C-itiiititi w CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY GIFT OF Natalie Bienstock Cornell University Library DS 81.R26S8 Story of Phoenicia, 3 1924 028 507 485 oHn The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924028507485 ^he Mtoig of tilt ||alionB THE STORY OF PHOENICIA BV GEORGE RAWLINSON, M.A. CAMDEN PROFESSOR OF ANCIENT HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD, AND CORKESPONDING MEMBER OF THE ROYAL ACADEMY OF TURIN ; AUTHOR OF '* THE FIVE GREAT MONARCHIES OF THE ANCIENT EASTERN WORLD," ETC., ETC. NEW YORK G. R PUTNAM'S SONS LONDON: T. FISHER UNWIN 1896 Copyright By G. p. Putnam's Sons 1889 Entered at Stationers' Hall^ London By T. Fisher Unwin Press of G. P. Putnam's Sorfs New York CONTENTS, PAGE PhcENICIA — THE COUNTRY — ITS POSITION AND Products 1-19 Phoenicia the " Palm Land," I — Length and breadth, 2 — Frequent importance of small countries, 3 — four regions in Phoenicia — description of them, 3, 4 — Character of the coast- line, 4, 5 — Productivity of the Mediterranean, 5, 6 — Advan- tages of the geographical position, 6-9 — Southern Phoenicia — Carmel, 10 — The Litany — the plain of Tyre, 11 — The plains of Sarepta and Sidon, 11, 12 — The plain of Berytus, 12 — The Nahr-el-Kelb, 14 — Rugged tract between the Nahr-el-Kelb and Tripolis — plain of Tripolis, 14, 15 — Northern Phoenicia — chief towns, Orthosia, Marathus, Aradus, Antaradus, and Laodicea, 15 — Boundaries of Phoenicia, Casius, 15-16 — Bargy- lus, 16 — Lebanon, 16-ig, IL The People — their Origin and Ethnic Character , 20-39 Flow of Semitism westward, 20, 21 — Movement of the Phoeni- cians from the Persian Gulf to the Mediterranean, 21, 22 — • Occupation of the coast tract, about B.C. 1400- 1300, 22, 23 — Nations of the Semitic group, 23 — Phoenician language closely Vlll CONTENTS. PAGE allied to the Hebrew, 24— Physical characteristics of the Semites, 24, 25 — Moral characteristics — Pliability, 25-27 Depth and force, 27 — Yearning after dreamy ease, 27 — Love of abstract thought, 28— Religiousness, 28, 29— General cha- racter of the religion, 29-32— Baal and Ashtoreth, 32 — Mel- karth, 33, 34— Adonis, 35— Eshmun, 35, 36— Introduction of foreign gods, 36, 37 — Degradation of the religion, 37 — Scepti- cism as to a future life, 38— Practical ability of the Phoenicians, 38, 39. HI. The Cities— their Position, Principal Fea- tures, AND Mutual Relations . . 4^-55 General pre-eminence of Tyre, 40 — ^Tyre a double city, 41 — The continental Tyre, 41 — The Island Tyre, 41-45— Magnifi- cence of the architecture, 45, 46 — Position and plan of Sidon, 46-48 — Berytus and Byblus, 48-50 — Tripolis, Marathus, and Simyra, 50, 51 — Aradus, 51, 52 — Ramantha or Laodicea, 52, 53 — Akko, now Acre, 53, 54 — Relations of the cities one to another, 54, 55. IV. The Colonies .... . . 56-71 Settlement at Memphis, 56 — Colonies in Cilicia, 57, 58— In Cyprus, 58, 59 — In Rhodes, 59 — In the ^gean Sea, 59, 60 — Navigation of the Black Sea, 60, 61 — Islands off the coast of Greece, Cythera, Salamis, Eubcea, 61, 62 — African colonies, Utica, Carthage, Leptis Magna, 63, 64 — Colonies in Sicily, Eryx, Egesta, Palermo, 65 — Gaulos, Malta, 66 — Colonies in Spain, Tartessus, Gades, Malaca, Carteia, 66-69 — Colonies in Sardinia, Tharros, and others, 69 — Settlement in the Scilly Islands, 70 — Possible settlements 00 the Red Sea, 70, 71 — Summary, 71. V. Early Phoenician Enterprise — Sidonian Rovers in Pre-Homeric Times . . 72-88 Earliest Phoenician vessels, "long ships," or ships of war *' round ships," or merchantmen, 72-74 — Phoenician biremes, CONTENTS. IX PAGE 74» 75 — Perils of the Mediterranean storms, 75-77 — Rock- bound coasts, 77, 78 — Pirates, 78 — Story of the rape of lo, 79-81 — Fact of Phoenician kidnapping, 81, 82 — Story of Eu- maeus, 82-84 — General commercial honesty of the Phoenicians, 84, 85 — Excellency of their wares, 85-87 — Limits of the early Phoenician enterprise, Sy^ 88. VI. Rise of Tyre to the First Rank among the Cities — Hiram's dealings with David AND Solomon 89-106 Transfer of Phoenician ascendency from Sidon to Tyre, and its causes, 89, 90 — Tyrian colonization of Gades, 90, 91 — Power and magnificence of Hiram about B.C. 1050, 91, 92 — Relations established by Hiram with David, 92-94 — Friendly intercourse between Hiram and Solomon, 94, 95 — The timber trade, 96 — The Tyrian metallurgy, 96-98 — The Temple sub- structions probably Tyrian, 98, 99 — The ornamental metal- castings certainly made by the Tyrians, 99, 100 — Other works of about the same date, 100, loi — The Jews and Tyrians engage in joint commercial enterprise, 101-103 — Cession of territory made by Solomon to Hiram, 103 — Contest of wits between the two, 103, 104 — Death of Hiram, 104 — His sup- posed tomb, 104-106. VII. ItHOBAL AND AhAB — DARKER ASPECT OF THE Phoenician Religion 1 07-1 17 Obscure period of Phoenician history, 107, 108 — Accession of Eth-baal or Ithobal, and marriage of his daughter, Jezebel, to Ahab, 108, 109 — Phoenician worship introduced into Samaria, 109, no — Spread of the corrupt religion into Judsea, no — Nature of the Phoenician Baal and Astarte worship, 110-112 — Sacrifice of children, 113, 114 — Horrors of the Astarte wor- ship, 115-I17. X CONTENTS. PAGE VIII. Story of the Founding of Carthage . • iio~i2S The story, as commonly told, 1 18-120— Its untrustworthy character, 120, 121 — Attempt of Movers to separate the false from the true, 121 — Supposed historical features, 122-125 Supposed mythical details, 125, 126— Supposed intermixture of history with the myths, 127, 128— Doubtful character of Movers' method and conclusions. IX. Phcenicia's Contest with Assyria, and her Position as Assyria's Tributary . . 129-148 First contact between the Phoenicians and Assyrians, about B.C. 880, 129, 130 — Relative power of the two nations, 131- 133 — Submission of Phoenicia to Asshur-nazir-pal, 133, 134— Continuance of peaceful relations for a century and a half, and consequent prosperity, 134, 135 — Assyrian encroachments lead to hostilities, 135, 136 — War of Shalmaneser IV. with Elulseus, 136-138 — War of Sargon with the same, 139, 140 — War of Esarhaddon with Abdi-milkut, 140, 141 — Baal, made king by Esarh addon, revolts — War between Esarhaddon and Baal, 142 — Baal conquered by Asshurbanipal, 143, 144 — Revolt and reduction of Arvad or Aradus, 144, 145 — Reasons fo* the general discontent — the tribute, 145, 146 — The enforcement of homage, 146, 147 — The passage of Assyrian armies, 147— The severe treatment of revolted towns, 148. X. Phcenicia's Recovery of Independence — Her Commerce at this Period . . , 149-164 Decline of Assyria, 149 — Phoenicia recovers her independence about B.C. 630, 150 — Phoenician commerce at this time as de- scribed by Ezekiel, 1 51-153 — Ascendency of Tyre, re-estab- lished, 153, 154— Extent of the commerce, 154, 155— Phoenician caravan traffic, 155-157— Picture of a Tyrian caravan at Baby- lon, 157-160 — Picture of one at Van or Urumiyeh, 160-162 Commodities derived by Tyre from her sea commerce 162-164. CONTENTS. XI PAGE XL Phoenicia's Contest with Babylon » • 165-174 Phoenician independence threatened by Egypt, 1 65 — Battle of Carchemish — Phoenicia submits to Nebuchadnezzar, 166, 167 — Revolt of Tyre and Sidon, i68 — Reduction of Sidon, 169 — Long siege of Tyre by Nebuchadnezzar, 169-172 — Tyre forced to surrender, 173 — Her resistance heroic, 174, XII. The Circumnavigation of Africa, an Episode IN Phoenician History .... 175-180 Phoenicians willing to befriend Pharaoh-Neco, 175 — Cir- cumnavigation of Africa undertaken by them at his instance, according to Herodotus, 176 — Credibility of the narrative, 177, 178 — Confirmation of the story from the report brought to Neco with respect to the position of the sun, 178, 179 — Credit due to the Phoenicians for their success, 179, i8a XIII. Phcenicia under the Babylonians. • . 181-185 Change of government at Tyre — Kings superseded by judges, 181, 182 — Tyre and Sidon attacked by Apries and conquered, 182, 183 — War of Nebuchadnezzar against Apries, 183— He recovers Phoenicia, 184 — Kingly government re-established at Tyre, 184, 185 — Fidelity of Phoenicia to Babylon. XIV. Phoenicia under the Persians , =, . 186-21 1 Sovereignty over Phoenicia claimed by Cyrus, 1S6, 187 — Dis- puted by Amasis, who annexes Cyprus, 187 — War between Cambyses and Psamatik III., 188 — Cambyses' need of a navy, Xii CONTENTS. PAGB and Phoenicia's submission to him, 188, 189— Cyprus follows Phcenicia's example, 189, 190— Refusal of the Phoenicians to attack Carthage, 191, 192— Arrangements of Darius favour- able to Phoenician commerce, 193, 194— Phoenicia's contribu- tion to the Persian revenue and navy, 194, 195— Excellence ot the Phoenician ships, 195-197— Sidonian vessels sent with Democedes to survey Greece, 197— Phoenicia's part in the Ionian revolt, 197-201— Phoenicia's part in the attack made by Xerxes upon Greece, 201-203— Further aid given by Phoenicia to the Persians against the Greeks, 204, 205— Phoenicia turns against Persia in the war with Evagoras, 205, 206 — Alliance of Sidon with Nectanebo II., King of Egypt, 207, 208— Sidon destroyed by Ochus, 209— Friendly relations with Persia re-established by Esmunazar, 209, 210 — Period of tranquility, 210, 21 1. XV. Alexander and the Phcenicians — Siege and Destruction of Tyre .... 212-236 Mentor's advice to use the Phoenician fleet against Alexander, unheeded, 212, 213 — Battle of Issus opens Phoenicia to him, 214 — Alexander occupies Marathus and Byblus, 215 — Aradus submits to him, 215 — Sidon receives him within her walls, 215, 216 — Tyre promises submission, but declines to receive him into the Island City, 216, 217 — Alexander's rage at this, 217, 218 — The determination of the Tyrians to resist Alex- ander, not blamable, 218-221 — Preparations of the Tyrians, 222 — Alexander commences his mole, 222, 223 — Difficulty of the work, 223, 224 — The Tyrians succeed in destioying it, 224, 225 — Alexander begins the work afresh, but makes little progress, 225, 226 — He succeeds in collecting a powerful fleet and establishes u blockade, 226-228 — Alexander completes the mole, and begins the assault, 229, 230 — Attempt of the Tyrians to raise the blockade fails, 230, 231 Desperate de- fence of the walls, 231, 232— Last general assault successful 232-234 — Further resistance within the walls, 234, 2'' 15— Cruel treatment of the Tyrians, 235, 236. CONTENTS. Kill PAGE XVI. Phcenicia under the Greeks and Romans . 237-249 Phoenicia contended for among Alexander's "Successors/ 237 — Falls finally to the Seleucidse, and is treated with favour, 238 — Tyre disapproves the conduct of Epiphanes towards the Jews, 239 — Phoenicia generally abets his scheme for selling the Jews as slaves, 239-241 — Spread of Hellenism over Phoenicia, 241 — Short subjection of Phoenicia to Tigranes, 242 — Phoenicia made a Roman province, but certain privileges granted to Tyre, Sidon, and Tripolis, 242, 243 — Roman Tyre receives the Gospel, 243, 244 — Gradual spread of Christianity over Phoenicia, 244, 245 — Development of Phoenician literary activity, 245-247 — Origen at Tyre, 247 — Porphyry and Metho- dius, 247, 248 — Latest Phoenician authors, 248, 249, XVIL Phcenician Architecture . . . « 250-274 Scantiness of the remains, especially in Phoenicia Proper, 250, 251 — Maabed of Marathus, 252, 253 — Other shrines in the neighbourhood, 253 — Temples of Tyre have left no tracer 253 — Phoenician stone masonry, 253, 254 — Plans of temples — Temple on coin of Byblus, 255, 256 — Temple of Paphos, 257 — Walls of towns — remains of Aradus, 257-260 — Sepulchral monuments — the Meghagils, near Marathus, 260-264 — Two other tombs, 264-267 — Tombs excavated in the rock, 267-270 — Subterranean sepulchral chambers, 270, 271 — General character of Phoenician architecture, according to Renan, 272-274. XVIII. Phcenician Manufactures and Works op Art 275-326 Manufacture of the purple dye, 275 — Shell-fish producing it, 276-280 — Methods employed, 280, 281 — Story of the original discovery, 281, 282 — Manufacture of glass — supposed acci- dental discovery, 282, 283— Objects in glass— Aggry beads. xiv CONTENTS. V\CK 283— Other objects, as vases, bottles, drinking-cups, cylinders, &C., 284— Manufacture of textile fabrics, 284* 285— Metallurgy —Works of Hiram for the Temple of Jerusalem, 2»5 Sidonian metal-work celebrated by Homer, 286— Bronze dishes found at Nimrud, and elsewhere, 286-289— Corns, 289, 290— Phoenician sculpture, 290— Bas-reliefs on tomb at Ama- thus, 291-295— Reliefs on walls of sepulchral chambers, and sarcophagi, found at Sidon, 296-308— Phoenician art of navi- gation, 308-310— Phoenician mining, 310-312— Phoenician carving in ivory, 312, 313 — Phoenician gem- engraving, 313- 315 — Phoenician ornamental metallurgy — Objects found at Curium in Cyprus, 315-324— Merits of the metal- work, 324, 325 — Possible greater merit of the lost works, 325, 326. XIX. Phcenician Language, Writing, and Litera- ture . 327-350 Semitic character of the language, generally admitted, 327 — Account of the alphabet, 327, 328 — Alphabetic signs rather improved than invented by the Phoenicians, 328-330 — Their alphabetic signs not derived from Egypt, but still a picture writing, 330 — Extreme simplicity of their characters, 33a, 331 — ^Adoption of their alphabet by the nations of the West, 331, 332 — Phoenicians wrote from right to left, 332— Extant Phoenician literature — Inscription of Esmunazar, 332-336 — Shorter inscription of Tabnit, 336, ^37 — Curt legends on native offerings, $$7 — Later literary efforts — Fragments of Philo Byblius, 337-347— Estimate of their value, 347, 34S General estimate of the Phoenician nation, 349-350. IN OCX • » • • • • o a •^•?l LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. PAGE THE TOMB OF ESMUNAZAR .... Frontisfiece PASS AT THE MOUTH OF THE NAHR EL-KELB . • 8 SOURCE OF THE RIVER ADONIS PASS IN THE LEBANON . . , . , BAAL AS A SUN-GOD . . . . ASTARTE, FROM A STATUETTE FOUND IN CVPRUS MELKARTH, FROM A STATU El^TE COIN OF GADES PLAN OF THE ISLAND TYRE . . o o PLAN OF SIDON REMAINS OF THE WALLS OF SIDON . CHART OF ARADUS COIN OF LAODICEA, WITH BILINGUAL INSCRIPTION . COIN OF TARSUS, WITH PHOENICIAN INSCRIPTION . PHCENICIAN GALLEY, REPRESENTED ON A COIN PHCENICIAN GALLEY, FROM A PAINTING . PHCENICIAN BIREME, FROM AN ASSYRIAN BAS-RELIEF 13 18 30 31 33 34 43 47 49 51 53 57 72 73 73 xvi LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS, PAGE MONUMENT NEAR TYRE, KNOWN AS '* HIRAM'S TOMB I05 , • 220 PLAN OF TYRE IN ALEXANDER S TIME . • 2m SHRINE AT AMRIT OR MARATHUS o » • ^ GROUND-PLAN OF THE SAME , . • • * J WALL OF GEBEIL, SHOWING BEVELLING . » • 254 WALL OF TORTOSA, SHOWING BEVELLING . • 255 PHCENICIAN TEMPLE, ON COIN OF BYBLUS (eNLARGED) 256 GROUND-PLAN OF TEMPLE AT PAPHOS . . -257 REMAINS OF THE CITY WALL AT ARADUS . . 258 PHCENICIAN SEPULCHRAL MONUMENTS, KNOWN AS "the m^ghAzils" 261 plan and section of a tomb and monument at amrit or marathus . • . .262 THE MONUMENT, RESTORED . • . . . 263 SEPULCHRAL MONUMENT AND ENTRANCE TO TOMB AT AMRIT, RESTORED 265 TOMB AT AMRIT, KNOWN AS THE BURDJ-EL-BEZZAK, RESTORED 266 SECTION OF THE SAME, IN ITS PRESENT CONDITION 267 SEPULCHRAL CHAMBERS AT AMATHUS . • . 27 1 SHELL OF THE MUREX TRUNCULUS « • , 276 EMBOSSED PATERA FROM CURIUM o o . .287 COIN OF GADES ...... ^ BAS-RELIEF ON THE SIDE OF A SARCOPHAGUS FOUND AT AMATHUS 289 292 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS, xvil PAGE CONTINUATION OF THE BAS RELIEF ON THE OPPO- SITE SIDE OF THE SAME . o . . 293 SCULPTURES AT THE TWO ENDS OF THE SAME . 295 ENGRAVING ON A PHOENICIAN GEM — WARRIORS FIGHTING 315 PHOENICIAN BRACELET FROM CYPRUS . , ,316 PHCENICIAN BRACELET AND NECKLACE FROM THE SAME 317 NECKLACE FOUND AT CURIUM IN CYPRUS , . 318 ANOTHER NECKLACE FROM THE SAME , . . 319 VASE IN ROCK CRYSTAL, WITH FUNNEL AND GOLD COVER, FROM THE SAME , . . . 32I RINGS, EARRING, AND FASTENING FOR THE HAIR, FROM THE SAME ...... 323 THE PHCENICIAN ALPHABET . , . . „ 333 to u O o 1^\ % %. \ THE STORY OF PHOENICIA. I. THE COUNTRY — ITS POSITION AND ITS PRODUCTS. At the eastern end of the Mediterranean, facing towards the west, and looking out on the Levantine Sea, or " Sea of the Rising Sun," was the scanty, but fortunately situated, tract which the Greeks and Romans knew as Phcenicia, or, " the Region of Palms." On the sandy belt which borders the Medi- I terranean from Gaza in the south to Casius in the [north, this graceful and striking tree — so different I from any growth indigenous to the West — flourished in great abundance, and drawing the eye of the early j. Greek trader, previously unacquainted with it, caused f him to designate the newly discovered region, whereto his enterprise had brought him, by the name of I " Phoenice " — " the Palm land," or " the country ' where the palms grew." At first the term was used, with a good deal of vagueness, of the Syrian coast generally between Asia Minor and Egypt ; but ulti- mately, when it broke upon the Greek intelligence that the tract in question was inhabited by three I 2 THE COUNTRY. nations, politically and ethnographically distinct, the geographical nomenclature was conformed to the ethnologic facts, and the name " Phoenicia " became confined to the more central portion of the coast region only, that towards the north taking the name of Syria, or the country of the Syrians, and that to- wards the south the name of Palestine, or the country of the Philistines. Shorn thus of its two extremities, Phoenicia was reduced to a tract about two hundred miles in length, extending along the Eastern Medi- terranean from a little below the thirty-third to a little below the thirty-sixth parallel. The width of the country was very disproportionate to its length. Even if we include in it the whole of the mountain range which shuts in the Coele- Syrian valley upon the west, and was certainly its extreme eastern boundary, we shall find that nowhere along the entire length of two hundred miles did the width exceed a maximum of thirty-five miles, and that gene- rally it did not amount to much more than half that distance. Phoenicia is like Chili, a long narrow tract, squeezed in between the mountains and the sea, widest in the north, between the thirty-sixth and thirty-fifth parallels, and gradually narrowing, until towards the south, about latitude 33°, it can scarcely be said to have had a breadth of more than one or two miles. It is a liberal estimate for the area to reckon it at 4,000 square miles, which is less than that of at least one English county. Size, however, is a very insignificant element in that aggregate which determines the importance or unimportance of a country. In antiquity, Sparta, SIZE AND PRODUCTS. 3 Athens, Carthage, had but small domaina In the Middle Ages Genoa, Venice, Pisa, Florence, were equally circumscribed ; but each of them had a world- wide influence. Later, Portugal, Holland, England, through the momentum of their strong individualities, did their great deeds, and set their mark on the world's history, from a comparatively small pzed a terre. But, if the size of Phoenicia was insignificant, its position, soil, products, geographical and political relations to the countries around it and about it, were such as naturally to bring it to the forefront of history at an early period. Phoenicia consisted of four regions. The sandy belt along the coast was admirably suited for the date-palm ; and the thick groves of palm-trees which are even now seen about Beyrout and Jaffg may be taken as indicative of the general appearance of the coast-line in early times, before the necessity of finding timber for house-building had thinned the naturally luxuriant growth of the palm bosquets along the Levantine shore. Inside the sandy belt is a rich and fertile plain, a region of orchards, gardens, and cornfields, varying from one mile to twelve miles in width, and even under unskilful cultivation abun- dantly productive. "The cultivated tract presents for the most part an unbroken mass of corn, out of which rise here and there slight eminences in the midst of gardens and orchards — the sites of cities,*' or villages. The gardens are gay with the scarlet blossoms of the pomegranate, the orchards famous for the enormous oranges which diversify the green foliage of their shady groves. Eastward the plain is bounded, for the most part, by low swelling hills^ suited 4 THE COUNTRY. for the growth of the vine, the ohVe, and the mul berry, which anciently were largely cultivated through- out the entire region. As the hills rise higher and higher, cultivation ceases, except in favoured spots, and the vineyard region is succeeded by a tract of wild mountain-land, in part bare, in part clothed with hanging woods or with noble forest- trees—oaks, chestnuts, sycomores, terebinths, and, above all, that glory of Syria, the cedar, with which no other forest- tree can compare. The mountain region varied in its elevation from about S,ooo feet in the north, where it was known as Casius and Bargylus, to .above 9,000 feet in the south, where Lebanon culminates in the snowy peak of Makmel. The coast-line of the region, though not deeply indented, was sufficiently irregular to furnish a num- ber of tolerable harbours; and when art was called in to assist nature, it was found fairly easy to construct ports, which, according to ancient ideas, left little to be desired. Jutting promontories furnished protec- tion from prevalent winds on either side of them, and in some cases bays, like that of Acre, were almost land-locked ; elsewhere, as at Tyre, Sidon, and Aradus, small littoral islands, or rather islets, gave the necessary shelter ; and everywhere it was possible to excavate in the low ground near the shore artificial basins of a sufficient size to receive twenty or thirty of the small galleys of ancient times. The blue Mediterranean, tideless, and mostly calm during the summer time, incited to navigation. Cyprus, dis- tinctly visible on the western horizon from Casius and ttiany parts of Bargylus, offered a new world to the VALUABLE SEA PRODUCTS. 5 adventurous ; and Cyprus conducted to CiHcia, Caria, Rhodes, Cnldus, the Sporades, and the Cyclades. Inexhaustible supplies of timber, fit for ship-building and for oars, were laid up in the three mountain regions which shut in Phoenicia to the north and east — in Casius, Bargylus, and Lebanon, to all of which the Phoenicians had free access at all times ; and thus nature pointed out, as it were, to the Phoenician people their vocation, and made them the connecting link between the East and the West The smiling sea, which lay in their front, and invited them to trust themselves to its calm and placid surface, contained also in its depths a treasure, which ultimately, as much as anything, brought the Phoenicians to their high position among the nations. The Mediterranean waters off the Phoenician coast, and especially off the tract between Mount Carmel and Tyre (lat 32° 50' to 33° 20'), abound with two species of shell-fish capable of furnishing an exquisite dye. These are the Buccinum lapillus and the Murex trunculus. The buccinum derives its name from the form of the shell, which has a wide mouth, like that of a trumpet, and a spiral form, terminating in a small rounded head. The murex has the same general form as the buccinum^ but the shell is more rough and spinous. The mollusks which inhabit these shells have a receptacle or sac behind the head, in which a very minute portion of a colourless, creamy fluid is contained, having a strong smell of garlic. If it be carefully extracted by a hook, or a pointed pencil, and applied to wool, linen, or cotton, and the material be then exposed to a strong light, it become 6 THE COUNTRY^ successively green, blue, red, deep purple-red, and, by washing in soap and water, a bright crimson, which last tint is permanent. Although the shell-fish capable of producing this dye are not confined to any single locality, and the secret of extracting it was known to many ancient nations, yet nature seems to have so far favoured Phoenicia, that through all antiquity she maintained a pre-eminence over all other purple-producers. Something may have been due to art : her chemical knowledge may have ex- ceeded that of other nations, and have found employ- ment in the purple industry ; but it is only reasonable to suppose that her admitted superiority in the trade rested primarily on her having an inexhaustible supply of the best fish, furnishing the brightest dye, and perhaps a little on the brilliancy of her sunlight, which brought out the tints more vividly than the more subdued radiance of a cloudier and duller heaven. But, besides her possession of valuable products, Phoenicia had also a position, geographically and politically, which favoured her rise to importance. In the first place, she was greatly protected by the mountains which shut her in on the north and east, and by the peculiar conformation of her coast. To the armies which traversed the Coele-Syrian vale on their way from Mesopotamia to Egypt, or from Egypt to Mesopotamia, the mountain range upon the west was, for the most part, a barrier which they did not seek to surmount, and which they would have had difficulty in surmounting. Their hosts ransacked the mountain region to a certain elevation, for purposes of plunder, and especially to cut and carry off the NATURAL DEFENCES. y precious cedars, which were accounted of as highly at Nineveh and Egyptian Thebes as at Jerusalem (l Kings V. 6 ; Ezra iii. 7 ; Isa. xiv. 8). But they rarely, if ever, passed the crest of the mountains, or entered the territory, which was most properly Phoenicia, to the west of the ridge. They might sometimes look down from the crest upon the " Sea of the Setting Sun " ; but they were seldom tempted to approach it, much less to make Phoenicia their line of march from north to south. The coast route was, in fact, by nature impracticable for an army. At intervals along the shore spurs from Lebanon ex- tended right across the Phoenician plain, and formed promontories which descended precipitously into the sea, leaving no room for a road, and requiring to be surmounted by ** steps" or zigzags, such as were known to the Greeks and Romans under the name of Climaces {KXi/naKes:). One such promontory shuts in the plain of Acre on the north, and is known as the Ras-en-Nakura, or " Headland of the Entrance " ; another, some miles to the north, bears the nameof Ras- el-Abiad, or " White Headland," being formed of snow- white chalk interspersed with black flints, and this was called anciently " the staircase of the Tyrians " ; a third shuts in the course of the Lycus to the south, and, until surmounted by engineering skill, must have been impassable to an army ; a fourth, a little south of Tripolis (Tarabolus), is called the Ras-esh Shekah, and blocks the way between Tripolis and Byblus. Though Assyrian and Egyptian monarchs contrived, in course of time, to overcome these natural obstacles, they continued to be obstacles nevertheless ; and it ADVANTAGES OF THE POSITION. 9 was probably to mark their sense of physical obstruc- tions with difficulty overcome, that the conquering kings who from time to time forced their way through the southern Phoenician territory, erected those trophies of their success on the rocks south of the Lycus, which are still to be seen at the present day. Further, Phoenicia lay in the natural course of trade between the East and West, and offered the readiest route for the interchange of the commodities of Asia and Europe — of the wealthy kingdoms, which, from a remote antiquity, had grown up in the great Mesopotamian lowland, and of the wilder yet still favoured regions to which the Mediterranean Sea gave access, the isles and coasts of Hellas, and the remoter shores of Italy and Spain. A much fre- quented caravan route led from Tiphsach (Thapsacus) on the Euphrates, by way of Damascus, to Tyre ; and another passed from Asia Minor, by way of Hamath, to Tripolis and Aradus. Tyre, situated "at the entry of the sea," was "a merchant of the people for many isles " (Ezek. xxvii. 3), and her sister cities were almost as favourably circumstanced. From a date which cannot be placed later than the twelfth century B.C. the carrying trade of the world belonged mainly to Phoenicia, which communicated by land with the Persian Gulf, the Euphrates, Ar- menia, Cappadocia, and Anatolia, by sea with Egypt, Greece, Italy, North Africa, Gaul, and Spain. But it is time to pass from this vague and general sketch of the country, whose " Story '' we are about to tell, and to enter on a more particular description of its topography. 10 THE COUNTRY. On the south, the natural boundary between Phoenicia and Philistia, or the country of the Philis- tines, was the strong promontory of Carmel, which projects further into the sea than any other on this line of coast, and has an elevation of 1700 feet above the sea level. Carmel, as its name implies, is a fruit- ful and park-like region, containing rocky dells of much beauty, deep jungles of copse, shaggy groves of olive trees, and many patches of dwarf oak, which give it altogether a wooded and green appearance. It is a long ridge, extending eighteen miles in a south-easterly direction, and separating between the plain of Sharon, which naturally belonged to Philistia, and that of Jezreel or Esdraelon, which was Canaanite. Inside Carmel, on the coast, began "the plain of Acre," a fertile tract, stretching along the shore a distance of about twenty miles, and extending inland to the hills of Galilee a distance of three or four miles, watered by two principal streams, the Kishon and the Belus, with "a rich soil, perhaps the best cultivated and producing the most luxuriant crops, both of corn and weeds, of any " in this part of Asia (Stanley). On the north this plain is shut in, as above mentioned, by the headland known as the Ras-en-Nakura, which leaves no beach between itself and the sea, and has to be surmounted by a set of zig-zags. The Ras-en-Nakura is followed within a short distance by the Ras-el-Abiad, another very similar promontory, after which the traveller enters upon " the plain of Tyre," the widest of the whole coast, which reaches from the Ras-el-Abiad to the mouth of the Litany (Leontes), a distance of fifteen RIVERS AND PLAINS. n miles, and expands near Tyre to a width of five miles. The hills which border the plain are low, and cultivated to their summits. The plain undulates gently, and is fertile, bearing good crops under a very rude system of cultivation. The Litany, which is the principal river of Phoenicia, rises near Balbek in the Ccele- Syrian valley, at an elevation of 10,000 feet above the sea, and forces its way through Lebanon by a deep and narrow gorge, in which it frets and chafes many hundred feet below the eye of the spectator, descending precipitously, and at last debouching upon the plain by a ravine, about five miles north-east of Tyre. It has been compared to "a monster serpent chained in the yawning gulf, where she writhes and struggles ever- more to escape from her dark and narrow prison, but always in vain, save only near the sea-shore, where her windings reach a close." ^ The course of the Litany through the plain is not more than about five miles. It is ordinarily a stream of considerable width and depth, but in dry seasons dwindles to a rivulet, which may be easily crossed by the traveller. The " plain of Tyre " is followed by that of Sarepta, which is a continuation of it, and which merges into that of Sidon, the three plains having nearly the same character, but with a gradual contraction as we pro- ceed towards the north. The distance from Tyre to Sidon is about twenty miles, and the entire length of the plain from the Ras-el-Abiad to the elevated piece of coast between the Bostrenus and the Tamy- • Van de Velde, ** Travels," vol. i. p. II3. IZ THE COUNTRY. ras (lat. 3 30 40') about thirty miles ; but the average width does not much exceed two miles. The river of next importance to the Leontes (Litany) is the Bostrenus, which flows from the western flank of Lebanon, and enters the sea about two miles north of Sidon. The Sidonian plain is of the highest fer- tility, and produces the finest fruits of Syria. North of the Bostrenus, the hills again closely press on the shore, and a rugged tract supervenes between the Bostrenus and the Tamyras, which is, comparatively speaking, unproductive. Crossing the Tamyras (Damour), we enter on *' the plain of Bery- tus," which is watered by the river Magoras, and has all the richness of the most favoured portions of the region. The projection of the coast, which here juts out into a headland, comparable to that of Carm?l, gives the lowland an unusual width, and enables the traveller to obtain a view of Lebanon, which is most striking. The plain itself is covered with gentle undulations. Berytus (Beyrout) is embosomed in gardens and orchards more extensive and luxuriant than those of any other town along the entire coast. The orange tree and the mulberry grow in profuse abundance ; the palm flourishes, though it does not produce fruit ; and the vines bear grapes of excellent quality. The climate is delicious, intermediate be- tween the colder one of Northern Syria and the somewhat oppressive heat of the southern Palestinian coast. In the " plain of Berytus " the beauty and fertility of Phoenicia culminate ; and it is not surpri- sing that of all the Phc^nician cities Berytus should alone have maintained its prosperity. SOURCE OF THE RIVER ADONIS. 14 THE COUNTRY. Once more, between the Ma^oras and the Lycus — now the Nahr-el-Kelb — a steep cliff projects into the sea, forming the southern side of the valley through which the Lycus discharges its waters, and the northern boundary of the Beyrout plain. Egyptian engineering skill first surmounted this obstacle by means of a road scooped out of the chalk, and carried at a high elevation round the headland. Later on the Romans made a second road at a lower level — a road which is broader and of more gradual ascent, and which continues in use at the present day. The chalk formation still hugs the shore to the north of the Lycus, which issues into the sea by a deep and narrow chasm, the nearly perpendicular walls of which are two hundred feet in height. Another steep cliff projects into the sea seven or eight miles further north, a little below the thirty-fourth parallel ; this cliff was called Climax anciently, and is now known as the Ras-Watta-Sillan. Like the other " Climaces," it had to be surmounted by steps or ** ladders," and formed a barrier which an army could scarcely cross. The coast continues elevated from this point to Byblus, or Gebal, which occupied a hill directly overlooking the sea, a few miles north of the famous river Adonis, fabled to run with blood on one day in the year. Between Byblus and the promontory of Theouprosopon, now Ras-esh-Shekah, the chalk hills recede a little from the shore, and on a narrow strip of land stood Botrys, the modern Batroun, a port with an artificial harbour. A rugged tract follows, incapable of cultivation, spur after spur MOUNTAIN BOUNDARIES — CASIUS. 1$ from Lebanon descending nearly to the sea ; but from TripoHs (Tarabolus) the plain begins to expand, and, after crossing the Eleutherus or Nahr-el-Kebir, where Lebanon terminates and Northern Phoenicia begins, we enter upon a tolerably open country, watered by numerous streams from Mount Bargylus, and cultivable for a distance of about fifteen miles from the coast in corn or vineyards. The principal towns of this region were Gabala, now Jebilee, Balanea, Antaradus, and Marathus ; off the shore, at a short distance, was Aradus, on its rocky islet ; and in later times flour- ished the Greek cities of Heraclea, Laodicea, and Orthosia. The boundaries of Phoenicia, as already stated, were Carmel upon the south ; Casius upon the north ; upon the east Bargylus and Lebanon, Carmel has been already described. With a few words upon the other Phoenician mountain regions, we may terminate this account of the Phoenician country. Casius is an outlying and detached fragment of the mountain-group known as Taurus, Anti-Taurus, and Amanus, transported by a freak of nature to a dis- tance. The rocks whereof it is composed are of igneous origin, and give to its outline that sharp and pyramidal form in which the Syrian ranges are defi- cient. The sides of the mountain are clothed with forest trees, such as belong to the growth of Asia Minor and of Southern Europe rather than of Syria and Palestine. The chalk, so prevalent in Syria, just touches its southern edge. Above this all is super- cretaceous limestone, or else granite, trap, or schist, peak mounting over peak, and the whole culminating l6 THE COUNTRY. m a lofty cone, 5,699 feet above the level of the sea, on which in ancient times stood a temple consecrated to the worship of the Casian Jupiter. Bargylus is a mountain tract of no very great ele- vation, intervening between the Orontes valley to the east, and the low plain of Northern Phoenicia to the west. It is mainly of chalk formation, but contains some trap and serpentine in places. Its general out- line is tame and commonplace ; but it encloses many beautiful valleys and ravines, gradually worn in its sides by the numerous streams which flow eastward and westward, to the Orontes or to the Mediterranean. The upland regions are for the most part bare, or covered with dwarf myrtle or occasionally with fern. But some portions, more especially towards the north, are well-wooded, being covered with forests of oak and pine. Elsewhere there is abundance of thick brushwood ; and the frequent villages are embosomed, almost without exception, in orchards and gardens ; figs, vines, and olive-trees alternating with pome- granates, mulberries, and walnuts. Apricots, peaches, and nectarines also abound, and many tracts are suited for the growth of wheat, maize, melons, cucum- bers, and other vegetables. Fountains and rills of water gush out on every side, cheering the eye with their freshness, always pleasantly cool, and sometimes ** chilly cold." Lebanon, the glory of Syria, stands separate from Bargylus, divided from it, first, by a broad plain, known as El-Bukeia, and then by the gorge of the Nahr-el-Kebir. The axis of the Lebanon range is slightly deflected from that of Bargylus, running from LEBANON. 17 N.E. by N. to S.E. by S., whereas that of Bargylus is nearly due north and south. The range extends in one long unbroken dorsal ridge from Jebel Riban in the south to Jebel Akkar in the north, a distance of above a hundred miles. Geologically it is, in the main, of secondary formation, consisting of lime- stone of the early cretaceous peri-d ; but ** the valleys and gorges are filled with formations of every pos- sible variety — sedimentary, metamorphic, and igneous. Down many of them run long streams of trap and basalt, occasionally there are dykes of porphyry and greenstone, and then patches of sandstone before the limestone and flint recur." The elevation rises gradually as we proceed northward, until the range culminates in the peaks about the cedars, which are estimated to attain a height of from nine thousand to ten thousand feet. The scenery is throughout most beautiful. Garden cultivation carpets the base of the mountain ; above this is, for the most part, a broad fringe of olive groves ; higher up, the hill sides are carefully terraced, not an inch of ground being wasted ; and among sharp cliffs and pointed rocks of a grey -white hue are strips of cornfields, long rows of dwarf mulberries, figs, apricots, apples, wal- nuts, and other fruit trees. Gorges, ravines, charming glens, deep valleys, diversify the mountain sides ; here and there are tremendous chasms, with precipices that go sheer down for a thousand feet ; tiny rivulets bound and leap from rock to rock and from terrace to terrace, forming chains of cascades, refreshing and fertilizing all around. In the deep gorges flow copious streams, shaded by overhanging woods of DESCENT FROM THE PASS OF LEGUIA, IN THE LEBANON. MEANING OF THE WORD LEBANON. 19 pines or cedars ; and towards the summit are in several places magnificent cedar groves, remnants of the primeval forest which once clothed the greater part of the mountain. Above all towers the bare limestone of the dorsal ridge, always white enough to justify the name of Lebanon (** White Mountain "), and for eight months of the year clothed with a mantle of snow. II. THE PEOPLE— THEIR ORIGIN AND ETHNIC CHARACTER. The earliest inhabitants of the Syrian seaboard, which in course of time came to be known as Phoe- nicia, were apparently the Canaan ites. This people, a Hamitic race closely connected with the Egyptians, Ethiopians, and primitive Babylonians, spread itself at a remote date over the entire coast tract from the borders of Egypt to Casius, and formed the dominant population as far inland as the Coele- Syrian valley, the lake of Gennesaret, and the deep cleft of the Jordan. But, from about B.C. 2000, Semitic immigrants from the East began to find their way into the territory ; and by degrees permanent lodgments were effected, which transferred the rule and government of almost the entire country from the Hamites to the Semites — from the Canaanites and Philistines to the Hebrews, the Phoenicians, and the Syrians. In the emigration of Terah, his family, and his dependants from " (Jr of the Chaldees '' to Harran, Sichem, and Hebron, we have a specimen of the movements which were in progress at this early period, whereby the thickly- ORIGIN OF THE PHCENICIANS, 21 peopled countries on the shores of the Persian Gulf discharged their superfluous population into the more sparsely populated regions of the West. Chedor- laomer's expeditions (Gen. xiv. 1-12) indicate a pres- sure of the same kind ; and there are traces in the early Babylonian monuments of other Babylonian monarchs having pursued the same policy. Semitism flowed westward from the lower valley of the Eu- phrates to the shores of the Mediterranean ; and the best positions in the important region intervening between Taurus and the frontiers of Egypt passed into the possession of Semitic races. According to the " Father of History," who, despite his detractors, is still recognized as an authority second to no other, by the best critics, the Phoeni- cians at a date anterior by some generations to the siege of Troy swelled the migratory movement whereof we have given instances, and passed of their own free will from settlements on the Persian Gulf to the shores of the Mediterranean. This statement, which he calls "their own account of themselves," is confirmed by the respectable authority of Justin, who not only regards the fact of the migration as certain, but traces to some extent the line of march. " The Tyrian nation," he says, " was founded by the Phoe- nicians, who, being disturbed by an earthquake, were induced to leave their native land, and to settle, first of all, on the Assyrian lake, and afterwards on the shore of the Mediterranean, founding a city there which they called Sidon from the abundance of the fish ; for in the Phoenician tongue a fish is called Szdon" Another quite independent testimony ZZ THE PEOPLE. ascribes the foundation of Ashdod to "fugitives from the Erythraean sea." Renan sums up the evidence when he says : " The greater number of modern critics admit it as demonstrated, that the primitive abode of the Phoenicians must be placed on the Lower Euphrates, in the centre of the great com- mercial and maritime establishments of the Persian Gulf, conformably to the unanimous witness of an- tiquity." I The date, the causes, and the circumstances of the migration are involved in equal obscurity. The motive for it assigned by Justin is absurd, since no nation ever undertook a long and difficult migration on account of an earthquake. If we may resort to conjecture we should be inclined to suggest that the spirit of adventure gave the first impulse , and that afterwards the unexampled facilities for trade, which the Mediterranean coast was found to possess, at- tracted a continuous flow of immigrants from the sea of the Rising to that of the Setting Sun. The entire movement may have covered the space of a century, or even more. It was probably complete before the Israelites quitted Egypt, since the Sidonians of the Book of Judges, who " dwelt careless, quiet, and secure," are apparently Phoenician Sidonians, luxu- rious, peace-loving, and indisposed to exertion. But whenever and however the Phoenicians came into possession of the tract of land known to the ancients as Phoenicia, which is a matter that must always be open to discussion and doubt, it is at any rate certain that for a thousand years — from the four^ • Renan, " Histoire des Langues Semitiques,*' II. 2, p. 183. CHARACTERISTICS. 23 teenth century to the fourth century B.C. — a great and remarkable nation, separate from all others, with striking and peculiar characteristics, occupied the region in question, drew upon itself the eyes of the whole civilized world, and played a most important part in history, Egypt, Judaea, Assyria, Babylon, Persia, Greece, Rome, came successively into con- tact with the country and its settled inhabitants, while almost the whole known world made acquaint- ance with its hardy mariners, who explored almost all seas, visited almost all shores, and linked together the peoples from Spain, Britain, and the Fortunate Islands in the West, to India, Taprobane, and the Golden Chersonese in the East, in the silken bonds of of a mutually advantageous commerce. It is with this people and their characteristics, that we have in the present section to deal, the people who of all antiquity had most in common with England and the English — the people who first discovered the British Islands and made them known to mankind at large, the people who circumnavigated Africa, and caused the gold of Ophir to flow into the coffers of Solomon. What, then, were the characteristics of this people ? In the first place it was, as has been already stated, Semitic. It belonged to that group of nationalities which occupied the middle place in the ancient world between the Aryan nations which filled the north, and the Hamitic ones which lay towards the south. It was more or less intimately connected with the Assyrians, Babylonians, Syrians, Hebrews, Moabites, .Edomites, and Arabs. This is seen, in the first place, 24 THE PEOPLE. by Its language. The character of the Phoenician language is now sufficiently known to us by inscrip- tions upon tombs and altars, cippi, votive tablets, vases, candelabra, gems, and coins, amounting in all to several hundreds, and for the most part very fairly legible. These show it to have been almost as closely allied to the Hebrew as German to Dutch, or Portu- guese to Spanish. " The words most commonly in use, the particles, the pronouns, the forms of the verb, the principal inflexions (and, we may add, the numerals), in Phoenician are identical, or nearly identical, with the pure Hebrew." ^ El, is '' God " ; Bal or baal, " lord " ; melek, '' king " ; adon, " lord " ; ab, "father'*; am or em, ** mother ** ; ben, "son"; bath, "daughter"; akh, '* brother"; isk, ** man " ; ishahy ** woman '' or '*wife"; betk, "house"; eben, " stone" ; abed, "servant " ; deber, '* word " ; shejneshy " the sun," &c. Yet still Phoenician is not mere Hebrew ; it has its own genius, its idioms, its cha- racteristics. The definite article, so frequent in Hebrew, is in Phoenician extremely rare. The quies- cent letters, which in Hebrew accompany the long vowels, are for the most part omitted. The em- ployment of the participle for the definite tenses of the verb is much more common than in Hebrew. Aramaisms are more frequent. The feminine termi- nation of nouns is never h. Peculiar forms occur, as ash for asher, alonim for elohim, 'amath for ^am, *'populus," and the like. Semitism carries with it certain physical and cer- tain moral characteristics. The Semites were of a ' Renan, *' Histoire des Languages Semitiques, ** pp. 189, 190. PLIABILITYo ' 25 complexion intermediate between the pale races of the north and the swart inhabitants of the south. They had abundant hair, sometimes straight, some- times curly, but never woolly, like that of the negro. They were of medium height, but rather tall than short, and had features not very unlike the Aryans or Caucasians, but somewhat less refined and regular. The brow was heavy, the nose broadish and inclined to be hooked, the lips a little too full, the chin a little too developed. In the frames there was a good deal of variety. While the Assyrians, Babylonians, Phoe- nicians, and Hebrews, inclined to stoutness and massiveness ; the Syrians and Arabs were, in general, lean, spare, and agile. On the whole, the Phoenicians, probably, both in form and feature, very much re- sembled the Jews, who were their near neighbours* and who occasionally intermarried with them (i Kings xi. I, xvi. 31 ; 2 Chron. ii. 14). The moral characteristics of the Semites, or at any rate of the more western ones, have been said to be, first, pliability combined with iron fixedness of pur- pose ; secondly, depth and force ; thirdly, a yearning for dreamy ease together with a capacity for the hardest work ; fourthly, a love of abstract thought ; and fifthly, religiousness, together with an intensely spiritual conception of the Deity.^ These qualities are said to have especially distinguished the Phoe- nicians, the Arabs, and the Jews. Phoenician " pliability " is strongly evidenced, not only by the success of their colonization, which could only have been attained by a wonderful power of ' E. Deutgch, "Literary Remain «," pp. 160, 161. 26 THE PEOPLE. adapting themselves to the most diversified conditions of human life, and to the ideas and feelings of almost all the varieties of uncivilized man, but also by the relations which they are found to have established with the great civilized nations of their time, the Egyptians, the Hebrews, the Assryians, the Baby- lonians, the Greeks, and the Persians. Jealous as the Egyptians were of foreigners, and disposed as they were to exclude them altogether from their country, they were so won upon by the Phoenicians as not merely to carry on with them an extensive trade, but even to allow them a settlement in their capital, and a temple in which they could worship their own gods. Phoenician deities actually found their way into the Egyptian Pantheon, where Baal was recognized as " Bar," and Ashtoreth as " Astaret," and Anaiftis as " Anta," and Chiun as "Ken," and Reseph as "Reshpu." With the Hebrews they were always on the most familiar and friendly terms, manning their ships (i Kings ix. 27), intermarrying with thenl {ibid, xi. I ; xvi. 31), lending them artificers {ibid. v. I ; 2 Chron. ii. 13), trading with them (i Kings v. 9; Ezra iii. 7), supplying them with cedar-wood, and almug-trees^ and works in bronze, and dyed cloths, and receiving in return " wheat of Minnith and Pannag, and honey, and wine, and oil " (Ezek. xxvii. 17). Assyria and Babylon encouraged their trade, protected their caravans, and gave their merchants free passage through Western Asia from the shores of the Mediterranean to those of the Persian Gulf. The Greeks accepted from them letters and weights, welcomed them to their ports, and, though to a con- DEPTH AND FORCE. 37 siderable extent their rivals in trade, were never weary of singing their praises. Persia, which de- pended on them for her marine, treated them with exceptional favour, so long as they were her subjects, permitted them to retain their own kings, taxed them lightly, and allowed them to reach a high pitch of prosperity. " Depth and force " are qualities of a people which do not readily admit of demonstration. We rather feel them as involved in the tout ensemble of a nation's history, than deduce them from any particular facts or circumstances. The thousand years of Phoenician greatness, the dangers which they confronted, and the vicissitudes through which they passed unharmed, may, however, be adduced as indications, at any rate, of a tough fibre and a vital energy, not the heritage of many races, and may incline us to acquiesce in the view, that " depth and force " were among their characteristics. The " yearning after dreamy ease " is apparent in the intensity of the Phoenician luxury described by the Prophet Ezekiel (chap, xxvi. 16 ; xxvii. 3-25 ; xxviii. 13), and its combination with a "capacity for the hardest work " is shown by the unwearied activity of the nation throughout its whole career in ship- building, in manufactures, in mining, in colonization, and in commerce. No people of antiquity passed habitually more laborious days than did the great bulk of the Phoenician nation ; perhaps none more enjoyed the delight of rest from toil and indulgence in comfortable ease when the active business of life was accomplished 28 THE PEOPLE. The general Semitic " love of abstract thought," so noticeable among the Hebrews and the Arabs, can scarcely be said to have been a leading characteristic of the Phoenicians. There are, it is true, but itw remains of the Phoenician literature ; but, neither the fragments which exist, nor the accounts of the litera- ture which have come down to us from the Greeks and Romans, give reason to believe that much of it was concerned with philosophy or abstract specu- lation. A certain Mochus — a Sidonian — is indeed said to have written a treatise on the doctrine of atoms, and speculations concerning creation and the early condition of man are the main subject of Philo Byblius's introduction to his Phcenician History. But the bulk of the Phoenician writings seem to have been of a practical character, consisting mainly of histories, geographical treatises, and books of travels. The Phoenicians were, on the whole, too busy, too much occupied with the affairs of practical life, to give much attention to speculation or abstract reasoning. On the other hand, the Phoenicians possessed, in a strong degree, the general Semitic quality of re- ligiousness. The temple was the centre of attraction in each city, and the piety of the inhabitants adorned each temple with abundant and costly offerings. The kings were zealous in maintaining the honour of the gods, repaired and beautified the sacred buildings, and not unfrequently discharged the office of High Priest. Both they, and their subjects, bore, for the most part, religious names — names which were re- garded as placing them under the protection of some RELIGIOUSNESS. 29 deity. Their ships bore images of gods as their figure-heads. Wherever they went, they carried with them their religion and worship, and were careful to erect in each colony a temple, or temples, similar to those which adorned them the cities of other country. It must be confessed, however, that the religion of the Phoenicians was not, in the historic period, of a very elevating or improving character. Originally, indeed, the Phoenicians would seem to have been monotheists, and to have possessed a lofty idea of the great Power which had created, and which ruled, the world. They called Him El, " great " ; Ram or Rimmon, " high " ; Baal, " Lord " ; Melek or Molech, " King " ; Eliun, " Supreme " ; Adonai, " my Lord " ; Bel-samin, '' Lord of Heaven,'* and the like. They regarded Him as wholly distinct from matter, and believed Him to have brought into existence all other beings, and all material things. But this belief was early overlaid and corrupted. The different names of God passed by degrees into different gods ; new deities were invented or imported, as Ishtar from Babylon, and Thoth and Ammon from Egypt. Monotheism passed into Polytheism. Instead of worshipping a single supreme God — El, the " great " or EHun, the *'' Supreme " One — the Phoenicians, like so many other peoples, broke up their primitive con- ception into a number of fragments, and made of each fragment a distinct and separate personality. Baal or Baal-shemin, *' the Lord of Heaven," became a deity distinct from El, and the first object of Phoenician worship. He was represented as the son of El, or sometimes of Uranus, and as the practical BAAL AS A SUN -GOD. ';♦ ■■■/f ■■'* : ASTARTE. 32 THE PEOPLE. m ruler of the world during the current cycle. At the same time he had a solar aspect, and seems to have been, by some, actually identified with the physical sun, as Ra was by many in Egypt. Whether there was any real connection between Baal and Bel is doubtful, since there is a root letter in the one (^vn) which is wanting in the other (73). At any rate, Bel had no solar character in Babylon, and was far from being at the head of the Pantheon in the early times. With Baal v/as associated, as a sort of counterpart, or complement, the great goddess, Ashtoreth (nr}^6J^V) or Astarte, who was especially worshipped at Sidon, but received also a widespread, indeed a general, acknowledgment. Her ordinary character was that of a nature-goddess, the queen of increase and fecundity ; but, as Baal had a solar, so she had a lunar character, and was often represented with horns, or with the crescent moon upon her head. The character of her rites will be spoken of in a later chapter. Baal and Ashtoreth maintained from a very early date to the latest period of Phoenician nationality a supremacy, or at any rate a pre-eminency over all the other personages of the Phoenician Pantheon. Among secondary deities were the following : — El, Melkarth, Dagon, Hadad, Adonis, Sadyk, Eshmun, the Kabeiri, Atergatis or Derketo, Onca, and perhaps Beltis. A few words must be said concerning each. El or II, originally the name of the supreme God, became in the later Phoenician mythology a sub- ordinate deity, whom the Greeks compared to their Kronos, and the Romans to their Saturn. He was especially worshipped at Carthage, and is perhaps to MELKAKTH. 34 THE PEOPLE. be identified with the Ammonite Moloch.^ Human sacrifices were offered to him, and a tale was told of him, that he had been himself the first to sacrifice his own son, Jeoud, in a time of distress and calamity. Melkarth was perhaps originally a mere aspect of Baal— Baal considered as the god of cities, or of a particular city. He is called in one inscription " Baal Tsur," "the Lord of Tyre," or "the Baal of Tyre "; and he was certainly looked upon as in a peculiar way the guardian and protector of that town. His name is explained as meaning " City King," and appears in Greek as " Melikarthos " or " Melikertes." COIN OF GADES, The Greeks identified him with their Hercules, but for what reason is not very apparent ; however, the Phoenicians caught at the idea, and in their later coins, Hercules, modelled upon Grecian types, makes his appearance frequently as representative of the Phoenician deity. Dagon, the god of Ashdod in Philistia (i Sam. v. 2 ; Mac. x, 84), was probably one of the deities adopted by the Phoenicians from without. It is generally supposed that he had the form of a fish, and images of fish-gods have cer- tainly been found in many parts of Western Asia ; but there is no ground for regarding Dagon as one of them beyond a very doubtful etymology. PHCENICIAN GODS. 35 "Dag'' (n) in Hebrew means "a fish/* but Philo Byblius suggests for Dagon quite a different deriva- tions making him a ** Corn-god " (StrcDz/), the dis- coverer of wheat, and the inventor of the plough. In Philistia he held a high place, but in Phoenicia he was quite subordinate, and it is simply on the authority of Philo that he is admitted into the Phoenician Pantheon. Hadad, Adad, or Adod, was primarily a Syrian god, and seems to have represented the sun in the later Phoenician system. One of his titles was " King of the Gods," but he was certainly not re- garded by the Phoenicians as a deity of very exalted pretentions. Adonis held a much more important position. The word is properly Adonai 0?"'^:), " my Lord," and was probably in the olden times an epithet of Baal, but later it became a designation for the Sun« ' ' god, or rather for the sun in certain of its relations. The sun in winter, withdrawing himself from the northern hemisphere, was considered to suffer a temporary death ; and this was typified by the death of Adonis through a wound inflicted on him by the tusk of a boar, as he hunted in the heights of Lebanon. The river Adonis, really swollen and dis- coloured by the autumn rains,' was considered to be reddened with his blood ; and the Phoenician maidens flocked yearly to the banks of the stream, to weep and beat their breasts for his loss. Sadyk, " the Just One," appears to have been an embodiment of the Divine attribute of Justice. He was the son of Agru^rus, and the father of Eshmun and the Kabeiri, who discovered the art of working in metal, and were the first to build ships. Eshmun was by the Greeks 36 THE PEOPLE* identified with Asclepias or Asculapius ; but here again it is difficult to discover any grounds for the identifica- tion. Eshmun was Sadyk's eighth son, whence his name, which is to be connected with the Hebrew ••J^DE?^ " eighth." He was, according to the myth, a beautiful and chaste youth, much given to hunting, with whom Astarte fell in love, and whom she would have forced to be her paramour, had he not emascu- lated himself to escape her. The Kabeiri (probably D'^Tn? i.e., " great gods ") were gods of navigation, and also gods presiding over the working in metal ; they were represented as dwarfs and misshapen, like the Egyptian Phtha-Sokari, and the Greek Hephaestus. Atergatis or Derketo, was more properly Philistinian than Phoenician. The principal seat of her worship was Ascalon ; and we may perhaps best regard her as a nature-goddess, akin to Ashtoreth. Onca was a divinity of a higher type : the Greeks compared her with their Athene, who was the goddess of wisdom, and to a certain extent adopted her into their Pantheon. Beltis, if a Phoenician deity at all, which is uncertain, can only be the Babylonian goddess of the name transported to the shores of the Mediterranean. It is certain that the Phoenicians, or at any rate those of the later times, having once embarked in poly- theism, were not averse from adopting into their system new and extraneous gods. From the inscrip- tions ij: appears that the Ammon and Osiris of Egypt, and the Tanata, or Anaitis of Syria, were among the deities of most account in the later ages. Ammon, indeed, who is called " Hammon " 0^^)y is identified with Baal, and never addressed as a distinct and CRUEL AND LICENTIOUS RITES. 37 separate deity ; but Anaftis and Osiris are clear additions to the later Pantheon, as also is Thoth, if we may accept the statements of Philo Byblius. It is, of course, palpable that, when once the line of mono- theism is overstepped, no limit of number can be estab- lished on any intelligible and defensible principle. With polytheism there came naturally a degrada- tion of the idea of god, an identification of Baal with the sun, and of Ishtar or Ashtoreth with the moon, an inclination towards licentious orgies, and a belief that the anger of the supernal powers was best averted by the offering of human sacrifices. Aphaca in Lebanon, near the sources of the river Adonis was one of the places where religious prostitution prevailed in its grossest and most revolting forms, and through- out Phoenicia and its colonies there was an established practice of offering up human victims in time of public calamity. Familiarity with such bloody rites naturally tended to brutalize a people whom the influences of trade and commerce would otherwise have softened and refined, and this may account for the " violence " with which they are taxed by Ezekiel (ch. xxviii. 16), for their cruel treatment of prisoners on some occa- sions, and for their habitual indulgence in piracy, kidnapping, and the other horrors attendant on the traffic in slaves. The Phoenician religion rather excited the passions than restrained them, rather blunted the moral sentiments than gave them force or vigour. Fear of divine vengeance may have exercised a certain deterrent influence, and held men back from some forms of sin ; but the aggregate results of the religion upon the moral characte>r of the people was probably injurious rather than beneficial. 38 THE PEOPLE. The Phoenicians seem to have had but small expectation of a future life. A usual expression for death was " the time of non-existence." Those who died "went down into silence," and "became mute." Their spirit " vanished," " disappeared " — ceased to be, "like a day that is past." The only continuance that they, for the most part, expected or desired, was to be still borne in remembrance among those who remained upon the earth. On one gravestone alone do we find a hope of future existence indicated, rather than declared, in the curt phrase with which the inscription ends — "after rain the sun shines forth." Altogether, the Phoenicians must be said to have fallen very far behind most of the other Semitic peoples in the domain of thought, of speculation, and of ideas. It was their glory to be practical. " By industry, by perseverance, by acuteness of practical intellect, by unscrupulousness, and, if they thought the occasion called for it, by want of faith, by adaptability and pliability when necessary, and dogged defiance at other times, by total disregard of the rights of the weaker, they obtained the foremost place in the history of their times, and the highest reputation, not only for the things that they did, but also for many things that they did not. They were the first syste- matic traders, the first miners and metallurgists, the greatest inventors, the boldest mariners, the greatest colonizers — while elsewhere despotism overshadowed as with a pall the whole Eastern world, they could boast of a form of government approaching to con- stitutionalism ; of all the nations of their time they PRACTICAL ABILITY OF THE PHCENICIANS. 39 Stood the highest in practical arts and science"'— they were masons, carpenters, shipbuilders, weavers, dyers, glass-blowers, workers in metal, navigators, discoverers, beyond all others ; if they were not actually the first inventors of letters, at any rate they so improved upon the mode of writing which they found in use, that their system has been adopted, and suffices, with a few additions, for the whole civilized world ; they were the first to affi-ont the dangers of the open ocean in their strong-built ships, the first to steer by the Polar star, the first to make known to civilized nations the remoter regions of Asia, Africa, and Europe ; they surpassed the Greeks in enterprise, in perseverance, and in industry ; at a time when brute force was worshipped as the main source of power and only basis of national repute, they suc- ceeded in showing that as much fame might be won, as much glory obtained, as real a power constructed by arts as by arms, by the peaceful means of manufacture, trade, and commerce, as by the violent and bloody ones of war, massacre, and conquest. They set an example which has been followed in the past by Miletus, Corinth, Genoa, Venice, Portugal, Holland, and to some extent by England — an example which, it is to be hoped, will be far more largely followed in the future, when the rage for military establishments is past, and the rivalry of nations is diverted from the warlike channels in which it at present flows to the peaceful ones, which alone have the sanction of civilization and Christianity. "Adapted from E. Deutsch, " Literary Remains," pp. 162, 163. IIL THE CITIES— THEIR POSITION, PRINCIPAL FEATURES, AND MUTUAL RELATIONS. Among the Phoenician cities the one which first challenges attention, and which requires to be described at the greatest length, is the city of Tyre. In a cer- tain qualified sense Tyre may be regarded as the capital of Phoenicia. If not the most ancient, it was, at any rate during the historical period, by far the most important of the towns. Known to the Hebrews from the time of Joshua as "the strong city" (Josh. xix. 29), often mentioned as Tsor on the early Egyptian monuments, attracting so much the regards of the Greeks as to extend its name in their geographical nomenclature to the entire tract of sea- coast on which it stood (for " Syria " is most properly explained as a softened form of " Tsyria "), from the age of David to that of Alexander politically first and foremost among the states. Tyre is to Phoenicia what Miletus was to Ionia, almost what Rome was to Italy — the natural leader and head, the directress and monitress, the national impersonation and embodi- ment. It is among the most remarkable peculiarities of DESCRIPTION OF OLD TYRE. 41 Tyre, that it was a double city — a city made up oi two wholly distinct parts — one, a littoral island about three-quarters of a mile in length, separated from the mainland by a strait about half a mile wide, and the other a town upon the opposite shore. The town upon the shore was known to the Greeks and Romans as Palaetyrus, or ** Old Tyre " — its twin sister was " the island Tyre,'' or "New Tyre," or "Tyre" emphatically. Nature's own arrangement seems to have been to place a group, or string, of some seven or eight islands off the Syrian shore in lat. 33° 30', the general axis of the group being parallel to the shore, and two of the islands towards its centre being much larger than the remainder. This natural breakwater afforded sufficient protection against the prevalent winds to make the strait between the row of islands and the coast a con- venient roadstead. Here, then, on the continent, about half way between the mouth of the Litany and the Ras-el-Ain, the original city grew up in the maritime plain, which is about five miles in width at this point. It was strongly fortified by massive walls and towers, and by degrees extended itself over the plain, until it attained a circumference of about fifteen miles. No more particular description can be given of it, since it was ruined in the Assyrian and Babylonian wars, and all traces of it have disappeared, if we except a few broken arches, running northwards from the Ras-el- Ain towards the sandy isthmus, which now joins " the island Tyre " to the shore. Of the " Island Tyre" a more detailed description may be given. It appears that from a very early date the two principal islands of the group, or string, above 42 THE CITIES. described, were occupied by settlements, the smaller one, which lay to the north, or north-west, of the other, being made the site of a great temple to Mel- karth, while the larger one was wholly covered with houses which were many storeys in height, and closely crowded together in the narrow space. This state of things continued till the time of Hiram, the friend of David and Solomon. Hiram filled up the channel between the two main islands, thus uniting them into one, pulled down the Melkarth temple, and erected a new temple to Baal and Ashtoreth on a different site, and utilized the whole space of the Melkarth temple and its temenos for houses and other buildings. He also greatly enlarged the main island towards the east, filling up the sea with stone and rubbish to a considerable distance on that side, and obtaining thereby a broad space, which he laid out in streets and squares. One of these latter was known as " the Eurychdrus ;'' it was probably a large open place, surrounded by grand buildings like the Piazza of St, Mark at Venice, and served as a meeting-place for the assemblies of the people, as well as for other pur- poses. By these means the " Island Tyre " attained a circumference of twenty-two stadia, or about two and a half miles. It remained to provide the " Island City " with harbours. Nature had done no more than to furnish a breakwater, behind which was a tolerable roadstead, but one only partially sheltered towards the south by the trend of the shore, and without any shelter at all towards the north, where the strait lay open to the full force of the north wind. A safe anchorage- ^^^ ^cx? (Valker 6r Boutall tc PLAN OF THE ISLAND TYRE. 44 THE CITIES. ground could only be secured by art and engineering skill.. These, therefore, were called into play. At the north-eastern extremity of the island two piers of solid stone were carried out from the shore into the sea, at the distance of about a hundred feet from each other, and to a distance from the shore of about seven hundred feet, which, running nearly due west and east, formed an effectual barrier against the north wind, and secured to vessels the needful protection. The outer line of wall may be regarded as a mere breakwater. The inner one was an actual pier, and was deflected at its eastern extremity so as to join a low ridge of rock which formed a natural protection to the harbour on the east, and secured it against squalls from Lebanon. Another ridge ran out to meet this and completed the shelter upon this side, the mouth of the harbour between the two ridges, which were strengthened by art, having no greater width than about thirty-five yards. The extent of space thus enclosed and made absolutely safe in all winds seems anciently to have been about three hundred yards by two hundred and thirty-five yards, or an area of about seventy thousand square yards, a narrow space enough if viewed in connection with the require- ments of modern ships, but sufficiently capacious to contain several hundred vessels of the size known to the ancients. But a single harbour did not satisfy Phoenician ideas. No harbour is accessible under all circum- stances of wind and weather, and Tyrian commerce required that vessels should be able to make the port of .Tyre at all seasons. Accordingly a second harbour THE TWO HARBOURS. 45 was constructed at the southern extremity of the island, which was known as " the Egyptian harbour," since it looked towards Egypt A pier was carried out from the south-western point of the island to a distance of two hundred yards in a south-south-west direction, and a wall was carried thence in a direction a little north of east to the island's south-eastern extremity, a single opening being left in it, which might be closed by a boom. A space, ^{ght hundred yards long and from fifty to a hundred and fifty wide, was thus walled in, and a second harbour constructed rather more capacious than the first, the area being about eighty thousand square yards. The approach to this harbour was further guarded by a breakwater thirty- five feet in breadth, which started from a small islet a little outside the southern wall of the harbour, and was carried southwards for a distance of nearly two miles. Finally, to secure a ready communication between the two harbours at all seasons and in every kind of weather, a canal was excavated, which ran from north to south through the middle of the city, and enabled vessels to pass freely from the northern to the southern harbour, and vice versd. Thus, according to an ancient writer, the fleet and arsenals of the Tyrians were placed in a condition of perfect security, " as if within a house whose doors were bolted." Very little remains to show what was the character of the Phoenician architecture, or what pretentions the Phoenician cities had to splendour and magnifi- cence ; but Tyre, at any rate, from the descriptions of it which have come down to us, must have been a 46 THE CITIES. striking and noble city. The outer walls on the side of the mainland were a hundred and fifty feet in height, and were surmounted with battlements and towers. Beyond lay the " pleasant houses " (Ezek. XX vi. 12). These rose, in storey over storey, to a height unusual in antiquity, and sometimes stood in the midst of gardens and orchards shaded by vines and olive trees. Towards the south- w^estern extremity of the island was the Royal Castle, or palace ; beyond, toward the centre of the city, were the great temples, built with huge blocks of stone and roofed in with cedar ; in the eastern suburb was the grand square, or place known as " the Eurych6rus." The natural slope of the ground towards the west showed the buildings in tier over tier to one who viewed the town from the continent, and greatly increased the grand effect of the coup d'ceil. Sidon, the second in importance of the Phoenician cities, and probably the most ancient of them all, was situated at the distance of about twenty miles north of Tyre, on a small promontory which runs out into the sea in lat. 33° 34'. Three reefs, or low ridges of rock running parallel Vv^ith the shore, with narrow openings between them, offered the nucleus of a har- bour, which Sidonian art converted after a while into a small but safe haven. Two spacious open road- steads extended themselves to the north and south of the promontory, but these were of little use in rough weather. Sidon could never have been, as a port, at all equal to Tyre. Originally it was a mere fishing station like its namesake, Beth-Saida, on the Sea of Galilee; but the genius of its inhabitants raised it iyalker erBoutall iu PLAN OF SIDON. 48 THE CITIES. into a temporaty prominence ; and until about the eleventh century B.C. it seems to have been of even more importance than Tyre. The nautical skill and enterprise of the Sidonians, their textile fabrics, and their metallurgy, had become famous long before Homer's time, and their productions were widely spread over the countries bordering the Mediterranean. Sidon boasted of at least four temples, one dedicated to the gods generally, another to Ashtoreth, a third to Baal-Sidon, or the Sidonian Baal, and a fourth to Esmun, the chief of the Cabiri. Nothing remains of the ancient town except a portion of its walls. Proceeding northwards from Sidon, the next town of any consequence is Beyrout, or Berytus, which is now by far the most flourishing city on the Syrian coast. Anciently, however, it was a place of little note, possessing no harbour of any size, and was pro- bably subject either to Sidon or Byblus. It is scarcely mentioned in history until the time of the Maccabees. Byblus, the Greek and Roman name for the native Gebal (Ps. Ixxxiii. 7 ; Ezek. xxvii. 9), occupied a round hill close to the shore in about lat. 34° 8'. It was one of the earliest of the Phoenician settlements, celebrated as the abode of the mythic Cinyras, the father of Adonis, and at any rate well known in the time of Joshua (Josh. xiii. 5), Its people, the Gib- lites, were especially skilled in the hewing and squaring of those great masses of stone with which the Phoenicians were wont to build ; and we probably see their work in those recently-uncovered blocks of enormous size which formed the substructions of Solo- 25 O Q o en 50 THE CITIES. mon's temple (i Kings v. i8). At a later date they were noted as "caulkers," and were employed by the Tyrians to make their vessels water-tight (Ezek. xxvii. 9). Byblus was sacred to Adonis, and was one of the chief scenes of those licentious orgies which characterized his worship. It is frequently mentioned in the Assyrian inscriptions, and appears to have been the seat of a monarchy distinct from the kingdoms of Tyre and Sidon, from B.C. 745 to B.C. 660, and again in the time of Alexander. Thirty miles north of Byblus, in lat. 34° 26' nearly, was Tripolis, now Tarabolus. It was situated on a promontory, about a mile long and half a mile broad, which here runs out into the sea to the north-west. Beyond are a string of seven islands, affording good protection from the prevalent winds, and rendering the roadstead between them and the Syrian coast tolerably secure. Tripolis, the native name of which is unknown, was, we are told, a joint colony of the three cities, Tyre, Sidon, and Aradus, and was itself divided correspondingly into three distinct towns, each encircled by a wall of its own. It was not anciently a place of much consequence. Nearly thirty miles from Tripolis, on the opposite side of a deepish bay, which here indents the coast of Syria, penetrating further eastward than any other, were the two small towns of Marathus and Simyra, both exceedingly ancient, the former traceable in the " Brathu " of Sanchoniathon and in the " Martu " of the early Babylonian inscriptions ; the latter probably the home of the " Zemarites " mentioned in the Book of Genesis (chap. x. 18). Neither town lay upon TRIPOLIS AND ARADUS. 51 the shore. The rich plain seems here to have tempted the original settlers more than the sea ; but the con- sequence was a lack of development. Neither Simyra nor Marathus attained to any great prosperity. Both probably fell early under the sway of Arvad or Aradus, which, becoming powerful through commerce, ff'a//ier GyBotUaU sc. CHART OF ARADUS. was able to extend its authority over a large tract of the continent. Aradus was situated on a rocky island about eight hundred yards in length, distant nearly three miles from the shore. It lay in lat. 34° 48', a little further north than Simyra. Nearly opposite, on the Syrian coast, was Antaradus, or Carnus, its principal naval 52 THE CITIES. Station and port. It had also two small harbours on Its eastern face. According to a tradition reported by Strabo, Aradus was a colony from Sidon ; but it may be doubted whether it was not really as old as any other Phoenician settlement. The walls were built of those massive blocks, from fifteen to eighteen feet long, which mark an early stage of architecture, when it is thought that security can only be achieved by mass, and that mass alone is admirable. As in the Island Tyre, the buildings were closely crowded together, and the houses were of many storeys, being inhabited in flats. The island was springless, and the natives had to depend for their water supply either on cisterns and reservoirs, in which the rain-water was stored, or on a submarine spring v/hich rose in the mid-channel of the strait from a depth of fifty cubits. This curious fountain was carefully covered with a mass of lead, let down from above, which excluded the sea, while it allowed the fresh water to rise through a leathern tube attached to the lead, which conducted it to a vessel that floated on the surface. The plain about Antaradus was abundantly watered and very fertile, being traversed by copious streams from Bargylus, and boasting also of a famous fountain, the Ain-el-Haiyeh, or '' Enydra '' of Strabo. Fifty miles north of Aradus, on the shore, near the mouth of a considerable river, now the Nahr-el- Kebir, lay the most northern of the Phoenician cities, known to the later Greeks as Laodicea, but originally " Raman tha.'' Movers conjectures that it was the earliest of all the Phoenician settlements. The ground for this suggestion is the fact that the coins RAMANTHA AND AKKO. 53 of Laodicea in some instances bear the inscriptionj am b' Canaan, which is interpreted to mean '* the mother city in Canaan " ; but neither the interpreta- tion of the inscription, nor the deduction drawn from it, can be regarded as altogether satisfactory. COIN OF LAODICKA. Ramantha is unheard of in the early times, and not known to have flourished until the period of the Seleucidse. It had only a small harbour, and is unnoticed by the early Greek geographers. We must reckon it among the less important of the Phoenician cities. At the opposite end of the long line of coast, furthest towards the south as Ramantha was furthest towards the north, lay Ake or Akko, certainly one of the earliest settlements (Judges i. 31), and the one which has retained its prosperity the longest. As Ptolemais, Akko played a most important part in the Grasco- Roman age ; as Acre, it has been famous in history from the period of the Crusades to times within our own memory. It occupied the north- western extremity of the great bay which indents the Syrian coast north of Carmel, a bay eight miles across and about four miles deep. Its own haven 54 THE CITIES. wao small and exposed ; but on the opposite side of the bay, under Carmel, was the sheltered roadstead of Haifa ; and either at Akko or at Haifa vessels could ride securely in almost all sorts of weather. The great importance ot Akko was that it commanded the entrance to the broad plain of Esdraelon, con- ducting to the rich valley of the Jordan, and so was, in a certain sense, as it was often called, " the key of Palestine." Its kings were reckoned next in rank to those of Tyre and Sidon during the Assyrian period ; and we find them taking part in the wars which were carried on by Shalmaneser IV. and Sennacherib. The cities of Phoenicia lived for the most part on friendly terms one with another, but at no time formed a regular confederacy. In the normal con- dition of things each had its own monarch, who was quite independent of all the rest. On the approach, however, of serious danger the various towns drew together ; alliances were formed, and joint armies and fleets collected. The chief command was entrusted to a single leader, who was usually either the King of Tyre or the King of Sidon. But an inherent weak- ness rendered these leagues of little service. The great armies of the leading Asiatic powers could not be resisted, even by the combined forces of all Phoenicia, in the field ; such resistance as could be offered had to be made behind walls. The result was, that the towns were severally invested on the land side, and when a portion were forced to surrender, their fleets could be used by the conqueror to blockade by sea the cities which still held out. Phoenicia was forced to submit, successively, to LEAGUES OF THE CITIES. 55 Assyria, Babylonia, Persia, and Macedon, her own arms being turned against herself. The several cities retained, however, a certain amount of internal in- dependence, until the Seleucid princes made Phoenicia an integral portion of their empire. Special ties seem to have connected, at certain times, the three principal Phoenician cities, Tyre, Sidon, and Aradus. This is implied in the tradition concerning the founding of Tripolis, which was a joint colony of the three states. It is shown still more clearly by the fact that, under the Persians, the three states had a joint Council, or Congress, which sat at Tripolis, and deliberated on matters affecting the common welfare. Indeed, as early as the time of Ezekiel, there is indication of the alliance ; since even then " the inhabitants of Zidon and Arvad " served in the fleets of Tyre (Ezek. xxvii. 8), and the " men of Arvad " helped to man the walls (verse 1 1). IV. THE COLONIES The earliest maritime commerce of the Phoenicians was probably with Cyprus, Cilicia, and Egypt. Their relations with the Philistine cities were hostile, and those cities had no commodities to exchange which their own land did not furnish sufficiently. Their vessels, consequently, neglecting Ashdod, Ascalon, and Gaza, passed southwards to the ports of Egypt, and, mounting one or more of the navigable branches by which the Nile poured its waters into the Mediter- ranean, laid themselves alongside the wharfs which lined the banks of the great river at Pelusium, Bubastis, Zoan, Memphis, Sais, Sebennytus. At Memphis they were allowed to make a settlement. This was not, in the strict sense of the word, a colony ; but it gave them a point d'appui in Egypt, a fixed home, from which they could, by their mercan- tile ability, control most of the internal lines of traffic, and secure to themselves the choicest of the merchandise which either Egypt itself produced, or which was poured into its bosom by the rest of Africa. The early Phoenician trade was, as Herodotus MEMPHIS — TARSUS. 57 tells us (i. l), very mainly in the " wares of Egypt " — these they exported largely to Greece, Asia Minor, Italy, They consisted of ivory, ebony, skins, ostrich feathers, gums, gems, corn, papyrus, textile fabrics, toilet articles, pottery, glass, salt fish, &c. The Phoenicians in Memphis are said to have been derived originally from Tyre. They had permission to worship their own gods openly, and had a temple dedicated to Astarte, which Herodotus believed to have been built about the time of the Trojan War, or circa B.C 1250. COIN OF TARSUS, WITH PHCENICIAN INSCRIPTION. A coasting voyage of about the same length as that from Tyre to Egypt would have conducted the Phoenicians of Tripolis and Aradus to Cilicia. The coins of Cilicia show its language to have been Phoenician, and numerous traditions connect the two countries in the closest way. The name itself is derived from a Phoenician word, khalak, which means ** rough," or " rocky." Tarsus, the capital, was probably, at the first, a Phoenician colony, though subsequently it received a large number of Assyrians 58 THE COLONIES. into Its population, and also a large number of Greeks. Its coins have the figure of a god on the obverse, with the legend, Baal Tars, " The Lord of Tarsus." Cicilia could furnish the Phoenicians with abundant timber for ship-building, and with many precious minerals from the spurs and flanks of Taurus. Opposite Cilicia, within sight from its shores, and also within sight from the highlands of Northern Syria, so situated that it could not fail to attract colonists from Phoenicia at a very early date, was Cyprus. The east coast would naturally have been the first to be colonized, and here are found the Phoenician names of Salamis and Ammochosta, both situated in the great bay which indents the shore between lat. 35° and lat 35° 30'. Thence the emigrants seem to have passed to the south, where they founded Citium, Amathus, Palaepaphos, and Paphos, together with Idalium in the interior. It is doubtful if they ever possessed much of the north coast, which at an early date was colonized by the Greeks. Cyprus offered to the Phoenicians many advantages. It had abundant mines of copper, together with some of silver and of gold. It was thickly wooded originally, and after the trees had been cleared from the plains, was richly productive of corn, wine, and oil. Its precious stones attained great celebrity. Among them were the aquamarine, the emerald, the opal, the agate, and the red jasper. Abundant traces exist of the Phoeni- cian occupation of Cyprus, both in the coins and in the very curious remains which have been dis- CYPRUS — RHODES — CRETE. 59 interred by the energy and enterprise of General Di Cesnola and others. The shores of Pamphylia and Lycia seem to have possessed no great attraction for the Phoenicians, and at any rate cannot be shown to have been occupied by any of their colonies. Neither region was very productive ; and the Lycians, having a civilization of their own, of an Aryan type, may have been disinclined to encourage the settlement among them of a Semitic people. Anyhow, the Phoenicians coasted along these lovely regions, where the trees dip their branches into the blue limpid wave, with- out effecting any lodgment upon them, so far as we know, and steered their vessels for the fertile island which lay off the south-western corner of Asia Minor, the island known from the earliest times to the present as Rhodes. Rhodes had numerous excellent harbours ; its mountains were clothed with forests of pine, and towards the base with vines ; its plains produced pomegranates, olives, figs, and abundant crops of corn. The Phoenicians occupied lalysus and Camirus under a leader called Phalas, whose name connects him with the royal families of Sidon and Tyre ; but in course of time they were forced to succumb, first to the Carians, and afterwards \ to the Greeks. From Rhodes the ^Egean lay open to the ad- venturers. Carpathos and Casos conducted them to Crete ; Telos, Cos, and Calynda to the whole circle of the Sporades and Cyclades. Their coloniza- tion of the latter is testified by Thucydides ; their occupation of the form-er appears from such local 6o THE COLONIES. names as Phoenice fActs xxvii. 12), Araden, Lebena, and the like. The myth of Europa and the stories told of Mii:o?. and the Minotaur are further indica- tions of Phoenician influence in Crete; and some L towns, Hke Itanos, were expressly declared to have been founded by Phoenician settlers. As in Rhodes, so in Crete, Grecian colonization at an early date put in its claim to draw the island within the sphere of Hellenic power and activity. Phoenicia yielded, . preferring quiet retirement to an embittered contest, and content to transfer her efforts into regions where no rival interfered with her methods or restricted her liberty of action. There was not much to tempt a mercantile people to the occupation of the islands of the ^gean until the more northern part of it was reached, where some of them are metalliferous. Phoenician influence may be traced in Lemnos, Imbrus, Tenedos, and Samothrace, seats of the worship of Melicertes (Mel- karth), or of the Cabiri. But the only known Phoenician settlement in these parts was in Thasos, which they occupied on account of its gold mines. These lay chiefly on the eastern coast, opposite Samothrace, between two villages called ^nyra and Coenyra, and were worked successfully for a long term of years, so that, as Herodotus says, " a v/hole mountain was turned topsy-turvy in the search for ores/ It is doubtful whether the Phoenicians proceeded further in this direction. A few notices of late authors assign to them some scattered settlements on the shores of the Propontis and the Euxine \ and THE ISLANDS OF THE MGEAN. 6l f the tale of the " good ship Argo," which the Greeks told of their own heroes and to their own credit, is thought by some moderns to have had a basis of truth in adventurous voyages conducted by Phoenician merchants to the inner recesses of the Pontus Euxinus. But a dark veil, impenetrable by mortal eye, rests upon these remote times and distant regions. It will always remain a matter for con- troversy whether the honour of first exploring the Black Sea belongs properly to the Greeks of Asia Minor, or to these still earlier navigators. To us it seems that trustworthy evidence for Phoenician colonization towards the north-east stops at the mouth of the Dardanelles, and that only by allowing imagination to guide us can we extend the area of their migrations into the Propontis and the Euxine. Among the Southern Cyclades, Thera, Melos, and Oliarus or Antiparos, appear to have been early occu- pied by settlers from Phoenicia, Melos being colonized by Byblus, and itself at first called Byblus, while Anti- paros was a colony of the Sidonians. From Melos, or perhaps from Crete, the hardy navigators passed on to Cythera, where they established the worship of Astarte, and erected storehouses to contain the corn, which they exported from Egypt and North Africa for the purpose of supplying the deficiency of the Laconian harvests. The name of Salamis raises a suspicion that a station off the Attic coast was found as convenient for Phoenician commerce as a station off the Laconian ; and the settlement of Phoenicians in Euboea for the 62 THE COLONIES. purpose of working the copper mines near Chalcis is distinctly witnessed to. Whether they also occupied the Greek mainland, either in Chalcidice or in the region about Thebes, may perhaps be questioned. An inland position like that of Thebes is scarcely likely to have attracted them ; and perhaps the Eastern tinge, which is found in the early history of Thebes and Boeotia generally, may have been derived rather from intercourse and acquaintance with the adventurous mariners who coasted along the Hellenic shores and readily traded with the inhabitants, than from an infusion of actual settlers. " It may be questioned," says Thirlwall, *' whether the policy of the Phoenicians ever led them to aim at plant- ing independent colonies ... on the continent of Greece ; and whether they did not content them- selves with establishing factories, which they aban- doned when their attention was diverted to a different quarter." Even these factories, however, would only have been established on the sea- shore, or within a short distance of it ; and the position of Thebes, which was fifteen miles from the sea, seems to preclude the possibility of its having been selected as the home of such an establishment. Distinct evidence of Phoenician settlements on the western side of the Hellenic peninsula, in the Ionian Sea, or the Adriatic, is wanting ; but if, with some scholars of high repute, we see Phoenicians in the •* Phaeacians " of Homer, we must regard them as possessed of Corcyra in the heroic age of Greece, and as then commanding all the commerce in this quarter. The existence of a city, called Phoenic^ in Epirus, AFRICAN COLONIES — UTICA. 63 and the tale which Herodotus tells of kidnapped Egyptian priestesses sold to the Theoprotians by Phoenician merchants, lend strength to the view that Phoenician audacity did really brave the terrors of the stormy Adria, and if so, we may be sure that some "coigns of vantage ** upon the coasts were seized and held by the brave adventurers. Here, however, the continuous line of their settle- ments on the northern shores of the Mediterranean, appears to have ceased. The rock-bound coast of lapygia did not attract them, and they made their way to the Western Mediterranean by a different route. Abandoning the northern line which had led them to the Dardanelles and the Adriatic, they coasted southwards, and passing through the turbid waters which the Nile pours into the eastern end of the sea, they crept along the North African shore, without being tempted to make a settlement, until they reached the great projection opposite Sicily, which divides the Mediterranean into two basins. Here a fertile soil, a docile population, and an abundance of excellent harbours, combined their attractions ; and in the space of about three hundred years, from B.C. 1 100 to B.C. 800, Phoenician colonists occupied all the most eligible of the Mid-African sites from Leptis Magna, between the Greater and the Lesser Syrtis to Hippo Regius, six degrees (400 miles) further westward. The earliest of these Mid-African settlements was, we are told,Utica. Utica was situated on a spit of land, which ran out into the Gulf of Tunis in a direction nearly north-east, at the distance of about seventeen miles from Carthage, which lay towards the south-west The 64 THE COLONIES. river Bagradas flowed past it into the sea, a little to the east. It possessed a good harbour artificially made, which is now a lake. On the land side it was protected by steep hills ; and this fact, together with the vicinity of the sea, and the artificial defences, which were carefully kept up, rendered it a very strong place. The surrounding country was exceedingly fertile and produced abundance of corn, which was at one time largely exported to Rome. The hills behind the town contained numerous veins of various metals; and the coast was celebrated for producing vast quan- tities of salt which possessed peculiar characteristics. Altogether the position was excellently chosen, and Utica retained considerable importance for several centuries after the rise of Carthage. Other Mid- African settlements founded by the Phoenicians in the early period were Hadrumetum, Hippo Regius, and Leptis Magna. Hadrumetum lay south. Hippo west of Utica. Leptis Magna was situated in the low tract now known as the Beylik of Tripoli, at a point where the table-land of the Desert falls off to the sea in a succession of mountain terraces or ridges, enclos- ing valleys, each of which is watered by its streamlet, and sheltered from the encroachments of sand that are so injurious on this coast. These settlements in North Africa, together with some smaller ones, satisfied the Phoenician navigators for some three centuries, being sufficient for all the purposes of trade either with the coast tribes or with those of the interior ; and it is not probable that any further settlement would have been made in these parts, had not political discontents at Tyre caused a CARTHAGE — ERYX — EGESTA. 65 large number of the inhabitants to form a sudden resolve to quit the city. Such resolves were common among the mercantile cities of Greece, and may have lain at the root of Phoenician colonization more frequently than history expressly mentions. It was towards the middle of the ninth century B.C. that the discontented Tyrians left their Syrian home, and, establishing themselves in great force at a new point of the North African coast, founded a city which in a short time completely eclipsed all the other Phoenician colonies, and became one of the leading powers of the world. As the "Story of Carthage" forms the subject of a separate volume in this series, it will not be further dwelt on here. We need only note that by degrees the other Phoenician settlements in the neigh- bourhood accepted a position of dependence upon the new city planted in their midst, and were content to be her subject allies. It was probably not long after their first colonies were planted on the Mid-African shore that the Phoenicians crossed over into Sicily and took posses- sion of several of its promontories, as well as of the small islets which lie off the coast. Near the extreme western end of the island they occupied the two sites of Eryx and Egesta. Eryx on a lofty mountain, the second highest in Sicily ; and Egesta, also on a com- manding eminence. Midway in the northern coast their experienced eyes marked the most commodious harbour that the island can boast, the harbour of Palermo, and their settlement of Mahanath, which became Panormus, gave them the possession of this important place. Among the littoral islands which 6 66 THE COLONIES. they colonized were Moty^, and probably Ortygia, which commanded the port of Syraouse. At the same time, they laid their hands on Cossyrus, now Pantellaria, on Gaulos (Gozo), Lampas (Lampedusa), and Melita or Malta, which has the best harbour to be found in the Mediterranean. About the same time, they pushed along the North African coast in the direction of Spain, passed the Straits of Gibraltar, and planted colonies of great importance in Bsetica, the modern Andalusia. Baetica was one of the most fertile regions of the ancient world. " The wide plains through which the Guadal- quiver (Baetis) flows produced the finest wheat, yielding an increase of a hundred-fold ; the oil and the wine, the growth of the hills, were equally distinguished for their excellence. The wool was not less remarkable for its fineness than in modern times, and had a native colour beautiful without dye. Like the other great rivers of Iberia, which take their course to the ocean, the Baetis washes down gold from the moun- tains in which it rises, and, by following it to its source, the rich mines which they contain would be soon dis- covered. Gold, silver, quicksilver, tin, lead, copper, and iron abound in the mountains in which the Baetis and its tributaries rise. The myth of the herds of cattle which Hercules carried off from Geryon, indi- cates the richness of the pastures near the mouth of the Baetis. The river was navigable for boats in ancient times as high up as Corduba, and till the seventeenth century for large vessels to Seville. The river Anas or Guadiana, which rises near the Baetis, and flows into the Atlantic through a valley almost COLONIES IN SPAIN— GADES AND OTHERS. 67 parallel in its direction, was also navigable to a con- siderable distance from the sea, and the hills which bordered it were no less rich in metals. The ocean- tides which enter the mouths of these rivers carried ships far up into the land ; and the estuaries which abound along the coast afforded similar facilities to the inhabitants for shipping the various products of the country. The sea was equally productive with the land in the materials for an extensive commerce. The warmth of the waters, and perhaps the greater range which the ocean afforded, caused the fish and conchylia to attain to a size not known in the Mediterranean. The salted eels of Tartessus were a delicacy at Athenian tables ; and the * Tyrian tunny,' which is mentioned along with it, came partly from the same coast, where its favourite food abounded." ^ In this delightful region, at a very early date, soon after the Trojan War, according to Strabo, the Phoenicians founded the colonies of Gadeira, or Gades, whose name survives in the modern Cadiz, of Malaca (now Malaga), of Abdera (now Adra), and of Cartefa (perhaps Rocadillo). Of these by far the most im- portant was Gadeira This town was situated at the north-western extremity of an island about twelve miles long, which lies off the western coast of Spain a little outside the straits. A narrow channel, more like a river than an arm of the sea, and now spanned by a bridge, separates the island from the shore, expanding, how- ever, towards its northern end, where it forms itself into a land-locked bay, capable of containing all the navies of the world. Two islets lie across the mouth ' Adapted from Kenrick's ** Phoenicia," pp. 119-121. 68 THE COLONIES. of the channel at this end, and effectually prevent the entrance of the long rolling waves from the Atlantic. The original city was small, and enclosed within a strong wall, whence the name " Gadir " or " Gadeira," which meant in the Phoenician language "an en- closure " or " a fortified place.'' It occupied almost exactly the site of the modern Cadiz, being spread over the northern end of the island, the little islet of the Trocadero, and ultimately over a portion of the opposite coast. It contained temples of El, Melkarth, and Ashtoreth or Astarte. Malaca was situated about as far to the east of the straits as Gadeira was to the west of them. It derived its name from the Phoenician word for *' salt," which was the same as the Hebrew, viz., malakh, its in- habitants being largely employed in the making of that commodity, and in the salting and pickling of fish. The mountains in its vicinity were abundantly productive, both of gold and of other metals, and the coins of the place indicate that the people were also engaged to some extent in metallurgy. Malaga is now known chiefly by its wines ; but we have no evidence that anciently it had any special reputation for this product. Abdera lay still further to the east, in west longitude 3° 40'. It was situated about midway in a shallow bay, which here indents the southern coast of Spain, towards the extreme east of the rich province of Granada. The modern representative of Abdera is Almeria, or (according to some) Adra. CarteYa was in the Ray of Algesiras, which lies immediately west of the rock of Gibraltar. The bay COLONIES IN SARDINIA AND BRITAIN. 69 IS about five miles across by sea and about ten nniles round by land. It offers an excellent anchorage in almost all winds. According to Pliny, CarteYa was the same as Tartessus, which others place further to the west, either at Gadeira or at the mouth of the Baetis. But Tartessus seems to have been rather a district than a town, as is also Tarshish in some passages of Scripture (Gen. x. 4 ; Psa. Ixxii. 10 ; Isa. Ixvi. 18, &c.). It is, therefore, not to be identi- fied with any single Phoenician settlement, but to be regarded as a name under which are grouped all the Phoenician colonies of these parts, as Gadeira, Carteifa, Belo, perhaps even Abdera and Malaca. It may have been from Spain, or it may have been from Sicily, that the indefatigable navigators passed over into Sardinia, where extensive traces of their colonization have been recently discovered. Whether they can lay claim to have been the authors of the famous Sardinian nouraghes is perhaps doubtful ; but they have left clear marks of their presence at Tharros and other sites in the shape of vases, paterae, seals, rings, and other ornaments of a thoroughly Phoenician character ; and it will scarcely be disputed at the present day that Sardinia was one of the places where they had settlements. The Phoenicians had one more colony towards the west, which has a peculiar interest for all English- speaking peoples. Phoenician ships from Gadeira braved the powjs of the open ocean, and coasting along the western shores of Spain and Gaul, without (apparently) making settlements, crossed the mouth of the English Channel from Ushant to the Scilly Isles, 70 THE COLONIES. and conveyed thither a body of colonists who estab- lished an emporium. The attraction which drew them was the mineral wealth of the islands and of the neighbouring Cornish coast, which may have become known to them through the Gauls of the opposite continent. It is reasonable to suppose that the Phoenicians both worked the mines and smelted the ores. They certainly drew from this quarter those copious supplies of tin and lead, which they imported into Greece and Asia, and from which they derived so large a profit. They called the islands and shores on which they had settled the " Cassiterides," or " Tin Islands," and related of the inhabitants that they " were clad in black cloaks and in tunics reaching to the feet, with girdles round their waists ; " that they " walked with staves, and were bearded like goats ; that they subsisted by means of their cattle, and for the most part led a wandering life." Their tin and lead they were ready to exchange for pottery, salt, and bronze vessels. It is uncertain whether the Phoenicians ever suc- ceeded in establishing themselves on the shores of the Red Sea. The fact that they had a settlement at Memphis is a strong indication that the Egyptians looked upon them with favourable eyes ; and if so, it would have been natural that they should grant them a settlement on the Red Sea shore, which they must certainly have coveted. But the only indication which we have of any such settlement is contained in the name *' Baal-Zephon," which is Phoenico-Egyptian, attached to a place on the borders of the Gulf of Suez (Exod. xiv. 2, 9; Numb, xxxiii. 7) ; and this indica- LIMITS OF PHCENICIAN COLONIZATION. 71 tion is too weak to be regarded as an actual proof. They may at some periods have* held possession of Elath at the head of the Gulf of Akabah (i Kings ix. 26-28 ; xxii. 48), whence they seem to have made joint voyages with the Israelites ; but Elath was usually claimed and held by Edom. Phoenician colonization — or colonization from Phoenicia Proper — was thus in all probability limited within the extremes of the Dardanelles to the north, Memphis to the south, and Gadeira and the Cassi- terides to the west. It was less widely diffused than the Greek, and less generally spread over the coasts accessible to it. With a few exceptions, the colonies fall into three groups — first, those of the Eastern Mediterranean and ^Egean, beginning with Cyprus and terminating with Cythera ; secondly, those of the Central Mediterranean, in North Africa, Sicily, and the adjacent islands ; and thirdly, those of the Western Mediterranean, chiefly on the south coast of Spain, with perhaps a few on the opposite (African) shore. The other settlements, commonly called Phoenician on the eastern coast of Spain, in the Balearic Islands, in Corsica and Elba ; and again those on the Western African coast, between the Straits of Gibraltar and the Cape de Verde, were Punic or Carthaginian, rather than Phoenician, and are there- fore excluded from this review. They belong to the field which has been assigned to another writer and to another volume of this series. 'ffi ^ ^^^»^^f^^^ S?» i 1 1 i V. EARLY PHCENICIAN ENTERPRISE — SIDONIAN ROVERS IN PRE-HOMERIC TIMES. If we would appreciate aright the extreme hardi- hood, and indeed audacity, of the early leaders of Phoenician enterprise, we must, first of all, have a correct idea of the vessels in which they embarked to affront the perils of the sea. Their earliest ships were little more than open boats, being partially decked at PHOENICIAN COIN. the utmost, and thus liable to be swamped by the mere dash of the waves over their sides and prows. They were made of fir or cedar planks, very in- sufficiently seasoned, and were caulked probably with bitumen, a poor substitute for vegetable tar. The build of some of their vessels was broad and round, 72 PHCENICIAN GALLEYS. 73 PHCENICIAN GALLEY FROM A PAINTING. PHCENICIAN BIREME. 74 EARLY PHCENICIAN ENTERPRISE. like that of Dutch merchant ships in former times ; but the better sort of ship was always of a longer make, and was called a " long ship/' while the other kind was called a gauloSy or " round " one. The earliest vessels of which we have any representation were impelled both by sails and oars. A number of rowers, varying between thirty and fifty in the later times, in the earlier probably fewer — perhaps no more than ten or twelve — occupied seats on either side of the vessel, and impelled it with oars made fast to the vessel's side by means of a peg and a strap. These rowers sat all of them on a level, as in modern row- boats ; they pulled with their faces to the stern of the boat, tlie course of which was directed ]by the steers- man. If the wind served, and it was c^esired to sail, a mast was raised from the bottom of t|ie vessel, one end placed in a socket prepared to receive it about midship, and the mast then erected and secured in its place by means of two ropes attached to it near the top, and made fast to two bolts or stanchions, one at the head and the other at the stern of the vessel. Across the mast, near the top, was fastened a yard, about half the length of the mast, or a little more ; and from this depended the sail, which was a fairly large square sail, and could be reefed along the yard, or loosened and let down at pleasure. There was but one mast in these early vessels, and but one sail. The first considerable improvement in ship building which can be confidently ascribed to the Phoenicians is the construction of biremes. Phoenician biremes are represented in the Assyrian sculptures as early as the PHCENICIAN BIREMES, 75 time of Sennacherib (B.C. 700), and had probably then been in use for some considerable period. They were at first comparatively short vessels, but seem to have been decked, the rowers working in the hold. They sat at two elevations, one above the other, and worked their oars through holes in the vessel's side. It was in frail barks of this description, not much better than open boats in the earlier period, that the mariners of Phoenicia, and especially those of Sidon as far back probably as the thirteenth or fourteenth century before our era, affronted the perils of the Mediterranean. Moderns are apt to make some- what light of these perils. Accustomed to the tremendous storms of the Atlantic and the Indian Ocean, they think that in a tideless and landlocked basin, like the Mediterranean, the worst that can happen can be little more than ** a tempest in a teapot." But this is rather the landman's than the seaman's view Experienced sailors do not regard the gales of the Mediterranean as trifles, and a " Levanter " is as much dreaded by them as any wind that blows. The danger run by St. Paul on his voyage from Palestine to Rome (Acts xxvii.) was as great as any that ships are subject to on the open ocean. Even at the present day, with our improved vessels, and with all the appli- ances of our modern nautical science, great risks are occasionally run in the Levant, the -^gean, and the Gulf of Lyons ; nor do our underwriters exact a much lower rate of insurance from ship-owners whose vessels are engaged in the Levantine trade than from those whose ships sail to South America or Australia. A single instance from a modern book of travels may be 76 EARLY PHCENICIAN ENTERPRISE. cited in proof. " The commander came down," says Mrs. Darner in her charming Bzary in the Holy Landy " saying the night was dark and rainy, with symptoms of a regular gale of wind. This prediction was very speedily verified. A violent shower of hail was the precursor, followed by loud peals of thunder, with vivid flashes of forked lightning, which played up and down the iron rigging with fearful rapidity. The ship was presently struck by a sea which came over the paddle- boxes, soon followed by another, which, coming over the forecastle, effected an entrance through the sky- lights, and left four feet of water in the officers' cabin. The vessel seemed disabled by this stunning blow ; the bowsprit and forepart of the ship were for some moments under water, and the officer stationed at that part of the ship described her as appearing at that time to be evidently sinking, and declared that for many seconds he saw only sea. The natural buoy- ancy of the ship at last allowed her to right herself and during the short lull (of three minutes) her head was turned, to avoid the danger of running too near the coast of Libya, which to the more experienced was the principal cause of alarm ; for had the wheels given way, which was not improbable from the strain which they had undergone, nothing could have saved us, though we had been spared all other causes for apprehension. With daylight the fearful part of the hurricane gave way ; and we were now in the direction of Candia (Crete), no longer indeed contending against the wind, but the sea still surging and tempes- tuous, and no lull taking place during twelve hours, to afford the opportunity of regaining our track, from PERILS OF THE SEA IN THE EARLY TIMES. 77 which we had deviated about 150 miles. The sea had completely deluged the lower part of the ship." Another ground on which the early voyagers, Phoenician and other, are disparaged, is the circum- stance that their vessels for the most part hugged the shore. We see distinctly in St. Paul's voyages how as late as the time of Nero this was the case (Acts xx- 6-17 ; xxi. 1-3 ; xxvii. 2-13) ; and there is not much reason to suppose that the practice of the Phoenician mariners was different anciently. But such a habit increases rather than diminishes the peril of navigation, since there is no nautical danger equal to that of a lee shore. What the true sailor fears, is not the swell and surge of waves as high as mountains, or the roar and rush of winds under which he must scud with bare poles, so long as he has an open and practically bound- less space wherein to move freely. What strikes a shiver to his heart, and makes his blood curdle, is the sound of breakers dashing on a coast that lies to lee- ward, for then he knows that neither skill nor daring will serve his turn or enable him to escape. Thus the coasting voyages of the ancients, like those of our own fishing smacks, were more dangerous, and involved more loss of life, than voyages in the open would have done. The Persians lost three hundred ships in a storm off Mount Athos, on their first attempt to in- vade Greece and six hundred off Magnesia and Euboea on their second attempt. There can be no doubt that a considerable proportion of the ships which left the Phoenician harbours, gallantly arrayed and well found in all respects, failed to return to them. Some went down in open sea swamped by the waves or capsized by 78 EARLY PHCENtCIAN ENTERPRISE. sudden gusts of wind ; some were captured by pirates; but the greater number perished on the rocks and shoals which are so numerous in the ^gean, or on the iron-bound coasts of Crete and Greece, of Asia Minor and Italy and Spain, driven on lee-shores by furious winds whose force was not to be resisted. The danger from pirates was not inconsiderable. In ancient times, when ship met ship upon the sea, the first inquiry made by one crew of the other was, " Are you pirates ? '* No one thought of resenting the inter- rogatory, which was viewed as a matter of course. Honest answer was at once returned ; and the piratical vessel, if the stronger of the two, boarded the other, seized its cargo, and carried off its crew and captain to the nearest slave-mart The Phoenicians would doubtless have held their own against most antagonists ; but sometimes they would have to yield. Neither the Greeks nor the Tyrrhenians were enemies altogether to be despised ; and there were several other races which from time to time put fleets upon the Mediterranean waters^ as the Taphians and Phaea- cians of Homer,and the Tanauna, Sharuten, Sheklusha, Tulshu, and Uashesh, whose combined squadrons once attacked Egypt. If a single galley fell in with a piratical fleet, its fate would be certain. No superior skill could avail. And the value of Phoenician mer- chandise would tempt the piratical tribes to waylay their trading ships with superior numbers. In spite, however, of these various dangers — perhaps in some degree attracted by them, for adventurous spirits see in danger an attraction rather than a deter- rent — the Phoenician merchantmen went forth from DANGER FROM PIRATES. 79 the Phoenician ports, and boldly traversing unexplored seas, reached unknown shores, and, entering into com- munication with the inhabitants, ofifered their wares to them. The earliest account of any such voyage, which has come down to us accompanied by any detail, is that recorded in the opening section of the History of Herodotus. At a date considerably anterior to the Trojan War, Herodotus says, the Phoenicians " began to adventure on long voyages, freighting their vessels with the wares of Egypt and Assyria.'* On one occa- sion they " made a landing upon the coast of Argolis, which was then the leading state of Hellas. Here they exposed their merchandise and traded with the natives for five or six days ; at the end of which time, when almost all of it was sold, there happened to come down to the beach a numerous company of women, and among them the daughter of the king, who was (the Persians say, agreeing herein with the Greeks) lo, the daughter of Inachus. So the women began bargaining, and were standing crowded about the stern of the ship, intent upon their purchases, when suddenly the Phoenicians, with a general shout, rushed upon them. The greater part made their escape ; but some were seized and carried off. lo herself was among the captives. The Phoenicians put the cap- tured women aboard their vessel, and set sail for Egypt." The portraiture is graphic. First, we see the traders arrive in their light bark off the Argolic coast, most probably at Nauplia, always the chief port of the country, bringing with them a cargo of wares which are chiefly Egyptian and Assyrian, either native products or at any rate procured by the Phoeni- 8o EARLY PHCENICIAN ENTERPRISE. cians from those countries. The natives crowd down to the shore and give them a warm welcome. Soon the cargo is landed, or a part of it ; and a brisk trade springs up. The Argives have plenty of gold, and are eager to exchange it for the ivory and ebony, the skins, the ostrich feathers, the delicate fabrics, the glass and pottery, the mirrors and other toilet articles, which are exposed by the owners, who have brought them from far distant lands, and now show them off to the best advantage. Abundance of chaffering goes on ; prices are asked far in excess of the value ; but the wary Greeks are not easily imposed upon, and scarcely a purchase is made until the original price put upon the article has been diminished at least one half So large is the cargo, so eager are the buyers, that the trade continues day after day until nearly a week has passed. During this space report of what is occurring spreads to the capital, and the attention of the first ladies in the land is attracted by the accounts given them. The king's daughter determines on pay- ing the traders a visit, and, naturally, is accompanied by a train of her attendant serving-maids, and perhaps by many ladies of the Court besides. They crowd around the place where the articles that suit them best are displayed, which is near the stern of the ship, under its shadow probably. It may be that hitherto the traders had had no dishonest intention ; but they could not resist the temptation which now offered itself The royal maiden and her companions would be decked in all that bravery of ornament, which the researches of Dr. Schliemann on the site of Argos have recently revealed to us— golden coronals, golden STORY OF 20. 8l necklaces, golden earrings, golden bracelets, golden brooches, golden rings, golden hair loops. They were no doubt, as Greek maidens are almost universally, beau- tiful. So the traders made a dash upon them after a moment's consultation with each other. Ah ! then what shrieks arose, what a fluttering was there of the gentle Argive doves, what a general consternation and what a hurrying of tiny feet in rapid flight ! Many — the greater part, as we are told — made their escape ; but the princess and a certain number of her com- panions were seized and carried on board. The ship, which had its head to sea, was quickly run out into the water ; the oars were manned, and the vessel was under way in a few minutes. In vain the Argive men shouted from the shore, and shot their arrows or hurled their spears against the ravishers, and ran into the water, like Cynaegirus at Marathon, to detain the parting vessel with their hands, if possible — the bold rover defied them, put out to sea, and steering its course for Egypt was ere long out of sight. Such is the story. It will be asked, what faith we are to put in it ? Doubtless, as an historical narra- tive, very little faith indeed. lo is probably Aak, or the Moon ; and the wanderings, to which her rape is preliminary, describe the course of the moon through the constellations, or other lunar phenomena. But as a picture of what was wont from time to time to occur on the Grecian coasts, we may accept the tale as probably a perfectly true representation. The Phoe- nicians, who traded regularly in the persons of men with Javan, Tubal, and Meshech (Ezek. xxviL 13)— the lonians of Asia Minor, the Tibareni, and the 8z EARLY PHCENICIAN ENTERPRISE. Moschi — were inveterate slave-dealers, and not above indulging in kidnapping, if an opportunity offered, as appears from the relations of other writers besides Herodotus. Honest trade was their main purpose ; but they could not always resist the temptation of illegitimate gains to be obtained by piracy and man- stealing. The tale of Eumseus, as told by the author of the " Odyssea," exhibits to us Phoenician traders in much the same light as does the story of lo in Herodotus. Eumaeus, swineherd to Ulyssus in Ithaca, gives the following account of himself to his master ; — *• There is an island, Syria called by name. Over against Ortygia. It may be That to thy ears some rumour of it came, When thou wast roaming over earth and sea. It is the land where the sun's turnings be, Not over-peopled, but of soil divine ; A good land teeming with fertiUty, Rich with green pastures feeding flocks and kine, A fair land fed with streams, a land of corn and wine. Twain are the cities, and an equal share Of all things is to either portioned well. My godlike father of both realms was heir, Ctesius Ormenides. And, so it fell, Phoenicians with a thousand things to sell Came, very wolves for lucre, false of heart. A woman ^ in my father's house did dwell, Fair, tall, and skilled in every splendid art ; And her these schemers lured with treachery to their parte First by the hollow ship, when on a day She went to wash, one mingled with her there In sweet love, which so often leads astray, And warps to ill with its seducing snare * In the original it is "a Phoenician woman. ** STORY OF EUMMUS 83 The female heart of woman, howsoe'er Toward righteousness inclined within their breast. He parting asked her who she was, and where Had come from. She the high- roofed house confebsed Her father's home, and thus her paramour addressed ? • I from the land of swine-famed (?) Sidon came ; Child of rich Arebas I boast to be. Once Taphian pirates, as I wended home, Found me afield, and o'er the rolling sea Led to this mansion of my lord, and he There to the sailors a fit price consigned.' Then said the man that loved her secretly ; • Come thou with me and thy dear father find And mother — they yet live, with store of every kind.* Answered the woman, and this word did say ; * Yea, such a thing might happen, would ye swear, O sailors, not to harm me on the way,' ^ So did she speak ; and, when the sailors sware, * Hush ! * said the woman, * and let each beware That neither word to me nor sign be made, Walking, or near the well, lest one declare Our meeting, and my lord, of guile afraid, Bid me plan death for you— keep quiet, and ply your tradf When, stored and laden, ye would leave the land Then to the palace send ye word to me. Gold will I bring, whatever comes to hand. Yea, and a further ship-fare, it may be ; For in the halls I tend continually A brave man's boy, a little sprightly thing. Just fit for running at his nurse's knee, My master's child — ^him also I might bring, And win large wealth for you from some far-distant kuig She, having spoken, to the fair house went. And they, abiding with us a whole year. Safe in the hollow bark their produce pent. So when by traffic they much goodly gear Had gotten, and the time to sail drew near, They to the palace sent a man, to tell The woman. He, with wits alive and clear. 84 EARLY PHCENICIAN ENTERPRISE. Came with a necklace of fine gold to sell With bright election linked right wondrously and well. My mother and her maidens in the hall Handled the work and with wide eyes surveyed, Seeming to buy : but he the voiceless call Signed with his eyebrows, and his journey made Back to the hollow vessel. She then laid Her hand on mine, leading me forth, and found Cups in the porch and tables well arrayed, Left by the feasters of my sire renowned, All lately gone, to sessions of the people bound. Three goblets in her bosom she concealed, I wending with her in my simple thoughi ; And the sun fell, and every day was veiled. Thus we with speed the noble haven sought Where lay the bark of the Phcenicians, fraught With goodly cargo, very swift to sail. Me and the woman they on shipboard brought, Embarked, and spread the canvas to the gale, Nor did the wind of Zeus along the waters fail. Six nights and days we sailed the ocean well ; But when Kronion brought the seventh day, Artemis shot the woman, and she fell Flump like a sea-coot in the hold, and they Cast her to seals and fishes for a prey ; And I was left in sorrow. Winds and floods Carried us in the ship to Ithaca, And here Laertes bought me with his goods. Thus have mine eyes beheld these rocks and waving woods." ^ We are not, however, to suppose that the trading voyages of the Phoenicians, even in the earliest times, were always fraudulent, or the gains that they made illegitimate. In commerce honesty is the best policy ; and the Phcenicians would not have been so generally welcomed as they were, alike by Egyptians, Assyrians, ' See Worsley's " Odyssea," Book xvo COMMERCIAL HONESTY OF THE PHCENICIANS. 85 and Greeks, unless their ordinary dealings had been according to the established rules and principles of fairness and justice. The Carthaginians, we may be sure, learnt from them that honourable conduct, which is noticed as specially observable in their " dumb commerce " with the nations of North-western Africa, whom they were accustomed to invite to traffic by a signal-fire, and to deal with in the follow- ing fashion : " When they arrive, forthwith they un- lade their wares, and, having disposed them in an orderly fashion along the beach, leave them, and returning aboard their ships, raise a* great smoke. The natives, when they see the smoke, come down to the shore, and laying out to view so much gold as they think the wares to be worth, withdraw to a dis- tance. The Carthaginians upon this come ashore and look. If they consider the gold enough, they take it and go their way ; but if it does not seem to them sufficient, they go aboard ship once more and wait patiently. Then the others approach and add to their gold, till the Carthaginians are content. Neither party deals unfairly by the other ; for the Cartha- ginians never touch the gold till it comes up to the estimated worth of their goods, nor do the natives ever carry off the goods till the gold has been taken away." ' Commercial honesty is in nothing more strikingly shown than in the quality of the wares which a trad- ing nation produces and exports. Let vamped-up goods, a specious appearance of excellence intended to deceive the unwary, and covering over bad materials * Herod, iv. 196. 86 EARLY PHCENICIAN ENTERPRISE. and workmanship with an external gloss of showy attractiveness, prevail, and commercial honesty may be pronounced dying or dead, while of commercial prosperity it may be safely prophesied that it will not survive much longer. The Phoenicians were notorious for the excellency of their manufactures, the sterling quality of their fabriqs, which their customers could feel absolutely confident to be what they professed to be. The textile fabrics, the works in metallurgy, and the vases and other articles in glass which Phoenicia produced, bore the highest possible character in the early ages, and were everywhere accepted as the ne plus ultra of perfection, combining as they did the best materials, the best workmanship, and the highest artistic taste and elegancy. When Achilles at the funeral of Patroclus would offer as a prize for the fastest runner the most beautiful bowl to be found in all the world, he chose one which had been deftly made by highly-skilled Sidonians, and which Phoe- nician sailors had conveyed across the cloud-shadowed sea. When Menelaiis wished to give Telemachus what was at once the most beautiful and the most valuable of all his possessions, he selected a silver bowl with a golden rim, which in former days he had himself received as a present from Phaedimus, king of Sidon. All the royal robes of Priam's queen, the re- nowned Hecuba, were the work of Sidonian women, brought from the Sidonian land by Paris, when he came to Troy with Helen ; and the choicest offering that she could find to present to Athene on behalf of her favourite son was one of these robes, the most beautifully embroidered, and the longest, which shone CIVILIZING INFLUENCE. 87 i'A * 1;. with the brightness of a star. A/l the marvels in ^' metallurgy wherewith Solomon adorned his temple— the two pillars, Jachin and Boaz, the molten sea supported on twelve oxen, the lavers, the basins, the pots, and shovels, and bowls, and snuffers, and spoons, and censers — all, as needed for holy uses, requiring ta be the best of their kind — were the work of Hiram, " a man of Tyre, skilled to work in gold, and in silver, in brass, in iron, in stone, and in timber, in purple, in blue, and in fine linen, and in crimson ; also to grave any manner of graving '' (2 Chron. il 14). The enterprise of the Phoenicians in the early ages, while Sidon was in the ascendant, did not (it is prob- able) take them beyond the limits of the Mediter- ranean ; but within those limits they would seem to have visited all coasts, to have explored all shores, to have made themselves acquainted with almost every individual island, and to have carried with them every- where civilizing influences. Letters, if not their actual invention, received at their hands modifications and improvements, which possessed within them a princi- ple of permanency, and are traceable in the alphabets of all civilized nations at the present day. Th-ey carried with them over the Mediterranean, wherever they went, their idea of alphabetic writing, and their peculiar alphabetical forms. In Cyprus and in Lycia they were met by conflicting systems ; but these sys- tems gave way to theirs. Asia Minor, Greece, Italy accepted their analysis of human speech, and the signs by which they expressed its final elements. An enormous advance must everywhere have followed the introduction of writing, and this advance was due to 88 EARLY PHCENICIAN ENTERPRISE. the Phoenicians. Trade and commerce are also, in themselves, humanizing and civilizing; they unite men, whom otherwise their selfish interests are apt to separate ; they tend to substitute for violence and savagery a sympathy with others, a friendliness, which softens manners and leads on to kind and humane conduct. In the middle and western Medi- terranean, when the Phoenicians first visited them, an extreme barbarity prevailed among most of the tribes. The Illyrians of the Adriatic tattooed their bodies, hated strangers, and were greatly given to piracy. The Laestrygonians of Sicily were actual cannibals, and feasted on any hapless wretch whom they could get into their power. Most of the North African tribes painted themselves,, like our British ancestors, and went naked, or nearly so, even the women wear- ing only a sort of fringe-apron of leather about their persons. The influence of the Phoenician traders was considerable in gradually softening the harsher fea- tures of this widespread barbarism, and in winning over the rude savages to a condition of life less antagonistic to progress and civilization* VI. RISE OF TYRE TO THE FIRST RANK AMONG THE CITIES — HIRAM'S DEALINGS WITH DAVID AND SOLOMON. The decline of Sidon and the rise of Tyre have been attributed by a large number of writers to a great blow which Sidon is said to have received at the hands of the Philistines, about B.C. 1250 or B.C. 1200. About that time the King of Ascalon is reported to have besieged the city and taken it, whereupon the popula- tion generally embarked, we are told, in their ships, and having sailed to Tyre, settled there. The rise of Tyre does not, however make itself apparent in historical documents until nearly two centuries later ; and it is, at the least, open to question, whether the change which occurred in the relations between the two towns was not the result of gradual internal decline and development, rather than of any sudden alteration in their external circumstances. Sidon's prosperity may not improbably have led her people on to the adoption of luxurious habits, and to an indulgence in that licentiousness and profligacy for which the national religion afforded only too much go THE RISE OF TYRE, excuse Corruption of manners tends to the destruc- tion of physical and mental vigour ; and as their comforts and luxuries increased, and sensuous enjoy- ment took the place of rough and hardy habits, it may well be that the spirit of enterprise decayed, and that as her vigour declined, Sidon found herself surpassed by her more active and energetic younger sister. The first distinct evidence that we possess of the ascendency over Phoenicia having passed from Sidon to Tyre is contained in the very positive statements which are made, that Gades was a Tyrian, and not a Sidonian, colony. Sidonian colonization cannot be traced further west than the Mid- African group of cities, Utica, Hadrumetum, Leptis Magna, and Hippo Regius. When, about B.C. iioo, a more adventurous spirit showed itself, and the Straits of Gibraltar were passed, the perils of the open ocean affronted, and a settlement made off the coast of that Iberia, which had long represented to the Orientals the furthest region towards the West, it was Tyre, and not Sidon, that made the step in advance. The step was one which implied more than ordinary daring. Iberia beyond the straits was regarded as the abode of monsters like Geryon, men with three heads and six arms, so fierce and strong that it required a Hercules to over- come them. Not far off the world ceased — the sun at evening plunged into the ocean flood with a hissing sound which was heard afar, and passing through the under world returned to the place of his rising in the East. Light and darkness, the upper and the under world met in the neighbourhood, which was thus a ghostly region, terrible, alarming, to be avoided by all HIRAM'S IMPROVEMENT OF HIS CAPITAL, 91 whose nerves were of a weak fibre, and scarcely to be visited by those who were stoutest of heart, without some considerable trepidation. The Tyrian mariners, who, notwithstanding all these dangers, real or imagi- nary, sailed their galleys through the Straits into the Atlantic Ocean, and the bold citizens who consented to exchange their comfortable homes in Tyre for huts or cabins on an unknown western shore, deserve that credit which must always attach to the pioneers of civilization in previously unexplored regions. It is not long after this, that we find Tyre established in a position of great power and dignity among her sister cities in Phoenicia Proper, maintaining a here- ditary monarchy in much pomp and state, greatly augmenting the size of the island capital, and increas- ing the number and magnificence of the temples and other public buildings. At the same time, she enters into relations with a powerful neighbouring monarchy, and concludes an arrangement which is for the mutual advantage of both communities. The king at this time is Hiram, or Huram, according to another voca- lization ; he is the son of Abibaal, and has succeeded him upon the throne by hereditary right at the age of nineteen. The improvement of his capital was his first care. He enlarged the area of the city by means of considerable substructions, added to the main island a smaller one which lay off the north-west coast, made a grand square or place for the meetings of the citizens, built temples to Melkarth and Astarte or Ashtoreth, which he roofed with cedar cut in Lebanon, and probably much enlarged and improved the har- bours which were so necessary for the city's safety and 92 THE RISE OF TYRE. prosperity. Some account of these has been already given. What portion of the works which made Tyre the best and safest harbour on the coast of Phoenicia was due to Hiram is uncertain ; but it is probable that, while providing a public place for its inhabitants and a larger area for their habitations, he would not neglect the necessary means of the increase of their commerce and the protection of their navy. Hiram's possessions upon the mainland necessarily brought him into contact with the recently formed kingdom of Israel, over which first Saul, then Ishbo- sheth, and now in his day David was king. A revolt of a continental tribe, which refused to pay its tribute, took him in person to the mainland, and it is likely that, while engaged in their reduction, he became more distinctly conscious than he might have been otherwise of the great change which had taken place in the position of the Israelites within the preceding twenty or thirty years. From a feeble and distracted people, with difficulty maintaining themselves among the unconquered remnants of the Canaanitish nations, and now falling under the sway of one of them, now of another, they had, through the warlike skill and courage of the great son of Jesse, emerged from their troubles, and become the dominant race in Syria. David had attacked the strong fortress of Jebus, which impended over his capital, and taken it, thus relieving himself from an intolerable annoyance. He had levied and organized a large military force both for defensive and offensive operations. He had com- pletely defeated the Philistines upon the south-west, and had reduced them to a state of permanent sub- HIRAM'S DEALINGS WITH DAVID. 93 jection (2 Sam. viii. i) ; he had smitten the Moabites, and " measured them with a line," putting two-thirds of them to death (2 Sam. viii. 2) ; he had gained a great victory over the Edomites in the valley of salt, and had " put garrisons throughout all Edom, and they of Edom had become his servants " (2 Sam. viii. 13, 14) ; he had subdued the Ammonites after a desperate struggle, and forced them to make submis- sion (2 Sam. X. 8-14) ; he had " put garrisons in Syria of Damascus " (2 Sam. viii. 6) ; finally, he had conquered the Syrians of Zobah, Rehob, Ish-tob, and Maacah, and had pushed his northern frontier to the Euphrates (2 Sam. x. 6-19 ; i Kings iv. 21). Hiram saw that with such a power it was best to be on good terms. Accordingly, having understood that the king of this mighty people was about to build himself a palace in Jerusalem, Hiram took the initiative, and sent a friendly embassy to the Israelite king, with a present of cedar trees, recently felled in Lebanon, and an offer of the services of numerous carpenters and masons, to superintend the erection of the palace, and if need were, aid in its construction. The offer was readily accepted ; and the skilled artizans of Tyre came with their tools and appliances to the Jewish capital, and worked for many months in the erection of the "house," which thenceforth David made his residence. Nor was this all, if we may believe the writer of the First Book of Chronicles. According to him (ch. xxii. 4), David in his later years was busied in the collection of materials for the great temple, which he had designed to build, but the actual construction of which was reserved for his son. 94 THE RISE OF TYRE. and among the stores which he accumulated were " cedar trees in abundance," furnished to him through the good-will of Hiram, by the men of Tyre and the Sidonians. Later on, when Solomon had inherited the exten- sive empire built up for him by his father, and set himself to carry out on a magnificent scale his father's design to erect a temple to Jehovah^ further communi- cations of the highest interest took place between the two kingdoms. This time the initiative was taken by the Israelitish monarch. " Solomon sent to Huram, the king of Tyre, saying. As thou didst deal with David my father, and didst send him cedars to build him an house to dwell therein, even so deal with me. Behold I build an house for the name of Jehovah, my God, to dedicate it to him, and to burn before him incense of sweet spices, and for the continual shew- bread, and for the burnt-offerings morning and even- ing, on the sabbaths, and on the new moons, and on the set feasts of Jehovah our God. This is an ordi- nance for ever unto Israel. And the house, which I build, is great ; for great is our God above all gods. But who is able to build him an house, seeing the heaven and the heaven of heavens cannot contain him ? Now therefore send me a man cunning to work m gold, and in silver, and in brass, and in iron, and in purple and crimson and blue, and that can skill to grave all manner of gravings, to be with the cun- ning men that are with me in Judah, and in Jerusa- lem, whom David my father did provide. Send me also cedar trees, fir trees, and algum trees, out of Lebanon ; for I know that thy servants can skill to HIRAM AND SOLOMON. 95 cut timber in Lebanon ; and, behold, my servants shall be with thy servants, even to prepare me timber in abundance : for the house which I am about to build shall be wonderful great. And, behold, I will give to thy servants, the hewers that cut timber, twenty thousand measures of beaten wheat, and twenty thousand measures of barley, and twenty thousand baths of wine, and twenty thousand baths of oil " (2 Chron. ii. 3-10). The bargain was soon struck, for it advantaged both sides. Phoenicia had at all times to be ** nourished " in a great measure from Palestine (Acts xii. 20). The hill-sides ot Galilee and the plains of Esdraelon and Sharon pro- duced a superabundance of wheat and barley whereof the natives were glad to dispose, and the highlands of Samaria and of Judah bore oil and wine far beyond the wants of their inhabitants. What Phoenicia lacked in these respects, Palestine was able and eager to supply, while to Phoenicia it was a boon to obtain a market for her inexhaustible stores of timber, and it relieved her labour market to furnish her neighbour for a number of years with an army of wood-cutters, stone-cutters, carpenters, and masons. It was as skilled artizans that the Phoenician labourers were welcomed by the Israel itish king, whose subjects had small experience in those useful arts which Phoenicia had already for ages carried to a high state of perfec- tion ; and it must be assumed that while the rough work was, as a general rule, executed by Solomon's own subjects (2 Chron. ii. 17, 18), the Phoenician ope- ratives were mainly employed in such work as needed more delicate and careful manipulation. 96 THE RISE OF TYRE. The " servants of Solomon " wrought with the ''servants of Hiram" in Mount Lebanon, felling the trees that were marked as fit to be cut, and dragging them down the mountain-side to the sea, or else cast- ing them into the rivers, which in their flood season would convey the timber to their mouths, where it was collected into " floats ' or rafts, which were then towed along the Syrian coast from the Phoenician river mouths to the Jewish port of Joppa (2 Chron. ii. 16). A lively image of these proceedings may be seen at the present day on the coast of Norway, where the timber intended for exportation is cut on the banks of the streams, precipitated into them, and carried down to the shore on the melting of the snows in spring ; after which it is collected and conveyed along shore to Christiana or Bergen. A like practice prevails in Switzerland along the banks of the tribu- taries of the Rhine ; and huge " floats," seven or eight hundred feet long by two or three hundred wide may be seen descending the great river throughout the summer time, composed of scores of smaller rafts, the materials of which have been carried down the various tributaries, and finally combined into a float- ing monster at Basle or Waldshut. The skilled workmen lent by Hiram to the Israeli- tish king were chiefly concentrated at Jerusalem. They consisted principally of " stone-squarers," mostly *' Giblites " or inhabitants of Gebal, of ornamental wood-carvers, of metallurgists, and of persons accus- tomed to deal with textile fabrics. At the head of them was a wonderfully accomplished artist, who bore the same name with the king, and was by descent PHCENICTAN WORK AT JERU SALEM. 97 half-Hebrew, half-Phoenician, sprung from a Tyrian father and an Israelite mother. Hiram, the " master- workman" (2 Chron. ii. 13), son of "a man of Tyre and a woman of the daughters of Dan," was one of those universal geniuses who are common in the infancy of art, and astonish later times by their mani- fold and versatile powers. As Theodore of Samos was an architect, a caster of works in bronze, an en- graver of signets, and a maker of minute works in the precious metals — as Michael Angelo Buonarotti was at once a painter, a sculptor, an architect, and a worker in bronze, so Hiram the Tyrian was a sculptor, a carver in wood, a man skilled in the construction of delicate textile fabrics, a caster of bronzes on the largest scale, and familiar with metallurgy in all its various branches. Whether he was also an architect, we cannot be sure. It is not said that he drew out the plan of Solomon's temple, or that for his palace, or that for " the house of the forest of Lebanon " (i Kings vii. 2-6); but considering the total inex- perience of the Israelites in architectural works of any pretension, and the fact that the Phoenicians had been long accustomed to build palaces and construct temples, it may at least be suspected that the builders employed by Solomon to adorn his capital with magnificent edifices drew their inspiration from Phoe- nician sources. The two pillars, Jachin and Boaz, which reared themselves in front of the temple porch to the height of between fifty-two and fifty-three feet (2 Chron. iii. 15) were modelled, apparently, on the sacred metal pillars well known to Tyre and other Phoenician cities, one of which, coated with gold, had gS THE RISE OF TYRE. been recently set up by King Hiram in his capital. The ancient forms used freely in the temple and palace ornamentation, the lions of the royal throne (i Kings X. 20), the twelve oxen on which stood the "molten sea" (i Kings vii. 25), the "borders of the bases'' covered with lions, oxen, and cherubim, can scarcely have been the production of Israelite hands, which were expressly forbidden to fashion " graven or molten images." Altogether, the Jewish Temple, though modelled in some respects upon the *' Taber- nacle of the Congregation," must be regarded as essentially a Phoenician building, at once designed by Phoenicians and the work of Phoenician hands. From the accounts therefore which are given of Solomon's temple, and from the remains which exist at the present day, we may gather, probably, a better idea than we can obtain in any other way, of the character which attached to Phoenician architecture and art in Hiram's time. Hiram, we know from the Tyrian historians, Dius and Menander, was famous for his substructions, and the substructions of the Jewish temple are the most remarkable which the world contains. In Scripture we are told that " the king {i.e., Solomon) commanded, and they brought great stones, costly stones, hewn stones, to lay the foundation of the house" (i Kings v. 7); and again that the " foundation (of the palace) was of costly stones, even great stones, stones of ten at bits ^ and stones of eight cubits.^* The explorations made upon the spot reveal an architecture of this kind, but one even more massive and more surprising. The great area, upon which the Temple stood, was built up on ARCHITECTURE IN HIRAM'S TIME. 99 all sides from the irregular surface of the natural rock so as to form a nearly level space. The wall now rises everywhere from fifty to sixty feet above the present surface of the ground, and in places descends eighty feet more below the present surface. Thus it had an original height of from sixty or seventy to a hundred and forty feet In places, it is built from bottom to top of large squared stones, bevelled at the edges, and varying between three feet three inches and six feet in height The stones, which are laid in regular courses, without cement, are of very different lengths, the longest hitherto discovered measuring thirty-eight feet nine inches. It is estimated that this stone does not weigh less than one hundred tons! Many of the other blocks are from half to two-thirds of this weight ; and altogether it must be said that the builders found no difficulty in conveying up a steep hill, and emplacing in rows, and raising up, layer upon layer, masses of a size which modern architects scarcely use for their foundation-stones. The massiveness of their work is fully on a par with that of the Egyptian pyramid-kings ; and the per- fection of the cutting and fitting together of the stones is nearly equal, since it is often impossible to insert a knife into the joints. With the power of constructing this superb masonry was combined an extraordinary skill in the execution of metal castings. The great bowl or laver, known as "the molten sea,'' which was forty-seven feet in circumference, and capable of containing 2,000 dat/ts (i Kings vii. 26) or 17,000 gallons, far exceeded in size any similar work of the Greeks, and would lOO THE RISE OF TYRE. severely tax the ingenuity of modern metallurgists to construct in one piece.. The other lavers were not remarkable for size, but were elegant and highly convenient pieces of furniture. They ran on wheels, so that they might be readily moved from place to place, and had an ornamentation of lions, oxen, cherubim, and palm-trees (i Kings vii. 27-39). The two pillars, Jachin and Boaz, were regarded as Hiram's chef d'oeuv res, hvX were constructed, probably, in several pieces. The shafts, the capitals, and the bases were certainly distinct, and it is not certain that even the shafts were in one piece. The wonderfulness of the pillars was in their ornamentation rather than in their construction. Each was adorned with " chain-work " and " checker- work " (i Kings vii. 17), with "nets" and with "pomegranates,*' two hundred of these in two rows being embossed on either column (l Kings vii. 42),, The splendid details of the Temple and its furni- ture have been described in another " Story," ^ whereto they more properly belong. Mention of them has to be made in this place, because they were the direct product of Phoenicia, and because they furnish the surest grounds for the right estimation of early Phoenician art, which has passed away, leaving scarcely a trace, from the cities and country that gave it birth, while impressing itself on a neighbouring land, and leaving indelible marks on that land's buildings and on its literature. The few specimens of Phoenician skill in metal, in glass, and in gems, which the museums of Europe contain, are, most of them, Story of the Jews,'' pp. 24, 25. Z (( TRADE OF yEWS AND PHCENICIANS. 1 01 perhaps all of them, of later date, and, while throwing light on the Phoenician civilization of four or five centuries subsequently, are useless for the period which we are now considering. One tomb, to be described further on, and certain substructions at Tyre and Aradus, may belong to Hiram's age, but they have been very incompletely examined, and even their date is uncertain. We must form our idea of the condition of Phoenician art about B.C. looo from the remains which still exist of the Temple of Solomon, and from the accounts which Hebrew authors, who saw it, give of the building and of its furniture. The Hebrew literature throws also a flood of light on the commerce and navigation of the Phoenicians in Hiram's time. The 1'^ rian monarch entered into a close maritime alliance with his Israelitish neigh- bour, and engaged with him in joint commercial enterprises of the most lucrative character. Solomon's conquest of the Edomites had given him the posses- sion of an important port on the Red Sea, Ezion- geber, at the head of the Elanitic Gulf, not far from Elath. Whatever access the Phoenicians may have liad previously to the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean through the favour of the Egyptians, it was a distinct gain to them to enjoy the free use of a new port on the southern waters, where their presence was warmly welcomed, and they were allowed to build as many ships as they pleased. In return for the opening which they thus obtained to the freest and fullest commerce with the East, the Tyrians conceded to the Israelites a participation in the traffic which they had 102 THE RISE OF TYRE, carried on for so long a time with the nations of the far West. Two trading fleets were formed, to which each of the two nations contributed both ships and men (i Kings ix. 27 ; x. 22) — one, starting from Ezion- geber, traded with Ophir on the south-east coast of Arabia, and perhaps with the more distant East, with India, Malabar, and Ceylon ; the other, starting pro- bably from Tyre, navigated the Mediterranean, entered the ocean, and traded with Tartessus and Gades, per- haps with Western Africa and Cornwall. The Eastern navy brought from Ophir a vast quantity of gold (i Kings ix. 28) together with almug-trees (ibid. ix. II), probably sandal-wood, precious stones, and perhaps spices (ch. x. 15). The Western, which made a voyage once only in three years, imported gold, like the other, but brought in addition silver, ivory, ebony, apes, and (and if the Hebrew word is rightly rendered) peacocks. • The whole of this com- merce was absolutely new to the Hebrews, and effected a revolution in their habits which must have been most remarkable. To the Tyrians none of it was perhaps wholly new ; but their Eastern trade was greatly stimulated, and no doubt largely increased. The gold of Ophir flowed into the treasury of the state and the pockets of the merchants. If Solomon derived from a smgle voyage the amount of 420 talents (i Kings ix. 28), or more than four millions sterling of our money, what is Phoenicia not likely to have obtained from a continuous trade lasting for twenty or thirty years at any rate, probably longer? It may be said that they had to export commodities to the same value as what they imported; but in PHCENICtAN WIT AND WISDOM. 163 countries where gold is largely produced, it becomes a drug in the market, and the rate of exchange is that expressed in the Homeric line — Xpvaea x'^Keiittv, iKaToiiPoi hviapoiutv — " gold for brass, the worth of a hundred oxen for the worth of nine." The country necessarily became vastly rich, which enjoyed such a traffic. Through his dealings with Solomon the Tyrian king obtained another advantage, which however he does not appear to have estimated very highly. Solomon, anxious to show his gratitude and good will to his august brother, made over to him a district of Galilee, bordering upon the Tyrian possessions on the mainland, and containing twenty cities (i Kings ix. 11). The Phoenician monarch quitted his capital and made a royal progress for the express purpose of inspecting his new acquisition, but was far from favourably impressed by it. An old English adage tells us " not to look a gift horse in the mouth ; " but either the Phoenicians had no such proverb, or Hiram disregarded it, for he at once gave the district a name expressive of his displeasure. The land, he said, was Cabul — " disgusting " — and though he accepted it, he made his feelings known by stamping the region with the appellation. The "wisdom" of Solomon is said to have pro- voked the Tynans to match their wits against his. Solomon had sent Hiram certain riddles to test his sagacity, and had asked for a return in kind, wagering a good round sum upon the result The contest terminated in Solomon's favour, and Hiram had to 104 ^^^ ^^•S^ OF TYRE. make a heavy payment in consequence. Hereupon, a Tyrian named Abdemon (Abdesmun ?), came to the rescue, and vindicated the honour of his country by correctly solving all King Solomon's riddles, and proposing to him others, of which the Israelitish monarch, with all his intelligence, was quite unable to discovered the solution. He was thus compelled to refund all the money that Hiram had paid him, and to forfeit a considerable amount in addition. Un- fortunately, none of the verbal puzzles in question have come down to us, and we have no means of judging whether or no the Tyrian sphinx excelled the Theban one. Hiram's reign lasted thirty-four years., He was fifty-three years old at his death, and left his crown to his son Baal-uzur, or Baleazan A remarkable monument, about three miles distant from the modern Tyre (Sur), but said to have been originally built just outside the eastern gate of the continental town, which thence sloped down to the sea, is known to the present day as " the Tomb of Hiram," and may well have been the actual sepulchre of this ancient king, It is a " grey weather-beaten " structure, bearing all the marks of a high antiquity. Upon a pedestal consisting of three courses of grey limestone, each three feet thick, and the uppermost a little over- hanging the other two, is emplaced a tomb or sarcophagus formed out of a single block, which is twelve feet long by six feet high and six feet broad. The sarcophagus is covered over by a heavy lid in the shape of a solid block three feet in thickness, which appears never to have been removed The o en s <: I06 THE RISE OF TYRE. tomb, however, has been rifled ; a large hole has been broken into the eastern end of the sarcophagus, and its contents, whatever they were, have been removed. Hiram has found no more secure a resting-place than Cheops or Rameses the Great ; his dust is scattered to the winds ; and none can say what has become of the royal ornaments which were most likely buried with him. The monument is without inscription; it stands "lone and solitary," a fit emblem of that grand old king, who alone stands out from the rest of Phoenician antiquity in definite form and shape, a solid figure, while around him and about him all else is vague and shadowy. VII. ITHOBAL AND AHAB — DARKER ASPECT OF THE ?HCENICIAN RELIGION. The condition of Phoenicia is enveloped in ob- scurity from the death of Hiram to the accession of Eth-baal, whom the Greeks called Ithobalus, The names of the kings are indeed for the most part known, together with their order, and the number of years that each reigned. Hiram was succeeded by his son, Baal-uzur, or Baleazar, who ascended the throne at the age of thirty-six, and reigned seven years, dying when he was forty-three. Abd-ash- toreth, son of Baal-uzur, followed : he became king at the age of twenty, but reigned nine years only, falling a victim to a conspiracy when he was still under thirty. The crown then passed into another family, being assumed by one of the conspirators whose name is not mentioned. There seems then to have been another change of dynasty, a certain Ashtoreth becoming king at the age of forty-two, and reigning twelve years. His brother, Aserymus, succeeded at the age of forty-five, and had a reign of nine years only, dying when he was fifty- four, Aserymus was murdered by a younger brother, Phales, who held the I08 ITHOBAL AND AHAB. crown eight months only, being in his turn assas- sinated by Eth-baal, high- priest of Ashtoreth, who established himself in the kingdom. Fifty years in- tervened between the death of Hiram and the acces- sion of Eth-baal, during which half century nothing is known of the history of Tyre beyond the facts above related. A modern writer has indeed connected with this period a graphic narrative contained in the Universal History of Justin, and not dated with accuracy. But Justin, it is certain, assigned this narrative to a far later time, since he connected it with the wars between Tyre and Persia, which belong to the middle portion of the fourth century, B.C., instead of the tenth or ninth. We shall therefore reserve this history for later mention, and ask the reader's attention to the reign of King Eth-baal, and the corrupting influence which it exercised over two neighbouring countries. Eth-baal was, as already mentioned, not only king of Tyre, but also high-priest of Astarte or Ashtoreth. He seems to have been a religious enthusiast, and to have earnestly desired the spread of the Phoenician religion into other lands besides his own. To effect this purpose he married his daughter, Jezebel, whom he had thoroughly imbued with his spirit, to Ahab, king of Israel, the son of Omri, the founder of Samaria. Omri and Ahab were, both of them, bold and warlike monarchs, of a calibre much superior to any of the other princes who had hitherto occupied the throne of the northern kingdom. Eth-baal may have hoped to gain political advantages from the alliance, but its primary motive appears to have been PHCENICIAN WORSHIP AT SAMARIA, 109 religious propagandism. The Phoenician princess took with her from Tyre the paraphernah'a of her religious worship, together with a sacerdotal entourage, which gave her at once a court of her own creatures, a band of unscrupulous adherents, and a means of displaying the ceremonial of the new religion on a most mag- nificent scale. Four hundred and fifty ministering priests of Baal were attached to the worship of that god in the Israelite capital, while four hundred others, devoted to Ashtoreth, hung about the royal palace at Jezreel, and feasted daily at the table which Jezebel provided for their entertainment. Ahab was per- suaded to build a great sanctuary for Baal on the hill of Samaria. " It was of a size sufficient to contain all the worshippers of Baal that the northern kingdom could furnish. ... In the interior was a kind of fast- ness or adytum, in which were seated or raised on pillars the figures, carved in wood, of the Phoenician deities, as they wer-e seen in vision, centuries later, by JezebeFs fellow-countryman, Hannibal, in the sanctuary of Gades. In the centre was Baal, the Sun-god ; around him were the inferior divinities. In front of the temple stood, on a stone pillar, the figure of Baal alone." ^ A sanctuary was also assigned to Ashtoreth at Jezreel. Ashtoreth was worshipped under the form of an emblem, rather than of a statue. The emblem, which was sometimes of wood, sometimes of metal, was called an Asherah, and is thought to have re- sembled the " Sacred Tree " of the Assyrians. It was generally set up in a temple (2 Kings xxi. 7 ; xxiii« * Stanley, "Lectures on the Jewish Church," vol. ii. p. 246. no ITHOBAL AND AHAB. 6), but may sometimes have been worshipped in the open air under the deep shade of trees. Hence the Greek translators of the Hebrew Scriptures, con- founding it with its surroundings, rendered the term by aXao<;, "grove," which the Vulgate replaced by lucus, whence the " grove " of the Authorized Version. Jezebel's four hundred priests or " prophets " minis- tered to this idol in the vicinity of Jezreel, and pre- sented to the Israelites a form of religion which was so attractive to them, that very soon the whole people fell away from the worship of Jehovah and proclaimed themselves votaries of the two new deities, Baal and Ashtoreth. To the corrupting influence thus introduced, the gradual declension, and ultimately the fall and de- struction of the Israelite kingdom is distinctly as- cribed (2 Kings xvii. 16-18). Nor did the evil stop there. The daughter of Eth-baal passed on the mali.G^n contagion of her evil genius to her own daughter, Athaliah, a daughter worthy of such a mother, who became the queen of Ahaziah, monarch of the rival kingdom of Judah, and took advantage of her position to bring Judah, no less than Israel, within the sphere of the fatal fascination. The ter- rible virus by her introduced into the Jewish state clung 'o it to the end, and hastened that end. Vain were the reforms of Hezekiah and Josiah. The Phoenician rites brought in by Athaliah took a firm hold on the Jewish people, and are declared by Ezekiel (chap. viii. 6-18) to have been among the chief causes of the Captivity. For the lessons of history to have their proper RITES OF BAAL AND ASHTORETH. Ill « effect, it IS necessary sometimes to penetrate into dark recesses, and to expose to the eye that fearful cor- ruption which in various places has from time to time underlain the fair surface of society, like the ghastly horrors that are concealed within a whited sepulchre. When we hear of Baal-worship and Astarte-worship we are apt to suppose them very harmless and innocent things, and to wonder at the fierce denuncia- tions which the Prophets of Jehovah hurl against their votaries. Do not all men worship one God ? Are not "Jehovah, Jove, and Lord," Baal, Ammon, Zeus, Ormazd, Brahma, merely His different names in men's different languages ? Alas, when a searching investigation is made into religions, it is found that they differ essentially from the root upwards— that some of them have scarcely any features in common — that, instead of all men worshipping one God, different nations worship deities as different as it is possible for thought to conceive or words to depict. What is there in common between the fearful goddess of the Thugs and — we say not the Christ — but even the "Great Spirit" of the Red Indians, or the Brahma of the Hindoos ? How can there be said to be any resemblance between the fetish of the African and the " good and holy Ormazd " of the Parsee ? And so between Jehovah and Baal there was the widest, wonderfullest difference. Dean Stanley, certainly no bigot, observes that " the change from the symbolical worship of the One True God, with the innocent rites of sacrifice and prayer, to the cruel and licentious worship of the Phoenician divinities, was a prodigious step downwards, and left traces which no subsequent 112 ITHOBAL AND AHAB, reformations were able to obliterate." ^ Dr. Dollinger, one of the least sensational of the historians of religions, gii'es the following account of the religion of the Phoenicians as it was in the reign of Eth-baal and his successors.^ " In earlier times Baal had been worshipped with- out an image in Tyre and its colonies ; but for a long time now his worship had grown into an idolatry of the most wanton character, directed by a numerous priesthood, who had their head-quarters at Tyre. . . . His statue rode upon bulls ; for the bull was the symbol of generative power, and he was also repre- sented with bunches of grapes and pomegranates in his hands. As the people of (Western) Asia dis- tinguished, properly speaking, only two deities of nature, a male and a female, so Baal was of an ele- mental and sidereal character at once. As the former, he was god of the creative power, bringing all things to life everywhere, and, in particular, god of fire ; but he was Sun-god besides, and as such, to human linea- ments, he added the crown of rays about the head peculiar to this god. In the one quality as well as the other he was represented at the same time as sovereign of the heavens (Baal-samen), and of the earth by him impregnated. . . . The Canaanitish Moloch (king) was not essentially different from Baal, but the same god in his terrible and destroying aspect^ the god of consuming fire, the burning sun, who smites the land with unfruitfulness and pestilence, ' ''Lectures on the Jewish Church," vol. li. p. 245. = " Heidenthum und Judenthum," translated by N, Darnell, voL i« pp. 425-429. ciAUKiPiui^ ut l:hil,uren, 113 dries up the springs, and begets poisonous winds. When the prophet says (Jer. xxxii. 35), * Such as in the valley of Ben-Hinnom built high-places of Baal, to lead their sons and their daughters through the fire to Moloch;' and again, 'The Jews had built high- places to Baal, to burn their children by fire as a burnt- offering to Baal* (chap. xix. 5), there is no mistaking the essential identity of the two. Besides the incense consumed in his honour, bulls also were sacrificed to Baal, and probably horses too ; the Persians at least sacrificed the latter to their Sun-god. But the prin- cipal sacrifice was children. This horrible custom was grounded in part on the notion that children were the dearest possession of their parents, and, in part, that, as pure and innocent beings, they were the offerings of atonement most certain to pacify the anger of the deity ; and further, that the god of whose essence the generative power of nature was, had a just title to that which was begotten of man, and to the surrender of their children's lives. The sacrifices were con- sumed by fire ; the life given by the fire-god, he should also take back again by the flames which destroy being. The Rabbinical description of the image of Moloch, that it was a human figure with a buirs head and outstretched arms, is confirmed by the account which Diodorus gives of the Carthaginian Kronos or Moloch. The image of metal was made hot by a fire kindled within it ; and the children, laid in its arms, rolled from thence into the fiery lap below. Voluntary offering on the part of the parents was essential to the success of the sacrifice ; even the firstborn, nay, the only child of the family was given 114 J^ARKER ASPECT OF PHCENICIAN RELIGION. Up. The parents stopped the cries of their children by fondling and kissing them, for the victim ought not to weep, and the sound of complaint was drowned in the din of flutes and kettle-drums. Mothers, ac- cording to Plutarch, stood by without tears or sobs ; if they wept or sobbed they lost the honour of the act, and their children were sacrificed notwithstanding. Such sacrifices took place either annually on an ap- pointed day, or before great enterprises, or on the occasion of public calamities, to appease the wrath of the god. The primitive custom, is traceable in the myth of Theseus and .the Minotaur. The Cretan monster with human body and bull's head, to whom young men and maidens were sacrificed, was the Moloch who had come from Phoenicia, and the over- coming of him by Theseus was the destruction of the bloody rite. Thus, too, the rape of Europa into Crete from Phoenicia, through means of the bull, was a symbol of the colonization of that island by Phoenicians. The bull on which Europa sat was the Sun-god, and she herself the Moon-goddess, Astarte. " Another form of Baal was Melkarth, * the city king,' tutelary god of the city of Tyre, whose worship was carried far and wide by the colonies, proceeding thence to the shores of the Mediterranean. This protector of Tyre was the Phoenician Herculas, god alike of sun and fire (whence a perpetual fire was kept up upon his altar), a race-king and hero-leader of the people's expeditions. From him have the Asiatic features of the contest with the lion, the self- immolation by fire on the pile, and others, passed ovei; into the Greek saga of Heracles. . . . fuomuiyi ur ^Oi/liCiZi ll\ Ttm MY iliULUUY. II5 " In the Astarte of the western Asiatics we recognize that great nature-goddess, standing by Baal's side, regent of the stars, queen of heaven, and goddess of the moon, the mother of life, and goddess of woman's fecundity. Under the name of Astarte she was guardian goddess of Sidon, and not essentially dis- tinct from the Baaltis of Byblus, and Urania of Ascalon. The Greeks and Romans sometimes take her for Juno, as she was the supreme female divinity of the Asiatics ; sometimes for Aphrodite, on account of the licentious character of the worship sacred to her ; and again for Selene (Luna), for she was pictured as the goddess of the moon, with horns, representing the lunar crescent. . . . " As highest goddess, or queen of heaven, Astarte was (as above observed) accounted by the Greeks as Hera (Juno) ; yet they also recognized in her some- thing of Athene, Aphrodite, Selene, Rhea, Artemis, Nemesis, and the Moirai. In fact, she came nearest to the Phrygian Cybele. Sceptre and spindle in hand, she wore rays and a mural crown on her head, and the girdle too, an ornament only beseeming Aphrodite- Urania. Her golden statue rode next to that of Baal- Zeus, in a chariot drawn by lions ; a precious stone, placed upon her head, illuminated the whole temple at night. She was considered as one with Atergatis or Derceto, who was honourc-^ under the form of a fish on the coasts of the Philistines. A combined worship was offered to the two, Baal and the goddess. Their temple at Apheka was so exceedingly rich, that Crassus spent several days in weighing all the gold and silver vessels and precious things that were Il6 DARKER ASPECT OF PHCENICIAN RELIGION, contained in it. These gifts were the combined rfferings of Arabia, Babylonia, Assyria, Phcenicia, Cilicia, and Cappadocia, and therefore of all the people of the Semitic tongue. In the court of the temple there were sacred beasts in a tame state in great numbers, and also a pond containing holy fish. Priests and temple ministers were present in such numbers that Lucian counted above three hundred employed in one sacrifice ; besides these there were troops of flute players, Galli, and women frenzied with inspiration. At the spring festival, called by some * the brand feast/ by others ' the feast of torches,' which was attended by streams of visitors from every country, huge trees were burnt with the offerings suspended on them. Even children were sacrificed ; they were put into a leathern bag and thrown the whole height of the temple to the bottom, with the shocking expression that they were calves and not children. In the fore-court stood two gigantic phalli. To the exciting din of drums, flutes, and inspired songs, the Galli cut themselves on the arms ; and the effect of this act, and of the music accompanying it, was so strong upon mere spectators, that all their bodily and mental powers were thrown into a tumult of excitement ; and they too, seized by the desire to lacerate themselves, inflicted wounds upon their bodies by means of potsherds lying ready for the purpose. Thereupon they ran bleeding through the city, and received from the inhabitants a woman's attire. Not chastity, but barrenness, was intended by this act, whereby the Galli only desired to be like their goddess. The relation which they thence- yUDAiSM CORRUPTED BY PHCENICIA. 117 forward occupied towards women, was regarded as a holy thing, and was generally tolerated." Thus terrible were the practices which Phoenicia, in Eth-baal's time, introduced among her southern neighbours, by whom they had been previously, if not absolutely unknown, at least indulged in rarely and in the deepest secrecy. Under Ahab and his sons, Ahaziah and Jehoram, Baal worship became the State religion of Samaria ; under Athaliah it was for a time the State religion of Judah. The pure cult of Judaism — the one hope of the world — contracted a well-nigh indelible stain from the proselytizing efforts of Jezebel, and Athaliah, and their furious persecu- tions ; the heavenly light passed under a thick black cloud ; and it required prolonged convulsions through the whole of the East, the downfall of Israel and Judah, and the long purgation of the Captivity, to undo the effects brought about " with a light heart '* by a royal bigot, and his cruel daughter and grand- daughter. VIII. STORY OF THE /^^'NDING OF CARTHAGE. The story which has come down to us respecting the foundation of Carthage by a body of Tyrian settlers, runs somewhat as follows : — Matgen or Mattan, the grandson of Eth-baal, who died after the short reign of nine years, left as joint heirs to his crown a daughter, Elissa, who was a maiden of great beauty, and a son, who was a mere boy of about eight or nine. Elissa being of marriageable age, was wooed and won by her maternal uncle, Sicharbas or Acerbas (the "Sichaeus" of Virgil), who was one of the wealthiest and most powerful of the Tyrian nobles, and high-priest of the Tyrian god Melkarth. Within a short time of the death of Mattan a popular revolution took place. Elissa was deprived of the royal title and power, and her brother, Pygmalion, despite his extreme youth, made sole king. Desiring to possess himself of the great wealth of his brother- in-law, Sicharbas, Pygmalion ere long resolved on his assassination. Either secretly in a hunting expedi- tion, or openly in the temple of Melkarth, where he was ministering, Pygmalion attacked Sicharbas. and slew him. Elissa, rendered intensely unhappy by the THE STORY, AS COMMONLY TOLD. II9 death of her husband, whom she loved with extreme ardour, made up her mind to quit the country of her birth, which had become hateful to her on account of her misfortunes, and to seek for resignation and peace of mind amid the novelties and distractions of a new and distant scene. At the same time she was anxious that the treasures which had been her husband's, and had proved so fatal to him, should not fall into the hands of her husband's murderer, and so make his triumph complete. She therefore devised a plan by which she might at once deprive Pygmalion of his expected accession of wealth, and obtain a fleet of sufficient size to convey herself, her followers, and her possessions to a remote country. Professing to her brother that she was desirous of taking up her abode in his palace, she asked. him to send her a number of ships, wherein she might embark her husband's riches, her own goods and chattels, and her train of attendants and friends. Pygmalion granted her request, but sent a number of his own officers in charge of the ships, with directions to take especial care of the treasure of Sicharbas, and see that it reached his coffers. But Elissa had prepared a dis- appointment both for him and them. She had filled several bags with sand, and made them look as if they contained treasure, and these bags she allowed to be seen, while she carefully secreted the wealth of Sicharbas elsewhere. Then, having set sail, and reached the deep sea, she called her crew together, and announced that she was about to make an offering to the manes of her late husband. Solemnly invoking her husband by name, she required her 120 STORY OF THE FOUNDING OF CARTHAGE. sailors to take the bags which contained his wealth, and hurl them into the sea, while she implored him to receive, as a propitiatory offering, the valuables that had caused his death. Pygmalion's officers did not venture to interfere, or to assert their master's right to the treasure, but remained impassive while the comedy, whijgi 1^ princess had contrived, was enacted. At its |^?' w ^urned to them, and repre- senting to then l^f^ ^P^JNl their inertness they had become accomplis ^^ , act, and would certainly be put to death by t^Sdlion, if they placed themselves in his power, she invited them to throw in their lot with her, and accompany the expedition upon which she was bent. Seeing no better plan of action, they consented ; and the fleet, instead of bearing up for Tyre, shaped its course for Cyprus, having first taken on board a certain number of Tyrian senators. In Cyprus they were joined by a high-priest of Baal, and from its shores they carried off eighty maidens, from among the votaries of Astarte, who became the wives of Elissa's adherents, and the mothers of the new colony. The prevalent north-east wind of the Levant took the fleet to the north coast of Mid Africa, and there Elissa, with her followers, founded the world- famed city of Carthage. There can be no doubt that a great part of this tale is myth. Very little of it comes down to us from the Tyrian historians, whose fragmentary notices are curt, dry, and commonplace to a fault. The bulk is derived from Greek and Roman historians, and Latin poets and commentators upon poetry, who are never very trustworthy authorities. Modern critical historians CKITIQUE OF THE STORY BY MOVERS, 121 accept the tale so far as to believe in the existence of Elissa and Pygmalion, in their quarrel, and in the withdrawal of Elissa, with a body of her supporters, to Carthage, but deny or question almost every other portion of the story. Thus far they stand upon . tolerably safe ground. They enter on a debateable region when they proceed further, and endeavour from notices, which they discredit, to build up a theory of the real circumstances of the colonization, which shall be entitled to rank as solid and substantial history. One of the boldest of these constructive spiders, spins the following web out of a gluten that is very unsub- stantial : — " We undertake," he says, " in the following repre- sentation to separate what is matter of fact from what is doubtful, and what is doubtful from what is decidedly false. First then — the foundation of Carthage sprang from the aristocratical families in Tyre, and was brought about by means of a quarrel between them and the party of the people under whose influence the king was at the time. Secondly, what the traditions, which are here unanimous, relate concerning the immediate occasion of Elissa's emigra- tion, and that of the aristocratical party which attached itself to her, namely, the murder of the High-Priest, improbable as are the details connected with it, cannot be reasonably doubted. Thirdly, what the traditions have preserved concerning the accompany- ing circumstances, under which the immigration of Elissa and of the aristocratical families connected with her took place, rests to a certain extent upon the mythical dressing up of the narrative, while, neverthe- 122 STORY OF THE FOUNDING OF CARTHAGE. less, Other portions do not depart from that genuine historical character which belongs so remarkably to the remains of Phoenician historical literature. Fourthly, the historical foundress of Carthage, Elissa, became in the popular view, which however was not the Phoenician or Carthaginian, mixed up with the Dido or Anna, who was identical with Astarte, or rather a modification of that goddess/' Having laid down these four main points as indis- putable, he proceeds to deal with the details as follows :—" After the death of Ithobaal (Eth-baal), his son Balezor (Baal-uzur), as we learn from the fragments of Menander, assumed the government. This prince reigned eight years only, and at the age of forty-five left his crown to his son Mattan, or Mutton, aged eight. Already during the minority of this king, the ambition of the parties in the state seems to have produced so much contention, that immediately upon his death it broke out openly. Mattan died in the twenty-fifth year of his reign, at the youthful age of thirty-two, and left at his death both his children, Elissa and Pygmalion, minors, as he had been. According to Menander, Pygmalion was just nine at his father's death ; according to Justin, he was quite a boy {admoduin puer). Elissa .nust have been somewhat more advanced in life, since her father had assigned the kingdom to her and her brother con- jointly, and had at the same time designated her as the future wife of the High-Priest of Melkarth. This dignity appertained to a brother of the king, Sichar- baal by name, whose position as High-Priest made him the first man in the state after the king, the head SUPPOSED HISTORICAL FEATURES OF IT. 123 of the aristocracy, and at the same time the monarch's representative during his minority However the party of the people opposed itself to the arrange- ments made by the deceased king's last instructions, which designed the elevation of the Priest of Melkarth to a still higher dignity, since as the queen's 'husband he would have been joint regent with her, at any rate during her brother's minority ; but the democracy set the will aside, and made Pygmalion sole ruler, thus violating, as it would seem, the High- Priest's right of guardianship. Hereupon the rupture became open and patent between the two parties, the aristocracy, in whose interest, and by whose influence probably, the king had endeavoured before his death to alter the existing constitution, and the people which opposed itself to this encroachment. It showed itself still more definitely in the later course of the affair. For we see that, after the murder of the High-Priest, it was the higher aristocracy, which, in combination with Elissa, formed the plan of the emigration and succeeded in putting the plan into execution. . . . One may thus explain the strongly aristocratical character of the Carthaginian constitution, which bade defiance to all the storms of popular revolutionary movement , and one may say that thus too the view^ that the foundation of Carthage was the work of the Tyrian aristocracy, which emigrated on account of its wrongs, is thoroughly confirmed and established. "The motive for the murder of Sichaeus by his brother Pygmalion is said to have been the great riches of the former and the avarice of the latter ; and here it is remarkable that Justin's narrative, which contains so 124 STORY OF THE FOUNDING OF CARTHAGE^ many genuine historical particulars, represents the king Pygmalion at the commencement of his reign, which the flight of Elissa must have followed shortly, as ' quite a boy.' According to Menander Pygmalion was in his eighteenth year at the time of Elissa*s emigration, which took place, according to Justin, some time after the death of Sichaeus. Pygmalion then has slain the High-Priest, in order to obtain possession of his hidden treasures, but naturally has not by so doing obtained his end. As here the internal improbabilities of the narrative increase, so too the accounts given of the manner of the death vary : according to some Sichaeus was slain at the altar, or before the image of Hercules ; according to others, he was secretly pierced with a spear at a boar hunt, and then thrown into an abyss ; while, according to a third account, he was assassinated upon a journey. These contradictions, and the internal improbabilities above alluded to, leave no doubt that all which is related concerning the occasion of the murder, and concerning the king's participation in it, belongs to the dominion of myth. Still the circumstance itself cannot have been invented. It stands in too close a connection, both as to facts and as to chronology, at once with the Tyrian history in general, and with the circumstances of the time in particular, and is also too universally attested, to be the mere product of imagi- nation. The Priest of Melkai th must thus have fallen a sacrifice in the party conflict between the people and the aristocracy, whose head he was ; and must, to draw a conclusion from the entire mass of the notices, have been secretly murdered by the opposite faction. SUPPOSED MYTHICAL DETAILS. 1^^ There could not fail to be many different accounts of the occurrence. This would follow from the kind of death, from the great importance of the fact, and from the strong feelings stirred up by party passion. " After the murder of Sichaeus, according to one account, which Justin, however, does not include in his copious narrative, the monarch appeared in a dream to Elissa, and revealed to her the bloody deed of Pygmalion. This circumstance fits in with the story, according to which Pygmalion murdered Sichaeus privately while they were engaged in a hunt, and threw him into a pit, where he remained unburied ; and Virgil, who represents him as slain by the hand of Pygmalion at the altar, and nevertheless as lying unburied, while Elissa gains her first knowledge of her husband's murder through seeing him in her dream, has evidently fused together two mythical notices which contradict one another. The plan of emigra- tion which Elissa, according to this representation, adopted on the advice of her husband's ghost was, according to Justin, her own work, for the accomplish- ment of which she entered into an engagement with the heads of the aristocracy and with a portion of the Senate. With regard to the circumstances under which the flight was effected, there are two different accounts. According to one, whereto even Virgil makes allusion, it was customary with the Phoenicians to make purchases of grain in foreign lands out of the public revenue, and for the king to supply the gold. Elissa seized the ships which lay ready for this pur- pose, and at the same time sequestered the king's money which she found on board them, after which IZb STORY OF THE FOUNDING OF CARTHAGE. she took hastily to flight. As PygmaHon caused her to be pursued, she sank in the sea before the eyes of her pursuers the money assigned for the purchase of the grain, whereupon they gave up their pursuit Servius gives this account with the rennark, that there was another narrative besides with respect to the progress of the affair. The narrative in question is found in Justin, who relates that Elissa had obtained the ships v/hich she needed for her- flight from Pyg- malion, on the pretext that she wished to quit her ordinary abode and to go to him, since she at the time resided in the Island Tyre, while he lived in the city upon the mainland Pygmalion had readily sent the ships, in the expectation that he might in this way get possession of the buried treasure that had belonged to his brother ; and Elissa hereupon took flight on board them with her treasures. At the same time she carried away with her, not only her fellow-conspirators, but also the royal rfficers, whom she had cheated by telling them that the vessels full of sand which she had sunk in the sea contained the riches of Sichseus, and to whom she now pointed out that the covetous and suspicious Pygmalion would be sure to lay the blame of what had been done on them, and to inflict on them a severe punishment Thus the men were so frightened that they too joined Elissa and her companions. " Both narratives have unmistakably their historical points. The first recommends itself by the fact that it knows nothing of the hidden treasure of Sichaeus or the avarice of Pygmalion, and consequently ignores the equally unhistorical statement, that Pygmalion INTERMIXTURE OF HISTORY m THE MYTHS. I27 had slain Sichaeus through greed of gain. All these mythical adornments of the second narrative have evidently originated out of the first. The improved legend has seized hold of the quite accidental cir- cumstance, that the money assigned for the purchase of grain was on boara the ships, and has confused this money with the temple-treasure, whereof the High-Priest was the protector, whence it followed to assume that Elissa, when escaping, took this, too, with her. It followed to combine with the other facts of the case, the mysteriously concealed murder of the High-Priest, to which the king, who was at variance with the priestly order, must have been privy ; and thus the king was represented as an avaricious and bloodthirsty tyrant, to lend an internal probability to this combination. But, however any one may explain these traditional accessions to the narrative, at any rate the circumstance introduced into the first story of the Tyrians equipping ships at the public expense and having purchases of grain made in foreign countries, is so without design and so thoroughly credible, that by itself it would seem to establish the historical character of the story. And the other account, which Justin gives, has also its genuine historical points : for it can only have been in Phoenicia or among Phoenicians, and, as it seems to us, only through the popular conception of an historical narrative, that the story can have sprung up in the form which has been indicated. It rests, as we lately showed, on an exact local knowledge of the old Tyre as a double town — a knowledge of which a writer of the time of Alex- ander, when Palaetyrus (which in the story figures as 128 STORY OF THE FOUNDING OF CARTHAGE. the royal residence) lay in ruins, would certainly not have introduced in such a way." Such are the lucubrations of the German critic, a little condensed and cleared from ambiguities. He accepts the relationship of Elissa to Pygmalion, the joint sovereignty of the two under their father's will, the revolution whereby Elissa was dethroned, her marriage to Sicharbas, and the latter*s violent death. He rejects the whole tale of Sicharbas's buried treasure, of Pygmalion's greed, and of his share in the murder. He believes that Sicharbas fell a victim to the party strife, of which he makes so much, being secretly assassinated by the democratic faction, with- out the king's connivance. He thinks that the whole aristocratical party, or at any rate all its leaders, left the city with Elissa, and proceeding to Carthage, founded there an aristocratic community which stood in strong contrast with the democratic Tyre. To us it seems that there are no sure grounds upon which the details of the narrative can be divided under different categories, and some pronounced to be historical facts, others doubtful, others certainly legendary. We re- gard nothing as certain, except that the colony started from Tyre under Elissa, a sister of the king Pygmalion, who had quarrelled with him, and regarding herself as injured sought a home in a distant country, whereto she was accompanied by a number of Tyrians, some nobles, some of lower rank, who sympathised with her in her misfortunes. IX. PHCENICIA'S CONTEST WITH ASSYRIA, AND HER POSITION AS ASSYRIA'S TRIBUTARY. The first known contest of Assyria with Phoenicia belongs to a date not very remote from that of the founding of Carthage. When Assyria, ab. B.C. 1130, carried her arms as far as Northern Syria, and flaunted her standard on the shores of the Mediterranean Sea, she did not, so far as appears, make acquaintance with the Phoenician nation. Upper Syria was at that time in the possession of the Khatti or Hittites ; and it was with the Khatti, and Na'fri, that Tiglath- pileser I., the first great conquering Assyrian monarch, contended in the region between the Euphrates and the "upper ocean of the setting sun.'' But when, two and a half centuries later, ab. B.C. 880-870, the second great conqueror, Asshur-nazir-pal, warred in the same distant countries, and, after reducing the Hittites of the more northern region, pressed south- wards up the Orontes valley, and ** occupied the environs of Lebanon," the two nations came into collision. Hitherto, it would seem, the Phoenicians, protected by the strong Lebanon range, and shut in between it and the sea, had led a peaceful life, pro- 10 130 PHCENICIA'S CONTEST WITH ASSYRIA. yoking the hostility of no great power, and abstaining themselves from any attempt to acquire an extensive continental dominion. Now, however, at length the horrors of war came upon them. Little by little the warlike people, which had its true home in the rich tract between the Middle Tigris and Mount Zagros, had spread itself over the Mesopotamian plain and the adjacent mountains on the north, had everywhere slaughtered and reduced to subjection the loose con- federacies of petty tribes which opposed their pro- gress, had crossed the Euphrates, overrun Syria and Commagene, defeated the Hittites in a hundred fights, and aimed at establishing themselves in permanent possession of the entire tract between the Euphrates and the sea. Phoenicia had to decide on the course which she would pursue. Should she resist? Trust- ing in the strong walls of her ancient and famous towns, and in the strong arms of the mercenaries, whom her immense resources would enable her to attract into her service, should she venture to defy the Assyrian arms ; or should she, regarding the better part of valour as discretion, submit, and make the best terms she could with the invader ? The statesmen who presided over the councils of Phoenicia at the time determined in favour of the latter alternative. And who shall say that they were wrong ? Honour does not require a state to resist the aggressor, whatever the odds may be against the resistance being successful. Prudence must be allowed to come in, and to give her advice on a calm con- sideration of all the existing and impending circum- stances. To understand the position of Phoenicia at RELATIVE POWER OF ASSYRIA AND PHCENICIA. 13I the time, we must form an estimate of the greatness and military strength of Assyria, and we must balance in scales, free from any bias to either side, the relative power and resources of the two countries. Now, Assyria was a great centralized monarchy. She had existed for little short of six centuries, and had been a conquering state for four hundred years or more. Her main attention had been turned for four or five hundred years to the training of her soldiers, and the bringing of her military system to the highest point of perfection. She had long had a standing army. She had drilled and trained and disciplined her troops with an unwearied unflagging spirit, had conceived the idea of various arms of the service, had separated the several arms, and had ad- vanced each to a high point of efficiency. Foremost of all, both ideally and practically, was the chariot force. The chariots of Assyria in the days of Asshur- nazir-pal were to be reckoned by thousands. Cars of excellent construction were drawn by horses of great strength and swiftness, most carefully trained ; and a force was thus created, which no amount of undis- ciplined valour could possibly resist. The warriors, clad in coats of mail, with bronze helmets upon their heads, and their lower limbs guarded by greaves, advanced to the fight armed with spears, swords, and bows, rushed with impetuous force against their enemies, and for the most part swept them from the field. The on-coming of the Assyrians is thus de- scribed by the Prophet Isaiah : '' Behold, they shall come with speed swiftly : none shall be weary nor stumble among them ; none shall slumber nor sleep ; 132 PHCENTCIA'S CONTEST WITH ASSYRIA. neither shall the girdle of their loins be loosed, nor the latchet of their shoes be broken : whose arrows are sharp, and all their bows bent ; their horses' hoofs shall be counted like flint, and their wheels like a whirlwind ; their roaring shall be like a lion, they shall roar like young lions ; yea, they shall roar, and take hold of the prey, and shall carry it away safe, and none shall deliver it. And in that day they shall roar against them like the roaring of the sea ; and if one look unto the land, behold, darkness and sorrow, and the light is darkened in the heavens thereof' (Isa. V. 26-30). The Assyrians had moreover a trained cavalry. The chariot force was accompanied, and supplemented in respect of its deficiencies, by a certain proportion of well-armed and well-equipped horsemen, terrible especially after defeat, when they relentlessly pursued the flying masses of a scattered host, and dealt death and destruction around them. However, in the time of Asshur-nazir-pal, the cavalry force was not as yet very completely organized, nor was it very numerous ; and, though it may have augmented the alarm which was universally felt whenever Assyrian invasion was apprehended, did not constitute the main terror or the main danger. The arm of the service next in importance to the chariot-force was the infantry. This was organized into distinct bodies of heavy-armed spearmen, heavy- armed archers, light archers, and slingers. The heavy- armed spearmen wore coats of mail, or jerkins of leather, and bronze conical helmets ; on their left arms they carried large shields of metal or wood. The MILITARY ORGANIZATION OF ASSYRIA^ I33 heavy archers were similarly equipped, except that they worked in pairs ; one of each pair alone drew the bow, and vexed the enemy with his arrows ; the other protected him from missiles with a wicker shield, and at the same time was ready to repel hand-to-hand assailants with a short sword. The light archers had the slightest possible clothing ; they adventured them- selves in the front line of battle at the beginning of an engagement, acting as skirmishers, but withdrew behind the heavy-armed when the combat became serious. The slingers, who were a distinct corps, carried nothing but their slings, from which they dis- charged stones, and perhaps sometimes lumps of lead against their adversaries. When the Assyrians first appeared as belligerents in the Lebanon region, their military prestige, the numbers of their hosts, and their skill in arms were such, that the tribes of the region generally recognized them as irresistible. A general submission was made. Phoenicia, in deciding to acknowledge the Assyrian suzerainty, and to pay an annual tribute, did but bring her action into agreement with that of her neighbours, and show her appreciation of the fact, that it was hopeless to contend in arms with so formidable an adversary. Tyre, Sidon, Gebal (Byblus), and Arvad are declared by the Assyrian conqueror to have made their submission to him in his fifth year, and to have consented to pay a tribute to the great power of Western Asia. The tribute on the first occasion consisted of " silver, gold, tin, copper, vestments of wool and linen, cloaks great and small, strong timber, ebony," and further of "the teeth of dolphins/* on 134 PHCENICIA'S contest with ASSYRIA, which the Assyrians appear to have set a high value. The peaceful relations thus established continued, in the main, undisturbed for a century and a half, nearly. It is not quite clear whether during this space the Phoenician cities ever joined in any of those con- federacies which were formed from time to time by the petty kingdoms of Western Asia to resist the continually increasing burden of the Assyrian suze- rainty. On one or two occasions they may have allowed themselves to be drawn into alliances that had a promising appearance ; but they were certainly at no time very energetic members of such alliances^ or very strenuous in their endeavours to shake them- selves free from the Assyrian yoke. The cuneiform records for the century and a half between B.C. 870 and B.C. 727 make frequent mention of the submissive payment of tribute to Assyria by the kings of Tyre, Sidon, Gebal, and Arvad ; they nowhere speak with any distinctness of the revolt or subjugation of any Phoenician city. It is not until the time of Shalma- neser IV., the son of the second Tiglath-pileser (B.C. /^2y-y2S), that we have any clear evidence of hostili- ties having broken out between the suzerain power and her Phoenician vassals, or even of the latter being at all discontented with their position. It is probable that, on the whole, the establishment of the Assyrian power in Western Asia was favourable to the Phoe- nician land-commerce, making the passage of their caravans more safe, while it in no way interfered with their sea trade. Tyre increased in wealth and in commercial greatness under Assyria's wing, as may be PHCENIClA'S CONTENTED SUBJECTION. I35 seen by the description of what she was, or had recently been, given by Isaiah ab. B.C. 700, •* Be silent, ye inhabitants of the island, Which the merchants of Sidon, that pass over the sea, have replenished. The corn of the Nile, on the broad waters, The harvest of the River, was her revenue : She was the mart of nations. • She was a joyful city, Her antiquity was of ancient days. . , She was a city that dispensed crowns ; Her merchants were princes, And her traffickers the honourable of the earth " (Isa. xxiii. 2-8). The exact circumstances under which these peace- ful relations were disturbed, and hostile action taken by Assyria against the most powerful of her Phoe- nician feudatories, have not come down to us in any detail. There is reason, however, to suspect that the primary cause of the disagreement was the ambition of the Assyrian monarchs, and their determination to curtail the semi-independence which they had hitherto allowed their Western Asiatic feudatories, and to in- corporate them absolutely into their empire. Assyria gradually advanced her dominion by the same means as Rome. She began with persuading or compelling the states upon her borders to accept a semi-subject position — rone under which they paid her tribute and helped her in her wars, but retained their own monarchs, their own laws, and their entire internal administration. She then, after a while, proceeded to draw the bonds closer, to deprive the subject races of their monarchs, and appoint Assyrian governors to rule them instead, abolishing all distinctions between their 136 PHCENICIA'S contest with ASSYRIA. fresh subjects and their ancient ones, and thus fully incorporating the new provinces into the empire. A new zone of semi-independent states was then created, to be absorbed in their turn when the fitting time seemed to have arrived. The absorption of Northern Syria appears to have been commenced by Tiglath- pileser, who " added to the boundaries of Assyria " the whole of the Coele-Syrian valley from iVmanus in the north to the borders of Samaria on the south, an- nexing (as he tells us) at a single stroke *^ nineteen districts," and " appointing his generals as governors over them." Among the cities absorbed at this period we find the names of Zimirra (Simyra) and Arqa, both of which appear to have been Phoenician. The more important towns were for the time spared ; but only the wilfully blind could fail to see that the evil day was but deferred a little, and that the best that was to be expected was a short respite. Under these circumstances Phoenicia seems to have braced itself for an effort. The king of Tyre at the time was a certain Luliya, or Elulaeus (as the Greeks called him), who had succeeded a Hiram about B.C. y^y. Having drawn into a league with him the cities of Sidon, Akko, and Palae-tyrus, perhaps those also of Gebal and Arvad, and thus united under his sway almost the whole of Phoenicia, he further made him- self master of Cyprus, which he taxed with having revolted from him, probably because it had submitted to Assyria. At any rate Assyria took umbrage at the movement, and resolved to punish it, and at the same time to establish over Phoenicia that complete mastery, which she had not as yet enjoyed, by a great military FIRST OUTBREAK OF HOSTILITIES. I37 expedition. Shalmaneser IV., who had succeeded Tiglath-pileser II., levied a vast host, ab. B.C. 725, and marched with it into Phoenicia, which he overran from one end to the other. He could make no im- pression, however, upon the Island Tyre, since he was destitute of a navy, and was therefore forced to con- clude peace, and retire without having effected much by his expedition. Foiled in war, he had recourse to diplomacy. The Phoenician continental towns could be besieged by the Assyrian armies, their walls destroyed by mines and battering-rams, their streets invaded, and their inhabi- tants, unless they fled by sea, put to the sword. Short of this, their territories could be ravaged, their crops destroyed, their trees cut down, and their interests injured in a hundred ways. Shalmaneser, in his recent campaign, had doubtless impressed these lessons on the cities generally. He now took advantage of the fear which he had inspired, to draw over to his side such of the cities as had suffered most, or such as had any jealousy of the leadership of Tyre, and might be expected, at a pinch, to desert her. His representations had weight with Sidon, Akko, and even with Palae-tyrus. These cities and several others, moved probably by various motives, determined to detach themselves from Tyre, and to range themselves on the side of Assyria. A second campaign followed, under changed conditions. The Phoenician renegade cities engaged to supply Shalmaneser with a navy ; and a fleec was collected and equipped, which con- sisted of sixty ships, and was manned by a com- bination of Phoenicians with Assyrians. Shalmaneser 738 PHCENICIA'S CONTEST WITH ASSYRIA. occupied the Tyrian mainland with his host ; the allied fleet put to sea, and advanced against the Island Tyre. Either the Tyrians despised their assailants, and thought a small squadron sufficient to defeat them ; or they were taken unawares, and had but a few ships in their home waters. They met the sixty vessels of the enemy with a squadron of twelve, and fearlessly engaged in a sea-fight against such odds as are almost unexampled. Yet they were successful. They charged the opposing fleet, completely dispersed it, and took ^ve hundred prisoners. '* On account of this,'' says the historian, and we may well believe him, " great honour accrued to all those who dwelt in Tyre." ^ The Assyrian king despaired of any im- mediate success, and returned to his own country, merely leaving behind him a certain number of his troops, who were instructed to cut off the Tyrians from the supplies of water, which they drew from the main- land, by occupying the embouchure of the Leontes, and the aqueducts which conveyed the waters of a famous spring — the Ras-el-Ain — to the part of the shore which was directly opposite the Island city. But Tyre, although distressed, was not intimidated. For five years the inhabitants drank only such brackish liquid as they could obtain from wells dug in the soil of their own island, eked out no doubt by the rain- water, which they carefully collected into cisterns. At the end of the five years, the attempt to coerce Tyre was relinquished, troubles having broken out in Assyria Proper, and later on in Babylonia, which taxed all the energies of the Assyrian monarchs. » Menand. Ephes. ap. Joseph., *• Ant. Jud." ix. 13, § 2. SARGON'S WAR WITH ELULMUS. 139^ It appears by the cuneiform inscriptions, that after the failure of this attempt to crush the power of Elulaius, he remained unmolested by the Assyrians for the space of nearly twenty years (B.C. 720-701). He even recovered his authority over Sidon, and held the whole tract between the Bostrenus and Mount Carmel, including the towns of Sidon the Greater, and Sidon the Less, Sarepta, Hosah, Ecdippa, and Akko, all of them strong positions and places of consider- able importance. Sargon, v/ho mounted the Assyrian throne in B.C. 722, did not care to war with him, though he made frequent expeditions into Southern Syria and Palestine, crushed the kingdom of Samaria, overran Philistia, took Ashdod and Gimzo, forced Judaea, Moab, and Edom to become his tributaries, and even carried his arms to the confines of Egypt. Senna- cherib, however, Sargon's son and successor, shortly after his accession, determined to pursue a different line of policy f/om his father, and was scarcely well settled upon the throne before he declared war against the Tyrian, or (as he calls him) the Sidonian king, and directed the full force of the Assyrian arms against his territory. Elulaeus himself retreated before the attack, despairing of successful resistance, and, embarking on board a ship, fled hastily to Cyprus. Sennacherib pressed on, and took the cities one after another with little difficulty, the inhabitants being dispirited by their king's desertion He did not, how- ever, venture to absorb the territory into the Assyrian dominions, or to appoint an Assyrian governor over it, but was content to place upon the throne a native monarch of his choice, and to fix afresh — probably 140 PHCENICIA^S CONTEST WITH ASSYRIA. to increase — the annual tribute which the principality was required to pay. The name of the king ap- pointed to succeed Elulaeus was Tubaal, or Tubal ; there is reason to believe that he proved a faithful vassal of his foreign suzerain. Nothing more is heard of Phoenicia in the Assyrian annals, until the accession of Esarhaddon to the ancient throne of the Ninevite kings. Esarhaddon became king of Assyria in B.C. 68 r. During the troubles that had followed his father's violent death, the king of Sidon, Abdi-Milkut, who had perhaps succeeded Tubal, having formed an alliance with a monarch named Sanduarri, who held the adjacent parts of Lebanon, revolted from his allegiance to Assyria, and declared himself independent. San- duarri followed his example ; and the first act of the Ninevite monarch, after settling himself on his father's throne, was to proceed against these two rebels, and to make an example of them. His attack so alarmed Abdi-Milkut, that, quitting the continent, he endea- voured to reach one of the islands off the coast, possibly the island of Cyprus^ leaving his continental domi- nions to the tender mercies of the enemy. Esarhaddon ravaged and wasted them unrelentingly. He " swept away," he says; " the cities of the Sidonian land, removed its castles and its dwellings, and destroyed the place of its habitations/' casting its buildings into the sea. He did not even allow Abdi-Milkut to escape him. Despatching vessels in pursuit of the flying monarch, he seems to have overtaken him on the open Mediterranean, and to have in this way made him a prisoner. "Abdi-Milkut, king of Sidon," he BSARHADDON AND ABDl-MILKUT, I4I says, " who from the face of my soldiers in the midst of the sea had fled, like a fish from the midst of the sea I caught him, and cut off his head," Sanduarri was similarly treated. He fled to his "difficult mountains " — the fastnesses of Lebanon — but was pursued, taken, and, like Abdi-Milkut, beheaded. The heads of the two rebel monarchs were "hung round the necks of certain of their great men, and " with musicians and singers," accompanied the Great King's triumphant march homewards to his capital. Such were the amenities of warfare at the period of the highest Assyrian civilization. The kings of the subject races were liable, not merely to deposition, but to death ; and their corpses were treated with the greatest indignity. Woe to the subject prince, who thought he saw an opportunity of recovering his independence if he happened to miscalculate, and to head a rebellion which was not crowned with success ! In such a case, the reproach could no longer be made, that " for the king's offence the people bled " — monarchs paid the penalty of their shortsightedness, or their over-sanguine temperament, in their own persons. In the same spirit as that in which Joshua slew the five kings of Jerusalem, Hebron, Jarmuth, Lachish, and Eglon (Josh. x. 22-26), and in which the Philistines hung the bodies of Saul and his son, Jonathan, on the wall of Beth-shan (l Sam. xxxi. 8-12), the great Assyrian monarchs of the seventh century put to death by beheading every hostile king who could be accounted a rebel, and exposed their bodies after death to scorn and con- tumely. 142 PHCENICIA'S contest with ASSYRIA. Having slain Abdi-Milkut, Esarhaddon appears to have placed upon the throne of Southern Phoenicia a monarch named Baal, who is called " king of Tyre." Baal was at first in high favour with his Assyrian suzerain. He exerted himself to collect a fleet which should be at Esarhaddon's disposal ; and, in return, Esarhaddon, increased the extent of his dominions, assigning to him the city of Gebal, which had hitherto formed a separate monarchy, the entire district of Lebanon, and the coast tract beyond Carmel, in the direction of Philistia, as far as Dor. But Baal ill repaid his suzerain's confidence and benefits. When war was impending between Assyria under Esarhad- don, and Egypt under Tiihakah, he made overtures to the latter, accepted his suzerainty, and placed Tyre under his protection. Justly provoked by this rebel- lion, Esarhaddon, on his way to Egypt, in or about the year B.C. 672, made an expedition against the Tyrian monarch. Baal, it would seem, followed the example set by Elulaeus, and threw himself into his island city, where he shut himself up, defying his adversary. Esarhaddon could then only act as Shal- maneser had acted. He built fortresses over against the Island Tyre, upon the mainland, and from them straitened the city for provisions and water. Tyre, however, is not said to have submitted. The Egyptian war required Esarhaddon's presence, and he hastened forward, leaving his less formidable enemy unsub- dued. Baal appears to have maintained the position of an Egyptian feudatory until B c. 66S, the year of Esarhaddon's death, and of Asshurbanipars succes- sioa ASSHURBANIPAL'S WAR WITH TYRE, I43 Asshurbanipal, in his first year, as he was on his way to invade Egypt, received the submission of Baal, who probably found himself unable to resist longer the annoyance of the Assyrian occupation of the Tyrian territory upon the mainland. With Baal twenty-one other kings, including those of Judah, Edom, Moab, Gaza, Askelon, Ekron, Gebal, Arvad, and Cyprus, came into the presence of the Great King, and " kissed his feet" Asshurbanipal then pro- ceeded into Egypt, completely defeated Tirhakah, and established his authority over the whole country. Revolt however followed, and a second Egyptian war rapidly succeeded the first, terminating in the same way, with the entire subjection of Egypt to the Assyrian yoke. It is probable that Baal mixed him- self up with these transactions, and so incurred afresh the hostility of Assyria. In B.C. 664, a year or two after tbe close of Asshurbanipal's second war with Egypt, a great expedition was led by the Assyrian monarch against Tyre. "Against Baal," he says, " king of Tyre, dwelling in the midst of the sea, I went, because my royal will he disregarded, and did not hearken unto the words of my lips. Towers round about him I raised, and over his people I strengthened the watch. On land and sea his forts I took; his going out I stopped. Brackish water and sea water, to preserve their lives, their mouths drank. With a strong blockade, which removed not, I besieged them ; their spirits I humbled and caused to melt away ; to my yoke I made them submissive. The daughter proceeding from his body, and the daughters of his brothers, for concubines he brought to my presence. 144 PHCENICIA'S contest with ASSYRIA. Yahu-melek, his son, the glory of the country, who was of unsurpassed renown, at once he sent forward to make obeisance to me. His daughter and the daughters of his brothers, with their great dowries, I received. Favour I granted him ; and the son proceeding from his body I restored and gave him/' About the same time, another Phoenician city also was a thorn in the side of Assyria. Arvad, like Tyre, was a double city, partly built on the mainland, partly on a small island opposite. Assyria had still a difficulty in obtaining a naval force ; and, if she succeeded in raising one by forced contributions from the continental towns, could not trust it vigorously to exert itself The sympathies of the Sidonians, Gebalites, &c., were with their own countrymen, and they neither enforced a blockade with any zeal, nor willingly engaged in a sea fight. Thus the island Tyre, and the island Arvad, were to the Assyrians almost unconquerable, and frequently defied their utmost efforts. Yakinlu, king of Arvad, shook off the Assyrian yoke about the same time as Baal, king of Tyre, perhaps in combination with him, and, trust- ing to his sea-girt fortress, declared himself indepen- dent. However, when Baal made his submission he submitted also, sent his tribute to Nineveh, and offered his daughter to Asshurbanipal as a secondary wife. The Assyrian monarch professed himself satis- fied ; but within a short time he adopted a bolder course, deprived Yakinlu of his crown, and set up in his place his eldest son, Azibaal. Somewhat later, we find Akko (Acre) punished for a rebellion, the city PHCENICIA GENERALLY DISSATISFIED^ I43 ruined, and the male inhabitants forced into the Assyrian military service. Thus, in the later period of the Assyrian dominion, the Phoenician cities must be regarded as dissatisfied with their position, and as taking every opportunity that seemed to offer itself, to shake themselves free from the yoke whereto they had submitted at first without much reluctance, and to re-assert indepen- dence. The Assyrians must have made their yoke intolerably grievous for the standard of rebellion to have been so often raised, and such desperate struggles adventured on, with so small an expectation of success. The hostile powers were too unequally matched. Even if all Phoenicia had been formed into a permanent confederacy, and had on all occasions acted together, the inferiority in numbers and re- sources would have been too marked, and the contest would, in all probability, have terminated like that between Lydia and the Ionian cities of the coast. As it was, there seems never to have been even a temporary league of all the states ; and generally each state was isolated, revolted singly, warred singly with its mighty adversary, and was crushed singly, without receiving any help from its sister commu- nities or indeed from any quarter. The ethnic tie was too weak, the jealousies and the diversity of interests among the several states too great, to allow of their making common cause against the aggressor ; and the natural result followed that each in its turn succumbed. Though the last shadow of Phoenician independence was not wholly swept away by Asshur- banipal, Tyre, Arvad, and perhaps Gebal, being still II 146 PHCENICIA'S CONTEST WITH ASSYRIA. allowed to retain their native kings, yet the substance was undoubtedly lost. The Phoenician kings, in the language of their conqueror, " submitted to perform the service '' of the Assyrian monarchs, and " executed their pleasure/' The tribute which Assyria exacted from the Phoenician towns was partly a tribute in money, partly a tribute in kind. A definite sum was fixed in gold, silver, and copper, which each city had annually to pay, and which was no doubt proportioned to its resources ; but besides this, there was a certain indefinite demand for the precious products of the city and its neighbourhood, which must have been often a severer tax upon the inhabitants than the money payment. We find Arvad on one occasion compelled to furnish green paint and black paint, together with a number of the birds and fishes of the country, over and above the tribute in gold which had been imposed on it. Other cities contributed skins of buffaloes, horns of buffaloes, clothing of wool and linen, instruments and weapons, violet wool, purple wool, timber, feathers of various hues, wood for weapons, chariots and riding horses, asses trained to the yoke, lead, iron, antimony, and lapis lazuli. The severest and most detested exaction was that of royal maidens, daughters or other near relations of the kings, who were required to proceed to Nineveh, and enter the seraglio of the Great Monarch. With each such person was to be sent a dowry proportioned to her rank, and worthy of the acceptance of the " Lord of Asia." The kings had also, from time to time, to appear SUFFERINGS OF THE PHCENICIAN PEOPLE. I47 before their suzerain, either at his capital, or at some provincial town, where he had taken up his temporary abode, and, having been ushered into his presence, to prostrate themselves at his footstool, and " kiss his feet." Twenty-two kings on one occasion kissed the feet of AsshurbanipaJ.i Among others were Baal, king of Tyre, a king of Gebal, and a king of Arvad. On another occasion, eight kings, including Tubal of Sidon, Abdilihit of Arvad, and Urumelek of Gebal, kissed the feet of Sennacherib. Although this form of paying homage would not be so offensive in the eyes of Orientals as it was in those of the Greeks, who refused absolutely to conform themselves to it, yet we cannot doubt that it was disliked, and con- stituted a standing grievance. The bitterest grievances, however, fell, not upon the kings, but upon the people. Assyrian armies were continually on the march, backwards and forwards, upon every line of route through Syria, harassing the inhabitants by their requisitions, their coarse speech, and their rough usage. The tax-gatherers of a foreign master are almost sure to exact more than their due, Phoenician cities had often to furnish ships for expeditions in which they had no interest or even for such as were detrimental to them. Some- times quotas of troops were required from them to serve in the Assyrian armies. The Assyrian monarchs claimed a general right of cutting timber in the Phoenician mountains. When exaction and ill-usage drove a city to the dire extremity of revolt, the people again were the main sufferers. On them fell » See above, p. 143. 148 PHCENICIA'S CONTEST WITH ASSYRIA. the chief hardships of the siege — scant provisions, want of water, disturbed rest, suspension of industrial employments. When at last surrender was made, it was they who principally paid the penalty. Either their burden of taxation was increased, or else they were torn from their homes, and either deported to a distant land, or enrolled permanently in the Assyrian military servicCo Their wives and daughters were made prisoners, dishonoured, and carried off into slavery. Submission to Assyria was, at the best, a hard service ; but it was preferable to the lot of those who first submitted and then rebelled. " The people of Akko," says Asshurbanipal, " who were unsub- missive, I destroyed. Their bodies in the dust I threw down ; the whole of the city I quieted. As for the remnant, I brought them to Assyria, and attached them to the ranks of my numerous army, spreading them over the whole." And a punishment no less severe overtook the other cities that, from time to time, revolted. Compassion was not an Assyrian weakness. X. PHCENICIA'S recovery of independence — HER COMMERCE AT THIS PERIOD. From about the middle of the seventh century B.C., the power of Assyria began to decline. The Median monarchy became centralized under Cyaxares about B.C. 640, and assumed an aggressive attitude on Assyria's eastern frontier. Great hordes of bar- barians, about the same time, pressed into Western Asia from the north, and carried fire and sword over Asia Minor, Media, Assyria, and a large part of Syria. The bonds which united the provinces to the central government at Nineveh became gradually relaxed under these circumstances, and the more distant ones were tempted to detach themselves altogether from the evidently moribund empire. The time at which the Phoenician cities took the decisive step, cannot be fixed with exactness ; but it was probably between B.C. 640 and B.C. 630. The last Phoenician governor in the list of Assyrian eponyms belongs, apparently, to the year B.C. 637. In B.C. 633, according to Herodotus, Nineveh was actually besieged by Cyaxares, and about the same time the terrible ravages of the barbarian hordes began. It is difficult to suppose that the cities of 150 PHCENICIA'S RECOVERY OF INDEPENDENCE, the Syrian coast would preserve their ane^rsia drew her armaments from her subjects generally, and the ordinary rule was that the maritime states conjointly should furnish the fleets. When, in B.C. 485, Xerxes, having determined on the Greek expedition, began to prepare the way for it, there were two especial tasks, on which we know that he employed the services of the Phoenicians. One was the cutting of a ship-canal through the isthmus which joins Mount Athos to the mainland, and the other the construction of a double bridge of boats across the Hellespont, which should form the basis of a solid causeway. In both works, the Phoeni- cians distinguished themselves. At Athos they showed their superior knowledge of engineering by making their portion of the cutting twice as wide at the top as it was required to be at the bottom, and then 202 PHCENICIA UNDER THE PERSIANS. sloping the banks at the proper angle, which pre- vented them from falling in, a misfortune which was experienced by the workmen of all the other nations employed on the task. At the Hellespont, where they were employed in friendly rivalry with the Egyptians, though they exhibited no superiority of intelligence, they constructed a work so firm and strong that it effectually served its purpose, and enabled the Great King to march his huge army from Asia into Europe without experiencing the slightest difficulty. On another occasion during the expedition, they had an opportunity of exhibiting before the eyes of the entire fleet and army the matchless excellence of their ships. Xerxes, when he reached Abydos, took a fancy to test the relative merit of the several con- tingents to his fleet, and ordered a jegatta to be held, open to all-comers. The ship which won the race was one of those contributed by Sidon ; and thence- forth the king, when he had occasion to embark and trust himself to the winds and waves, invariably went on board a Sidonian vessel. In the sea-fights also, the Phoenicians, though they could not avert defeat, showed much gallantry. Con- tributing one-fourth of the entire Persian fleet, they naturally had the lead in every engagement. Their first exploit was the capture of an ^ginetan trireme, which had been stationed, to keep a look-out, off Sciathus. Later on, at Artemisium, they failed to come to the front, being out-done by the Egyptians, who bore off the palm of valour. At Salamis, how- ever, there is reason to believe that they held the BA TTLE OF SALAMIS. 203 foremost position. It was no fortuitous arrangement which opposed them to the Athenians, the flower of the hostile navy. Beyond a doubt they began the combat, and for a time forced the Greeks to beat a retreat. The entanglement of a Phoenician with an Athenian trireme brought on the general engagement. When victory declared itself on the side of the Greeks, the Phoenician vessels continued to make a desperate resistance. A large number of them were sunk ; several were taken ; comparatively few emerged from the battle uninjured, or indeed without serious injury. Their leaders had a right to exclaim — " All is lost except our honour ; " but unfortunately, and to the deep disgrace of Xerxes, this consolation was not, in the hour of their distress, allowed them. The Great King had contemplated the battle from a marble throne placed on the Attic coast over against Salamis. The hurry-skurry and confusion was such that it was impossible for him — an excited and timorous spectator — to distinguish and estimate aright the conduct of the various contingents. He could only see — and he saw with disappointment and fury, that the general result had gone against him, and that his fleet was completely defeated. As the Phoenicians were the nucleus and chief strength of the fleet, it was natural for him to lay the blame of the defeat chiefly upon them. He therefore, in a moment of rage, put to death a number of their officers, and (according to one authority) so threat- ened the others, that their fears and resentment were aroused, and, when night fell, they quitted the fleet, retired to the Attic shore, and thence sailed away to 204 PHCENJCIA UNDER THE PERSIANS. Asia. It is certain that we hear no more of any service rendered by the Phoenicians to the Persians for fifteen years, though the war with the Greeks continued, and Persia had, of necessity, to maintain a fleet in the -^gean. No Phoenicians took part in the battle of Mycale ; none are mentioned as engaged at Sestos, or Byzantium, or Eion, or Doriscus, or even Phasehs ; it was not until B.C. 465, fifteen years after Salamis, that Phoenicia, finding the southern coast of Asia Minor, and the island of Cyprus, threatened, con- sented once more to employ her naval force in the service of her suzerain, and resumed her old position at the head of the Persian fleet in the great action at the mouth of the Eurymedon. Once more, she was unfortunate. The confederate Persian navy was completely defeated by Cimon, son of Miltiades, with the loss of two hundred ships out of a total of three hundred and fifty. A further squadron of eighty galleys, entirely Phoenician, which had failed to effect a junction with the other ships before the great battle, was attacked by Cimon on the open sea in the after- noon of the same day, and swept from the ocean. From this time foi' about seventy-five years, till the star of Persia began to show signs of setting, Phoe- nicia lived the life of a submissive subject state, paying her tribute regularly, and rendering effective aid to the Persians in all their naval enterprises, which were numerous, and sometimes of great importance. It was his command of a Phoenician fleet amounting to nearly a hundred and fifty vessels, which enabled Tissaphernes to play so influential a part in Asia Minor during the later years of the Peloponnesian War. PHCBNICIA WAVERS IN HER ALLEGIANCE. 205 It was the presence of their fleet at Cnidus which turned the scale between Athens and Sparta, en- abling the Athenians to recover the naval supremacy which they had lost at ^gospotami. It was the appearance of a Phoenician fleet in Greek waters, which, in B.C. 393, gave an opportunity to the Athenians to rebuild their long walls, alarmed Sparta for her own safety, and extorted from her fears in the suc- ceeding year the agreement known as "the Peace of Antalcidas." Persia owed to her Phoenician subjects the glory of recovering complete possession of Asia Minor, and of being accepted as a sort of final arbiter in the internal quarrels of the Greeks. It seems, however, that not long after the conclusion of the peace of Antalcidas, which secured Phoenicia from attack on the part of the Greeks, she began to waver in her allegiance. The example of successful revolt is contagious. Egypt, after a long period of subjection, had thrown off the Persian yoke, about B.C. 406 or 405,^ and had established her indepen- dence under a native sovereign. In B.C. 392 or 391, Evagoras, a Cypriot Greek, having made himself master of the Cyprian Salamis by defeating and putting to death the despot in possession, who was a Tyrian, named Abdemon, followed the example of Egypt by declaring himself independent of Persia, and proceeded to strengthen himself by alliances and conquests. Having reduced under his sway almost the whole of Cyprus, and concluded treaties with Athens, Egypt, and Cilicia, he seems to have conceived the hope of attaching Phoenicia to his side, and with this object made an expedition into Syria and » See the " Story of Egypt," p. 385. 206 PHCENICIA UNDER THE PERSIANS. Palestine. According to Isocrates, he took Tyre by assault ; but it is reasonably suspected that his successes roused a general spirit of disaffection, and that "the surrender of Tyre was a voluntary defec- tion." I Tyre, at any rate, embraced his cause, and sent him a contingent of twenty triremes. Several other Phoenician cities gave in their adhesion. An Arabian chieftain furnished him with some light troops. Hecatomnus, prince of Caria, secretly sup- plied him with money. Open war with Persia began about B.C. 390, and lasted about ten years, at the end of which time the bold Greek was compelled to make his submission, but retained his Cyprian sovereignty. Upon this, Phoenicia, no doubt, returned to her former allegiance ; but the tie which had united her to Persia was sensibly loosened, and henceforth her fidelity became questionable. The Persian power was now manifestly on the decline. The expedition of the younger Cyrus, and the return of the Ten Thousand under Xenophon, had made patent to all the internal weakness of the empire. The campaigns of Agesilaus had shown how open Asia Minor was to attack by an enterprising enemy. The long contest with Evagoras, a mere petty prince, had been a further evidence of decay, approaching to dissolution. The failure of the attempt to reduce Egypt in B.C. 375 had been felt as an encouragement to rebels everywhere. About B.C. 366, fresh troubles broke out in Asia Minor, which led on (in B.C. 362) to a general revolt of the western provinces, and to the war known as " the war of the satraps." In this struggle Phoenicia took part, ^ Keniickj " Phoenicia," ch. xiii. PHCENICIA IN ALLIANCE WITH EGYPT. 207 first entering into alliance with the revolted governors, and then welcoming the army of Tachos, king of Egypt, when it marched into Syria. Had Tachos been a bold prince, the Persian Empire might very probably have been at this time broken up ; but he hesitated, he procrastinated, finally he retreated into his own country, without striking a blow, and Persia, using the arts, with which she was now familiar, of bribery and treachery, succeeded in crushing the satrapial rebellion, and in once more imposing her yoke upon all the allies excepting Egypt. Tranquillit}' remained untroubled for about the space of ten years. Then, however, Artaxerxes Ochus, the Persian king, having determined on a vigorous effort to reduce Egypt once more to subjec- tion, the south-western provinces were again thrown into a ferment. The first attack of Ochus upon Nectanebo IL having failed through the good gene- ralship of two Greek commanders in the Egyptian service, Phoenicia and Cyprus again detached them- selves from the Persian cause, and threw in their lot with Egypt. Sidon, which had been continually increasing in wealth during the Persian period, took the lead, and, having united Phoenicia under her headship, proclaimed a war of independence. The Persian garrisons, which held most of the Phoenician towns, were either massacred or expelled. An embassy was sent to Memphis, and a formal alliance concluded with the Egyptian king. Substantial aid was promised by the Pharaoh, who shortly afterwards redeemed his promise by the despatch of 4,000 Greek mercenaries under the command of a Rhodian, named 208 PHCENICIA UNDER THE PERSIANS, / Mentor, a general of consummate ability. Tennes, the Sidonian monarch, in conjunction with Mentor, gave battle to the Persians, in B.C. 351, and succeeded in inflicting a severe defeat on the two satraps who had been commissioned to attack them, Belesys, satrap of Syria, and Mazaeus, satrap of Cilicia. But this defeat only stirred up the Persian monarch to greater efforts. Collecting an army of 340,000 men, who were to have the support of three hundred triremes and five hundred transports or provision- ships, he set out in person from Babylon, and marched upon Syria. Meanwhile Tennes had greatly strengthened the fortifications of Sidon, surrounding the town with a triple ditch, and raising the height of the walls considerably. He had also collected a fleet of a hundred ships, including a number of quin- queremes, the first which we hear of the Phoenicians possessing. He had, no doubt, well provisioned the town ; and, had he possessed suflicient resolution, might have made a defence that would have rendered his name memorable in history. But the force which Ochus brought into Syria appeared to him irresistible. Tennes despaired of success, and with a cowardice and a treachery that are quite unpardonable en- deavoured to purchase his own life from the Persian king by betraying into his hands, first, one hundred of the principal citizens, and then the main defences of the city. The hundred citizens were immediately slain with javelins. Five hundred others, who issued from the town with boughs of supplication, and made an appeal to the mercy of Ochus on behalf of their fellow-citizens, shared the fate of the hundred de- DESTRUCTION OF SIDON, 209 livered up by Tennes. The Persian monarch was inexorable, and refused to grant any terms or make any promises. Hereupon the Sidonians, understand- ing that their fate was to be death or slavery, took a desperate resolution. They had already burned their ships before their city was invested. They now re- solved, rather than fall into the hands of Ochus, to destroy at once themselves and their town. Each citizen shut himself up with his family in his own house, and then applying the torch consumed with fire himself, his family, and his dwelling. Forty thousand persons are said to have perished in the conflagration! Sidon became a heap of ruins, which Ochus sold for a large sum to speculators, who hoped to reimburse themselves by the riches which they knew must lie among the ashes. On? only satisfaction comes to us bound up with this hideous tale of perfidy and suffer- ing. The traitor, Tennes, gained nothing by his treachery. Ochus, having obtained from him all that he wanted, with cynical cruelty, instead of rewarding his desertion, punished his rebellion with death. He seems, however, to have allowed him to be buried in a tomb, which he had previously prepared for himself in the vicinity of Sidon.^ Eighteen years elapsed between the destruction of Sidon and the downfall of the Persian power at Issus. During this space Sidon was rebuilt, and became once more a flourishing city. It may be suspected that the king under whom Sidon recovered itself was the Esmunazar, whose sarcophagus, discovered in the year 1855, has furnished the longest extant Phoenician * See below, p. 307. 210 PHCENtCIA UNDER THE PERSIANS. inscription. Esmunazar describes himself as " King of the Two Sidons, son of Tabnit, King of The Two Sidons, and grandson or great-grandson of a former Esmunazar, also King of the Two Sidons." The form of his sarcophagus fixes his reign to the fourth cen- tury B.C., while the Tabnit, who was his father, may be identical with the unhappy Tennes. If the identity be allowed, we must suppose that Esmunazar was allowed to succeed his father, notwithstanding the latter's execution, and held his crown under Persia for the space of fourteen years. He rebuilt, he tells us, the Temple of the Gods, the Temple of Baal-Sidon, and the Temple of Ashtoreth, in the sea-side Sidon — which was the city destroyed by its inhabitants ; he also built, or re-built, a temple of Esmun in some unknown locality, and a sanctuary in Lebanon, upon a river which he calls "the Purple-Shell River." He entertained hopes of an extension of Sidonian dominions to the south, where he coveted the fertile corn-lands of Dor and Japhia in the plain of Sharon. As such a change could only have been brought about by the good-will of Persia, we may conclude that he cultivated amicable relations with his Persian suzerain, whatever may have been his secret sentiments. Acquiescence in Persian rule seems indeed to have been the general characteristic of the period. The reign of Ochus was a decided *' revival." Persia had under him shown an unexpected strength ; Egypt had sub- mitted to her; rebellion elsewhere had been scotched; no fresh troubles broke out. Perhaps there was in the air a sort of general expectancy of coming extensive change, which caused men to wait and reserve them- TRANQUILITY RE-ESTABLISHED. 211 selves for the crisis that might any day arrive. At any rate, the Phoenician communities, exhausted by the efforts which they had recently made, elected to remain quiet, to resume their old relations to the Persian crown, and to discharge in an exemplary way all their obligations. The interval between B.C. 351 and B.C. 333 was a time of repose and peace for the Phoenician cities generally, which, whatever their feelings, exhibited no dissatisfaction with their position under the Persian sway, and made no attempts to alter it. XV. ALEXANDER AND THE PHCENICIANS — SIEGE AND DESTRUCTION OF TYRE. The design of Alexander to invade Asia was known beforehand to the Asiatics. A wise policy would have dictated the collection in the Propontis and the Northern ^gean of the largest possible fleet, the keeping a careful watch on Alexander's movements, and the making of every practicable effort to inter- cept his heavily laden vessels when they put to sea. Mentor of Rhodes, the best strategist on the Persian side, urgently recommended that this course should be taken. He maintained that, if the whole naval force of Persia were brought up, including the entire Phoenician fleet, the Persian king would have complete command of the sea, that the Greek troops under Parmenio and Attalus, which had already crossed the straits would be able to effect nothing, and that the war might easily be transferred into Macedonia, where Alexander might be made to tremble for his hereditary dominions. The advice appears to have been sound, and at any rate to have deserved a trial. Alexander's genius was so unique, and Asiatic unreadiness and fickleness so great, that success might not have been ALEXANDER'S INVASION OF ASIA. 213 achieved, even had the policy been adopted. But the final catastrophe would certainly have been delayed, ^and it is just possible that the entire course of history would at this point have been altered. The counsel of Mentor was, however, not followed Alexander was allowed to cross the Hellespont with an army of 35,000 men ; and the war became a land war, the movements of the fleets becoming, compara- tively speaking, unimportant Phoenicia, which might have played a grand part in the struggle between Europe and Asia, was not brought to the front, was called upon for no great effort, was suffered to drop into a quite secondary position. The fact was, that the Persian land-commanders were jealous of Mentor and of the navy. They expected to defeat Alexander by land, and did not want the glory of his discom- fiture to be carried off by a Rhodian. They despised nautical matters, and had no conception of their importance. Perhaps they distrusted the Phoenicians, who had so lately been in arms against them, and were not sure that a Phoenician victory was a thing greatly to be desired. Thus, between B.C. 336, the date of Alexander's accession, and B.C. 333, the year of the battle of Issus, Phoenicia played a part purely negative ; was faithful to Persia, but did her no good ; held aloof from Alexander, but in no way impeded his designs ; was a spectator, rather than an actor, in the drama that was being played before the eyes of men ; waited passively, like Dei'aneira on the banks of Ache- lolis, to see how the struggle would end, and to learn which of the two combatants was to be her master. 2T4 ALEXANDER AND THE PHCENICIANS. But, with the complete defeat of the army of Darius Codomannus on the plain of Issus, in November, B.C. 333, the circumstances were wholly changed The flight of Codomannus beyond the Euphrates, and the entire dispersion of his vast army, left the whole of Syria and Phoenicia open to Alexander, and called on the various Phoenician cities immediately to deter- mine what course they should take. Alexander let it be soon seen that he was not about to pursue his flying enemy, or to push his conquests for the present into the heart of the empire. He regarded it as of the utmost importance to detach from Persia the sources of her naval power, Phoenicia and Egypt, and was resolved, before proceeding further, to subject and attach to himself these provinces, in order to secure his communication with Greece, and render Persia powerless in the ^Egean. He therefore, immediately after Issus, sent Parmenio with a strong force to secure Damascus, and, a few months later, began his own march southward along the Phoenician sea- board. It does not appear that the Phoenician cities ex-, changed any common counsel, or in any way acted in concert. The resolution of Alexander perhaps tooV them by surprise. They may have expected, almost to the last moment, that he would march eastward in pursuit of his flying adversary. But, in fact, after a short pause, Alexander, towards the beginning of winter, broke up from Issus, and took his march southward. Having crossed the Orontes, and the ridge which terminates in Mount Casius, he entered the Phoenician low country, and found himself in the SUBMISSION OF THE PH(ENICIANS GENERALLY. 215 vicinity of Marathus. Marathus at this time formed a part of the dominion of the Aradian prince, Gero- stratus (Ger-astartus ?), who was absent from home, serving with his naval contingent among the Persian fleet in the ^gean. Gerostratus was, however, repre- sented during his absence by his son, Strato, who had remained behind to administer the government. Strato, under the circumstances, deemed it best to make an unqualified submission, and meeting Alex- ander on his march, offered him a crown of gold, at the same time surrendering to him, not only Marathus and the adjacent towns upon the mainland, but also the island of Aradus, which lay off the Syrian coast. The next place reached was Byblus, anciently Gebal, which formed a separate sovereignty under a prince named Enylus, who, like Gerostratus, was serving with the Persian fleet under Pharnabazus and Auto- phradates. Left to itself, Byblus followed the ex- ample of Marathus and Aradus, submitting itself unhesitatingly to the Macedonian power, whereto it could certainly not have opposed any effectual resist- ance. Sidon was now approached, Sidon, recently the queen of the cities, and, according to the tradition, the original parent of them all, and the founder of Phoenician prosperity. If any city made a stand for independence, Sidon, in consideration of its ancient glories and its recent position, might have been expected to have done so. But Sidon was embittered against the Persians by the remembrance of the bloody and perfidious proceedings which, about eighteen years before, had marked the recapture of their city by the 2l6 ALEXANDER AND THE PHCENICIANS, army of Ochus. Sidon was rejoiced at the prospect of Persia's downfall, and hailed with satisfaction a change which she expected would be for her advantage. While Alexander was still at some distance, the Sidonians sent envoys to meet him, and invite him to enter their town. The Macedonian monarch readily com- plied with their request, and Sidon passed quietly into his hands. As, however, Strato the king was serving on board the Persian fleet, and was reputed to have Persian leanings, Alexander deposed him from his sovereignty, and commissioned Hepha^s- tion to select a successor and place him upon the throne. The choice of Hephaestion is said to have fallen upon a certain Abdalonymus (Abd-alonim), who belonged to a distant branch of the royal family, but was so poor that he followed the occupation of a gardener. It only remained that Tyre should follow the example of its sister (or mother) city, and make an unqualified submission, for Alexander to feel that the subjection of Phoenicia was accomplished, and that he might turn his whole attention to the con- quest of Egypt But here difficulties sprang up. Tyre was willing to continue on the same terms under Alexander on which she had existed and flourished for nearly two hundred years under the Persians. As her king, Azemilchus, was absent, serving in the Persian fleet like the ether Phoenician princes, the community chose a deputation, composed of the most eminent men in the city, including the eldest son of the sovereign, and sent it to meet Alexander, to present him with a crown of gold, REFUSAL OF TYRE TO RECEIVE ALEXANDER. 2iy together with other valuable gifts, and a quantity of supplies for his army, and to declare formally that the Tyrians were prepared to do whatever Alexander commanded. The Macedonian made what seemed a gracious reply. He commended the good disposition of the city, accepted the presents, and desired the deputies to announce to their government that he would shortly enter their city for the purpose of offering sacrifice to Hercules. The Greeks had long identified their own Hercules, or Heracles, with the Phoenician Melkarth, whose temple in the Island Tyre was greatly venerated and of the highest antiquity. The Macedonian kings claimed to be descended from Htrcules, and thus the wish to sacrifice to him was natural, and might be regarded as doing the city an honour. But the Tyrians saw in the proposal a design permanently to occupy their island city, which the Persians, it would seem, had never garrisoned. They were not prepared to place themselves so absolutely in the power of Alexander, and they therefore, after deliberating on his message, sent a reply to the effect that in all other things they would conform to his wishes, but that they would not admit within the walls of their island town either Macedonians or Persians — the king, if he wished to sacrifice to Hercules, might do so without visiting the island, since there was another temple of Melkarth in Palae- tyrus upon the opposite shore, which was (they said) even more ancient and more venerable than the island shrine. Any resistance to his will always in- censed Alexander. On hearing the answer of the Tyrians, he showed himself violently angry, and at 2l8 ALEXANDER AND THE PHCENICIANS. once dismissed the ambassadors with fierce menaces, declaring that if they would not open their gates to him he would break their gates down. Still the Tyrians did not yield to send a softer answer, but made up their minds for resistance. For this decision they have been charged by a Greek historian with foolish and headstrong rashness, and with bringing their fate upon their own heads. It is not, however, altogether clear that, antecedently, their conduct could have been pronounced imprudent. Alexander, at the time that he threatened them, possessed no naval force worth taking into account, and though the Phoenician towns upon the mainland, and even Aradus, had fallen into his power, it was not certain that their squadrons, which were serving under Autophradates in the ^gean, would elect to desert the Persian cause, and embrace the Macedonian. Even if they did, it was reasonable to expect that they would not act with much vigour against their own kindred. The inclination of Cyprus also, which possessed a considerable fleet, was uncertain. And, supposing the worst, supposing that Marathus, and Aradus, and Byblus, and Sidon, and even Cyprus, should give in their adhesion to the conqueror, and unite "against a community which was of their own blood, and had generally made common cause with them in the past, was it so certain that they would be able to effect anything ? Tyre had once defeated the combined navies of the rest of Phoenicia with a squadron of thirteen ships. Why might she not repeat her victory ? And even if she were blockaded and reduced to an extremity, what might not be TYRE'S RESISTANCE NOT BLAMABLE, 219 expected from her powerful colony Carthage, whose fleets at this period occupied almost the whole of the Mediterranean ? Would Carthage allow the extinction of her mother city ? According to Curtius, the Tyrians were not left to conjecture upon this ques- tion. A Carthaginian embassy visited Tyre just about the time that Alexander made his demands, bent upon taking part in a certain annual ceremony which the colony and the mother city celebrated conjointly. The ambassadors, on hearing of the strait in which the Tyrians were placed, gave their voice in favour of a bold policy, bidding the citizens to resist and stand a siege, and promising them that very soon the Carthaginian squadrons would come to their relief. As for expecting that Alexander would adopt the course which he actually pursued, would patiently sit-down before the place, and set to work to construct a mole which should join their island city to the mainland, there is no reason to suppose that they had any, even the slightest, inkling or suspicion of it Such a method of attack did not enter into the known military resources of the time. Once only had the conception presented itself to the mind of a powerful commander, one who had at his disposal an inexhaustible supply of human and animal labour, one, moreover, who had already bridged the sea and turned a peninsula into an island, the fantastic Xerxes, and even then the attempt had not been seriously made and had very soon been given up. The Tyrians cannot be blamed for not having antici- pated a proceeding for which there was no precedent iJ20 ALEXANDER AND THE PHCENICIANS, in past history, and the successful carrying out of which they may well have deemed impossible. Their island was separated from the shore by a strait nearly half a mile wide in the narrowest part. The channel, though shallow at first, rapidly deepened, and, where it washed the walls of the city, reached a depth of eighteen or twenty feet. Moreover, there were strong currents in the channel, and, when the south-west m -Tomb-of-Rhodop e- "A g etro FJ u i ggi a Tem pie^fZe A:ctaflU^5^ -Templezm . — . 190 K PLAN OF TEMPLE AT PAPHOS, The walls of towns ui Phoenicia had the same massive character as the foundations of temples. In some cases the stones were bevelled, but in others they were merely squared blocks of a vast size, em- placed one upon another in regular courses, and kept in position b}' their own weight. The wall of which the remains are most striking is that of Aradus, now Ruad. M. Renan calls it "that extraordinary wall 18 Q < < O ►J WALL OF ARADUS. 259 which formerly surrounded the whole island, and which served at once for a defence against the enemy and against the waves. This wall is erected," he says,» " upon the outermost ranges of the rocks in such a way as to impend over tolerably deep water. It is composed of quadrangular prisms nine feet three inches in height, and from thirteen to sixteen feet long, sometimes without art and even with a sort of strange negligence, the joints of the stones being in some cases exactly imposed one over the other, some- times, on the other hand, with an extreme care and attention. The courses are at times regular, small blocks being used to fill in the apertures, and a perfect junction of the parts being in this way effected, but at times the arrangement of the blocks is without any strict or rigorous order, with the exception that they are always laid horizontally. The predominant idea of the constructors has been to utilize in the best way possible the finest blocks. Brought to the spot from the neighbouring quarry, the block has in a certain sense determined its own place. It has been given the best possible position without being required to sacrifice any portion of its mass ; and then the gaps about it have been closed up with smaller materials. . . . One observes no cement. The courses, which in some places number five or six, rest upon a foundation of rock artificially scarped. I do not think that there is anywhere else in the whole world a ruin that is more imposing or of a more marked character. There can be no doubt but that here we have a rem- nant of the ancient Arvad, a work truly Phoenician * " Mission de Phenicie," pp. 39, 40. 260 PHCENICIAN ARCHITECTURE. and one which may be used as a criterion for dis- tinguishing other constructions of the same origin. It is wholly made of the stone of the island itself which has been extracted from . huge quarries, inter- posed between the present town and the old wall." The next in importance of the Phoenician monu* ments remaining to us, and the only other which have an architectural character, are their tombs. The " tomb rf Hiram " has been already described. Four monuments of a more or less similar character exist on the Syrian mainland opposite Aradus, in the near vicinity of Amrit. Two are known as **the Meghazils." They stand near together on a low hill, at some little distance from the coast, between the Nahr Amrit and the Nahr Kuble. The more striking of the two has been described as a " real masterpiece in respect of proportion, elegance, and majesty." ^ It consists of a basement storey, which is circular, and flanked by four stone lions, whereof the effect is admirable, with a second story of a cylindrical shape, and a third similar one of smaller dimensions, crowned by a dome or half-sphere. The whole, except the basement-storey or plinth, which consists of four blocks, is cut out of a single stone. The double cylinder is decorated round the summit of each of its parts, with a row of carved crenellations standing out about four inches from the general surface. The lions, whose heads and fore-quarters alone project from the mass of the base, are roughly carved and seem to have been left unfinished ; but the mouldings, and the general dressing of the stone, * " Mission de Phenicie,'' p. 7a (A Hi l-» X o o w 262 PHCENICIAN ARCHITECTURE. have "been executed with much care. The entire height of the monument is thirty-two feet. The monument stands over a tomb-chamber, and was erected, we may be sure, to the memory of some illustrious king or chieftain. The access to its sepulchral chamber was at a little distance. A flight of fifteen steps led down to a descending passage i i^ A. I I I PLAN AND SECTION OF TOMB AT AMRIT. about twenty-five feet long, which opened into a square chamber, twenty feet each way, and nine feet in height. From this, at the further end, opened out two further chambers, still in the same direction, containing each four /ocu/i or niches for coffins. Both the chambers and the niches were excavated in the solid rocL TOMB AT AMRIT. {^Sepulchral Monument^ restored^ 264 PHCENICIAN ARCHITECTURE. Another, companion, monument stands on the same platform with the one above described, at the distance of a few yards. The design of it is less happy. '' It is composed, first, of a cubical block with a salient band at top and bottom ; secondly, of a monolithic cylinder about thirteen feet high and twelve feet in diameter ; thirdly, of a five-faced pyra- midion. The base is rough, the stone apparently left as it came from the quarry, and the work as a whole looks unfinished." The entire height is about the same as that of the companion monument. The third of the Amrit tombs is much simpler than either of the Meghazils, and much smaller. It consists of a square monolith, resting upon a double base, and crowned with a sort of cornice, above which rises a second block, squared below, and shaped like a truncated pyramid above. The entire height was originally about twenty feet, but the apex of the pyramid is gone, and the present height does not much exceed fourteen feet. The monu- ment stands directly over its sepulchral chamber, which is reached by a flight of fourteen steps and a descending passage, and has the peculiarity that the entrance to it is covered by a ridge roof cut from a single block, and supported laterally by a course of huge stones. The fourth of the Amrit monuments, which is cpUed the Bur dj -el-Be zzak, is of somewhat a different character. It is megalithic rather than monolithic, being built of large blocks in courses, the number of the existing courses being five ; and, instead of cover- ing a sepulchral chamber or chambers, it has its Q Pi o Eh p4 < < PQ IS o TOMB AT AMRIT, (^Exterior view of the Burdj-el-Bezzak, restayed.) TOMBS NEAR MARATHUS. 267 sepulchral chambers within it. These are in number two, and are at different levels, one parallel with the blocks of the lowest course, and the other with those of the second and third courses. The stones of the lowest course are bevelled, but the others are dressed plainly ; they are laid without cement, and are in some cases sixteen feet in length. The building was originally crowned with a cornice of the ordinary SECTION OF THE BURDJ-EL-BEZZAK. character, above which rose a low pyramid, about sixteen feet in height The height of the existing remains is thirty-seven feet ; and thus the monument, as originally constructed, must have had an elevation of at least fifty-three feet. This is considerably more than that of any other of existing Phoenician buildings. Phoenician tombs were more usually mere exca- vations in the solid rock, or in the chalky ground 268 PHCENICIAN ARCHITECTURE. common in the country. They consist of one or more chambers, generally on a level, but sometimes one above another, in which are sarcophagi. The chambers are mostly square, and connected one with another by doorways. A single square doorway gives access to them. The following description of the great sepulchre recently discovered near Beyrout (Berytus), will give some idea of the general character of such tombs as are excavated. "The chamber on the eastern side of the deep square shaft (which is truly orientated) contained two sarcophagi in white marble. One of these is perfectly plain ; the other is ornamented with sculptures of the richest and most beautiful kind. The chamber itself is surrounded by an arcade, adorned with eighteen mourning figures in relief, dressed in Greek costume, each in a different pose. The southern chamber had two sarcophagi, one in black marble, plain ; and the other in white, with splendid sculptures. The western chamber had one sarcophagus, in white, mummy-shaped. But this chamber proved to be the vestibule to another, con- taining four sarcophagi, one of which was the richest and finest of all those found. The walls of this chamber also are richly decorated. The chamber on the north had two plain, mummy-shaped sarcophagi. On removing the dedris which covered the ground, two other chambers were found, one on either side, on a lower level. One of these contained a small tomb* the other, four white marble sarcophagi. Under the eastern chamber also was found another, containing a sarcophagus of black stone, in which were the teeth, bones, and hair of a woman. All these tombs REMARKABLE SEPULCHRE NEAR BERYTUS, 269 had been violated by breaking a corner of the coffin lid. But, in carrying out the works for the removal of the sarcophagi, a chamber was found, in which at first nothing was remarked but two fine bronze candelabra, each about five feet in height. The flooring of this chamber, however, on examination, proved to consist of a bed of great stones laid with the utmost care. Beneath these was a second bed, and then a third ; and, under all, thus carefully covered up and hidden away, a great monolith, covering an opening in the rock. In this deep chamber was found a splendid sarcophagus in black stone, resembling that of the King Esmunazar, in the Louvre. It was also, which is more important, pro- vided with an inscription in Phoenician, eight lines in length. The inscription is supposed to read as follows : * I, Tabnit, Priest of Ashtoreth, and King of Sidon, son of Esmunazar, Priest of Ashtoreth and King of Sidon, lying in this tomb, say — " Come not to open my tomb ; there is here neither gold, nor silver, nor treasure. He who will open this tomb shall have no prosperity under the sun, and even in the grave shall not find repose." '^ There seems to ' Another version of the inscription runs thus i " I, Tabnit, Priest of Ashtoreth, and King of Sidon, son of Esmunazar, Priest of Ashtoreth and King of Sidon, lying in this tomb, say: *I adjure every man, when thou shalt come upon this sepulchre, open not my chamber, and trouble me not, for there is not with me aught of silver, there is not with me aught of gold, there is not with me anything what- soever of spoil, but only I myself who lie in this sepulchre. Open not my chamber, and trouble me not ; for it would be an abomination in the sight of Ashtoreth [to do] such an act. And if thou shouldest open my chamber, and trouble me, mayest thou have no posterity all thy life under the sun, and no resting-place with the departed." ^^o pnmmciA^ architecture. have been Httle else of importance found in these chambers — some gold buttons, a coin or two, some collars, rings, and bracelets, two bronze candelabra, and a few terra-cotta lamps exhaust the list, so far as can at present be learnt.'' Where the soil was wanting in firmness and solidity, another kind of tomb seems to have been in use, at any rate in Phoenician colonies. A pit was dug to the depth of from forty to fifty-five feet, and at the bottom a sepulchral chamber was constructed of finely-cut stones, generally of a great size. Some were twenty feet in length, nine feet in width, and three in thickness ; and the average size was some- times as much as fourteen feet long, seven and a half wide, and two thick. The scones fitted admirably, so that often it is difficult to discern the joints of the masonry. The chambers were roofed in two ways : sometimes the roof rose in the form of a gable, three or four sloping slabs rising from the side walls, meet- ing at the ridge, and supporting each other ; some- times it was flat, the slabs being laid horizontally, and reaching from end to end. A second chamber, occasionally, opened out from the first ; and a third, and even a fourth has been found, in a few instances. The chambers invariably contain sarcophagi, which are sometimes very richly ornamented. The following remarks of M. Renan on the general character of Phoenician architecture may fitly conclude this section : "The foundation of Phoenician architecture is the carved rock, not the column, as with the Greeks. The wall replaces the carved rock, without entirely SEPULCHRAL CHAMBER AT AMATHUS. ---^.--^rrimL- ^f^^ SEPULCHRAL CHAMBER AT AMATHUS. 272 PHCENICIAN ARCHITECTURE. ] -ing its character. Nothing conducts to the belief that the Phoenicians ever made use of the keyed vault. The principle of monolithism which ruled the Phoenician and Syrian art, even after it had adopted much from the Greek, is the very contrary of the art of the Hellenes. Grecian architecture starts from the principle of the division of blocks of stone into small pieces, and avows this principle boldly. Never did the Greeks derive from Pentelicus blocks of a size at all comparable to those of Baalbek and of Egypt ; they saw no advantage in them ; on the contrary, they saw that with masses of this kind, which are to be used entire, the architect has his hands tied ; the material, instead of being subordinated to the design of the edifice, runs counter to the design. It would be impossible to construct the monuments upon the acropolis of Athens with such blocks as were em- ployed in Syria. In Greece the beauty of the wall is a primary object ; and the Grecian wall derives its beauty from the joints of the stones, which follow symmetrical rules, and correspond with the general lines of the edifice. The stones of a wall built in this style have all of them about the same size, and this size is determined by the general plan ; or at any rate, as in the masonry which is called pseudisodome^ the very inequality of the courses has a law ot symmetry, which it follows. The architrave, the metopes, the tryglyphs, are made of several blocks, even when it would have been easy to unite in one and the same block several of these parts of the architecture. Such facts as we remark frequently in Galilee, where three or four distinct architectural renan's criticism of it. 273 members are formed out of a single block of stone, would have seemed monstrous in Greece, since they are the negation of all logic. In the Greek style every stone has its individuality, for its represents one member of the order, and it is unnatural to make several members out of a single stone. The principle of Greek construction is by no means, as is the case at Amrit (Marathus), to get out of the block that has been dragged from the quarry, the very utmost that is possible. Every stone is submitted before- hand, and by the very plan of the architect, to a cutting previously determined according to its place in the edifice ; the workmen diminish it, if it is too large, unlike the Phoenicians, who leave it all its superfluities. Absolute master of his materials, the Greek architect pushes his art to a delicacy, which has been universally neglected elsewhere. The Syrian and Phoenician architects, and even those of Egypt, are at the command of their material ; the stone does not submit to the shape which the artist's thought would impress upon it ; it continues to be with them mere rock, more or less ; that is to say, undetermined matter. This is the reason why the Grecian architects never made, what we meet with at every step in Phoenicia, at Jerusalem, in Persia, at Petra, in Lycia, in Phrygia, architectural work in the living rock. "Vast walls in which the courses are of colossal size, brought from the quarry in some sort ready made — so that the characteristic mark of a building made with care was that 'no sound of hammer or saw was heard during its erection' (i Kings vi. 7) — such was the essential character of Phoenician monuments. The 274 PHCENICIAM ARCHITECTURE. somewhat coarse nature of the Syrian stone did not allow the delicate elaboration of bases, friezes, capitals, which by their contrast with the smoothness of the walls, form one of the principal charms of the Grecian architecture. The ornaments which we discovered were very fine and very elegant, but stood out in very low relief. Moreover, one may doubt if they belonged to the early epochs of Phoenician art. In the edifices erected by Solomon, the ornamental parts were, for the most part, in wood or metal. The employment of marble and of Ei^yptian granite always seems to me in Syria the sign of a later age. The column, when used, appears to have had a certain heaviness ; the walls were of the most massive character. It is easy, moreover, to explain how it has happened that these ancient colossal constructions have generally disap- peared. Such constructions were in no way suited for the wants of those more refined conditions of society which succeeded to the civilization of the Canaanites ; thenceforth they became nothing but quarries open to the sky, from which it was found convenient to borrow the blocks wanted for the edifices which were required to satisfy the new needs." ' ^ Renan, '* Mission de Phenicie," pp. 822-824. XVIU PHCENICIAN MANUFACTURES AND WORKS OF ART, There were four principal manufactures in which the Phoenicians excelled the other nations of anti- quity ; and, though the limits of our knowledge with respect to each and all are narrow, it may perhaps be expected that the present work should contain some account of the results which modern research has reached with respect to the crafts in question. They were the manufacture of the famous purple dye which was the especial boast of Tyre ; the production of a glass, which was peculiarly characteristic of Sidon ; the weaving of fabrics suitable for garments and furniture ; and the elaboration of works in metal of a superior quality. It is not too much to say, that, while the wealth and prosperity of Phoenicia de- pended very greatly, perhaps mainly, on her carrying trade, her fame and reputation were chiefly sustained by the excellency of her productions under these four heads. For the purple dye which acquired so great a celebrity, Phoenicia was primarily indebted to the bounty of nature in scattering abundantly along her coast the somewhat rare shell-fish which yield the 276 PHCBNICIAN MANUFACTURES AND ART. precious liquid wherefrom the dye is obtained. The molluscs alluded to are indeed spread tolerably widely over the shores of the Eastern Mediterranean ; but it was only on the rocky part of the Syrian coast, between the "Ladder of Tyre" and Haifa, near Mount Carmel, that they reached the perfection of which they are capable, and yielded the beautiful tints that the whole world agreed in admiring. The SHELL OF THE MUREX TRUNCULUS. shell-fish included two distinct species — one known to naturalists as the Purpura pelagia or Murex truuculus; the other as the Purpura lapillus or Buccinum lapillus. The chief characteristics of the two molluscs have been given in a former chapter ; but some further account of their habits may be here added. The Buccinum is found on rocks in the vicinity of the shore, and in comparatively shallow water ; tlie Murex prefers a THE PURPLE DYE, 277 greater depth, whence its name of pelagia; in modern times it has been dredged from a depth of twenty-five fathoms. Both molluscs are oviparous. The female in spring deposits on the mud or sand at the bottom of the sea a number of minute eggs enveloped in a species of mucus, which by contact with the salt water coagulates and assumes a membranous struc- ture. The male then fecundates the eggs, which gradually undergo a transformation within their respective cells, expanding and then hardening into shell-fish like those which produced them. The membranous structure containing the eggs is com- pared, by Aristotle, to a honey-comb, but more re- sembles the nest of the humble-bee. While the process of egg-laying is going on, the molluscs are at their worst in respect of their dye-producing faculty, partly because the eggs contain a considerable quantity of the colouring matter, and partly beca* • - the animal is generally weakened and exhaurted by the process of reproduction. The colouring matter is contained in a sac, or vein, which begins at the head of the animal, and follows the tortuous line of the body as it twists through the spiral shell, being larger in some, and smaller in other specimens. The matter is a liquid of a creamy consist- ency, and, while in the sac or vein, is of a yellowish white colour ; on extraction, however, and exposure to the light, it becomes first green, and then purple. No one has yet been able to discover what purpose it is designed to answer in the economy of the animal ; but certainly it is not naturally exuded so as to colour and cloud the water, as sepia is by the cuttle-fish. 278 PHGBNICIAN MANUFACTURES AND ART. The season for collecting the purple dye was the end of the winter, or the very beginning of spnng, just before the molluscs would naturally have set to work to lay their eggs. The ordinary mode of cap- turing them was the following : " A long rope was let down into the sea, to which were fastened at intervals baskets, constructed like those used at the present day, with openings into which the fish easily entered, but could not return, and baited with mussels or frogs, on which the Murex seized with avidity. Being taken from the shell, the sac was extracted while the animal was yet alive, as the colouring matter soon changed its quality after death ; or if killed, it was with a single blow, as protracted death injured the colour. The Buccinum being smaller, the sac was not extracted, but the body crushed with the shell, and both thrown in together. Salt, in the proportion of twenty ounces to one hundred pounds, was then thrown upon it After a maceration of three days the pulp was placed in a vessel of lead (brass or iron being carefully avoided, lest these metals should communicate a tinge to the dye), and caused to simmer at a moderate heat by a pipe brought from a distant furnace. The animal matter which adhered to the sac was removed by repeated skimmings ; and at the end of ten days the liquor had become clear, being so reduced in bulk that a hundred amphorae, or eight thousand pounds, of the pulp produced only five hundred pounds of the dye. At this stage of the process the colour of the fluid should be dark rather than red. Wool in the fleece carefully washed, was then dipped into it, to ascertain THE HELIX lANTHINA. 279 its strength, and heat again applied till the due strength was attained." The dye produced by the Buccinum alone was con- sidered to be of inferior quality. It was red, rather than purple, and could not be depended on for en- durance. Two hundred pounds of the Buccinum dye was worth no more than a hundred and eleven pounds of the Murex. The Murex, if used alone, produced a dull and dark purple, which was not in favour. It was customary therefore to apply both dyes separately ; and the best and most highly prized colour was that which was given by first applying the dye of the Murex, and then super-adding an im- mersion in that of the Buccinum. The tint produced in this case was a dark, rich purple, " the colour of coagulated blood, but when held up to the light showing a crimson hue." It is suspected that another kind of shell-fish, the ffe/ijc ianthina, was also used by the Tyrians for dyeing purposes ; but this is not stated by the ancients. The Helix ianthina has a small shell, not more than three quarters of an inch in diameter, and of a very delicate material. It is a spiral, but of only about three twists, and very unlike the representa- tions of the Buccinum. The fish is found abundantly on the Phoenician coast, about Tyre and Beyrout (Berytus), and is remarkable for throwing out a quantity of purplish liquid when approached, in order (like the cuttle-fish) to conceal itself, which it does effectually, since the water becomes completely clouded all around it. The hue is rather violet than actual purple, and it was perhaps this dye which the zSo PHCENICIAN MANUFACTURES AND ART. Romans called "conchyliata," and the colour of which they compared with the amethyst. The rough account which Pliny gives of the Tyrian method of dyeing omits all mention of those more refined processes, which the dyers regarded as secrets of their trade, and on which the superiority of their method over that of others no doubt mainly de- pended. Among these secrets was probably the employment of mordants to fix the colours per- manently and prevent them from washing out The alkali furnished by a certain kind of sea-weed, found principally on the coast of Crete, was certainly em- ployed in fixing some dyes, and may have been among those known to the Phoenicians, and used by them in the manufacture of their purple fabrics ; but we have no distinct evidence of its actual use. Again, the exposure of the dyed cloths at certain stages to certain degrees and kinds of light was an important factor in the production of peculiarly esteemed hues, and the rules to be observed in this respect would likewise, as far as possible, have been kept secret. Tyrian purple was imitated at various other places, in antiquity, as on the coast of Lacedae- mon, in Cythera, at Tarentum, Aquinum, and Ancona in Italy, on the North Coast of Africa, and in the Canary Islands ; but nowhere did the imitations attain to the excellence of the original. The Tyrian dyes continued to be celebrated by poets and affected by priests, senators, and emperors up to the date of Phoenicia's conquest by the Saracens (a.D. 633-638). Even after the Mahometans were installed in power the manufacture continued, and " Tyrian purple *' is SUPPOSED DISCOVERY OF THE MUREX. 281 mentioned among the articles of luxury imported into Lombardy from the East by the Venetian merchants in the time of Charlemagne (A.D. 768-814). How the Tyrian dyes were originally discovered is a matter, not for dogmatism, but for conjecture. The popular tradition upon the subject will scarcely at the proeent day be regarded by any as historical. Ac- cording to this, Hercules, the tutelary deity of Tyre, was one day walking along the Syrian shore, in company with a native nymph called Tyrus, with whom he was in love, and followed by a favourite dog. The dog found a specimen of the Murex trun- cuius lying on one of the rocks, with its head protruded from its shell, whereupon he seized it and devoured it, colouring his mouth with the juice. When Tyrus saw the beauty of the tint, she fell into such an admiration of it, that she told Hercules she must positively refuse his suit until he brought her a garment of the same lovely hue. Thus stimu- lated, Hercules set himself to collect a number of shell-fish similar to the one which his dog had eaten, and, having extracted from them their colouring fluid, succeeded in obtaining enough to dye a robe, which he presented to the nymph, and thereby gained her consent to become his spouse. How Hercules ob- tained his shell-fish out of the deep water in which they ordinarily live, or managed the dyeing process, we are not told ; nor is any information given us with respect to the discovery of the colouring matter of the Buccinum, as essential as that of the Murex for the production of the true Tyrian dye ; so that the story scarcely goes upon all-fours, or satisfies an in- 282 PHCENICIAN MANUFACTURES AND ART. quiring mind. But it is perhaps worth something. Dead murices and buccina, thrown up by the sea, may have disclosed their colouring matter as they lay upon the shore, or even have stained the mouths of the creatures that fed on them, whether dogs or birds. Primitive peoples are always fond of bright colours, and the red and purple hues, once noted, would be soon applied, either to stain the bodies or the clothes of those whose attention had been arrested by them. As Tyre was specially noted for the manufacture of the purple dye, so was Sidon for the manufacture of glass. The discovery was said to have been made by accident. Some merchants, who had brought a cargo of natrum, which is the subcarbonate of soda, to the Syrian coast, where it was used for soap, went ashore at the mouth of the river Belus for the purpose of cooking their provisions. Having lighted a fire on the sand, they looked about for some stones to prop up their cooking utensils, but finding none convenient for the purpose, they fetched from their ship several blocks of the natrum, and supported their cooking- pots upon them. The heat was such as to fuse some of the natrum, which, uniting with the silicious sand upon which it rested, produced a stream of glass. The circumstance is quite a possible one, and there is no reason why glass should not have been invented a dozen times over in a dozen different places. Its manufacture appears to have been known in Egypt, before the Phoenicians settled in the tract afterwards called Phoenicia; and it is perhaps most probable that the Sidonians derived their acquaintance with MANUFACTURE OF GLASS. 283 the art from that country, with which in the early times they were very friendly. Egypt possessed in abundance both the alkali needed in her Natron Lakes, and the silica in the desert sand, which is of very fine quality, whereas Syria has no natrum, nor any convenient substitute for it. What Syria did possess was an inexhaustible supply of fine white silicious sand, free from all admixture of clay, and peculiarly suitable for glass-making ; but she had always to import her alkali, either from Egypt or from some other quarter. The most ancient of the objects in glass, which have a claim to be regarded as of Phoenician manu- facture, are a remarkable kind of beads, found in tombs and elsewhere in almost all parts of Europe, in India and other regions of Asia, and in some parts of Africa, especially upon the Ashantee Coast, where they are known as ** Aggry " beads, and are much prized by the natives. They are of opaque glass, generally coloured, and patterned, the colours and patterns being very various, and the beads showing often various degrees of skill in the manipulation. It is thought that the Phoenicians manufactured this kind of bead very early for commercial purposes, and used it in the bartering transactions which they carried on with the uncivilized inhabitants of all the regions to which their trade extended. The fashion once set was followed by other nations ; and " Aggry " beads continued to be made during the Middle Ages, and are even now to a small extent manufactured at Venice. Glass was, however, chiefly applied, in Sidon as 284 PHCENICIAN MANUFACTURES AND ART. elsewhere, to the construction of vessels such as bottles, vases, drinking-cups, bowls, and the like. It was seldom employed in large masses, but was very delicately fashioned and coloured with metallic oxides, exquisite objects of a small size being produced, chiefly by means of the blow-pipe. Occasionally, patterning was effected by cutting or grinding with a wheel, while sometimes the surface was engraved with a sharp tool. Cylinders of coloured glass were also made as ornaments of houses or temples ; these were either solid or hollow ; in the latter case, a lamp might be introduced into the interior and a dazzling effect accomplished^ The great difficulty with the artists of the time was to produce perfectly clear and transparent glass ; but the Sidonians battled with this difficulty so far successfully as to cast round plates of glass which were made into mirrors by cover- ing the back with a thin sheet of metal The extent to which Phoenicia carried the artistic manipulation of glass is, and must probably always remain, uncertain, since glass objects are scarcely ever inscribed, and the best connoisseurs are unable to determine, with a large number of the specimens in museums, whether they are of Phoenician, or Greek, or even of Egyptian manufacture. So excellent a judge as Winckelmann confesses his inability to draw the line between Greek and Phoenician art in this department ; and it is quite possible that many of the more artistic objects, commonly set down as Greek in museum catalogues, are really the product of the best Sidonian glass- works. The woven fabrics which the Phoenicians produced STUFFS AND METALLURGY. 283 from their looms were, in the early times, either linen or woollen, in the later frequently of silk. Raw silk was imported into Phoenicia by the Persian merchants, and was there dyed and woven into stuffs, which were sometimes of silk only, sometimes of silk intermixed with linen or cotton. These fabrics were held in high esteem, and much sought after by the traders of all countries, but perhaps rather on account of their colours than of any special skill shown in the weaving process. Sidon, however, had a distinct reputation for the excellence of its embroidery from a very ancient date, and the broidered robes of Sidonian sempstresses found a ready market in all the chief resorts of pleasure and luxury. For metallurgy Tyre and Sidon were, in the remoter times, about equally famous. It was a Tyrian artist who constructed for Solomon those magnificent works in bronze which were among the chief glories of the Temple at Jerusalem, the two pillars called Jachin and Boaz, each nearly forty feet high, elaborately ornamented, and the " molten sea," or great laver, fifteen feet in diameter, supported on the backs of twelve oxen, arranged in four groups of three. It was the same artist who fashioned for the same king " the altar of gold, and the table of gold whereon the shewbread was set, and the ten candle- sticks of pure gold, with their lamps and flowers, and the tongs of gold, and the bowls, and the snuffers, and the basins, and the spoons, and the censers of pure gold, and the hinges of gold both for the doors of the inner house, the most holy place, and for the doors of the house, to wit, of the temple*' (i Kings 286 PHCENICIAN MANUFACTURES AND ART. vii. 48-50;. On the other hand, they were Sidonian artists whose works in silver Homer celebrated as "most beautiful" — ^*' the most beautiful in all the world;" and it is to Sidon and not to Tyre that Strabo ascribes especially the manufacture of drinking- vessels in gold and silver. As with objects in glass, so with those in metal, it is difficult to lay down positively that any extant speci- mens are Phoenician. There seems, however, to be much probability that the series of bronze dishes, care- fully embossed and engraved, which Sir Austen Layard discovered at Nimrud, and which are represented in the Second Series of his "Monuments of Nineveh," are examples of early Phoenician workmanship, belonging to the eighth or ninth century, B.C. One of them has a Phoenician legend, and two others exhibit a scarab, or beetle, which is pronounced to be " more of a Phoenician than of an Egyptian form," while the mixture of Assyrian with Egyptian types, which is characteristic of the entire number, is not unnatural if they were the products of a country over which Egypt and Assyria exercised about equal influence. Assuming then the more ornamental of these works to be Phoenician, we may note, first, that the bronze is of excellent quality, containing exactly those pro- portions of tin and copper which were decided by the Greeks and which are still regarded by modern artists as the best, viz., one part of the former to nine of the latter metal ; secondly, that the ornamental work is effected by two different processes, partly by punching the bronze with a blunt instrument from the back or outside, and partly by a careful but sparing use of the PATERA FROM CURIUM. 288 PHCENICIAN MANUFACTURES AND ART. graving tool on the inside after the embossing was conripleted ; and thirdly, that the designs, while not of any high artistic merit, are curious and interesting, showing in the patterns a lively and elegant fancy, and in the figures, which are both human and animal, a great vigour, boldness, and force. The animal forms include lions, bulls, antelopes, horses, wild goats, leopards, bears, deer, hares, greyhounds, serpents, sphinxes, and vultures ; they are, in every instance, unmistakably characterized, and, in some, leave little to be desired. The human forms are inferior, and mostly verge on the grotesque ; but they show con- siderable power of drawing. In some instances, small bosses of silver or gold have been inlaid into the bronze. In others, the dishes have a rim, or border, made in a separate piece, run- ning round about one-third of the dish, and fastened to it by nails or bosses. To this rim is attached the handle, which is of horse-shoe shape, and works freely through two rings, the intention apparently being that the dish should be hung up by it. Sir A. Layard conjectures,^ that the set of dishes may have been carried away from Tyre, or from some other Phoenician city, when it was captured by the Assyrians, and may have been used by the captors for sacrificial purposes, at royal banquets, or when the king performed certain religious ceremonies ; or that they may have been selected from the spoil of some city, to be laid up in one of the temples of Nimrud, as « "Nineveh and Babylon," pp. 192, 193. Similar dishes and bowls have been found in Cyprus on Phoenician sites, which tend strongly to confirm the Phoenician origin of the Nimrud bronzes. COINS. 289 the holy utensils of the Jews, after the destruction ot the Temple, were kept in the treasury of the great sanctuary of Bel-Merodach at Babylon. Either alternative is possible ; but neither can be regarded as having distinct claim to acceptance ; and severe critics may perhaps question whether the evidence on which is based our view that the dishes are really Phoenician is altogether satisfactory. Perhaps it must be said that the only objects in metal that can be positively assigned to Phoenicia Proper are its coins. Even these are not numerous ; COIN OF GADES. and they have few marked peculiarities. The earlier have the irregular shape and clumsy thickness of all coins of ancient workmanship ; the later are thinner, and more nearly approach to the circular form. The favourite emblem in the more primitive times is a trireme, beaked in front, and with a lofty stern, ending sometimes in a fish's tail. On the coins of Sidon is sometimes found the figure of Ashtoreth accompanied by a star, sometimes the front of a temple resting on four columns. Coins of the later period have mostly Greek emblems — Neptune with his trident ; Bacchus with the cista, diota, and thyrsus ; Europa riding 290 PHCENICIAN MAHUFACTURES AND ART. upon the bull ; Cadmus killing the serpent ; Hercules with his club and lion's skin ; and the like. Bilingual legends, Greek and Phoenician, are common ; but the subject matter of the two legends is generally different. Under the Seleucidae, the royal name and title are in Greek, while the name of the locality, for which the coin is struck, is in Phoenician. Coins of Phoenician colonies have, for the most part, a single legend, which IS in the native character. One of Tarsus shows Baal seated on a throne, with a sceptre in his right hand, and the legend TBaal Tarz^ " To Baal of Tarsus.'* Another of Gades has two tunny fish, with the in- scription nCbaali Agadir, " from the citizens of Gades." The chief arts practised by the Phoenicians were, besides architecture, sculpture, navigation, mining, working in ivory, gem-engraving, and ornamental metallurg)^ It is from the ornamentation of the tombs that we obtain our main knowledge (such as it is) of the characteristics of Phoenician sculpture. Complete statues, which can be positively assigned to Phoeni- cian artists, scarcely exist ; but on the walls of tombs, and still more, on the richly-ornamented sarcophagi contained in them, are not infrequently found reliefs, which must in reason be ascribed to the same people as the tombs themselves. Unfortunately, none have been discovered of any very great antiquity. Even the earliest belong to a time when Greek influence had begun to be felt, and when the sculptor, con- sciously or unconsciously, imitated Greek models. In one, at Amathus in Cyprus, a purely Phoenician BAS-RELIEFS AT AMATHUS, 29I city, we see a funeral procession, consisting of two men on horseback, four ^i£'^, or chariots drawn by two horses, with either two or three persons in each chariot, and three footmen behind the l^i^'c^y walking fast, to keep up with the horses. There is some, though not much, variety in the postures of the horses, which are of a strong compact make, like those seen in Greek friezes. They wear top-knots, like the Assyrian and Lycian horses, but larger and more in the shape of an open fan. The human figures are, in every case, draped, wearing the chiton and chlamys, or at any rate the latter, except the horse- men, who seem to have on a tight-fitting dress of leather. A few of the figures are bare-headed, but the generality wear a turban or a close-fitting cap. One carries a parasol, but whether to shade himself or his companion, is uncertain. The proportions of the figures and of the horses are good, the workmanship not very refined, but fairly good ; and, if the com- position must be said, on the whole, to lack life and spirit, we must remember that the solemnity of the subject would make lively action — prancings and cur- vettings of horses or gesticulations of men — inappro- priate. Two other reliefs occupy the two ends of the sarco* phagus. In these the Greek ideal has been discarded, and Oriental art shovrs f.tself without a possibility of mistake. It is needless to say that the result is a lamentable falling off. One end is occupied by four figures of Astarte, or Ashtoreth, perfectly similar, which stand side by side, like Caryatides, except that their heads do not quiie touch the entablature above t> X H the early Greeks did, />., alternately from right to left and from left to right, much less did they, as the Egyptians, adopt either direction indifferently. A representation of the ordinary Phoenician alphabet, and a specimen of Phoenician writing, are appended by way of illustration. The extant Phoenician literature is entirely epi- graphic. It consists of two fairly long, and several short, inscriptions on tombs, and of a number of curt legends on votive offerings, coins, gems, vases, paterae, and the like. The inscription of Marseilles, and the passage in the Poenulus of Plautus, commonly called Phoenician, belong rather to the literature of Carthage. The longest and most important of the tomb inscrip- tions of Phoenicia is that on the sepulchre of Esmun- azar, which extends to twenty-two lines. It has been translated by M. Jules Oppert, as follows : — " In the month of Bui (October), in the fourteenth year of the reign of King Esmunazar, King of the Two Sidons, son of King Tabnit, King of the Two Sidons, King Esmunazar, King of the Two Sidons, Early & Later Greek Name Phoenician Early Greek Hebrew Hebrew Namb Al pha Beta. Gamma Helta- .EpsUoo- Upsilon. JE-ta. Xata. Thela JKap-pa. Lambda, Mu i XL. Omicron EX. JSJkl Kappa. San or _SigJiia_ Tau ^^ 1 4 ^ 1 \ 1 1 z gfi 1 2 ^22 E i i I 13k ArA^- k 3 / M!^ i %kl Q J I i ^ A 1 1 I K L e M ]kl ::\ z as ^ >l Q a t^* C 7 i i^ J ^ ^ ^ i h ^ i^ H^ Mt -Y £± 1 J 1 ^ ii^ 1 Ee-tli. I Q i /:^AZ Q^ P ^3 S^ ± 1 ) m rLjH. Gime l Daletb- i.e_ _Vau. Z.ai.D_ n 1 Q -Q. ^ i H.e.tJhL Xeth. :zQd. Caph. / A^A Ul ^ 1 -VI I Y W. I _1 Mem N.un, Saxnech 3 Ain Efi. Xsa.dde_ :3_ji. Kiiph- ces( gy Shin_ Tau The PHOEiiiciAN Alphabet INSCRIPTION OF ESMUNAZAR, 335 said as follows : — ' I am carried away ; the time of my non-existence has come ; my spirit has disappeared, like the day from whence I am silent, since which I became mute ; and I am lying in this coffin, and in this tomb, in the place which I have built. O thou [who readest] remember this : — May no royal race, nor any other man open my funeral chamber — may they not seek after treasures, for no one has hidden treasures here ; nor move the coffin out of my funeral chamber, nor molest me in this funeral bed, by putting another tomb over it. Whatever a man may tell thee, do not listen to him, for the punishment [of the violation] shall be : — Every royal race and every man, who shall open the covering of this tomb, or who shall carry away the coffin wherein I repose, or who shall molest me in this chamber, they shall have no funeral chamber with the departed, nor shall be buried in graves, nor shall there be any son or off- spring to succeed to them, and the holy gods shall inflict extirpation on them. Thou, whosoever thou art, who shalt be king [hereafter], inspire those over whom thou wilt reign, that they may exterminate the members of that royal race which shall open the covering of this chamber, or shall take away this coffin, and exterminate also the offspring of that royal race, or of the common men [who shall do so]. They shall have no root below, nor fruit above, nor living form under the sun. " For, by the grace of the gods, I am carried away ; the time of my non-existence is come ; my spirit has disappeared, like the day from whence I am silent, since which I became mute. 33^ PHCENICIAN LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE. "^ For it is I, Esmunazar, King of the Two Sidons, son of King Tabnit, King of the Two Sidons, and grandson of King Esmunazar, King of the Two Sidons, and my mother, Amastarte, the priestess of Astarte, our mistress, the Queen, the daughter of King Esmunazar, King of the Two Sidons — it is we who have built the Temple of the gods, and the Temple of the Ashteroth at Sidon, which is by the seaside, and have placed there the images of the Ashteroth, since we are sanctifiers [of the gods]. It is we who have built the Temple of Esmun, and the sanctuary of the murex-shell river in the moun- tain, and have placed there his [Esmun's] image, since we are sanctifiers [of the gods]. And it is we who have built the Temples of the gods of the two Sidons, in the maritime Sidon, the Temple of Baal- Sidon, and the Temple of Ashteroth, who bears the name of Baal. " May in the future the Lords of the Kings give us Dora and Japhia (Joppa), and the fertile cornlands, which are in the plain of Sharon, and may they annex it to the boundaries of the land, that it may belong to the two Sidons for ever. " O thou [who readest], remember this : — May no royal race, and no man, open my sarcophagus, nor deface the inscriptions of my sarcophagus, nor molest me in this funeral chamber, nor carry away the coffin wherein I repose. Otherwise the Holy gods shall inflict extirpation on them, and exterminate the royal race, or the common man, that shall so do, with their offspring for ever." ^ * "Records of the Past," vol. ix. pp. 111-114, INSCRIPTIONS ON VOTIVE OFFERINGS^ 337 The shorter inscription of Tabnit, probably Es- munazar's father, has been already given. ^ In both of them the main idea is to prevent the disturbance of the tombs, partly by imprecations and partly by the assurance that there is no treasure buried with the corpses. It seems to have escaped the observation of those who set them up, that they could not be read until the disturbance of the tombs had, at any rate, proceeded to a certain length. Literary merit was scarcely to be expected in com- positions which were intended to be concealed from sight, and, if ever uncovered, to serve simply a practical purpose. Even less was it to be looked for in the still briefer legends upon votive offerings, gems, coins, and paterae. The utmost that can be said of these is that they are neat and to the point, without superfluous words or far-fetched ideas. On a m candelabrum from Malta, a votive offering to Mel- karth, we read, " To our lord, Melkarth, lord of Tyre. The man that vowed it is thy servant, Abd-Osiris, with his brother, Osiri-Shamar, both [of us] sons of Osiri-Shamar, son of Abd-Osiris. When he hears their voice, may he bless them ! " On a stone from the same place, " Melchi-Baal, a man of Jamblicha (.?), offered this stone to Baal-Ammon, when he had heard my prayer." On a cippus, also from Malta, "The cippus of Melchi-Osiris, a man of * * *, [offered] to Baal. The stone was vowed by my father." Of the more ambitious efforts of the later Phoenicians, who, discarding their own language, wrote their works in the language of the Greeks, we may obtain some * Supra, p. 269. 23 ^^S PHCENICIAN LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE. general idea from the fragments, which have come down to us, of the (so-called) '' Phoenician History " of Philo Byblius. The first fragment runs as follows : — "The beginning of all things was a dark and stormy air, or dark air and a turbid chaos resembling Erebus ; and these were at the first unbounded, and for a long series of ages had no limit But after a time this wind became enamoured of its own first principles, and an intimate union took place between them, a connection which was called Desire (Pothos) ; and this was the beginning of the creation of all things. But it (the Desire) had no consciousness of its own creation ; however, from its embrace with the wind was generated Mot, which some call slime, and others putrescence of watery secretion. And from this sprang all the seed of creation, and the genera- tion of the universe. " And there were certain animals without sensation, from which intelligent animals were produced, and these were called * Zopha-Semin,* ie., * beholders of the heavens ' ; and they were made in the shape of an Ggg, and from Mot shone forth the sun, and the moon, and the lesser and the greater stars. And when the air began to send forth light, by the conflagration of land and sea, winds were produced, and clouds, and very great downpours, and effusions of the heavenly waters. And when these were thus separated, and carried, through the beat of the sun, out of their proper places, and all met again in the air, and came into collision, there ensued thunderings and lightnings; and through the rattle of the thunder, the intelligent animals above mentioned were woke up, and startled FRAGMENTS OF PHILO BYBLIUS. 339 by the noise began to move about both in the sea and on the land, alike such as were male and such as were female. All these things were found written in the Cosmogony of Taaut, and in his commentaries, and were drawn from his conjectures, and from the proofs which his intellect perceived and discovered, and which he made clear to us.*' The most important of the other fragments are the following : — Fragment 2. — "These men first consecrated the fruits of the earth, and accounted them gods, and worshipped those very things on which they them- selves lived, and their posterity after them, and their ancestors before them ; and to these things they poured libations and offered sacrifices. The ideas which underlay the worship corresponded to their own weakness and timidity of soul.'* Fragment 3. — " From the wind, Colpia, and his wife Baau, which is by interpretation ' Night,' were born -^on and Protogonus, mortal men so named ; of whom one, viz., iEon, discovered that life might be sustained by the fruits of trees. Their immediate descendants were called Genos and Genea ; who lived in Phoenicia, and in time of drought stretched forth their hands to heaven towards the Sun ; for him they regarded as the sole lord of heaven, and called him Baal-samin, which means ' Lord of Heaven ' in the Phoenician tongue, and is equivalent to Zeus in Greek. . . . Moreover, from Genos, son of ^on and Proto- gonus, were begotten mortal children, called Phos, and Pyr, and Phlox {i£,^ Light, and Fire, and Flame). These persons invented the method of producing fire 340 PHCENICIAN LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE, by rubbing two pieces of wood together, and taught men to employ it. They begat sons of surpassing size and stature, whose names were given tathe moun- tains whereof they had obtained possession, viz., Casius, Libanus, Anti-Libanus, and Brathy. From them were produced Memrumus and Hypsuranius, who took their names from their mothers, women in those days yielding themselves without shame to any man whom they happened to meet Hypsuranius lived at Tyre, and invented the art of building huts with reeds and rushes and the papyrus plant. He quarrelled with his brother Usous, who was the first to make clothing for the body out of the skins of the wild beasts which he slew. On one occasion when there was a great storm of rain and wind, the trees in the neighbourhood of Tyre so rubbed against each other that they took fire and the whole forest was burnt ; whereupon Usous took a tree, and, having cleared it of its boughs, was the first to venture on the sea in a boat. He also consecrated two pillars to Fire and Wind, and worshipped them, and poured upon them the blood of the animals which he took by hunt- ing. And when the two brothers were dead, those who remained alive consecrated rods to their memory an.d continued to worship the pillars, and to hold a festival in their honour year by year. " At a time long subsequent to this, there were born of the race of Hypsuranius Agreus (Hunter) and Halieus (Fisherman), the inventors of hunting and fishing, from whom hunters and fishermen took their names. From them again were born two other brothers, who discovered iron and the method of FRAGMENTS OF PHILO BYBLTUS. 34T working it. One of them named Chrysor, who is the same as Hephaestus, applied himself to the study of words, and invented charms and oracles ; he was moreover, the discoverer of the hook, and the bait, and the fishing-line, and the raft, and the first man to navigate ships. On this account he was after his death worshipped as a god, and called Molech, or Zeus Meilichios. According to some, his brothers (brother ?) invented the art of building party-walls of brick. " Later on, there were born of the same family two youths, called respectively Technites (Artificer) and Gelnos Autochthdn (Earth-born). They discovered the art of mixing straw with the clay of bricks, and of drying bricks in the sun ; and further they in- vented roofs. From these came two others, one called Agrus, and the other Agruerus or Agrotes. Of the latter there is a wooden image greatly venerated in Phoenicia, and a shrine which is carried about by a pair of oxen ; he is called by the people of Byblus, by way of pre-eminence, * the greatest of the gods.* These persons invented courts to houses, and walls of enclosure, and cellars. From them are descended those who till the soil, and those who hunt with dogs. They are also called Aletae (nomads) and Titans (giants). From them descended Amynus and Magus, who taught men to live in villages and to tend flocks; and from Amynus and Magus descended Misor and Sydyk, or ^ the Redeemed ' and * the Just.' By them was discovered the use of salt. From Misor came Taaut, who invented written characters : the Egyp- tians call him Thoth, and the Greeks Hermes. From Sydyk came the Dioscuri, or Cabeiri, or Korybantes 342 PHCENICIAN LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE, or Samothracians, who were the first to invent a ship. From them descended others, who discovered medi- cinal herbs, and found out how to cure the bites of venomous creatures, and how to compose charms. In their time was born a man called Eliun, or * the Highest,' and a woman called Beruth ; and they dwelt near Byblus. Of these two was born Epigeius, or Autochthon, who was afterwards called Uranus (Heaven) ; and it was from him that the element which is above us, by reason of its superlative beauty, received the same name. He had a sister born of the same parents, who was named Ge f Earth), and from her the earth, on account of its beauty, was so called. Hypsistus, their father, having died in a conflict with wild beasts, was consecrated by his sons, and wor- shipped with libations and sacrifices. " Now Uranus, having received the kingdom of his father, contracted a marriage with his sister, Ge, and had by her four sons, El, who is also called Kronus, and Baetulus, and Dagon (or Siton), and Atlas. Uranus had also by other wives a numerous issue ; on which account Ge, being vexed and jealous of her husband, reproached him, so that they parted the one from the other. Uranus, however, though he had quitted her, returned whenever he pleased, and had commerce with her, and again departed ; he likewise attempted to destroy the children which he had had by her ; and Ge had often to protect herself from him by calling in the aid of auxiliaries. And Cronus, when he arrived at man's estate, with the advice and assistance of Hermes Trismegistus, who was his sec- retary, opposed himself to his father Uranus, that he might avenge his mother. FRAGMENTS OF PHILO BYBLIUS. 343 " And to Cronus were born two children, Persephone and Athene, of whom the former died a virgin. And Cronus, at the suggestion of Athene and Hermes, constructed of iron a falchion and a spear ; after v/hich Hermes having addressed the assistants of Cronus with enchanted words, wrought in them a keen desire to make war on Uranus in behalf of Ge. And it was thus that Cronus, having engaged in battle with Ura- nus, drove him from his kingdom, and succeeded him in the government. In this battle was taken the favourite concubine of Uranus, who was with child ; and Kronusgave her in marriage to his brother Dagon. And after the marriage she gave birth to the child whom she had conceived of Uranus, and called his name Demarous. After these events, Kronus built a wall about his dwelling-place, and founded the first of the Phoenician cities, viz., Byblus. And later on, Kronus, having conceived a suspicion of his own brother. Atlas, by the advice of Hermes, threw him into a deep pit and piled earth upon him. About the same time, the descendants of the Dioscuri, having built rafts and ships, put to sea, and, being cast away over against Mount Casius, built and dedicated a temple there. " Now the allies of El, who is the same as Kronus, were called Eloeim, as one might call them Kronians, after Kronus. And Kronus, having a son called Sadid, whom he had come to suspect, despatched him with his own sword, thus with his own hand depriving his child of life. And in like manner he cut off the head of his own daughter, so that all the gods were struck with astonishment at the disposition of Kronus. But 344 PHCENICIAN LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE. after the lapse of some time, Uranus, who was under sentence of banishment, sent secretly his virgin daughter, Astarte, with two of her sisters, Rhea and Dione, to cut off Kronus by treachery ; but Kronus took them, and made them his legitimate wives, not- withstanding that they were his sisters. Now, when Uranus heard of it, he sent Eimarmene and Hora with other auxiliaries to make war on Kronus ; but the latter contrived to win their affections also, and kept them with him in his house. Moreover, the god Uranus devised Ba^tylia, which were stones possessed of life. " By Astarte Cronus had seven daughters — the Titanides, or Artemides ; and by Rhea he had seven sons, of whom the youngest was consecrated from his birth ; by Dione he had daughters, and by Astarte two sons, Pothos and Eros (Desire and Love). Now Dagon, after he had discovered bread-corn and in- vented the plough, was called Zeus Arotrius (the patron of ploughing). And to Sydyk (or * the Just ') one of the Titanides bore Asclepius. Kronus, more- over, had three sons born to him in Peraea, one called Kronus after his father, another called Zeus Belus, and a third known as Apollo. "Contemporary with these were Pontus,and Typhon, and Nereus, the father of Pontus ; from Pontus de- scended Sidon, whose sweetness of voice caused her to be the first to invent a metrical hymn, and also Poseidon. And Demarous had a son called Melkarth, who is the same as Hercules. Uranus then again made war upon Pontus ; but afterwards, relinquishing his attack, he attached himself to Demarous • then FRAGMENTS OF PHILO BYBLIUS. 34$ Demarous proceeded against Pontus, but Pontus re- pulsed him, and Demarous offered a sacrifice for his escape. " In the thirty-second year of his power and sove- reignty, El (or Kronus), having laid an ambuscade for his father Uranus, and got him into his hands, emas- culated him near some fountains and rivers. There was Uranus consecrated, and his spirit was separated {i.e.y quitted his body) ; and the blood of his parts dripped into the fountains and the waters of the rivers ; and the place where this happened is shown even to this day." Fragment 4. — "Now Astarte, who is called the Great Goddess, and Zeus Demarous, and Adad, the king of the gods, reigned over the country, with the consent of Kronus. And Astarte put upon her own head, as a mark of sovereignty, the head of a bull ; and, as she travelled about the habitable world, she found a star falling through the air, which she caught and consecrated in the holy isle of Tyre ; and the Phoeni- cians say that Astarte is the same as Aphrodite. Moreover, Kronus, as he went round the world, gave the sovereignty of Attica to his daughter Athene ; and on the occurrence of a plague, accompanied by a great mortality, he offered up his only-begotten son as a burnt-offering to his father Uranus, and circumcised himself, and compelled his followers to do the same. And, not long afterwards, he consecrated another of the sons whom he had by Rhea, Muth by name, after his decease. This Muth, the Phoenicians say, is the same with Death and Pluto. And after this, Kronus gave the city of Byblus to Baaltis, who is the same as 346 PHCENICIAN LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE. Dione, and the city of Berytus to Poseidon, and to the Cabeiri, who were husbandmen and fishermen ; and the Cabeiri consecrated at Berytus the remains of Pontus. But before this, the god Taaut, having por- trayed the countenances of the heavenly deities, such as Kronus, Dagon, and the rest, gave form to the sacred characters of the elements (?). And he in- vented for Kronus, as emblems of his royal power, four eyes in front and four behind, [two open, and] two shut as if in sleep, and on his shoulders four wings, two of them in the act of flying, and two closed and at rest. And the symbolic meaning was [in the case of the eyes] that Kronus could see when he was asleep and rest his eyes even when he was awake ; and in the case of the wings it was the same, that while he rested he flew, and while he flew he was rest- ing. To the other gods he gave two wings only upon their shoulders, to intimate that they flew with the aid of Kronus ; and to Kronus he gave two wings also upon the head, one for the directing intellect, and one for perception. And Kronus, when he reached the country of the south, bestowed the whole of Egypt on the god Taaut, that it might be his kingdom. These things did the seven sons of Sydyk, the Cabeiri, and Asclepius their brother, the eighth son, first of all write down in the records, as the god Taaut had enjoined upon them.'' Fragine7it 5. — " It was the custom among the ancients, in times of great calamity and danger, for the rulers of the city or nation to avert the ruin of all by sacrificing to the avenging deities the best beloved of their children as the price of redemption ; and such OBSERVATIONS UPON PHILO'S WORK, 347 as were thus devoted were offered with mystic cere- monies. Kronus, therefore, who was called El by the Phoenicians and who after his death was deified and attached to the planet which bears his name, having an only son by a nymph of the country, who was called Anobret, took this son, who was named Jeoud, which means ' anly son ' in Phoenician, and when a great danger from war impended over the land, adorned him with the ensigns of royalty, and, having prepared an altar for the purpose, voluntarily sacrificed him." It must be freely granted that the lucubrations of Philo Byblius scarcely deserve, any more than the epigraphs on Phoenician tombs, the name of literature. They are curious ; they are to some extent instructive ; they embody Phoenician ideas and traditions which we should be sorry to have lost ; but their merit, as compositions, is a negative quantity. The probability however is, that they are a fair sample of what the nation could produce in the way of literary achieve- ment — neither better nor worse than the other pro- ductions of Phoenician intellect after it had been brought into contact with Greek thought, and become saturated with Greek ideas. The notion of a cosmo- gony is not indeed specially Greek, since it is found also among the Babylonians and among the Hebrews; but the form which Philo's cosmogony takes allies it far more closely with the Theogonies of Hesiod and Apollodorus than with the accounts of creation given by Berosus and Moses. It may have also owed much to Euemerus, whose reduction of the whole of the Grecian Mythology to history in disguise is so well- 348 PHCENICIAN LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE, known and so generally condemned as mistaken and foolish. Philo evidently belonged to the Euemeristic School, and based his explanations of the Phcenician religion upon Euemeristic principles. The system reaches the climax of absurdity when Ph6s and Pyr and Phlox (<^w? and ttO/o and <^Xof) become men who discovered the means of lighting a fire by rubbing two pieces of stick together, and Casius, Libanus, and Anti-Libanus represent also me7t of superior stature, whose names were given to those lofty mountain chains. It is, as Bunsen says, a " real difficulty " how a man of such learning and discretion as Philo Byblius could have been brought to advocate so shallow and silly a system. His explanation is that Philo did not believe it, but " thought anything better than the allegorical interpretations " which were in vogue in his day. The account he regards as " the result of a philosophical re- action in the sense of Voltaire." It is scarcely per- missible in this place to enter upon so abstruse an inquiry. We are concerned with the literary, not with the philosophical, merit of Philo's work, and our ver- dict must be, that whatever is to be thought of his "historical erudition," or of his " talent," and his rank among *' serious thinkers," he is, as a writer, to be placed in a very humble, if not quite in the humblest, position. This conclusion harmonizes with the general result of our investigations into the idiosyncrasy of the Phoenician nation The race was formed to excel, not in the field of speculation, or of thought, or of literary composition, or even of artistic perfection, but in the sphere of action and of practical ingenuity. As ship- GENERAL ESTIMATE OF THE NATION. 349 builders, as navigators, as merchants, as miners, as metallurgists, as dyers, as engravers of hard stones, as engineers, they surpassed all who preceded them, and were scarcely surpassed in later times by many. They were the great pioneers of civilization, and by their boldness, their intrepidity, and their manual dexterity, prepared the way for the triumphs of later but more advanced nations. They adventured themselves, in many cases, where none had ever gone before them, entrusted themselves to fragile boats, dared the many perils of unknown seas, penetrated deep into untrodden continents, mixed with savages, affronted the dangers of extreme heat and extreme cold, risked their lives continually night after night and day after day, not so much stimulated by the expectation of large profits, as by the pure love of adventure ; they explored all the shores of the Mediterranean, the Propontis, and the Euxine, passed the Pillars of Hercules, and launched their fleets bravely into the Atlantic, cir- cumnavigated Africa in one direction, and reached the shores of Britain, perhaps of Norway, in another ; at the same time they were, in their own homes, skilled artizans and manufacturers, weavers of delicate fabrics, inventors of dyes of unrivalled beauty, excellent metal- lurgists, good gem-engravers, no contemptible sculp- tors ; while, abroad, they were the boldest navigators and the most successful traders that the Old World ever saw, worthy rivals of the Cabots and Columbuses and Di Gamas and Drakes and Raleighs of later times. Active, energetic, persevering, ingenious, in- ventive, dexterous, not much troubled with scruples, they had all the qualities which ensure a nation, in the 350 PHCENICIAN LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE, long run, commercial prosperity and the wealth which flows from it ; while, by their natural vigour and adventurousness, their rough lives and hardy habits, they were well qualified to resist for long ages the corrupting influence of that luxury which is almost certain to follow upon the accumulation of riches. Phoenicia maintained her greatness, and took rank among the chief of the secondary powers of the earth, for nearly nine hundred years, from the beginning of the twelfth century before our era to near the end of the fourth, and retained some traces of her early glories for about six centuries longer. Her decline, when it came, was caused, not by internal weakness or corrup- tion, but by the necessity of yielding to external force. Assyria, Babylon, Persia, had each in turn compelled her to submit, but had respected her character and position so far as to allow her a sort of qualified inde- pendence. But with the conquest by Alexander, this was changed. What the great conqueror would him- self have done we cannot say ; but it was the policy of his " Successors " to destroy every nationality that was not strong enough to resist them. Phoenicia almost ceased to be Phoenicia, partly won over, partly compelled to Hellenism, under the rule of the Syro- Macedonians. She was finally trampled to death by the Romans. Under the iron heel of that relentless power, " the Scourge of God," far more truly than any Goth, or Hun, or Vandal, the unhappy country ceased to be in any sense a political entity, and passed into a " geographical expression.'' FINIS. INDEX. A. Abd-Ashtoreth, king of Tyre, 107 Abdemon and King Solomon, 104 Abdera, 68 Abdi-Milkut, king of Sidon, de- feated and beheaded by Esar- haddon, 140, 141 Acre, formerly Ake or Akko, 10, 53, 54, 144, 237 ; mercilessly treated by the Assyrians, 148 Adonis, the myth of, 35, 36 Africa, circumnavigation of, by the Phoenicians, 175-180 Agesilaus, 206 *' Aggry beads," 283 Agrippa, Herod, 242, 243 Ahab, 108, 109, 117 Alexander the Great, 172-174 ; in- vades Asia, 212, 213 ; destroys the army of Darius, 214 ; ob- tains the submission of Phoe- nician cities, 214-216; Tyre stands out for terms, which nre refused, 116-118; he connects the island city with the main- land, 219-229 ; storms the city, 229-236, 350 Algesiras, the bay of, 68, 69 Alphabet, the Phoenician, 87, 327-332 Amasis, king of Egypt, 184 Amathus, bas-reliefs at, 290-294 Amrit, monuments at, 260-267 Andalusia, the fertile plains of, 66 Antalcidas, peace of, 205 Antaradus, or Carnus, 51, 52 Antigonous, 237 Antiochus the Great, 237, 239, 240 ApoUonius, a philosopher of Tyre, 245, 249 Apries, king of Egypt, invades Syria, 181, 183 Architectural remains, Phoenician, 250-274 Arvad, or Aradus, 51, 52, 55; pays tribute to the Assyrians, " ^33i I34> 144 J surrenders to Alexander, 215 ; the great wall of, 257-260 Aserymus, 107 Ashtoreth (A-starte), worship of, 32, 37, 109-112 Asshurljanipal conquers Egypt and Phoenicia, 143-147 Asshur-nazir-pal, 129, 131, 132 Assyria, contest of, with Phoenicia, 129 ; military strength of, 131- 133 ; severity to rebellious pro- vinces, 141, 148 ; tribute ex- acted, 146-148 ; decline of, 149, 165 Athaliah, daughter of Jezebel, no, 117 Athanasius, condemned at Tyre, 244 Attains, 212 Azemilchus, king of Tyre, 216, 222, 235 Azibaal, 144 B. Baal, made king of Tyre by 332 INDEX. Esarhaddon, whom he after- wards defied, 142 ; compelled by Asshurbanipal to submit, I43» 144 Baal-uzur, son of Hiram, 107 Baal- worship, 29, 37, 111-114 Babylon, rise of, 165, 166 Bsetica, 66 Bargylus, and its beautiful valleys, 16 B is-reliefs, Phoenician, 290-308 Berytus (Beyrout), extensive gar- dens of, 12 ; anciently a place of little note, 48 ; school of Roman law, 248 ; the great sepulchre near, 265, 266 Bostrenus, the river, 12 Buccinum lapilluSy 5, 276-279 Bunsen on Philo Byblius, 348 Buonarotti, Michael Angelo, 97 Byblus, an early Phoenician settle- ment, 48 ; one of the chief scenes of the licentious orgies to Ado- nis, 49, 50 ; submits to Assyria, '^ZZ> 134 J surrenders to Alex- ander, 215 c. Cadiz, formerly Gadeira or Gades, 67, 68 Cambyses, prepares to invade Egypt, 188 ; treats with Phoe- nicia for assistance by sea, i88- 192 f^anaanites, the, 20 Caravans, Phoenician, 155-164 Carteia, 68, 69 Carmel, the promontory of, 10 Carthage, a Tyrian colony, 64, 65; "dumb commerce," 85; mythical story of origin, 118- 128 Casius, geological formation of, 15 Cesnola's, M. di, explorations in Cyprus, 255, 305, 314 Cicilia, Phoenician connection with, 57, 58 Cimon, son of Miltiades, defeats the Persian fleet, 204 Cleopatra, Palestine made over to, 242 Commercial honesty, 85-87 Constantine, 244, 245 Cornwall and its natives, visited by the Phoenicians, 70, 164 Craterus, 228 Crete, Phoenician influence in, 59. 60 Curium, Phoenician jewelry found at, 315-322 Currency, a general metallic, established by Persia, 193 Cyaxares, founder of the Median monarchy, 149 Cyprus, colonized by Phoenicians, 58, 136; occupied by Amasis, 187 ; assists Cambyses against Egypt, 189-190 Cyrus becomes master of Baby- lon, 186, 187 D. Dagon, the god of Ashdod, 34, 35 Darner, Mrs., cited, 76 Darius Codomannus, defeated by Alexander, 214, 221 Parius Hystaspis, his uniform system of finance and govern- ment, 192, 193 ; contemplates the conquest of Greece, 197 David, King, and Hiram, king of Tyre, 92-94 Demetrius, son of Antigonous, 237 Democedes, sent by Darius to survey the Grecian shores, 197 Deutsch, E., cited, 39 Dollinger, Dr., cited, 76 E. Egypt, Phoenician traffic with, 56, 57 ; conquered by Asshurbani- pal, 143 ; rises with the decline of Assyria, 165, 168 ; ravaged by Nebuchadnezzar, 183, 184 } reduced to subjection by Cam- byses, 188-190 ; throws off the Persian yoke, 205, 207 Elissa and Pygmalion, 1 18-128 INDEX. 353 Epiplianes visits Sidon, 238 ; sends Lysias against Judea, 240 Esarhaddon ravages Phoenicia, 140, 141 ; hastens forward to Egypt, 142 Esmunazar, '* King of the Two Sidons," 209, 210 ; inscription on his sepulchre, 332-347 Eth-baal (Ithobalus), high-priest of Ashtoreth, and king of Tyre, 108 Eth-baal II., 168, 182 Eumaeus, the tale of, 82-84 Evagoras, a Cypriot Greek, be- comes master of Cyprus, 205, 266 Ezekiel, cited, 37, 46, 55, 150, 169, 170, 313; description of the prosperity of Tyre, 151- 153 G. Gama, Vasco di, 179 Gebal, see Byblus Gerostratus, 215 Glass manufacture, Sidonian, 282- 284 Greek colonization, 60, 61, 71 ; Greek maidens, 80, 81 ; begin- ning of the Greek struggle with Persia, 197-199 ; battle of Lade, 199, 200 ; of Salamis, 203 ; Phoenician influence, 204, 205 H. Hecatomnus, prince of Caria, 206 Helix iantkina, 279 Hermippus, disciple of Philo Byblius, 246, 249 Herodotus, an authority second to no other, 21 ; cited, 56, 57, 60, 63, 79» 176, 190, 200 Hiram, king of Tyre, 42 ; the improvement of his capital , his first care, 91, 253 ; magnificent services to David and Solomon, 92-100 ; commercial alliance with the latter, 101-103 ; a friendly contest of wits, 103, 104 Hiram's Tomb, 104 Hiram the Tyrian, master-worker at Solomon's Temple, 97 I. Illyrians of the Adriatic, 88 lo, rape of, 79-81 Isaiah, cited, 131, 132, 135 J- Jachin and Boaz, the two pillars, 97, 100, 285, 325 Jehoiakim, tributary king of Judah, 166 ; deposed, 168, 169 Jeremiah, cited, 183 Jezebel, daughter of Eth-baal, introduces obscene abominations into Samaria, 108-110 Job, extract from the Book of, 312 Josiah, king of Judah, 165, 166 " Journal le Bacher," cited, 183 Julius Ceesar, 242 Justin, on the Phoenician migra- tion, 21, 22 ; cited, 108 K. Kenrick, cited, 225 King, C. W., cited, 314 L. Lade, battle of, 199, 200 Lsestrygonians of Sicily, 88 Laodicea, formerly Ramantha, 52 Layard's, Sir A., series of bronze dishes from Nimrod, 286-289 ; ornamented bowls, 322 Lebanon, the glory of Syria, 16- Litany, or Leontes, the river, il Luliya, or EluliEus, king of Tyre, repels the Assyrians, 136-138; retreats before the attack of Sennacherib, 139 Lycus, the river, 14 Lycians, the, 59 24 334 INDEX. M. Maccabseus, Judas, defeats the army of Nicanor, 240 Malaga, 68 Maranthus, 50, 215 Marinus, the first scientific geogra- pher, 246, 249 Maximin, persecutes the Chris- tians, 245 Maximus of Tyre, 247-249 Mediterranean, storms of the, 75- Memphis, the Phoenicians at, 56 ; surrenders to Cambyses, 190 Menand, cited, 138 Menelaus, Jewish high-priest, 239 Mentor, the Rhodian general, sent to assist Sidon, 207, 208 ; the best strategist of the Per- sians, 212, 213 Merbal, king of Tyre, 182, 185 Metallurgy, Phoenician, 285, 290, 310, 311, 324-326 Methodius, bishop of Tyre, 248 Metiochus, son of Miltiades, 201 Melkarth, another form of Baal, 34, "4 Miltiades, 201 Moloch, worship of, 34, 1 12- 1 14 Murex trunculus, 5, 276-279 N. Nabonidus, king of Babylon, 185 Nabopolassar, 166 Nebuchadnezzar, invades Syria, 166 ; is recalled to Bnbylon, 167 ; lays siege to Tyre, Sidon, and Jerusalem, 1 68-1 74; ravages Egypt, 183, 184 Nectanebo II., 207 Neco, king of Egypt, invades Palestine and Syria, 165, 166 ; defeated by Nebuchadnezzar, 166 ; engages a Phoenician crew to circumnavigate Africa, 175, 176 O. Ochus, Artaxerxes, avenges him- self on Sidon, 207-209 ; revives the Persian authority, 210 Onca, the goddess, 36 Ophir, the gold of, 102 Oppert, M Jules, 329; cited, 332-336 Origen, at Tyre, 247 P. Paphos, temple of, 255-257 Parmenio, 202 Paul, St., at Tyre, 243 Paulus of Tyre, 247, 249 Philo Byblius, 28 ; his Phoenician history, 246, 249, 347, 348; cited, 337-347 Phoenicia, '* the land of palaces, I ; ils small size, but important position and advantages, 2-9 ; boundaries of, 15; the chief cities on friendly terms with one another, 54, 55 Phoenicians, migration of the, from the Persian Gulf to the Mediter- ranean, 20-22 ; much in their career common with that of the English, 25 ; their language and physical appearance, 24, 25 ; moral characteristics, 25-28 ; polytheism, 29-37 ; religious prostitution, and human sacri- fices, 37 ; unscrupulousness, enterprise, and practical indus- try, 38, 39 ; early traffic with I Egypt and CiUcia, 56-58 ; they colonize Cyprus, 58 ; effect settlements in Rhodes, 59 ; also in Crete and the Grecian islands, 59, 60; early inter- course with Greece, 60-63 J settlements on the African coast, Utica, Carthage, 63-65 ; they cross over to Sicily, Malta, &c., 65, 66; pass through the Straits of Gibraltar, and plant colonies in Spain, 66-69 j ^^so in the Scilly Isles, for the sake of tin and lead, 69, 70 ; their earliest ships little more than open boats, 72-74 ; danger from INDEX. 355 storms and pirates, 75-78 ; fair trade* sometimes ending in man- ana woman-stealing, 79-84 ; Homeric and Biblical testimony to the excellence of their work, 86, 87 ; their remarkable civili- zing influences, 87, 88, 348, 349 ; their skilled artizans extensively employed by David and Solo- mon, 93-100 ; Solomon's temple essentially a Phoenician build- ing, 98-101, 325, 326 ; com- mercial league with King Solomon ; extensive traffic with the East, 101-103 [see Hiram) ; fearful corruptions of Phcenician religion, 107-117 ; they become tributary to Assyria, 130-135; partial repulse of the invaders, 136-139; no permanent confede- racy among the cities, 145 ; they recover independence at the decline of Assyria, 149, 150; Tyre gains ascendency ; testi- mony of Ezekiel to her exceed- ing prosperity, 150-153 ; vast extent of her commercial rela- tions, 1 53-164; circumnavigation of Africa, 175-180 ; the Phoeni- cians assist Cambyses with their fleet against Egypt, but refuse to join in an attack upon Carthage, 190-192 ; practical in- dependence under the Persian rule, 194, 195 ; excellent equip- ment of Phoenician ships, 195, 196, 202; they assist Darius against Greece, 197-201 ; superior military engineering, 201, 202; defeated at Salamis, 203 ; also at the mouth of the Eurymedon, 204 ; influence in the internal quarrels of Greece, 204, 205 ; waver in their allegiance to Persia, 205, 2o5 ; join with Egypt in revolt, 207 ; destruction of Sidon, 208, 209 ; an interval of peace and repose, 210, 211 ; the cities generally surrender to Alexander, and then aid him in the destruction of Tyre, 214-235 ; Phoenicia becomes the battle-field of the two great monarchies of Syria and Egypt, 237 ; the popula- tion becomes more and more Grecized, 238, 241 ; privilege of *' free cities " under the Romans, 242 ; architectural remains, 250-274 ; manufactures and works of art, 275-290, 312- 326 ; navigation, ^-308-310 ; mining, 310-31 1 ; alphabet, and meagre literature, 327-348 ; the great pioneers of civiliza- tion, 348-350 Pnytagoras, 228, 230 Porphyry, the neo-Platonist, 247- 249 Psamatik I., king of Egypt, 165 Ptolemy Lagi, 236 Ptolemy of Pelusium, 246 Pygmalion, son of Matgen, 118- 128 R. Rawlinson, Sir H., on the Assyrian alphabet, 329 Kenan, cited, 22, 253, 255, 257- 260, 270-274 Rhodes, Phoenician settlements in, 59, 60 S. Salamis, 38 ; battle of, 203 Sanduarri, 140, I41 Sarepta, the plain of, 1 1 Sargon invades Syria and Pales- tine, 139 Sataspes, 179, 180 Satraps, the war of the, 206, 207 Schliemann s, Dr., researches on the site of Argos, 80 Scilly Islands, the, visited by the Phoenicians, 69, 70, 164 Sennacherib invades Phoenicia, 139 Shalmaneser IV., 134; invades Phoenicia, 137, 138 Ships, Phoenician, little more than open boats, 72-75 336 INDEX. Sicily, the Phoenicians at, 65 Sidon, 46 ; excellence of her workmanship, 86, 87, 282-285 ; decline of, 89, 90 ; submits to Assyria, 133, 134: devastated by Esarhaddon, 140; taken by assault by Nebuchadnezzar, 169 ; again rises to importance, 181 ; desperately burnt by her own citizens, 209 ; becomes once more a flourishing city, 209, 210 ; surrenders to Alexan- der, 215, 216 ; varying fate be- tween Egypt and Syria, 237 ; privileges granted, 238 Simyra, 50, 136 Solomon's temple, built by Phne- nicians, 95-10I). 253-255' 325» 326 ; commercial league be- tween Solomon and Hiram, king of Tyre, 101-103 Spain, Phoenician colonies in, 66-69 Stanley, cited, 109, ill Strato surrenders Marathus to Alexander, 215 T. Tachos, king of Egypt, 207 Tarshish, 69 Tennes, king of Sidon, foully betrays his city to the Persian vengeance, 208, 209 Terah, migration of, 20 Thasos, gold mines in, 60 Thebes, 62 Theodore of Samos, 97 Theseus and the Minotaur, 114 Thirlwall, cited, 62 Tiglath-pileser I., 129, 136 Tigranes, 242 Timber -raits of Norway and Switzerland, 96 Tirhakah, king of Egypt, 142, .143 Tissaphernes, 204 Tripolis, now Tarabolus, 50 Tubaal, or Tubal, 140 Tyre, the plain of, 10, II ; tlie city and its harbours, 40-46 ; ascendency over Phoenicia, 89- 92, 156; submits to Assyria, I33» 1345 repels Shalmaneser's attack, 136-138; her wonderful prosperity, 150-164; heroic de- fence against Nebuchadnez7ar, 167-1 74; constitutional changes, 181, 182, 184, 185; assists Evagoras against Persia, 206 ; desperate but futile resistance to Alexander, 216-236 ; again becomes a flourishing com- munity, 236, 242 ; connection with Christianity, 243-249 Tyrian dye, 5, 6, 275-282 u. Utica, the earliest Mid-Alrican settlement, 63, 64 W. William of Tyre, 248 Winckelmann on Phoenician art. 284 X. Xenophon*s testimony to the ex> cellent appointment of Phoeni- cian shipping, 195, 196 Xerxes prepares to attack Greece, 201, 202 ; at Salamis, 203 Y. Yakinlu, king of Arvad, shakes off" the Assyrian yoke ; iDut com- pelled to submit, 144 Z. Zedekiah, 169 Zerubbabel returns to Jerusalenii 186 TLhc Stori? of the IRatione. Messrs. G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS take pleasure in announcing that they have in course of publication, in co-operation with Mr. T. Fisher Unwin, of London, a series of historical studies, intended to present in a graphic manner the stories of the different nations that have attained prominence in history. In the story form the current of each national life is distinctly indicated, and its picturesque and noteworthy periods and episodes are presented for the reader in their philosophical relation to each other as well as to universal history. It is the plan of the writers of the different volumes to enter into the real life of the peoples, and to bring them before the reader as they actually lived, labored, and struggled — as they studied and wrote, and as they amused themselves. . In carrying out this plan, the myths, with which the history of all lands begins, will not be over- looked, though these will be carefully distinguished from the actual history, so far as the labors of the accepted historical authorities have resulted in definite conclusions. The subjects of the different volumes have been planned to cover connecting and, as far as possible, consecutive epochs or periods, so that the set when completed will present in a comprehensive narrative the chief events in IDeroes of the IFlationa EDITED BY EVELYN ABBOTT, M.A., Fellow of Balliol College, Oxford. A Series of biographical studies of the lives and work of a number of representative historical characters about whom have gathered the great traditions of the Nations to which they belonged, and who have been accepted, in many instances, as types of the several National ideals. With the life of each typical character will be presented a picture of the National conditions surrounding him during his career. The narratives are the work of writers who are recog- nized authorities on their several subjects, and, while thoroughly trustworthy as history, will present picturesque and dramatic ** stories " of the Men and of the events con- nected with them. To the Life of each " Hero " will be given one duo- decimo volume, handsomely printed in large type, pro- vided with maps and adequately illustrated according to the special requirements of the several subjects. The volumes will be sold separately as follows: Cloth extra $i 50 Half morocco, uncut edges, gilt top . . . I 75 ^iHStSl^ *.X*'^» i*-i»i* ':,