vituperatory, deliberative, exhortatory, hortatory, suasory, dehortatory, dissuasory, conciliatory, reconciliatory, petitory, commendatory, consolatory, moni- tory, reprehensory, amatory. The second part of letters judicial, viz. : Epistles : accusatory, excusatory, purgatory, defensory, expos- tulatory, exprobratory, invective, comminatory, depre- catory. Epistles : familiar — nunciatory, narratory, remuneratory, gratulatory, objurgatory, mandatory. The 1635 edition of Day's book introduces an account of Rhetorical Figures, Tropes and Schemes. Pages 391-441 are occupied with a disquisition : ' Of the Parts, Place and Office of a Secretary.' This portion of the 1635 book is not in the original edition of 1586. It deals with the mental and moral charac- teristics to be looked for in a good secretary, particularly insisting on his loyalty and trustworthiness in all matters. He must be suitably equipped by education, by conversation and order of living, and by sufficiency, skill, knowledge and ability. He must be of honest family, and of good shape and countenance. He ought to be well studied in the Latin w, 27 4 1 8 Letter-writing tongue, to be sufficiently read in Histories and Antiquities, and above all things be ready and apt so as to be able to judge of the humours, behaviours and dispositions of man. This promotion of the work of the secretary into a profession is an interesting evolution from the earlier pursuit of letter- writing. It is a case of specialism in learning — taken from the classical field in the first instance — as we see in the School Exercise of Writing Latin Epistles, and gradually differentiated for practical purposes, until the epistle becomes the basis of the secretarial profession, as developed in the later edition of Angel Day's English Secretary. Amongst other books on letter-writing in English were : 1574. The Epistles of Sir Anthony of Guevara.... 'YxdXi^t&A from the Spanish by E. Mellowest 1575. Sir Geoffrey Fenton: Golden Epistles, contayning varietie of discourse, both Morall, Philosophicall, and Divine : gathered, as wel out of the remaynder of Gueuarues woorkes, as other Authours, Latine, French, and Italian, sm. 4to. 1575; 1577; 1582- 1576. Abraham Fleming: A Panoplie of epistles. Or, a looking glassefor the unlearned. Conieyning a perfect e plattform of inditing letters of all sorts, to persons of all estates and degrees, as well our superiors, as also our equals and inferiours : used of the best and the eloquentest Rhetoricians that have lived in all ages, and have been famous in that facultie. London. 1576. This is an interesting collection of letters selected from classical and renascence writers, and translated into English. The matter of the letters is chosen with considerable care. For instance, Fleming includes the letter (of considerable length) of John Ludovicus Vives containing an account of various letter-writers, and his estimation of their worth, and of their characteristics. 1 See J. G. Underbill, Spanish Lit., p. 383. Also for Hellowes, see ibid. p. 251. Collections of Model Letters 419 The extracts are preceded by an epitome of precepts whereby the ignorant may learn to indite, according to skill and order, reduced into a dialogue between the masters and scholar. Of less representativeness in quotations from good writers and much smaller is the following book : 1586. William Fulwood. The Enimie of Idknesse: Teaching a perfect platforme how to indite Epistles and Letters of all sortes : as well by answers as- otherwise: no less profitable than pleasant. London. 1586. This contains instructions for the inditing of epistles and letters with their examples — all, of course, in English. Letters are given as models for all kinds of occasions, e.g. to excuse oneself for being negligent in writing, to require aid at one's friend's hand in time of poverty, to express gratitude for a benefit, and a letter for the lover writing to his lady, and the answer of his lady. Another of these books, a translation from the French, sufficiently explained by its title, is : The Secretary in Fashion, or An Elegant and Compendious way of Writing all manner of Letters. Composed in French by S'' \^Jean Pugei\ de la Serre. This book was translated into English by J. Massinger in 1640 — and reached a fifth edition in 1673. There were other collections of Model Letters for different occasions, but scarcely of the standing of Angel Day, Abraham Fleming, and William Fulwood. Letter-writing was a form of composition much more culti- vated in the past than in the present^. In former times, letter- writing, as George Eliot remarks, formerly, very largely took the place which is now supplied by the magazines, reviews, and 1 As to the Middle Ages, see N. Valois, De Arte Scribendi Epistola afud Galileos Medii jCvi Scriptores, 1880. 27 — 2 420 Letter-writing newspapers. Although the training of Grammar Schools was formalistic, it no doubt supplied the real need felt of training skill in the arrangement of subject-matter, and in cultivating the power of ' invention ' of topics for discourse. The following instances show the place of the Epistle in School Statutes. Cuckfield Grammar School (c. 1528). In the fifth Form at Cuckfield the boys were to compose Epistles. East Retford School Statutes (1552). The fourth Form ' shall write every week some Epistle in Latin and give it to the said Master or Usher at the end of the week.' Rivington Grammar School Statutes (1566). 'And the elder sort must be exercised in devising and writing sundry epistles to sundry persons, of sundry matters, as of chiding, exhorting, comforting, counselling, praying, lamenting, some to friends, some to foes, some to strangers ; of weighty matters, or merry, as shooting, hunting, &c., of adversity, or prosperity, of war, and peace, divine and profane, of all sciences, and occupations, some long and some short; or else in making verses, orations and declamations, and noting the parts of them, in such things as they do read according to the rules of rhetoric' Bangor Friars^ School Statutes (1568). The first two forms are required to do 'some epistle or epigram in verse that the said scholars have premeditated in the forepart of the week besides their ordinary lessons.' They are required, in the fifth Form, to read Erasmus : de conscribendis Epistolis. Durham School. 'As soon as the boy has any perceiving in Latin he is to make one epistle weekly of his own mind both in matter and Letter-writing required by School Statutes 42 1 words according to the principles of Erasmus or Ludovicus Vives in their books de Scribendis which shall be showed upon Saturday.' The Orders of Durham School (1593) require the boys to frame Epistles in Latin and Greek ^. Heath Grammar School Statutes (c. 1600). ' All the scholars under the Master (if Thursday be a play- day) must on Friday in the morning bring epistles with good invention, orthography and disposition, the lowest form in English, the two next in Latin, the first four every third Friday in verse, every second Friday in Greek prose.' ' At Durham ( 1 593) the boys were recommended, ' for recreation's sake, to read the Epistles of Mr Ascham or Paulus Manutius.'^ CHAPTER XXVI. THEME WRITING AT THE BEGINNING OF THE 17TH CENTURY WITH NOTE ON ERASMUS'S DE COP I A. In the Ludus Literarius, Spoudeus states the common Grammar School method of Theme-writing : 'I have given them a Theme to make, following the example in their book, to prosecute the same parts of the Theme ; as Exordium, narratio, confirmatio, confutatio, con- clusio, and also to follow the several places, to amplify each thing by. I have withal showed them how to do it : as to try what they could gather of themselves ; and withal to seek Tullie's sentences what they could find out of it, or out of other books to their purpose*.' The custom in schools, which Spoudeus followed, was to use Aphthonius^ as the text-book and to begin with the models * The ill-success of such generalised precepts is mournfully acknow- ledged by Spoudeus. ' What my children have done hereby, they have done it with exceeding pains and fear, and yet too too weakly, in harsh phrase, without any invention, or judgment ; and ordinarily so rudely, that I have been ashamed that any one should see their exercises. So as it hath driven me into exceeding passions, causing me to deal over-rigorously with the poor boys.' " i.e. Aphthonius of Antioch, the rhetorician and sophist who lived in the 3rd century. His work on rhetoric in Greek was called Progj'mnas- mata {Graece). It was first printed in the Rhaetores Graeci Venetiis afud Aldum, 1508, fol. 7, vols. It was translated into Latin by Natalis Comes, 1515. There were many editions. The Elzevir edition of 16-26, 8vo., includes Greek and Latin texts. There was a London edition 1583, and again in 1650. The Aim of Theme-writing 423 presented by Aphthonius on the subjects of the Apologus or Fables or with a ' chreia.' All the technicalities in Aphthonius, right enough for an ' ancient learned schoolmaster,' who has in- sight into logic and is well-read in ' moral matters ' of discourse, are clearly ill-suited to children. ' They make,' says Philoponus, ' the ludus literarius into a carnificina or pistrinum literarium,' and again, 'it is the master rather than the scholar who de- serves the thrashings consequent upon getting the boy to do that which the master himself has no reason to suppose the boy can be expected to be able to do.' The Theme, in Brinsley's view, is a moral or political • subject, having relation to life, and especially such as concerns virtues and vices. The gravest of problems in Theme-writing is how to get suitable material for discourse. The object of a good Theme is the presentation of such adequate subject- matter as may inculcate love of virtue and hatred of vice. The methods to be adopted are : thorough reading of school- authors, on moral matters, e.g. the Sententiae pueriles, Cato, Aesop's Fables; and frequent reading of Tullie's Sententiae. Then the clear presentation to the pupil of 'precedents' or examples in two kinds of books, one containing variety of the best matter, another a text-book showing the whole form and frame of the Theme. As for variety of matter, Reusner's Symbola (an Oxford edition was printed 1633) is written familiarly and plainly. The book is otherwise known as Symbola Heroica. Reusner treats of 64 Emperors in his first book ; 46 in the second ; 44 in the third. His method of treatment is as follows ; The symbol is given, say of Julius Caesar, 'Semel quam semper'; of Augustus Caesar, 'Festina lente'; of Tiberius Caesar, 'Melius tendere quam deglubere.' So with each of the Emperors de- scribed. The symbol is then explained. Thus of the symbol of Julius Caesar: Satius est mori, quam assidua spe et expectatione vitam perdere. Praestat insidias Semel subire quam sic insidias caveie Semper. 424 Themes Next, illustrative quotations are given in concise form to describe the reign : 'Multi iniqui atque infideles regno, pauci boni;' says Accius in Cicero de Offic. and Seneca says in Thebais [i.e. the Phoe- m'ssae] (line 655): ' Simul ista mundi conditor posuit Deus ; Odium atque regnum.' A brief description is given of Julius Caesar's life, the details of which are supposed to be known by the reader, and the symbol is then brought home further by explanation. 'If it were announced to him that plots on every side were threatening him,' he said, ' Is it not enough to encounter plots when they come to a head instead of always preparing against them, signifying that he is not really living who is in perpetual fear of death. This is to die not once but many times.' Aeschylus in Greek and Seneca in Latin are here quoted on this point, Seneca being represented by three quotations. Further quotations follow from Cassidorus, Julius Celsus and Publius. Mimus [i.e. Publilius Syrus]. Finally Cicero's de Officiis is quoted. The book, therefore, is a collection of character sketches, epigram matically summarised and then expanded, but above all, treated symbolically so as to pourtray from the concrete instance some instruction, by way of example or warning, helpful towards the inoculation of prudence, wisdom and morality. It is to be noted that the series include Emperors ranging from Julius Caesar to Constantine the Great; from Constantine the Great to Charlemagne; and from Charle- magne to the Emperor Ferdinand II" The book therefore is 1 It is from books such as this of Reusner that the pupils in the Grammar Schools were introduced to the subject of modern history. There was no systematic study of history as such, but the origins of history-teaching in schools may be traced in the necessity . for seeking material for themes on subjects of contemporary interest, particularly on ancient, mediaeval and modern great characters and important events, and. Adagia and Apophthegmata 425 at once classical, mediaeval, Roman and European in its historical scope, moral in its aim, and useful for phrases and for subject-matter for themes. After Reusner's Symbola, Brinsley recommends Erasmus's Adagia as a rich storehouse to assist the pupil in the composition of themes. The large folio Adagia of Erasmus was published by Aldus at Venice in 1508. The Aldine edition is not the first, for the Adagia had been published at Paris in 1500, but in a much shorter form. In the earliest form it consisted of some 800 proverbs, but in the later of 41 51. Mr R. B. Drummond gives a long and very interesting account of the book and its compilation. He thus speaks of the Adagia : 'What a boon it must have been to the student in an age when books were rare and expensive, supplying him as it did, with apt and elegant phraseology on all sorts of subjects, serving as an introduction to the Greek and Latin classics, and furnishing besides eloquent declamations against kings and monks, war and priestcraft ! To those, too, who desired an easy method of learning Greek, it must have been a valuable aid, all the Greek quotations, of which there were several thousands, being carefully rendered into Latin. Thus, besides to a great extent serving the purpose of a dictionary and a grammar, it is a common-place book, a journal and a book of travels, all in one'.' Another book of Apophthegms, commonly used in 17th century Grammar Schools, was the collection of Conrad Lycosthenes, Apophthegmata. It was written in 1555 and published in folio form at Basle. The edition which Brinsley recommends is that printed in London by G. Bishop in 1596. Brinsley would have teachers on their guard against the edition of 1603, printed at Cologne. This edition, he says, is augmented and corrupted by the Jesuits. It is for historical illustrations in dealing with themes on all kinds of topics. Many of the subjects for themes were on topics of the keenest contemporary iflterest. Cf. p. 438 infra. ' Life of Erasmus, I. Chap. x. 426 Themes ' dangerously corrupted with Popery, and railing against King Henry VIII, King Edward and our late blessed Queen ; and therefore not to be permitted unto children.' Lycosthenes' Apophthegmata, says Brinsley, ' is of good use.' Its function for Brinsley was to supply quotations on all subjects so as to serve as material for Latin composition. There was indeed sufficient scope, in a book of 800 pages with double columns, somewhat closely printed^. There are about 700 subjects on which Apophthegms are given. The subjects largely relate to moral, social, practical life. The subject of bad and ignorant teachers is treated, though the subjects are usually abstract virtues, duties, relations, conditions and so on. The 1633 edition names 56 Greek authors, and 40 old Latin authors from whom have been collected the Apoph- thegms for the work, and 73 more recent Latin writers. In addition, it is significant that further quotations come from annalists and historians of modern countries, e.g. England, Austria, Flanders, Germany, Switzerland, as well as certain monasteries. After the Apophthegms have been given (amongst which those of Erasmus form a considerable number) Lyco- sthenes offers an alphabetically arranged collection of the whole of the Parabola sive Similitudines of Erasmus, stating the source in each case. The other Latin authors suggested by Brinsley for furnish- ing matter for Themes are : Zegedine : Philosophia Poetica ('Sentences selected out of the best authors, adjoining to Tullie's Sentences '). Brinsley considers that Reusner, Erasmus's Adagia, Aph- thonius and Lycosthenes may ' serve in place of many,' though he proceeds to name other books. Flores Poetarum^. The object of the inclusion of this book in a list of books ' In the edition of 1633. '^ See Note to Chap. xxix. Materials for Theme-writing 427 of subject-matter for themes is, in Brinsley's words, 'for verses to flourish withal.' ' Tullie's Paradoxes' Next to the examples in Aphthonius', which are easier, 'Tullie's Paradoxes' are 'most singular patterns for true Rhetoric' in Themes. But the sources of material for Themes are not confined to writers in Latin. Some ' notable ' works are written in English. Brinsley has his eye ever on the improvement of the English of the pupils, as a necessary accompaniment pari passu with progress in Latin. His list is therefore interesting: The 'moral' part of the French Academy, Charactery, Moral Philosophy, Golden Grove, Wits Commonwealth, Civil Conversation, and The Art of Meditation'' . Unfortunately they were chiefly translations. Their fuller titles are as follows : French Academy. The French Academie wherein is discoursed the institution of Manners, and whatsoever else concerneth the good and happie life of all estates and callings, by precepts of doctrine and examples of the lives of ancient sages and famous men : By Peter de la Primaudaye Esquire, Lord of the said place, and of Baree, one of the or dinar ie Gentlemen of the King's Chamber : dedicated to the most Christian King Henrie the third, and newly translated into English by T. B. The fourth edition Londini, 1602. 4°. [T. B. = ? Thomas Bowes or Thomas Beard.] ist edition 1586 (?), ist French edition 1577 (?). Moral Philosophy. A Treatise of Morall Philosophie contayning the sayings of the wise. Wherein you may see the worthie and pithie sayings of Philosophers, Emperors, Kings and Oratours : of their lives, 1 Aphthonius wrote in Greek (see Note on p. 422) but was usually read in schools in a Latin translation. 2 I am not dear as to the identification of the Art of Meditation. 428 Themes tlieir answers, of what linage they come of, and of what countrie they were : whose worthier sentences, notable precepts, counsels, parables, and semblables, doe hereafter follow. First gathered and partly set fourth by William Baudwin, and now the fourth time since that inlarged by Thomas Paulfrey- man, one of the Gentlemen of the Queene's Majesties Chappell. If wisdome enter into thine heart, and thy souk delight in know- ledge : then shall counsel preserve thee, and understanding shall keepe thee. Proverbs II. U Imprinted at London, by Thomas Este. 1600. Golden Grove. The Golden Groue, moralized in three Bookes : a Work very necessary for all such as would know how to gouerne them- selves, their houses, or their countrey. Made by W. Vaughan, Master of Artes, and Graduate in the Civill Law. The Seco?id Edition, now lately reuiewed and enlarged by the Authour. Imprinted at London. i6o8. Wit^s Commonwealth. Politeuphuia. Wit's Commonwealth. ..At London, Printed by I. R. for Nicholas Ling, and are to be sold at the west doore of Paules. 1597. 8°. (By N. Ling. The book consists of a collection of epigrams on all sorts of subjects.) The selection given below shows the view of the work of teaching. ' Women in Schools' 'Women ought to have as great interest in Schools as men ; though not so soon as men, because their wits being more perfect, they would make men's reputations less perfect. 'Women prove the best School- maisters, when they place their best delights in instructions. 'Children ought to be school-prentices, the space of- two or three years. English Material for Theme-writing 429 ' A school should contain four principal rudiments, that is, Grammar, Exercise, Music, and Painting. 'Grammar is the door to Sciences, whereby we learn to speak well and exactly. ' If the royalist born have not his nature refined with School rudiments, it is gross and barbarous... Lions are tamer than men, if doctrine did not hide them . . . Educatio est prima, secunda, tertia pars vitae, sine qua omnis doctrina, est veluti armata injustitia.' Civil Conversation^ - The civile Conversation of M. S. Guazzo, written first in Italian, divided into foure books, the first three translated out of French by G. Pettie...In the fourth is set doivn the forme of Civile Conver sation... translated out of Italian... by B. Young. 4to. There were many books of this kind available besides those mentioned by Brinsley, e.g. Witt's Recreations. Selected from the finest Fancies of Moderne Muses. With a Thousand out Landish Proverbs selected by Mr G{eorge) H(erbert) ^ 2 pt. Printed by R. H. for Humph. Blunden. Lond. 1640. 8°- ( Another Edition.) Augmented with Ingenious conceites for the wittie and Merrie Medecines for the Melancholic. {Contain- ing 630 epigrams, 160 Epitaphs. Variety of Fancies and Fantasticks Good for melancholy humours.) Printed by T. Cotes for Humph. Blunden : Lond. 1641. 8°. In 1645 the 160 epitaphs become 180, and the selection of epigrams varies considerably from the previous edition. In 1650 over 60 poems are added to the book, the epigrams are 700 and the epitaphs 200. We must turn to the Form of the Theme and the manner of its treatment. The best text-book for this purpose Brinsley considers is, despite his drawbacks, the Frogymnasmata of ' See p. 125. '' i.e. from George Herbert's y acuta Prudentum. 43° Themes Aphthonius. There was a London edition in 1583. The subjects treated by Aphthonius are : Fabula, Narratio, Chr(e)ia, Sententia, Confutatio, Con- firmatio, Locus communis, Laudatio, Vituperatio, Comparatio, Ethopoeia, Descriptio, Thesis, Legislatio. The following table gives Aphthonius's general scheme for the construction of fictiones or theses : Quorum ilia sunt generis /■Deliberativus Judicialis ^ Demonstrativus I Fabula Narratio Chreia Sententia Thesis (Confirmatio Confutatio Locus communis Laus Vituperatio Imitatio Comparatio Of each of these subjects examples are given. As Aphthonius is the author of the book particularly emphasised as the best text-book for the writing of themes, by John Brinsley, a good deal of light is thrown upon the old Grammar School methods by the perusal of Aphthonius^. The Fabula, or MC^os is first described. It is the form of composition, especially befitting admonition, and suitable for instructing the unskilled. Fabula is sermo falsus, veritfitem effingens. The Fable should be termed the Aesopic (Aesopica) method, for Aesop was the best of all writers of fables. Fables are of different kinds ; some rational, others moral, and some are mixed. The rational fable is the form of writing in which we picture a human being doing something; moral, the one 1 Aphthonius is prescribed by Statute for some schools. For instance, in Sandwich Grammar School (1580): 'The first Form in the Master's charge shall have read unto them . . . Aphthonii Progymtiasmata, and be exercised in varying of Latin and in practising the exercises of Aphthonius at times appointed and other like by discretion. ' Method of Teaching Fables 431 in which those lacking morality imitate those who possess it. The mixed fables are those in which rational and irrational creatures are joined. If the moral is put first the fable is a TrpofjAjOiov, if after, an iirif/vOLov. Then follow examples of all these types of fables. In the Scholia on the Fable Quintilian's dictum is quoted and an appeal made to classical writers as to the use of fables. The use is illustrated by reference to Varro, Priscian, Erasmus and Aristotle's Rhetoric. Reference is then made to the poet Hesiod, the first of all to write fables. The Odyssey is a type of virtue (exemplar virtutis, see Horat. i, Epistolarum 2). Orators used fables, e.g. Menenius Agrippa, who told the fable of the revolt of the members of the body against the belly. So, too, examples are given from Themistocles, Demosthenes, Atticus (see Aulus Gellius lib. 19, cap. 12). Philosophers also used fables in their arguments, on which point see Macrobius de Som. Scip. lib. I, cap. 2, Plato lib. 2 de Repub. and Cicero Offic. 3, de Gygis annulo. Examples are then given of rational, moral and mixed fables, after which Aphthonius proceeds to the treatment or composition of fables, showing longer and shorter methods of exposition, and illustrating whenever possible from classical examples. It is clear that this method introduces the pupil to many classical passages, each under its rhetorical head. Thus we have Exemplum Apologi, and the fable of the town mouse and the country mouse briefly told in prose. Aphthonius adds the fuller poetical passage from Horace. He gives a lengthy example from Aulus Gellius (lib. 2, cap. 27) to illustrate the Aesopian motto : ' Don't expect from friends what you can do for yourself.' Finally taking Hesiod's fable of the hawk and the nightingale, he shows the following disciplinary methods of dealing with it : 1. Breviter prolata, the concise statement of the fable. 2. Eadem dilatata, ab audoris laude, the amplification by praise on the writer of the fable. 432 Themes 3. A praefabulari g\vvs\% the moral and quoting a proverb in its support. 4. A natura accipitris, illustrative matter, in this case, e.g. quoting Ovid who says we hate hawks because they pounce on the dead after the battle. 5. A sermocinatione per prosopopoeiam}, i.e. attaching a dignity to one's discourse by citing some one else's saying on the subject. 6. A Collatione, the introduction of Comparison. 7. A contrario, the production of a quotation or argu- ment as to the opposite of what is maintained in the thesis, together with the confutation. The Conclusion. It was the work of the pupil to take other fables from Aesop and other authors and deal with them in the same way as the above model. A thesis is a general inquiry or investigation of a subject by means of an oration. Some are on civil matters, some con- templative (viz. civil, e.g. An ducenda sit uxor? or contem- plative, e.g. An globosum coelum ? An multi sint mundi ?). Aphthonius next proceeds to expound the principles of Narration. The following is his scheme : /■ Persona faciens Res gesta Tempus, circa quod Locus, in quo transacta Modus, quo pacto Causa, propter quam Narrationi accidunt sex IClaritas, seu perspicuitas Breyitas Probabilitas quae Triffai-iTT/s dicitur Electorum verborum proprietas 1 Beginning as e.g. Fer mansuete fortunam. Noli extinctam extinguere. Parce mihi per ea quae tibi dulcissima sunt in vita. Miserere infoelicis. Respice innocfn|iajn jneam, etc., etc. The Structure of the Theme 433 Loci communes are subjects which are of use to literature and humanism put under heads, as fortuna, opes, honores, vita, mors, virtus, prudentia, justitia, hberalitas, temperantia and their opposites, as Melanchthon says, in his first book of Rhetorica, on the use of which the best writers are Rodolphus Agricola in his Epistle de ratione studii and Erasmus in his second book of Copia. Brinsley, following the custom of the time, for young writers of Themes would choose subjects from Aphthonius, and ask the pupils first for the arguments of Aphthonius as to the Cause, Effect, Contrary, Similitude, Example, Testimony. Secondly, he would ask the boys for arguments of their own. Thirdly, he asks for any objections against the thesis proposed ' or if it be true, what absurdities and inconveniences will follow of it ; and also some of them to answer the objections and incon- veniences; and, lastly myself to supply their wants and failings.' The boys then are to supply any point in the subject from their reading or from their Books of Common- places. The parts of a Theme must be always observed: The Exordium, Narratio, Confirmatio, Confutatio, Conclusio. The Exordium, which should be relatively short, will praise or blame the person, if a person is the subject. If the subject of the Theme is a thing, the exordium will commend or give grounds for disapproving. In the Narratio, there will be complete disclosing of the subject in hand. The nature, circumstances, manner, etc. will be fully described. All doubtful words or phrases regard- ing the subject are here cleared up. In the Confirmatio, all principal reasons gathered from reading of Authors are given, and particularly the pupil is to 'invent' reasons and arguments on the subject if it be a thesis which he is maintaining. These will be put under the ' heads of Invention' which include aspects such as Causes, Effects, Subjects, Adjuncts, etc. In stating these, some of the stronger w. 28 434 Themes arguments will be put first, weaker in the middle, reserving some of the strongest reasons to the last, 'crossing and leaving out the weak ones when these would discredit the rest. Confutaiio includes arguments urged in objection to the thesis, together with the answers to the objections. The Conclusion is the collection of the reasons. It may include a short recapitulation of the ' sum of the reasons,' and any statement which will leave a firm impression of the thesis on the hearers. When the Theme is completed (it may for the beginner be only 12 or i6 lines and may apparently be a home lesson) the pupil brings it and the next day, 'pronounces his Theme without book, the master meantime taking the pupil's MS. and serving out all mistakes to be afterwards corrected.' The master is enjoined to see later that the corrections have actually been made. In the more advanced stage, one Theme a week well performed satisfies Brinsley. Declamations. The Declamation is a Theme which has a disputable subject. The affirmative side is taken by one speaker; the negative by a second, and a third ' moderates ' or ' determines ' between the two. Brinsley cites as a precedent or example the Thesis in Aphthonius handled both affirmatively and negatively, Uxor est ducenda, Uxor non est ducenda. Or the Declamation may be an invective against a vice. Patterns are to be found in Cicero's Orations and especially the Invective against I Catiline. This kind of Theme lends itself to greater array / of Figures of Speech, which are the 'life and strength of an / oration.' Brinsley considers Declamation is an exercise for the University rather than the Grammar School. ^ For variety of Exordiums and Conclusions Brinsley refere the Master to Aphthonius : Progymnasmata, and Stockwood : Disputatiunnt- larum Grammaticalium libelltis (see p. 96). Collections of Phrases 435 For pupils to pronounce a Theme ex tempore for a quarter of an hour is creditable, says Brinsley, if it be done in a scholarly way. It requires reading and practice on moral matters. The regular written exercise of Theme-making is a necessary pre- parative. Brinsley requires the boys to begin the Exordium of a Theme, and contend with one another at the 'bettering' of sug- gested phrases of an author, both in English and in Latin. They must be sharpened up in forms of Exordiums and Conclusions. They must think out phrases and how they would vary them in English. They should then use Holyoke's Dictionary^ for words ; for phrases Manutius or Drax's Calliepeia. So as to be able to vary the Theme in word and phrase the principal words and phrases which concern the Theme, should be thought over beforehand, so that the pupil when he deals with the Theme ex tempore, shall have the material in his mind for direct and immediate choice on the occasions of delivery of the Theme. Then, too, there will be a manifest advantage for the boy who has kept his common-place book. This may well be done by boys if the Book of Reference be printed with quite general heads of matter, and quotations be inserted from only three or four chief authors such as Reusner, Erasmus's Adagia, Tullie's Sententiae, etc., with reference to book and page where a passage can be found. But such collections will never relieve the pupil from the necessity of ' invention ' of matter of his own. As to the stores of phrases Calliepeia, Erasmus's de Copia, Macro- pedius" will be of great service, and especially Erasmus, de Copia^. Phrases Linguae Latinae, ab Aldo Manutio P. F. Con- scriptae : nunc primum in ordinem Abecedarium adductae et in Anglicum sermonem conversae. Accessit hue index dictionum Anglicarum, cuius ope quilibet hie libello quam commodissime uti poterit. Londini. 1599. \ ^ p. ^gi sup-a. 'Seep. 411. I ^ P- 437- 28—2 436 Themes The following are the full titles of books recommended by Brinsley : Calliepe'ia : Or a rich store-house of proper, choice and elegant Latin words, and phrases, collected {for the most pari) out of all Tullie's works; and for the use and benefit of scholars, digested into an Alphabetical order. The second impression reformed, refined and very much enlarged. By Thomas Drax. 1613. Bibliotheca Scholastica Instructissima, Or Treasurie of ancient Adagies, and sententious Frouerbes, selected out of the English, Greeke, Latine, French, Italian, and Spanish. Ranked in Alphabeticall order, and suited to one and the same sense. Fublished by Thomas Draxe Batch, in Divinitie. Londini. 1633- D. Erasmi Roterodami de duplici copia verborum ac rerum commentarii duo; multa accessione novisque formulis locupletati. Londini. 1573. The following are examples of the requirement of Theme- teaching : 1528. Cardinal Wolsey's Flan of Studies for Ipswich Grammar School. In the eighth class, ' To conclude you may exhibit, if you please, some formulae, which serving as a guide, a given theme may be conveniently treated.' 1590. Harrow School {Orders). In the fifth form, they shall learn to make a Theme. 1593. Durham School {Orders). The boys 'to learn to make a theme according to the precepts of Aphthonius,' after they have learned letter-writing. c. 1600. Heath {near Halifax) Grammar School {Statutes). The boys ' to learn to make themes with good phrase,' after learning ' to indite epistles scholarlike.' The de Copia of Erasmus 437 162 x-8. Westminster School. Laud's transcript of Orders. Sixth and seventh Forms. ' Betwixt 4 and 5 they repeated a leafe or two out of some booke of Rhetoricall figures, or choice proverbs and sentences collected by the M"". for that use. After that they were practised in translating some Dictamina out of Lat. or G"". and sometimes turning Lat. and G^ verse into English verse. Then a theame was given to them whereon to make prose and verses, Lat. and G"'. against the next morning.' In the Victoria County History of Hampshire (11, p. 311), Mr Leach gives the reference for examples of Themes at Winchester College : 'See Add. MS. 4379 Brit. Mus.' Note. The de Copia of Erasmus. The de Copia of Erasmus was first published in 151 1. More exactly it is called the de duplici copia verborum et rerum. It is a treatise on style in composition, from the twofold points of view of the language used and the subject-matter of composition. The language used in writing ought always to be fitting, — 'What clothing is to the body, style is to the thought.' The Copia is intended to be a guide to the best modes of expression in words, phrases, and both grammatical and rhetorical forms. All these suggest the necessity and the limits of variation. Power to vary phrases can only be obtained by practice. Erasmus sets the example of varying phrases by taking the sentence : Tuae literae me magnopere delectarunt, and giving, as Paulsen estimates, over 150 variations all in accordance with rules of rhetoric. Similarly, he deals with the sentence Semper dum vivam, tui meminero. He links this sentence with the name of Sir Thomas More. The sentiment of the remembrance of Sir Thomas More, as long as Erasmus has life is then varied, like the preceding sentence, in over 1 50 different ways. Erasmus then shows the reader how to cultivate methods of enlarging on a topic, as for instance the introduction of the fable, apologue, proverb, . similitude, analogy and so on. To make an oration as copious as possible, the. student must neither use empty words, nor exclude the fullest variety. He must be prepared to seek examples both of what has been done and said in former times, and in public customs, as contained in precedents 438 The de Copia of Erasmus (exempla) taken from a choice of authors, historical and poetical, and the latter from writers of comedies, tragedies, epigrams, heroics, and bucolics from the various sects of philosophers and from the sacred volumes of theologians. Then, too, examples should be taken from divers nations; some precepts and ordinances are Roman ; some Greek ; and amongst the Greek some Spartan, some Cretan, others Athenian. Also, others are African, Hebrew, Spanish, French, English. Again there are varieties of time. Some are ancient, some mediaeval, others modem. Some, more- over, are domestic. They differ in quality of subject : military, civil, some from the side of mercy, some from bravery, some from that of wisdom. Examples are infinite. Lastly, to mention the rank of the person about whom the example is written : there are princes, judges, parents, slaves, the poor, the rich, women, maidens, boys. These examples therefore on any one subject are very varied both in cpllection and in application, not only from every kind of Greek and Latin writer, but also from the annals of barbarians ; then at length they come into the popular tradition. But the old examples of the illustrations of our own nation and family especially stir the minds of each race, according to their birth ^. And in less proportion they affect the woman, boy, slave, barbarian. There is no branch of learning which is out of relation to Rhetoric. You can enrich an oration from every branch. You might not think Mathematics would help. But even Mathematics and Physics will supply illustrative enrichment. The de Copia is based on rules adopted from Aristotle, Hermogenes, Quintilian and other writers on rhetoric, but the examples for the most part are those of Erasmus. He gives direction for the collection of loci communes, or common-place book. The practice of compiling these books of phrases and passages, which by being placed under heads which could be easily found, became a distinct school method, and one of high educational value. For the collection was the pupil's own, and the process of selection, whilst it exercised his memory by writing out the passages, quickened and strengthened his taste and judgment. In spite of the depreciatory criticism of Budaeus and others, Erasmus's de Copia became very popular. It contained what was wanted — the methods of obtaining material for subjects of composition— and it afforded canons of style. It had got the roots of the matter, the plea for brevity — but brevity which should leave out nothing that is necessary to be said — and the plea for copiousness, but such that the composition should not be perturbed and confused with rerum indigesta turba, ' It is to passages such as this that we must refer for origins of school- teaching of history. Compare note to p. 424 supra. V The de Copia of Erasmus 439 In the i6th century, the de Copia was in England as on the Continent the leading school-book dealing with the principles of Latin composition for themes and orations. It was prescribed by Statute (1518) in Dean Colet's School of St Paul's, and of course had been in use there from the first publication. In 1545-7 it is i" the valuable time-table of Saffron Walden — one of the books for Forms VI and VII. At Bury St Edmunds (Statutes ? 1550) the de Copia is required in the second Form, and at East Retford Grammar School (1552) in the third Form. In the statutes drawn up by Dean Nowell for the Friars' School, Bangor (1568), Erasmus's afe Copia is put down for Form IV. In 16 1 2 Brinsley says : ' There may be also other helps for varying : as the rules in Erasmus's de Copia, in Macropedius j and others ; and more especially some select phrases to several purposes noted in Erasmus's de Copia^.' ^ There is an account of the school method of equipping the pupils with copia verborum in the i6th century with especial reference to Sturm's School of Strassburg in La Vie et les Travaux de Jean Sturm par Charles Schmidt (1855), pp. 247-257- CHAPTER XXVII. THE TEACHING OF RHETORIC. There is no evidence of the systematic school-teaching of Rhetoric in the Middle Ages — beyond the rules of verse- making and the very slight reading of poets. It is a Renas- cence subject. Grammar and Rhetoric then vied with Logic, and both these subjects effected an easy conquest over Logic in school studies. With regard to Grammar we have seen there were conflicting opinions, but in the inclusion of Rhetoric in the well-organised school of the i6th and 17th centuries there was general agreement. Again following Brinsley and Hoole, the description of books mentioned by them in the school teaching of Rhetoric becomes the more necessary, seeing that the study of Rhetoric has declined so greatly since their time, that it is difficult to realise the position it held, unless we make a somewhat close study of the text-books. The teaching of Rhetoric is emphasized by Wolsey in the Statutes for Ipswich School (1528). The Elizabethan schools included it, if not specifically as a separate subject, at least in the manner and spirit of reading classical authors as well as in the exercises of the theme and oration. Indeed, if there is one school subject which seems to have pre-eminently influenced the writers, statesmen and gentlemen of the i6th and 17th centuries, iri their intellectual outfit in after life, probably the claim for this leading position may justly be made for Rhetoric and the Oration. Though letter-writing is of sufficient importance to justify Hoole, as we have seen, in requiring even the sixth Form to keep before themselves the great letter-writers of the past as models, still it is to the theme and to the oration that the best Origins of English literature-teaching 441 work of the Grammar School is required to tend. The theme is the highest product of the written exercise, and the oration is the climax of the ambition of the schoolboy in his speaking of Latin. The speaking of Latin, it must always be remembered, was regarded in the first half of the 17th century at least as important, let us say, as the speaking of French or German now in a good secondary school. If, then, the speaking of Latin was a direct aim of school instruction — Rhetoric could certainly not fail to be one of the honoured subjects of school instruction. The chief text-books used in English schools were those of Audomarus Talaeus and Charles Butler. Talaeus's Rhetoric was published as early as 1547. Ramus, in his preface to an edition of Talaeus in 1579 says, that in the two books, into which the volume is divided, are contained the rhetoric of elocution and of action as written by Talaeus. It includes everything written in the art by Aristotle, Isocrates, Cicero and Quintilian sufficiently and closely ex- pounded. This siibject-matter has been demonstrated and illustrated by examples taken from poets and orators. 'As far as I can gather,' says Ramus, 'the praise of grammar is best cultivated by few precepts, and constant practice. If rhetoric should thus be taught and practised it would show as many orators as to-day we see grammarians.' Charles Butler's book is entitled : Rhetoricae libri duo, quorum Prior de Tropis et Figuris, Posterior de Voce et gestu, Praecipue in usum scholarum j^ accuratius editi. Oxoniae 1600. Editions in 1629, 1642, (^ 1649. The notes to the various chapters to Butler's Rhetoric contain a large number of illustrative, interesting quotations, principally from classical Latin authors. Once, at any rate, Butler breaks out with an English quotation. He is dealing with the subject of rhythm and quotes two verses from Edmund Spenser : 442 The Teaching of Rhetoric Deeds soone doe die however nobly done, And thoughts of men doe as themselves decay : But wise words taught in numbers for to runne, Recorded by the Muses, live for aye: Ne may with storming showers be waiht away : Ne bitter breathing winds with boist'rous blast, Nor age, nor envy, shall them ever wast. Et paulo post. For not to have been dipt in Lethe Lake, Could save the sonne of Thetis from to die : [Achilles. But that blinde bard did him immortall make, [Homerus. With verses dipt in dew of Castalie : Which made the Easterne Conquerour to crie, O fortunate young man, whose vertue found So brave a Trump, thy noble acts to sound. Thus, through eleven editions of this school-book written in Latin the attention of generations of schoolboys was called to these lines of Spenser, all the more emphatically for being surrounded by Latin on the technical terms of Rhetoric. Nor can one leave the Rhetoric of Butler without noting that, when Butler suggests to the readers that observation of the best writers will give the clearest idea as to the effects of rhythm obtained by the vivid disposition of sonorous and resonant syllables, he gives the names of EngUsh poets parallel with those of Latin writers. English literature was not taught in the schools of the first half of the 17 th century, but Butler in his Rhetoric takes us very near to the suggestion of \\}. Hoole deals with the subject of Rhetoric in discussing the work of the fourth Form of the school. ' To enter the boys in that art of fine speaking they may make use of Elementa Rhetorica lately printed by Mr Dugard", and out of it learn the Tropes and Figures, according to the ' It is to the Rhetorics we must look for the origins of the Grammar school-teaching of English literature. See p. 481. ^ Head-master of Merchant Taylors' School in the time of the Common- wealth. Text-books for Rhetoric 441 definitions given by Talaeus, and afterwards more illustrated by Mr Butler. Out of either of which books, they may be helped with store of examples, to explain the Definitions, so as they may know any Trope or Figure that they may meet with in their own authors. When they have thoroughly learned that little book, they may make a synopsis of it, whereby to see its order, and how everything hangs together, and then write the Commonplace heads in a Paper-book... unto which they may refer whatever they like in the late English Rhetorick, Mr Farnaby's Index Rhetoricus, Susenbrotus, Mr Home's Compendium Rhetorices, or the like, till they be better able to peruse other authors, that more fully treat of the Art; as Vossius's Partitiones Oratories, the Orator Extemporaneus (i.e. by Michael Radau) Tesmari exercitationes Rhetorica, Nic. Caussinus, Paiot de Eloquentia, and many others, with which a School Library should be very well furnished for the Scholars to make use of, accordingly as they increase in ability of learning.' Hoole's list may be taken as a representative list of the school Rhetorics. The inclusion of 'the late English Rhetorick^' shows that a book not primarily intended for school use was sometimes drawn into the service. In this case, we see Hoole's object was to teach his Latin by first expounding English analogues. Thomas Farnaby's Index Rhetoricus was a small book in Latin crammed with learned matter ^ Farnaby was a school-master, but he must have been an exacting teacher if he required his boys to master his Rhetoric, which he states is adapted to schools and the instruction of those of a tender age. It contains the Index Rhetoricus, which is a table or analysis of all methods of suasion. He then gives chapters on Dis- positio, Elocutio, Tropes, Figures, Character, Pronuntiatio, ' See p. 449 infra. Blount's Academie of Eloquence (1654) is entitled at the head of each page of the text ' An English Rhetorique.' 2 The seriousness with which Farnaby wrote his boys' Rhetoric may be judged by the fact that the list of authors from whom Farnaby says he has collected his Rhetoric are thirty-two in number. 444 The Teaching of Rhetoric Excretatio, Imitatio, Lectio, Actio, Communium Locorum Capita and the Formulae. Finally he gives an Index Poeticus, which is a comprehensive collection of references to passages in poets and other writers on all sorts of subjects which the theme-writer or verse-writer might be likely to want The other English writers named, Dugard and Home, were schoolmasters and their text-books like Farnaby's were written in Latin. Dugard's Rhetorices elementa is a book of questions and answers professedly based on Butler's Rhetoric which Dugard states 'is commonly used in the schools.' Perhaps the simplest of all the Latin Rhetorics published in England definitely designed for school use was that of William Walker (1672) De Argumentorum Inventione libri duo. Quorum prior agit de Inventione Logica, altera de Inventione Rhetorica. The other text-books on Rhetoric in Hoole's list were foreign works, though those of Susenbrotus and Vossius were so far domiciled as to have editions by English printers. Epitome Troporum ac Schematum et Grammaticorum et Rhetoricorufn, Ad Authores turn prophanos turn sacros intelli- gendos, non minus utiiis quam necessaria, Joanne Susenbroto Ravenspurgi Ludimagistro collectore. Index alphabeticus in calce adjectus est. Londini, ex Typographia Societatis Station- ariorum. 162 1. Susenbrotus wrote his Epitome in 1540. As the volume contains only gi small octavo pages, Susenbrotus clearly can give but short space to his treatment of each of the 132 Tropes and schemata. It is rather a dictionary with examples of tropes and schemata than a treatise on them. Any of the 132 figures of speech can be found by reference to the alphabetical index. It is not without ground that Susenbrotus calls himself collector, but in an age of analysis of .the possessions into which scholars had come by the revival of antiquity, no doubt the Epitome had its use. G. J. Vossius's Rhetorices Contractae sive Partitionum Orator Extemporaneus 445 Oratoriarum Libri V. 162 1, was a learned work with a rich store of classical quotations, illustrating every side of the art of rhetoric. It was the standard short book of Rhetoric for the schools in England and abroad in the middle of the 1 7th century. In his Orator Extemporaneus (1657) Michael Radau gives an account of the construction of the oration, and supplies a large store of historical illustrations ancient and modern, showing the beginning, indirectly, of history-teaching in the Grammar School — viz. for the sake of composition of themes and orations. The Exercitationum Rhetoricarum Libri VIII of John Tesmarus' is a most comprehensive work of 1165 large octavo pages. It contains examples gathered from various good authors, of poems, epistles and orations distributed into sub- jects didactic, laudatory, deliberative and judicial, wherein the arguments of all the orations of Demosthenes, Isocrates and Cicero are included. Next Tesmarus 'resolves' the writings and orations of Cicero, and discloses the order, position and use of all the Ciceronian writings. He then gives the oratorical views and examples of Antonius Muretus, and deals in detail with the orations of the Latin historians, Livy, Sallust, and treats of exercises in imitation of George Buchanan, of Horace's odes, of Ovid, of Vergil, and gives material for composition from Henricus Smetius, N. Chytraeus, and from the Sacred Scrip- tures. Further material for poems is supplied from Justinus and N. Reusner, from Natalis and Sabinus. Material is provided next for letter-writing. Finally material is collected for the making of orations— for which nearly 500 pages are devoted to the various kinds of subjects and matter available from the best authors for dealing with orations. Scriptural, moral, theological themes are largely dealt with. 142 themes are suggested with references to the Scriptures, from which suit- able material can be obtained. Ethical and 'economic' maxims and sentences serve as subjects for themes and the * Tesmarus, wrongly given as Tresmarus on p. 287. 446 The Teaching of Rhetoric manner of composition to be adopted is indicated in each case. In the section of Tesmarus which treats of the things which are to be praised and condemned — themes and forms of treatment are suggested of topics arising from sense- experience and observation, e.g. earth, water, air, fire, iron, the clock, and all kinds of general subjects. A method of oration is offered for thanks to a benefactor for his munificence to an educational institute. There is a form to be imitated for praise of schools, praise of peace, the country life and so on. Religious subjects, e.g. the Christian faith, the name of Jesus, of Christ, of a Christian, the perfect law of God and so on, are copiously treated, and the student is directed how to write themes and orations adequately on these subjects. Nicolai Caus\s\im, Trecensis, e societate Jesu, de Eloqiieniia sacra et humana, Libri XVI. Lutetiae Parisiorum 1630. yd edition. This Latin work consists of loio double columned pages exclusive of the Index. It is divided into three parts though all are comprised in one volume. The parts are : I. The Idea of and Aids to Eloquence. II. On the parts of Eloquence, Invention, Disposition, Elocution, Figures, Emotions (affectus), Pronunciation. III. The threefold nature of Eloquence, epi- dictic, civil, sacred. The subjects include the treatment of the old Eloquence of Greeks and Romans, a description of styles, and discussion as to the marks of the best kind of eloquence, the aids to eloquence in the mind, teaching, and imitation. Caussin's division De Epidictia sive demonstrativa Eloquenfia contains 158 'characters' or hypotyposes — certain living images of things, and com- pendious schemes of laudations and interpretations. These are taken from the old Greek and Roman authors. It is sufficient to say they include an almost encyclopaedic range of reading extending far beyond ' classical ' writers. There are also ' characters ' of civil eloquence which give the opportunity for illustrative quotations from Herodotus, Livy, Thucydides English Rhetorics 447 and many other writers. Sacred Eloquence further affords great scope for quotation from early fathers, etc. The book, of course, was altogether too huge to be a school manual. But to such teachers as Home, Hoole, and Farnaby it was of great attractiveness by its extraordinary wealth of illustration from ancient writers. The Rhetorics published in England. The first English Rhetoric, that of the schoolmaster Leonard -^ Cox, was published in 1524. It is called the Arte or Crafte of Rhetoryke. It is partly translated from a Latin work; partly original. Cox is not ashamed of writing in English, ' remem- bering that every good thing is the better, the more common it is.' The book follows the ancient writers on Rhetoric and the examples are chiefly taken from Roman history. In 1553 Sir Thomas Wilson published ' The Arte of A Rhetorique, for such as are studious of eloquence.' This book also was written in English, and is of special interest in tracing the development of the use of the vernacular through Wilson's strong antipathy to 'strange inkhorn terms,' of the written or spoken language of other countries, French or Italian. The advocacy of the use of the pure mother tongue, apart from pedantry either of the scholar or the traveller, makes Wilson a link between Sir Thomas Elyot and Roger Ascham. Still from the point of view of the development of school-teaching Wilson's * Rhetoric is not so significant as the following book, professedly designed for the use of Grammar Schools, by Richard Sherry, in 155s': A Treatise of the Figures of Grammar and Rhetorike, profitable for al that be studious of eloquence, and in especiall for such as in Grammar scholes doe reade most eloquente Poetes and Oratours : whereunio is joyned the oration which Cicero ^ There was an earlier edition in 1550, under the title of A treatise of Schemes and Tropes, which was issued with a tract of Erasmus on 'Children's Education.' 44^ The Teaching of Rhetoric ■made to Caesar, giving thafikes unto him for pardonyng, and restoring again of that noble man, Marcus Marcellus sette foorth by Richarde Sherrye Londonar Londini in aedibus Totteli. Cum privilegio ad imprimendum solum. I Sherry's Rhetoric is founded on Erasmus's Copia Verborum, and intended to make rhetoric more plain to those who ' hst to learn in our tongue.' Of great importance in the development of Rhetorics is the view expressed by Sherry : ' Not only profane authors without them may not be well understood, but also they greatly profit us in the reading of holy scripture, where if you be ignorant in the figurative speeches and Tropes, you are like in many great doubts to make but a slender solution, as right well do testify Castalio Vestimerus and that noble doctor Saint Augustine.' Rhetoric, therefore, by 1555, was a method of study to be applied to the scriptures. In the two directions, the application of rhetoric to English, after the model of its use in teaching Latin and Greek, and its application to scripture, there was considerable development in the period up to 1660. First, as to the English Rhetorics. It is to these we ought to look especially to trace the growth of a study of English in the 17th century ^ I have already shown that Butler's Rhetoric was calculated to arouse an interest in English literature. The ;<,same is true of Peacham's Garden of Eloquence in 1577, of Abraham Fraunce's Arcadian Rhetoric in 1588, and of Thomas Blount's Academie of Eloquence in 1654. Fraunce's Arcadian Rhetoric, as the title implies, involves an application of the rules of Rhetoric, primarily, to an exposition of the beauties of Sir Philip Sidney's Arcadia, and secondarily to other literary works. Fraunce's selections were taken from works in Greek, Latin, Italian, Spanish, so that Rhetoric text- books served the purpose of making known choice passages, ' See note p. 442. Ramus s Rhetoric 449 metaphors, similes etc. for modern languages as well as for Latin. Abraham Fraunce's Arcadian Rhetoric was intended originally for the students of the Inns of Court. Fraunce also published in 1588 The Lawyers' Logic^. In that book he also pursued the literary method of quoting passages from Sidney and other authors. The fact is that Peter Ramus had introduced the liberal quotation of writers into his works and the method was applied to both Rhetoric and Logic. For this reason the books on both Rhetoric and Logic founded on Ramus are interesting studies. It was with regard to Ramus's Rhetoric that Ascham made his appeal to the student to go back, in preference, to Cicero himself, for not only in Ascham's opinion is Cicero far superior in eloquence to Quintilian, Talaeus and Ramus, but his works are equally superior for teaching Rhetoric. On the other hand, Gabriel Harvey, the University Orator, was a great admirer of Ramus and of Talaeus ^ The essential merit of Ramus, how- ever, from the modern point of view, is that he forms the transitional stage from the restriction of composition to mainly classical subjects, to the widening of Rhetoric to include com- position on all kinds of subjects, a movement which led to the inclusion of illustrations from the vernacular and even modern languages. The following is a further example of the Rhetoric, as an instrument for the teaching of English : The Academie of Eloquence. Containing a Compleat English Rhetorique, Exemplified, with Common Places, and Formes, digested into an easie and Methodical way to speak and write fluently. By Tho. Blount, Gent. Lond. 1654. The Preface is interesting in that it is addressed to 'all Noble Gentlemen and Ladies of England.' The author says he has included some of the choicest flowers in our English Garden. 1 See p. 88. ^ See Harvey's Rhetor, 1577. W. 29 450 The Teaching of Rhetoric The following passage from Blount's book shows the trans- ference of rules to be found in the Latin Rhetorics to English composition, and at the same time illustrates the position of ' science ' as ordinarily held by teachers — viz. its usefulness for the purpose of suitable similitudes. ' Therefore for general delight, take your expressions from inferior Arts and Professions ; to please the learned in several kinds ; As from the Meteors, Plants, Beasts in Natural Philo- sophy ; And from the Stars, Spheres, and their motions in Astronomy ; from the better part of Husbandry ; from politic government of Cities ; from Navigation, from the military profession, from Physic; but not out of the depth of those mysteries; and (unless your purpose be to disparage) let the word be always taken from a thing of equal or greater dignity, As speaking of Virtue, The sky of your virtue overcast with sorrow, where 'twas thought unfit to stoop to any Metaphor, lower than the Heaven.' The reader is led on to the comparison of emblems, allegories, similes and poetical fictions, and interesting examples are given from Sir Philip Sidney and Edmund Spenser. In the 1 7th century all arts and sciences were subordinate to their use for religious purposes. The art of rhetoric, which had originally been the art of the orator as such, and then of the lawyer, was enrolled in the service of an interpretation of the Scriptures. Dudley Fenner in 1584; John Barton in 1634; Thomas Hall in 1654; John Smith in 1657 ; and Bishop John Prideaux in 1659 all wrote Rhetorics especially explaining metaphorical and other rhetorical figures of speech occurring in the Bible. Smith's book, Mysteries of Rhctorique unvaikd, 1657, combines the teaching of English and of Scripture though the latter is his main object. The above-mentioned Thomas Hall was a schoolmaster'. His Scriptural Rhetoric is entitled : 1 See p. 358. Developments of Rhetoric 45 1 Centuria Sacra. About one hundred Rules for the ex- pounding and clearer understanding of the Holy Scriptures. To which are added a Synopsis or Compendium of all the most materiall Tropes and Figures contained in the Scriptures. 1654. One interesting point in Hall's book is that after expounding ' the most materiall Tropes and Figures,' he suggests ' by the knowing of which, we may of ourselves observe many more like unto them.' One other development of Rhetoric may be mentioned. Pronunciation and action or gesture were recognised depart- ments of Rhetoric, and in 1644 John Bulwer published two books called Chirologia and Chiromania, the first dealing with the ' natural language of the Hand.' It is composed ' of the speaking motions and discoursing gestures' of the hand. 'The second is the Art of Manuall Rhetorique, with the Canons, Lawes, Rites, Ordinances and Institutes of Rhetoricians, both Ancient and Moderne, Touching the artificiall managing of the Hand in speaking. Whereby the Natural Gestures of the Hand, are made the Regulated Accessories or faire-spoken Adjuncts of Rhetoricall Utterance. With Types or Chirograms. A new illustration of this Argument.' It is said that Rodolph Agricola (d. 1485) was the first to note a case of teaching the deaf and dumb. J. L. Vives, the great Spanish educationist, in his de Anima (1538) draws at- tention to Agricola's statement. Apparently, a Spaniard was the first to make a systematic attempt to educate the deaf and dumb. But Bulwer was the first to suggest 'an academy of the mute\' It is interesting to note that these educational developments are the direct outcome of the study of the Rhetoric of the gesture of the mouth and the hand. The study of Rhetoric drew attention in many ways to the value of literary form and to effective statement. The wealth of imagery in authors read must have been, when the ^ For these and other historical facts concerning the education of the deaf and dumb see Sir William Hamilton's Discussions in Philosophy, etc., Chapter v. 29—2 452 The Teaching of Rhetoric teaching was thorough, a valuable possession, ^nd a sense of alertness in discovering the various tropes and figures could not but be an excellent school discipline. So much for the effect on teachers and pupils — always premising that the teachers were themselves efficient. With phrases and expressions of a rhetori- cal nature, introduced from Latin and Greek, also from French, Italian, Spanish authors, and particularly from the English Bible, the 17th century pupils awoke to the consciousness of the value of the power of varied expression. It is almost impossible to estimate the high usefulness of this now obsolete school discipline in enlarging the vocabulary and in directing the expression of the more educated English people of the 17 th century. Unless the school and University training in Rhetoric are borne in mind, an important factor in accounting for the wealth of imagery and expression in the English literature of the 1 6th and 17th centuries is overlooked.^- No history of the development of knowledge of the English language as w^ell as of classical studies would be complete without a recognition of the formative influence of the schools in the 17th century in promoting the study of the progressive and adaptive Rhetorics of the age. Note A. The Jesuit Method of Teaching Rhetoric The following is a description, of the teaching of Edward Campion as Professor of Rhetoric at Prague (1574) : ' In class, he first made his scholars repeat a passage they had lesirned out of school-hours; then the monitors collected the written exercises, which he looked over and corrected. While he was thus occupied, the boys were trying to imitate a passage of a poet or an orator, which he had set them, or to write a brief account of a garden, a church, a storm, or any other visible object ; to vary a sentence in all possible ways ; to translate it from one language into another ; to write Greek or Latin verses ; to con- vert verses from one metre into another; to write epigrams, inscriptions, epitaphs, to collect phrases from good authors; to apply the figures of rhetoric to a given subject ; or to collect all the topics or commonplaces that, are applicable to it. After this came a summary of the former day's lesson, and then the lecture of the day, on one of Cicero's speeches, was read, and the boys were examined upon it. The composition was to be on Origins of Modern Subjects 453 a given pattern. First, he was to explain his text, and to discriminate the various interpretations of it. Next, he was to elucidate the writer's art, and to display his tricks of composition, invention, disposition and style ; the reasons of his dignity, his persuasiveness, or his power, and the rules of verisimilitude and illustration which he followed. Thirdly, the pro- fessor had to produce parallel or illustrative passages from other authors. Fourthly, he was to confirm the author's facts or sentiments by other testimony, or by the saws of the wise. Fifthly, he was to illustrate the passage in any other way he could think of. Each lecture did not necessarily include all these points ; but such was the range and the order prescribed for the points that were adopted'.' R. Simpson : Life of Campion, pp. 105-6. Note B. The Origins of the Teaching of Modern Subjects. History. For illustrative purposes in composition. Erasmus treats of this point in the de Copia (see p. 423). See also with regard to Reusner's Symbola (p. 423). These books are representative of a class. Geography was similarly regarded, though in a less degree, as available for illustration in composition. The English Language. See Walker's Idiomatologia Anglo-Latina (p. 462). See also Lloyd's Schoolemasters Auxiliaries (p. 183). English Literature was taught first in connexion with Rhetoric {see p. 441 and p. 449) and received consideration in the teaching of verse- making (see p. 481) culminating in the production of the English Parnassus of Joshua Poole 1657 (see p. 482). Natural History book? were studied for the purpose of securing suitable metaphors and similar in the composition of themes and orations on religious, classical and social subjects (see p. 450). Modern Languages were introduced into such books as Gruter's Florilegium (see p. 456) containing primarily Latin and Greek flowers of speech, but also, similar proverbial expressions in German, Dutch, Italian, French, Spanish. Thus classical text-books sometimes gave the opportunity for comparing forms of speech in classical with those in modern languages. This characteristic of some of the 17th century text- books throws light on Milton's suggestion that pupils ' may have easily learnt, at any odd hour, the Italian tongue.' The full differentiation of subjects did not exist till after 1660. To use a modern phrase all subjects of the Grammar School were 'correlated,' with 'concentration centres' of composition (in Latin and Greek) and of religion. Mathematics were taught by private teachers. They served, however, in the school, for illustrative purposes (see p. 438). 1 Campion wrote De imitatione Rhetorica, Antwerp, 1 63 1 . CHAPTER XXVIII. THE SCHOOL ORATION AT THE TIME OF THE COMMONWEALTH. It may be thought that theme-writing was sufficiently exacting in the Grammar School in the time of Brinsley. It is necessary, however, to consider the development of school text-books designed to assist the school exercises in the oration as well as the theme, in the period from Brinsley up to Hoole in t66o. For, in the time of Hoole, roughly speaking, the age of the Commonwealth, letter-writing, the theme, and the oration, received their fullest development in English schools. I know of no source whence we can derive an idea of the theme and the oration as school exercises in this period so clearly as from John Clarke's Formulm OratoricB in usum Scholarum concinnatce, un& cum multis Orationibus Dedatna- tionibus, etc., digue collocatione oratoria et artificio demum Poetico, prceceptiunculis. The fourth edition of this book was published 1632; the tenth in 1670. The dedicatory epistle is dated from the Lincoln Grammar School, of which Clarke was head master, in 1627. John Clarke's Formulce Oratorice is written in Latin, and is founded on Erasmus's Adagia, for the use of schools. In his address to the reader, Clarke quotes Alsted to the effect that teachers should teach what is to be done, and they best teach what is to be done, by themselves doing it, and requiring pupils Matter for Themes and Orations 455 to do it. The illustrious Erasmus descended into the minutest details when, for the sake of youth, he compiled his Copia Verborum ; Clarke follows him, haud passibus aequis, by pre- senting a treatise of Formulae and Transitions of Oratorical Compositions, which being for the use of schools should not be meagre in hints and suggestions. Richerius had said in his Obstetrix Animorum (1607) that Cicero himself had brought together some of his principles of Oratory from the Exordia of Demosthenes. This is an argument for looking to the highest orators, and to discover from them the Formulae for themselves. This was the method of study that Ascham and his followers had advocated. But Clarke and the ordinary schoolmasters followed Aph- thonius as model in the division of the theme into five general parts : Exordium, Narratio, Confirmatio, Confutatio, Conclusio — and, according to the great Vossius, Division ought to be added. Hoole accepts Clarke as his school text-book for the Formulae. The description of the Formula for Orations is too technical for minute description here. The much more interesting question remains of showing the methods pursued in searching for the subject-matter of the themes and similarly of the orations. Hoole's directions' to the pupils are: 1. To have a large Common-place book, in which they should write at least those heads which Mr Farnaby had set down in his Index Hhetoricus", and then busy themselves to collect the short Histories out of Plutarch, Valerius Maximus, Justin, Caesar, Lucius Florus, Livy, Pliny, Pareus, Medulla HistoricB, ^lian. 2. Apologues and Fables out of ^sop, Phaedrus, Ovid, Natalis Comes. 1 These I find are directly taken with slight adaptations for the English schools from Caussinus (see p. 446 supra). ' See p. 443 supra. 456 The School Oration 3. Adages out of Adagia Selecta, Erasmi Adagia, Drax's Bibliothem Scholastica} , etc. 4. Hieroglyphics out of Pierius and Caussinus, etc. 5. Emblems'' and Symbols out of Alciat, Beza, Quarles, Reusnerus^, Chartarius^, etc. 6. Ancient Laws and Customs out of Diodorus Siculus, Paulus Manutius, Plutarch, etc. 7. Witty Sentences out of Golden Grove, Moral Philosophy, Sphinx Philosophica, Wit's Commonwealth, Flores Doctorum, Tullie's Sentences, Demosthenes' Sententia, Encheiridion Morale, Stobaeus, Eihica Ciceroniana, Gruteri Florilegium °. 8. Rhetorical Exornations out of Vossius, Farnaby, Butler, etc. 9. Topical Places out of Caussinus, Tesmarus, Orator Extemporaneus. 10. Descriptions of things natural and artificial out of Orbis Fictus, Caussinus, Plinius, etc. 'Nor may I forget Textor's Officina, Lycosthenes, Erasmi Apophthegmata, Caro- lina Apophtheg7nata and Polyanthea, which together with all that can be got of this nature, should be laid up in the School Library for scholars to pick what they can out of; besides what they read in their own Authors.' ^ See p. 436 sufra. * For a full account of Emblems, see Shakespeare and the Emblem Writers by Henry Green, 1871. ' See p. 423 supra. * See p. 400. " Janus Gruterus. Florilegiuvi ethico-poHticum, nunquam antehac edilum; necnon P. Syri ac L. Senecae sententiae aureae ; recognoscente J, G. ... Accedunt gnomae paroemiaeque Graecoi-um, item proverbia Germanica, Belgica, Italica, Gallica, Hispanica. 3 vols. Francofurti 1610-n. 8°. Matter for Themes and Orations 457 So much for the Matter of the theme and oration. Hoole continued : 'Now the manner I would have them use them, is this; Having a Theme given them to treat of, as suppose, this ; ' Non cBstas semper fuerit, componite nidos. ' I. Let them first consult what they have read in their own Authors concerning Tempus, Aestas, occasio, or opportunitas, and then, ' 2 . Let every one take one of those books before-mentioned and see what he can find in it for his purpose, and write it down under one of those heads in his Common-place book; but first let the Master see whether it will suit with the Theme. ' 3. Let them all read what they have written before the Master and every one transcribe what others have collected, into his own book ; and thus they may always have store of matter for invention always at hand, which is far beyond what their own wit is able to conceive. Now to furnish themselves also with copy of good words and phrases, besides what they have collected weekly, and what hath been already said of varying them; they should have these and the like books reserved in the School Library, viz. ; Sylva Synonymorum ^ Calliepeia^, Huisse's Phrases'^, Winchester's Phrases (i.e. Robinson's Phrasebook'', in use at Winchester), Lloyd's Phrases'', Farnaby's Phrases^, Encheiridion Oratorium' , Clarke's Phraseo- ^ See p. 478 infra. '' See p. 436 supra. ^ Florilegium Phrasicon, or A Survey of the Latine tongue, according to the Elegancy of its proper Dialect. Necessary for all yoting Students in the same for their better Imitation, and practice thereof, either by their voice or pen. And into several heads disposed, and collected by John Huise, M.A. And noTn inlarged with a thousand Phrases, wanting in the former Edition. By Alexander Ross. London, 1659. 8vo. * See p. 461. ^ Phrases in usum Scholae Wint. una cum ejusden Dictatis, Oxon, 1654. 8vo. " In the Index Rhetoricus, see p. 443. ' See p. 460. 458 The School Oration logia'^, and his English Adages, Willis's Anglicisms'^, Barets' Dictionary^, Hulef* or rather Higgins's Dictionary, Drax's Bibliotheca^, Parei Calligraphia'^, ManiUii Phrases'', A little English Dictionary" 16", and Walker's Particles'; and if at any time they can wittily and pithily invent anything of their own brain ; you may help them to express it in good Latin, by increasing use of Cooper's Dictionary^", either as himself directeth in his preface, or Phalerius will more fully show you, in his Supplementa ad Grammaticam. ' The Importance of Good Patterns. 'First therefore let them peruse that [pattern] in the Merchant Taylors' School Probation Books, and then those at the end oi- Winchester Phrases'^" and those in Mr Clarke's Formulce Oratoria ; and afterwards they may proceed to those in Aphthonius, Rodolphus Agricola, Catineus, Lorichius, and the like; and learn how to prosecute the several parts of a Theme more at large, by intermixing some of those Formulce Oratories, which Mr Clarke and Mr Farnaby have collected, which are proper to every part; so as to bring their matter into handsome and plain order, and to flourish and adorn it neatly with Rhetorical Tropes and Figures, always regarding the composure of words, as to make them run in a pure and even style, according to the best of their Authors, which they must always observe as precedents.' ' See p. 461. ^ See p. 461. ' See p. 390. ■* See p. 396. ^ See p. 436. " Philippus Pareus : Callis^aphia Romana 1616. This book is to be distinguished from the Calligraphia oratoTia linguae Grcucae of Joannes Posselius (see p. 502). >■ See-g. 435. 8 ^,.^, p. 3^,. ' A Treatise of English Particles: Shewing much of the Variety of their Simplifications and Uses in English : And how to render them into Latin according to the Propriety and Elegancy of that Language. With a Praxis upon the same. London. [First edition before 1660.] 1" See p. 389. \']th Century School Examinations 459 The Merchant Taylors' School Probation Books referred to call for special notice. In 1606 the Court of the Company decided that a Probation or Examination of the school should be held three times a year. This examination was to be con- ducted by the Master and his Ushers, themselves. The following reasons are given for the teachers examining their own pupils rather than having external examiners. ' First, the founders have good experience of their faithful government and assured confidence of their care of this trust imposed upon them. Secondly, this trial of the scholars being made in writing, strangers will be only a hindrance. Thirdly, the watchful eye of the Master and Ushers will make the boys more serious and earnest, and cause every boy's act to be entirely his own with- out any help.' The Master was required to keep a book, called The Register of the School's Probation to contain the names of all boys, arranged according to their Forms, with age and length of time in school, the names of books, and the extent of reading in them, of each boy and average copies of his exercises, signed by his teachers. By this means, governors and parents might see the exercises done on Probation Day, and compare the work registered with that registered on previous Probation Days done by the same boys. Provision was made for the recompence of the teachers (when the improvement was con- sidered satisfactory) from a fund provided for the purpose by Mr Robert Dowe who is described as a ' hearty well-wisher to the school \' Merchant Taylors' School claimed to be 'the greatest school included under one roof, open to poor men's . children, as well as of all nations.' We have seen that boys went from other schools to hear the 'exercises' at Merchant Taylors' School. The inspection by boys of exercise work done in other schools must have been a valuable method in the teaching of the composition of themes and orations. ^ A full description is given of the requirements of the examination for every Form, on Probation Days, in H. B. Wilson's History of Merchant Taylors' School (1814) I. p. 163 et seqq. The syllabus for the examination in Greek is given on p. 499 infra. 460 The School Oration The pride of each school of repute in the 1 7th century was in the thoroughness with which the boys could speak and write Latin. One of the supreme tests therefore was the ability to compose and deliver orations. There were a number of text-books written to show the method of oratorical com- position. In England, for example, William Pemble, in 1633, published Encheiridion Oratorium. In 1633, also, the classical scholar and schoolmaster, Thomas Farnaby, issued his Index Rhetoricus — to which were added the Formula Oratoria. When the boy came into the sixth Form, Hoole would have at hand for him the Orations of Turner, Baudius, Muretus, Heinsius, Puteanus, Rainold, Lipsius, Barclay, Salmasius. In the fifth Form he had studied the Encheiridion Oratorium}, the Orator Extemporaneus^, and in the fourth Form, the Dux Oratorius' And, of course, long before he consulted these he was to have composed epistles and themes, both in English and Latin. To do these it was necessary to have learned Rhetoric, and to apply the rhetorical rules to his composition. In the fifth Form he would have his scholars translate one from Sallust, Livy, Tacitus, and Quintus Curtius every day, and once a week recite them both in English and Latin. ' I know not what others may think of this task,' he says, ^ This is probably William Pemble's book mentioned above, but there was another book on the subject: Encheiridion duplex: Oratorium nempe et Poeticuni : hoc ab A. Rossceo...concinnatum^ illud a T. Morello concinnatuvi, sed ab eodevi Rossceo recogniium et auctum 1650. Alexander Ross, Head-master of the Southampton Grammar School from 1616-1654, 's u good example of the conservative pedantic school- master, ^eanaccountof himin the Gentlemaiis Magazine, November, 1895. ^ By Michael Radau. See p. 445. An edition was published in London, 1657, entitled as follows : Orator Exieinporaneus, seu Artis OrcUoriae Breviarium bipartitum. Cuius Prior Pars praecepta continet gcneralia, Posterior praxin ostendit in triplici dicendi genere praesertim Demonstrativo nee non supellectilem Orntoria, Senienlias, Historias, Apophthegmata Hieroglyphica Suppeditas. Auctore K. P. Michaele Radau S. J. 3 This, apparently, is a portion of John Clarke's Dux Grammaticus, 1633, 7th ed. 1677. The Phrase-books 461 'but I have experienced it to be a most effectual mean to draw on my scholars to emulate one another who could make the best exercises of their own in the most rhetorical style.' He explicitly directs that the boys of a school should learn how to intermix phrases from the Formula of Mr Clarke and Mr Farnaby — so that they may 'flourish and adorn their theme neatly with rhetorical tropes and figures, always regarding the composure of words so as to make them run in a pure and even style.' In another place, Hoole says: 'No day in the week should pass on which some Declamation, Oration, or Theme, should not be pronounced about a quarter of an hour before the school is broken up.' This is in the sixth Form. Of the phraseological compilations, the following are worth mentioning : John Clarke. Phraseologia puerilis Anglo-Latina in usum tyrodnii scho- lastici. Or, Selected Latine and English phrases, wherein the purity and proprietie of both languages is expressed. Very useful for young Latinists, to prevent barbarisms''-, and bald Latine- making, and to initiate them in speaking and writing elegantly in both Languages. London. 1638. 8°. Second Edition. Recognized by W. Du-gard. London. 1650. 12°. Hugh Robinson. Scholm Wintoniensis Phrases Latinm. The Latine Phrases of Winchester School. Second edition. London. 1658. 8°- Thomas Willis. Proteus Vinctus, sive cequivoca sermonis Anglicani, ordine alphabetico digesta, et Latine reddita, etc. Anglicisms Latinized, 1 It is worth noting that these books of Willis and Clarke set them- selves against the evil which Milton condemns in the school compositions : ' The ill habit which they get of wretched barbarising against the Latin and Greek Idiom with their untutored Anglicisms.' 462 The School Oration or English Proprieties rendered into Proper Latine. For the use and benefit of Grammar Scholars in Making, Writing, and Talking Latin. London. 1655. 8°. William Walker. A Didionarie of English and Latine Idiomes, wherein phrases of the English and Latine tongue answering in parallels each to the other are ranked under severall heads. London. [1670.] 8°. A copy of the sixth edition (1708) in the British Museum is entitled Idiomatologia Anglo-Latina, but keeps the old engraved title-page. The work was dedicated to Archbishop Sheldon, and in the Preface to the Reader, Walker refers both to John Clarke and to William Dugard, Master of the Merchant Taylors' School. The most voluminous phrase-book of the 17th century in England was Phraseologia Generalis. A Full, Ljirge, and General Phrase Book; Comprehending, Whatsoever is Necessary and most Usefull, in all other Phraseological Books (hitJierto, here. Published,^ and Methodically Digested; for the more speedy, and Prosperous Progress of students, in their Humanity Studies. By William Robertson, A.M. Cambridge. Printed by John Hayes, Printer to the University. 1681. [This consists of nearly 1400 closely printed double-column pages. 8°.] It would seem that these elaborate phrase-books were likely to defeat their own ends — for the boys must have been relieved to a great extent from collecting phrases in a Common-place book^ — an exercise on which, at any rate, Hoole, as we have seen, laid great stress. They could, by these phrase-books, usually find what they wanted, or, at any rate, what would serve, without themselves collecting from classical authors. Thus equipped with phrase-books and all sorts of books of reference, and having mastered the art of letter-writing and theme-writing, the pupil proceeded to the art of composing orations or declamations. The Oration required by School Statutes 463 But whatever the theory of theme-writing might be in the minds of Brinsley, of Clarke, of Hoole, the working out of the exercises in the schools received the keenest criticism. Milton, for instance, considers it ' preposterous ' to require from the ' empty heads of children ' the composition of themes, verses and orations 'which are the arts of ripest judgment, and the final work of a head filled by long reading and observing, with eleggint maxims and copious invention.' In a Pattern for Young Students, 1729 — viz. : the Life of Mr Ambrose Bonwick, after an account of the books he had read when at the University at the age of 1 9 — in 1 1 months, in addition to his reading he is said to have ' made four-and- twenty Greek and Latin themes ' amongst the exercise work, so that evidently the more elaborate theme was considered University work, whilst the schoolmaster's task was to get the boy as near to writing the theme with credit as might be possible. In some cases, no doubt, the work was pretentious and superficial in the extreme, and worthy of Milton's severest censure. But in others, as for instance, in Thomas Farnaby's school, and probably in Hoole's, no doubt remarkable work was done, through the special ability and enthusiasm shown by the teachers. But what Farnaby could himself do and get his boys to do, there is every reason to suppose that the great mass of the teachers of the time were utterly unable to ac- complish. Attractive as the idea of theme-writing might be, it was beyond the power of ordinary boys to acquire, and ordinary teachers to give. It was a case of corruptio optimi, pessima. As illustrations of the requirement in the schools of the Oration, it will be sufficient to cite the Statutes of Rivington Grammar School and Durham School, which give full details. Rivington, 1566. 'And now daily the Master must, more diligently than afore, teach his scholars to note and observe the figures of grammar 466 Subjects for Oratorical Disputations An malus sit, qui sibi soli est bonus ? peragat tranquilla potestas, quod violenta nequit — minimum libere deceat, cui multum liceO lionesta mors, turpi Tiitae sit anteferenda? qui duett uxorem, libertati valedicifi praestat viruni pecunia, q\ikm pecuniam viro indigentem respicere? educatio publica privatae praeferenda sit ? aurea libertas auro pretiosior omni ? melior sit consulta tarditas, quam temeraria celeritas 1 fortes creantur fortibus, et boni bonis? minus est servisse repertum, qu4m quaesisse decus? cuivis liomini contingat adire Corinthum ? \\v ^■r]fi,oatin. As for grammar, Martinius^ (with his Technologia) 'of the last Edition' is used by the learned, but for the young beginner 1 There was an English tianslation by John Udall the well-known Puritan : Key of the Holy Tongue : •v/ietvin is foiilained, first the Hebrew Grammar (in a iiumntr) word for word, oiit of P. M. Martinius. Secondly a practize upon the first, the tweiitie-fift and the syxtic-eight Fsalmes. Thirdly a short dictionarie, containing the Hefire^a words that are found in the Bible with their proper significations. All Englished by /. Udall. 3 pt. Leyden. 1593. 8°. Second edition with the annotations of C. Ravisi Amsterdam. 1650. 8°. The Entrance to Hebrew Studies 525 Blebelius is much easier and nearer to the Latin grammar. It is best to use both, for Blebelius will prove a Commentary to Martinius. Next, it is desirable to ,get some Hebrew roots with the grammar, every day. For this, the Nomendator , Anglo- latinus-Graecus-Hebratcus, were it finished, would be a 'notable introduction.' The Nomendator not being available the Epitomes recommended for getting the Radices are Pagnine ('the most common') and the Abridgement of Buxtorf 'the best.' Brinsley has seen a draft of another still better but it is not yet available. But failing direct help, they could be got from a Dictionary. Thirdly, 'The perfect verbal translations written out by Arias Montanus, by conferring with Junius and our own Bible, especially our new translation^ and setting the diverse readings in the margents with a letter, to signify whose the translations are, and also every hard Radix noted in the Margent, as now sundry of them are ; with references to them by letters or figures, as I showed for the Greek ; these being used as the English translations, for getting the Latin, and as the Latin or English for the Greek, will be found above all that we would imagine.' In the case of the Greek New Testament and the Hebrew Old Testament, Brinsley is willing to forego the method of grammatical translations. The scholar has had experience of these in his Latin studies. ' The verbal transla- \ tions^ for these originals, shall make the learners most cunning in the Text, and in, the very order of the words of the Holy Ghost, without danger of any way depraving, corrupting or inverting one jot or tittle.' Hoole's method for entering pupils in this ' holy ' language is similar to that of Brinsley. He regards Buxtorf's Epitome^ as the best early grammar. It is the grammar ' most used in schools,' and the easiest to understand. There must be plenty ' The Authorised Version, 1611. '" Such as that of Arias Montanus. ' 'Though some prefer Martinius, others Bellarmine, others Amoma, others Blebelius, and others Horologium Hebraeae linguae.' 526 Hebrew of writing of the Hebrew Characters S the grammar, after being read and understood, should be known by heart. Hoole follows Brinsley's suggestion : every day a certain number of Hebrew roots (together with the grammar) should be learned from some nomenclator or lexicon. After the grammar is learned, sentences consisting of texts from Scripture must ' be construed, parsed and written fairly, by way of interlineary.' The Hebrew Psalter is to be translated into Latin and re-translated into Hebrew in a paper-book. ' Then they (the pupils) may with facility run along the Psalter, having Tossani syllabus geminus to help them in every word. Afterwards they may proceed in the Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Job, of themselves ; but be sure they be well acquainted with the rules of finding a radix in Buxtorf, or Pagnine, or the like useful Lexicon which are fit to be reserved in the School library.' Hoole goes even further than Brinsley and would like to see Hebrew Composition in the school. -' Though it be found a thing very rare, and is by some adjudged to be of little use, for school-boys to make exercises in Hebrew, yet it is no small ornament and commendation to a school (as Westminster School at present can evidence) that scholars are able to make orations and verses in Hebrew, Arabic or other oriental tongues^, to the amazement of most of their hearers, who are angry at their own ignorance, because they know not well what is then said or written. As for orations, they may be translated out of Latin into Hebrew by help of Schindleri Pentaglotton, Buxtorfius, Pagnine, Crinesius, or Torstius (i.e. Vorstius)' Lexicon ; and for verses, Buxtorf 's Thesaurus will afford some rules and precedents^, and Aviani clavis Poeseos Sacrae all kinds of rhythms.' ' The Hebrew Alphabet (see p. 168 supra) is apparently not nrientioned by Brinsley and Hoole. 2 See p. 527. ^ Of Buxtorf there was an English Iranslation : A short introduction to the Hebreiu Tongue, being a translation of the The Progress of Hebrew 527 They that are more industriously studious in the Hebrew may profit themselves very much by translating Janua Lin- guarum into that language^. Hoole speaks of the improvement of the 'noble spirited Mr Busby at Westminster, where the Eastern languages are now become familiar to the highest sort of scholars.' We have seen that Brinsley refers to the new Translation of the Bible (161 1). Hoole mentions the greatest achievement in England of the Commonwealth time in connexion with the Bible — Dr Brian Walton's great Polyglott Bible. Early in the Renascence, in 1516, was founded the Collegium Trilingue at Louvain, for study of Greek, Latin and Hebrew, after the model of the University founded by Cardinal Ximenes at Alcala. The Injunctions of 1535 at Cambridge led to the institution of a lectureship in Hebrew, and in 1540 a Regius Professorship in Hebrew was established. The actual amount of Hebrew learned in schools is not likely to have been large. Mr Mullinger shows^ that at the beginning of the 17 th century at the Universities Hebrew was, as he says, ' at a very low ebb.' Nevertheless, it was held in the highest estimation. He quotes 'the most distinguished pulpit orator' of the beginning of the 17th century, Thomas Playfere, who declared that unless a man could understand well the Hebrew of the Scriptures ' he is compted but a maimed, or as it were but half a divine especially in this learned age.' On the other hand, it must be remembered that when the Authorised Version of the Bible was undertaken in 1607, Hebrew scholars were forthcoming like Lancelot learned John Buxtorfius's Epitome of his llebrew Grammar... by John Davis. Whereunto is annexed an English interlineall interpretation of some Hebrew texts of the Psalmes, etc. London, 1656. 8vo. There was an earlier translation by N. Gray, 1627. ' Hoole also recommends the use of the Catechism translated into Hebrew. Catechismus parvus Hebraicus. " History of the Univ. of Cambridge, II. p. 416 et seqq. 528 Hebrew Andrewes, Dean Overall, ^ Saravia, Lively, Duport, Downes and Bois^, not to mention all the thirty-two, who worked at the translation of the Old Testament and the Apocrypha. The translation itself also caused a strong interest in the ' holy tongues,' and Hoole's treatment of the subject marks a distinct advance on Brinsley, which represents in the school what had taken place in the academic position of the subject The elementary text- book called the Hebrew Alphabet^ shows that the schools early in the Northern Renascence took up the subject. Richard Mulcaster, whilst still at Oxford, in 1555 was spoken of by Broughton, as ' one of the best Hebrew scholars of the age.' Though there is no evidence that he taught Hebrew at Merchant Taylors' and St Paul's, both these schools, later on, included some training on the subject Thus Edward Bernard, described as the 'most learned astronomer, linguist and critic of the 17th century',' went from Merchant Taylors' School, very conversant in the classics and ' not unacquainted with Hebrew.' Professor Mayor gives instances of students entering the University already knowing Hebrew^ In Matthew Poole's Model for maintaining students at the University in order to the Ministry, 1648, the scholars were to study to be eminent in Latin, Greek and Hebrew', and a special student is to be chosen to specialise in Jewish and Rabbinical learning. Milton expected that Hebrew ' should be gained ' so far as to read the Scriptures in the original", and it has already been noticed' that John Bois was able, between five and six years ' For account of Bois, see p. 499. Duport, Downes and Bois worked on the translation of the Apocrypha. It is obvious that many of the trans- lators were well skilled in both Greek and Hebrew. ^ See p. 1 68 supra. ^ Wilson, M. T. School, p. 796. As to St Paul's see next page. * Life of M. Robinson, pp. 17 n., 96 and 97. ° Ibid. p. 175. " IMilton adds : ' Whereto it would be no impossibility to add the Chaldic and the Syriac dialect.' ' See p. 500. Hebrew in the School Statutes 529 of age, to write the Hebrew characters elegantly and to read the Hebrew Bible. It may be stated that Laud's Statutes, 1636, required the lectures of the Regius Professor of Hebrew to be attended by all Bachelors of Arts. The following statutes of schools of the period deal with the subject: Heath Grammar School, c. 1600. At the Heath Grammar School the Master by Statute was required to teach the boys Hebrew Grammar. East Retford Grammar School. 1552. Form IV Boys were to learn Hebrew Grammar. Westminster School. In early days, c. 1560 onwards, Hebrew Grammar in seventh form with a lesson from the Psalter in both Greek and Hebrew. Busby's own Grammar ' multiplied in MSS. and not published till 1 708' was the text-book. The book seems to have remained in use until Hebrew died out about the middle of the last centur)?* (i. e. the 19th century) \ Busby's Hebrew Grammar, though unprinted, was transcribed for use in the school. Newport Grammar School {Essex). 1589. Dr Legge's Orders for the Government of the School required Hebrew to be taught, together with Latin and Greek. 1635. Hebrew was intended to be part of the curriculum in the projected Museum Minervae of Sir Francis Kynaston. Strype, writing after the Great Fire of London, speaks of Greek, Latin, Hebrew, and sometimes another oriental lan- guage as being taught at Westminster, and at the same school ■Pepys heard the head Forms posed in Latin, Greek and Hebrew. Hebrew was taught by Langley when High-master of St Paul's School, 1640-1657. ^ See Sargeaunt, p. ii6. W. 34 CONCLUSION. The Grammar School system in the 1 6th and 17th centuries entered deeply into the national thought and life. This sounds paradoxical, because the ordinary conception of the old schools is that they attempted to impress, ab extra, the classical stamp on a country alien to and isolated from the Latin races. The classical tradition is accepted as natural enough for Italy, France and Spain, but it is assumed that England was repugnant in its tendencies to classicism and that scholars by some extraordinary despotic magnetism, established an ascendancy of classicism, to the retardation of national educational progress, and against the national genius and aspirations of the people at large. It is necessary to insist upon the evidence that this was not the case. Inquiry into statistics of 300 or 400 years ago cannot be made with the exactitude in detail, which might be desired, but in the question of the people's schools, the general ten- dencies are clear. Education of the classical type supplied in. Grammar Schools was popular. Mr Leach has given goorf reasons for thinking^ that at the time of the Reformation, to take two counties, Herefordshire with an estimated population of 30,000 had 17 Grammar Schools, and Essex with an esti- mated population of 11,000 had i6 Grammar Schools (it may be added that Miss Fell Smith puts the number at 19). The number of schools in the latter county in the i6th and 17 th 1 See section on 'Numbers attending Grammar Schools' in English Schools at the Reformation, pp. 97-103. Grammar Schools and the National Life 531 centuries was still greater. For the Admission Registers of St John's College, Cambridge, and Gonville and Caius College show that in these two Colleges students were entered from private schools ' in Essex established at little known places such as Bumpstead, Sampford, Moreton, Heydon, Chishull, Mareshall, Horkesley, Stanstead, Foxworth, Ramsey, Hulton. The 'private Grammar School' had the same type of classical education as the public school. The differentiation of curriculum of the private and public schools took place at a later date. Such facts show that higher education of the Grammar School type was far more widespread than has been supposed. In the investigation into other counties^, this popularity of Grammar School education is confirmed. The types of parents who sent their boys to the local Grammar School may be seen by an analysis of the list of Colchester Grammar School in 1643. In the list 177 boys, altogether, entered the school in the five years preceding 1643, a large proportion were sons of gentlemen or clergy together with tradespeople's children, viz. tanners, grocers, tailors, linen- drapers, an ironmonger, a goldsmith, a dyer and a chemist. We must therefore suppose that the curriculum was suffi- ciently in unison with the social, religious and national life to attract the children of the middle classes, higher and lower, in the towns, and that boys from the country districts' were attracted into town Grammar Schools. The ground of the attraction was not in the classical education as such, but in the religious element in the school constitution, which received its emphasis and support from instruction in 'the holy languages,' 1 Chapter on ' Schools ' in Vici. County Hist, of Essex, by Miss Fell Smith. 2 5c«the Chapters on 'Schools' in the Victoria County Histories, mainly contributed by Mr A. F. Leach. 2 From an analysis of a register of boys at Bury St Edmunds in 1656 it appears that there were at that date 26 town-boys and 60 country-boys in the school (F. W. Donaldson) .„ 34—2 532 Conclusion Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, which had so close a connexion either directly or indirectly with the Sacred Scriptures. The fact is that a close study of the school work in curri- culum and methods of teaching in the Tudor and Stuart periods eventually brings the thoughtful student to a consideration of the intellectual, literary, social^, political and religious environ- ment. Each of these aspects is to be found reflected in the school text-books to a surprising degree. The intellectual atmosphere of the University, of course, permeated the schools, as it always does, when the University-trained teacher forms a considerable part of the teaching-staff of the community, though ideas gathered in the University are con- tinued often enough in a stereotyped form throughout the teaching life of the schoolmaster, and usually come to repre- sent the University of a previous generation. But, besides this tendency, the general influence of personalities and ideas takes the school into its grip unconsciously. The name of Erasmus and the chief ideas for which he stood fascinated the writers of text-books, and we find that schoolmasters like John Clarke of Lincoln Grammar School derived the form and material of their text-books from Erasmus, generations after his death. Literary influences in the community at large may take time to reach the school, but the school curriculum and text-books often receive the impress surely and unmistakably. Take, for instance, one of the outstanding features of the age of Elizabeth in literature, viz. the abundance of trans- lations into English of the classics from Chapman's Homer downwards throughout the range of the more obvious classical writers. 5° marked is the literary influence of translations, that we find Brinsley and his successors insisting on a method of ^ The most notable exception is in the subject of Music, but it may be remarked that there is a corresponding decadence in the Puritanic view of the place of Music in the services of the Church. Music thus tended, in the Puritan period, to pass from public institutional culture to domestic and voluntary practice. (See Chap, xii.) Social and Religious Influences 533 employment of translations of school authors, as the right way of preparing the pupil for facility of construing higher authors, when the pupil can swim without cork. The inter-relation between the national drama and the school-play, which formed a noteworthy feature of the i6th and 17th century school, has been pointed out. The social influences of the period can be directly traced in the text-books on the teaching of Manners and Morals. Even the direct inculcation of politics may be exemplified by a remarkable book called God and the King^ This work was actually required by authority of the Privy Council to be taught in the Scotch schools. Milton's Tractate shows that law and constitutional questions were considered suitable for the school^, and there are other indications that the period of the Civil War brought the schools into definite teaching relations, on the side of the one party or the other, in regard to national policy. Illustrations could be brought together from the school text-books, particularly the phrase- books and treasuries of common-place topics, bringing plentiful material for comparison between England and foreign countries, in intellectual, literary, social and political aspects. The subject- matter of the Latin-instruction, therefore, was often in direct relation with the environment of current, or previous national and even international thought'. If these direct relations can be discovered it is the less necessary to attempt the longer task of showing that the indirect efforts of national life and culture can be found reflected in the school text-books to a degree which might have been unsuspected. 1 Or, A Dialogue shewing that our Soucraigne Lord King James, being immediate under God within his Dominions, Doth rightfully claims whatsoever is required by the Oath of Allegiance. London : Imprinted by his Majesties speciall priviledge and command. 1615. 2 Milton in the Tractate (1644) requires a knowledge of 'the Saxon and Common Laws of England and the Statutes.' In the Statutes of E. Retford Grammar School ( 1 552) the Institutes of Justinian were ordered to be taught. 3 See Note on 'The Origins of the Teaching of Modern Subjects,' p. 453 supra. 5 34 Conclusion There remains to be emphasised the most important of all the Zeit-geist influences of the i6th and 17th centuries, that of Religion. It is often supposed that the schools founded in the Renascence times, and later under the post-Renascence im- pulse, were predominantly permeated with classical aims. The It|lian Renascence was not specifically or essentially connected with any other aim than the Revival of Letters. But it is an unwarranted conclusion to suppose that the same statement rriay be applied to the English Grammar Schools, founded in tie period immediately following on the Renascence, and still less in the latter part of the i6th and the whole of the 17th centuries. The English Grammar Schools were, indeed, classical in aim. The curriculum and text-books dealt with classical authors, Latin and Greek speech, Latin and Greek (composition. Nevertheless, the main stimulus, the outstanding (motive of the whole English Grammar School system, seen in Hhe Statutes of Foundation, both in the curriculum and in the text-books employed, is distinctly religious. The Renascence Grammar Schools in England may be said to be those founded between 1509 (Colet's St Paul's School) and 1559 (the accession of Queen Elizabeth). The key-note of these schools is struck in Dean Colet's Statutes, dated 1518, when he says : 'My intent is by this school specially to increase knowledge and worshipping of God and Our Lord Christ Jesus, and good Christian life and manners in the children.' It is true that a writer on education speaks of 'the reading of Isocrates, Demosthenes, and the most reverend author and orator Christ Jesus, with the apostles^' This introduces the reverential Northern Renascence spirit. But he adds, with regard to the last-named 'orators,' 'whose writings I allow ever first and last.' It is doubtful whether any statutes of ' Laurence Humfiey : The Nobles, 1563. Thomas Lupset (1529) similarly joins together Aristotle, Plato, Cicero, Senec.i with the New Testament, St Chrysostom and St Jerome, but his treatise is >. plea for regarding first ' that which is first.' Puritanism and the Grammar Schools 535 a school could be produced in the period 1518-1559 which do not explicitly name some aspect of religion as the cause which led the founder to establish his school. Nevertheless still more emphatic is the religious motive in the establishment and conduct of schools in the later period 1559-1660. This is the period of the Puritan influence on the schools. The return of the Protestant exiles to England from Strassburg, Frankfurt, and Geneva, after their flight to escape the Marian Persecution, brought intq England the keenest desire to educate the children of this country in the tenets of Protestantism and to arouse the fiercest aversion against and even terror of the Roman Catholic regime. The influence of Puritanism upon education was epoch- making. With regard to its modification of classical aims in schools, it had two typical effects. In one direction, it led to what may be described as Educational Scepticism. It denied the usefulness of classical studies. Terence was only seen as a poet ' both nipping in taunts and wanton in talk.' By the time of Comenius this feeling had so intensified that that great educational reformer declined to countenance the reading of classical authors in schools, and required that fresh material should be forthcoming for school books. But this is no isolated opinion. During the Commonwealth period it was the conviction of a considerable number of the writers that the Classics were in conflict with the aims of a Christian school. William Dell, Master ofGonville and Caius College, Cambridge (in the time of Cromwell), said : ' My counsel is that they (children) learn the Greek and Latin tongues especially from Christians, and so without the lies, fables, follies, vanities, whore- doms, lust, pride, revenge, etc., of the heathens, especially seeing neither their words nor their phrases are meet for Christians to take in their mouth ; and most necessary it is, that Christians should forget the names of their gods and muses, which were but devils and damned creatures, and all their mythology and fabulous inventions and let them all go to Satan from whence they caine.' 536 Conclusion The protest against current classical school practice was grounded on the inclusion of authors or at least passages in their works which should not have found their way into school books, but the result was that many Puritans came to regard the classics, as a whole, as forbidden fruit, and to advocate a school curriculum (whether Latin or otherwise) which should exclude their study. But cultured Puritans ordinarily looked in another direction for the remedy, viz. the recognition in the schools, that religion was the main aim of all teaching, and that the classics were help- ful in the attainment of this aim. This was the current view which the schools adopted, seen in the light of the contents of text-books. Direct religious instruction in the schools was given, in various forms and degrees, in the Bible, the Catechism, the Primer, occasionally in books of devotion, and theological manuals. But the effect is best typified in the general theory that Latin, Greek and Hebrew were the ' holy' languages, which especially enabled the pupil to get a closer acquaintance with the Bible, and with the earlier times of the Christian Church. Latin and Greek New Testaments were commonly the first text- books in the reading of the 'holy tongues.' Even text-books were written to convert the classical heathen stories into terms of the Christian faith, and in many other school-books, condescending allowances were made for the disadvantages of the Romans and Greeks in their ignorance of the Christian religion, whilst pupils were duly enjoined to remember their own responsibility in living in an age in which religion had illuminated their life and transcended the possibilities of the authors whom they had to read for the sake of their language and style. Apart from classical text-books, subjects of a distinctively secular kind received the sanction of a religious basis, or aim. The religious atmosphere sometimes permeated even the method of teaching as well as the material of instruction. Take the subject of spelling. Thomas Lye, in the 17th century, compiled A New Spelling Book; Or jReading and Spelling English made Easie. Wherein all the words of our Christianised Secular Knowledge 537 English Bible are set down in an alphabetical order and divided into distinct syllables^. This reached at any rate a fourth edition (Hazlitt's Bibliographical Collections, Series II). Copy-book headings, of course, in this period often concerned themselves with Scriptural texts ^ So, too, with teaching Latin: In 1675 Elisha Coles pub- lished two books : 1. Nolens Volens ; or you shall make Latin whether you will or no Together with the Youth! s Visible Bible being an alphabetical collection {from the whole Bible) of such general heads {i.e. subjects) as were judged most capable of hieroglyphics {i.e. copper-plates). 2. Syncrisis, or the most natural and easie method of learn- ing Latin by comparing it with English. Together with the holy History of Scripture Wars {i.e. in Latin and English). Even Natural Philosophy in the treatment of Comenius becomes Natural Philosof hie reformed by Pivine Light {ET\g\\%h. translation in 165 1)^ 1 I also find in an advertisement in S. Sonde's Vestibulum Technicum (1701), Reading made Easie ; or a Necessary Preparative to the Psalter. By Wm Bowksley. 2 George Shelley, in the first half of the i8th century, published A Select and Curious Collection of Copies of all Sorts put into Alphabetical Order for the use of Writing- Schools: A good choice is offered of lines beginning with each. letter of the Alphabet from 'Scripture.' Shelley however further gives copious passages in prose, in verse, single lines, Latin sentences and Proverbial sentences. 3 Full title : Naturall Philosophic Reformed by ^Divine Light: Or, A Synopsis of Physicks : By f. A. Comenius: Exposed to the censure of those that are Lovers of Learning, and desire to be taught of God. Being a view of the World in generall, and of the particular Creatures therein contained: grounded upon Scripture Principles with a brief e Appendix touching the Diseases of the Body, Mind, a^id Soul By the same Author. London. Printed by Robert and William Leybourn,for Thomas Pierrepont, at the Sun in PauTs Churchyard, MDCLI. I may add here that there was a book published with the following title : Christian Geography and Arithmetic, or a True Survey of the World; together with the Art of numbering our days. By T. Hardcastle, of Bristol. 1674. 34-5 538 Conclusion The general reputation of Rhetoric as a subject of instruc- tion was not likely to be overlooked by the 1 7th century writers, even when their first aim was the inculcation of religion. Accordingly we find a series of Rhetorics specially devoted to the elucidation of Bible-Rhetoric, if we may so call it. This could be illustrated by the Rhetorics of Rainolde (1584), Thomas Hall (1654), and John Prideaux (1659)^ But the evidence of the unique position of the religious influence within the school walls does not rest on isolated instances. It permeates the text-books and writings of educa- tionists so as to be of their very spirit^. Thus we are driven to the conclusion that of all the external national influences reflected in the school, intellectual, literary, social, political, r-eligious — religion of the Calvinistic mould of thought, was the most direct, the most immediate in its transference into educational practice in the period 1559— 1660. The ecclesiastical organisation of schools in the Middle Ages proceeded in a line of continuity, through the Tudor and Stuart periods. It lost some of its solidarity, as is shown by the beginnings of private schools such as those of Farnaby and Hoole. But with regard to the subjects taught and the spirit of teaching, the classical impulse of the Renascence monopolised neither the public nor the private Grammar Schools. A study of the curriculum and the school text-books of the i6th and 1 See p. 450. '^ The infusion of religious trends of treatment in 'secular' subjects perhaps is the strongest proof of the religious motive of the school-work. The reader, however, will bear in mind that this indirect insistence on the religious aspect was supplementary to the direct instruction described in Chapters II, III, IV, VI. Individual teachers went further and expounded 'bodies of Divinity' or Theology. Thus Edward Phillips describes the school of his uncle, the great John Milton. Phillips refers to the years 1639-1646. Milton, we are told, dictated notes from compendia of Theology. One of the books he used was by John WoUebius, Professor at Basle. This was translated into English in 1650, by Alexander Ross, under the title : Christian Divinity : The Chain of Salvation. Religion and Classicism 539 1 7th centuries, shows that the English Grammar Schools gained much of their vitality and inspiration from the national life, in its most intense manifestation in Puritanism. The unity and continuity of Grammar School practice in the 1 6th and 17 th centuries are therefore to be sought in the twofold aims of classicism and religious training. In the later part of the period 1559-1660, the frequent, if not general triumph of Calvinistic Puritanism, caused classicism to be regarded, not as an end in itself, but as subservient and helpful to religion, which was essentially the first motive in the school as in the nation. The mediaeval schools and the Grammar Schools up to 1660 were similarly permeated with the religious aims, but the later schools had incorporated the subject-matter of the Revival of Learning, turning it largely into the service, or at least into the adornment, of the changed national religious convictions. INDEX. ABC, on bell, 153; various edi- tions of, 161-72 ; licensing of, 164 ; i6th century, 168 ; in school statutes, 169 Academie of Eloquence (Blount), 443 »• Acolasttis (FuUonius), 319-20 Adagia (Erasmus), 28, 51 »., 425 Aelian's Histories, 519 yEsop's Fables, 300, 302, 519 Agricola, Rodolph, 451 a Kempis, Thomas (Hammerlein), 303-4 Alciat, 456 Alcuin, 142 Algebra, differentiated from arith- metic, 2 Alleyn, Edward, 192-3 Alphabet, the Greek, 168; the Hebrew, ibid. Alvearie, An (Baret), 390 Andrewes, Lancelot, 497-8, 528 Anthology, the Greek, 483 Aphthonius (of Antioch), 422 n., 430 Arias Montanus, 507 Ascensius, Judocus Badius, 27 Ascham, Roger, 16, 99 ; on music, 209-10; educational methods compared with Brinsley's, 362-7 ; double translation, 407 Ashton, Thomas, 333, 500 Assembly's Catechism, 64, 302 Augustine, St, Soliloquies, 64, 300, 304 Babees Bake, 98 Bales, Peter, 200-1 Balguay, Nicholas, 498 Baret, John, quoted, 390-1 Baxter, Richard, 72, 117 Beza, 56, 342 Bible, the, teaching of, 50-68; first official recognition of, 52 ; various editions of New Testament, 62 Bible, the great Polyglott (Walton), Billingsley, Henry, 2 Billingsley, Martin, 200 Bird, William, 220-1 Bishop's Book, the, see Institution of a Christian Man Blundevile, Thomas, introduces tri- gonometry into England, 2 Boethius, i Bois, John, 499-500, 528 Bond, John, 360 Book of Cominon Prayer, the, 30 Book of Hours, see Horae Bridges, Noah, Stenographie, 67 Briggs, Henry, 2 Brinsley, John, views on religious instruction, 67 ; on teaching methods, 157, 277, 360 ; compared with Ascham's, 362-7 ; compared with Hoole's, 368, 513, 527 Brookbank, John, 270—1 Buchanan (George), version of Psalms, 63 Bugenhagen, 56 BuUinger, 76 Bulwer, John, 451 Busbaei Graecae Grammaticae Rudi- menta, etc. (Busby), 513-4 Busby, Dr, 158, 269, 361, 497, 5i3> 527 Butler, Charles, 212-3 Buxtorf, John, 525, 526-7 ». Calepio, Ambrose, 387 Calvin's Catechism, 76; teaching, 342-3 Index 541 Cambridge, Observations on the Statutes of the University of (Peacock), 222 n., 308 Cambridge, Privileges of University of (Dyer), 227 n. Camden, William,. 278, 497, 513-4 Carew, Richard, on grammar learn- ing, 282 Cassiodorus, i Castellion, Sebastien, 57, 302, 328 «., 338-9 Castiglione, 87, 103-4 Catechism, The, 69-85 Cato, Disticljs, 121, 301 Cento, 374, 480 K. Chantry priest, educational function of, 142, 148-9 Charlemagne, enthusiasm for educa- tion, lo-ii n. Chatillon, see Castellion Church attendance required by statute, 45-9 Cicero, 7, 228; Epistles, 315, 319, 357. 371.414 Clarke, John, 109, 269, 416, 454, 461, 465, 532 Classics, the,- humanistic method of teaching, 7-8 Clenard, 487, 513-4 Clerics, course of education of, 15 Cocker, Edward, 201 Colet, Dean, 22, 30; Aeditio of, 243 ; statutes of, 360 sqq. ; school authors of, 373-4 Colet, Life of (Knight), 72, 249, 377 «. Colloquies, various, 325; history of, 328 ; as method of teaching Latin, 346 Comenius, 117; excursus on the teaching of grammar, 289 sqq. Compkat Gentleman (Peacham), 280 Conduct, statutes re school boys', 132-6 Construing, rule of, 350-6 ; prepara- tives to, 361-2 Convocation of the Province of Canterbury, 18 Cooper, Thomas, 242, 389 Coote, Edmund, 77, :o8, 149, 154, 156. 158, 175. 177. 393 Cordier, Maturin (Maturinus Cor- derius), 56, 108, 301, 311, 337-8 Courtesy, Italian Books of, 103 Courtier, the (Castiglione), 86, 103-4 Cox, Leonard, 447 Cox, Dr Richard, 241 Credal instruction, 29 Danes, John, 268, 274 Day, Angel, 416 Deaf and dumb, education of, 451 de AjiiTna (Vives), 451 De Beau Chesney, John, 187 de Copia, the (Erasmus), 437-9 Dell, William, 59 Delia Casa, Galateo, 122 Dialectic, i ; supremacy of, 3 Dictionaries, see Text Books Digges, Leonard, 2 Dir[i]ge, the, 33 Disputation, methods of, 5, 91 ; required by school statutes, 92-5 ; Lewes on the art of, 97 ; in Uni- versities, 97 Downes,. Andrew, 500 Dugard, William, his lexicon Graeci Testfimenti, 63; Elementa Rheto- rices, 4,i2 Dury, John, 90 Duties, of Domesticall (Gouge), 114 Eberhard of Bethune, 3, 307 Eclogues {M2iX\lua.-a), 375 Education, first general charter of, 10 ; chivalric differentiated from ecclesiastical, 21 Education of Chihiren (Kemp), 90 Education, Thoughts en (Locke), 283-4 Education, Tractate of (Milton), 218 Elementarie (Mulcaster), 159-60 Elementary teaching in 16th and 17th centuries, 176-7; Brinsley's suggested course of, 180 Elyot, Sir Thomas, 4, 50, 262, 305, 388, 469, 489 English Academy, 87 English composition, 139 English Schoolmaster (Coote), 108; defence of Authorised Grammar, 277 542 Index English Schools at the Reformation (Leach), 12, 22, 137 Epigrammata Selecta (Farnaby), 519 Epigrams (Owen's), 482 Epistolae (Cicero), in phrase books, 315 Erasmus, and the Bible, 51-2; his Catechism, 72; on the art of instructing children, 105-6; Col- loquia, 329-30; and the text-book makers, 532 Eton, History of (Lyte), 30 «., 34 Eton Latin Grammar, 259 Euripides, 521 Everardt, Job, 67 Examination of Academies, 89 Examination of Complaints, 16 Exercitatio (Vives), 331 Exhortation to Young Men (Lupset), 50 Family Instructor , the (Defoe), 1 17 «. Farnaby, Thomas, 7, 23, 200, 274, 360-1, 443, 477, 519 Fenner, Dudley, 89 Fox, John, 241 Fraunce, Abraham, 88, 448 Galfridus Grammaticus, 229-30 Garlande, John de, 381-2 Gascoigne, 0^ox%it{Glasse of Govern- ment), 485 Geneva, refugees at, 25, 75 Gerard, Meditations, 64, 300 Gilbert, Sir H., 87 God and the King, 533 GouTjemour, the (Elyot), 50, 262-3 Grammar, i ; importance of, 3 ; War, 4, 276; question involved in, 284 sqq. ; in the Universities, 222-6 ; plethora of texts-books, 244 ; teaching, Colet's views on, i\(i sqq.; Vives' views on, 262; Elyot's views on, 262-3; I^^" nascence view of function of, 261 sqq.; forbidden to be taught in Colleges, 264-5 ; Comenius on, 282, 289; Hoole's method, 283, 298-9; Woodward's views on, 291-2; effect of Realism on, 291-2; Brinsley's method, 293 Grammarians, the Magdalen College School group of, 235, 240-2 Grammar Schools, in the national life, 530 sqq. Grammars, Stanbridge's, 237 ; Whit- tinton's, 239; diversity of, 281; Greek, 497 Granger, Thomas, 89, 267-8 Greek Anthology, the, 483-4 Greek New Testament, 62; cate- chisms, 74, 523; enjoined by statutes, 487 sqq. ; teaching of i6th century, 487 jyy.; difficulty of introducing, 488 ; text-books for the teaching of, 497 sqq. ; exami- nations in, 499 ; Brinsley's method, 502-7 ; Hoole's method, 502, 507; text-li)Ooks for teaching, 513 sqq.; Grammars, Hoole's list, 513, 515; Oratory, 515-6, 522; dictionaries, 517-8; Hoole's remarks on, 518-9; classical authors, ^iosqq. Gregory, Francis, 509 Gresham Lecturers, 2 Haine, William, 296 Hall, Thomas, 358 Handwriting, the History of English (Maunde Thompson), 201 n. Hannar, John, 269 Harriot, Thomas, 2 Harvey, William, 312 Hawkins, Francis, 1 1 2 Hayne, Thomas, 2^3, 268 Hebrew and girls, 62 ; 524 sqq. ; text-books, 524-5 ; the study of, 525; Brinsley's method, 524-6; Hoole's method, 525-8 ; lecture- ship instituted at Cambridge, 527 ; Mullinger on, 527; the progress of, 527; in school statutes, 529 Hegendorffinus, 327-8 Hellenolexia (Vechner), 513 Helvicus, Christopher, 303 Hesiod, 5r9 Hilsey, Bishop, 33 Hodder, James, 199 Holt, John, 253 Homer, 520 ; Chapman's, 520-1 , 532 Hoole, Charles, 5, 7, 23 ; books for children suggested by him, 64 ; Index p^^ — ^43 his position as to religious teach- ing, 64-6; Latin Grammars, 271 -2 ; on Terence, 3 1 5-6 ; on Greek text-books, 513 Horae, 28, 31-2 Horman, William, ni, ^sS, 402-3 Horn-Book, History of the (Tuer), 169 Horn-books as text-books, 171-2 Hornby, Dr, 259 Home, Thomas, 7, 477 Humfrey (Laurence), 61 «., 86, 534 n. Hymnorujii Expositio, 27 Institution of a Christian Man, 29, 52 Isidorus of Seville, i Isocrates, 515 Janua Linguarum (Comenius), 289 ; aim of, 291; Hoole's method of using, 518-9 Jamia Linguarum (Jesuits), 112 Jesuits (Rhetoric), 452-3 Johnson, Christopher, 470 Johnson, Richard, 280 Kemp, William, 36, 90, 212 Kempis, Thomas a, 303 King's Book, the, see Necessary Doctrine, etc. Lactantius, 374 Languages, Teaching of, in Schools (Widgery), 285 n. Latin, as standard language, 5, 6, 305, 310-12 ; use of, in mediaeval elementary schools, 139-41; bar- barisms in, 325-6 Latin-speaking, colonies, 312-3 ; school statutes for, 316-8 Latin teaching, change from oral to written method, 186; Colet's method, 246; Locke's method, 283-4 ; books suggested by Hoole for, 300-4 ; Brinsley's method, 408-9; school statutes for "the making of Latins," 411-2 Lawyer's Logic (Fraunce), 88 Leach, A. F., 11-13, 86, 306, 437, 470 n., 495, 531 n. Leech, John, 267 Letters, the Origin and Progress of (Massey), 201 ,. Letter- writing, 413 jj?^.; text-books on, 414; Hoole's method, 415; the training of secretaries, 417-8 ; model letters, 419; required by school statutes, 420-1 Lily,William, theG?-a?«ma?-, 242 sqq.; as Greek scholar, 487 Literature, the study of humanistic, 4 ; Roman and Greek, 5-6 Lloyd, Richard, 183, 275 Logic, the teaching of, 86 sqq.; Aristotle's, 88; Ramus introduced at Universities, 88 ; Webster's views on, 89; Milton's, 89-90; Kemp's, 90-1 ; see also Disputa- tions London, William, 77, 84 Lubinus, Eilhardus, protest against grammar-teaching, 281-2; Latin Colonies, 312-3 Ludus Literarius (Brinsley), 36 «.; method of teaching Bible, 59, 67 ; on disputation, 95; on spelling, 179; on writing, 193-8; cp. Hoole, 198 sqq. ; on translation of the Grammar, 265, 292 Luther, Translation of New Testa- ' ment, 56 Lycophron, 520 Lyte, Maxwell {^History of Eton), 30 n. Magdalen College (Oxford) and Grammar, 235 sqq. Malim, Consuetudines, 471, 495 Mancinus, 120-1, 403-6 Manners and Meals in Olden Time (Furnivall), 14 n. Manners and morals, training of nobles, 98 sqq. ; treatises on, 100 sqq. ; puritanic influence on, 108 ; Comenius's method of teaching, 1 1 7-8, 120; text-books on, 120-3; bibliography ofpublished worksup to 1660, 123-6; statutes relating to, 126-30, 132-6 Mantuanus.Baptista, fameof, 302-3; Eclogues of, 375-7 Martianus Capella, i 544 Index Martindale, Adam, 62, 181-2, 345, 486 Martyrs, Book of (Foxe's), 55 Massebieau, on Colloquies, 325 Maunsell, Andrew, 77, 83 Melanchthon, 7, 56, 323, 519 Merton College, importance of statutes, 222 Milton, John, 61 «., 89, ri5, 218, Monopoly in Lily's Grammar, 257 Montaigne, 305 Moral education, principles of, be- fore the Restoration, 120 Morals, influence of Universities on, •'3 Morals and religious teaching differ- entiated by Comenius, 118 More, Sir Thomas, and Primers, 33. 99 Mosellanus, Peter, 327 Motta, Peter, 331-2 Mulcaster, Ri 181; Hoole's method, 182-3; Lloyd's method, 183-4; Christ's Hospital School "and, 185 Recorde, Robert, 2 Reformed Pastor (Baxter), 117 Reformed School, 90 n. Religious and social influences, 533 sqq. Religious instruction, 1600-60, 63- 6; see also Text-books Renascence, educational views of, 50-1 Reyner, Edward, 116 Rhetoric, i; high repute of, 3-4; text-books for, 441-7 ; the teach- ing of, Hoole on, 442 ; Jesuit method, 452-3; Ramus, 449; developments of, 451-2 Rhetorics published in England, 447-52 Rhodes, Hugh, 100 Ritwyse, John, 323 Robertson, Thomas, 241-2 Robotham, John, 289-90 Ross, Alexander, 480 Samson, Abbott, 13 Sarum Missal, Sequences from the (C. B. Pearson), 27 n. Savile, Sir Henry, 495 Savilian Professors, the, 2 Scapula, John, 512 Scholemaster (Ascham), 4, 50 ; on the written exercise, i86; on grammar teaching, 263-4 Schonaeus, Cornelius, 322 Schoole-masters Auxiliaries, etc. (Lloyd), 183 Schools, Chantry, foundation of, 1 1-3; ecclesiastical organisation of, 12-2^; writing, 137; reading, 138-9, 142; inMiddle Ages, 140-2; song, importance of, 142-7 ; sermon addressed to, 144 ; dame, 158 ; at Geneva, aims of, 342-3 Secretarie, The English, 416 Sequentiarum Expositio, 26 Shelton, Thomas, Zeiglographia, 67 Sherry, Richard, 242, 447 Shirley, James, 270, 504 Shorthand, 67-8 Siraonius, Theodorus, 518 Snell, George, 113 Song Schools, 144 sqq. Sophocles, -5-3*- ST~I Spagnuoli, Baptist, see Mantuanus Speaking of Latin, 305 sqq. Spelling, A New Book (Thomas Lye), 536-7 Spoudeus, on methods of teaching, 293.. 295 Stanbridge, John, 231 ; became rector, 235 Stanbridge's Vocabula, 385-7 Stephanus, Henry, 388 Stephanus, Robert, 311, 321, 387 Stockwood, John, 96, 266-7 Students^ Church History (Perry), 33 Sturm, 56 Sylvius, Aeneas, 261-2 Syms, C, 273-4 Syncrisis, or the most natural and easie method of learning Latin by comparing it with English (Elisha Coles), 537 ,' Talaeus, 109 Teaching, Some Improvements to the Art of (Walker), 159 n. Teaching, oral methods of, 308, 326 Terence, 7; the comedies of, 315, 3i9> 371. 413; style of, 322-3 546 Index Tereniiits Christiamts^ 322 Tesmarus, Johannes, on Grammar, 287-8 Text-books : Aeditio (Cotet), 246-7 Aerariuni Poeticum, 479 Alphabetum Graecum, 168 Annotated Book of Common Prayer (Blunt), 44 Apophthegniata (Lycosthenes), 425-6, (Posselius) 5 16 Ars minor (Donatus), 70 Bellum grammaticale (Hayward trans.), 276 n. Behaviour, Youth' s,e\.c. (Hawkins trans.), 112 Bible, History of the (Paget), 65 Bibliotheca Scholastica Instructis- sima, 436 Brevissima Institutio, 106 Busby's Greek Grammar, 514 Calliepeia (Drax), 435, 436 Calligraphia, 518 Camden, Wm, Greek Grammar, 495. 502 Capping-Book, the (Schonborn), 95 «; Catechisms ; the Assembly's, 63, 519; Palatinate, 63, 77, 519; Nowell's, 63, 70, 73-4, 76, 519; Isaac Walton on the, 71-2 ; school, 72 sqq. ; Poynet's, 73; the Westminster, 76-7; school statutes re, 79-82 ; Maun- sell's list of, 83-4; printers of, 84-5 Cato Christianus (Mulcaster), 289 -90 Child's Portion, Of the (Wood- ward), 115 n. Christian Religion, the Founda- tion of, gathered into Six Prin- ciples (Perkins), 64 Clavis Graecae Linguae (Lubinus) , 520 Clenard's Greek Grammar, 501 Collogues Scolaires, les (Masse- bieau), 325 u. Colloquia (Erasmus), 28, 108, 329 -31 Colloquies of Corderius, 56-7, 108 Text-books (cont.') Confabulatiunculae Pueriles (Gal- lus), 347 ; Hoole's trans, of, 348 Copia Verborum (Erasmus), 28, 437-9 de Civilitate Morum puerihum (Erasmus), 105 de Moribus (Lily), 107 de Pronutuiatione (Butler), 109 de Quattuor Virtutibus (Manci- nus), 120-1 Dialogues sacres (Castellion), 57, 338, 340 sqq. ; various transla- tions of, 344-6 Dictionaries, Withals', 393-4 Dictionaries published in England up to 1660, 395-400 Dictionarius Qohn de Garlande), 381 Dictionary of IdtomsC^Miex), 462 Didactic, the Great (Comenius), 1 1 7-8 Disputaiiuncularuvi Grammati- calium libetlics (Stockwood), 96, 434 n. Disticha de Moribus (Cato), 1 2 1-2 Donatus, the Old, 33, 244; sim- plicity of, 261 Dux Grammaticus (Clarke), 109- 12 Eight Parts of Speech, Introduc- tion to the (Colet), 253 Ei(ra7«7i) (Shirley), 504 'B7x"/''S'<"' (Greek), 509 Elementarie (Mulcaster), 159 El libra del infante (Don Juan Manuel), 102 n. Encheiridion Oratoritim, 457 English Academy (Dr J. Newton), English Grammar (Morris), 395 English Parnassus, 482 English Particles, A Treatise of (Walker), 279 Epitheta (Textor), 478 Epitome Troporum (Susenbrotus), 444, , , ExercitcUio Linguae Latinae (Vives), 331 sqq. Expositiones Hymnorutn et Se- quentiarum, 28, 139 Index 547 Text-books {cant.') Expositiones Psalviarum, 139 Flares Poetarum, 426, 483 Florilegiutn Phrasicon, 457 Formulae Oratoriae in usttm Scholarum concinnatae^ etc. (Clarke), 454-5 Galateo (t)ella Casa), 122-3 Gnomologicou Poeticon (Ross), 95 ». Grammar, A Light to (Wood- ward), 160 «., 291 n. Grammar of the Lati7i Tongue (Lowe), 281 Grammar, A Shorte Introduction of, etc. (Lily), 241 sqq. Grammar, Linacre's, 244-5 Grammars, early English printed, 232 sqq. Grammars, Hebrew, 524 sqq. Grammars, Lily's, authorship of, 249-50; monopoly in, 257-8; survival of, 259; emendations of, 260, 266-9; supplementary text-books to, 270-2 ; ecclesias- tical control of, 258-9 Grammars, list of authorised, be- tween 1 540-1660, 252-6 Grammars, list of unauthorised, 273-5 Grammars, Lowe's list of, 288-9 Grammars, Whittinton's, 238-9 Grammar, Wolsey's, 250-2 Graecae linguae Spicilegium (Grant), 497 Greek text-books, 501-23 Greek vocabulary, 509-12 Hermes Anglo- Latinus, 316 Horae, 28, 31-2 Index Poeticus (Farnaby), 477 Index Rhetoricus (Farnaby), 443 Janua Linguarum (Com^nius), 289, 291, 518 Janua Linguarum (Jesuits), 112 Lctc Puerorum, 253 Latin Tongue, an Easie Entrance to (Hoole), 301 Latin Tongue, the True and Readie Way to Learn the (ed. Lubinus), 172 Text-books {cont^ Latin-speaking, text-books for, 3 1 6 Manners, School of Good, 102 Margarita philosophica (ed. Reisch), i Memoriale Biblicum, 65 Music, Introduction to Practical (Morley), 216 Oration, phrase-books, 461-2, 467 Phrases Linguae Latinae (Manu- tius), 435 Phrase-books, list of, 467 Phrasealogia Puerilis (Clarke), 461 Phrasealogia (Robertson), 462 Primer, Hilsey's, 33 Principles of Music (Butler), 212 Progymnasma Scholasticum, 481, Proteus Vtncttts (Willis), 461 Prymer or Prayer-Book of the Lay People in the Middle Ages, the (ed. Littlehales), 34, 37 Pueriles Confabulatimiculae, 299, 301, 347-8 Reading-books, 184 Rhetorica (Butler), 441 ; (Talaeus), 441; (Vossius),444; (Tesmarus), 445; (Caussinus), 446 Right Teaching of Useful Know- ledge (Snell), 113 Schola Salernensis, 114 Sententiae Pueriles, note on, 358-9 Spicilegium Graecae Linguae, 497 Stenographic and Cryptographic (Bridges), 67 Stenographic, Epitome of (Ever- ardt), 67 Symbola Heroica (Reusner), 423-4 Synonymorum Sylva, 457 Thesaurus Linguae Latinae (Ste- phanus), 387 Thesaurus Poeticus ^MchX^'i), 477 Vocabularies and Dictionaries, 8th to i6th centuries, 380 sqq. Vocabularies, Old English (Thomas Wright), 380, 401 Writing-books, representative list of, 202 548 Index Text-books, religious aim in, 536-9 Thenne-writing, 422 sqq.; aim of, 423 ; best text-books for, 425 ; old grammar school methods, 430 sqq. Theodulf, Bishop of Orleans, 10- 11 Thesaurus Ciceronianus, 387 Thoughts on Education (Locke), 120 ToUey, David, publishes first Greek Grammar, 501-2 Town Life in the i^th Century (Mrs Green), i^ n. Tractate of Education (Milton), 61 n. Trivium, i ; revolution in perspec- tive of, 3-4 Trotzendorf, 56 Tunstall, Cuthbert, 2 Tusser, Thomas, 145 Udall, John, 524 Udall, Nicholas, plays by, 324 Universities, ecclesiastical control of, 19-20 University of Cambridge, licensing of teachers at, 19 ; grammar schools connected with, 23 University of Oxford, 17, 23 Ursinus, 75 Verse-making, mediaeval, 469 ; Elizabethan, 47 r ; required by school statutes, 473-4 ; Brinsley's rules for, 475; text-books, 477- 80; in Hoole's school, 481-2; in country schools, 486 Villedieu, Alexander of, 3 Visitations, 20, 258 Vives, J. I.., definition of wisdom, 118; as lecturer at Oxford, 250; on teaching of Grammar, 262 ; on paper-books, 263 w. ; colloquies of, 300, 327 ; penetration into nature of boys, 324 Vossius, G. J., 444 Vulgaria, from Terence, 401 ; Herman's, 402 Wallis, John, 2 Walton, Dr Brian, 527 Wase, Christopher, i2«.,20,23«.,7o Waynflete, William, song school established by, 143, 205, 222 Webbe, Dr Joseph, views on grammar teaching, 285-6 Webster, John, 89 Whittinton, Robert, 226 ; gram- matical works of, 238-40 Williams, Thomas, on the want of schools, 16 «. Winchester College and the Bible, 53; Latin-speaking, 314 Withals, J., 391 sqq. Wolsey, Thomas, 241, 250-1, 411, 472 Woodward, Hezekiah, on human responsibility, 114-5; his Light to Grammar, 160, 283, 292 Writing, idea of, in Middle Ages, 139; Ascham's views on teaching, 186; first English-pubUshed treat- ise on, 187 ; writing books, i6th century, i88 «.; Mulcaster on, 188-9; f^^s paid for teaching, 189-90; writing-paper, 190; copy- books, list of, 202-4 Writing Schoolmaster (Bales), 201 Writing Schools, 137 Xenophon, 521 Youth^s Behaviour, 112 Zeiglographia (Shelton), 67-8 Zodiacus Vitae (of Palingenius), 378-9 CAMBRIDGE : PRINTED BY JOHN CLAY, M.A. AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS. BOOKS, ON EDUCATIONAL SCIENCE PUBLISHED BY THE CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS [Arranged in alphabetical order of authors' names] Aristotle on Education, being extracts from the Ethics and Politics translated and edited by John Burnet. Crown 8vo. 2>. 6d. Domestic Economy in Theory and Practice. A Text- book for Teachers and Students in Training, by Marion Greenwood Bidder and Florence Baddeley. 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